The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, Vol. 1 9780871691149

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THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571)

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful Knowledge Volume 114

i

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571) Volume I The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

KENNETH M. SETTON Professor of History The Institute for Advanced Study

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Independence Square - Philadelphia 1976

Copyright © 1976 by The American Philosophical Society Reprinted 1991.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 75-25476 International Standard Book Number 0-87169-114-0 US ISSN 0065-9738

IV

To Margaret

Ovdée 70 THS LoTOpias Epyov adidorTiLOV Tois TaAat Evopiocdyn Godpois.

John Cinnamus, I,1.

vi

PREFACE HIS is the first of three volumes, the product Avignon, and even such trivia as fashions in foot-

T of almost twenty years’ effort and fourteen wear. Here and there I have been at pains to voyages paléographiques to Italian archives. The note the theological and intellectual differences remaining two volumes, now nearly finished, will | which separated the Greek East from the Latin (I trust) make their appearance in due time. West as well as certain social changes which took They were not easy to write, which is one of _ place from one generation to the next. I could the reasons they are not easy to read, especially hardly resist depicting the needs and tastes of

the first seven or eight chapters of the present the times as shown by the shopping sprees of volume. I have worked like a mosaicist— Amadeo VI of Savoy in Venice and Negroponte, appropriate for one whose studies take him to Constantinople and Pera (in 1366-1367). Such

Byzantium—fitting sometimes broken tesserae matters of economic interest as papal finance, the into their topical and chronological place. Over _ costs of the later crusades, Mediterranean comthe years the writing has been done at the Uni-_ merce, and Venetian shipping practices loom versity of Pennsylvania, the University of Wis- large in the following pages. Homely examples consin, and the Institute for Advanced Study, culled from the sources are usually more illus-

and in Rome, in Venice, and at the Gennadeion trative of the social life of the Latins in the

in Athens. I have thus not always had access to Levantafter the Fourth Crusade than generalizathe same edition of, for example, Raynaldus’s tions drawn from modern assumptions. We perAnnales ecclesiastici, but I trust that my references ceive the Greek attitude toward the invaders in the footnotes are clear, and that my occasional when, shortly after the crusade, the peasants and use of different editions will cause the reader no townsmen of Gravia beat up Master Hugo, the

inconvenience. Latin archdeacon of Daulia. The continued While working on these volumes, I have often _ poverty of the Latin hierarchy in Greece is clear thought (as I do now in jotting down this preface) when, almost two centuries after the conquest, of the shortness of human life and the transi- a titular bishop of Megara had to leave “a box full tory possession of power. The ups and downs _ of books” with two Greek moneylenders as surety of fortune depicted in this volume provideample for the twenty ducats he had borrowed for the

grounds for such reflections. As the historian hire of two horses he needed. clears away the snows of yesteryear, he opens In an era in which an accomplished scholar up the approach to the hovels of the poor as well often confines his studies to a generation or a

as to the palaces of the great. Entering their half century in the past, I can only ask the dwellings, reading their documents, he canoften indulgence of such a specialist for the errors and

observe their personal hopes and fears, ambi- oversights which my temerity has made intions and frustrations, successes and defeats. The _ evitable. I have done the best I could, and have

makers of history, great and small, are short- incurred many debts in the doing. Most of them lived in every generation. Death soon overtakes are indicated in the footnotes. It is a pleasure, them. And yet, whatever the disorder and vio- however, to express my indebtedness to Mons. lence of their lives, the historian can see them Martino Giusti, the prefect, to Mons. Hermann all in a grand procession. This I have sought to Hoberg, the vice-prefect, and to Mr. Sergio do. While I have not hesitated to expose the Damiani of the Archivio Segreto Vaticano and to reader to a good deal of detail, always drawn the always helpful archivists and officials of the from the sources and (after the thirteenth cen- Archivi di Stato of Florence, Mantua, Milan, tury) often from unpublished sources, I have Modena, Siena, and especially Venice, to the

tried not to lose sight of this panorama. last of which archives I have made an almost

In addition to the main political and diplo- annual pilgrimage for years. matic concerns of this volume, which is essen- I am happy to express my obligation to Dr. tially a history of the later crusades (to the year George W. Corner, the executive officer and 1400), I have dealt in passing with various editor, and to Miss Marie A. Richards, the asitems—crusading propaganda, relevant ecclesi- sociate editor, of the American Philosophical

astical and feudal lawsuits, the postal service of Society, for their assistance, and to Miss Margaret

the fourteenth century, social conditionsin papal C. Nolan, Mrs. Loretta Freiling, Miss Susan Vil

Babbitt, and Mrs. Jean T. Carver for typing or her is slight recognition of the time and effort proofreading. Mrs. Carver has typed and re- she has expended on the text. typed the final version of the entire manuscript Among my larger debts are those which I owe and read the proofs of the entire volume. the Institute for Advanced Study for the opporTo Dr. Harry W. Hazard, my fellow editor of tunity to continue my work with few interrupA History of the Crusades, 1 am under especial tions and for a generous subsidy to help pay obligation. He has read this and parts of the two _ the costs of printing. I am most grateful also to following volumes, offered innumerable sugges- the American Philosophical Society for under-

tions of fact, style, and organization, and per- taking the considerable task of publication. formed the herculean task of making the Index. The inadequacies of the work I claim for I only wish that our association of twenty-five myself.

years could have halfwife as profitable himthe KMS as it has been to been me. My has readtoboth oo typescript and the proofs, and removed manyan Princeton, N.]J. awkward expression. Dedication ofthe volumeto 15 March, 1976.

vill

CONTENTS 1. Innocent III, the Fourth Crusade, and the Establishment of the

Latin States in Greece 12... cece cece ee een ence nena I

2. The Apogee of the Latin Empire under Henry of Hainaut

(1206-1216) 2... oie ccc cece ccc cece rece te te tee eteesseseee Of

3. The Changing Fortunes of Constantinople and Achaea, Epirus and

Nicaea (1216-1246) 2.0.0... ccc ccc ce cee cece eee cecscscece 4A 4. The Advance of Nicaea and the Decline of the Latin Empire

(1246-1259) 2. ec cece ce eee cette ee eteeeeceees 68

5. Pelagonia, the Loss of Constantinople, and the Rise of the Angevins

(1259-1268) 2... cece cece eee eee e ee eeeeeeseeces 85

6. The Papal Interregnum, Gregory X, and the Second Council of Lyon

(1268-1274) ... ccc cc eee cece eee e teeter eeessscees 106

7. The Holy See, Greek Opposition, and the Failure of Church Union

(1276-1282) 2... cece cece eee e eee eee etestteeeceees 123

8. The Sicilian Vespers and a Century of Angevin Decline (1282-1383) 140

9. The Avignonese Papacy, the Crusade, and the Capture of Smyrna

(1309-1345) 2... ccc cece cee cee cee eee eee teeeesevcees 163

10. Clement VI, Humbert of Viennois, and the End of the Smyrniote

Crusade (1345-1352)... 0... cc ccc ce cece et eee eeceeseeeees 195 11. Pierre Thomas and Peter I of Cyprus, the Crusade and the Revolt

of Crete (1352-1364) 2.0... ce ccc ccc eee cece ecncecsces 224

12. The Sack of Alexandria and the Restoration of Peace with Egypt

(1365-1370) . 0... ccc cece cece teeter et ee tec estececes 258

13. The Crusade of Amadeo VI of Savoy, John V Palaeologus in Rome and Venice (1366-1371) .... 0... cc ec ce ce ee eee cece eee e ee eeeee 205

14. The Crusades of Barbary (1390) and Nicopolis (1396) ............ 327 15. Manuel II, Marshal Boucicaut, and the Clash between Venice and

GENOA... cece ee teeter cece eee eestteeercseecces FID

16. The Athenian Church and Lordship under the Burgundians

(1204-1308) 2... ccc ccc cece eee cee ete cee ceeceeee 405

0 C6 ( pa)

17. The Catalans and Florentines in Athens to the End of the Fourteenth

CEMtury 6... cece eee teeter eee cess cecccsceee 44]

1X

1. INNOCENT ITI, THE FOURTH CRUSADE, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE LATIN STATES IN GREECE H ISTORY seeks to preserve some record of a We commonly regard the later crusades past which time destroys. The sources for as social anachronisms: the times had changed, the Crusades remain quite abundant, however, but the papacy had not changed with them. But especially those for the highly controverted is this appraisal either true or just? The fact is Fourth Crusade. Few movements have excited that the papacy, however slowly, has always greater interest and disagreement than the managed to change with the times. Lepanto was

Crusades, the causes of which are certainly not only a crusade; it was also successful.

easier to trace than the consequences. The reli- The eastern question changed from one period

gious motive was always strong; so too were to another. Innocent III and his immediate the ambitions of landless younger sons. The successors undoubtedly saw the Fourth Crusade crusaders’ freedom from lawsuits, the cessation primarily from a religious standpoint, and took of interest on their debts, and the exemption immense satisfaction in the prospect of concludfrom various taxes and tallages were important ing the long schism by conquest. The destrucconsiderations. Piety, the tradition of pilgrim- tion of the Byzantine state, they hoped, would age, and the promised remission of sins could be_ eventually bring about Greek recognition of reinforced by the prospect of gain and the love of papal primacy in Christendom. There had been adventure. Christian wrath was aroused by grim trouble between Rome and Constantinople for tales of the Turkish depopulation of lands of centuries before the Cerularian schism of 1054. eastern Christians, the torture of pilgrims, the Particularly, the Byzantine imperial claim to unidesecration of holy places, and the defilement of versal temporal sovereignty (challenged by the

altars. Some of these tales were true. popes’ crowning of Charlemagne in 800 and of

War against the Moslems in Spain and Sicily Otto I in 962) and the papal claim to universal was extended into the Crusade, which had as its spiritual authority (challenged by Photius at the background the growth in population, the desire time of the Ignatian controversy) had helped

of bellicose nobles to display their prowess to divide Christendom into a Greek East and a against the infidel, the religiosity of the in- Latin West. Haec duo imperia, haec duo sacerdotia. creasingly articulate masses, a reverence for Discouragement soon followed Innocent’s hopes

Jerusalem as the distant but attainable heavenly of church union, however, and by the midcity, and the Italian interest in establishing com- thirteenth century, when the re-establishment of mercial centers in the Levant. The first crusades the Greeks in Constantinople seemed to be the were partly the military expression of the Gre- most likely way of ending the schism, the popes

gorian and later reform movements in the were apparently prepared to preside over the Church. As the impulse toward reform weak- funeral rites of the Latin empire which the

ened, the Crusade became something of acon- Fourth Crusaders had erected. The popes now vention, its appeal lessened, its force in some thought of yielding Constantinople to the Greek measure spent. But as Urban II had preached emperors of Nicaea in return for the union of the First Crusade and his successors preached the Churches and acknowledgment of the

later ones, so the popes (understandably Roman primacy. But it was hard to sacrifice

enough) tried for centuries to keep alive this the great success of the Fourth Crusade. device of their own construction, for it always On 13 November, 1204, Innocent III had remained the only solution they could find for written the Catholic clergy in the East that the the so-called eastern question. For some six transfer of imperial power in Constantinople centuries, from Bohemond to John Sobieski, from the Greeks to the Latins was “the Lord’s Europeans thought of the Christian struggle doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes.”! His against Islam in terms of the Crusade, evidence words were those of the psalmist (118: 23), and of papal domination over the minds of men. When the Protestant reformers fought against 4 Innocent ITI Epp., an. VIL, no. 154, ed. Theodosius this: domination, the Crusade became an CX” Haluszynskyj, Acta Innocentii PP. III (1198-1216), Citta clusively Catholic responsibility. But, then, ithad del Vaticano, 1944, no. 65, p. 278 (in the Fontes Pontificiae

always been a Catholic responsibility. Commissionis ad redigendum Codicem Iuris Canonici

|

2 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT well reflected the astonishment felt in Europe burg from fighting their battles on Italian soil, at the wondrous achievement of the Fourth _ it was obviously desirable for the popes to urge Crusaders. That wonder never ceased, and there the Crusade upon the French, Spanish, and was always disagreement in the Curia Romana German rulers, whose forces might find a better when the celestial minds determining papal employment against the Islamic infidel, hostis policy debated the issue of the Latin empire. nominis Christiani, than in sacking Italian cities The Venetians were not prepared to giveupthe and ravaging the countryside. advantageous position they had gained on the The first three crusades and the two ill-fated

Bosporus for the sake of church union, and_ expeditions of S. Louis have aroused much the shock of the Greek recovery of Constanti- interest for centuries. Who would deny that they nople in 1261 was such that the popes were _ still arouse interest? The scheming rogues and promptly driven to preaching the Crusade to mercenary adventurers of the Fourth Crusade restore the Latin empire to its erstwhile status have commonly been held up to opprobrium, under such good Latin Catholics as the families for their various moves and machinations were of Courtenay-Anjou and the merchants of not much impeded by the idealists among them. Venice. In time the Venetians had to become But men have not infrequently left an impress reconciled to their loss, and papal efforts were upon posterity in marked disproportion to the finally expended to secure the union of the worthiness of their motives, and the identifiable Churches in return for helping the Greeks to __ results of the Fourth Crusade were longer lasting

defend themselves against the Turks. than those of any other such venture into the After 1453 it was always a question of halting Levant.

the Ottoman advance westward in order to pre- The fall of Acre in 1291 brought an end to serve the very existence of Christianity—even the crusades in Syria and Palestine. To be sure, Orthodox Christianity—in the Balkans, Greece, crusaders would pillage Alexandria in 1365, but

and the harassed islands of the Aegean. But the although much crusading propaganda was Crusade became more than a matter of solving directed against the Mamluks in Egypt, the the Turkish problem, and of course inthe period Turks of the Anatolian emirates and (after them) under review the popes were concerned about the Ottomans were the chief enemies of Latin

Italy. The popes have mostly put Italy first in Christendom in the Levant. Except for the their minds and hearts. After all, since the Avi- events of 1365 the Mamluks will not figure gnonese period most of them have been Italian prominently in the present account. With every and they have lived in Italy. As Aeneas Sylvius passing decade, after the first great display of observed to Cardinal Giovanni Castiglione dur- Ottoman power in Bithynia in 1301-—1302,°

ing the conclave of August, 1458, “What is our Italy without the bishop of Rome? We have lost 3 Geo. Pachymeres (1242-1310), De Andronico Palaeologo,

the empire, but we still have the apostolic IV, 25-26 (Bonn, II, 327-37). The Ottomans first met a

see... .2 Byzantine army, protecting the region of Nicaea, in 1302 In Italian politics from at least the beginning (cf. Mehmed Fuad Kopruli, Les Origines de U empiresee ottoman, : Paris, 1935, p. 124, and on the date of the battle, Pia of the sixteenth century the Crusade came to schmidt, “Zur Chronologie von Pachymeres,” Byzantinische have a special meaning in papal policy. Since Zeitschrift, LI [1958], 85). The Byzantine historian Pachythe Curia Romana found it generally impossible meres was an older contemporary of Osman, founder of the to divert the rival houses of Valois and Haps- Few aries State in northwestern Asia cal compilations, putMinor. togetherThe fromfirst tales (menaqib) and calendars, are a century and more older than

—- _— Osman (d. 1326), and the most important general works of

Orientalis, 3rd ser., vol. II): “Sane a Domino factum est Ottoman historiography, for which the original sources are istud et est mirabile in oculis nostris.” This letter may also be often no longer accessible to us, come as late as the early

found of course in Migne (PL 215, col. 456A). years of Sultan Bayazid II’s reign (1481—1512), on which see 2 Pius II, Commentari, bk. 1, ed. Jos. Cugnoni, Aeneae the chapters on Ottoman historiography, by Halil Inalcik

Siluu Piccolomini Senensis qui postea fuit Pius II Pont. Max. and V. L. Ménage, in Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, eds., opera inedita . . . , in the Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincet, Historians of the Middle East, London, 1962, pp. 152-79; CCLXXX (1882-83), 3rd ser., Memorie della classe di scienze cf. in general Ménage’s instructive little monograph Neshri’s morali, storiche e filologiche, VIII (Rome, 1883), 503: “Et quid History of the Ottomans, London, 1964.

est nostra Italia absque Praesule? Retinemus Apostolatum, The first hostile encounter of Byzantine and Ottoman Imperio amisso . . . ,” and ef. the translation by Florence forces on 27 July, 1302, “somewhere near Bapheus” A. Gragg, The Commentaries of Pius II, with notes by LeonaC. (zrepi zrov tov Badéa), according to Pachymeres (Bonn, II,

Gabel, in Smith College Studies in History, XXII, nos. 1-2 327), has of course excited the attention of historians from

(1936-37), p. 99. Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1 (Pest,

INNOCENT ITT AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 3 which was soon followed by the sacking of The later twelfth century was a time of violent Tenedos, Chios, Samos, Carpathos, and even change and ferment in the Balkans. The Serbs Rhodes by various Turkish pirates in 1303,* were establishing a state which, a century and a Europeans as well as Byzantines fastened their _ half later, the energetic Stephen Dushan was to eyes upon the ever-increasing danger of Turkish elevate to a position of great power, and the expansion beyond the confines of Asia Minor. If Bulgars were embarking on the history of the the Ottomans eventually moved against the Second Bulgarian Empire, which was to prove a Persians and (the time would come) against the most formidable enemy to the new Latin empire Mamluks in Egypt, they also moved westward of Constantinople and to exhaust the Fourth against Christendom, into lands distraught by Crusaders’ strength on the Bosporus in the three generations of Graeco-Latin and Graeco-Slavic decades which followed the conquest. A presage hostility, much of which was engendered by of things now coming, there was already a Latin events preceding and following the Fourth Cru- _ state in the Ionian Greek islands of Cephalonia

sade, which is our starting point.° and Zante, where young Matteo Orsini of Apulia

had set up a county that was long to survive and 1827, repr. Graz, 1963), 67~68, to Halil Inalcik, in Lewis Play a most conspicuous role in the history of and Holt, op. cit., p. 153. A somewhat haphazard attempt to Latin dominion in Greece. Orsini had married depict the social background of the rise of the Ottoman the daughter of the prominent admiral Margaristate may be found in Ernst Werner, Die Geburt einer Gross- tone of Brindisi, who had ruled the islands macht—die Osmanen (1300-1481): Ein Beitrag zur Genesis des d ‘cil . ¢ he ti £ Wil tiirkischen Feudalismus, Vienna, Cologne, and Graz, 1972,esp. UNCET Sicilian suzerainty from the lume 0 I-

pp. 93 ff., 117 ff. liam II’s expedition against Greece in 1185, * Pachymeres, IV, 29 (Bonn, II, 344). __ which had resulted in the temporary occupation * Many of the important sources of the thirteenth century of Durazzo and the tragic sack of Thessalonica.

have been discussed by Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und The Lati t to the B tj Byzanz: Die Trennung der beiden Machte und das Problem ihrer € Latins were no strangers to the byzantine

Wiedervereinigung bis zum Untergange des byzantinischen Reichs €Mpire, Nor was the empire strange to them.

(1453), Berlin, 1903, repr. New York, 1958. His book is Under the Comneni many warriors from the awkwardly written, to besubjected sure, and a iow Joboncriticism its West hadby sought and found their fortunes in appearance it was to Yay severe Johannes Haller, “Das Papsttum u. Byzanz,” Historische Zeitschrift, lands ruled by the Byzant Mme emperor. ihe XCIX (1907), 1-34. Haller criticizes Norden for poor Latins knew well the manifold weaknesses o grammar (schlechtestes Zeitungsdeutsch), numerous inaccura- Byzantium. Centrifugal forces were pulling the

cies, the impudent as well as imprudent use of sources, empire to pieces. The contemporary historian arrogant generalizations, and the constant failure ofsound Nicetas Choniates has written, with sadness, of interpretation (on the grounds that Norden assigns a purely th t decad ‘B tine hist duri political significance to the long-controverted question of ose two decades of Dyzanune nistory UTES, church union, neglecting the important religious issues of which the Angeli ruled (1185-1204) that “there dogma and ritual). Haller’s obvious ire blinded him, how- were those who revolted in one place or another, ever, to the striking merits of the book, which depicts again and again, and it is not possible to say how with clarity and insight the political and diplomatic back- many times this happened.”®

ground to the numerous efforts of the Roman pontiffs and Ata th . :asdal hh the Byzantine emperors to achieve the union of the t the same time it scemed most thoug

Churches. But Haller might have noted the great op- the West were in training to exploit the weakportunity which Norden missed by his very sparse treat-

ment of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, for despite §

the title Norden’s book deals in detail only with the period __ interest although here again the informed reader can think from 1204 to 1282. As for Zeitungsdeutsch, Haller’s style does of almost a score of writers of invaluable books and articles.

not seem to represent much improvement over that of Despite its rhetorical dismissal by some historians, the Norden. A more judicious review of Das Papsttum u. Byzanz Crusade was still important in the fifteenth and sixteenth is given by Ferd. Chalandon, Revue de l’Orient latin, X (Paris, | centuries, and in the present work we shall be much con-

1904, repr. Brussels, 1964), 468-72. For other reviews of | cerned with this later period. Since lines must be drawn Norden’s book, see ROL, X (1903-4, repr. 1964), 524, and and exclusions made somewhere to prevent this work from ibid., XI (1905-8), 560, and cf. Angelo Pernice, “Il Papatoe becoming too large, less attention will be given to the Holy

Byzanzio . . . ,” Archivio storico italiano, 5th ser., XLII Land, Cyprus, and Egypt (except for the Alexandria (1908), 241-58. In recent years Norden’s views of the Crusade of 1365). Sir George Hill, A History of Cyprus, vols. thirteenth century have been expanded and various issues I-III [1192-1571], Cambridge, 1948, has dealt extensively

more closely examined in periodical and monographic with the one while various orientalists and others are outstudies by more than a dozen scholars whose names come __ lining the history of Egypt and the Holy Land in the

immediately to mind. co-operative History of the Crusades.

Although the fourteenth-century sources for the history § Nicetas Choniates, De Isaacio Angelo, III, 2 (Bonn, p. 553), of Graeco-Latin relations are more abundant than those of and cf. Héléne Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, 1966, pp. the thirteenth century, they still seem to arouse less general 292 ff.

4 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ness of the East. On 8 January, 1198, Lotario purpose of Alexius III was, like that of Michael de’ Conti of Segni, a native of Anagni, a young VIII three-quarters of a century later, to prevent man and a strong one, was elected pope. He the armed might of the West from being organtook the name Innocent III, and began one of — ized for an attack upon the now diminished the more brilliant reigns in the long annals of _ strength of that once great city on the Bosporus. papal history.’ Apostolic authority was quickly Among the enemies whom Innocent III and

re-established in Rome and in central Italy. the Byzantine Emperor Alexius possessed in

The power of the Hohenstaufen had almost common was the genial Philip of Swabia, brother collapsed with the sudden death of the Emperor of the late Henry VI, both of them sons of the Henry VI, soon followed by that of his wife famed Barbarossa. In 1195 Philip had married Constance of Sicily, and when Innocent III be- _ Irene, daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Isaac came the guardian of their little son, Frederick II Angelus (1185-1195), whom his usurping [11] , the kingdom of Sicily was once more recog- brother Alexius III had driven from the throne, nized as a papal fief.° Dear to Innocent’s heart _ blinded, and imprisoned. But Isaac’s son, also was the idea of a crusade which should recover named Alexius [IV], had finally managed to Jerusalem, lost to Saladin in 1187, and not re- escape and find a refuge in Italy, probably in

covered by the Third Crusaders, for all the 1201,’ and was now seeking the support of the prowess of the Lion Heart. With the passing of

the astute Henry fromEmperor the scene, however, he E Alexius I and I 1, in PL in 2143 of Ghibelli oyVIthe Alexius and Innocent], ; of. © an © poly a oe what nee ‘le - Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, pp. 133-43, and also his

generation would ca IpeMine polcy—Na short study of Der Vierte Kreuzzug im Rahmen der Beziehungen foundered in the Levant as well as in Europe. des Abendlandes zu Byzanz, Berlin, 1898, together with Jean The Byzantine Emperor Alexius III Angelus Longnon, L‘Empire latin de Constantinople et la principaute de

(1195-1203) quickly saw an ally in the new Moree, Paris, 1949, pp. 19 ff. On the Byzantine patriarch

ope. whose hi danwith rejection Innocent declaration of the pope, Ss wereenemie his own, wit Camaterus’s primacy of the Romanof See, note A.III’s Papadakis and Alice

whom he now entered into a prolonged corre- Mary Talbot, “John X Camaterus Confronts Innocent HI: spondence (1198-1202), but it was not within An Unpublished Correspondence” [1198-1200], Byzantinothe power of Alexius III to effect either the slavica, XX XIII (1972), 26-41, with the text of two letters of union of the Churches or the recov ery of Jeru- Camaterus. Vitalien Laurent has set forth the reasons, as 1 hich he chi aeer he sees them, for the apparent vagaries of papal policy with salem, WICi Were the chief objectives Innocent respect to Byzantium during the dozen or so years before sought in any papal-Byzantine alliance. Al- Innocent’s accession, the period of the Third Crusade and though the pope and the emperor had common _._ of Henry VI’s vaunting ambition (“Rome et Byzance: Sous

enemies, and nothing makes for understanding Sper aaar anne III [1191-1198},” Echos d’Orient, quite like the possession of common enemies, In connection with Laurent’s article, see Jean Darrouzés, Innocent and Alexius did not draw together. “Les Documents byzantins du XII* siécle sur la primauté The Byzantine Church was opposed, as it had romaine,” Revue des études byzantines, XXIII (1965), 42-88,

. . : > epp. 30, 33-34, pp. 325-53, letters addressed to the

been for centuries, to Roman claims to primacy and Georges et Démétrius Tornikés , Lettres et discours, Paris, 1970,

and “t Europe, esp ecially in Italy, there were — Roman pontiff by George Tornikes, metropolitan of other forces working adroitly and, as time would Ephesus, in the name of the Emperor Manuel (in 1156), and show, successfully to prevent any rapproche- by George’s younger brother Demetrius, logothete of the ment between Rome and Constantinople.® The dromos, on behalf of the Emperor Isaac Angelus and the patriarch of Constantinople (in 1193): The letter written in

—_ the patriarch’s name explicitly rejects the Roman claim to 7 Aug. Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum [from 1198 to primacy, “for [except possibly for Jerusalem] no church is 1304], 2 vols., Berlin, 1874-75, I, pp. 1-2 and ff., where the mother of any other church” (bid., p. 349: pLNTNpP month by month, and often day by day, the official career yap ovdepia Exkrnoia exkrAnoias etrépas éo7iv).

of Innocent may be followed. 10 On which note Henri Grégoire, “The Question of the ® See the Gesta Innocentii PP. III, chaps. xx1-xxu ff. (in Diversion of the Fourth Crusade,” Byzantion, XV (1940-41),

PL 214, cols. XXxxXI-—XXXVIH ff.). The Gesta were written atthe 158-66, who opposes the theory of the fortuitous develop-

court of Innocent III by an anonymous curial official, who ment of events leading to the capture of Constantinople appears to have had access to the papal archives and to have as found in Villehardouin, whose integrity as an historian is

finished his text between June and August, 1208 (cf. defended by his editor, Edmond Faral, “Geoffroy de Ville-

Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Der Vaticanische Palast hhardouin: La Question de sa sincérité,” in the Revue historique, in seiner Entwicklung bis zur Mitte des XV. Jahrhunderts, Citta CLXXVII (1936), esp. pp. 548 ff. The problem has been

del Vaticano, 1935, p. 33, with refs. [Studie documenti per debated to the point of tedium, but if the appearance of

la storia del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, vol. II]). the pretender Alexius IV in Italy is to be put in the year ® See the Gesta Innocentii, chap. xLv1 [for the launching of 1202, it is difficult to understand how, with so short a time at

the Fourth Crusade], and chaps. Lx ff. [for the relations of _ their disposal, the Swabian party could have persuaded the

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 5 Hohenstaufen to regain the throne his house Otto [IV] of Brunswick against him. Months had acquired with the fall of the Comneni (in before the crusaders, whom Innocent had called 1185). Since the beginning of the year 1201, to arms, had been assembled (or interned) on Innocent had been opposing Philip of Swabia’s__ the island of S. Niccolo di Lido in Venice, Philip imperial ambitions in the West and supporting had been trying to employ them on behalf of the

es exiled Angeli, who were after all members of leaders of the host to attack Constantinople in order to put his wife’s family. Fate conspired with Philip to the young pretender and his father back upon the Byzan- frustrate the intentions of the pope. The leaders tine throne. The texts themselves, however, suggest the Of the Fourth Crusade resembled those of the arrival of Alexius IV in the west sometime in 1201, as noted First in two important respects: they included no by Leopoldo Usseglio (1851—1919), I Marchesi di Monferrato monarchs among them, and they established en-

in Italia in Oriente durante secoli XIIescape e XIII,from 2 vols., landland. . 1926, II,ed 186-99, who thus datesi Alexius’s uringTurin, Statesdur; 1n an: i;alien

Constantinople in 1201, and traces in detail the part played Everyone knew that the Venetians and the by Boniface of Montferrat in the events of 1201-1202 Byzantines had long entertained the heartiest

(with i criesAlexius of ne viewsIV of werone, Riant,Constantinople ane dislike for each other. others). esca rom on aDespite Pisanthe. famous . . grant

ship (Nicetas Choniates, De Alexio Isaacii Angeli fratre, Ill, 8, of trading p rivileges made by Alexius I Comin Bonn edition, pp. 710-12, and cf. the Chronista Nov- "enus to the Venetians in May, 1082 (or I 092°), gorodensis, in Charles [Karl] Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, OY rather because of it, there had been intermitBen 1873,seems pp. 23-94). Longnon,to LEmpire tent of strifeAlexius between theIV Venetians p. 31, content date latin the(1949), arrival in ,;; and . . the Byzan-

Italy in 1202, as is A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine 1199 tor gener 47 Tag caay ‘ Wk ue end G. Vasilievskii). Like Faral, Roberto Cessi, “Venezia e la Manuel I, although finally forced to renew the Quarta Crociata,” Archivio veneto, XLVIII-XLIX (1951), Venetian privileges, had extended them also to

Empire, Madison, Wisc., 1952, p. 457 (following the view of V. ~~ ’ ~ » all ~ 9, an

1-52, strongly supports the théorie du hasard, maintaining that the Genoese, Pisans, and Anconitans.!2 The

the diversion of the Fourth Crusade was the consequence of

unplanned developments. Cessi, La Repubblica di Venezia =——————— e il problema adriatico, Naples, 1953, p. 264, regards this article " G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur alteren as one “nel quale é stato sottoposto a radicale revisione tutto il Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 vols.,

problema,” which is an overstatement. Heinrich Kretsch- Vienna, 1856-57, repr. Amsterdam, 1964 (Fontes rerum mayr, Geschichte von Venedig, 1 (Gotha, 1905), 480 ff., austriacarum, pt. II: Diplomataria et acta, vols. XII-XIV), analyzes the sources and also subscribes to the “théorie du. I, 43-54, and cf. Freddy Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne hasard” (Zufallstheorie). Nevertheless, a plot is possible, even au moyen-age: Le Développement et lexploitation du domaine probable, although the extant diplomatic correspondence of colonial vénitien (XII°—XV*° siécles), Paris, 1959, pp. 35-39.

the age is insufficient for us to be certain (cf. the observa- On 1092 rather than 1082 as the date of Alexius I’s grant tions of Robert Lee Wolff, “The Fourth Crusade,” in of trading and other privileges to the Venetians, see André Kenneth M. Setton et al., eds., History of the Crusades, 11 ‘Tuilier, “La Date exacte du chrysobulle d’ Alexis I* [Philadelphia, 1962; 2nd ed., Madison, Wisc., 1969], 168— | Comnéne en faveur des Vénitiens et son contexte historique,”

73). Revista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, new ser., IV (1967), 27—48. The Soviet historian M. A. Zaborov, “Papstvo i zachvat — Tafel and Thomas, I, 95~—98, 109-24, 150-67, with Konstantinopolya krestonostsami v natale XIII v.” [“The Citation of various Venetian and Byzantine sources, and ¢f. Papacy and the Capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders John Cinnamus, Epitome rerum, III, 5, 6; IV, 14; V, 9; and VI,

at the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century”], Vizantiishii 10 (Bonn, pp. 98 ff., 170, 228 ff, 280-81 ff.); Nicetas Vremennik, n.s., V (1952), 152-77, and “K Voprosu o Choniates, De Manuele Comneno, I1, 2, 5; V, 9 (Bonn, pp. 103, predistorii Cetvertogo krestovogo pochoda” [“On the Ques- 113-15, 222-26); W. Regel, ed., Fontes rerum byzantinarum, tion of the Preliminaries to the Fourth Crusade”), ibid., n.s., | I-1 (S. Petersburg, 1892), 36, 109, and I-2 (1917), 219; also

VI (1953), 223-35, believes that, while Innocent III pre- F. Chalandon, Les Comnene, 1 (Paris, 1912), 585-93,

served appearances by pious statements, he connived at the Helene Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer (1966), pp. 231-33,

attack upon Zara, and must share in the responsibility 246, 255-63, and esp. Thiriet, La Romanie venitienne, pp. for the crusaders’ extraordinary aberration in attacking 40-54. The Venetian privileges were renewed in 1187 and Constantinople. Cf. in general the essay of A. Frolow, 1198-1199 (Tafeland Thomas, I, 178-203, 246-80), but by Recherches sur la déviation de la IV® Croisade vers Constantinople, that time the vulnerability of the Byzantines had become

Paris, 1955, and the recent article by Donald E. Queller too apparent for the Venetians not to seek some final and Susan J. Stratton, “A Century of Controversy on the satisfaction (Thiriet, op. cit., pp. 60-62). On the imperial Fourth Crusade,” in Studies in Medieval and Renaissance chrysobulls granted to the Venetians before the Fourth History, VI (1969), 235-77, who summarize the views of | Crusade, see Horatio F. Brown, “The Venetians and the Hopf, Winkelmann, Riant, Tessier, Norden, Cessi, etc.,and Venetian Quarter in Constantinople to the Close of the those of Paul Alphandéry. Given the broad scope and ‘Twelfth Century,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XL (1920),

complicated nature of the operations which led to the 68-88. Brown’s plan of the Venetian Quarter on the Latin seizure of Constantinople, chance was undoubtedly a southern shore of the Golden Horn has been improved in prominent factor throughout, but the question remains recent years, on which see Raymond Janin, Constantinople whether the diversion of the crusade was not in fact the byzantine: Développement urbain et répertoire topographique,

consequence of long-range planning. Paris, 1950, pp. 237-39 (with Map no. 1 at the end of the

6 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Venetians resented these new competitors along salem would lie open:"* “si fu la chose teiie que on

tne shores aCrusade the Bosporus, ane the or of iroit BaBabilloine omnes says vuchardoun, “poree the Fourth were planted inseeds the soil queenpar poroient miels les Ilurs their discontent. Whether or not the Venetians estruire que par altre terre. . . .”'* According deliberately sought the diversion of the Crusade to the well-informed author of the Gesta Innofrom Egypt and the Holy Land to Constanti- “enti, who wrote of course some time after the

nople, they certainly did not set out upon the event, innocent eS “ess than cated by the great enterprise with the political ambitions of SE formed ahi en the ma ‘soci a , pencuans Frederick Barbarossa and his son Henry VI. ad formed this partnerstup |socieras}, DOtn sides

er sent envoysmerchants, to the apostolicwhat see at the;same time, They primarily ; ; .7were requesting the supremeand pontiff they to confirm the

chiefly wanted was the security ofbetween theirthem trade : as pacts they had made for thein relief the East. They not only found the Byzantine oF ihe Holy Land. But he, with some forebodin

government unreliable to deal with (as the events y onn'p f the 1120’s and the 1170’s had shown), but 2 ‘© the future [futurorum . . . praesagiens], h "I found tant £ dancer in cautiously replied that he believed the agreehe aso mak, a Ff that source 9 ' a de ments would have to be confirmed with the

i i ait wea » the . t Bre A acue os of vendly reservation that the allies should inflict no injury

it ih ; et hi 5 he Alewn TIT men) i on Christians, unless by chance these latter

The Cr 7 - rot Sh “ily nd to the should wrongfully impede their passage or

V © TCE Pe © were I cartily opposed to t 4 unless some other just and necessary cause eneulans. Ihe imperial government counte@ = should arise which would leave them no alternafor less and less, and its debility threatened jive, assuming the assent of the legate of the every merchant of Venice in Byzantine territory. apostolic see.” The Venetians agreed in April, 1201, to trans-

a tne Fourth crusaders to nbyPt Dy sea, and 18 The text of the agreement is given in Tafel and Thomas, when Egypt had been taken, the road to Jeru- Urkunden, I, doc. xcll, pp. 362-68, and repeated, ibid., doc. XCIU, pp. 369-73. It is also given, with some account

OT of its textual history, in Jean Longnon, Recherches sur la volume), and La Géographie ecclésiastique de empire byzantin, vie de Geoffroy de Villehardouin, Paris, 1939, doc. 59, pp. 177-

pt. I: Le Siége de Constantinople et le patriarchat oecuménique, 81 (Bibliothéque de I’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, no. 276).

vol. III: Les Eglises et les monastéres (Paris, 1953), pp. 583-85 Cf. the Gesta Innocenti, chap. Lxxxil (PL 214, col. (also with map no. 1 at the end of the volume). In general CxxxiBc); Villehardouin, La Conquéte de Constantinople, pars.

see also Stefano Borsari, “Il Commercio veneziano nell’ 12-30, ed. Edmond Faral, 2 vols., Paris, 1938-39, I, pp. impero bizantino nel XII secolo,” Rivista storica italiana, 16-30 (Classiques de lhistoire de France au moyen-age); LXXVI (Naples, 1964), 982-1011, with an excellent cover- Dandolo, Chron., ad ann. 1201, RISS, XII-1 (Bologna, age of both the sources and the secondary literature. The 1938 ff.), 276. The Venetians agreed, as is well known, to churches in the possession of the Latins in Constantinople transport the crusaders on condition that they were paid had an especial significance as the major social institution “for each horse four marks [on the silver standard of around which life devolved in the various Italian colonies Cologne], and for each man two marks,” which came, on the Bosporus (on which note R. Janin, “Les Sanctuaires considering the size of the proposed army (which fell far de Byzance sous la domination latine [1204-—1261],” [Revue short of the crusaders’ expectations), to 85,000 marks of des] Etudes byzantines, 11[1944], 134-84, and “Les Sanctuaires silver (on which see Faral, Revue historique, CLXXVII, 533-

des colonies latines 4 Constantinople,” ibid., IV [1946], 37). Cf. Andrea Moresini [sic], L’Imprese et espeditioni di 163~77, which deals briefly with the period both before Terra Santa, etc., Venice, 1627, p. 103, and see especially

and after 1204). L. Usseglio, I Marchesi di Monferrato, 1 (1926), 176—78, 194 Tafel and Thomas, I, 286 ff., and III, 452 ff., have ff. For the total sum owing to Venice for transport, octoginta

assembled the chief (Latin) sources for the Fourth Crusade, quénque milia marcarum puri argenti ad pondus Colonie, quo

which moved a Russian annalist to one of the longest éttur terra nostra, see the text of the contract in Longnon, entries in the Chronicle of Novgorod (1016-1471), trans. 9P- cit., p. 180. On the amounts of money involved and the Robert Michell and Nevill Forbes, Camden Society, 3rd assumed numbers of crusaders, see Benjamin Hendrickx, ser., XXV (London, 1914), 43-48. The events long fasci- “A propos du nombre des troupes de la Quatrieme Croisade

nated the Venetian chroniclers (cf. Andrea Dandolo, et del’ empereur Baudouin I,” Byzantina, III (Thessaloniki,

Chronica, in the new Muratori, RISS, XII-1 [Bologna, 1938-1971), 31-41. 48}, 278-80, 367), who in the seventeenth century were 14 Villehardouin, Conquéte, par. 30, ed. Faral, I, 30. still discussing the capture of Constantinople, and of course 15 Gesta Innocentii, chap. LXxxIll (PL 214, col. CXXXIBC). the modern literature increases every year (cf. Thiriet, The possible implications of this passage have induced some Romanie vénitienne [1959], pp. 63-79; R. L. Wolff, “The controversy, concerning which see Donald E. Queller, “Inno-

Fourth Crusade,” in K. M. Setton et al., eds., History of the cent III and the Crusader-Venetian Treaty of 1201,”

Crusades, II [1962], 153-85; and D. M. Nicol, “The Fourth Medievalia et humanistica, XV (1963), 31-34, and Eric John,

Crusade,” etc., in Cambr. Med. History, IV, pt. 1 [1966], “A Note on the Preliminaries of the Fourth Crusade,”

275 ff.). Byzantion, XXVIII (1958), 102-3.

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 7 As the crusade was getting under way, Alexius_ Cairel, and especially of Raimbaud de Vaqueiras, Angelus went in person to the pope, conceivably who was much devoted to him; he was related by in the late fall of 1201, and tried to win him marriage to the royal family of France and to the

over to his cause, recounting the evils his father Hohenstaufen also; and he was, as his father and he had suffered at the hands ofthe Emperor had been before him, the leader of the so-called Alexius III, but Innocent would not accept his Ghibelline party in northern Italy, which could claims to imperial legitimacy because his father, not have recommended him to the pope’s Isaac II, had not inherited the throne, and _ esteem. Boniface made his way to France with Alexius himself had been born before his father’s considerable dispatch, in response to the cruaccession. Innocent had had, moreover, quite saders’ election of him as their leader. On 16 enough of the arrogant demands of those who August, 1201, he took the cross himself in the felt that they should have inherited empires, Church of Our Lady of Soissons, and on 14 and was even then, as he wrote Alexius III(on 16 September he was acclaimed leader of the cruNovember, 1202), excluding Philip of Swabia sade at the chapter general of the great monasfrom the western throne: “For if Philip had tery of Citeaux.'* Upon leaving France, Boniface obtained the German empire, many tribulations sought Philip of Swabia, whom he found at would have come upon you from his imperial Hagenau in Alsace on Christmas day of 1201, power, since he could easily have launched an and the contemporary author of the Gesta attack upon your empire through the territory Innocentii declares that the purpose of this of our dearest son in Christ, Frederick, illus- meeting was believed to be the diversion of the trious king of Sicily, his nephew, just as his proposed crusade to Constantinople to restore brother, the Emperor Henry [VI], had once the Angeli to the “empire of Romania.” In the proposed to occupy your empire by way of spring of 1202 Boniface was in Rome, we are Sicily.”2° Innocent, however, had lost all control informed, seeking Innocent’s consent to the res-

over the crusade. toration of the Angeli by the crusaders, “but The nobles of northern France had recog- when he perceived that the pope’s mind was not

nized young Count Theobald III of Champagne _ turned in this direction, he finished the business as leader of the crusade, without papal permis- pertaining to the crusade, and went back to his sion, when they took the cross at the tournament home.”!® at Ecry-sur-Aisne in late November, 1199,” but Theobald died in May, 1201, just after the agree- The crusaders converged upon Venice in the

ment was signed with Venice for the transport midsummer of 1202, and in September emisof the crusaders overseas. When Duke Odo of _ saries from Philip of Swabia were also in Venice, Burgundy and Count Theobald of Bar refused requesting the crusaders to win back the eastern

to succeed Theobald, a baronial parliament met —_____ at Soissons in June, 1201, and elected the re- 18 On Cistercian activity in the Fourth Crusade, see Elizadoubtable Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, beth A. R. Brown, “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of whose brother Conrad had once been king of Constantinople and Greece, 1204-1276.” Traditio, XIV

. (1958), esp. pp. 67-78. The letter, or perhaps letters,

J erusalem (1190-1 192), to lead them into those which the crusaders sent from Soissons to invite Boniface of distant lands that his family had known so well. Montferrat to assume command of the host (Villehardouin, Boniface was a distinguished figure in his day, Conquéte, par. 42, ed. Faral, I, 42) is one of the many lost

patron of the troubadors Gaucelm Faidit, Elias 40cuments relating to the Fourth Crusade, the existence of which is known from mention or citation in the narrative

aInn. sources. Cf. Benjamin Hendrickx, “Les Chartes de Baudouin III, Epp., an. V, no. 122 (PL 214, 1123-25: de Flandre . . . ,” Byzantina, I (Thessaloniki, 1969), 761125A); Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, doc. xcvitl, p.406; 78, and see his “Recherches sur les documents diplomatiques Potthast, Regesta, no. 1763 (vol. I, p. 154); ef. Gesta Innocenti, | nonconservés, concernant la Quatriéme Croisade et |’ empire

chap. LXxxil (PL 214, cols. Cxxx—Cxxx1); Raynaldus, Ann. latin de Constantinople pendant les premiéres années de eccl., ad ann. 1202, nos. 35~37, ed. J. D. Mansi, vol. XX (Lucca, son existence (1200-—1206),” zbid., II (1970), 111-81.

1747), pp. 135-37. Most of Innocent III’s letters relating 19 Gesta Innocentii, chap. LXXXUI (PL 214, col. CxxxIIA); to eastern affairs have been reprinted by Theodosius Norden, Papsttum u. Byzanz (1903), p. 144; and see, in genHaluscynskyj, ed., Acta Innocentii PP. HI (1198-1216), _ eral, David Brader, Bonifaz von Montferrat bis zum Antritt der Citta del Vaticano, 1944, sometimes with incorrect dates. Kreuzfahrt (1202), Berlin, 1907, and note the chronology of

17. John, “. . . Preliminaries of the Fourth Crusade,” events on pp. 237-38; Hermann Moeser, Gottfried von

Byzantion, XXVIII (1958), 95-103, would put the tourna- Ville-Hardouin (diss. Univ. Bern), Breslau, 1897, pp. 34 ff. ment as Ecry as early as November, 1198. ‘Today Ecry-sur- Note, however, Faral, Revue historique, CLXXVII (1936), Aisne is called Asfeld, in the Ardennes, arrondissement of 547-48. On the background, see L. Usseglio, J Marchest

Rethel. di Monferrato, I1, esp. pp. 179 ff., 189 ff.

8 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT empire for the dispossessed Angeli. Sorely the Venetians would not allow to be undone, and tempted by Philip’s promises, it would seem, the crusaders found themselves under excomthe crusaders sent their spiritual adviser, the munication. From that burden of anxiety only cardinal legate Peter Capuano, to lay the matter the papal authority could rescue them, but this before Innocent, who was also called upon to must wait upon their penitence and their obedireceive envoys from the Emperor Alexius III. ence to that authority.” The crusade was indeed Innocent rejected the proposal Philip had made __ getting off to a bad start. The crusaders had too

to the crusaders, and affirmed his continued many leaders at odds with one another, the pope, recognition of Alexius III, who was to secure’ Boniface, the doge, and the baronial council;

therefor the obedience and devotion of the and many a lowly Thersites in the army and

Greek Church to the papacy. We know of these _ the fleet must have uttered the classic complaint

events from Innocent’s letter to Alexius III, of those who are led by too many leaders. dated 16 November, 1202, which we have already The crusaders had not yet received papal had occasion to cite, a most important source absolution—which had, however, been refor the history of the prelude to that dismal quested and was soon forthcoming—for their drama wherein was to be enacted the fall of a attack upon Zara when new proposals were made greater city than Troy and to a host less great to them by envoys of Philip of Swabia on behalf

than the fair-haired Achaeans.”° of the young Alexius Angelus. After prolonged

As the autumn of 1202 approached, the cru- discussions, in which Boniface of Montferrat saders were unable to pay the Venetians (who upheld the cause of Alexius and the Hohenstauthreatened to cut off their supplies) some 34,000 fen, an agreement was reached in January, 1203, marks still due for their transport overseas. The to which the Doge Enrico Dandolo readily gave old Doge Enrico Dandolo proposed that they his consent, whereby the crusaders undertook secure a postponement of their debt by attacking the restoration of Alexius and his father to the Zara, on the opposite coast of the Adriatic, throne. The Angeli, on their side, bound themwhich had been occupied by King Emeric I of _ selves to effect the submission of the Byzantine Hungary. The Doge Enrico now took the cross Church to Rome, to give the crusaders 200,000 himself in the Church of S. Mark, and to the marks, tosend ten thousand men with them “into consternation of Innocent III, and probably to the land of Babylon” [Egypt], and to maintain the exasperation of Boniface of Montferrat, who throughout the lifetime of Alexius a force of was pro-Genoese, the crusaders under Venetian five hundred knights in Palestine.” direction took the city of Zara after a five days’ The destruction of the Greek empire and its siege in the middle of November. A month replacement bya Latin regime in Constantinople later Boniface himself appeared in Zara, and had not yet, presumably, occurred even to the only now assumed his position as leader of the leaders of the crusade, who looked forward host. When the news of the fall of Zara reached however to the fulfillment of the very considerInnocent III, “no little did he grieve and was he able promises made to them by Alexius Angelus. moved. . . .” He wrote the crusaders, “You are__In April, 1203, Alexius appeared, briefly, in the not like unto one going to Jerusalem, but rather crusaders’ camp at Zara, just before the deparone descending into Egypt: and verily you have ture of the doge and Boniface for Durazzo, fallen in with thieves.” They were to repair the which quickly surrendered. The curtain was wrong they had done in Zara, andtodonomore: rising on the drama. After a further stop of some

otherwise they would fall under the ban of three weeks on the island of Corfu, where

excommunication.” But what had been done, Alexius now joined the host for good, the crusaders set sail for Constantinople on 24 May. Inn. III, Epp., an. V, no. 122 (PL 214, 1123-25), also. =~

in Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, doc. xcvil, pp. 404-7; | J. Andrea and Ilona Motsiff,““Pope Innocent III and the Potthast, Regesta, no. 1763 (vol. I, p. 154); Norden, Diversion of the Fourth-Crusade Army to Zara,” Byzantino-

Papsttum u. Byzanz, pp. 145-46. slavica, XXXIII (1972), 6-25.

21 Inn. III, an. V, ep. 161 (PL 214, 1178-79); Tafel and 22 Inn. III, Epp., an. V, no. 162 (PL 214, 1179-81), also Thomas, Urkunden, I, doc. c, pp. 407-9; Villehardouin, in Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. cl, pp. 409-11. Cf. Inn. III, Conquéte de Constantinople, pars. 62-63, 80~85, ed. Edm. an. VI, nos. 99, 100 (PE 215, 103-5), also in Tafel and Faral, I, 64, 66, 80 ff.; Robert de Clari, La Conquéte de Thomas, I, docs. Cll, cil, pp. 411-14. Constantinople, pars. xi ff., ed. Ph. Lauer, Paris, 1924, pp. 11 3 Villehardouin, Conquéte, par. 93, ed. Faral, I, 92, 94; ff. (Classiques francais du moyen-age); Gesta Innocenti, chap. cf. Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, doc. cx1, p. 431; L. LXXXV (PL 214, col. CXxx1XA); and on the whole affair, see A. | Usseglio, J Marchesi di Monferrato, II, 211 ff.

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 9 Warned by the papal legate, Innocent wrote on “for they [had] never thought there could be in 20 June to Boniface of Montferrat and Baldwin all the world so rich a city, and they marked the

of Flanders absolutely forbidding, again under high walls and strong towers .. . the rich penalty of excommunication, the venture upon palaces and mighty churches ... and the which they had already embarked against the height and the length of that city which above Greek empire and its emperor: “but rather give all others was sovereign. . . . Noman there was

up these sorry undertakings and pretended of such hardihood but his flesh trembled .. .

necessities, and go on to the rescue of the Holy _ for never was so great an enterprise undertaken Land; avenge the [Moslem] insult to the Cross; __ by any people since the creation of the world.””°

take from your enemies the spoils you needs Venetian determination to proceed with the must seize from your own brethren, as it were, if attack upon Constantinople despite papal pro-

you thus stay in the lands of Romania.”** At hibition under the ban of excommunication the same time Innocent wrote the crusaders troubled the avowed Christian conscience of the that, although the doge of Venice, dominus enterprising sons of S. Mark. But when the navium, and his subjects lay under ban of ex- recollection of. past events is disturbing, sooner communication, the journey to Egypt or Pales- or later historians will reinterpret the events. tine might still be made in Venetian ships (in- Years after the Fourth Crusade, for example,

deed, they had no other ships), but on their the chronicler Martino da Canale, who wrote

arrival overseas the crusaders were not to fight Les Estotres de Venise (formerly called the Cronique the Lord’s battle in company with the Venetians, des Veniciens) between 1267 and 1275, justified

lest they be defeated and lose their lives to no and idealized the past exploits of the Venetians. purpose.”* The pope’s efforts were all too late Like his contemporary Brunetto Latini, he wrote and all in vain, for, once the fleet had set sail for in French because he wanted his work to reach a the eastern capital, events moved rapidly, relent- wide public and, as he states in his preface, he lessly, to the final scenes of that tragedy which wanted readers to know “how the noble city [of Nicetas Choniates and Nicholas Mesarites have Venice] was founded and how it has an abundescribed for us. After a stop off the greatisland dance of all good things, and how the lord of

of Negroponte (Euboea) and the subjection of the Venetians, the noble doge [dus], is allthe little island of Andros, the crusaders reached powerful and [how great] is the nobility in the

Constantinople on 23 June, 1203, and dis- city and the prowess of the Venetian people.”?’ embarked the next day at Chalcedon. Constan- = —____ tinople made a profound impression on them, —_** Villehardouin, Conquéte, par. 128, ed. Faral, I, 130 (trans. Marzials). Odo of Deuil, Benjamin of Tudela, Robert of

— Clari, and the Chronicler of Novgorod also testify to the 4 Inn. III, Epp., an. VI, no. 101 (PL 215, 106-7); Potthast, grandeur of Constantinople. Regesta, no. 1948 (vol. I, p. 170): “Nullus itaque vestrum 27 Filippo Luigi Polidori, ed., La Cronique des Veniciens de sibi temere blandiatur quod terram Graecorum occupare Maistre Martin da Canal, in the Archivio storico italiano, \st sibi liceat vel praedari tanquam minus sit apostolicae sedi _ser., VIII (Florence, 1845), 270. Canale wrote in French

subjecta et quod [Alexius III] imperator Constantinopoli- rather than in Latin, “por ce que lengue franceise cort tanus, deposito fratre suo et etiam excaecato, imperium parmi le monde, et est la plus delitable a lire et a oir usurpavit. . . . Sed cessantibus . . . occasionibus frivolis | que nule autre” (op. cit., p. 268). Nevertheless, his history et necessitatibus simulatis in Terrae Sanctae transeatis remained almost unknown, and has survived in a single subsidium et Crucis injuriam vindicetis, accepturide hostium manuscript in the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence. See in spoliis quae vos, si moram feceritis in partibus Romaniae, general Gina Fasoli, “La Cronique des Veniciens di Martino da

oporteret forsitan a fratribus extorquere. . . . Vobis sub Canale,” Studi medievali, 3rd ser., II (Spoleto, 1961), 42-74, excommunicationis interminatione vetuimus ne terras and Agostino Pertusi, “Maistre Martino da Canal, interprete Christianorum invadere vel laedere temptaretis . . .”(Tafel _ cortese delle crociate e dell’ ambiente veneziano del secoloand Thomas, I, doc. civ, pp. 416, 417). The young Alexius XIII,” in Venezia dalla prima crociata alla conquista di Costantino-

was continually with the crusaders from their sojourn on poli del 1204, Florence, 1966, pp. 103-35. It is not certain Corfu (cf. Annales Colonienses maximi, ad ann. 1203,in MGH, _ that Canale was a Venetian.

SS., XVII [1861], p. 812, 11. 18-19: “Alexius . . . venit ad For the traditions which finally made the Venetian nos apud Corfaut . . .” [letter of Hugh of S. Pol], and Gesta _ chronicle a literary genre in itself, together with a discussion episcoporum Halberstadensium, in MGH, SS., XX111 [1874], p. of the relationship of the numerous manuscripts of Venetian 118, 11. 27-28). The author of the Devastatio Constantinopoli- chroniclers, compilers, continuators, contaminators, and tana, ed. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes (1873), p. 88, says: | Copyists, see the learned study of Antonio Carile, La Crona"Dominica secunda post pascha naves a ladraceperuntexire, chistica veneziana (secoli XIII-XVI) di fronte alla spartizione et ex eodem tempore venit Alexis imperator de Alemannia.” della Romania nel 1204, Florence, 1969 (Civilta Veneziana,

75 Inn. III, an. VI, ep. 102 (PL 215, 108BC); Tafel and Studi, no. 25), who re-edits and deals especially, as his Thomas, Urkunden, I doc. cv, pp. 417-19; Potthast, _ title indicates, with those portions of the chronicles which

Regesta, no. 1947 (vol. I, p. 170). relate to the Fourth Crusade and the partition of Byzantine

10 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In his extraordinary account of the launching also in the Morea, where the descendants of of the crusade, Canale relates how the young _ the Fourth Crusaders long lived in the declining Alexius IV, a mere boy (un enfant de petit aage), | splendor of late medieval chivalry. The romantic

was brought before Pope Innocent III (mon- _ story of the fugitive prince Alexius, despoiled seignor l’apostoile), to whom an appeal was madeto of his inheritance by a cruel usurper, was

restore him to the throne of Constantinople. an appealing theme for Moreote minstrels The pope welcomed Alexius and said that, to declaim to lords and ladies whose forebears since the crusading host of Franks and Venetians _ had nobly come to his rescue, and whose subsewas then assembled at Zara, “I shallsend thema quent good fortune was obviously the reward of

message that they are to abandon the route to virtue. But since everyone knew that the pope Jerusalem and take that to Constantinople and was the prime defender of virtue, the fourplace this boy in possession of his city.” Innocent teenth-century Chronicles of the Morea represent

then sent his legate [Peter Capuano] to Enrico Innocent III as anxious to assist Alexius to reDandolo and the Frankish baronage at Zara with _ store his dispossessed father to the throne.

a letter, directing them “que por lor debonairete Once again, Innocent is declared to have sent conducent li petit enfant en Costantinople, et his legate to Zara to explain to the crusaders, tant facent que li Gres le tiegnent por sei- according to the French version of the Chronicle gnor. . . .” Dandoloasked the baronsand noble of the Morea, “how the expedition to ConstantiVenetians what was to be done, and they replied _nople would be more honorable and more profitthat they would follow his counsel. “ ‘My lords,’ able than that to Jerusalem, because the Greeks said the doge, ‘we cannot refuse the command of were Christians and yet, for some error which the pope as our spiritual father: rather all men had got into them, they were rebellious and un-

should obey him in everything. I pray you that willing to receive the sacraments of the Holy all be done as he commands us.’” They all Church of Rome, and that it was better to regain agreed and sent for Alexius, “and when he had and convert the Greeks and return them to the

come, my lord the doge received him in his obedience of Holy Church, since their lord

arms.”*® The more the Venetians were charged | Alexius] promised to do so, than to go off seekwith ambition, the more they soughtareputation ing that which they did not know [nor] to what for piety and filial devotion to the Holy See. end they might well come.”*°

Canale rewrote history to help them.” We need not be concerned with details of the

The account Canale gives of how the Fourth _ two successful sieges of the “God-guarded city,” Crusade got under way became pretty much the which now succumbed to the onslaught of an popular Venetian interpretation of Innocent invader for the first time in its history. On 7 July, III’s relations with Dandolo. Actually Canale was 1203, the then “Tower of Galata” was taken, and

very little read, but a falsification of the facts on 17 July came the Venetian assault upon the much like his own became the stock in trade of | north walls, from the Golden Horn. The Greeks the Venetian chroniclers, and gained currency made an unsuccessful sortie against the cru-

_territory saders’ camp, from the landward walls. In among the conquerors. Venetian publicists also despair the Emperor Alexius III fled for his life. salved the popular conscience by producing “prophecies” of — [saac II was released from imprisonment. On 1 the fall of Constantinople, illustrating the divine inevitability Au gust Alexius IV was crowned in Hagia Sophia, incredible events of 1204 (op. cit., pp. 178-83). In compari- and associated with his father in the precarious son with the documentary sources the Venetian chronicles POSSesS1On of the imperial power.*! At the beginare of slight value for the history of the Fourth Crusade =———____

of (and so providing additional moral justification for) the . . . . .

except to show the self-righteous mentality of the Venetian 30 Livre de la conqueste de la princée de l'Amorée: Chronique

ruling class. de Morée (1204-1305), ed. Jean Longnon, Paris, 1911, pars. *8 Canale, chaps. XL—XLI, in Arch. stor. italiano, Ist ser., 31-34, pp. 10-12, and ¢f. The Chronicle of Morea: To Xpovixov

VIII, 324, 326. tou Mopéws, ed. John Schmitt, London, 1904, verses 28 Gina Fasoli, “Nascita di un mito,” in Studi storici in onore 446-517, pp. 30 ff. On the Chronicles of the Morea, see below,

di Gioacchino Volpe, 1 (Florence, 1958), 469-70, and “. .... Chapter 8. Martino da Canale,” Studi medievali, II (1961), 55-56, 68 ff., 31 We may note here, among numerous sources, the cru-

who shows, however, that for various reasons Canale’s saders’ own statement of the events in their letter to the

history enjoyed no popularity among the Venetians. Forone _ pope (Inter epp. Inn. III, an. VI, no. 211 [PL 215, 237D-240];

thing, his aggrandizement of the doge’s authority was Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cx1, pp. 430-31), and esp. Hugh unacceptable to the ruling oligarchy in Venice. For further _ of S. Pol’s letter to Henry I of Louvain, duke of Brabant, bibliography on Canale, see Carile, La Cronachistica vene- in T. and Th., I, 304-11; Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron.,

ziana, pp. 177-78, notes. ad ann. 1202-1203, in MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), 880-81.

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 1] ning of the crusade the Doge Enrico had stipu- written by a western cleric. Its ecclesiological lated that, “so long as we act in company, of parlance is entirely Roman.

all conquests in land or money . . . we shall An imperial progress through Thrace now

have the half and you the other half,”3? and brought Alexius the submission of many towns therefore when the Angeli paid the crusaders and fortresses. He returned on 11 November, 100,000 marks (half the sum promised), the 1203. The inhabitants of Constantinople had Venetians took 84,000 m., for in addition to been getting along badly with the crusaders, and

their half share they claimed payment of the a marked coolness was soon discernible in crusaders’ remaining debts, which amounted to Alexius’s own attitude, says Villehardouin,

34,000 m. These facts are well known. The “towards those who had done him so much Angeli asked for an extension of time to meet good.” Alexius became very dilatory in making their remaining obligations. Alexius had also payments to the crusaders, and finally his payundertaken to furnish the crusaders with sup- ments ceased, especially as the hostility between plies for a year, and maintain the Venetian the crusaders and the Greeks continued to grow, fleet at his own expense, also for a year. The and boded no good for the future.* The willcrusaders postponed their departure, set for fulness of the crusaders was a source of unendMichaelmas (29 September), to March, 1204.33 ing anxiety, not only to Alexius in the New In the meantime, on 25 August, 1203, Alexius Rome but also to the pope in the Old.** As for IV sent the pope a statement of his filial rever- the belabored and irresponsible young emperor,

ence for the Holy See: “What great things the the commitments which he had been happy Lord has done for me in these days according to make in the days of his exile he viewed with to his mercy, I have thought I must above all dismay, as he sat in stately insecurity upon the set forth to your Holiness . . . ,in whosehands_ throne, and marked the attitude of his people, rest all men’s authority and the rights of all among whom he must henceforth live and over kingdoms. . . .” Innocent was well aware (the whom he must henceforth try to rule. Constant young emperor wrote) how the Fourth Cru- squabbles between the Latins and Greeks had saders, that “blessed band of pilgrims” (pere- led some of the crusaders to set fires which on grinorum beata societas), had rescued his father 18-19 August gutted wide areas in the central from prison and restored the diadem of empire city and caused much loss of life. By the beginto the lawful rulers. Alexius now fulfilled his ning of December, 1203, a state of war existed oath, “freely given,” that he would humbly _ between the Frankish host and the Greeks, who acknowledge “the Roman pontiff, the universal in their turn tried on 1 January to burn up the successor of Peter, prince of the Apostles, crusaders’ fleet.*? Thereafter reconciliation was

as the ecclesiastical head of all Christendom, —-—

and would to the best of my ability lead the letter is misdated 1204 in Theod. Halu&€ynskyj, Acta InnoOriental Church to the same obeisance if divine — centii PP. i { 1944), app. a’ 12, Pp. 1 TT (1939) ;

. illehardouin, - ., ed. Faral, ; . 6,

ompee ee a's lettertvas undoubtedly 8 ff.; Robert de Clari, Conquéte, 58-59, trans. Edw. N. Stone,

Three Old French Chronicles of the Crusades, Seattle, 1939, pp.

———_—___—_ 211-12; Nicetas Choniates, Isaacius Angelus et Alexus, 3 There are rather full accounts of the sieges of Constantinople (Bonn, pp. 735-37 ff.); Devastatio Constantinopolitana, in by the crusaders in Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 36- Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes (1873), pp. 90-91. Cf. Chas.

48, and esp. Chas. M. Brand, Byzantium Confronts the M. Brand, “A Byzantine Plan for the Fourth Crusade,” West, 1180-1204, Cambridge, Mass., 1968, pp. 236-69. Speculum, XLIII (1968), 462—75, who has translated, with a

A convenient list of some of the more important primary brief commentary, a ceremonial oration by Nicephorus and secondary works relating to the Fourth Crusade is Chrysoberges, conceivably written in late November, 1203, given in Edm. Faral’s edition of Villehardouin’s Conquéte, and apparently intended for delivery on the feast of the

I (Paris, 1938), pp. lvi—lxvii. Epiphany (6 January, 1204). Although hostile to the Latins,

The Tower of Galata, turris fortissima, quae Galatha nun- _ the oration is a panegyric of Alexius IV and suggests, by its cupatur (T. and Th., I, 306), then stood on the waterfront; it | —_ restraints and suppression of the usual rhetorical venom, was destroyed in 1261; the present Tower of Galata (Galata something of the quandary in which Alexius found himself Kulest) was first built in 1349, and has been restored several _at the time of its composition.

times. 36 Cf. Inn. III, Epp., an. VI, nos. 229-32 (PL 215, cols. 32 Villehardouin, Conquéte, par. 23, ed. Faral, I, 24: “. . . 259-63); Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, docs. CxlI—cxv,

de totes conquestes que nos ferons par mer ou par terre, pp. 431-38.

la moitié en avrons et vos |’autre.” 37 Villehardouin, 217-20, ed. Faral, II, 16, 18: Robert de 33. Cf. Inn. III, Epp., an. VI, no. 211 (PL 215, 239CD); —_Clari, par. Lx, ed. Lauer (1924), p. 60; Nicetas Choniates,

Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cxi, p. 431. Isaacius Angelus, 5 (Bonn, pp. 741-42). The Fourth Crusaders 34 Inter epp. Inn. III, an. V1, no. 210 (PL 215, 236-37). This inflicted such injury upon Constantinople that the city never

12 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT impossible, and the Greeks, according to Ville- they should do therefor to the emperor.”** The hardouin, immediately perceived the fact, qu’il Venetians secured by the articles agreed upon ni avoit mais point de la pais.*® Alexius was now in with the crusaders in March, 1204, all the trading

a very unenviable position, held up to oppro- and other privileges which they had been accusbrium both by the Franks and by the Greeks, but tomed to enjoy in times past, and stipulated that,

on 28-29 January, 1204, his troubles were _ if the crusaders provided the emperor, the patribrought to an end, a violent end, for an uprising arch should be a Venetian and should possess took place against him, led by Alexius[V] Ducas, “Santa Sophia.”** On 9 April the crusaders began

called Murzuphlus (Motprfovgdos), because operations and made an attack upon Constanti-

his eyebrows ran together. Alexius V was nople. On 12 April they scaled the northern promptly crowned in Hagia Sophia. Old Isaac _ wall; Alexius Murzuphlus fled, and another fire

II died of the shock, and after the failure of broke out in the city. Thereafter the Latin

two attempts to poison him, Alexius IV was __ soldiery subjected the great city of Constantine to

strangled in prison (on 8 February, 1204).*° a three-days sack (13-15 April), which evoked Murzuphlus prepared to defend the capital the wonder of Villehardouin, the disgust of against the barbarians from the West. Before Innocent III, and the utter despair of Nicetas proceeding with the second siege of the city, Choniates.*

however, the Venetians and the crusaders signed

in March, 1204, a partition treaty, dividing in “| Villehardou; ; r advance of their conquest the city of Constanti- Villehardouin, 234, ed. Faral, II, pp. 34, 36; Robt. de . . a : Clari, Lxvul, ed. Lauer, pp. 68-69, and see the following

nople and the empire of which it was the capital. pote. When the city fell, the Venetians were first 42 For the details, see the Pacta inter Henricum Dandulum

to be repaid from the booty the debts due them ¢ Crucesignatos inita, in Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, 1 from Alexius IV, after which there was to be an (1856), docs. cxix and cxx, pp. 446-48, 450-51 (with

even divisi f th ‘nder bet th which Villehardouin’s account is in pretty close agreement); c sion O € pan er between Chem the pact between the crusaders and the Venetians is also

and the other crusaders. A college of SIX _ reprinted in Migne, PL 215, 517-19. It is specifically stated

Venetians and six Franks was to elect a Latin _ in the pacta that fiefs may be inherited by women as well as by

emperor, who was to receive a quarter of the men. No citizen of a nation at war with Venice (i.e. a

lands to be conquered. together with the palaces Pisan) is to be admitted into the empire for the duration £ Blach q » 108 P of hostilities. This restriction soon applied to the Genoese of Blachernae and Boukoleon. The other three- — ajso, Cf. J. K. Fotheringham, Marco Sanudo, Oxford, 1915, quarters of the acquisitum imperium were to be pp. 21-22, 39 ff. The position of the emperor was left too divided between the Venetians and the cru- weak for the construction or maintenance of a strong state. saders. A commission of a dozen crusaders Fotheringham, op. cit., p. 21, remarks of the treaty of March,

XII. des bl de Vost d leri dad > 1204, that “the Venetian privileges are no longer dependent - Ges P us Sages dé ¢ ast des pelerins, and a GOZEN on the will of the emperor, but are part of the constitution

Venetians “would apportion the fiefs and honors of the empire.” On the war between Venice and Pisa, ¢f. among the men, and would devise what service W. Heyd, Hist. du commerce du Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I (Leipzig, 1885; repr. Amsterdam, 1967), 289, and see in

as general the recent monograph of Silvano Borsari, Studi recovered. There were fires on 17 July, 1203,0n 18 August, — sulle colonie veneziane in Romania nel xii secolo, Naples, 1966, 1203 (lasting for two full days), and on 12 April, 1204 (for pp. 14 ff.

the sources, see A. M. Schneider, “Brande in Konstanti- 43 Villehardouin, 237-251, ed. Faral, II, 38-55; nopel,” Byz. Zeitschr., XLI [1941], 386-87). The fire of Robt. de Clari, pars. LXIX—Lxxx, ed Lauer, pp. 69-80; August, 1203, destroyed much of the heart of the city, from = Nicetas Chon., Al. Ducas Murzuflus, 2-4 (Bonn, pp. 751-63);

the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmara, desolating many cf. Count Paul Riant, Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae,

areas that were never rebuilt, hence the open spaces, 2 vols., Geneva, 1877-78, and [F. de Mély,] vol. 3 (Paris, fields, and gardens noted by the early fifteenth-century 1903), dealing with the western traffic in relics acquired in

travelers. Constantinople. There is another eyewitness account of the 38 Vill., 221, ed. Faral, EH, 20. sack of Constantinople in the funeral oration delivered by

39 Vill., 222-23, ed. Faral, II, 20, 22; Nicetas Choniates, Nicholas Mesarites, metropolitan of Ephesus from about Isaacius et Alexius, 4 (Bonn, pp. 742-47); cf. Robert de Clari, 1213, on his brother John, who died in 1207 (see Aug. pars. LXI-LXH, ed. Lauer, pp. 61-62; Aubrey of Trois- Heisenberg, Neue Quellen zur Gesch. des lateinischen Kaisertums Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1204, in MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), | und der Kirchenunion, I: Der Epitaphios des Nikolaos Mesarites

882-83. auf seinen Bruder Johannes, Munich, 1923, pp. 41—48.). On 40 On the later division of the booty, note Villehardouin, Mesarites, note Glanville Downey, Nikolaos Mesarites: Descrip-

954, ed. Faral, II, pp. 58-59 n.; cf. Tafel and Thomas, tion of the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, Urkunden, 1, docs. CXIX~Cxx, pp. 446, 449-50; Ernst Philadelphia, 1957 (Transactions of the American PhilosophGerland, Gesch. d. Lateinischen Kaiserreiches von Konstantinopel: ical Society, new ser., vol. 47, pt. 6), where reference will be

Die Kaiser Balduin I. u. Heinrich (1204-1216), Homburg y.d. found to Heisenberg’s various studies. On the charges of

Hohe, 1905, pp. 17 ff. sacrilege allegedly committed by the Latins when they

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 13 On Sunday, 9 May, 1204, young Bald- Santa Sophia.** Some time after the Latin conwin IX of Flanders and VI of Hainaut was quest of Constantinople Baldwin wrote at length elected the first Latin emperor, for the Venetians and in an ecstasy of victory to the pope,”” but feared too much the power and prowess of his messenger, one Brother Barozzi, Venetian Boniface of Montferrat, who acquiesced peace- master of the sempre mn Lombardy, wes nee ah

ably in the elevation of a lesser man to a greater hi r on td qd othe, sich eft > 0 TS wit height.** Fotheringham has, however, quite mM Of jewels ane other Tich §1 Se eing sent Co rightly insisted that Venetian support of Bald- the pope and to the Templars,” and so the

5 oe h him the electi PP as not de emperor's letter was long in reaching Innocent.

wn; 4 rey Won ‘th © k, chon e he Lat; Baldwin’s position was a difficult one, caught as SIgne to secure the weakness of the “he he was between papal desires and Venetian

empire. “Venice had in fact no interest in the = ambitions, which he knew would not be easy to weakness of the empire.” The Venetians had yeconcile. In the midsummer of 1204 he wrote suffered too much from the feeble and erratic again, briefly, to his Holiness, referring to his exercise of imperial authority during the pre- former letter, and now enclosing a copy of the ceding quarter of a century. They merely wanted conventions agreed to by the crusaders and the the new emperor to be neither pro-Genoese nor Venetians in the preceding March.*? Baldwin pro-Pisan, and since Boniface’s Monferratine was doubtless disappointed by the pope’s failure

affiliations with Genoa were suspect, he was to respond to his letter, and apparently re-

unacceptable to the doge.* The latter had played quested Boniface of Montferrat, Louis of Blois,

his cards very well. By contriving that half the and Hugh of S. Pol to write to the pope, and college of imperial electors should be Venetians, that they did so we know from Innocent’s own he could and did effect the election of the em- _ letters.*° At this time too the Doge Enrico wrote peror of his choice, and by his apparent willing- the pope about how the Venetians had been ness to sacrifice the imperial office to the cru- forced to take Zara; affirmed the Venetians’ insaders, he also secured a Venetian electee as nocence of offense and the justice of their cause;

patriarch. remonstrated against the sentence of excommun-

On 16 May, 1204, Baldwin was crowned with ication leveled at him and his fellow citizens Byzantine formality in the cathedral church of (which they had been bearing patienter et humiliter); recounted briefly the great feat of arms

uy 8Constan_>— whereby, under divine guidance, occupied Constantinople, see J. Darrouzés, “Le Mémoire de tinople had been won; declared that everything Constantin Stilbes contre les Latins,” Revue des études by- the Venetians had done was for the honor of 44 Baldwin himself described the establishment of the Latin 7° € tOly ROMAN GAuUrCeh, anc, nally, empire in a long, rhetorical letter to Innocent III (Epp., hoped that his Holiness would take favorable an. VII, no. 152 [PL 215, 447-54], and cf. Gesta Inn. III, action upon the petitions which the Venetian chap. xc1 [PL 214, col. cxuiBc]); Tafel and Thomas, envoys would place at his feet.> Urkunden, I (1856), doc. cxxu, pp. 501-11; Villehardouin,

256-61, ed. Faral, II, 60-68; Robt. de Clari, pars. xcv ff.,

ed. Lauer, pp. 92 ff.; Nicetas Choniates, Liber de rebus post ; capiam urbem gestis, 6 (Bonn, pp. 789-90); Edm. Faral, in Rev. *6 Villehardouin, 263, ed. Faral, II, 68, 70; Robt. de Clan, hist., CLXXVII (1936), 573-75; Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, | XCVI—xCvul, ed. Lauer, pp. 93-95; Gerland, Latein. Kaiser-

pp. 4-7, 11-12; L. Usseglio, I Marchesi di Monferrato, II reich, pp. 7-9; Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 51-53. (1926), 242-44; Jean Longnon, L’Empire latin de Constanti- 7 Inter epp. Inn. IH, an. VII, no. 152 (PL 215, 447-54;

nople (1949), pp. 49-51. Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. CxxlI, pp. 501-11).

On the establishment of the Nicene “empire in exile,” 4 The pope threatened the Genoese with the interdict see the important study of B. Sinogowitz, “Uber das (Epp., an. VII, no. 147, in PL 215, 433, dated 4 November, byzantinische Kaisertum nach dem Vierten Kreuzzuge 1204). Cf. Ogerio Pane, Annales, in L. T. Belgrano and (1204-—1205),” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XLV (1952), 345-56, C. Imperiale, eds., Annali genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suot who shows that it was Constantine Lascaris, not his brother continuatori, II (1901), p. 93, cited by Fotheringham, Marco

Theodore, who was proclaimed “emperor” in Hagia Sanudo (1915), pp. 39-40. Sophia on 13 April, 1204, after the flight of Alexius V 49 Inter epp. Inn. HI, an. VII, no. 201 (PL 215, 510D—511A; the preceding night. Constantine died in the early spring of Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cxxvil, pp. 520-21).

1205, and Theodore succeeded him’ as emperor. For the 5° Inn. HI, an. VH, ep. 203 (PL 215, 516A; Tafel and

reasons given by Franz Dolger, zbid., LII (1959), 445, it is Thomas, I, doc. CxxIx, p. 527), dated 21 Jan., 1205 (Pottbetter not to call the first Lascarid “Constantine XI” (as hast, Regesta, no. 2382 [vol. I, p. 205], and, idem, an. VII, some recent historians have done), which would make the VI id. Febr., in Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. CxxxiIv, p. 536, last Byzantine emperor at least the XI Vth Constantine. dated 8 Feb., 1205 (Potthast, no. 2407 [vol. I, p. 206]).

5 Fotheringham, Marco Sanudo, pp. 22-24. “Inter epp. Inn. HI, an. VII, no. 202 (PL 215, 511-12;

14 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Some months later Innocent was to grant the canons now proceeded to elect the subdeacon Venetian requests (on 29 January, 1205), as we ‘Tommaso Morosini, then in Italy, as the first shall see, but it did not suit his purpose yet to Latin patriarch of Constantinople.

lift the ban against the Venetians and to recog- When Innocent could no longer disregard nize their vast acquisitions in the Levant, and such action and the time approached for his so he did not act upon their overtures. When own decision, he began by having the consistory he responded on 7 November, 1204, to Bald- declare the election of Morosini uncanonical

win’s first letter, he did not mention the treaty and therefore unacceptable without papal of the preceding March, although he gave his approval. But he soon perceived no advantage in

thanks to God that such a victory had been delay. His great concern for the continuance

accorded to Latin arms and to the sacrosanct of the crusade, for the establishment of order in Roman Church, and he charged both the clerical the new Latin empire, and for the union of and lay crusaders “to defend and hold the the Churches led him finally to write the clergy empire of Constantinople,” through the aid of in Constantinople, the emperor, and the doge which the Holy Land could the more easily be _ that those clerks from Venice, “who called them-

freed from pagan hands. The Latin emperor selves elected canons of the Church of Santa was to meditate however upon the fact that Sophia,” had never received papal authorization the Greek empire had ever gone from bad to to elect the Latin patriarch, and their action had worse until its fate had been to pass from the been denounced publicly in the consistory; control of the proud to that of the humble, from _ nevertheless, the pope himself now elected and

the inobedient to the devoted, from schismatics confirmed Morosini as the patriarch, at the to Catholics, and this by the just judgment of behest of the emperor and in the hope that God: there should be rendered unto Caesar the Venetians would display a larger steadfast-

that which was Caesar’s, and to God that which _ ness in the service of the Cross (on 21 January, was God’s—‘“without confusion.”® In similar 1205).57 At long last, on 29 January, 1205, Inno-

terms he addressed the crusading clergy on

13 November; the fall of Constantinople was the — whom the pope denounced, all swore henceforth to admit Lord’s doing, “marvelous in our eyes.”*° Almost only Venetians (or clerics who had served ten_years in a month later, on 7 December, 1204, Innocent Venetian churches) to the cathedral chapter in Constanti-

. ; . ; nople. The oaths of the eleven literate canons (dated 8 May,

wrote again to the Catholic clergy m Constanti- 1205) and of the four illiterates gue . . . . scribere non potunople, directing them to appoint Latin priests to grunt (dated 14 May) were duly inscribed in the Libri Albus churches whose Greek clergy had fled and to — et Pactorum in Venice (Tafel and Thomas, I, 547, 550, and elect a rector or provisor, presumably a patriarch, 1.and Th., Der Doge Andreas Dandolo . . . Mit den Originalto exercise authority over them, for it was not Registern des Liber Albus, des Liber Blancus und der Libri fitting that the members should subsist without 4zademie d. Wissen.], Munich, 1855, pp. 36, 67).

. . . actorum [offprint from the Abhandlungen der k. bayer.

the head. But as Innocent probably knew by 6 Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 203 (PL 215, 515BCD: Tafel and this time, after Baldwin’s coronation the Vene- ein i goc: CXXIX, P. 527); Potthast, Regesta, no. 2582 Senta “Sophia: the. Venetian clergy ae har ae Potthast, no. 2407 (latter doc. not in Migne); cf. Gesta

1 vol. 1, p. ,;an arelan omas, 1, dOc. CXXXIV, p. ; , Innocentt, chap. xcviI (PL 214, cols. CXLIID—CXLIIIA);

chosen a cathedral staff of some fifteen canons, — peyast. Constantinopol., in Hopf, Chron. gréco-rom. (1873), of whom four could not write!®> These alleged _p. 92; Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, pp. 14-15; Leo Santifaller, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Lateintschen Patriarchats von

as Konstantinopel (1204-1261) und der venexianischen Urkunde, Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cxxvill, pp. 521-23); Gesta In- | Weimar, 1938, pp. 25-28 (Historisch-diplomatische For-

nocentit, chap. XCVII (PL 214, col. CXLIIIA). schungen, vol. 3). On the election of Morosini and the

52 Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 153 (PL 215, 454-55; Tafel and attempts of the Venetians to control the Latin patriarchate Thomas, I, doc. CxxIv, pp. 516-17); Potthast, Regesta, no. against the opposition of Innocent III, see Robert Lee

2321 (vol. I, p. 200). Wolff, “Politics in the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople,

Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 154 (PL 215, 456-61: 456A; 1204-1261,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VIII (1954), 227-42. Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. cxxv, pp. 518-19); Potthast, 57 Inn. III, an. VII, epp. 203-204 (PL 215, 512D—517AB;

Regesta, no. 2324 (vol. I, p. 200). Tafel and Thomas, I, docs. CXxIX—CXxx, pp. 524-29); * Inn. III, an. VI, ep. 164 (PL 215, 471-72; Tafel and Potthast, Regesta, nos. 2382-83 (vol. I, p. 205): “... Thomas, I, doc. CxxvI, pp. 519-20); Potthast, Regesta, no. _clerici Venetiarum, qui ecclesiae Sanctae Sophiae se

2339 (vol. I, p. 201). canonicos electos appellant, . .. [non] jus habuerant

5 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, docs. CXLIV-CXLV, eligendi . . . propter quod electionem ipsam, de communi

pp. 547-51; cf. Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 203 (PL 215, 516C); —s fratrum nostrorum consilio, curavimus in publico consistorio

Potthast, Regesta, no. 2382 (vol. I, p. 205), letter dated 21 reprobare . . . eundem subdiaconum nostrum [Thomam January, 1205. The newly elected “canons” of Santa Sophia, © Maurocenum] .. . elegimus et confirmavimus eidem

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 15 cent wrote two letters to the Doge Enrico warded and no evil unpunished.® It was a Dandolo, the first reply the doge received tothe masterly response; Enrico Dandolo could not

letter and envoys he had sent to the pope fail to read between the lines; the pope did not some months before: Innocent could not con- intend to give up the chief weapon he could use

fren ane hiene. of March, 1204, wn had pro- against the wily doge. The latter had written vide” ti Jeers papa ache he t ok to vo Innocent that the cardinal legate Peter Capuano munication OF anyone who mugnt seek '0 8° had released him and the Venetian host from the

against its. terms, at the same time as it gaveInnocent the ree accepted the o*” ban of excommunication; power of altering the terms to a commission of fact. if | d himself confirmed th six Franks and six Venetians, who would thus act, if It was true, and fiumsei connlrme t c

be almost wielding the power of excommunica- decree of absolution, - provided the cardinal tion,®* an arrangement which Innocent naturally legate would verify it.” Innocent had had too declined to accept.®® The treaty of March, 1204, much experience of Venetian diplomacy not to also provided for the division of (Greek) ecclesi- proceed with caution.

astical properties between the Venetians and the On 8 February, 1205, Innocent wrote to the Franks, with the retention by the clergy of a Emperor Baldwin, the Doge Enrico, Boniface of portion sufficient to support them honorably, Montferrat, and the other leaders of the army, and this too Innocent indignantly rejected.” warning them to refrain from any division of There was to be no secularization of church the possessions of the Church, and threatening

property. to meet any such action on their part with “ec-

, The M half envoys had also asked of the clesiastical censure.” Already in the preceding oge s benalt, since he bore the burden OF too fall, however, the crusaders and the Venetians

many years and toothe much work, cum sisproperties, confectus 1, -_lay , . and ; ad divided Byzantine sento et labore confractus, that he be released from ar ; . of , , ecclesiastical alike, and they had no intention his vow to make the journey overseas, for he depriving th i f lands and ds which could aid the dispatch of an army to the Holy ny look 4 emse ae th ; b . ‘oh a Ss wie

Land without accompanying it himself. Innocent '€Y ly be upon h t Se S de m8 4 ° oot had spoke of the doge’s great reputation, his keen- ‘°™C'Y he helen t dts anes: - goods db ness of mind, and maturity of judgment, and P use thi y be eee to Byzanune ClCTICS Jag q. how these qualities would assist the Christian Thee h “tboetor retused Co see t oe tier all th army in its noble enterprise. The emperor and ey had been generous enougn; alter all, the the crusaders had never ceased to din into the Pope had sought to impede their venture from papal ears the great service the doge had ren-_ the first; and what had the clergy conquered? dered to them. Innocent believed them, and he Decent provision had been made for them. What could not now dispense with the doge’s help— right had they to more? Every right, was the Enrico Dandolo had served the world thus far, papal response, and the controversy continued

and had received therefor no small glory; let until a shaky settlement was reached on 17 him now serve God, who leaves no good unre- March, 1206, and confirmed by the pope on

5 August following, whereby subject to certain detailed qualifications the Latin clergy received

. one-fifteenth of all the crusaders’ new posses-

Ecclesiae patriarcham” (PL 215, 516CD). On 5 March, 1205, signs, quinta decima pars omnium possessionum,

Tommaso Morosini was made a deacon, on the twenty-sixth i d with h lls of C . le: a priest, on the twenty-seventh a bishop, and on the thirtieth ocated without u e wa S O onstantinople;

he received the archiepiscopal pallium (Gerland, Latein. freedom from lay jurisdiction; and “of the lands Kaiserreich, p. 16). On the personal appearance of Morosini, which, God willing, shall henceforth be connote Nicetas Choniates, Urbs capita, 12 (Bonn, p. 824), and De signis CP., 1 (ibid., pp. 854-855): So shaved as to appear

beardless, fat as a pig, and dressed in skin-tight clothes, at

Morosini was an object of especial detestation to the Greeks Inn. II, an. VII, ep. 206 (PL 215, 520D—521 AB; T. and

(f. Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 84, 95). Th., I, doc. Cxxx1, p. 531); cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 58 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, docs. CXIX—CXx, pp. 1205, no. 9, vol. XX (Lucca, 1747), p. 208.

448, 452; Instrumentum concordiae, in PL 215, 519BC. ® Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 207 (PL 215, 521CD; T. and ® Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 206 (PL 215, 520AC; T. and Th., =‘ Th., I, doc. Cxxxul, p. 532); Potthast, Regesta, no. 2399 (vol.

I, doc. CXxxI, p. 530); Potthast, Regesta, no. 2398 (vol. I, I, p. 206). .

p.® Inn. 206). Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 208 (PL 215, 521D—523A; T. III, an. VII, ep. 206 (PL 215, 520B; T. and Th.,1I, and Th., I, doc. cxxx1, pp. 532—34); Potthast, Regesta, nos.

doc. CXXXI, p. 530). 2406, 2408 (vol. I, pp. 206, 207).

16 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT quered, the Church shall first have a fifteenth receive him, and thereafter he would return, if part, before they are distributed to anyone.”"* Baldwin so wished, for a campaign against Ioannitsa (Kaloyan), qui est rois de Blakie et de In accord with the undertakings made before Bogrie. Baldwin insisted, however, on making an the imperial election, Boniface of Montferrat,as expedition himself to Thessalonica to receive the the defeated candidate, was to be invested with direct submission of the inhabitants. He pushed

Asia Minor and the Peloponnesus, “the is- on ahead, and spent three days before the city, land of Greece,” together with Crete, which where his authority was recognized on condition

Alexius [IV] Angelus had promised him of his observance of the laws and customs at the very beginning of the crusade. whereby the Greek emperors had ruled the

The conquest of these was taken for granted second city of their empire. Boniface was outalthough almost all of them were other people’s raged and promptly occupied the stronghold possessions, a fact which moved Nicetas Cho- of Demotica, on the Maritsa, a place that was,

niates to especial indignation.** Boniface, how- says Villehardouin, “very beautiful, very strong, ever, proposed to the Emperor Baldwin the and very rich.” He then laid siege to Adrianople,

exchange of Asia Minor, and perhaps the which Baldwin had recently taken over. When Peloponnesus also, for the city of Thessalonica’ the news of these events reached the Doge and Macedonia, “because this realm was beside Enrico, Count Louis of Blois, and the barons that of the king of Hungary, whose sister [Mar- in Constantinople, they were filled with appre-

garet, widow of Isaac II Angelus] he had mar- hension lest the whole conquest they had ried” [in May, 1204].®’ It had also been the fief,as | achieved was being lost.®

we shall note presently, of Boniface’s brother A baronial council met in the palace of BlachNerio. There was much discussion. With ex- ernae, and decided to send Villehardouin, who treme reluctance Baldwin made the grant, for was willing to go, to Adrianople to reason with which Boniface did homage, “and there was _ Boniface. When the latter learned of the arrival very great joy throughout the whole army.” of Villehardouin and his fellow envoys, he rode But in the summer of 1204 during the course of out to meet them with Jacques d’Avesnes, Baldwin’s westward campaign against Alexius Guillaume of Champlitte, Hugh of Coligny, and III a most awkward situation arose which im- Othon de la Roche, who stood the highest in periled the future of the Latin empire. Baldwin his councils (qui plus halz estoient del conseil del and Boniface quarreled in the crusaders’ camp marchis). Villehardouin declares that he upoutside Mosynopolis, near the bay of Lagos in braided his good friend Boniface soundly for western Thrace: Boniface had asked his liege having recourse to the violent occupation of the lord’s permission to go to Thessalonica, whose emperor’s lands before seeking justice of the people, he said, had indicated their readiness to barons in Constantinople, “who would certainly have secured him redress if the emperor had “Inn. III, an. IX, ep. 142 (PL 215, 967); Tafel and done him any wrong.” Boniface was prevailed

Thomas, Urkunden, II [1856], doc. CLXXII, pp. 31-34, with Upon to submit his case to four arbitrators— passage quoted from p. 34; Potthast, Regesta, no. 2867 (vol. the Doge Enrico, Louis of Blois, Conon of I, p. 245); Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1206, no. 5, vol. XX Béthune, and the good Villehardouin himself — (Lucca, 1747), p. 233; Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich (1905), pp. and the siege of Adrianople was raised. Boniface 75-78; and Wolff, “Politics in the Latin Patriarchate ... ,” withdrew with his forces to Demotica, “where Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 256-58. h IM ] hi “f » Was. When ® Villehardouin, pars. 258, 264, ed.VIII Faral, (1954), II (1939), pp. the empress argaret IS WHE — enhi fis 64, 70; Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I (1856), p. 461, and decision was made known in Constantinople, the

doc. CXxII, p. 513. barons were very much gratified, and wrote to ** Nic. Chon., Urbs capia, 6 (Bonn, pp. 787—88), but Nicetas Baldwin, inviting him also to submit his case attributes much larger territorial ambitions to the Latins to their a dju dication, for th ey could not tolerate 67 Villehardouin, pars. 264-65, cf. 262, ed. Faral, II, pp. such a war on any conditions.

than they actually entertained. we 69

70, 72, 68. Margaret of Hungary was called Maria by —-—————— Innocent III as well as by the Greeks (Nicetas Choniates, 68 Villehardouin, 265, 272-82, ed. Faral, II, pp. 70, 72, p. 792). Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines calls her Margaret. Cf. 80-90; Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, pp. 20-25; Usseglio, Innocent’s undated letter (in late August, 1205?) to Maria, I Marchesi di Monferrato, II (1926), 247-49; Longnon, quondam Constantinopolitana imperatrix, in Epp., an. VIII, no. L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 58-60.

134 (PL 215, 714); Potthast, Regesta, no. 2574 (vol. I, p. 221); 89 Villehardouin, 283-88, ed. Faral, II, 92-96. Margaret Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1205, no. 8, vol. XX (Lucca, was often called the empress because of her previous mar-

1747), p. 208. riage to Isaac II Angelus.

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 17 On 12 August, 1204, while Boniface still held face’s agreement with the Venetians in no way

Adrianople under siege, he had made a secret impaired his fealty to the emperor. Verbal agreement with the Venetians, who obviously commitments may also have assigned to him promised to secure a judgment in his favor. He _ those territories in central Greece and the north-

now ceded to the Venetians his claim to the eastern Morea which the “partition of Romania” important island of Crete, which the Genoese appears to have allotted to the crusaders and were anxious to secure, and which Alexius [IV] the Venetians respectively,” but which Boniface Angelus had promised him. In addition Boni- was soon seeking to take over by force of arms.”

face ceded his claim to 100,000 hyperperi also As the Emperor Baldwin returned from

promised by Alexius as well as certain Monferra- Thessalonica, where he had left a garrison,

tine rights to the territory of Thessalonica, to Constantinople, he was approached by a which the Emperor Manuel Comnenus had _ delegation sent by the barons to submit his granted his brother Nerio of Montferrat on differences with Boniface to them for settlement.

some terms or other, a quarter of a century At first he refused to do so, on the advice of

before, on the occasion of Nerio’s marriage to his councillors, although a few days after his Manuel’s daughter Maria (in 1179). Boniface return to the capital he yielded to the barons,

was to receive, in return for all this, only one having perceived “that he had been badly

thousand marks of silver and lands enough advised to become embroiled with the marquis.” in the western part of the new Latin empire The barons sent five of their number, including to guarantee him an annual return of 10,000 Villehardouin, to Demotica to summon Bonigold hyperperi—which clearly means that Thes- face, who now returned to the capital himself salonica was thus retroceded to Boniface, and with one hundred men-at-arms. The baronial that the Republic of S. Mark undertook to main- parliament assembled, bespoke the original tain him therein.” It was emphasized that Boni- cession of Thessalonica to Boniface, and formally declared the city and its territory to 7 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I (1856), doc. CxxIII, pp.

513,514: “. . . de insula Crete, que michidatavel promissa =~ ; ; sive concessa fuit per Alexium Imperatorem [probably at P- 300, and Wm. of Tyre, Hist. transmarina, XXU, 4, in PL Corfu], filium Ysachii quondam defuncti Imperatoris ... 201, 850), and he obviously acquired at this time some et de toto feudo [in or near Thessalonica] quod et Manuel _ property or perhaps a regular Byzantine fief” (pronoia), quondam defunctus Imperator dedit patri[fratri?] meo . . . _ to which Boniface is alluding in the document of 12 August, me foris facio cum omni iurisdictione et in vestra plenissima 1204, in which patri seems to be a scribal error for fratri, potestate relinquo. . . . Vos ad presens michi dare debetis €aSy enough in a document written at dictation. Cf. , however, mille marchas argenti et tantas possessiones a parte occidentis Fotheringham, Marco Sanudo (1915), 26-35, and Antonio [i.e. Imperii Constantinopolitani, thus returning to Boniface __ Carile, “Partitio terrarum imperii Romanie,” Studi veneztani

the city and territory of Thessalonica, which he had just lof the Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venice], VII (Florence, given up to the Venetians, on which cf. Gerland, Latein. 1965-66), 139, note 81; 152-53; 156 ff. On 12 August, Kaiserreich, pp. 25-27] quarum redditus sint decem mil- Boniface received the immediate payment of the 1,000

ium yperperorum aureorum ... annuatim. .. .” Cf. marks of silver, for which he gave Marco Sanudo and

Usseglio, op. cit., Il, 249. There are two classic passages Ravano dalle Carceri a receipt (published by V. Cervellini,

in the chroniclers cited in illustration of Boniface’s brother's With a commentary, in the Nuovo Archivio veneto, new series,

fief at Thessalonica: Robert of Torigny, abbot of Mont S. XVI [1908], 262-78, text on pp. 274-75, ref. from F otherMichel (de Monte), writing immediately after the event (he ingham): the negotiations were obviously conducted with the died in 1186), declares that “Manuel Imperator Constantino- _ r€atest speed and apparently with the greatest secrecy.

politanus dedit Rainerio, filio Willermi principis Montis By the pact of 12 August, 1204, Crete became a direct Ferrati, filiam suam. . . . Que cum diceret, se numquam dependency of Venice, and the podesta in Constantinople alicui nupturam, nisi esset rex(!]... [Imperator] fecit. had no authority over the island (Borsari, Studi sulle colonie coronari Rainerium ... et dedit ei honorem [= feudum] VénNéztane [1966], p. 21). Thesolonicensium, qui est maxima potestas regni sui post ” Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, doc. CxXxI, pp. 487-88, civitatem Constantinopolitanam” (Cronica, ad ann. 1180 493 (central Greece to crusaders), and pp. 468-69, 490 [1179], in MGH, SS., VI [1844], p. 528, 11. 17-22, andin (Morea to Venetians). Boniface’s share of the partition is the Rolls Series, IV [1889], pp. 28 f., ad ann. 1180). Bishop not described in the treaty (cf T. and Th., I, 460): Sicard of Cremona, in his Cronica written ca. 1210-1212, excepting a few important places such as Demotica and says that “Rainerium adolescentem decorum aspectu Con- Traianopolis, just west of the river Maritsa, the great stantinopolim misit [i.e. his father, Wilielmus marchio], qui stretch of territory going west to the Vardar (Axius) is not promissam [i.e. by the Emperor Manuel] imperialem filiam apportioned in the treaty, thus providing ex silentio for pariter cum Salonicensi corona suscepit” (MGH,SS., XXXI__ Boniface’s lordship of Thessalonica. Everyone knew what

[1903], p. 173). Cf. Usseglio, op. cit., I, 156-57. Boniface’s share was to be (cf. Gunther of Pairis, in Paul Although Nerio of Montferrat was never “king of Thes- _ Riant, Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae, 1 [1877], 109, and

salonica,” he was made a caesar by Manuel (cf. Nicetas Jean Longnon, Journal des Savants, 1946, pp. 78 ff.). Choniates, Alexius, Manuelis Comneni Filius, 4, in ed. Bonn, 7 Cf. Gerland, Latein. Katserreich, p. 31.

18 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT be his. Villehardouin was to hold Demotica asa _ to be made with David Comnenus of Pontic guarantee of imperial good faith, and return it Heraclea (Ereghli) and Trebizond,” for it lay to Baldwin when Boniface had been duly es- along the borders of the newly founded empire

tablished in his newly won realm. Baldwin of Nicaea, which increased in strength as the yielded to the pressure thus brought to bear years passed. Finally, among certain other posupon him, and became reconciled with Boniface, sessions the emperor also received some of the

to the enormous relief of the army of the larger islands of the eastern Aegean, especially crusaders. Peace was re-established, justice Samothrace, Lesbos, Chios, Lemnos, Samos, and done, self-destruction averted. The Latin barons Cos. The emperor was to possess, however, only had reason to be satisfied, and there were those _ five eighths of Constantinople, the remainder of in the host who regarded the taking of Constan- the city including Santa Sophia falling to the

tinople as an act of vengeance and retribution Venetians.” The Lion of S. Mark got his full falling upon the Greeks for their treacherous’ share. The Venetians took over or claimed

seizure of Troy. So we are informed by Gunther _ certain places well located for the naval defense of Pairis and by Robert of Clari, for the Franks _ of their far-flung commerce, although this aspect

were of course descended from the ancient of the terms of the partition has probably been Trojans, as Vergil makes almost abundantly given undue emphasis. The Venetians were as-

clear in the Aeneid.” signed the European lands to the west of those

Some time during the summer or the early _ of the emperor, from Heraclea and the Thracian autumn of 1204 a commission finally drafted Chersonese (including Gallipoli) to the upper

the Partitio Romanie (or Regni Graeci), which fol- reaches of the Maritsa, extending north of and lowed, on the whole, but now made more spe-__ including Adrianople, cum omnibus que sub ipsa. cific, the general agreements of the preceding In the Aegean they received Oreos and Carystus

March, in which later events had made some on the island of Euboea (Negroponte), Aegina, changes necessary, especially to allow Boniface to Salamis, and Andros, but not the island of construct his lordship of Thessalonica in western Naxos, later the central fief of the duchy of the Thrace and eastern Macedonia, between the Archipelago. Crete had of course been made Hebrus (Maritsa) and the Axius (Vardar) over to them by Boniface of Montferrat. Finally rivers.” The emperor’s share was now made to the Venetians were also given the western include the lands surrounding the Sea of Mar- Peloponnesus (the Morea) as well as Epirus, mara, the “Bracchium S. Georgii,” although the Acarnania, Aetolia, and the Ionian islands.”* The Venetians received its western shore, south of

: : 1 . icetas, UTros ca ) onn, p. , an .

Heraclea, together with a strip of territory BCP Nicet Urbs cable. 13 (B 98), and 16 (

reaching inland to Adrianople. In Europe the 4. $4448), and Win. Miller, Trebizond: The Last Greek emperor received the lands lying east of a line Empire, London, 1926, pp. 17-18. drawn on the map from Tzurulum (Chorlu) in 77 For the emperor’s share of the Partitio regni Graeci, southeastern Thrace to Agathopolis, north see Tafeland Thomas, I, doc. cxxt, pp. 473-79, 491-92, and thereof, on the Black Sea, a small territory buta ¢- K. v. Spruner and Th. Menke, Hand-Ailas f. die Gesch.

rch one. In Asia Minor he received the lands Mita ad nuren Ze, Sie Goth 1880, map lying north of a line drawn from Adramyttium, _ petween the Venetian podesta in Romania, Marino Zeno, and near the island of Lesbos, to the mouth of the _ the then regent of the empire, Henry (Tafel and Thomas, I,

river Sangarius, which proved diffi-oO doc. Cus Pp. am V9), making further Ptione. (Gerl me ; 1 ;a 7boundary 1 regulanization enetian-imperial relations riland, cult to maintain despite the Latin alliance soon Libein, Kaiserveich, pp. 69-71). the emperor seems to have

—— acquired the crusaders’ portion of the capital, for adocument % Villehardouin, 289-99, ed. Faral, II, pp. 96-106. of 7 April, 1231, shows that he possessed five-eighths of

74 Gunther of Pairis (in Alsace), Hist. Constantinopolitana, the city, civitatis Constantinopolitane quinque partibus de octo XVIII, ed. Riant, Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae, I poor pro parte remanentibus (T. and Th., II (1877),XIX, 104, 107-8; Robt. de Clari, Conguéte, cv1, ed. Lauer 1856], doc.sua CCLXXxVII, p. 283). Imperatori On the organization of the (1924), pp. 101-2; andcf. Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp. | Venetian colony in Constantinople, cf. W. Heyd, Hist. du

54-55. commerce du Levant, 1, 285-89, 296, and the works of Brown,

8 Cf. Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, pp. 29-30; Heyd, Hist. Thiriet, and Borsari cited above. du commerce du Levant, I (1885, repr. 1967), 269 ff.; Longnon, 78 Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cxx1, pp. 464-73, 489-91.

L’Empire latin, pp. 49-50, 60, 61-62; Carile, “Partitio The assignment to Venice of “Oreos Cal Caristos” has been terrarum imperii Romanie,” Studi veneziani, VII (1965-66), erroneously assumed to constitute a grant of all Euboea 157 ff., who takes issue with his predecessors in various although in time the Republic did extend its influence over details. Every particularity of the final plans for partition of __ the entire island (cf. Longnon, “Problémes de histoire de la the empire will probably never receive full clarification. principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, 1946, pp. 82, 154).

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 19 doge became a Greek “despot;” he did no the whole empire of Romania.”” Although the homage and paid no feudal rents to the Latin Republic held directly certain strategic ports emperor; he was “lord of a fourth and a half of and centers, such as Durazzo on the Adriatic,

Modon and Coron in the southern Morea, and

TT Oreos and Carystus on the island of Negroponte, For a full discussion of the partition treaty anda newedition yarious aristocratic Venetian families were alof the text, consult Carile, “Partitio terrarum imperii : Romanie,” Studi veneziani, VII (1965-66), 125-305, andsee lowed and encouraged to found lordships for also J. K. Fotheringham, Marco Sanudo (1915), pp. 36-38, as themselves both on the mainland and in the ISwell as Spruner-Menke, Hand-Atlas, 3rd ed. (1880), map no. lands. The crusaders received, in the final parti-

86. . . tion treaty, the tip of the Thracian Chersonese The Venetians also acquired some dominance over the and the lands that lay west of Venetian terri-

Aegean islands by a number of contemporaneous but proba- t ‘ncludi h h il £ the |

bly unco-ordinated expeditions, the earliest of which took ory, Inc uC ing thus the valley oO the ; se lchaed

place after the summer of 1206. Cf. Andrea Dandolo, Maritsa, with such towns as Traianopolis and Chron., ad ann. 1206-1207, in the new Muratori, RISS, Kipsali, Aprus and Demotica, together with XII-1 (Bologna, 1938 ff.), 282: “. . . plerique nobiles, sqme territory, in which the towns of Brissi ceteris sibi_conligatis [i.e. other Latin nobles, especially 4,4 Gehenna were located, between the northsegregatim navigantes Marcus Sanuto cum suis sequacibus ©! Sectors of the imperial and Venetian insulas Nixie, Parii, Melli et Sancte Herini adeptus est, holdings. They also received the eastern half of et Marinus Dandulo Andram.” When Dandolo says thatthe continental Greece, into which the lordship of

enetians], Grecie opida audacter invadere statuunt et . ; ,;

Venetian nobles sailed separately, he means it. Thessalonica extended, and in the southern-

The most important of these expeditions gained the £ which | he “distri f Ath

adventurous Marco I Sanudo the famous duchy of Naxos most part ot which lay the istrict or sthens about 1207, and after him his heirs bore the ducal scepter with the dependency of Megara (ortum Athenaof the Archipelago (i.e. Egeo pelago) for more than a rum cum pertinentia Megaron).®°

century and a half. They were succeeded, violently, by the Crispi in 1383. Twenty-one dukes of the two dynasties §=——————— ruled as vassals, first of the Latin emperors, next of the 385~—97, and “Les Querini, comtes d’Astypalée et seigneurs

Villehardouin princes of Achaea, and thereafter of the d’Amorgos, 1413~ 1446-1537,” ibid., XXXII (1966), 372Angevins of Naples and Taranto. But they kept a kind of 93. In July and August, 1446, the Querini purchased the independence until they became tributaries of the Sublime _ island of Amorgos.

Porte. The last Christian duke, Jacopo IV Crispo, was As assignments of territory were being made after the deposed in 1566 by Sultan Selim II, who appointed a Fourth Crusade, Genoese pirates held strongholds in Corfu Portuguese Jew, Joseph Nasi, the last duke of the Archi- and Crete, as well as in the town of Modon, long a pirate pelago. See in general Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, resort: Venice was thus under the necessity of taking these London, 1908, pp. 570-649, with numerous errors; Fother- _ places by force from her most determined enemy. After a ingham, Marco Sanudo (1915), pp. 41-51, 56-79; and esp. _ struggle of almost four years (1207-1211), she succeeded in R. J. Loenertz, “Marino Dandolo, seigneur d’Andros ... ,” | wresting Crete from Enrico Pescatore, the Genoese count of Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXV (1959), 165-68 and ff. Malta (Fotheringham, op. cit., pp. 81-87). For a brief sketch

With the exception of Marino Dandolo, the first Latin lord of the island dynasts, cf: K. M. Setton, “The Latins in of Andros, the conquerors of the Archipelago seem not to Greece and the Aegean . . .,” Cambridge Medieval History, have rendered homage to the duke of Naxos: neither IV-1 (1966), 425 ff. Geremia Ghisi, lord of Skiathos, Skopelos, and Skyros, nor ” Dandolo, Chron., ad ann. 1204, in RISS, X1J-1 (Bologna,

Andrea Ghisi, lord of Tenos and Mykonos, ever regarded 1938 ff.), 279-80: “Quarte partis et dimidie tocius imperii himself as a vassal of Marco Sanudo (actually they began as Romanie dominator.” (In this title note that dimidie vassals of the Latin emperor). The Ghisi held Tenos and _ [dimidicie] is an adjective: the doge became “lord of a fourth

Mykonos until 1390 when Venice took over the islands and a half” f[i.e. half of a fourth], which means that the (David Jacoby, La Féodalité en Gréce médiévale, Paris, 1971, | Venetians controlled three-eighths of the former Byzantine

pp. 237 ff.). None of the island dynastic families has empire.) The doges used the title until 1346 (Kretschmayr, received a fuller genealogical treatment than the Ghisi, for _Gesch. v. Venedig, I [1905}, 489). Cf. Tafel and Thomas, II,

which historians of the Aegean owe a signal debt to R. J. pp. 4, 18, 47, 55, 90, et alibi. On the title of despot, see Loenertz, “Généalogie des Ghisi, dynastes vénitiens dans Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 8 (Bonn, p. 15, and ed. Aug. P’Archipel, 1207-1390,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, Heisenberg, Georgii Acropolitae opera, 1, (Leipzig, 19031, XXVIII (1962), 121-72, 322-35. Loenertz has now p. 13); cf. Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, 11 provided a detailed exposition of the history and genealogy (Venice, 1854), 184-85, and esp. R. Cessi, “L’Eredita di of the Ghisi family in Les Ghist, dynastes vénitiens dans Archipel Enrico Dandolo,” Archivio veneto, 4th ser., LXVIT (1960),

(1207-1390), Florence, 1975. And he has lately shown 11 ff., on the personal aspects of Dandolo’s constitutional that occupation of the island of Astypalaea (“Stampalia”) position in the new empire and that of his ducal successors.

by the Querini dates neither from 1207 nor from 1310, as 8 Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. Cxx1, pp. 480-88, 492-93 commonly stated, but only from about 1413, and that the (esp. pp. 488, 493): kai 70 optov "AY nvaY ov 7™7 Meyapov genealogical table of the Querini, as given by Hopf, Chro- €mtoxétpec. Thebes and Boeotia are not mentioned in this niques gréco-romanes (1873), p. 489, is quite incomplete andin- document. Cf. Spruner-Menke, Hand-Aitlas, map no. 86; accurate. See Loenertz, “Les Querini, comtes d’Astypalée, Ferdinand Gregorovius, Gesch. d. Stadt Athen im Mittel-

1413-1537,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXX (1964), alter... , trans. and ed. by Sp. P. Lampros, 2 vols.,

20 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On 1 October, 1204, the Emperor Baldwin is Graeciam accedentes, ibi studeretis litterarum studium said to have knighted more than six hundred __reformare). Innocent wrote to the masters and stu-

men, to whom he gave lands, offices, or fiefs, dents of the university that “it would be no if they required them, so that they might live in _ source of hardship for many of you to go to a

a manner befitting their new status, and he land abounding in silver and gold and gems,

ordered the new knights to rule “with the just well supplied with grain, wine, and oil, and rich laws, privileges, and customs of the Athenians in great quantities of all good things.”** He and the Greeks, as once, when Greece flourished, assured them that their spiritual rewards would

everyone ruled his dominion without any tyr- even surpass their temporal gains—if they

anny and governed justly and gloriously.” The | would but serve in Greece “to the honor and

chronicler Gunther also declares that after the — glory of Him, from Whomis the gift of all knowl-

Latin capture of Constantinople “the laws and edge”—but even so the masters and scholars of rights and other institutions which had been — the University of Paris still preferred the Seine deemed laudable from of old, both in the city to the Bosporus and the Ilissus.

and in the province, were allowed to stand just as After an imperial reign of some eleven they had been previously, but those which ap- months, Baldwin was captured on 14 April, peared wrong [reprobabiles|, were either altered 1205, by Ioannitsa, king of the Vlachs and the for the better or changed completely.”® Baldwin Bulgars, whom the Latins had converted from a sought to push forward with expedition the mul- _ possible ally into a terrible enemy by their lack tiple tasks which faced the conquerors in the or- of diplomacy in dealing with him. Baldwin ganization of their new empire. At the beginning __ was seized in an encounter before Adrianople of 1205 he wrote to Pope Innocent, requesting the in a campaign badly managed by the Latins. His latter to send him religious of the chief orders, defeat threatened disaster at the very beginning Cistercians, Cluniacs, canons regular, and others, of the establishment of the Latin empire. Fol-

together with missals, breviaries, and other lowing the capture of Baldwin, who was ap-

books which contained the ecclesiastical office parently tortured and killed some time later by according to the institutes of the Holy Roman _[oannitsa in his capital city of Tirnovo, a year of Church, in order to establish the true faith in uncertainty elapsed in the troubled affairs of the the new imperial domain. On 25 May the pope __ Latin empire, for the crusaders were in the

urged the hierarchy in France to send the gravest doubt as to his fate. At length, how-

Latin emperor the religious he thus requested, ever, his brother Henry was able to succeed him, “men of each order, praiseworthy in character and on Sunday, 20 August, 1206, was crowned and in learning, and fervent in religion.” Atthe the second Latin emperor of Constantinople. same time the emperor had requested the pope Some twenty years later, in Holy Week of 1225, to try to prevail upon masters and students of a hermit in the little Flemish town of Mortaigne, the University of Paris “to go to Greece, there near Valenciennes, was prevailed upon by perto reform the study of literature” (qguatenus,in sons hostile to Countess Jeanne of Flanders to

ee call himself the Emperor Baldwin, thus pro-

Athens, 1904, I, 378; Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, p. 30. The voking what was almost a civil war in Flanders Latin term orium is the Greek 70 Spwoy, a territorial division aNd causing a serious social upheaval.® for tax assessments (cf. Michael Choniates, Memorial ['Yaropvnorixév] to the Emperor Alexius (HIT\ [Angelus|Com- §$£——————

nenus, ed. Georg Stadtmiiller, Michael Choniates, Metropolit 84 Inn. III, an. VII, ep. 71 (PL 215, 637-38); Potthast, no. von Athen, Rome, 1934, p. 283, and note on p. 289, and cf. 2513 (vol. I, p. 215), doc. apparently dated 25 May, 1205; Tafel and Thomas, I, doc. LXxxv, pp. 264-65, the grant of cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1205, no. 11, vol. XX trading privileges made in 1199 by Alexius III Angelus to (Lucca, 1747), p. 209.

the Venetian Doge Enrico Dandolo: “Orion Patron et SS Ep. Imp. Henrici fratri suo Gaudefrido missa, written in Methonis. Orion Corinthii, Argus et Nauplii. Orion The- September, 1206, in Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, II, doc. barum .. . Orion Athenarum . . .”). On the administra- CLXvi, pp. 37-42. Nicetas Choniates also bears witness to tive terms episkepsis (in Latin pertinentia) and orion, note the torture and death of the Emperor Baldwin (Urbs

Carile, in Studi veneziani, VII, 228, 229. capta, 10, 16, in ed. Bonn, pp. 814, 847-48); Villehardouin, ®*! Corpus chronicorum Flandriae, in Tafel and Thomas, I, 439, 441, ed. Faral, II (1939), 252, 254; Geo. Acropolites,

p. 302, and cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 63, 64. Chron., 13 (Bonn, p. 24, and ed. Heisenberg, I, 22); ® Gunther of Pairis, Hist. CP., xx, in Riant, Exuviae sacrae Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1205, in MGH,

Constantinopolitanae, 1 (1877), 109; Tafel and Thomas, I, SS., XXIII, 885, and ad ann. 1225, ibid., pp. 915-16; and

p- 457. Dandolo, Chron., ad ann. 1205, in RISS, XII-1 (Bologna, 8 Inn. III, Epp., an. VIII, no. 70 (PL 215, 636-37); Pott- 1938 ff.), 280-81. Ioannitsa himself wrote Innocent II

hast, Regesta, no. 2512 (vol. I, p. 215). that Baldwin “had paid the debt of the flesh while he was

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 21 When Boniface finally gained the important nesus. He set up a regency in his new capital city of Thessalonica in early September, 1204, he under his wife Margaret of Hungary, the widow

quickly set about the organization of his new of Isaac Angelus, whom he had married but state, which was to become a “kingdom” five shortly before, as we have seen, to establish a years later.8° The aids and incidents of feudal connection with the dynasty of the Angeli, and tenure had to be arranged with the Lombards to win such support among the Greeks as this and French, Flemings and Germans, who fol- association might bring him. Having completed lowed him and were to fight on his behalf; they his preparations, which seem to have been hasty would receive, as fiefs, cities and towns and lands _ but adequate, for the conquest of Greece, Bontsacred to the gods and heroes of a long-forgotten face now turned his attention to the south, where past. In Thessalonica the churches of S. Deme- _ his chief opponent was Leo Sgourus, the archon trius and the Holy Wisdom were bestowed upon _ of Nauplia, who had profited from the confusion

the Latin clergy. Boniface is declared to have in the Peloponnesus and central Greece to build been severe in his exactions of money from the a short-lived state for himself as the Byzantine Greek natives of Thessalonica and in his com-_ empire crumbled before the onslaught of the mandeering of the best houses in the city as__crusaders.*®

quarters for his men.®” He wanted to create a As the empire was falling to pieces Leo strong, compact state comprising Macedonia, Sgourus thought that he saw the opportunity to central Greece, and the northeastern Pelopon- get some of them for himself. He now sought to add certain domains in continental Greece to

————— ; his holdings in the Morea. A wiser man might confined in prison” (Gesta Innocenti, chap. cVIII, in PL 2 4, have regarded the national catastr oph eas a col. CXLVI). The Emperor Henry wrote: “. . . dominum i dh d . et fratrem nostrum Imperatorem . . . Johannicius, crucis persona?! one, and have assume that his own

inimicus, interfecerat, veraciter didicimus.” Baldwin now destruction was also imminent, but Leo Sgourus disappears from the light of history to enter the shadow of | seems to have been merely an ambitious man. legend, on which see R. L. Wolff, “Baldwin of Flanders He had already attacked Attica. and he waged

and Hainaut, first Latin Emperor of Constantinople: His 6 are informed. no Archid . in whi h Life, Death, and Resurrection, 1172-1225,” Speculum, | : » NO ACH famMian war, I WHC

XXVII (1952), 281-322; note also the doctoral disserta- OMly the vine and the olive perished. When tion of Giinter Prinzing, Die Bedeutung Bulgariens und Sgourus had his way, he left a wilderness where

Serbiens in den Jahren 1204-1219 im Zusammenhang mit der a city had been.*® Early in the year 1204, having Entstehung und Entwicklung der byzantinischen Teilstaaten nach der Einnahme Konstantinopels infolge des 4. Kreuzzuges, Munich, § —______—

1972, and that of Alexandra Krantonelle, Graeco-Bulgarian 8 Villehardouin, 300—1, 309, 324, cf. 331-32, ed. Faral, II, Co-operation [Lépmpagis ] against the Latins in Thrace, 109 ff. Villehardouin calls Sgourus Asgur or Argur; Innocent

1204-1206 (in Greek), Athens, 1964. III calls him Argurus (Epp., an. XIV, no. 98, dated 21

8 Rozidar Ferjandc, “Beginnings of the Kingdom of August, 1211, in PL 216, 460D; Potthast, Regesta, no. 4299 Salonica (1204—1209)” [in Serbocroatian with French ré- [vol. I, pp. 370-71]). Cf. Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. sumé], Recueil de travaux de Institut d’Etudes byzantines, byzant., I, 2, 3 (Bonn, p. 14), as well as the references VIII-2 (Mélanges Georges Ostrogorsky, 11), Belgrade, 1964, given elsewhere to the works of Nicetas and his brother pp. 101-16, has shown that the title king is not applied to Michael Choniates. Boniface of Montferrat in either the contemporary literary 8 Cf. Mich. Chon., Ep. 77, 5 (ed. Sp. P. Lampros, II or the documentary sources. The first Latin king of Thessa- fAthens, 1880], 124-25), written to Constantine Tornikes, lonica was Boniface’s son Demetrius, crowned on 6 January, logothete of the dromos, apparently in 1201-1202 (¢. 1209, by the Latin Emperor Henry, on which see below. Stadtmiiller, Michael Choniates, pp. 251-52). On the career On his seal as well as in documents Boniface uses only the of Sgourus, see Nicetas Choniates, Liber de rebus post captam title of marquis (marchio), as noted years ago in G. Schlum- _urbem gestis (refs. below to Bonn edition); Chronique de Moree,

berger, F. Chalandon, and A. Blanchet, Sigillographie de ed. Longnon (1911), pars. 96-102, pp. 31-33; Chronicle of POrient latin, Paris, 1943, pp. 193-94, but of course later Morea (Greek version), ed. Schmitt (1904), also ed. P. P. chroniclers, such as Martino da Canale, chap. Liv, in the _Kalonaros, Athens, 1940, vv. 1459-89, 1528 ff.; Libro de Archivio storico italiano, \st ser., VIII (Florence, 1845), p. 338, los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea, ed. Alfred

do indeed inform us that “li marquis de Monferal fu fait | Morel-Fatio, Geneva, 1885, pars. 53, 92-101, pp. 14, 23-25; roi de Saluniq.” Cf. A. Carile, La Cronachistica veneziana Cronaca di Morea (versione italiana), ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-

(1969), pp. 186, 189, 196, and his excerpts from the romanes (1873), pp. 423-24; and cf. Hopf, “Geschichte Venetian chronicles, pp. 301, 513, where, however, Boniface Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters . . . ,” in J. S. is rarely referred to as king or Thessalonica as a kingdom. __Ersch and J. G. Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyklopadie der 87 Nicetas Choniates, Urbs capta, 7 (Bonn, p. 794). After his Wissenschaften und Kiinste, vol. 85 (1867), pp. 183, 210-11

return from the unsuccessful siege of Nauplia—the siege (repr. New York, 1960, I, 117, 144-45); Gregorovius, was abandoned from fear of Ioannitsa’s apparent designs Stadt Athen, trans. Lampros, I, 366—70; Wm. Miller, Latins upon Thessalonica—Boniface returned to mulcting the — in the Levant (1908), pp. 31-32, 33, 35-36, 42; Stadtmiller,

inhabitants of his capital city (ibid., pp. 818-19). Michael Choniates, pp. 179-82. On the Tornikes family,

22 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT already, according to Nicetas Choniates, “se- nevertheless forced to abandon his siege, after duced Argos and stolen Corinth,” Sgourus some days, when the defenders of the fortress invested Athens by land and sea. He expectedan_ proved resolute and unyielding, although easy conquest. If the episcopal garrison, such as__ whether from love of their good metropolitan

it was, and the embattled burghers who had_ or from fear of Sgourus none can say. But

taken refuge on the Acropolis were not terrified Sgourus vented his anger upon the Athenians into submission by his mere appearance before by burning their homes in the lower city and the city, he was confident that his siege engines _ by seizing their animals and flocks, so necessary would soon reduce them to helpless surrender. if the economy of Athens was not to fall below Sgourus reckoned, however, without an under- the level of subsistence (kai 6 Tots oixo7édots standing of the Athenian metropolitan, whose évinot wup Kat mpovopever TaV LowY TA Eis love of the famous city was equaled by the cour- fevyAnv Kat Stattav émerndera).®? After a few age with which he was prepared to defend it. days given over to such depredation, Sgourus Sgourus’s efforts were, very properly,doomedto left Athens and went on to Thebes, “city of the failure, “for the chief shepherd of the flock at seven gates,” which he entered with no difficulty. Athens was Michael Choniates,” writes Nicetas, He proceeded thereafter through the pass of “my brother, and when I say my brother, I take Thermopylae, and down the slopes of Mount

pride in the relationship, and I rejoice in the Odcta, to meet the defeated Emperor Alexius blood that binds me to him, however much Ido III at Larissa. Sgourus married his daughter in fact fall short of the strength of his character Eudocia, a signal honor, it seemed at the and mind.”® Although Sgourus was not de- moment, for the upstart archon of Nauplia. terred from his attack upon Athens by the arch-_ Alexius obviously hoped to use him. But to the bishop’s eloquence, wherewith he was assailed historian Nicetas the misfortunes of the lady’s from the high walls of the Acropolis,’ he was previous husbands seemed to be but a presage of things to come, for even as the nuptials were including the Constantine referred to at the beginning of this being celebrated, Boniface was preparing to note, see Jean Darrouzés, ed. and trans., Georges et Démétrios march into Greece.” At the approach of BoniTornikes, Lettres et discours, Paris, 1970 (f. above, note 9). face, Sgourus withdrew to Thermopylae, where

Nic. Chon., Urbs capta, 8 (Bonn, p. 800). On the metro- he apparently thought that he might bar the

politans of Athens before Michael Choniates, see Vitalien ders’ h CG hb Laurent, “La Liste épiscopale de la métropole d’Athénes crusar ers entrance into sout ern reece; but

... 5” Memorial Louis Petit, Bucharest and Limoges, 1948, the historic pass brought to the mind of Sgourus esp. pp. 277-91, and especially Jean Darrouzés, “Obit de no thought of great deeds that he might emu-

ceux metropolites ic Athenes meres et eorgesdu late;Parthénon,” for the very sight Revue of Frankish: cavalry sufourtzés d’ aprés lesHeon inscriptions :

des études byzantines, XX (1962), 190-96: Leo Xeros died on ficee’ accoraing to Nicetas, 4 make him abandon

Sunday, 18 January, 1153, and his successor George Bourtzes ermopylae in terror, an set him in precipi-

on Monday, 16 May, 1160. The see of Athens was apparently _ tant flight southward to the impregnable refuge more important than Michael Choniates’ sad description of of Acrocorinth.%4

ourtzes an 1S SUCCeESSOT INIC ag °

me ae the cay wou ead one. 0 eg Both Nicetas Choniates tells us, frankly and indigto have been charged with missions to Rome. Darrouzés, nantly, that Greek slothfulness, cowardice, and Georges et Démétrios Tornikés, Lettres et discours, pp. 113-26, despair made easy the conqueror’s advance. 152-55, 204-19, has republished six letters of George ‘Thus, although Boniface commanded no large Tornikes, written between 1153 and 1155, to the Metropoli-

tan Bourtzes. Sp. P. Lampros had erroneously assumed =—-W————

that these letters were addressed to Choniates (1182~1204) the words of the archbishop, the wise Michael Choniates, he

when he published the latter’s works (in 2 vols., Athens, hurries on to Thebes of the seven gates. . . .”]

1879-80, repr. Groningen, 1968—see vol. II, pp. 409-29, *? Nic. Chon., op. cit., p. 803.

for the six letters in question), on which note Robert °3 Nic. Chon., op. cit., pp. 804—5; cf. Acropolites, Chron., 8 Browning, “The Patriarchal School at Constantinople in (Bonn, p. 15, and ed. Heisenberg, I, 13), and the several the Twelfth Century,” Byzantion, XX XIII (1963), 34~37. versions of the Chronicle of the Morea (refs. above). Nicetas °1 The chronicler Ephraem has obviously too high aregard says that Alexius III was allowed by Boniface, to whom he for Michael’s powers of persuasion when he writes, iambico _ turned over the imperial insignia (then sent to the Emperor carmine, of Sgourus’s withdrawal from Athens (Imperatores, vv. Baldwin), to settle in Halmyros, on the Gulf of Volos in

7287-90 [Bonn, p. 295)): Thessaly, which from the partition treaty we know was in the

[Syoupis] mpocappaacer S€ Kai Tats ’ADHvats, lands of the Empress Euphrosyne (Tafel and Thomas, GAN’ arroKpova eis apxiToLLevos Oyots. Urkunden, I, p. 487, and n. 5), the dominant wife of Alexius

Tov Xwvetatov Mtxand tov mavaoddov, If.

OnBats Epopua TaxXéws Etambdos. . . . * Nic. Chon., op. cit., pp. 799-800, and cf. Usseglio, I [“Sgourus also attacks Athens, but having been driven off by Marchesi di Monferrato, II (1926), 252-53.

INNOCENT IIT AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 23 army, but one collected from everywhere and at _ Latin occupation of Greece, the more it becomes

odds with itself, Boeotia was promptly overrun apparent that the Fourth Crusaders made some (late in the year 1204), and the Thebans re-_ effort to deal reasonably with the native populaceived Boniface joyously, “like some Theban _ tion; the Latins came into Greece in 1204-1205 who was returning from a distant journey!” He with the intention of establishing permanent overran Attica next, took Athens, and putaLatin fiefs for themselves; no Greek city was emptied garrison on the Acropolis (mpotwv 5€ Kparet of its inhabitants, as Jerusalem had been in 1099; Kat THs ’ArtuKns, Kat TH ’AKpo7o\er gpovpav the Fourth Crusaders had no wish unduly to eykavdioTnow). The Metropolitan Michael did provoke the hatred of those over whom they not resist him, as he had Sgourus, for Michael were to rule and among whom they were to believed that the time for resistance was past. live.*’ The ecclesiastical regulations made by The imperial city, the source of Greek strength Innocent III, as well as the provisions made by and of hope, had itself been taken and, to use _ the Venetians for the governance of their colonies Nicetas’s metaphor, the Latin spear now cast in Greece and the islands, were not unreasonits grievous shadow over the western as well as able. The epistolary lament which the Metropolithe eastern part of what had been, but was no tan Michael composed to console his nephew more, an empire.® To Michael Choniates, how- George, an Athenian, for the death of his young ever, it was a tragedy beyond description, thus _ son, killed by Leo Sgourus about the beginning to see his beloved Athens and so much of Greece of the year 1208, contains a most instructive

come under the sway of the hated Latins; it passage:

caused him, in the years that followed, BAe CASTS Alas, but we have been enriched by our misfortunes. pain, and evoked memories which he has re- It has not sufficed for us to be tyrannized over by those

counted with a heavy heart. The treasures Of of another race and to be subjected, as it were, to the the Parthenon cathedral, together with his pre- fate of slaves, but to so much suffering from the cious library, had been seized by profane Latin wounds we have thus received, this alleged Greek hands. The conduct of Leo Sgourus, however, [06 taxa opoe9vHs obtos, i.e. Sgourus] has also added, caused Michael more grief and anger than the _ for he set the fire which spread, even before the

conduct of any Latin commander. In fact, Latin expedition, over so much of Greece and the despite the undeniably harsh effects of the Latin Peloponnesus, and the coals continue to burn after

conquest, the career of Sgourus had been, in the expedition. In et for th with him tne aus Michael’s opinion, an even greater disaster to hen - e deemed Ju or wh N thiees whic hich

Greece. The more study that is given to the ave Cone more therace wrongs he hasare done, andhumane men of than an alien seemwhic more

a civilized to the Greeks than those of their own race, ®5 Nic. Chon., op. cit., p. 805; cf. Andrea Moresini [sic], _ 2d above all fairer and better too. Here is the proof: L’Imprese et espeditioni di Terra Santa, et Vacquisto fatto del’ {trom the cities enslaved by the Latins no one has Imperio di Constantinopoli dalla Serenissima Republica di Venetia, | yet sought refuge with such a Greek, for this would

Venice, 1627, pp. 244-45, and Paolo Ramusio, Della Guerra _ have been nothing but escaping the smoke to fall into di Costantinopoli, etc., Venice, 1604, esp. pp. 115, 121, 134- the fire. As many of his men as can escape from

ana (a curious mélange of letters and earning) h the garrisons under his control, desert to the Latins

Pa gourus murdered the young son of Michael's nephew With a glad heart as though they were returning from eorge (Mich. Chon., Epp. 88-89, in Lampros, II, 139-42, hell itself. And th d £ b . and epp. 100-1, on which see below). In two long letters, ell ise. “nd the evidence ot events cars witness or rather funeral sermons, addressed to George, Michael for them, for where are so many of the inhabitants depicts the life of Sgourus and his servitors upon Acro- Of Argos, Hermione, and Aegina? Where are those corinth, which was under prolonged siege. George’s eldest prosperous citizens of Corinth? Are they not all gone, son, named Michael, presumably after the metropolitan,had |= unseen, unheard of? But the Athenians, at least, and been seized by Sgourus, apparently at his brief siege of | the Thebans [under Latin domination] and the ChalAthens early in 1204 (Epp. 100-1, in Lampros, II, pp. 165, cidians and those who dwell along the coast of con178, 181); Sgourus kept him as a page for four years (ibid.,_ tinental Greece remain at home and have not yet fled pp. 185, 186); but when the boy brokea glass goblet, Sgourus 4, eir hearths.

killed him in a sudden fury (refs. in Lampros, II, 611). The °

Metropolitan Michael’s Epistles, nos. 88-89, 100-101,

must, therefore, be dated early in the year 1208 (cf 9— WW

Gregorovius, trans. Lampros, I, 368; Stadtmiiller, Michael *7 Note, for example, Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. Choniates, pp. 182, 254-55). In one of these letters of the 1607-50, pp. 110, 112, and cf. Chronique de Morée, ed. year 1208, i.e. ep. 100, 29-32 (Lampros, II, 169-70), are Longnon, pars. 106-7, pp. 34-35. some interesting observations on the effects of Latin domina- 98 Mich. Chon., Ep. 100, 29-31 (Lampros, II, 169-70). tion in Greece after a mere three or four years (on which Michael goes on to observe that even the Greek Church has

see below). fared worse under Sgourus than under the Latins, for

24 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Geoffrey of Villehardouin, nephew of the of the appearance of Boniface of Montferrat marshal of Romania and Champagne, chronicler with his army before Nauplia, where he deter-

of the Fourth Crusade, had taken the cross mined to seek aid, according to the elder Villewith his uncle at the tournament of Ecry-sur- hardouin, “and rode through the land for some Aisne (Asfeld) in late November, 1199. He had _ six days in very great peril.” Quite apart from been among the many crusaders who had gone _ the hostilities which young Geoffrey then faced,

directly to Syria, and so he had not been present there were other dangers involved, as any at the Latin occupation of Constantinople, which modern traveler can attest who has traversed Pope Innocent III now looked upon as “the _ the Peloponnesus, especially with a Greek driver. Lord’s doing, marvelous in our eyes.” News of Narrow roads cling to the mountain sides. There

the Lord’s doing suggested to Geoffrey the de- are places where winter rains and landslides sirability of proceeding himself to Constanti- have washed the roads away; but there are also nople as soon as possible, to share in the rich _ beautiful valleys rich in history and in legend, spoils which fortune had bestowed upon the majestic panoramas of brown and purple mouncrusaders. The summer of 1204 was far ad- tains. Such was and still is the journey through vanced when Geoffrey sailed from the Syrian classic Arcadia, in Villehardouin’s day known as

coast for the great city on the Bosporus. the Mesarea.

The weather became bad, and adverse winds Villehardouin was well received by Boniface, drove him westward. He landed at Modoninthe “and this was but right, seeing he was very extreme southwest of the Morea. Modon still honorable and valiant, and a good knight.” lay in the ruins to which the Venetians had re-__ Boniface would have retained him in his service,

duced it three quarters of a century before, and given him lands, but in the camp at Nauplia when it had been a pirates’ nest. Here Geoffrey Villehardouin found his good friend Guillaume

spent the winter of 1204—1205.% of Champlitte, grandson of Count Hugh I of A Greek lord of Messenia, conceivably John Champagne (although Count Hugh had once Cantacuzenus, brother-in-law of the Emperor _ startled the feudal world by denying that he Isaac II, entered into a compact with him to was the grandfather of Guillaume). Villeharconquer as much of the western Morea as they douin explained to Champlitte that he had just could. From the Messenian promontory the come from a very rich land “called the Morea,” allies swept north, perhaps as far as Patras. which name had been given to Elis for two or Villehardouin had learned much of the Morea three generations, and was soon to be given to and of the Moreotes by the time his Greek the whole Peloponnesus. “Take as many men as ally died; the latter’s son discontinued the alli- you can and leave this host,” he said; “and let us ance, and sought to retain all the profits thereof. go, with God’s help, and conquer. And that It was at this point that Villehardouin learned which you shall wish to give me from the con-

quests, I will hold of you, and I will be your

—____.—_ liege man.” So the elder Villehardouin reports Michael and the Or oaox archbishop of Thebes though his an nephew’s which Champlitte ispossessea, are § amon e living oseoffer, wno . ‘as * accepted, behold the light of day,” whereas Sgourns has murdered and with the permission of Boniface of Montthe Metropolitan Nicholas of Corinth by inviting him to ferrat the great adventure was begun. dinner and thereafter throwing him from the rocky height It was the spring of 1205. While Boniface of Nauplia (tbid., 32, p. 170, and Nicetas, Urbs capta, 15,ined. |o9ked down in discouragement from the un-

Bonn, pp.writes 841-42). “Refer more the citadel of fortified height of Palamidi Corinth,” Michael, “butno call it thetoAcropolis of Hell, ortne eight of Falamidi uponhthe strong the garrison of death, the rendezvous of the avenging spirits, hospice of the Furies” (ibid., 35, p. 171). Michael ———————

was still in Athens during the summer of 1205. Thereafter 1° Villehardouin, 325-26, ed. Faral, II, pp. 134, 136. he went to Thessalonica, came back as far as Euboea, and According to Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine from there took refuge in exile on the island of Ceos Encyklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), 212 (repr. 2 vols., New York, which the Latin crusaders had not yet occupied (cf. Borsari, 1960, I, 146), the younger Villehardouin’s first partner in

Studi sulle colonie veneziane [1966], p. 37). the Moreote conquest was John Cantacuzenus. Longnon,

% On the Latin conquest of the Morea, see in general the L’Empire latin (1949), p. 72, follows Hopf in thus identifying recent work of Antoine Bon, La Moree franque: Recherches the Greek archon qui mult ere sire del pais (Faral, II, 134), historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principaute but one must acknowledge that the identification is entirely

@’Achaie (1205-1430), Paris, 1969, pp. 54 ff, which is conjectural, as noted by D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of especially valuable on the topography and place names of Kantakouzenos . . . , Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks,

the peninsula during the period of Frankish domination. 1968, p. 7, note 15.

INNOCENT III AND THE FOURTH CRUSADE 25 fortress of Nauplia by the sea, and Jacques western Morea to his newly won dominions in d’Avesnes, already the lord of Euboea, looked Epirus, Acarnania, and Aetolia.!! This was the up from Old Corinth to the unassailable castle crisis. on Acrocorinth, Guillaume of Champlitte and Champlitte quickly fortified Modon as best he Geoffrey of Villehardouin set out with 100 could and prepared to meet the Greeks, who are knights and 400 mounted men-at-arms upon the _ said to have outnumbered his forces almost ten

expedition that was to determine the history of to one. The battle which decided the future of the Morea for the next two centuries. From the Morea was fought in an olive grove called Nauplia they made their way north to Corinth, Koundoura, probably in northeastern Messenia, and thence along the picturesque coast of the and victory once again attended the efforts of gulf to Patras, where they took the city and the _ those stalwart figures whose deeds have given castle too. They continued down the coast to an epic quality to the history of their conquest Andravida, la meillor et la maistre ville de la of the Morea. The battle was fought late in the Morée, which had in their eyes the especial merit summer of 1205. Michael Ducas fled from the of being unwalled. Here the local archons and_ gray-green grove of Koundoura, and returned the populace came out to meet them, priests to Arta with narrower ambitions. Coron was carrying the cross and icons; the Greeks made besieged and surrendered; Champlitte had obeisance to Champlitte as their new ruler, “and _ promised its inhabitants “to maintain each in his he received them with great kindness.” The fall estate.” Kalamata was occupied, and now the of Andravida, today a forlorn little town on the defenders of Arcadia gave up the tower by the

railway between Patras and Pyrgos, meant the sea which the giants of antiquity had built.

easy occupation of Elis. The Morea had not been entirely overrun. Wherever Champlitte met no resistance he Most notably, the forces of Leo Sgourus still recognized the rights of the Greeks, gentry and held out in Acrocorinth, Argos, and Nauplia. peasantry alike, to their lands, customs, and privileges. Farther down the coast Pundico 101Qn Michael Ducas, sometimes called Michael ComCastro, “Mouse Castle” (Pontikocastr 0) ,at the base nenus Ducas (but not Angelus), see the valuable article of of the small cape of Katacolo, was taken and a Lucien Stiernon, “Les Origines du despotat d’Epire,” Revue strong” garrison was left there: some remains of des études byzantines, XVII (1959), 90-126. Michael was the the castle still stand in silent watch on the hill natural son of the Sebastocrator John Ducas, himself the above the little harbor town of Katacolo. The Stiernon, “Notes de prosopographie,” ibid., XIX [1961], conquerors met their first serious obstacle in the 273-83). Theodora was the youngest daughter of Alexius seaboard fortress of Arcadia, the ancient Ky- I Comnenus and Irene Ducaena. Michael was of the family

- son of Constantine Angelus and Theodora Comnena (see

parissia, which they were not prepared to take, _7he Angi: bu neither he nor his father weed dhe nae although they had been accompanied ail the way of the despotate of Epirus. Although later (western) down the coast by a small fleet bearing their chroniclers use the title despot and the term despotate in provisions and siege engines. The French referring to events from about 1205 (¢. Aubrey of Troisversion of the Chronicle of the Morea declares theofficially Lonaines, Chron., in MGH,employed SS., XXIII, only 886, lines . th are and properly after1-2), the great tower of the castle of Arcadia to have year 1230, in which connection Stiernon makes the pregnant been the work of giants, l’ovre des jaians, while _ observation “que ce n’est point le despotat d’Epire qui donna the Greek and Italian versions attribute it to the naissance a l’empire de Thessalonique, mais a l’inverse, que ancient Greeks, wna torre antica edificata da Greci ‘empire de Thessalonique engendra le despotat d’Epire” antichi. Arcadia had to be by-passe d, and Cham- (oP. cit., p. 124). Actually the term “despotate denoted the

. . : . ignity of the office rather than any territory which a despot

plitte and Villehardouin continued to Modon. might chance to rule. Later on in the century the Ducae Finally the Greeks were moved to concerted of both Epirus and Neopatras did use the name Angelus, as action. The natives of Nikli, Veligosti, and Lace- oear trom the documents Published Dy Charles Perrat dacmonia, (ogether with d the or ue Slavic Morés (1289-1300), Paris, 1967, where we fd Comnenus enngs oO aygetus an the Nardy MOuN- pycas Angelus (docs. 183, 185, pp. 159, 160) and Comnenus

1 ; . an ean Longnon, eds., Actés reiatis a ncipau

taineers of Maina, formed an army from four to Angelus (doc. 161, p. 145) as well as Comnenus Ducas (docs.

six thousand strong in order to oppose the 41, 201, pp. 53, 172). The historian George Pachymeres, Frankish advance. Now came the news that the 2¢ Andronico Palaeologo, II, 4 (Bonn, II, 200), also knew enterprising Michael Ducas (1204-1215), who potemis, The Doukair'd Contribution to Byzantine Prosopog. had made himself ruler of Epirus, was preparing raphy, London, 1968, pp. 87 ff., and on Michael (d. 1215?),

to lead the embattled Greeks and to add the _ ibid., pp. 91-92.

26 ) THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The inhabitants of Nikli, near the ancient Tegea, but the half-century which lay ahead was to and Veligosti, near Megalopolis, and Lacedae- repair all these deficiencies. The conquest was a monia or La Crémonie, as the Franks were to’ fact. On 19 November, 1205, Pope Innocent call it, had not yet understood the significance III, in a letter to the new Latin patriarch of of the Frankish victory. Monemvasia was almost Constantinople, could refer to Guillaume of impregnable, and was not to be taken until 1248. Champlitte as “princeps totius Achaiae provThe Tzakonic and Slavic mountaineers of inciae.”!°? A new state was in the making, the Parnon and Taygetus had not yet been subdued; __ principality of Achaea. Inn. III, Epp., an. VIII, no. 153, ed. Theod. Halus- term “province” seems soon to have been dropped, at cynskyj, Acta Innocenti PP. II, no. 86, p. 310, and PL 215, least generally, and Achaea quickly became a lay “princi728A: “. . . nobilis vir, Willelmus Campanensis, princeps _ pality,” a change which appears to be reflected in Innocent’s totius Achalae provinciae.” Champlitte’s “principality” thus | correspondence, as in an. IX, ep. 244 (PL 215, 1079A), seems to begin as an ecclesiastical circumscription, as the dated 19 January, 1207 (nobilis vir, W. Campenen., nunc “province” under the metropolitical authority of Patras. princeps Achaiae); cf. an. IX, ep. 247 (zbid., col. 1O80A); and an. The title first occurs in an ecclesiastical context, as Innocent, X, ep. 56 (zbid., col. 1151D): “princeps Achaiae.” On the loc. cit., directs the Patriarch Tommaso Morosini to proceed __ battle of Koundoura, see Bon, La Morée franque, pp. 62-63, with the consecration of the newly elected Latin archbishop _—_and on the Frankish castles built in the southeastern Morea of Patras; the vernacular title was commonly Prince of the against the Tzakones, Melings, and Maniotes, note A. Kriesis,

Morea (cf. Jean Longnon, in the Journal des Savants, 1946, “On the Castles of Zarnata and Kelefa,” Byzantinische pp. 83-84, and L’Empire latin, pp. 74-75). The ecclesiastical Zezéschrift, LVI (1963), 308-16.

2. THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE UNDER HENRY OF HAINAUT (1206-1216) ‘HE second Latin emperor of Constanti- Count Oberto chose to revive Boniface’s longnople, Henry d’Angre of Hainaut (1206- finished quarrel with the Flemish imperial house 1216), was a great man. He saved the new em- and to press imaginary differences with the pire, and thus aided in the establishment of Latin Emperor Henry, with whom Boniface enduring Latin states in Greece, the Morea, and had been on good terms. He received the supthe Aegean islands. A year after Henry’s acces- port of Amédée Pofey, constable of Romania,’ sion, however, on 4 September, 1207, in the hills and presently a league of the Lombard nobles

outside Mosynopolis in western Thrace, the in northern Greece was at open war with the

.9.

Marquis Boniface of Montferrat, lord of Thes- emperor, whose claims to suzerainty over Thessalonica, was caught in an ambush and killed salonica they rejected. They wanted eventually by the Bulgars.! It was not for nothing that the to see Demetrius’s half-brother, the Marquis terrible Ioannitsa, to whom the head of the stal- Guglielmo IV of Montferrat, upon the throne of wart Boniface was now sent, had taken the title Thessalonica.®> The emperor was gravely conof “Roman-slayer” (‘Pwpaoxrovos) the preceding year. In the death of Boniface the kingdom of Thessalonica (cf. Regesta Honorii Papae III, ed. Latin cause in Greece sustained an irreparable Pietro Pressutti, I [Rome, 1888], no. 526, p. 92, letter loss, and Thessalonica now passed to his younger dated 21 April, 1217, Berthold being still baiulus regni son Demetrius. who had been born in Greece. T/hessalonicensis). See Leopoldo Usseglio, I Marchest di “4: , : Monferrato in Italia ed in Oriente durante i secoli XII e XIII, 2 The ambitious Count Oberto of Biandrate be vols., Turin, 1926, Il, 262 ff.

came the small Demetrius’s guardian and the ats cage

regent of his Latin realm? Louis Blondel, “Amedee de Cologny, grandet 8 : connétable de Romanie,” Bulletin de Pofey, la Societe d'histoire d'archéologie de Genéve, VII (1939-42), 384-86, and IX ee (1947-50), 177-200, has sketched the little that is known

1 Geoffroy de Villehardouin, La Conquéte de Constantinople, concerning the career of Amédée Pofey, whose name pars. 498-99, ed. Edmond Faral, 2 vols., Paris, 1938-39, appears as Meboffa, Buffa, Buffedus, Buffois, etc., in the II, 312, 314; ed. Natalis de Wailly (2nd ed., Paris, 1874), | sources, and who has usually been called Amadeo Buffa. chap. CXVI, pp. 298, 300: Robert de Clari, La Conquéte Blondel explores the historical implications of an act of de Constantinople, par. Cxv1, ed. Ph. Lauer, Paris, 1924, p.107. 1208, preserved in an imperfect copy in the Archives 2 Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 13 (Bonn, p. 26, and ed. Aug. Etat de Geneve, whereby Pofey gave his rights and Heisenberg, I [Leipzig, 1903], 23). The Bulgarian campaign _ Properties in the village of Cologny to the Church of Geneva:

of destruction from January to April, 1206, had been _ Pofey is referred to as grand constable of Romania in the especially terrible and had driven the Greeks back into ct (as early as 1208) whereas at this date he has previously alliance with the Latins (cf. Jean Longnon, L’Empire latin been regarded as constable only of the “kingdom” of de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée, Paris, 1949, Thessalonica. pp. 84-86, and Ginter Prinzing, Die Bedeutung Bul- * Cf. Henri de Valenciennes, Hist., pars. 570-90, and esp. gariens und Serbiens in den Jahren 1204-1219 im Zusam- 598, ed. Longnon (1948), pp. 60-72, 75, et alibi; ed. menhang mit der Entstehung und Entwicklung der byzan- Wailly (1874), chaps. XIV-xVII, XIX, p. 364; and see the text

tinischen Teilstaaten . . ., diss. Munich, 1972, pp. 56-63, of Elias Cairel’s famous sirventés beginning “Pus chai la

with refs.). fuelha deljaric” given by V. de Bartholomaeis, “Un Sir3 Henri de Valenciennes, Histoire de Vempereur Henri de ventés historique d’Elias Cairel,” in the Annales du Midi, Constantinople, ed. Jean Longnon, Paris, 1948, pars. 560, XVI (1904), 468-94. Cairel abuses Guglielmo of Montferrat,

562, 570-71, 573-78, 596-611 and ff. (Documents wishing that the monks of Cluny would make him their head relatifs 4 l'histoire des croisades, II); also ed. Wailly, in his °° that he might become the abbot of Citeaux:

Conquéte of Villehardouin (1874), chaps. XII, XIV, XV-XVI, Pus lo cor avetz tan mendic

XIX-XxH and ff. (paragraph numbers as in Longnon’s S10 COR Avene an ,

edition); J.A.C. Buchon, Recherches et matériaux pour servir Que mais amatz dos buous et un araire a une histoire de la domination francaise . . ., I (Paris, 1840), A Monferrat qu’alhors estr’ enperaire (vy. 12—14). 88-89. Guglielmo, Boniface’s elder son, succeeded him as_[f we may believe Cairel, who was in Greece when he marquis of Montferrat. Count Oberto was apparently stilla wrote this sirventés (in 1208), the Lombard barons wished young man in 1207-1208; Biandrate is in the province of to make Guglielmo the emperor. The rebellious barons who

Novara, in northern Italy. A table of the counts of supported Biandrate included Albertino da Canossa, Guido Biandrate and their relationship to the marquises of Mont- _Pallavicini (marquis of Boudonitza), Ravano dalle Carceri,

ferrat is given in David Brader, Bonifaz von Montferrat, Rainerio da Travaglia (from Siena), Pietro Vento (from Berlin, 1907, Taf. V. Oberto remained only about four Genoa?), and Amédée Pofey, the last being the constable years in Greece (until 1211), and after his return to Italy, of Romania (cf. Usseglio, J Marchesi di Monferrato, II [1926],

Berthold of Katzenellenbogen became regent of the Latin 262 ff., 270, 308-9).

27

28 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cerned; in December, 1208, he led a large force disagreement and numerous acts of hostility, through bitter cold to Thessalonica. Oberto Henry had Oberto of Biandrate confined in the wanted, as regent of the Latin lordship, all castle of Serres, Count Berthold of Katzenellenterritory from Durazzo to the town of Macri, bogen being his jailer, and summoned a parlianear the ancient Stagira, on the Aegean coast ment of his barons to assemble, in the following southwest of Adrianople. He also claimed inde- May, on the field of Ravennika, near Zeitounion,

pendent suzerainty over the lordship of Athens the ancient (and modern) Lamia. Othon de la and the lands of Achaea.° But into thisamalgam _ Roche, among sixty others, appeared at the parof the Lombard lords of northern Greece against _ liament, but the Lombard rebels shut themselves

their feudal sovereign, the Burgundian Othon up in the Cadmea, and refused to obey the imde la Roche had refused to be drawn; his loyalty perial summons to appear at Ravennika.® The may have cost him Thebes, for the Cadmea was parliament met on 1-2 May, 1209, and the now in the possession of Albertino da Canossa, Emperor Henry wasted no time in the firm esone of the chief rebels, who apparently claimed _ tablishment of his authority in Greece. Oberto

the city for himself.’ was still in custody, but the constable Pofey, At the beginning of the year 1209the Emperor who had assisted in the settlement, was received

Henry gained admittance to the city of Thes- back into the fold. On Wednesday evening, 6 salonica, and entered a contest of wits and May, Henry arrived at Boudonitza, the modern diplomacy with Oberto. Henry won the first Mendenitsa, between the ancient Thermopylae round. When Demetrius’s mother, Margaret, to and the plain of the Boeotian Cephissus, then protect her son’s interests, declared her alle- _ the fief of Guido Pallavicini, who had also joined

giance to the Emperor Henry, the lattercrowned the Lombard rebellion. On Friday, 8 May, the boy as king of Thessalonica (on 6 January, Henry appeared under the walls of the Cad1209),° and sometime later, after prolonged mea.?° The chronicler Henri de Valenciennes, who ®H. de Val., Hist., par. 593, ed. Longnon, p. 73; ed. continued Villehardouin’s account of the Latin Wailly, chap. xviil, p. 360, where the emperor is represented Conquest, has given us a dramatic account of ns saying: ". . . et sour tout chou me requierent que je the Emperor Henry’s appearance before Thebes or laisse quitement Estives [Thebes], Negrepont [Chalcis, and his preparations to take the Cadmea by an Euboea], et toute la tierre qui est de Duras [Durazzo] . il . ‘on by th . jusques a Macre [near Stagira].” The Lombard claims are assault upon its walls. His reception yt € native noted elsewhere as from Durazzo to Megara, including the Thebans was most reassuring to him, and is most Argolid (H. de Val., par. 584, ed. Longnon, pp. 68-69), interesting to us, but it was probably what he and also from Modon to Macri (ibid., par. 599, p. 76). This expected, for the historian George Acropolites

comprised whole ofof“Greece,” territory won has testified to Htreatment ; treat t of or to be wonthe by Boniface Montferrat i.e. afterall histhe accord aS testined to renrys generous o

with the Emperor Baldwin, and so Oberto of Biandrate his Greek subjects, for whom he had the same could advance a specious claim to its independence of regard as for his own people.1! When Henry imperial suzerainty; however, the partition treaty of 1204

had assigned to Venice most of the Peloponnesus, where = ———————

Champlitte and the younger Villehardouin were then Je couronna voiant toz” (tbid., 605, ed. Longnon, p. 79).

campaigning! Margaret, Demetrius, and the kingdom of Thessalonica "Cf. H. de Val., par. 600, ed. Longnon, p. 77; ed. Wailly, were taken under papal protection (Inn. III, an. XIII, chap. xx, p. 366: “. . . Aubertins, qui sires ert d’Estives.’ epp. 33-35, 37, dated 30 March, 1210, in PL 216, 226The city of Thebes thus did not fall to Alberto Pallavicini, 28). Cf. Jean Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 106-8. Demetrius,

as Ferd. Gregorovius believed (Gesch. d. Stadt Athen im jot his father Boniface, was the first “king” of ThessaMittelalter . . ., 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1889, I, 351), nor to lonica, on which see above, Chapter 1, note 86.

Guido Pallavicini, as Sp. P. Lampros believed (Greg.- °H. de Val., Hist., pars. 667-71, ed. Longnon, pp.

Lampros, Athens [in Greek], 2 vols., Athens, 1904, I, 428); 107-10. “Lombart defaillirent dou parlement, que il cf. Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 73, ni vinrent point” (ibid., 670, ed. Longnon, p. 110; ed. 74. Albertino da Canossa is mentioned in the letters of Wailly, chap. xxx, p. 406). Gregorovius-Lampros, I, Innocent III (Epp., an. XII, nos. 144, 154, in PL 216, 499; Ernst Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, Homburg v.d. cols. 328B, 331C). According to Longnon, “Problémes de Héhe, 1905, p. 186. Ravennika had been bestowed upon lhistoire de la principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, the Templars by Boniface of Montferrat (Inn. III, Epp., 1946, pp. 88-89, Albertino da Canossa received Thebesfrom an. XIII, no. 137, in PL 216, 324); Henry took Ravennika Boniface of Montferrat at the Conquest, and was sires away from the Templars, who supported the Lombard @'Estives, as Henri de Valenciennes implies, until 1211 rebels. when Othon and Guy de la Roche were granted the city. 10H. de Val., Hist., pars. 671-72, ed. Longnon, pp. He may be right, but his argument seems rather tenuous. 110-11; ed. Wailly, chap. xxxIv, pp. 406, 408. * H. de Val.,xx,pars. ed.Demetrius, Longnon, pp. ed. " I, Acropolites, (Bonn, |i.e. P 31, andthe ed.“common HeisenWailly, chap. pp. 602-5, 366, 368. not 77—79; yet four berg, 28): “To 5€Chron., xowdv 16 wAMVos even years of age, was made a knight by the emperor, “et puis _ people”) ws olxetov wepteizre adv.”

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 29 entered the lower city of Thebes, the Greek The Emperor Henry had good reason to offer priests (papas) and the leading citizens (alcontes), up prayers of thanksgiving. He had succeeded

and the rest of the population both men and_ in restoring imperial power and prestige in women, gave him a tumultuous ovation. The Greece. He was now uncontestedly suzerain of Greeks shouted “poluchrone” (i.e. moAda@ the Latin kingdom of Thessalonica with its dexXpovia) to the emperor; the earth shook with pendencies, the lordship of Athens and Thebes, the sound of drums and horns. Before entering the margraviate of Boudonitza, and the strong the city, however, Henry had dismounted from _ barony of Salona (the ancient Amphissa). Until his horse, and allowed the Latin archbishop of the parliament of Ravennika there may have Thebes and the Latin clergy to lead him into the been some doubt as to the feudal status of the cathedral Church of Our Lady of Thebes, where _ principality of Achaea, over which Oberto of he thanked God for the honors which had come __ Biandrate, as we have seen, had claimed suzeto him. Thereupon he left the church and looked _rainty as the regent of Thessalonica, but the to the siege of the Cadmea, which the rebellious events of 1209 brought clarification to the barons within informed him they had no inten- Moreote problem also. The rebellion of the Lom-

tion of surrendering. But when they saw the bard lords proved most unfortunate for the

" formidable extent of his preparations to take the future of Latin dominion in Macedonia and citadel, despite an initial failure, the besieged Thessaly. Many of them remained disaffected barons became willing to discuss peace, and and during the next decade returned to Italy peace they received from Henry on very favor- _ one by one, unwilling or unable to defend their able terms. They could all keep their fiefs as his fiefs against the eastward expansion of the vassals when they had surrendered to him the Epirote rulers Michael Ducas and his brother keys to the Cadmea.'? When this was done, Theodore. With the loss of most of Macedonia Thebes was presumably given to Othon de la and Thessaly to the Epirotes before 1223, the Roche (if indeed he was not already lord of Latin kingdom of Thessalonica had no future, Boeotia). Henry next went on to Athens, where and Margaret of Hungary and her young son

like Basil II after the Bulgarian campaign of Demetrius lived in perennial expectation of 1018, he ascended the Acropolis to say his losing their sovereignty to the aggressive lords prayers in the Parthenon. He remained in _ of Epirus.

Athens for two days. Othon de la Roche enter- Margaret of Hungary was not only the widow tained him, as best he could, with the honors _ of Boniface of Montferrat, however, for she had that befitted imperial rank, and on the third day previously been married to the Byzantine EmHenry departed for Negroponte, whither Othon peror Isaac II Angelus. ‘The Greeks knew her

went with him. as Maria; she was apparently popular among and her rule bore easily on them in Thes——— salonica. A letter ofthem, Demetrius Chomatianus, " H. de Val., Hist., pars. 672—79, ed. Longnon, pp. 111- Greek archbishop of Ochrida (in Bulgaria), pre14; ed. Wailly, chaps. XXxIV-xxxv, pp. 406, 408, 410, 412. serves the instructive record of a lawsuit, depict-

The archbishop of Thebes who led the Emperor Henry . ves . . into the Theban minster was a Latin: the Orthodox 18 the exceptional conditions in ‘Thessalonica

metropolitan had fled in 1204 (cf. Mich. Chon., Ep. 100, under Margaret’s rather pro-Greek regime. The 32, ed. Sp. P. Lampros, II [Athens, 1880], 170). The Latin case was heard before a mixed court of laymen archbishop of Thebes was, presumably, an old acquain- and ecclesiastics in 1213. Horaia, the daughter tance of the Emperor Henry: when on 12 August, 1206, of a resident of Thessalonica, one Romanus before Marino Zeno, the “podesta of the Venetians in Logaras, who had died without leaving a will, Romania,” to respect the pacts made between the Franks was involved in litigation with her stepmother and the Venetians in 1204-1205, he stood in the presence Sachlikina over their respective shares of the

eight days before his coronation, Henry had taken an oath . .

0) e carain l - ou na, - ,

triarch Tommaso Morosini, et lin presencia] electi Archiepiscopi deceased Logara 8 property. In 1213 the court

Thebani (G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden rendered a decision largely in favor of Horaia, zur Glteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, and for twenty-two years her stepmother Sach3 vols., Vienna, 1856-57, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, II, doc. CLXxIV, p. 35). Oberto of Biandrate was released in §©£——-——

late May, 1209; he was unsuccessful in some further qui sires en estoit, car li marchis [Boniface] li avoit donnée,

machinations against Henry. ri honnera de tout son pooir. La sejorna li empereres ii. “SH. de Val., Hist., par. 681, ed. Longnon, p. 115; jors, et au tierc s’en ala viers Negrepont. . . .” Cf. Jean ed. Wailly, chap. xxxvi, p. 412: “Li empereres ala a la _Longnon, “Sur Histoire de ’empereur Henri de Conmaistre eglyse d’Athaines en orisons: chou est a une stantinople par Henri de Valenciennes,” in Romania, eglyse c’on dist de Nostre Dame; et Othes de la Roche, LXIX (1946), 239-41.

30 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT likina did not seek legal action to review or re- all Greeks.’* Of interest to us is the fact that in

verse the court’s decision. In 1235, however, 1213 half of the eleven episcopal sees commore than a decade after the Greek recovery prising the province of Thessalonica were still of Thessalonica and during the checkered rule _ presided over by Greek bishops. This may reflect of Manuel Ducas, Sachlikina suddenly had the the queen mother Margaret’s influence and pro-

case reopened, charging that justice had gone vide evidence of her endeavor to enlist the awry during the period of Latin domination support of Greeks on behalf of her son Deme-

when Margaret was regent for her son Deme- __ trius, whom the Lombard barons had wanted to

trius. When the Greek archbishop of the city dispossess. and the governor (Sov) refused to reverse the Champlitte and Villehardouin had founded a decision of 1213, the persistent Sachlikina se- principality in the Peloponnesus which was descured an action in her own favorinthe highcourt tined to survive into the fifteenth century. But of the Basileus Manuel, chiefly on the grounds the peninsula had not yet been entirely subdued, that the judgment against her had beenrendered and numerous important places were still in “at the time of the Latin prelacy” (emi 77s T@v ~Greek or other hands. After the departure of Aativey ébnepias). But the indignant Horaia Champlitte from the country in 1208, to claim in

succeeded in bringing the dispute back into Burgundy an inheritance which he did not live the archiepiscopal court—Manuel himself to enjoy, Villehardouin continued the effort to annulling the recent action in Sachlikina’s favor organize a new France in the Morea and to up—and it was now emphasized that the decision _ hold its division into fiefs to be held by the Latin

of 1213 was in fact the verdict of a Greek court. conquerors. A commission, which included The office of governor of Thessalonica, ) Greeks, had already been appointed to make this SovKiKN . . . aPXHN THS Becoadovixyns, was division, and the results of its work had been then held by the late lord George Frangopoulus, embodied in a feudal register (called, in the member of a distinguished local family, who had Greek Chronicle of the Morea, To BuBdiov, d7rov heard the case with (as assessors) the bishop of 1TO n LEpLota Eypadws . . . TOV KavdeEvos).

Kitros, who was still living in 1235, his brother Under Villehardouin the assignment of fiefs the late bishop of Berrhoea, the bishop of and the obligations which went with them were Ierissos, and certain other bishops (all dead in now reviewed, in accordance with the register, 1235), Strymbakon of Cassandrea, the bishop before the barons assembled in a great parliaof Campaneia, and Philagrios of Adramereus, ment at Andravida, in Elis, the capital of the all of whom were Greeks. ‘The governor and his _ principality."

ecclesiastical assessors had heard the case in

the great Church of the v vg! n in Thessalonica. 14 Demetrius Chomatianus, chap. CVI, in J. B. Pitra, ed., They had rendered their judgments after due 4nalecta sacra et classica Spicilegio Solesmensi parata, VII deliberation and in strict accord with the law. [sic, actually vol. VI] (Paris and Rome, 1891), cols. 447-62, No one was wronged, and Sachlikina was sub- on which see M. Drinov, “O nekotorykh trudakh Dimitriia jected to no intimidation. As for the then arch- Khomatiana, kak istoricheskom materialye” [On some bishop of Thessalonica, Garinus [the Fleming jn pizantiishii Vremennik, Il (1895), 15-23, and cf. R. L. Warin], against whom Sachlikina had leveled Wolff, “The Organization of the Latin Patriarchate of the charge that he had exacted one hundred Constantinople, 1204-1261,” Traditio, VI (1948), 39. On hyperperi of her, and had frightened her into Chomatianus, note Matthias Wellnhofer, Johannes Apokau-

: . . . Works of Demetrius Chomatianus as Historical Material],

accepting the judgment against her without [diss Munich, 19121, “‘treieing, “018 ob. 3a. 38 wn i further ado, it was now formally stated (in 1235) especially the article by Lucien Stiernon, in the Dictionnaire that Garinus had acted, quite without violence, d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, XIV (1960), cols. in accordance with the ecclesiastical custom ofthe 199-205, with an excellent bibliography. Innocent HI Latins, i.e., he had taken from. Logaras’s estate pac received effectdisobedience that Queen Margaret . ad encouraged Greekcomplaints bishopstointhetheir to

not one hundred hyperpert (which heaven for- papal mandates (an. XI, ep. 152, in PL 215, 1467; Aug.

bid!), but ten for himself and another two for _ Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum, 2 vols., Berlin, 1874the clerk serving him (t@ de EENTNPETOVLEV®) 75, no. 3506 [vol. I, pp. 302-3], dated 4 October, 1208).

avTa €repa dbo). It wasin important, moreover, On the apportionment the fiefs, which had. taken . . v4: place the time of Champlitte, see Livreof delaconqueste ..:

to bear in mind that, when the case of Sachlikina Chronique de Morée (1204-1305), ed. Jean Longnon, Paris, vs. Horaia was adjudicated, both the governor 1911, pars. 128-31, pp. 43-48; Chronicle of Morea (Greek of Thessalonica and his judicial assessors were _ version), ed. John Schmitt, London, 1904, also ed. P. P.

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 31 Thus a dozen or so great baronies gradually the duke of Athens; the lord of Naxos; the came into being, and those who received the _ triarchs of Negroponte; the lord of Boudonitza; titles to them made up with their many vassals _ the count of Cephalonia; the lords of Karytaina,

the High Court of Achaea. These baronies, Patras, Matagrifon, and Kalavryta; together generally called by the names of their castles, with the marshal of the principality, “as long

were Akova or “Matagrifon,” in Arcadia,nearthe as he is in the army and in authority over the modern town of Dimitzana (worth 24 knights’ _ soldiers.”!” Those to whom had fallen the twelve fees); Karytaina, in the region then known as _ great baronies of the conquest, together with cerSkorta, in the valley of the Alpheus (22 knights’ _ tain other “barons of land,” who possessed high fees); Patras, apparently worth some 24 knights’ justice (iurisdition de sangue) and an episcopal fees, and ruled by its archbishop from about _ see in their own territory, were alone empowered

1276; Passava or Passavant, on the Gulf of to build castles in the principality of Achaea

Laconia, at the base of the peninsula of Maina _ without the express permission of its prince.’®

(4); Vostitza, the classic Aegium, on the Gulf of Great castles arose in every important Corinth (8); Kalavryta (12) and Chalandritza barony,’® and military service was required (4 and later 8), just south of Vostitza and Patras of most feudatories who did homage for a hold-

respectively; Veligosti (4), hard by the historic ing in the conquered territory. Often such grain field of Megalopolis; Nikli (6), near Tegea service far exceeded the customary “forty days and the once famous Temple of Athena Alea; and forty nights” of Anglo-Norman and French Geraki (6), on a western spur of Mount Parnon, feudalism. If the rewards were great in this unoverlooking the Laconian plain; Gritzena (4), promised land, the dangers were no less great. which has little Frankish history, near more im-___ Vassals might be required to give four months’ portant Kalamata; the Villehardouin fief of _ service in the field, four more in watch and ward Kalamata, on the Gulf of Messenia; and even-_ of castles; and four months could be spent at tually (after 1260) Arcadia or Kyparissia,on the home, although their liege lords could summon so-called Gulf of Arcadia, which joins the Ionian — them at will for the performance of their duties

Sea. in a land that knew but little peace.”° At the age

The original families of the conquest did not of sixty, which few knights and barons of the long survive—if we may look ahead for a mo-

ment—for the barons fought too much, and the Georges Recoura, ed., Les Assises de Romanie, Paris, summer sun was too strong for fighting in the 1930, art. 43, p. 191 (Bibliothéque de I’Ecole des Hautes Morea. When Prince William of Villehardouin, Etudes, fasc. 258); Engl. trans. by P. W. Topping, Feudal

; . ‘ assign the date - oO the review 0 € apportione

Geoffrey’s second son, died in 1278, only the einai P. 1909 131 Onn the, Chronic of the Moree northern baronies ol halandritza ane cpossib'y) fiefs by Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, by and large the . ostitza were still in the possession O the foun list of fiefs and their holders as given in the Chronicles ing families,’® and by this time too the baronies reflects rather the situation in the Morea when Geoffrey of Passava, Geraki, and Kalavryta had already II succeeded his father about 1228 (see Bon, La Morée been retaken by the Greeks, now established franque, pp. 82-83, 102-15, 128, on the Moreote baronies). in Mistra. Later on, when the so-called Assizes The Greeks probably retook Kalavryta shortly after . é . . 1270 (cf., ibid., p. 468); written versions of the Assizes of Romania were codified in their present form obviously preserved anachronisms, as that still listing (possibly between 1333 and 1346), the twelve lo signor de Collovrata as a peer of the principality. The peers of the prince of Achaea were said to be: _ list of the twelve peers, as given in the Assizes, art. 43,

derives from the period after 1262 (David Jacoby, La —— Féodaliteé en Grece médiévale: Les “Assises de Romanie,” Kalonaros, Athens, 1940, vv. 1903-2009; and cf. Libro de sources, application et diffusion, Paris, 1971, pp. 24-25). On los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea, ed. Alfred the background of the Assizes, with their compound of

Morel-Fatio, Geneva, 1885, pars. 115-37, pp. 28-32, an Latin practice, Byzantine influence, and Jerusalemite interesting but anachronistic mélange, on which see traditions, see Jacoby, op. cit., pp. 30-44 ff., 62, 70 ff., David Jacoby, “Quelques Considérations sur les versions de _105 ff., and on the date, ibid., pp. 75-82. la ‘Chronique de Morée,’” Journal des Savants, 1968, pp. 18 Assises de Romanie, art. 94, ed. Recoura, p. 222; trans.

165 ff. William Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. 50 Topping, p. 57. ff., follows the Greek Chronicle rather closely; cf. Peter 19 Longnon, Chronique de Morée, pars. 218-19, p, 79: W. Topping, Feudal Institutions, as Revealed in the Assizes Schmitt, Chron. of Morea, vv. 3145-72.

of Romania (Univ. of Penna. Translations and Reprints, 20 Assises de Romanie, art. 70, ed. Recoura, pp. 209-10; 3rd ser., vol. III), Philadelphia, 1949, pp. 116-17. trans. Topping, p. 51; Longnon, Chronique de Morée, par. 16 Cf. Antoine Bon, La Morée franque, Paris, 1969, pp. 130, p. 147; Schmitt, Chron. of Morea, vv. 1995-2001;

459, 464. Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos, par. 138, p. 32.

32 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT generation following the conquest could have female counterpart acquired permanent freereached, the vassal was relieved of personal dom by marriage with a free man, cum homo service, but he must send his son to serve for ltberto (art. 125); but, for the rest, the serf could

him or, if he had no son, a proper substitute.24___be given away, exchanged, or claimed at law like As usual in the Latin states in Greek territory no any other property on the manor (arts. 25, 107, baron could grant feudal land to ecclesiastics, 203, 211). If it should happen that a feudatory burgesses, or Greek serfs(whodid notbeararms) (lo homo legio) killed a serf by accident, he was without the express permission of the prince of obliged to replace the dead serf by one just as

Achaea.” good (art. 151). “And a serf cannot marry his

In addition to his High Court (la Haute Court), daughter or contract marriage himself without composed of the lieges and bishops of the — the permission of his lord” (art. 174). A female principality, the prince of Achaea is said to have vassal who married a serf lost her freedom and possessed a Low Court (la Court de la Borgesie), the produce of her fief so long as she lived in which allegedly met under the presidency of a__ this mésalliance, and her sons by the serf were viscount,”? to hear non-feudal cases involving — serfs, and could not succeed to her fief, although

the burgesses of the land, their possession of _ her fief was recoverable if her husband predevineyards, tenure of houses and lotsinthe towns, ceased her, for she then resumed her former disputed commercial transactions not settled out status (arts. 78, 180). If a serf died without of court by the law merchant, and so on. Almost _ heirs of his body, the lord was his heir (art. 185),

forty articles in the Assizes of Romania depict although the lord did not have to await the serf’s

for us the poor condition of the serfs in the death to take his personal property, i beni principality of Achaea, and the lot of the serfs mobellt, provided he left the poor creature

in continental Greece was doubtless the same as_ enough to live on (art. 197). Although a serf that of their unfortunate fellows in Achaea. The could give testimony concerning a vineyard, Assizes declare explicitly tha “when a serf is a piece of land, or another serf, he could not do

wronged no matter how much by his lord, he so concerning a fief (art. 175), and “a Greek cannot lodge a complaint against him with the — serf cannot be a witness against a liegeman in superior lord nor appeal to him regarding the a criminal case involving life or limb” (art. 198).”° injury which his lord inflicted.”** The male serf All serfs were Greek. Undoubtedly their life was could be freed from his bondage only by the a miserable one, possibly worse than it had been prince himself (art. 25 of the Assizes);2> his under their native archonies; by and large, however, they were left in the immediate possession

“Asie de R 20.omanie, ed. R 919 art. of their lands and homes.?? SSISES , €d. Necoura, p. ;

trans. ll

Topping, p. 56. The text of the Assizes exists today only The conquest or ne aie and fon y 4 in a dozen late manuscripts which preserve copies once slow Process. Few reeks Hed, and lew were used by Venetian authorities in the Greek territories of killed. The Latin conquerors, who could con-

the Republic Bon, La Morée a |du pp.Centre 18-19,de85 ceive only ofand a society on feudalism, reff., and Jacoby, (cf. in Travaux et mémoires recherche ceived granted based fiefs [ feuda, ra vie], which @histoire et civilisation byzantines], 11 [Paris, 1967], 446 ff., finall ee ‘bed Ve ot a. as a | e Greek and esp. the detailed analyses in La Féodalite en Grece were na y Cescribe as pro ?

médiévale, pp. 95-174). Chronicle of the Morea. After the conquest, 22 Assises de Romanie, art. 96, ed. Recoura, p. 223; trans. however, the Greek archontes continued to hold

et memoires, 11, —OoU. . . :

Topping, Pp. pe: ans: 25 and 183; and Jacoby, Travaux much of their land as non-feudal, patrimonial Cf. Assises de Romanie, prolog. I, ed. Recoura, pp. Possessions although, as time passed, various 147-48: “. . . do Corte seculare, la una se clamava Alta 9 —————Corte e l’altra, Bassa Corte, zoe la Corte de li Borgesi, a 26 Assises de Romanie, ed. Recoura, p. 282; trans. Topping, le qual elo [i.e. Duke Godfrey of Bouillon, upon the estab- _p. 92. In general, cf. Topping, op. cit., pp. 173-74; Wm. lishment of the kingdom of Jerusalem] stabeli uno homo Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. 57-58; Longnon, per esser governador et justicier in luogo de luy, lo qual L’Empire latin, pp. 209-11. There is some information on

fo appellato Visconte” (p. 147). The principality of the the life of the serfs on some of the ecclesiastical estates Morea is said by the Assises de Romanie to have been organized _ of Patras in Inn. III, an. XIII, ep. 159 (misnumbered in

in deliberate imitation of the kingdom of Jerusalem founded Migne), in PL 216, 336-37, and see in general D. A. more than a century earlier. For the assembly of the Zakythinos, “La Société dans le despotat de Morée,” in burgesses (in their court?) for political action, see Chron. L’Hellénisme contemporain, 2nd ser., V (March-April, 1951),

of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 2256, 3209, 5848, 8632. 101-8, and Le Despotat grec de Morée, II (Athens, 1953), 24 Assises de Romanie, art. 186, ed. Recoura, p. 276; trans. 201 ff.

Topping, p. 89. 27 Cf. Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, par. 134, p. 31:

25 Cf., however, art. 139, which allows the feudatory to “. . . et a todos los . . . villanos siervos dexaron en sus free his serf and protect him in his new status by “letters posessiones, et 4 todos los otros lauradores confirmaron of manumission” (le letere de la donation et libertade). en los censuales que tenian. . . .”

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 33 prominent pro-Latin archontes were knighted, came closely to resemble that of the Latin lords

received fiefs requiring military service, and in the Morea. were thus drawn into the feudal nexus. There It is impossible to say to what extent the free had been no feudalism, no homage and no _ village communities of the past—as well as, here vassalage, in Byzantine society before the Latin and there, some isolated hamlets of free peasants conquest, and there is little or no evidence that —could have survived Latin conquest in the pronoiai existed in the Morea before the advent Morea, Boeotia, and Attica. Free peasants had

of the Fourth Crusaders. When the author of suffered a marked diminution in numbers in the Greek Chronicle uses the word pronoia, he Byzantine times, ever since the second quarter may mean fief, but his language has for the most of the eleventh century. Few of them could part a poetic imprecision. The paucity of docu- have been left by the time of the Latin establishments makes it very difficult to be sure how wide-_ ment in Greece; but there were some, and they spread the pronoia was in the Byzantine empire appear to be included in some general references during the years before 1204, for there is hardly to “free men” in the Assizes of Romania (arts. 23, any evidence for the existence of the pronoiain 149, 152).° Now, however, peasant tenures of Epirus or the region around Smyrna, Cyprus, whatever degree of freedom or unfreedom were the Venetian territories in Romania (including _ likely to be defined by Latin custom, an alien and Crete), or in the island of Chios.”8 In time of unintelligible law, which must have much incourse the position of the local Greek archontes creased the hardships of those who lived on a

barren soil.*° 78 See in general the important article by David Jacoby, The year 1208 was probably far advanced “Les Archontes grecs et la féodalité en Morée franque,” in When Guillaume of Champlitte learned of the Travaux et mémoires, II, 421-81, contrary to the thesis death of his elder brother Louis in Burgundy. dalite. bysentine Geo. Osrogorsky) Pour Histoire de “ feo- Louis had left an inheritance which Guillaume 55-61: Although the hierarchical structure of political set out to claim shortly before his own death

ite byzantine, trans. H. Grégoire, Brussels, , Pp. . :

power in the West, the so-called “feudal pyramid,” did ——————— not exist in the Byzantine world (and has been exaggerated 79Cf. Ernst Gerland, Neue Quellen zur Gesch. d. latein.

in western feudalism), Ostrogorskij believes that as far as Erzbistums Patras, Leipz,, _~~ . ». 84-87, with refs.; social and economic relations were concerned there was Longnon, L’Empire latin, p. 210. little difference between the Greek pronoia and the western °° The free village community still survived in the late

fief, and that precisely for this reason the Fourth Crusa- eleventh century, in Boeotia for example, although the ders found it easy to settle into the lands of the erstwhile number of large landowners was increasing ominously. Byzantine empire. In this connection, however, Ostrogor- Thus the fragment of the cadastral register of Thebes, skij employs only the Greek Chronicle of the Morea to illustrate published by N. G. Svoronos, “. .. Le Cadastre de his argument, but the Greek Chronicle was undoubtedly Thebes,” Bull. correspondance hellénique, LXXXIII (1959), translated from a French version between about 1346 1-145, esp. pp. 141 ff., shows that many estates in Boeotia and 1388 (see Jacoby, “Quelques Considérations sur les were still privately owned by small as well as by large proversions de la ‘Chronique de Morée’,” Journal des Savants, prietors, there being apparently few estates of truly 1968, esp. pp. 150-58), and is hardly a solid source for latifundian extent. Incidentally, many of the Boeotian the institutional history of the first decade of the thirteenth landowners were Italiote Greeks, especially from Sicily, century, as Ostrogorskij assumes (op. cit., p. 58, note 2). who had apparently received lands in the area after the Moreover, the lists of fiefs given in the various versions Bulgarian devastations of the tenth and early eleventh of the Chronicle do not date from 1209, as Ostrogorskij, centuries. It is hard to say how much the freedom of such loc. cit., thinks, but from about twenty years later, and of landowners had suffered attrition during the twelfth course the feudal terminology in the Greek Chronicle is century. But it would probably not do to entertain any the consequence of a century and a half of Greek expe-__ illusions about “freedom” among the Byzantine peasants rience of western feudalism. Cf. also Milo§ Mladenovi¢é, by the time of the Fourth Crusade. Constant warfare and “Zur Frage der Pronoia und des Feudalismus im byzantin- the Turkish occupation of Anatolia had produced many ischen Reiche,” Siidost-Forschungen, XV (1956), 123-40, “free men” (€Aev%epor), who were actually impoverished who distinguishes sharply between the Byzantine pronoia refugees, and are referred to in the sources as “indigents” and the western fief, and claims that “apart from certain (mrwxoi) and as “strangers” (€évot). Although the Byzansimilarities in their economic aspects the pronoia and the — tine village community certainly survived as a social (and fief (feudum) represented two different worlds” (ibid., p. taxable) unit, the extent to which the inhabitants of the 131). When a Greek archon was caught up in the Latin village were free remains highly problematical. Neverfeudal nexus, he presumably became westernized (like the _ theless, “serfs” (ad&potxot) clearly retained various rights

author of the Greek Chronicle of the Morea), and lived in’ to buy and sell lands, vineyards, and other holdings. the social world of the nova Francia which the Fourth See in general the interesting lectures of G. Ostrogorskij, Crusaders had created in the Morea. On the gradualintegra- Quelques Problemes d'histoire de la paysannerie byzantine, tion of the chief Greek archontes into the Latin feudality of | Brussels, 1956, esp. pp. 34 ff.; of. also his article on “La the Morea, see D. Jacoby, “The Encounter of Two Societies: |. Commune rurale byzantine,” in Byzantion, XXXII (1962),

Western Conquerors and Byzantines in the Peloponnesus 139-166, esp. pp. 158 ff.; and note the critical review of after the Fourth Crusade,” American Historical Review, Svoronos’s study by J. Karayannopulos [Karagiannopoulos], LXXVIII (1973), 873-906, esp. pp. 889-903. in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LVI (1963), 361-70.

34 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT some time early in 1209. Guillaume entrusted _ present the Republic with three silk broadcloths his lands in the Morea to a nephew, who also a year, one for the doge and two for the basilica

died very shortly, and so by the beginning of of S. Mark. Satisfied that their commercial May, 1209, when Geoffrey of Villehardouin interests in the Morea would be protected, appeared at the parliament of Ravennika, he the Republic apparently aided Villehardouin in came as the ruler of the Morea. At Ravennika _ his personal acquisition of the new title and lands

the Emperor Henry made Geoffrey the senes- of the Champlitte. chal of Romania, but some time was still to Villehardouin could thus become ruler of the elapse before he was able to assume, as Guil- Morea in his own right after successfully avoidlaume’s successor, the title Prince of Achaea. In ing the departed Guillaume’s Moreote heir, one

the partition treaty of 1204 the Venetian Re- Robert, if there is any truth in the elaborate public had received most of the Morea, except story told in the Chronicles of the Morea, for for Corinthia and the Argolid; but here, as the period of a year and a day allowed the feudal

almost everywhere, with so many irons in the claimant to take up his inheritance. Robert was fire, S. Mark had been slow to take what had prevented from reaching Villehardouin, who been given him. The Republic had, however, contrived to keep him at a distance during the occupied and by now fortified both Modon and allotted time by a series of events, few of which Coron, on either side of the Messenian promon-__ were accidental, and which read like a romance, tory. The relations of Venice and Villehardouin but are recounted as history by the Moreote had doubtless been discussed and probably al- _chroniclers.22 However this may be, letters most settled at Ravennika in May, and so late in’ drafted in the papal chancery on and after 22 June (of 1209) a treaty could quickly be made March, 1210, give Villehardouin the august title between the two. It was negotiated on the island “prince of Achaea” (princeps Achaiae).

of Sapienza, off the harbor of Modon. The partition treaty of 1204 had, in the beGeoffrey acknowledged himself to be the ginning, awarded Venice not only most of the vassal of the Republic for all that land, now Morea, but also among other territories the his, which Venice had been awarded in the par-

tition treaty, from the southwest of the Morea, ~ |, ed. Chronique de Morée. ed. L—/U, 136-70 pp. where th neti 1 6 ronique de Moree, Longnon, pars. c Cc c vee an O Co iathon The ed, a" the 49-59; Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 2096-2427, pp.

way to Corinth, usque orminum. 1 nis city €WdS 146-62, and the Cronaca di Morea based on the Greek also to hold of Venice when Acrocorinth could version, ed. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, be taken from the Epirote Greeks, who had _ pp. 430-33; Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, pars.

succeeded Sgourus. The Venetians acquired, in aril pp. 38. Wim. Mer Palins me yuan pp.

addition usual freedom “in theirL’Empire persons see latin, eae orypp. ae ee eee gee char . 3to. the agree with Longnon, 113-15, that itit and their goods, complete exemption fromcom- contains more fiction than fact, but there is apparently a mercial duties together with a “church, a market, _ basis of truth for the view that Villehardouin defrauded

and a court in whatsoever of my cities they the heir or heirs of Champlitte (of. the observation of

mi ‘sh.”3! . . Philippe d’Ibelin, in the Assises de Jerusalem, ed. Count ign wish . On une other hand, Villehardouin Beugnot, Recueil des hist. des Croisades: Lois, 11 [Paris, 1843],

an HS Nes ahd successors were to Tecelve 491), According to the Assises de Romanie, art. 36, ed. Venetian citizenship, own a house in Venice, and _Recoura (1930), p. 184, the heir to a vacant fief had two

years and two days within which to claim his inheritance, although the Chronicles of the Morea indicate that a year and

31 Pactum Principis Achaiae Goffredi (1209), in Tafel and a day had been specified as the time within which ChampThomas, Urkunden, II (1856), doc. Ccvil, pp. 97 ff.: “. . . et __ litte’s heir must present his claim in person.

Veneti in quacunque civitate mea vellent, debent habere 33 Inn. III, Epp., an. XIII, nos. 23-24 (PL 216, 221Decclesiam, fondiculum et curiam. ... De Corintho ita 222), dated 22 March, 1210 (in Potthast, Regesta, nos. teneor ego et mei heredes et successores domino Duct, 3939-40 [vol. I, p. 340]); Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, wv. quam de alia terra.” Cf. Andrea Dandolo, Chron., ad ann. 2770-72, p. 186; and ¢f. Jean Longnon, “Problemes de 1209, in the new Muratori, RISS, XII-1 (Bologna, 1938 ff.), l'histoire de la principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants,

284: “Gofredus etiam de Villa Arduino ...a Raphaele 1946, pp. 83-84, and Recherches sur la vie de Geoffroy de Goro ducis nuncio principatum Achaye, Corono et Mothono -—_‘Villehardouin, Paris, 1939, p. 31. A letter of 4 March, 1210,

exclusis, recognovit.” Note also Wm. Miller, Latins in the refers to Villehardouin merely as nobilis vir G. Romantae Levant (1908), pp. 59-60; Longnon, L’Empire latin, p. 112; seneschalcus (an. XIII, ep. 6, in PL 216, 201D; Potthast, it is difficult to establish the history of Modon and Coron _ no. 3925 [vol. I, p. 339]). It would be hard to say whether from 1205 to 1208 (cf. Longnon, op. cit., pp. 73, 90, and _-Villehardouin took the title of prince himself or whether Silvano Borsari, Studi sulle colonie veneziane in Romania nel the pope first addressed him as such, but it seems likely

XIII secolo, Naples, 1966, pp. 28-31). See in general that Villehardouin first called himself prince some time

Bon, La Morée franque (1969), pp. 64-67. toward the close of the year 1209.

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 35 strongholds of Oreos and Carystus on the island Pietro Ziani, and, unfaithful to his commitment

of Euboea (Negroponte) as well as Epirus, to Henry, he made obeisance to the Venetians Acarnania, and Aetolia.** Even before the treaty in an elaborate treaty which bound him to the with Geoffrey of Villehardouin which estab- Republic as a vassal for his lands.*” But the ink lished a lasting harmony between Venice andthe __was scarcely dry upon the drafts of the treaty Villehardouin, the Venetians had been able to — before he attacked the Latin kingdom of Thesmake a similar agreement in March, 1209, with salonica in the summer of 1210. With Latin Ravano dalle Carceri, successor to the late mercenariesin his army, Michael ravaged widely, Jacques d’Avesnes, and now sole lord of Negro- capturing and executing the constable Amédée ponte (until his death in 1216),35> and in June, Pofey together with a number of knights and 1210, with Michael Ducas of Epirus, who also members of the clergy.*® When the Emperor possessed Acarnania and Aetolia. Michael had Henry came west again in an expedition (1210-

been most impressed by the military strength 1211) against Michael and his Bulgarian ally and political acumen which the Latin Emperor Dobromir Strez, lord of rugged Prosek in the Henry of Hainaut had shown in the war with — central Vardar valley, Michael turned his attenthe Lombard barons (in 1208-1209). To ward tion to the south where he apparently captured off an attack by Henry’s army in the early Salona, whose lord Thomas I d’Autremencourt summer of 1209 Michael had acknowledged was killed in the attack. In the spring of 1212 himself to be Henry’s vassal, or at least his ally, Michael overran Thessaly to the shores of the and proposed the marriage of his eldest daugh- Aegean, and in the next two years seized both ter to Henry’s brother Eustace. The marriage Durazzo and the island of Corfu from Venice,*® took place. Michael had two other daughtersand whose suzerainty over his dominions became probably worried little about the one who went merely another document in the rich archives of to live among the Latins. He had promised _ the Republic. Henry and Eustace a third of his domains as a By the agreement negotiated with Ravano dowry, la tierce partie de toute ma tierre, as Henri dalle Carceri, Venetian suzerainty was recogde Valenciennes reports the agreement, but he _ nized over Negroponte, but it was a long time could afford to be generous and cheerful in before the Republic acquired dominion over the making a pledge he knew he would not keep.** entire island.*! Jacques d’Avesnes’ great seignThis connection between the ruler of Epirus and the Latin emperor worried the Venetians, how- }=———— ever, and it was in fact contrary to the terms of 5 ” aoe ane Thomas, I, 1 7 oe dated J une 1210;

1s : andolo, Chron., in , -l, ; Lorenzo de Monacis,

the P aruition treaty which had carefully defined Chron, de rebus venetis, ed. F. Cornelius, Venice, 1758, pp.

the imperial territories. Michael now responded, 4445, app. to Muratori, RISS, vol. VIII. with no less alacrity, to the overtures of the Doge 8 Inn. IL, Epp., an. XIII, no. 184, ed. HaluStynskyj,

Acta Innocenti PP. II, no. 173, pp. 402-3, doc. dated 7 oo December, 1210, and PL 216, 353~—54. 3¢ Tafel and Thomas, I, 468-73; Freddy Thiriet, La 3° Cf. Nicol, Despotate of Epiros, pp. 36-39. Romanie vénitienne au moyen-dge ..., Paris, 1959, pp. 4° Tafel and Thomas, II, 89-96, docs. dated March, 1209, 76-78; and on the history of Negroponte after 1204, see and (more veneto) February, 1211, on which cf. Loenertz, D. Jacoby, La Féodalite en Gréece médiévale (1971), pp. 185 ff. “Les Seigneurs tierciers de Negrepont .. . ,” Byzantion,

5° Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 282, 284. On the XXXV (1965), regg. nos. 8, 15, pp. 239-40, 241. Certain triarchs of Negroponte, see Louis de Mas Latrie, “Les commitments which Ravano’s procurators made on his Seigneurs tierciers de Négrepont,” Revue de l’Orient latin, 1 _ behalf to the doge and commune of Venice in March, 1209

(Paris, 1893, repr. 1964), 413-32, and esp. R. J. Loenertz, (T. and Th., II, 90-91) were renewed after his death by “Les Seigneurs tierciers de Négrepont de 1205 a 1280: the triarchs in November, 1216 (bid., II, 176-78; Loenertz, Regestes et documents,” in Byzantion, XXXV. (1965), op. cit., no. 23, pp. 243-44), and repeated again with

235-71, regg. nos. 7-8, 15, 21-24. important extensions by the triarchs in June, 1256 (T. and

°° Henri de Valenciennes, Hist., pars. 688-94, ed. Th., HI, 14-15), on which see below. In Negroponte as Longnon (1948), pp. 118-21; Innocent III, Epp., an. XIII, elsewhere in “Romania” the Venetians sought to ease no. 184, ed. Theod. HaluScynskyj, Acta Innocentii PP. III for the Greeks the social strain of the conquest of 1204: (1198-1216), Citta del Vaticano, 1944, no. 173, pp. 402~3, “Grecos vero tenere debemus in eo statu, quo domini and PL 216, 353D-354A, dated 7 December, 1210; R. L. Emanuelis tempore [i-e. Manuelis I Comneni, 1143-1180] Wolff, “A New Document from the Period of the Latin tenebantur” (ibid., I, 183, and cf. pp. 92, 178). Empire of Constantinople: the Oath of the Venetian *. A century later (on 28 March, 1310) the Doge Pietro Podesta,” Annales de l'Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Gradenigo reminded King Frederick II of Sicily that even Orientales et Slaves de VUniversité de Bruxelles, XII (1952) the city of Negroponte was not wholly subject to Venetian

[= Mélanges H. Grégoire, 1V], 548-49; and cf. D. M. Nicol, jurisdiction (Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Lettere del The Despotate of Epiros, Oxford, 1957, pp. 28 ff. Collegio, 1308-1310, fol. 73" [the numbering of folios and

36 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT iory had been divided by Boniface of Montferrat Corinth, however, remained a place of some in August, 1205, into three large fiefs, tobe held importance. Its commerce, chiefly in Latin by “triarchs” (terziert, tierciers), and these had hands, was sufficient for Villehardouin to make been given to Ravano dalle Carceriand twoother Othon de la Roche a grant of four hundred hygentlemen of Verona, of whom one died andthe __ perperi a year from Corinthian tolls.“

other went back home. After Ravano’s own death In the months that followed, Nauplia was (in 1216) the Venetian bailie in Negroponte also taken, and early in 1212 the stronghold of superintended the division of these fiefs among Argos, where Theodore Ducas had stored the six heirs* and, in the decades that followed, treasure of the Church of Corinth when he had Venetian influence was of course to grow and to __ given up the city, likewise fell into the hands of

remain paramount in Negroponte until the fall Villehardouin and Othon de la Roche, who deof the island, defended valiantly but in vain, to clined to restore to the new Corinthian archthe Turks in the midsummer of 1470. In this re- _ bishop and his clergy what they looked upon as spect the agreement with Ravano, who had no their rightful possessions.** On 25 May, 1212,

sons and too many other relatives to found a

dynasty, differed from that made with Geoffrey y. Laurent, in the Echos dOrient, XXIX [1930], 184-86; of Villehardouin, for Venetian rule never pene- and St. Binon, ibid., XXXVII [1938], 277-78). The Praxis of

trated very far into the interior of the Morea. Corinth of 1397 dates the establishment of Monemvasia While both these accords stood out in strong 38 3 metropolis from the Fourth Crusade (F. Miklosich he aborti bring Michael J. Miiller, eds., Acta 6etvols., diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra contrast to the al ortive attemptand to bring Michae profana, Vienna, 1860-90, II [1862], 287,et

one. . . tt fell j

Ducas into an alliance with S. Mark, the turbulent — 989). Isidore, later metropolitan of Kiev, in a petition careers of the rulers of Epirus were to show that _ which he prepared in 1429 to the Patriarch Joseph II, on they could not recognize an ally when they saw behalf of the metropolitan of Monemvasia, who claimed

Maina and Zemena as his suffragan sees (a claim disputed

ffort £ Geoff. f by Corinth), asserts that Monemvasia, when it fell into In 1210 the renewed errorts Of Geollrey OF Frankish hands, was “then a metropolis and not a bishopric”

Villehardouin achieved the surrender of (Neos Hellenomnemon, XII [1915], p. 288, 11. 11-12), which

Corinth, which had been under siege for five was not the case. .

years. He took the city from Michael Ducas’s Marino Sanudo Torsello, [storia del regno di Romania, ed.

brother Oth de ladeRoch hi Hopf, Chron. 100;4 March, Inn. III,1210 an. (Potthast, XIII, ep. rother 1Theod heodore. Uthon ia Koche gave him ¢ (py,gréco-romanes, 216, 201D-202),p. dated

effective assistance. Many Corinthians are Regesta, no. 3925 [vol. I, p. 339]), where the fall of Corinth alleged to have sought refuge, upon the fall of is momentarily expected, according to Innocent III, their city, in the rocky fastness of Monemvasia, ~~: - de cura Corinthiorum sollicitudinem decet nos for centuries a suffragan see of Corinth, but Latinorum credatur in proximo perventura vel iam forsitan

. . gerere pastoralem . . . cum eorum civitas ad dominium

from this time a city of ever increasing WNpor- pervenisse. . . .” Cf. Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars.

tance as a center of Hellenism in the Morea.*? 99-102, 191-94, pp. 32-33, 68-69; Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 1528-45, 2791-2823, pp. 104, 106, 186, 188;

TO Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, pars. 91-99, 188, pp. documents in this register is rather chaotic], cited with the 23-—925, 43; Villehardouin, ed. Faral, II, pars. 324, 331-32; wrong date by Gregorovius, Stadt Athen, 1 [1889], 431-32, note Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol.

3, and Greg.-Lampros, I [1904], 512, note, and with the date 85 (1867), p. 240, repr. as Gesch. Griechenlands, 1 (New corrected in Jacoby, La Féodalite en Grece médiévale, p. 193, York, 1960), p. 174; Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), note 2): “serenitati regie rescribimus quod civitas Nigro- p- 62; D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, I (1932), 14.

pontis non est tota nostre iurisdictioni supposita, sed 45 Sanudo, Istoria, in Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 100; solumex quedam elus, que est supra mare, Morée, Longnon, 199-200, p. Inn. 71; quam forma pars pactorum lespecially those of propter 14 June,Chronique Chron. ofde Morea, ed.ed. Schmitt, vv. pars. 2865-83, p. 192; 1256] que cum dictis dominis Lombardis habemusavenienti- III, an. XV, ep. 77 (PL 216, 598; Lampros, "Eyypaga bus per mare commerclum possumus accipi facere.” Venice avavepomeva eis THY WeTawYiKHY iotopiayv Tav ’Adnvar,

did not take over the whole island until 1390. [cited hereafter as Eggrapha; published as vol. 3 of his

Cf. the Estratti degli Annali veneti di Stefano Magno, ed. translation of Gregorovius, Athens, 1906], pt. I, doc. 5, Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes (1873), pp. 179-80; Tafel pp. 5-6), dated 25 May, 1212: “... cum nobilis vir and Thomas, II, 175-84; Thiriet, Romanie venitienne Theodorus Grecus quondam dominus Corinthi . . . cas(1959), pp. 93-94; Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs tierciers,” trum de Argos nuper tradiderit, quod tenebat, thesaurus Byzantion, XXXV, nos. 5, 21—24, pp. 238, 243-44. Corinthiensis Ecclesie, quem illuc idem Grecus detulerat, 43 Monemvasia did not fall until 1248, when it was est inventus ibidem, quem nobiles viri Gaufridus princeps taken by William of Villehardouin. It was reoccupied by Achaie, Odo de Rocca, et quidam alii Latini . . . eidem the Greeks, however, after the battle of Pelagonia, and _ ecclesie restituere contradicunt.” The Church of Corinth was raised to metropolitan status by the Emperor Michael was immediately organized as a Latin metropolitan see, VIII Palaeologus in 1261 (Franz Délger, Regesten d. Kaiser- _ with seven suffragan bishoprics (Inn. III, an. XV, epp. 58, urkunden d. ostrom. Reiches, pt. 3 [1932], no. 1897a. p. 39; 61, in PL 216, 586D-—587, 588, dated 22 May and 18 May,

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 37 Pope Innocent wrote the archbishop of Thebes the prince of Achaea might bestow upon him and the bishops of Daulia and Zaratoria to see than in the blessings of the pope. At the close to the restitution of the Corinthian treasure tothe of the Moreote campaign in 1212 Villehardouin Latin Church of Corinth,*® and these worthies enfeoffed the newly won Nauplia and Argos to must have felt some embarrassment at the task Othon for the loyal assistance he had rendered his Holiness thus laid upon them. A week earlier, in winning them and in winning the great strong-

on 18 May, the pope had written in similar hold of Acrocorinth, while Othon undertook to vein to Othon de la Roche, informing him that be no less useful when Villehardouin should he was said to hold, “not without peril of his attempt the conquest of Monemvasia, the last soul,” certain villages, properties, persons, Greek stronghold in what William Miller has abbeys, churches, and all manner of other goods called, thinking of later Lombard history, the belonging to the Church of Corinth (quedam “Peloponnesian quadrilateral.”** casalia, possessiones, homines, abbatie, ecclesie, et If the Frankish conquistadores were thus graspomnia bona alia Corinthien. Ecclesie). His lordship _ ing and intolerant of ecclesiastical restraint, the was warned to conduct himself ina manner be- _ pope and the Catholic clergy entertained in their

fitting the good fortune he had received, tohave turn too grandiose schemes. There were not to regard for S. Peter and his successor, to restore _ be western settlers enough in Greece at any time

to our venerable brother, the archbishop of or any place to fill up the extensive cadre now Corinth, the property in question, and compel planned for those of the Latin obedience in others to make similar restitution, to watch over Greece. The first organization of the Latin and defend the archbishop and his church, so _ hierarchy in the Morea consisted of seven episthat the Church might know peace under his copal sees, presided over by the archbishop of lordship’s protection, and his lordship thus win Patras and the six suffragans under him: the commendation.*’ But Othon de la Roche was more interested in the material benefits which ———-——— “® Longnon, Chronique de Morée, pars. 198-202, pp. 71-

72: “Et quant li princes Guillerme [Geoffrey I of Ville1212, respectively: Potthast, nos. 4478, 4452 [vol. I, pp. hardouin| fu en possession dou beau chastel de Naples 387, 385]): 1) Cephalonia; 2) Zante; 3) Damala, near the [Nauplia], si le donna benignement a messire Guillerme ancient Troezen; 4) Monemvasia, which remained Greek [Othon] de la Roche, le seignor d’Atthenes, ou tout la until 1248; 5) Argos; 6) Helos (Gilas); and 7) Zemena_ cité et le chastel d’Argues [Argos] avec les appartenances. (Gimenes) [PL 216, 587B]. Subsequent needs, however, soon Et tout ce fist il pour la grant bonté et bone compaignie introduced many changes into this structure, which need que il lui tint au siege de Corinte [Corinth], et pour celle not concern us here (cf. Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. qu'il attendoit a avoir ancores de lui a Malevesie [Monem-

62-63). According to the chronicler Aubrey of Trois- vasia]” (par. 200). Schmitt, Chron. of Morea, vv. 2875-83; Fontaines, a good authority, in MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos, pars. 210-13, p. 48, where 939, Argos was a suffragan see of Athens in 1236, but I the chronology is confused; Cronaca di Morea (versione do not know whether this is so. (Certainly Argos was a_ italiana), ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom. (1873), p. 436, and fief of the de la Roche of Athens.) In 1212 the Latins Sanudo, Ist. di Rom., ibid., p. 100; Wm. Miller, Latins in had merely taken over, almost unchanged, the organiza- the Levant (1908), pp. 58, 62; Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. tion of the Greek Church of Corinth, as given in the Greek 115, 117-18. It seems to me that Longnon, who departs Taktika of the time of the Emperor Leo VI and the Patriarch from the more or less traditional chronology of events, does

Nicholas Mysticus (Heinrich Gelzer, “Ungedruckte und not justify his dating from the sources, and hastens by at ungenlgend ver6ffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episco- least ten months the fall of Acrocorinth and the occupation of patuum,” in the Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissen., Nauplia and Argos. Although in his pact of June, 1209, Philos.-philol. Cl., XX1 [1901], 556); also under the Emperor with Venice, Geoffrey of Villehardouin acknowledges that

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, about 940 (Gelzer, Georgii “de Corintho ita teneor ego et mei heredes et successores Cyprit descriptio orbis romani, Leipzig, 1890, p. 75); and domino Duci [Petro Ziani Venecie] . . .” (Tafel and still in the first half of the eleventh century, between 1022 Thomas, Urkunden, II, 98), the statement is merely antiand 1035 (Gustav Parthey, ed., Hieroclis Synecdemus et cipatory of expected success in the siege then in progress. Notitiae graecae episcopatuum, Berlin, 1866, not. 3, p. 117). On 4 March, 1210, Innocent HI wrote that it was proper On the Greek Church in the Peloponnesus before the for the papacy to exercise pastoral care over the Corinthians

Fourth Crusade, see the general account in Antoine Bon, “since their city is believed about to come under Latin Le Péloponnese byzantin jusqu’en 1204, Paris, 1951, pp. dominion or perhaps already to have done so” (Inn. III,

103-13. an. XIII, ep. 6, in PL 216, 201D, doc. cited above); it is 46 Inn. III, ep. cit.,in PL 216, 598B, and Lampros,Eggrapha, quite clear that he had not yet received news of the fall of

pt. I, doc. 5, p. 6. Acrocorinth. Even under the unsettled conditions then

“Inn. Ill, an. XV, ep. 66 (PL 216, 590; Lampros, obtaining in the Morea, it would hardly take two months Eggrapha, pt. I, doc. 4, p. 5); Potthast, no. 4458 (vol. I, p. to convey a message from the camp at Corinth to the 385). The same letter was sent to Villehardouin (an. XV, Lateran palace in Rome. Acrocorinth fell early in the year

ep. 65, in PL 216, 590). 1210. Cf. Bon, La Morée franque (1969), p. 68.

38 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT bishop of Olena (near the modern Pyrgos), who as the Church was concerned, Innocent III’s resided in the capital city of Andravida, which novella plantatio Latinorum could not dig its roots

explains the large number of papal letters ad- far enough into the soil to produce a tree likely dressed to him during the thirteenth and four- to thrive in the hostile climate of Greek culture.*

teenth centuries, together with the bishops of But one much-heralded result of the Fourth Veligosti, Amyclae (Nikli), and Lacedaemonia, Crusade, very important at the time, was the and of the Venetian stations of Modon and acquisition of a vast number of relics by the conCoron. Patras became the primatial see in the querors, who enriched many churches and Morea under the new regime. The first arch- monasteries in France with their finds, which bishop was one Antelmus, who presided over the survived, almost by the thousands, until they

Latin Church for some twenty-seven years were destroyed by the French revolutionaries. (1205-1232); his life was full of the usual One of these relics purported to be the body of troubles with his clergy and the unruly baronage. S. Dionysius the Areopagite, the friend of The Hospitallers, Templars, and Teutonic S. Paul and the first bishop of Athens, patron Knights also received some lands and built some saint of the abbey of S. Denis in Paris, burial strongholds. Only part of the Morea, however, place of the kings of France. From the time of had thus been brought under the control of the Louis the Pious, in the first half of the ninth Roman Church. When Corinth fell in 1210, its century, the monks of the abbey of S. Denis had church was immediately organized by the Latins claimed to possess the body of their patron saint.

as a second metropolitan see, with seven suf- For some four centuries skeptics and detractors fragan bishoprics: the island sees of Cephalonia of the abbey had questioned the authenticity and Zante; Damala, near the ancient Troezen;_ of their chief relic, preserved in a great silver Monemvasia, which the Latins did not take until _reliquary. Now the papal legate in Greece, Peter 1248; together with Argos, Helos (Gilas in the Capuano, discovered what was alleged to be the documents) in Laconia, and Zemena (Gimenes) Areopagite’s body. Peter removed the body to near Corinth. Much of this organization was of Rome, and Innocent III decided to give it to the course merely on paper, for not only Monem- abbot of S. Denis, some of whose representatives,

vasia but even Damala, Helos, and Zemena were having attended the Lateran Council a few still in Greek hands. Time, necessity, and further months before, were still in Rome, and could knowledge of conditions in the Morea led the _ thus receive the precious relic destined for their Curia Romana to introduce many changes into monastery. If, however, the pope could send the

this structure.* body of S. Denis to the monastery which bore

By the middle of the thirteenth century, in his name, obviously the monks had for centuries the time of Prince William of Villehardouin, been extolling the virtues of a false relic. the Latin hierarchy in the Morea consisted of the The pope did not commit himself: “For cerarchbishop of Patras, with his suffragans of tain persons assert that Dionysius the Areopagite Olena, Coron, Modon, and the island see of died and was buried in Greece, and that there Cephalonia, together with the archbishop of was another Dionysius who preached the faith of

Corinth, and the Corinthian suffragans of Christ to the Frankish peoples. According to

Argos, Lacedaemonia, and Monemvasia. Thus some it was the latter who came to Rome after some sees, which had been found to be too poor the death of S. Paul and was afterwards sent to support a bishop or to be without Latin in- back to France by S. Clement, and so it was habitants enough to require one, had been quitea different person who died and was buried

abolished or, as the case might be, combined in Greece, although both Dionysii were diswith some nearby see which was more prosperous or had a larger Latin population. As far 51 In this connection note Franz Dolger, “Die Kreuz-

———__—— fahrerstaaten auf dem Balkan und Byzanz,” Siidost-Forschung-

47On the Latin hierarchy in the Morea, see Bon, La en, XV (Munich, 1956), 141-59, who sketches the history

Moree franque (1969), pp. 92-94, with refs., and cf. D. A. of the Frankenherrschaften in Greece and the Aegean (with

Zakythinos, “The Archbishop Antelmus and the First various errors in dates), and concludes that the Latin Years of the Latin Church of Patras” [in Greek], in the _ states were little more than an apparatus of colonial

"Ezernpis THs ‘Eratpeias Bulavrwav Yaovdav, X (1932), exploitation. He claims that the Latins exerted no significant

401-17. On the organization of the Corinthian Church, see influence on the Greek language, religion, law, or art, above, note 45; on the Athenian Church, see below, Chapter and although they made an obvious imprint on later Greek

16. | literature, especially the Greek romances, they had no 5° Cf. Bon, La Moree franque, pp. 97 ff. discernible effect upon the Greek mentality.

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 39 tinguished in their works and words.” Innocent Latin clergy under the Venetian Tommaso III was very considerate of the feelings of the Morosini as patriarch of Constantinople and the monks and of the reputation of the abbey. On Latin feudality under the Emperor Henry at 4 January, 1216, without taking sides in the con- Ravennika on 2 May, 1210. Neither the patritroversy, Innocent sent to S. Denis this “sacred arch nor the emperor attended the parliament memorial of the blessed Dionysius” (sacrum beatt in person. Innocent III confirmed the terms of

Dionysii pignus)“. . . sothat,since youhaveboth the agreement toward the close of the same relics, there can be no doubt henceforth but that year,» perhaps with some reluctance, for he had

the sacred relic of the blessed Dionysius the not been consulted in their formulation. Areopagite is preserved in your monastery.”*? The original document has not survived, but One suspects, nevertheless, that there were we know the text and terms of the agreement minds in which doubt persisted, now coupled from its later reaffirmations by the Curia. Thus,

with amusement. a letter of Pope Honorius III, dated 19 January,

1219, confirming the concordat of Ravennika, For more than four years, ever since the first contains a transcript of Innocent III’s own reestablishment of the crusaders in Greek lands, issue of the concordat dated 23 January, 1216, the newly installed Latin clergy had been at bitter which is our nearest document in time to the odds with one another and especially with the original settlement of 2 May, 1210. In his letter laity. There had been disputes and even armed Of 1216, which is addressed to the Latin hierconflicts over the possession of churches, monas- archy in Greece, Innocent compared himself in teries, and other ecclesiastical properties, the 1s anxious watch over the affairs of the Church, collection of the land tax and tithes, as well as to the provident gardener who sows and weeds

the question of testamentary bequests to the with care and diligence, shields his plants from Church, forbidden by Villehardouin, de la the sun and waters them, to ensure their growth Roche, and the other barons. Bishops aban- and strength. This was the spirit in which his doned their sees, and other clerics their special Holiness now, i.e. in 1216, renewed by his charges, and refused to obey the mandates of apostolic authority the grant made to the Patritheir superiors; archbishops refused to provide arch Tommaso of blessed memory, with the confor their needy suffragans; and the affairs of the sent and approval of his most beloved son in Church were in a lamentable confusion.*? The Christ, the illustrious Emperor Henry, by the rapacious western baronage, which had em- lords and barons who dwelt from the borders of

barked on this strange crusade, caused much the kingdom of Thessalonica up to the city of anxiety to Innocent III, who worked with cease- Corinth (commorantes a confinio Thessalonicensis

less vigilance, “lest the rights of the Church 7egnt usque Corinthum), the grant, that is, of should perish through the insolence of the churches, monasteries, and the like, together laity.”*4 The Emperor Henry had had a long with jurisdiction over priests and other ecclesiasopportunity to observe the evil state of the tical personnel: such was the freedom from lay Church during his triumphant progress through control promised to the Church by the hitherto Thessaly, Boeotia, and Attica, and also on his difficult and oppressive baronage, except that visit to Negroponte. He now proposed a second the Byzantine land tax, known as the akrostichon,

parliament to meet at Ravennika a year after was to be paid to their lay lords by both the

the first, this time to arrange between the empire Latin and Greek clergy. Innocent was moved to

and the Latin Church a concordat which might this pronouncement and renewal of the condefine their respective rights and bringtoanend cordat of 1210, because Pelagius, the cardinal the internecine strife which kept them both in _ bishop of Albano, when later on he became papal turmoil. An agreement was reached between the legate in Greece, had unwisely approved other arrangements between the feudatories and the

—_ Church.** But Innocent considered the original Inn. III, an. XVIII, Suppl., ep. 201 (PL 217, 241; cf. PL 216, 993A); Potthast, Regesta, no. 5043, (vol. I, p. 443)... §$£————

33 Cf. Inn. III, Epp., an. XI, nos. 116-18, 120-21, 152- Inn. III, an. XIII, ep. 192 (PL 216, 360), dated 21 54 (PL 215, 1434-35, 1467-68); an. XIII, nos. 98-117, December, 1210. 136-37, 151-56, 161 ff. (PL 216, 296-304, 323-24, etc.); 5° The letters announcing the commission of Pelagius

et4 Inn. alibi. as papal legate to the empire of Constantinople were III, an. XIII, ep. 102 (PL 216, 298D), to the arch- drafted on 30 August, 1213 (Inn. II, an. XVI, epp. 104-6, bishop of Neopatras, dated 7 July, 1210. in PL 216, 901-4; Potthast, nos. 4802—4 [vol. I, p. 418]).

40 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT grant of immunity more useful and necessary for Roche, the lord of Athens; Guido Pallavicini, the conduct of the affairs of the Latin Church in the margrave of Boudonitza (Thermopylae);*°

Greece, and had been advised that it should Ravano dalle Carceri, “lord of the island of

include even more territory, and extend indeed Negroponte;” Rainerio da Travaglia of Lamia; as far east as Macri (per loca omnia citra Macram), Albertino da Canossa; Thomas II d’Autremen-

thus covering all the Latin kingdom of Thes- court (Stromacorth, Stromoncort) of Salona; salonica, to be more in accord with the earlier Count Berthold of Velestino; Nicholas of S. establishment of ecclesiastical rights and liberties Omer; and William of Larissa. The important

by the late Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, ecclesiastics who were concerned, except the when Cardinal Benedict had dealt with him as __ patriarch, were present in person, but the barons

papal legate in Romania.*” appear to have been represented by proxies.*®

After this laborious introduction of some The barons professed to be renouncing for happily anonymous secretary in the papal themselves, their successors, and their vassals, chancery we find with much relief, appended in favor of the patriarch, “who represented the to Innocent’s letter of January, 1216, the text Church in the name of the lord pope,” the posof the concordat, de verbo ad verbum, from which _ session of all church properties, revenues, and

we learn the names of those who subscribed to rights, which were to remain forever quit of its terms. Among the ecclesiastics were the Patri- feudal and manorial charges, excepto acrostico, arch ‘Tommaso and the archbishops of Athens, which was to be paid by both Latin and Greek

Larissa, and Neopatras (Hypate), while among clerics of whatever rank on such lands as they the lay lords appear the names of Othon de la _ held of lay lords, and at the rate being paid by Greeks on those lands “at the time of the capture

———— of the imperial city of Constantinople.”® In the *’ The letter of Honorius III, an. III, no. 254 (Archivio event of clerics, Latin or Greek, failing to pay the pegreto. san aal. ee Vat. te fols.pontificatus 52°—53'), “datum gkrostichon, the barons reserved the terant Febr., nostri anno tertio” . .right . to (fol. 53"), dated 19 January, 1219, is not given in Potthast, a their Pp Toperly to the extent of their debt,

Regesta, and is too briefly summarized in the Regesta Honorii. ~DUL NO More, while the persons of such clerics

Papae III, ed. P. Pressutti, I (1888), no. 1816, p. 301. The 1N arrears were to remain free and unattached, complete text is printed with the wrong date in Lampros, and they and their churches were to be guaran-

Eggrapha, pt. I, doc. 11, pp. 13-17, where the letter of teed such ossessions as they had in exc f

Innocent III, dated 23 January, 1216 (also not in Potthast), P a cy ta CXCESS O

is given in full. Innocent’s letter gives our earliest transcript of the concordat of Ravennika (Reg. Vat. 10, fols.§ § ———_ 52”—53'; Lampros, op. cit., pp. 15-17). The text of the *8 Pallavicini’s name appears as Guido Marchio in the text concordat has often been printed from the later confirma- in Migne, PL 216, 970C, and although it is almost tion of Honorius III, an. VIII, ep. 47, dated 4 September, unrecognizable as Wido Marclo in the transcription of 1223, which is to be found in: Epp. Inn. III, ed. Etienne Lampros, Eggrapha, p. 15, the latter has in fact copied Baluze, II (Paris, 1682), 835-37; Migne, Appendix lib. XVI this name and others in this passage accurately from the epp. Inn. HII, in PL 216, 970-72; C. A. Horoy, ed., Honorii Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 10, fol. 52”, where Amédée IIT opera omnia, IV (Paris, 1880), no. 10, cols. 414-16; with Pofey appears as Nameus Bovedus (disregard Lampros’s sumimaries in Pressutti’s Regesta, II (1895), no. 4480, p. punctuation). Pofey is listed in the text in Migne as Nameus 159; Potthast, no. 7077 (vol. I, p. 612); and Jean Longnon, Roffredus [for Boffedus] comestabulus regni T [h lessalonici. Recherches sur la vie de Geoffroy de Villehardouin: Catalogues As a whole Lampros’s transcriptions are fairly accurate.

des actes des Villehardouin, Paris, 1939, no. 99, pp. 209-10. *’ For those actually present, see Lampros, Eggrapha, p.

Innocent III’s letter of 23 January, 1216, has been most 17, and Migne, PL 216, 972AB. Neither the Patriarch recently printed in Theod. Halustynskyj, Acta Innocentii Tommaso Morosini nor the Emperor Henry was at Raven-

PP. Ill (1944), no. 217, pp. 462-65, where it is incom- nika in person—nor were Othon de la Roche, Guido plete and misdated 25 January, and in A. L. Tautu, Acta _Pallavicini, Thomas of Salona, and the other important Honor HI. . . , Citta del Vaticano, 1950, no. 48, pp. barons (contrary to the account in Wm. Miller, Latins in 72-75, where it is now misdated 23 January, 1215, “datum the Levant [1908], pp. 75-76). The Latin hierarchy in Laterani X Kalendas Februarii pontificatus nostri anno continental Greece, however, was largely present in person. octavo decimo:” Innocent’s eighteenth year extended from The emperor and the feudality were apparently represented

22 February, 1215, to 21 February, 1216. Despite some by the chronicler Geoffrey of Villehardouin, “marshal

carelessness, HaluS¢cynskyj provides good texts of Innocent of all the empire of Romania,” and some other barons of III’s letters relating to ecclesiastical affairs in the East, and less importance. The Master Henry, “canon of the Church

gives references to their previous publication by Baluze, of Santa Sophia,” who also witnessed the concordat of Bosquet, Tafel and Thomas, Migne, etc. Tautu’s edition of | Ravennika (Lampros, Eggrapha, p. 17), may possibly be Honorius III's letters is rather less satisfactory (see below, Henri of Valenciennes, historian of the rebellion of the p. 50, note 25). On the concordat of Ravennika, cf. Gerland, Lombard barons in 1208-1209 (Longnon, L’Empire latin, Latein. Kawserreich (1905), pp. 208-9, and Longnon, L’Em-_ p. 141).

pire latin (1949), p. 123. ® Lampros, Eggrapha, pp. 15-16; PL 216, 970D-971A.

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 4] the debt for which seizure was made. The sons _ theless, the division of Christendom into a Greek and heirs and wives of Greek clerics, i.e., es- | East and Latin West obviously followed linguistic pecially of the rural priests ( papates), were not to and ethnic lines. But there were many reasons, be imprisoned so long as the lords concerned apart from language, why the Greek and Latin

had access to the property of defaulters and Churches could not achieve the union which could satisfy themselves therefrom “in accord the popes so ardently desired. Discord and diswith the amount of the debt.” Young Greeks, agreement were inevitable between two groups however, whether of lay or clerical parentage, of ecclesiastics who had been brought up with were liable to feudal or manorial service accord- divergent views of the substance and function ing to the custom of the region, unless they re- of canon law. Papal letters were never a significeived ordination as priests themselves, in which cant source of law in the Greek East where, case they were to enjoy the same privilege with furthermore, S. Augustine was little known and respect to service as clerics of the Roman Catho- hardly ever read. Greeks and Latins had diflic obedience. Among the names of the score of | ferent conceptions of the meaning and proper ecclesiastics and ten or so barons who witnessed organization of the Church as a spiritual reality the acts of Ravennika on 2 May, 1210, we read as well as a hierarchical structure, the body of that of the famous chronicler of the Fourth Christ as well as the assembly of all believers. Crusade, Geoffrey of Villehardouin, Gaufridus, Different traditions had produced different

marescalcus totius imperit Romanie, but his nephew mentalities, different ecclesiologies.™

of the same name, a personage very much to be In the early thirteenth century Greek Orthoreckoned with in the affairs of Greece, who had = doxy was still satisfied with the traditional rebecome seneschal of Romania at the first parlia- _ligious synthesis which had been largely comment of Ravennika a year before, was not repre- pleted by the Seventh G@icumenical Council (in sented at the second, and unfortunately for the 787), while the West had been subjecting the Latin Church in the “new France,” the concordat dogmatic tradition to constant analysis for three of Ravennika did not apply to the lands he was__ or four generations. The Greeks still adhered now beginning to rule as the prince of Achaea.*' _to the vague symbols of the past, and were re-

Although initiated by the emperor and con- _ pelled by the intellectual constructs of Latin

firmed by the pope, the concordat did not bring Catholicism. There were no universities in the about any marked improvement in the relations Byzantine world and no scholastic theologians between the bishops and barons of continental ———___ Greece, who had solemnly pledged their observ- __ possit celebrare, nullum exinde ecclesiae suae praeiudicium

ance of its conditions. There is an old curial generando.” Bishop John, to whom this letter was addressed, adage to the effect that historia concordatorum, 7)" employed less than a year later as papal envoy to historia dolorum. but the Curia Romana never eodore Ducas of Epirus, who then held imprisoned the , - papal legate Giovanni Colonna. The legate had been capforgot the terms of Ravennika and sought per- tured with the Latin Emperor Peter of Courtenay near

h Tl ong eastwar journey to onstantinople Cc}. égesta, 1,

sistently to secure their observance. purazzo in the early summer of 1217 as ny, began their tt hee. ou ria of tnmocent om nd ity er no. 1024, p. 174, dated 25 January, 1218, and ibid., no.

. , : 1029, dated 26 January, and note Longnon, L’Empire latin,

sonnel remained largely the same under his pp. 154-56). On the knowledge of Greek in Italy during successor Honorius III. Until the advent of the this period, see Kenneth M. Setton, “The Byzantine Turk, two centuries later, there were few bar- Background to the Italian Renaissance,” Proceedings of the

. : American Philosophical Society, vol. 100 (1956), passim, re-

mers between Italy and Greece. It was no t diffi- printed in Europe and the Levant in the Middle ‘Ages and the cult to find in Italy Catholic ecclesiastics who Renaissance, London, 1974, and cf. in general Johannes M. spoke Greek as a native language, and whocould —Hoeck and Raimund J. Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von be employed on diplomatic missions.®2 Never- Otranto, Abt von Casole: Beitrage zur Geschichte der ostwestlichen Beztehungen unter Innozenz III. und Friedrich IL,

——————— Ettal, 1965 (Studia patristica et byzantina, 11).

*! Lampros, Eggrapha, pp. 16-17; PL 216, 971-72; ef. 3 See the interesting study of Yves M.-J. Congar, “ConLongnon, Geoffroy de Villehardouin, pp. 100, 209-10. science ecclésiologique en Orient et en Occident du VI® au 6 Cf. Hon. III, an. I, ep. 371, in P. Pressutti, ed., 1 Regesti XI° siecle,” Istina, VI (1959), 187-236, with a rich bibli-

del pontefice Onorio IIIT . . . , 1 (Rome, 1884; no more pub- ography, and cf. Congar, L’Eccleésiologie du haut moyen-age,

lished), no. 455, p. 128; Regesta, I (1888), no. 487, p.86,doc. Paris, 1968, esp. pp. 321 ff., and After Nine Hundred dated 9 April, 1217: “Iohanni episcopo Crotonensi: Ipsi Years, New York, 1959, and also G. Hofmann, “The Idea utriusque linguae, graecae videlicet et latinae, peritiam of the Ecumenical Council as Means of Union in Dealings habenti, et in cuius dioecesi utriusque linguae populus between Byzantium and Rome,” Unitas, II-1 (1950), 68— commoratur, concedit [Papa] ut in utraque lingua divina_ 69, 76.

42 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT hammering out doctrinal definitions on the iron — nevertheless to abandon our religious rites and

anvil of dialectic. A Platonic ideality fed the practices. contradictions seemed ‘not to bother Greek | Henty gave way, and made life tolerable for the dvines who kept reading the patrology and _C7G2k Population of the capital and forthe Latin

the old conciliar decrees without asking ques- he Greeks in C onstantinople prepare da de-

tions. Various doctrines have remained to this . . a to be sent to Innocent III through the cardinal

day without precise definition in Greek theology. tailed syllabus of the errors of the Latin Church,

too te may have defined too much, legate Pelagius, they included, towards the Greeks and Latins spoke different languages end or tein Statement, a reminder of the ulti

figuratively as well as literally. As the eastern 5 P

mystic became concerned with the divine vision, We doexpect, of course, to have the lord, Sir Henry, the juridically minded westerner thought of his as our emperor, and under his shadow to live and do moral presentment before God. As reason be- _ servile things and work our fields and pasture our came the dominant passion of Latin theologians, _ flocks and sail the sea; but without us the threshingthe Greeks tended to retreat into an ivory tower floor will not be filled with grain, nor the wine-vat of spiritual and cultural irrationalism. But there with grapes; bread will not be eaten, nor meat, nor

was nothing irrational about the Greeks’ reject- fish, nor yeseaness puman hfe ane rae will not

ing the Roman interpretation of the “primacy othe, t 4 ese eh he £ toll for our Latin of S. Peter.” The Greeks had long been accus- them “but this is the t corer half of our lives im se tomed to an ecclesiastical multiformity at marked and frangible; we wish, however, the better half to variance with the authoritarianism of Roman enjoy the same thoughts as they enjoy, both as long pronouncements on dogma, law, and the liturgy. as we live and after death, as we [and they] are parts Even before the Fourth Crusaders had set out, of a single immortal body.®

Innocent III had made quite clear to the Em-

peror Alexius III in a letter of 13 November, _ The history of the Latin states in Greece and 1199, that the Roman see was the caput et mater the islands is at best a rather confusing subject. omnium ecclesiarum, and the pope had the right It lacks unity, for no one state stands out suffito legislate for the entire Church with the advice ciently to enable us to group all the others around

and counsel of his fellow bishops.® it and to tell the tale of them all in relation to the Sometimes, of course, the Greek and Latin ™ost important. Both the historian and the

clergies understood each other all too well, and eader are obliged to keep their eyes on numerample reasons could be found for mutual dis- ©US participants in events which sometimes have trust—not least among them the grim fact of little apparent bearing on one another. Although the Fourth Crusade. We may note at this point Michael Ducas’s eastward thrust through Thestwo eloquent expressions of the Greek attitude aly to the Aegean seems to have had, for ex-

towards the Latins and their overlordship. ample, but slight effect on the internal history While the arrogant papal legate Pelagius, who of Athens and Thebes (at least so far as we are wore the red boots (EpvdpoBaygh 7é5tka) which acquainted with that history), it obviously sevconnoted imperial rank in Constantinople, was ered easy communication with Thessalonica. trying to bend the Greeks in the capital to the Undoubtedly there was much apprehension in religious dictates of “the older Rome,” a deputa- Athens and Thebes, and even some in the Morea, tion of some of the chief Greek residents of the city informed the Latin Emperor Henry (in ® Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 17 (Bonn, pp. 32-33, and

1214): ed. Heisenberg, I, 29-30). There is an adaptation of this We are a people of another race [genos] and have ae 99 a Bonne oo a0L-D). G. Gava Imperatores,

another head to our Church [archiereus]; we have Kaiserreich (1905), pp. 538-39, and Longnon, L’Empire submitted to your power, so you may lord it over our {agin (1949), p. 145. bodies, but not our hearts and souls; while we must 66 J. B. Cotelerius [Cotelier], ed., Ecclesiae Graecae monufight on your behalf in war, we find it impossible menia, III (Paris, 1686), pp. 516-17 (Criminationes adversus Ecclesiam Latinam), cited by Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich

—_—_ (1905), pp. 239, 240-41, and Walter Norden, Das Papsttum “Inn. III, Epp., an. II, no. 211 (PL 214, 771); Pott- und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, repr. New York, 1958, pp. 228-

hast, Regesta, no. 863 (vol. I, p. 82), and cf. the works of 29. Arather similar statement appears in the Greek Chronicle

Congar referred to in the preceding note. of Morea, ed. Schmitt (1904), vv. 2089-95, pp. 140 ff.

THE APOGEE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE 43 as a result of Michael’s occupation of so much Theodore watched with jealous resentment Thessalian territory and his capture of Salona. the ever-growing success of his namesake of After Michael’s death, probably latein the year Epirus, more than once reaching an entente with 1215, the Epirote drive gained even more mo-__ the Latin imperial government on the Bosporus,

mentum under his vigorous, hard-hitting half- to the self-righteous horror of Epirote officialbrother Theodore, who now took over the dom, which regarded Nicene tactics as a breach government in Arta. Although Michael ap- of pan-Hellenic patriotism. The Latin Emperor parently never used the title Despot, Theodore Henry was also alarmed by Theodore Ducas's did so on certain coins. The Thessalian mag- aggressiveness, and early in 1216 marched with nates had regained their estates in Michael’s an army to Thessalonica, conceivably planning advance to the Aegean, and they were destined an offensive against him. Henry died there on 11 to retain their position until the appearance of June; he was not yet forty years of age. There the Turks in the later fourteenth century. One were the customary rumors of poison, his Bulof the reasons for this was the withdrawal from garian wife being unjustly accused thereof.™ Greece of many of the Lombard lords, who made _ His loss was a great one to the Latin cause in no effort to regain the towns and villages as- Greece, for he had fought like a “second Ares” signed to them after the Fourth Crusade, once (avruxpus “Apys).® After his death there was

the Epirotes had overrun them. never any hope of winning the Greeks over to

With the support or friendly neutrality of the the imperium Francorum in Constantinople. Albanians and Serbs, Theodore Ducas began his spectacular reign over Epirus by an attack upon =——~—__ the Bulgarians (1216), from whom he seized the 6 Gerland, Latein. Kaiserreich, pp. 249-50, with refs., important towns of Ochrida and Prilep, extend- and Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 150-52. On the apparent

ing his northeastern border to the plains of revival oo feensm Greek nationaism ) ater hoe Monastir. Theodore now arranged the appoint- . see he ha,the danas oie cuivited expositionofofA. A. E. : . rather than Rhomaioi, spirited exposition E.

ment of Demetrius Chomatianus (Chomatenos) _Bakalopoulos [Vakalopulos], ‘Iaropia rov véov ‘EAAnVigpLOD,

as the archbishop of Ochrida. Demetrius soon Thessaloniki, 1961, pp. 43-83, and Origins of the Greek became the official publicist of Epirote ecclesias- Nation, rev. ed. trans. Tan Moles, New Brunswick, N.J., tical and political claims against those of the rival ee P.2 "ae: and me discussion of Johannes Irmscher, state of Nicaea, where Theodore Lascaris had Byzantinische Forschungen, IV (1972), 114-37. For the use been crowned emperor in 1208, arrogating to of the terms barbaroi, Hellenes, Rhomaioi, and Graikoi by

. . punkt des griechischen Patriotismus,

himself all the rights and sanctions formerly Sphrantzes, Ducas, Critobulus of Imbros, and Laonicus wielded by the Greek rulers of Constantinople.* Chalcocondylas, note the article by Hans Ditten, in the Actes du XII® Congrés international d'études byzantines

——_—_____—___- [1961], II (Belgrade, 1964), 273-99.

87 Cf. Hélene Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, 1966, 6° Ephraem, Imperatores, v. 7735 (Bonn, p. 312), apparently

pp. 301-13, and on Theodore, see Demetrios I. Polemis, 2 pun on the Greek pronunciation of Henri as Eris (LonThe Doukai: A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography, London, gnon, L’Empire latin, p. 143). On the Emperor Henry in

1968, pp. 89-90. On Demetrius Chomatianus, see the article popular Greek legend and verse (and the adaptation to by Lucien Stiernon, cited above, in the Dictionnaire d’histotre et his career of romantic notions concerning Alexander the de geographie eccléstastiques, XIV (1960), cols. 199-205. There Great), see M. I. Manousakas, “To €dAnvixo dyporiKo is a succinct summary of Nicene history in Michael Angold, Tporyovd. yu To Bactdta ‘Eppixo THs PrAavrpas,” in the A Byzantine Government in Exile: Government and Society under Greek journal Aaoypagia, XIV (1952), offprint of 52 pp.,

the Laskarids of Nicaea, Oxford, 1975. and, ibid., XV (1954), 336-70.

3. THE CHANGING FORTUNES OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA, EPIRUS AND NICAEA (1216-1246) Wi the death of Henry d’Angre of ceremony taking place just outside the historic Hainaut in June, 1216, the strength and Aurelian wall, lest it seem to compromise the hope of the Latin empire also expired. Its rights of the young Emperor Frederick II, survival for two more generations is one of who had a few years before become the papal the most extraordinary facts in the Latin history candidate for Holy Roman Emperor. Although

of Greece.’ Henry was succeeded as Latin Frederick had already been crowned twice beemperor by his brother-in-law, the headstrong fore April, 1217, his imperial coronation by the and unruly Peter of Courtenay, husband of his pope in Rome had not yet taken place (Honorius

sister Yolande. Peter was one of the richer was to crown him in Rome on 22 November, barons in France, having received the counties 1220). At the time of Peter of Courtenay’s of Auxerre and Tonnerre from his first wife coronation in S. Lorenzo relations between the and that of Namur from his second. Leaving pope and Frederick were rather delicate, the his sons Philip and Robert to protect the family’s latter thrusting himself forward as a crusader interests in France, Peter with Yolande and their anxious to recover the Holy Land, and the Curia

daughters set out over the hills and far away Romana apparently reluctant to see him at the to the empire that awaited them in the East. At head of the undertaking which Innocent III the head of an army of 160 knights and 5,500 had bequeathed to the papacy as unfinished mounted men and footsoldiers, Peter went first business. In the East the Fifth Crusade was

to Rome, where Pope Honorius III rather getting under way, preparing for the siege of reluctantly crowned him in the church of S. Damietta, and hope was still running high at the Lorenzo fuori le Mura (on 9 April, 1217),? the papal court that the rulers of Egypt and Damas-

cus might be defeated, and Jerusalem regained, 1G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur Under other than imperial auspices. Glteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, After his coronation Peter of Courtenay II (Vienna, 1856), 205-7; Andrea Dandolo, Chronica, in crossed the Adriatic on Venetian ships from

the new Muratori, RISS, XII-1 (Bologna, 1938-48), 288; «gee . . Freddy Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne au moyen-age, Paris, Brindisi with the papal legate Giovanni Colonna,

1959, pp. 89-90. In August, 1219, for example, Jacopo Cardinal priest of S. Praxedis, later the great Tiepolo, Venetian podesta in Constantinople (and later clerical Ghibelline. Landing at Durazzo, whence the doge), negotiated a treaty of peace with Theodore by the Via Egnatia ten or a dozen days’ march Lascaris of Nicaea for five years, and in the mid-four- might have carried him to Thessalonica, Peter dolo observed that Tiepolo did so “since the power of al : siege to urazZO, SCe ing to wrest it rom t €

teenth century the ducal chronicler Andrea Dan- laid si D kj ef h

the French was already failing” (cum iam Gallorum Epirotes in order to restore it to the Venetians, potentia evanesceret). Always realistic, the Venetians an ill-advised venture in which he failed comcould recognize a serious situation when they saw one. pletely. He also earned the immediate enmity On the increasing confidence to be found in Nicaea OF Theodore Ducas. After much waste of time

and “the mentality of “Byzantium in exile,” see N. .

Oikonomides, “Cing Actes inédits du_patriarche and effort, Peter abandoned the siege of Michel Autoreianos [1208-1214],” Revue des études Durazzo, and began his hazardous journey

byzantines, XXV (1967), 113-45. ' across the peninsula toward Thessalonica and 2The Emperor Peter confirmed the partition treaty Constantinople but some days later he fell of 1204 two days after his coronation, by an act given . b he wily Theod d ended in the Lateran palace in Rome on 11 April, 1217 (Tafel into a trap set : y the wily ecodore, an en € and Thomas, Urkunden, II, 193-95). On the coronation, Up in an Epirote dungeon, from which he

see Corrado di Fabaria, Casus S. Galli, 8, in MGH, SS., never emerged.* II (Hanover, 1829), 171: “Consecratus est autem imperator [Petrus] non in ecclesia beati Petri, sed in ecclesia] ~"—____ beati Laurencii extra muros.” Cf. also Honorius III, 3On the chronology of events, cf. Girolamo GoluEpp., an. I, no. 525, in I Regesti del pontefice Onorio III, ed. bovich, Bibioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e Pietro Pressutti, I (Rome, 1884), no. 464, p. 130; Regesta dell’Oriente francescano, I (Quaracchi, 1906), 89 ff., Honorii Papae III, ed. Pressutti, I (Rome, 1888), no. 497, and on papal relations with Egypt in the 1240's, note, p. 88; Aug. Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum, 2 ibid., II (1913), 327 ff. See in general K. M. Setton et al.,

vols., Berlin, 1874-75, no. 5517 (vol. I, p. 485), doc. eds., A History of the Crusades, H (Philadelphia, 1962; dated 12 April, 1217; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1217, 2nd ed., Madison, Wisc., 1969), chaps. x1 ff., pp. 377 ff.

nos. 4—7, vol. XX (Lucca, 1747), pp. 404-5. 4 Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1217, 44

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 45 Cardinal Giovanni, who had been captured towns of Neopatras and Zeitounion, on the with Peter, spent long months in prison from northern boundaries of the Latin march of which, however, the threats and persistence of Boudonitza. (Neopatras is the modern Hypate; Honorius III finally rescued him. The Empress Zeitounion, the ancient Lamia; and Boudonitza Yolande, who was pregnant, had gone by sea_ was at the pass of Thermopylae.) Theodore with her daughters to Constantinople where also took the fortress promontory of Platamona she gave birth to her third son, Baldwin [II], in Thessaly, sentinel of the Gulf of Thessalonica, apparently in the purple chamber of the im- just north of the classical vale of ‘Tempe—an perial palace. On the Bosporus she reigned important acquisition in which John Apocaucus,

in the loneliness of widowhood over an empire the good bishop of Naupactus (Lepanto), which like her had already seen its best days. gloried as being the prelude to Theodore’s She died in late September, 1219, and after a occupation of Thessalonica, the big fish for regency exercised chiefly by Cardinal Giovanni, which the Epirote ruler was casting his net.’ her son Robert came from France to Constan- Next Prosek on the Vardar fell to Theodore in tinople, his elder brother Philip having declined 1219, and two years later he captured Serres

the succession. Robert arrived in March, 1221, from the Latins, cutting the road between

and was crowned emperor in the palace chapel ‘Thessalonica and Constantinople. To the west

of Boukoleon, and began a decade of feeble of Thessalonica the towns of Berrhoea and rule in a time when strength was needed.® Castoria capitulated, and Servia in northern The subsequent history of the Latin empire Thessaly was occupied without a struggle. Many might have been very different had the im- other towns and villages also fell under ‘Theopetuous Peter actually ruled in Constantinople. dore’s dominion, which now extended from If his reign might have lacked the peace and Durazzo on the Adriatic south to Naupactus

diplomatic satisfactions of that of his wife where the Corinthian Gulf empties into the Yolande, it would also have lacked the perilous Ionian Sea. His- northern boundary stretched

ineptitude which marked Robert’s imperial somewhat uncertainly from Durazzo and the efforts: Latini perdiderunt multa cum ille [Robertus] valley of the river Drin (the ancient Drilon)

esset quasi rudis et idiota.® eastward to the lower reaches of the Vardar and

In 1218 Theodore Ducas and his brother the Strymon, thus including most of ancient

Constantine had captured the important castle Paeonia, Macedonia, and the lands southwest of the Rhodope mountains. His eastern border,

OO which commanded his most diligent attention, in MGH, SS., XXIII, 906; Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 14 descended from Serres and Berrhoea, Servia voosl. BP ogy. Ric and oc 8 seen Cen, Leipzig, and Platamona, through Larissa and Zeitounion 1217, in Muratori, RISS, VII (Milan, 1725), col. 990, Naupactus. It was the most powerful state and MGH, SS., XIX (1866), p. 339, lines 1-6. in the Balkans. *Cf. Jean Longnon, L’Empire latin’ de Constantinople, Theodore had now wielded the scepter of Paris, 1949, pp. 153-60. Immediately upon his arrival Epirus for a mere half dozen years, but his in Constantinople the Emperor Robert confirmed the : . partition treaty of 1204 (Tafel and Thomas, II, 227— Victories had been such as to fasten the eyes of 30). Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 287, 288-89, the Greek world upon him as the conqueror Cardinal Giovanni Colonna, as is well known, was of the Latins and the champion of Orthodoxy.

» S§u eserv .

present at the aking or aimietta in , 21 9, ane brought He had climbed the steep hill of success rapidly, in the Church of S. Praxedis. He transferred his support always knowing whom to Atta ck and when. To

on ebruary, . . .

to the Ghibellines in 1240, after which the Colonnesi the south the Latin principality of Achaea long preserved their so-called imperial loyalties (cf. E. had also prospered. Theodore had confined van Cauwenbergh, in the Dictionnaire d'histoire et de his campaigns to continental Greece; Thesgeograpiie ecclesuaaniques III [Paris, 1956], 335). He died alonica and Constantinople were his ultimate § Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1220, in goals. Very wisely he never ventured into the MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), 910, lines 42-43. Following

the death of Yolande, to whom rather than to her hus- —77— band Peter the barons of Constantinople had taken 7Apocaucus, Epp., no. 4, ed. V. G. Vasilievskii, the oath of fealty, Conon of Béthune was made bailie “Epirotica saeculi XIII,” Vizantiiskii Vremennik, II (1896), of the Latin empire. Conon died in December, 1219 or, 246-48, cited by D. M. Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros,

possibly, 1220. The young Emperor Robert arrived in Oxford, 1957, p. 58. With its well-preserved VenetoConstantinople in March, 1221 (Longnon, L’Empire Turkish castle, Platamona is today one of the more pic-

latin, pp. 157-59). turesque sites in Greece.

46 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Morea, where the opposition would have been Kyr. The abbot of Daphni and the dean of

too strong and the risks too great. the diocese of Daulia were informed that his Holiness understood, on the complaint of the For some twenty years Prince Geoffrey I archbishop and the cathedral chapter of Thebes, of Villehardouin ruled over most of the Morea that the Patriarch Gervasius claimed the right as an almost independent state. His suzerains to hear all cases arising in the archdiocese of were the Latin emperor in Constantinople and Thebes, whether referred to him on appeal

the Venetian Republic, but after the death of or not; that in most uncanonical fashion he the Emperor Henry, the imperial power on the excommunicated, and absolved therefrom, Bosporus counted for little, and the Venetians both clerics and laymen; that he claimed the did not interfere in the affairs of the Moreote right of appointment to vacant livings and preprincipality so long as their own interests were bends although he had never been granted in no way endangered. Geoffrey was an able any such right; that, in short, he seemed to and sagacious prince who knew how to pre-_ discharge the functions of a papal legate alserve by a careful administration the state he though he had never received any privilege had helped to found by his enterprise and to this effect, nor any special mandate from the imagination. He appears, by and large, to have Holy See. Gervasius had even gone so far as dealt justly with the native Greeks. He had _ to establish his own procurator in Thebes to constant trouble with the papacy, for there exercise there his unwarranted jurisdiction.° were causes of strife between the Latin clergy The abbot of Daphni, the prior of the Parand the feudality in Greece other than Ville- thenon, and the dean of Daulia were requested hardouin’s failure to accept and Othon de la_ in the second letter to investigate and render Roche’s failure to abide by the acts of Ravennika. judgment on the charge, made by the arch-

On 11 February, 1217, Pope Honorius III bishop and chapter of Thebes, “that the pa-

wrote to the Latin Patriarch Gervasius (1215— triarch of Constantinople had deprived them 1219)lodged of Constantinople a complaint hadplace of theofChurch theforo Blessed Mary inand the of marketbeen at the Curia that on behalf of VilleThebesof[in Thebarum|] certain

hardouin and de la Roche to the effect that others, too, contrary to justice.” The same the patriarch had, on his own authority, with- three ecclesiastics were finally directed, in

out reasonable cause, and contrary to the statutes the third letter of the same date (14 February, of the General Council (of the Lateran), prom- 1217), to look into the claim being vigorously

ulgated decrees of excommunication against pressed by the patriarch, who had come to

them and laid an interdict upon their lands. Thebes himself (ad Thebanam civitatem accedens), His Holiness declared, however, that, if such to certain monasteries, marked with the signum was the case, the patriarch was to relax the crucis, because of their previous possession by

7 7 f ; onorius , an. |, Ep. » MN Meges i] , no. ’

sentences passed against Villehardouin and de la y Honore UL ; 967. in Revesti. 1 319

; . ; , represented the Patriarch Morosini at the concordat of diocese of Athens; the prior of the cathedral Ravennika in May, 1210, had been appointed to his see Roche within a week ofthe recip of the papal ys. 6g i Bip. Cee, hd

of Athens, the Parthenon (prior dominici templi _ by Pope Innocent HI at the Lateran Council in 1215, a

Athenien.y and the dean of the Daulian chapter, Seaton wich bough an sid a rola Spee we re all being informed, Honorlus wrote, of (see Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 144, 147-48). On his decision, and were being instructed to relax Gervasius, see Louis de Mas Latrie, “Patriarches latins the bans against Villehardouin and de la Roche.® de Constantinople,” Revue de VOrient latin, Il (1895,

Three days later, on 14 February, 1217, the [eP", 1864, 48%; Leo Sanifalle, Betrige zw Gali papal chancery dispatched at least three letters gg ff; and R. L. Wolff, “Politics in the Latin Patri. to clerics in the domains of the Athenian Megas archate of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” Dumbarton

————_—_—_———. Oaks Papers, VIII (1954), 246-54, 274-76.

* Honorius III, an. I, ep. 271 (text in Sp. P. Lampros, 10 Hon. III, an. I, ep. 269, in Regesti, I, no. 313, p. 88; Eggrapha, Athens, 1906, pt. I, doc. 7, pp. 8-9); Regesti, Regesta, I, no. 342, p. 61, and see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, I (1884), no. 302, p. 85; Regesta, I (1888), no. 332, p. 59. “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople

(Honorius often found it necessary to upbraid the arro- and Greece, 1204-1276,” Traditio, XIV (1958), 82, 97 gant Patriarch Gervasius for his highhanded actions.) ff., 111 ff., who mistakenly assumes that reference in

About fifteen Latin incumbents of Greek sees had at- the papal documents to dominicum templum Athenarum, i.e.

tended the Lateran Council in Rome, among them the the Parthenon cathedral in Athens, means the Templars

archbishops of Athens, Thebes, and Corinth. (ibid., pp. 97, 99).

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA : 47 the Greek patriarch. We may be sure that the edness, and solemnly protested against such patriarch’s right to these monasteries was usurpation of the power of the Roman pontiff— quite as vigorously denied by the archbishop “you seem not to have undertaken the care of of Thebes.'! There were now twelve canons in a pastoral charge,” he wrote, “but to have

the cathedral chapter at Thebes.’? We shall mounted the throne of arrogance and the

have occasion later to observe the unenviable cathedra of pestilence.” Honorius enjoined record of disorder they had achieved in the upon his venerable brother in Constantinople affairs of the Theban archdiocese although they to remember who was subject to whom, and appear to have met at least their match in the directed him to relax the objectionable and unPatriarch Gervasius. A year later, in January, canonical bans promulgated in his name: other1218, Pope Honorius wrote again to the pa-_ wise the bans would be relaxed by the treasurer

triarch, peremptorily ordering him to cease of the Athenian chapter and the prior and claiming jurisdiction over certain churches subprior of the abbey of Daphni, who were merely because they bore the Greek patriarchal _ being instructed to this effect by papal letters.“ sign of the cross, but which apparently belonged But if the Latin patriarch was presumptuous, to the archbishops, bishops, and certain other so too was the Latin baronage in Greece. To be prelates in the domains of Geoffrey, prince of sure, the prince of Achaea had not subscribed

Achaea, and Othon de la Roche, the lord of to the concordat of Ravennika, but the lord of Athens. The Latin patriarch claimed as imme- Athens had done so and was not living up to diately subject to himself all churches bearing the terms agreed upon in May, 1210. Less than the segna crucis, i.e. former dependencies of the a year later, therefore, we find Honorius himGreek patriarchate, although his Holiness _ self acceding to the formal petition of the Latin expressly says the Latin patriarch could buttress episcopacy in Greece to maintain the bans of his claim by no authorization or special privi- excommunication and the interdict directed lege (licet nullo super hoc jure vel specialt privilegio against the chief secular authorities in that alien

muniaris). ‘To assert his right to these churches, land where an alien Church could never find therefore, the patriarch must advance some _ peace and security.

other valid reason and, failing such, must On 21 January, 1219, the pope thus wrote cease to belabor the Achaean and Athenian to the archbishop, dean, and archdeacon of clergy with his claims. The abbot of Daphniand Thessalonica that, at the behest of the arch-

the prior of the Parthenon cathedral were bishops of Corinth, Patras, Larissa, Athens, also instructed to admonish the patriarch to the and Neopatras, together with their suffragans

same effect.’ and the cathedral chapter of Thebes, he conThree months later, on 31 March, 1218, Hon- firmed the sentences of excommunication laid

orius wrote the patriarch a lengthy epistle, upon Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, prince of

rebuking him for overreaching himself (tu supra Achaea, Othon de la Roche, the lord of Athens, te volens extendere alas tuas), and sending out and their barons, knights, sergeants, councillors,

legates a latere as though he were exercising and supporters, and the interdict laid upon the apostolic authority of S. Peter’s own suc- their lands by his apostolic legate Giovanni cessor. A patriarchal legate, contrary to the Colonna, the cardinal priest of S. Praxedis,

express limitations of the Lateran Council, had because of their contumacious retention of cer-

laid an interdict upon the lands of Geoffrey, tain abbeys, churches, rural parishes, and prince of Achaea, and Othon de la Roche, ecclesiastical goods, movable and immovable, the lord of Athens, without reasonable cause, contrary to the undertakings they had entered and enjoined upon the prelates of Achaea and _ into with the Church in the second parliament the Athenian lordship the inviolable observation of Ravennika, in the time of his Holiness’s of the action he had taken. The pope noted predecessor, Innocent III, of happy memory.’®

other instances of the patriarch’s highhand-

—___— 4% Hon. HI, an. II, ep. 1002 (complete text in Lam11 Hon. III, an. I, ep. 268, in Regesti, I, no. 314, pp. pros, Eggrapha, pt. I, doc. 9, pp. 10-12); cf. Regesti, I, no. 88-89; Regesta, I, no. 341, p. 60. 1162, p. 303; Regesta, I, no. 1206, p. 200; A. L. Tautu, # Hon. III, an. I, ep. 274, in Regesti, I, no. 331, p. 93; Acta Honor HI (1216-1227) et Gregori IX (1227-1241), Regesta, I, no. 356, p. 63. Citta del Vaticano, 1950 (Fontes Pontificiae Commissionis

13 Hon. III, an. II, ep. 839 (text in Lampros, Eggrapha, ad redigendum Codicem Iuris Canonici Orientalis, 3rd

pt. I, doc. 8, p. 9); Regesti, I, nos. 943-44, p. 253; Regesta, ser., vol. III), no. 30, pp. 53-55.

I, no. 986, p. 168; docs. dated 9 January, 1218. ® Hon. III, an. III, ep. 237 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt.

48 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The sentences of excommunication which saders first appeared in the Morea, almost Cardinal Giovanni Colonna had laid upon the _ twenty years before.

prince of Achaea and the lord of Athens in As in the acts of Ravennika, the Greek clergy 1218, as he passed through Greece, and which is not ungenerously protected by the pope. Honorius III confirmed on 21 January, 1219, There are now established for each village, endured for almost five years (until 4 Septem- depending on its size, the numbers of Greek ber, 1223). It is the function of the Apostolic priests who may enjoy freedom from lay See, Honorius now wrote to Geoffrey of Ville- jurisdiction, which means also freedom from hardouin (4 September, 1223), to maintain manorial and feudal service (a laicali iuriscontrol over peoples and states, so that there dictione omnimodo liberi et immunes): a village may be rendered unto Caesar what is Caesar’s having from 25 to 70 homes (lares) may have and unto God what is God’s. The insolence of two such priests; a village of from 70 to 125 the princes of Romania has caused confusion homes, 4 priests; and those containing more

and corruption; men bestow goods upon than 125 may have 6 priests.'7 Such priests churches, and take them away, just as they shall, however, pay the old land tax or akrostiplease. Among offenders Geoffrey himself has chon if it is due from the lands they hold. Ville-

been conspicuous; he has kept abbeys and other hardouin and his Latin subjects are to pay church properties in his own hands, and spent tithes, and they are to see that the Greeks pay their incomes upon himself; he has used Greek tithes also without their customary recourse priests as serfs (papates tanquam rustict); and to arms (et facietis a Grecis vobis subditis et non because he has not hearkened to warning and_rebellantibus simili modo persolvi). Nevertheless, to rebuke, he has been excommunicated. But Villehardouin and his feudatories are to receive

to those who have learned humility, and would the treasures and movable property of the return to the Church, the entrance is never Moreote churches, provided they establish an closed, and Honorius now welcomes Geoffrey annuity of one thousand hyperperi, to be diback into the fold, in a compromise based upon vided among the archiepiscopal sees of Patras

the terms of Ravennika. All the cathedral and Corinth, and the bishoprics of Lacedae-

churches in the principality of Achaea are to. monia, Amyclae, Coron, Modon, Olena, and have all the possessions they now hold or are Argos. Lest this agreement between the rulers known to have held from the coronation of and the hierarchy in the Morea become a “labythe Emperor Alexius III Angelus, called Bam-_ rinth of confusion,” his Holiness gives it the bacoratius (1195—1203),!* free of all exaction confirmation of his apostolic authority.’® For and secular jurisdiction, except for just and due _ easy reference to the agreement made at Ravenakrosticha, which are to be paid to their lay lords nika in 1210, the resignatio Ravennice, as it is by ecclesiastical landholders, Latin and Greek regularly called, the acts of the clerico-feudal

alike, as in continental Greece. Since Alexius parliament are appended to the pope’s letter III Angelus was expelled in 1203, this means to Geoffrey." that the Latin Church in the Morea was to An epistle similar to the one sent to Geoffrey possess at least such lands and wealth as the was sent also to Othon de la Roche on the same Greek Church possessed when the Fourth Cru-

TT 17“In casali vero XXV et ultra usque ad Lxx lares I, doc. 10, pp. 12-13); Regesta, I, no. 1819, p. 302. Cardinal habenti duo erunt papates cum uxoribus, filiis et familiis Giovanni’s letters of commission as papal legate in the — suis, etc. . . . Quod si ultra centenarium et vicesimum Latin empire were drafted on 21-22 April, 1217 (Potthast, quintum excesserit, numerus papatum excrescet in sexRegesta, no. 5527 [vol. I, p. 486]; Regesti, I,no.496, p.137,and tum.” Doc. cited in following note.

cf. nos. 503, 546, et alibi; Regesta, 1, no. 526, p. 92; Raynaldus, 18 Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 47 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1217, nos. 8—9, vol. XX [Lucca, 1747], pp. I, doc. 18, pp. 23-27; PL 216, 968-72); Regesta Honori

405-6). papae III, 1 (1895), no. 4480, p. 159; Potthast, no. 7077 16 Cf, Nikos A. Bees, “Bambacoratius, ein Beiname des_ (vol. I, p. 612), doc. dated 4 September, 1223. The pope Kaisers Alexius III Angelos,” Byzantinisch-Neugriechische actually assigns annuities of 1,150 hyperperi (not 1,000)

Jahrbiicher, T11 (1922), 285-86. (The reference here is to the eight churches in question, but the text as found in not, as was formerly supposed, to the Emperor Alexius Lampros, op. cit., p. 26, reproduces exactly the archival Murzuphlus.) On the name “Bambacoratius” (BayBo- register (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 12, fol. Kop&Bdns), see R. J. Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve de 101°). 1352... : Premiere partie, de 1205 a 1327,” Orentalia 19 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 12, fols. 101”’—-102";

Christiana periodica, XXIX (1963), 337-38. Lampros, Eggrapha, pp. 27-30; PL 216, 970-72.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 49 day (4 September, 1223). The same provisions the prince of Achaea and the lord of Athens governed the numbers of Greek priests to serve that the Holy See, like a pious mother, had their people in the villages of Attica and Boeotia tempered discipline with gentleness in dealing as were to obtain in the Morea. For the ecclesias- with them. Although their seizure of church

tical treasure which he held, however, and for property had been a grave offense against the movable property of the Church in his God, he now granted them indulgence, and domain, Othon de la Roche was to establish excused them from the repayment of some of the

an annuity of five hundred hyperperi for the ecclesiastical revenues they had improperly clergy, to be divided as follows: 126 hyperperi seized for their own use through the years of to the cathedral Church in Athens; 100 to their estrangement from the Church.”

the Church of Thebes; 200 to the Church of The Church had finally reached at least Argos; and 74 to the Church of Daulia.2” , The some measure of accommodation with the terms of the agreement with de la Roche also Latin feudality in Greece. But the clergy always received papal confirmation to avoid the same remained impoverished and dissatisfied with “labyrinth of confusion.”*! At the same time de_ their condition. After all their heritage from la Roche agreed to restore to the Latin Church the past was not a rich one. The Byzantine in his Argolitan fief the estates which he had Church had itself shared in the general decline seized from it and the many years’ revenues’ of the empire, and had hardly been enjoying

which had accrued therefrom.” prosperity at the time of the Fourth Crusade.

From the number of documents drafted by Most members of the new Latin hierarchy and the chancery clerks at Anagni in September, certainly the lesser clerici crucesignati. probably 1223, and concerned with affairs in the princi- gained as much by way of indulgences and the pality of Achaea and the lordship of Athens, remission of sins as they did of worldly goods

it is apparent that Pope Honorius, though he except when they could sell items from the might find relief at Anagni from the heat of ample stores of relics which they got with the Rome, found none from the anxiety under conquest. Latin clerics received benefices, to which he labored in the cause of Latin Christen- be sure, which they might have lacked in the dom in Greece. On the nineteenth of the month West, and younger sons and landless nobles he wrote Geoffrey of Villehardouin and Othon acquired fiefs. The Fourth Crusade had some de la Roche of the relaxation of the interdict lucrative consequences, especially in the Morea

which had been imposed upon their lands, during the early decades of the thirteenth and assumed, in connection therewith, that century. But probably the Venetians scored Geoffrey and Othon stood ready with armed _ the greatest gains. They established a comforces to act in defense of the threatened em- mercial empire in the Levant, and in Venice pire of Constantinople.*7 He reminded both they now began to build stately palaces along

—_____— the Grand Canal. 20 Lampros, Eggrapha, p. 30 (disregarding Lampros’s inaccurate punctuation); cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg.

Vat. 12, fol. 103", and Regesta Hon. III, II, no. 4480, p. 159. When the Latin clergy in the Morea had re-

", Lampros, Eggrapha, p. 31. fused to render military service for their fiefs,

Hon. Il, an. VII, ep. 25 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. according to the Chronicle of the Morea, Geoffrey

. r n urc . .

I, doc. 12, pp. 18-19); Regesta, II, no.had 4477, doc. had ‘ated the} will ‘th which h dated 3 September, 1223. The same struggle gonep.ac158; expropriated their revenues which he

on in Constantinople to secure restitution to the Church built the great castle of Chloumoutsi, called by of some portion of the value of the Greek ecclesiastical the French Clermont and by the Italians Castel Prope seed by the Prankish baronage and the Veneuians Tornese, for here the tornesi, based upon the was first put at a fifteenth, later ‘on at a twelfth, and =COllage of ‘Tours, were afterwards minted by finally (in 1219) it was set at an eleventh, which was ap- his younger son. Geoffrey had summoned his parently put into effect (see Wolff, “Politics in the Latin wife from Champagne during the early period Patriarchate . . . ,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VUI, 267- of his residence in the Morea, and she came 74). Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 43 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. with their young son Geoffrey II, who was to I, doc. 15, pp. 21-22); Regesta, II, nos. 4503-4, p. 163;

doc. dated 19 September, 1223. On the preceding day ~~

some of the charges, plura loca, were taken from the 74 Hon. III, an. VII, epp. 43, 46 (Lampros, Eggrapha, Church of Negroponte by the pope and bestowed upon pt. I, docs. 16-17, pp. 22-23); Regesta, I, nos. 4503, the Church of Athens (Regesta, II, no. 4502). 4507, pp. 163, 164; docs. dated 19 September, 1223.

50 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT succeed to the principality about 1228.° They into Greece to break Theodore’s siege and main-

took up their residence in the fine castles of La tain the last remnant of the Latin state

Cremonie (Lacedaemonia) and Kalamata, in their father had founded twenty years before. the latter of which was born Villehardouin’s A week after his coronation in 1217 the Latin second son, William, who in 1246 became his Emperor Peter of Courtenay seems to have

brother Geoffrey’s successor. granted the Marquis Guglielmo almost every-

In the meantime the Latins had need of all thing in the kingdom of Thessalonica except the strength they could muster, for recent the royal title.” It was clearly worth Guglielmo’s events had much encouraged the Greeks in time and trouble to venture into Greece, and their ambition to resist and repel the intruders the Curia Romana did what it could to make in their midst. There had been no doubt his expedition a success.”” On 22 January, 1224, for years that the purpose of the Epirote ruler Pope Honorius extended his protection to Theodore Ducas’s contest with the Latins in Guglielmo and to “all the barons and knights continental Greece was the acquisition of Thes- of Lombardy, Tuscany, Burgundy, and other salonica, and early in 1223 the dowager Queen parts of the world, who are undertaking with

Margaret returned to her home in Hungary him the journey into Romania.”® A little until the issue should be decided. Her son more than two weeks later the pope sought to Demetrius, the Latin king, had been in Italy employ the high clergy of Italy and southern for a year, seeking assistance, and Guido Pal- France as recruiting agents for the expedition

lavicini, the margrave of Boudonitza, had left to save those ancient lands which belonged to his castle at Thermopylae to take charge of the marquis “by hereditary right” (Demetrius the defense of Thessalonica. Theodore now being forgotten), and the continued possession began his long siege of the city, undeterred by of which would be so useful to the empire of Pope Honorius’s many diplomatic measures Constantinople and the negotium Terrae Sancto prevent him and spiritual messages to dis- tae.28 On 20 May the pope wrote Blanche of

suade him. A crusade was preached, to which —

there was no response, but Honorius helped —** Honorius III, Epp., an. I, no. 378, in Regesti, I, no. to gather a considerable force at Brindisi which a 7, Pp. as Regesta, I, eee Pp. 3 C. A. Horoy, ed. me Ne if Poot ugie’mo wy of Monttferrat ane doc. dated 16 April, 1217. The Marquis Guglielmo reis halt-brother King Demetrius were to lea ceived all the lands, revenues, and jurisdictions which

’ ¥ onorit opera omnia, aris, , no. , col, ; his father Boniface had been granted by the Emperors

Baldwin and Henry, which explains Guglielmo’s interest 25 Jean Longnon, “Problémes de lhistoire de la princi- in Greece. Demetrius was seeking aid in the west from pauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, 1946, pp. 158-59, the beginning of 1222. The Latin Archbishop Warin of and cf. L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 164, 166, has shown Thessalonica was with him, as appears from an act of that the traditional dating of Geoffrey I’s death in 1218 Frederick II Hofenstaufen, dated at Ferentino on 11 (after Buchon) is quite wrong, that it is in fact Geoffrey I March, 1223, which was witnessed by both Demetrius who was engaged in the struggle with Pope Honorius and the archbishop (J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, Historia III and the Latin Church in Greece from 1219 to 1223. diplomatica Friderici secundi ..., vol. Il, pt. 1 [Paris, The proof is this: Geoffrey I had two sons, Geoffrey II 1852], p. 329, where Warin is miscalled Martin). and William. Geoffrey II, commonly stated to have ruled 27 The projected expedition of the Marquis Guglielmo from 1218 to 1246, had no children. On 1 April, 1222, IV of Montferrat was announced with high hopes by however, Honorius III directed the archbishops of Thebes Honorius, who granted the plena peccatorum venia to

and Athens and the bishop of Negroponte to excom- some of his followers (Hon. III, an. VI, epp. 446-47,

municate “Geoffrey, prince of Achaea, his son Geoffrey, in Regesta, II, nos. 4059-60, p. 83, docs. dated 27 June, and his vassals” (G. princeps Achaiae, G. natus et vassalli 1222, and no. 4353, p. 134, dated 13 May, 1223, and see eius), unless they obeyed the papal mandates already Potthast, Regesta pontificum Romanorum, no. 7017 [vol. transmitted to them in other letters (Hon. III, an. VI, 1, p. 607]). Theodore of Epirus, who had played at beep. 335, in Pressutti’s Regesta, H, no. 3924, p. 62). When coming a Catholic, was excommunicated, and the ban their differences had been resolved, on 16 September, was published in Brindisi (Hon. III, an. VI, ep. 148, 1223, the pope took under his protection the person of in Regesta, II, no. 4354, p. 134). Prince Geoffrey, “with his wife, children, land and all his 28 Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 247, in Regesta, II, no. 4704, goods,” cum uxore, filiis, terra et omnibus suis bonis (Hon. p. 197. III, an. VIII, ep. 42, in Regesta, II, no. 4501, p. 163). 29 Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 248, in Regesta, II, no. 4753, Many letters of Honorius III concerning ecclesiastical pp. 205, dated 7 February, 1224. In March, 1224, Montaffairs in the East may be found in A. L. Tautu, Acta ferrat pledged all his possessions and revenues to the Honorii II . . . (1950). This work is less complete, how- Emperor Frederick II for a loan of 9,000 marks of silver, ever, than HaluS¢ynskyj’s collection of the acta of Innocent “of the weight of Cologne,” to help finance his expedition III and does not contain, for example, these letters of 1 (Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. dipl. Frid. II, vol. II, pt. 1, pp.

April, 1222, and 16 September, 1223. 425-26).

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 51 Castile, “illustrious queen of France,” to try to interesting glimpse of the conduct of legal persuade her husband King Louis VIII tosend affairs in the city during the period of Latin aid to the Latin Emperor Robert of Courtenay, domination.*

son of the unfortunate Peter and cousin to To a greater extent than most men who

the king, to help defend the empire of Romania, have won political or military laurels, Theodore

“which in the time of King Louis’s own father Ducas was the architect of his own fortune. [Philip Augustus] was won by Frenchmen in He had built success upon success, but perhaps a glorious display of valor, and where there there is nothing in life so disenchanting as has been created, as it were, a new France” attainment. Each victory had produced another (ibique quasi nova Francia est creata).*° The pope goal farther along the road. The conquest of made every effort on behalf of the marquis of Thessalonica carried with it irresistibly the Montferrat, who seems by this time to have necessity to march on toward Constantinople. come to prefer a royal crown to “two oxen anda In the meantime Theodore took the title of plow in Montferrat.” Illness, however, delayed emperor, and gave that of despot to his brothers Guglielmo, and in November, 1224, he was still Constantine and Manuel. Although the Greek

in Brindisi, but the pope assured the Latin metropolitan of Thessalonica, Constantine

clergy in the kingdom of Thessalonica that Mesopotamites, refused to place the crown on Guglielmo and his army were bound by oaths. Theodore’s head, fearing thus to offend the He added that the expedition would set out in| Emperor John III Vatatzes of Nicaea and the coming March, and to help finance the violate the rights of the Nicene “patriarch of undertaking an exaction was made of one-half Constantinople,” the ambitious and independthe annual revenues and movable goods of the ent Demetrius Chomatianus, autocephalous

clergy in the kingdom.* archbishop of Ochrida, performed the august

While the brothers of Montferrat were held ceremony in Thessalonica, possibly between back by repeated delays, Theodore Ducas June, 1227, and April, 1228,34 and Theodore pressed the siege of Thessalonica. Despite the donned all the imperial trappings and distriburgent appeals of the pope, neither the Ville- uted to other members of his family and his hardouin of Achaea nor the de la Roche of followers the honors and titles appropriate Athens appear to have assisted the threatened to his new position. Against the protests of city, which they probably could not reach since Vatatzes and the Patriarch Germanus II in Theodore held most of Thessaly. Finally, toward

the end of 1224, very likely in December, the ay uu a

; . ; , y vol. (Paris and

despairing garrison in Thessalonica gave up econ harate faves oa “i ay Spicilegio after some twenty months’ resistance to Theo- Rome, 1891), esp. cols. 450, 452, and 461, for the per-

dore, who rode in triumph into the city.*? _ tinent chronological data. About a decade later, as we have already seen, ve, Cf. Tucien Stternon., “Les Origines pu aesporat a certain Sachlikina brought suit against her ins” 11 (1964), 197-202, Theodore Ducas took the stepdaughter Horaia in a case, the record of title “king and emperor of the Romans,” Bactde¥s Kal which (preserved in a letter of Demetrius avroKpatwp ‘Pwpaiwy (F. Miklosich and J. Miller, eds.,

4 sL-3 ’ ’ Ire, cies u onpres in ationa -

Chomatianus) helps to date Theodore’s occupa- Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi, V [Vienna, 1887]: tion of Thessalonica, and also provides an Acta insularum ionicarum, no. 1, p. 15, doc. dated in June,

1228; K. Hopf, Graziano Zorzi [in Greek], trans. J. A.

—— Romanos, Corfu, 1870, pp. 129 ff.). The historian George °° Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 442, in Regesta, II, no. 5006, Acropolites, who had personal reasons for prejudice

pp. 250-51; Potthast, no. 7258 (vol. I, p. 626). against the Ducae of Epirus, says that Theodore wore

31 Hon. III, an. IX, ep. 83, in Regesta, II, no. 5186, the red boots denoting imperial rank more like a Bulp. 283; Potthast, Regesta, no. 7321 (vol. I, p. 631); Horoy, garian or some other barbarian than a true Greek Honoru III opera omnia, IV (Paris, 1880), no. 34, p. 721, (Chron., 21 [Bonn, pp. 36-37, and ed. Heisenberg, I, doc. dated 28 November, 1224; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., 34]). Cf. Demetrius Chomatianus, Opera, cap. CxIV, Ep. ad ann. 1224, nos. 24~26, vol. XX (Lucca, 1747), pp. ad Germanum CP., in Pitra, Analecta sacra et classica . . . , 536-37. For the reference to “two oxen and a plow in’ VII, cols. 488-90; Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant.,

Montferrat,” see above, Chapter 2, note 5. II, 2 (Bonn, I, 25-26); and V. G. Vasilievskii, “Epirotica

32 Jean Longnon, “La Reprise de Salonique par les saeculi XIII,” in Vizanttiskii Vremennik, III (1896), 285—Grecs en 1224,” Actes du VI° Congrés international d’études 86. The background of events is sketched by A. D. Karbyzantines, I (Paris, 1950), 141-46; B. Sinogowitz, “Zur pozilos, The Ecclesiastical Controversy between the Kingdom

Eroberung Thessalonikes im Herbst 1224,” Byzantinische of Nicaea and the Principality of Epiros (1217-1233),

pp. 60-63. coronation in 1225-1226.

Zeitschrift, XLV (1952), 28; Nicol, Despotate of Epiros (1957), “Thessaloniki, 1973, pp. 41-86, who would put Theodore’s

52 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Nicaea, who regarded this assertion of imperial number of Latin strongholds and crossed over

dignity as an act of usurpation in arrogant to pillage the trading stations on Gallipoli.

defiance of the true sovereignty of the Nicene With both his eastern and western ramparts empire, Theodore’s God-given right to the collapsing, Robert asked for peace, which imperial title was defended by John Apocaucus, Vatatzes granted in 1225 in a treaty by which metropolitan of Naupactus from about 1200, the Latins retained nothing more of Asia Minor Demetrius Chomatianus, archbishop of Ochrida _ than the eastern shore of the Bosporus and the

from 1217, and George Bardanes “Atticus,” territory around Nicomedia. Upon the invitametropolitan of Corfu from 1219. Byzantine tion of the Greek inhabitants of Adrianople, political theory was offended by the thought Vatatzes sent an army to oust the Latins and of two emperors in the Greek world, and the occupy the city. Meanwhile the naval forces of increasing independence of the Epirote Church, Nicaea had been no less active than those on firmly under the control of Theodore Ducas, land; Vatatzes’ fleet took over the islands of rendered farcical the claims to jurisdiction Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Icaria, and Cos; and enunciated from the patriarchal throne in finally, in 1232-1233, he even established some Nicaea. Like the contemporary Asenids in sort of suzerainty over the island of Rhodes.*’

Bulgaria, Nemanyids in Serbia, and Grand The Latin government in Constantinople

Comneni in Trebizond, Theodore Ducas had witnessed equal misfortunes on its European insisted upon establishing an autonomous borders, which every month moved closer to church in an autonomous state, the corre-_ the capital itself as Theodore Ducas continued spondence of civil and ecclesiastical boundaries without abatement his eastward advance from having been almost axiomatic in the Orthodox Serres, occupying town after town in eastern world since the fourth century.*® According Macedonia and Thrace while the Latins withto-synodal letters prepared by both John Apo- drew before his irresistible drive. Theodore caucus and George Bardanes, Theodore was occupied Christoupolis (the modern Kavalla), quite ready in 1227-1228 to acknowledge the Xanthia, Mosynopolis, Macri, and Demotica, authority of the Roman pontiff to secure recog- until he reached Adrianople, from which he nition of his imperial title and of the independ- forced the withdrawal of the Nicene troops,

ence of the Epirote Church.*® thus adding another prize to his now exten-

The Epirote victories over the Latins of sive empire.** He ravaged the suburbs of ConThessalonica had been matched by those of stantinople and surveyed the landward walls the Nicene Emperor John III Vatatzes over the too strong for him to scale, at least on this Latin Emperor Robert of Constantinople. occasion. In these days he seemed close to the When the first ruler of Nicaea, Theodore realization of his great ambition. Only the walls Lascaris, had died in 1222, he had designated his son-in-law Vatatzes as his successor. ‘Theo- 51 Acropolites Chron. 92. 24. ed. Heisenberg. 1. 34

dore’s two elder brothers, Alexius and Isaac, 56 38°"Nicephorus Gregoras, I, 1, 1-3 (Bonn, I, 24 had first intrigued and then risen in arms against 25); Nicephorus Blemmydes, Curriculum vitae et carmina,

Vatatzes’ accession, enlisting the aid of the ed. Aug. Heisenberg, Leipzig, 1896, pp. 61-63; Franz Emperor Robert, who saw in them more friendly Dolger, Regesten d. Kaiserurkunden d. ostrom. Reiches, pt.

neighbors than Vatatzes would be. In 1224 at 3 (1932), no. 1711, p. 8; Longnon, LEmpire latin (1949), Poimanenon. however. Vatatzes defeated PP: 160-62; Hélene Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, , . > | : 1966, pp. 315-17, 321-22. There were obviously grave Robert and the Nicene insurgents; making _ limitations to Vatatzes’ control over the island of Rhodes, the most of his success, he overran the country however, as shown by the pact made in August, 1234, south of the Sea of Marmara; he captured a _ between Leo Gabalas, “lord of Rhodes and the Cyclades,”

and the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo of Venice, according to _—_ which Gabalas swore “quod vobis, domine mi Dux 35Cf. Nicol, Despotate of Epiros, pp. 64—71, with the Venetorum, ero fidelis ab hodie usque imperpetuum”

sources, and pp. 76-102; on George Bardanes, see the (Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I [1856], 319-22), and learned monograph of Johannes M. Hoeck and Raimund _ that he would assist the Venetian duke of Crete, when J. Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, Abt von necessary, by providing “auxilium et juvamentum contra Casole ..., Ettal, 1965, pp. 117 ff., 148 ff., to which Vatattium et contra suam gentem: et si intelexero Vac-

reference is made below. catium ire vel mittere supra Ducham Crete cum exercitu,

36R, J. Loenertz, “Lettre de Georges Bardanés, dabo subsidium et auxilium eidem Duche Crete.” Gabalas métropolite de Corcyre, au patriarche oecuménique also promised to aid Venice to suppress any revolt on

Germain II,” in Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, Rome, 1970, _ the part of the Cretans.

pp. 469, 471, 483-84, 501. 38 Acropolites, Chron., 24, ed. Heisenberg, I, 38-41.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 53 he could see separated him from the famous dition,*® and the history of the royal title of churches and palaces in which he wished to live Thessalonica, which was carefully preserved and locate his court. Very shortly, however, in one or another noble Italian or French family

his dreams were interrupted by the news that for another century, is the proper concern of the papal-Lombard expedition had landed in _ the student of heraldry rather than of politics. Thessaly, and he hastened back to Thessalonica

to meet what seemed like the first serious Theodore Ducas was at the height of his challenge he had faced in a decade of conquest. career. Latin domination was maintained in In the early spring of 1225 the Latin fleet Constantinop’e merey because its muree chiet had set sail, belatedly, carrying the men and €Memies could not allow any one of themselves horses with which the Marquis Guglielmo IV of © take the city. Theodore Ducas and John Montferrat and Demetrius hoped to retake the Vatatzes watched each other, and they were

city of Thessalonica. The fleet apparently both watched by John Asen II, the great tsar rounded Cape Matapan, sailed the length of of Bulgaria (1218-1241), under whom the old Negroponte, and reached Thessaly by way of realm of Krum, Simeon, and toannitsa exper the beautiful Gulf of Volos, where the army ienced a new (and final) renascence. After his disembarked on the western shore, filling the Occupation of Adrianople Theodore Ducas

plain of Halmyros. After the experience of had signed a treaty with John Asen, for his Peter of Courtenay, Guglielmo and Demetrius COnquests nae Bari ee a eng border in had no desire to attack Theodore through the ‘0770? with buigaria."” “or whatever reasons mountain passes of Albania. It would have —WHW—

been but a day’s ride, without opposition, from 40 According to the official historian of the house of

Halmyros to Volos; anotherof two Ponda (a Benvenuto anstorgio, sone a ending on the mobility theorbthree, train,deVlancrate (d. ), Gugheimo reqnae areseey

over the plain to Larisen whence there was a of poison “in the city of Thessalonica,” which he had , succeeded in retaking. Sangiorgio’s account is clearly route north through Elassona to Servia; and inaccurate, for Guglielmo died in Thessaly, not Thesanother, a better way, along the old military salonica. For the confusion, see Sangiorgio, Hist. dei road to Tempe and Platamona. From here the marenest ™ Sl iga) 374D. 38! in Muratori RIS, way £0 Baressalonica lay along roads over which predetto Guglielmo lanno MCCXXV nella citta di armies Na constantly marched from the days of — Salonich soprapreso da veleno lascié la vita;” Latin version Philip of Macedon and Cassander. Theodore in Monumenta historiae patriae, SS., III (Turin, 1848), Ducas held all these places, however, and doubt- 1322: “. . . una cum Demetrio fratre . . . in Graeciam

. . lian, ’ ’ - ; ~ 2 - I

less guarded the important roads, passes, and est profectus: ac post immensos itineris susceptos labores, fords. The Latin army never reached Thessa- "°° ™"¥S populorum rebellione fatigatus, ipsum tandem lonica, but came to grief in Thessaly where _ fraude veneno petitus simul cum vita amisit . . . Demetrio

. y neve regnum consecutus est. Quod haud multo post Graeca

the Marquis Guglielmo died amid the customary .. . apud Thessalonicam relicto . . .” (after which reports of poison, a victim of the Demetrius was again driven from the . . . probably However, Riccardo di S. Germano, Chron., adLatin ann.kingdom). 1225, dysentery which afflicted his army. Rumor had i, Muratori, RISS, VII (1725), 998E, and in MGH, SS., It that the Greeks had polluted the water xIx (1866), 345, line 11, says that the marquis “in Romania

8

supplies. Demetrius returned to Italy where he naturali morte defunctus est,” which in view of the papal

died two years at Pavia, his title eh 4 c us LNCYRLO ness seems mor idee rf 85 186 ”’ * ° .later TSCN anleaving rupers Lemeine wé, VOi. to the Latin Kingdom of Thessalonica to the 250, 257 (repr. New York, 1960, I, 184, 191), and LeoEmperor Frederick II, who coveted also the title poldo Usseglio, I Marchesi di Monferrato, I (Turin,

to Jerusalem.*9 1926), 275-77. Guglielmo IV of Montferrat was suc-

The Monferratine cause had obviously not ceetied by Bontaceexpedition. 1 (1285-1202) who “1° ° aq accompanie imhisononly theson ul-rated been advanced by the hostility of the native “Cf. Chas. Du Cange, Histoire de lempire de ConstanGreek population, which wanted the ruler of tinople, ed. J. A. C. Buchon, 2 vols., Paris, 1826, I, Recueil Thessalonica to be of their own race and lan-_— de chartes, doc. xxl, pp. 454-55, which bestows le Realme

de Salenique upon the noble baron que Hugue duc| m de rug Borgoigne guage and ol religion. The of his Montferrat upon goign . . . house and upon heirs forever (in 1266); and note also

had no further chance of regains its kingdom Buchon, Recherches et matériaux pour servir a une histoire in Greece after the failure of Guglielmo’s expe- — de la domination francaise, 1 (Paris, 1840), p. 69, under

—__ don, 1908, pp. 84-85.

Eudes de Bourgogne; Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, Lon-

3° Cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 163-64. 42 Acropolites, Chron., 25, ed. Heisenberg, I, 41;

54 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Theodore Ducas now appears to have spent a __year’s truce (1228-1229) with Theodore Ducas

few peaceful years, concerning himself with while a deputation was sent to Italy to wait on the internal problems of his empire and doubt- John of Brienne, one-time king of Jerusalem, less planning a campaign against Constan- who had distinguished himself in the disastrous tinople. He was probably well informed about Fifth Crusade which had taken and lost Damietta conditions in the Latin capital, and must have some years before. John was offered the position

been reassured by what he learned, for ever of co-emperor for his lifetime, and his little since the death of the Emperor Henry one daughter Maria was to marry the young Baldwin failure after another had produced an atmos- II, who was to succeed to the sole rule of the phere of constant emergency and discourage- empire only upon John’s death. The arrange-

ment among the barons. ments were made at Perugia in April, 1229, in The Emperor Robert, indolent and licentious, the presence of Pope Gregory IX, who promised

had proved a terrible disappointment to his John the necessary men and money to hold barons, who finally invaded his palace and and extend the now constricted dominion of inflicted grave indignities upon him in an _ the Latin empire in Constantinople.* effort to stir him into some activity, but Robert

left Constantinople in furious resentment xx Gees au _13-14. ad ann. Gregory Te gies: Oe was vol. . ar-le-Duc, , pp. and went to Italy to lay his complaints at the certainly not lax in his efforts “ut . . . succurramus feet of Pope Gregory IX, who comforted modis quibus possumus imperio Romano” (see J. Van

him and persuaded him to return to the capital.** den Gheyn, “Lettre de Grégoire IX concernant l’empire On the way back he stopped off in the Morea, latin de Constantinople [Perugia, 13 December, 1229],” where his sister Agnes of Courtenay lived as 12 Revue de ’Oment latin, IX (1902, repr. 1964], 230-34).

h ‘fewi of the vounger of VilleharThe barons in Constantinople, under Narjot of the y ah y OFGeoffrev vil Toucy, reached theirregent accord (treuga) with Theodore

douin. Here Robert died at the beginning of Ducas in September, 1228. The Venetians also sub1228.*4 Some months later Narjot of Toucy, scribed to the agreement, which was to last for a year, the chief baron of the Latin empire, who bore and provision was made for the entry of the prince of the exalted title of caesar, became the bailie “¢h2¢a and the inhabitants of Monemvasia, Greci de . . . peloponisso, if they so wished. The Monemvasiotes recogor regent of the empire. Narjot negotiated a ‘hized the suzerainty of the Ducae. The accord or truce

— of 1228 was designed especially to protect the merchants, Latin and Greek, who appear to have been engaged in Ephraem, De loanne Duca Vatatze, 8038-64 (Bonn, pp. no inconsiderable trade with one another despite the 324-25). Ephraem’s chronicle, written in verse in the almost continuous state of war which had hitherto existed. early fourteenth century, rehearses Acropolites for the The text may be found in Riccardo Predelli, ed., Il Liber period from 1204 to 1261: it has no independent value Communis detto anche Plegiorum: Regesti, Venice, 1872, (K. Krumbacher, Gesch. d. byzant. Litt., Munich, 1897, no. 691, pp. 162, 184-85, and Roberto Cessi, ed., Derepr. New York, 1958, pp. 390-93, and G. Moravcsik, liberazioni del Maggior Consiglio di Venezia, 1 (Bologna, Byzantinoturcica, 2nd ed., I [Berlin, 1958], 256-57), and 1950), no. 140, pp. 209-10. will be rarely cited in the following pages. Cf. Nic. Gre- On imperial affairs at this juncture, note the projected

goras, II, 2, 3 (Bonn, I, 27-28). pact between the barons regent and King John of Jeru-

48Cf. in general Lucien Auvray, ed., Les Registres de salem for the marriage of his daughter and the young Grégoire IX, 1 (Paris, 1896), no. 47, col. 23, a bull of 7 Baldwin II (Predelli, Liber Communis, no. 692, pp. 162-

April, 1227, granting the Emperor Robert the returns 63; 185-86, and ¢f. Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, II

of an impost on rural Greek priests. From the beginning [1856], doc. CCLXXIII, pp. 265-70). When the Emperor of his pontificate Gregory IX was attentive to the negotium Robert died, he left as his heir to the throne his brother Terrae Sanctae although his quarrel with Frederick II Baldwin, then ten or eleven years old. John of Brienne diverted his attention from the Crusade (cf., ibid., I, nos. had already given up his rights to the Latin Kingdom 1-2, 18-19, 24, 28-33, 125, 132, 136, 139, 152, 166 of Jerusalem to the Emperor Frederick II Hohenstaufen. 178-79, 181, 188, 193, 249 ff.). The destruction of the John was crowned in Constantinople late in the year Albigensian heresy by the armed might of crucesignati 1231 (¢f. Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 292, and note was a further distraction from Greek and Palestinian ‘he documents in Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, H, nos. affairs. From about 1236 Gregory IX’s hostility toward CCLXXVII-CCLXXx, pp. 277-99, and Auvray, Registres de Frederick became almost the basis of papal policy (ibid., Gregoire IX, an. III, ep. 5, in vol. I [1896], no. 290, cols. II [1907], nos. 2482-83, 2778, 2986, 3181, 3362, 3565 ff., 175-76, et alibi). John probably died on 23 March, 1237, and’ III [1908], nos. 5092 ff., 5686, 6007 ff.), and yet it X. Kal. Apr. (Du Cange-Buchon, Hist. de Constantinople, must be acknowledged that to the end of Gregory’s reign | [1826], 233-34), after which Baldwin I ruled alone, the Curia Romana was conscientiously concerned with being crowned in 1240 (Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s

the of Greece (cf., ibid., III, nos.6085). 4810-12, 4917— 4Ugemeine vol. 85 [1867], 255,and andcf. cf.187pp. 18, affairs 5086, 5308, 5384, 6034-35, 6071, 252-53, 271 [repr. NewAYork, 1960, I, 189, 88, 205]). For a brief sketch of the career of John of

44 Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1 (1938-1948), 291, Brienne, see Louis Bréhier, “Jean de Brienne,” Diction-

and cf. Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., 1 (1906), 136-37, naire dhistoire et de géographie ecclesiastiques, X (1938), cols.

which is not entirely accurate. 698-709, and cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 169-74.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 55 In the meantime John Asen II, the tsar of daughter Isabella (or Yolanda), heiress to the Bulgaria, who was related by marriage to the Latin kingdom in Palestine. As commander of family of the Courtenay, had offered himself the troops of S. Peter which Gregory IX had to the baronage of Constantinople as imperial gathered to invade Apulia during Frederick’s regent, proposing that Baldwin should marry absence on the so-called Sixth Crusade, John his small daughter Helena, and promising that was seeking revenge on the excommunicant cruhe would rewin for the empire all the lands sader, whoin the papal view had set about acquirin Thrace and Macedonia which Theodore Ducas__ ing Jerusalem from al-Kamil, the hard-pressed had conquered, a clear violation of the alliance soldan of Egypt, more like a Levantine huckster

he had made with the latter about three years than a Christian warrior.*7 On his return to before. Although there was some sentiment Italy in the fall of 1229 Frederick had quickly in Constantinople to accept John Asen’s offer, defeated John of Brienne, who took refuge in to most of the baronage this plan seemed like France where with papal aid he spent the next the surrender of the empire to the Bulgarians, year recruiting a sizable army which was to go enabling the tsar to achieve the ambition once __ with him on Venetian ships to Constantinople.

entertained by Simeon three centuries before. Some knowledge of John of Brienne’s activThe offer was declined, to the bitter disappoint- ities in France had doubtless reached Theodore ment of Asen, who became forthwith the enemy Ducas in Thessalonica, but John had probably

of the Latins in Constantinople. raised few troops when Theodore embarked on

The refusal of the barons to entrust the _ the ill-fated campaign which led to his downfall.

regency to John Asen must have been most Reaching the region of Adrianople in the

gratifying to Theodore Ducas, who now saw_ early spring of 1230, he marched up the right his Bulgarian ally in a clearer light than hitherto bank of the Maritsa River on the way to Philip-

aS a competitor with himself for the city of popolis, probably heading for the Bulgarian Constantinople. A siege of the city would be capital of Tirnovo in the northern foothills very dangerous for Theodore since Asen could of the Balkan mountains. He was seeking his descend on the Epirotes at almost any time. No own destruction, says George Acropolites, and matter how great Asen’s hostility to the Latins, he found it when in April he met John Asen, he would hardly endure Theodore’s occupation who had barely a thousand men-at-arms with of Constantinople as the means of effecting their which to oppose him. Asen was incensed at political demise. No, the army which Theodore this flagrant violation of the peace between had gathered for the assault on Constantinople them, and was said to have hung Theodore’s

must first free him from possible attack by the sworn treaty to his standard (. . . ws gaot

Bulgarians, for Asen’s ambition must be mod- tTwes Kav TH onMaia TOV Eyypapoy OpKoV TOU

erated by defeat in time for Theodore to take Qeodmapov amawwpnoas), as though to remind

Constantinople by siege before the arrival of the very heavens of the invader’s perjury.

John of Brienne with reinforcements. The battle took place at Klokotnitza, by the

John of Brienne had accepted the regency modern village of Semidje, in the southern for Baldwin II, but had driven a rather hard valley of the Maritsa some miles below Philipbargain, having no intention of being deprived popolis. Theodore was defeated and captured. later on of the title of Constantinople by His career as an emperor was over. John Asen another imperial son-in-law after the fashion treated Theodore well at first, but when he in which he had just lost the title of Jerusalem discovered his captive intriguing against him, to Frederick II,“* who had married John’s he had him blinded, and from this disability as from the defeat at Klokotnitza Theodore 46Cf. the agreement of April, 1229, negotiated with the COuld never recover, although some seven years assistance of Pope Gregory IX, whereby John of Brienne

accepted the Latin crown of Constantinople (Tafel

and Thomas, II, 267): “. .. propter debilem statum = ~———

imperii dominus Rex Johannes habebit imperium et soldan of Egypt, who ceded Jerusalem to the Christians coronabitur in imperatorem et erit imperator ad totam in 1229 (cf. E. Blochet, “Les Relations diplomatiques des vitam suam, et plenariam habebit potestatem et plenarium Hohenstaufen avec les sultans d’Egypte,” Revue historique, dominium, tanquam imperator, ad totam vitam suam .. .” LXXXI [1902], 51-64) and, later on, Frederick would (quoted in a letter of Gregory IX, universis presentes literas deal with equal complacence with the Nicene Greeks. inspecturis, dated 9 April, 1229, and cf. Auvray, Registres 47 Auvray, Registres de Gregoire IX, I, no. 304, col. 186, de Grégoire IX, 1, nos. 290-91, cols. 175-76). It is of course letter of the Teutonic Grand Master Hermann of Salza

well known that the Emperor Frederick II had been’ to Gregory IX, dated March 1229, and ¢f., ibid., I, nos. negotiating for some time with al-Malik al-Kamil, the 306, 308-9, 317, 320-21, 324-25, 332, 350-51.

56 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT later he was to find his way back again to the seemed especially great for many months.

political scene at Thessalonica.*® John Asen had followed up his victory with the

The great events which had taken place in rapid conquest of most of ‘Thrace and Macethe north had left the Latin principality of _donia. The empire of Theodore Ducas proved Achaea untouched except by anxiety. About to be easily friable. Too quickly put together, 1228 or soon thereafter Prince Geoffrey I of the parts had never become welded, and TheoVillehardouin died, much esteemed and_ dore’s imperial glory became but an exciting lamented, and was succeeded by his distin- memory. On a white column in his Church of guished son Geoffrey II. From his accession the Forty Martyrs at Tirnovo, Asen commemto the princely throne in the Morea, Geoffrey orated his victory over Theodore and “all his II was a powerful and respected person, who _ boyars” in a famous inscription which declares

was to maintain at his court, according to the his conquest of all the territory between elder Marino Sanudo, eighty knights with Adrianople and Durazzo and avows that the golden spurs, and to enter whose service knights Latins held Constantinople merely by his suf-

would come from France, Burgundy, and _ ferance.® Champagne.* He began his reign during a very critical period in the Latin history of the In the autumn of 1231 John of Brienne, Levant, for during his father’s last years the elected Latin emperor of Constantinople for Lombard expedition to recapture Thessalonica his lifetime and regent until Baldwin should from Theodore Ducas, “true king and emperor attain his majority, at long last reached the of the Romans,” had failed. If Thessalonica shores of the Bosporus. From about this time could not be recovered, could Constantinople Prince Geoffrey II of Achaea is said by an al-

be saved? most contemporary source to have sent John The capital city of the Latin empire became 22,000 hyperperi each year with which to hire the source of increased concern in France, auxiliary troops to defend the capital.*’ Since Italy, and Greece. The fall of the Latin king- John of Brienne had looked to the Venetians dom of Thessalonica had interposed formidable for the transport of troops and supplies to the enemies between Constantinople on the one East, the Genoese promptly sent two envoys hand and the lordship of Athens and the princi-_ (in 1231) “to Romania in a well-armed galley pality of Achaea on the other, but the Bulgarian __ to discuss and to confirm a peace and alliance Tsar John Asen II’s destruction of the power of Theodore Ducas at Klokotnitza in April, “3.4 4 Vasiliev. History of the Byzantine Embi 1230, had freed the rulers of both Athens Wisc., 1952, pp. 524-98, Ah inscription , ‘reproduced and Achaea from the dangers inherent in the by Th. I. Uspenskii in the Izv. russk. Arkh. Instit. v Kpole. great concentration of power in the hands of [the Izvestiia of the Russian Archaeological Institute in the Epirotes. The danger to the Latin empire, Constantinople], VII (Odessa, 1901), plate 5.

now largely confined to the shores of the 5! Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1236, in Bosporus, was .in;no way diminished, however, MGH, SS.,Constantinopolim], XXIH, 939: “. . . et ex quo rexmittebat Iohannes venerat ad partes illas [ie. and the question was whether Constantinople [iste Gaufridus] quolibet anno 22,000 perpres ad conduwould be taken by a Bulgarian or by a Nicene cendos auxiliarios.” In April and May, 1231, John conarmy, or whether John of Brienne, who was still firmed the partition \ treaty of 20 and all the later pacta a

1 1 conventiones made tween the atin emperors an e

in the west a yar after th bale of Klokountza, yf vena and Thoma, ind, 27

; 281-99). He sailed for Constantinople aboard a Venetian

arms should come. The danger from Bulgaria fleet on 1 August (Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 292,

——_—_—— and cf. Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, 1, no. 656, col. 418).

48 Acropolites, Chron., 25-26, ed. Heisenberg, I, 41-43 A papal letter of 10 October, 1231, attests the dangers (quotation on p. 42, 11. 7-8); of. Ephraem, vv. 8065-— one met in continental Greece and the Morea at this time 8110 (Bonn, pp. 325-26); Nic. Gregoras, H, 3, 1 (Bonn, (Auvray, I, no. 729, col. 452). Apparently the rule of I, 28); Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1230, Geoffrey in the Morea and of Guy de la Roche in Boeotia in MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), 927; ad ann. 1233, ibid., p. and Attica had not removed the hazards of travel (viarum

933; and ad ann. 1236, ibid., p. 938. pericula); nevertheless, the Franciscans were now arriving 49 Marino Sanudo Torsello, Istoria del regno di Romania, in some numbers (Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., I, 137 ff.).

ed. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 101. At the Chapter General of Pisa in 1263 the province The last papal letter addressed to Geoffrey II is dated of Romania or Greece was detached from that of the 6 May, 1246 (Elie Berger, ed., Les Registres d’Innocent IV, Holy Land and given an autonomous status (see GoluI [Paris, 1884], no. 1842, p. 275, “nobili viro Gfaufrido] _ bovich, op. cit., II [1913], 221, 232-33, 241-42, 261,

principi Achaiae”). 965, 271, 398-99, 402-3).

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 57 with Vatatzes, emperor of Romania. . . .”* tance to the river Maritsa, including the strong As often, developments in the East determined fortress of Tzurulum (Chorlu), in southeastern policy in the West. Impoverished himself, John Thrace. Hopes of a reconquista must have run found conditions in Constantinople most dis- high in Nicaea. John Asen plundered the north couraging. In 1234, for example, a papal em- country.** Although small victories were won bassy to Vatatzes and the Nicene patriarch ob- by John of Brienne on land and by the Veneserved that the Latin capital was in desperate tans on the sea, Geoffrey II of Villehardouin straits, the Emperor John without funds, the emerged in 1236 as the chief defender of the mercenaries gone, and the Venetian, Pisan, Latin empire. Geoffrey hastened to ConstanAnconitan, and other ships preparing to with- tinople with ships and troops; penetrated a draw. The alleged empire was desolate, “because Byzantine naval cordon; entered the city; and

that land is situated in the very midst of ene- destroyed fifteen of the three hundred vessels

mies.”°3 the Greeks are said to have had.*® An ominous Although the turbulent Theodore Ducas_ threat to the capital thus came to an end, and (1215-1230) had been eliminated, the Latins therewith for some time to come the Nicene in Constantinople still had two determined hope of re-establishing the Greek empire in enemies, the Bulgarian Tsar John Asen II and_ the city of Constantine. But the Latin empire the Nicene Emperor John III Vatatzes, who needed the continued support of the Villecame together in an alliance toward the end hardouin. of the year 1234.** In the following months Vatatzes drove the Venetians from Gallipoli 55 Cf. Acropolites, Chron., locc. citt.; Auvray, Registres in a cruel campaign, swept across the Cher- de Grégoire IX, 1 (1907), nos. 2872-79, cols. 217-18,

sonese, and conquered everything of impor- docs. dated 16 December, 1235; Hopf, in Ersch and

Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), 253-54

————_———_———- (repr. New York, 1960, I, 187-88); Longnon, L’Empire “21, T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, eds., Annali latin, pp. 167-73.

genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suoi continuatori [1099-1293—4], * Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1236, in

5 vols., Genoa and Rome, 1890-1929 (Fonti per la MGH, SS., XXIII, 938-39. Although Aubrey says that

storia d’Italia, nos. 11—14), III (1923), 57. (Since Caffaro Geoffrey II had 120 ships (naves), according to Robert wrote in the first half of the twelfth century, the references Saulger (1637-1709) he had only six of his own. Saulger in the present work to the Annali genovesi are obviously — is a generally good source despite his late date because of

to parts composed by his continuators, on whom see the his access to Naxiote letters and documents no longer

prefaces written by Imperiale.) extant: “Geofroy de Villehardouin vint lui-méme en 53See the so-called Acta concilii primo apud Nicaeam, personne avec six gros vaisseaux; les Vénitiens en envoiérent

tum apud Nymphaeam, habiti, in J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum con- seize ... le Duc de Naxe en arma quatre...” (in ciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, XXIII (Venice, 1779), his anonymously published Histotre nouvelle des anciens 292E-293A; Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., 1, 165; and a ducs et autres souverains de l'Archipel, Paris, 1698, p. 44). new edition of the text by Golubovich, “Disputatio latino- Saulger also makes Angelo Sanudo, second duke of Naxos

rum et graecorum [1234],” etc., in Archivum franciscanum (the Archipelago), share with Villehardouin the naval historicum, XII (Quaracchi, 1919), 446: “Preterea terra honors against the Greeks. Cf. Buchon, Recherches et Constantinopolis quasi destituta fuit omni presidio: matériaux, I (1840), 152, 154, and esp. Auvray, Registres dominus Imperator Ioannes pauper erat. Milites stipen- de Grégoire IX, II, nos. 3382, 3408-9, cols. 506, 521-23, diarii omnes recesserunt. Naves Venetorum, Pisanorum, docs. dated 22 November and 23 December, 1236, inAnconitanorum, et aliarum nationum parate fuerunt ad forming the Latin hierarchy in Greece that a tithe was to recedendum, et quedam vero iam recesserant. Consider- be imposed and used for the defense of the Latin empire antes igitur terram desolatam, timuimus periculum, quia as should seem best to Villehardouin, who had been in medio inimicorum terra illa sita est.” On the Graeco- incurring great expense “pro succursu et defensione Latin theological pourparlers of 1234, see esp. M. Ron- imperil Constantinopolitani.” (Auvray incorrectly identicaglia, Les Fréres Mineurs et Véglise grecque orthodoxe au fies G. princeps Achaie as Guillelmus.) A Venetian docuXIII? siécle (1231-1274), Cairo, 1954, pp. 43-84. On John ment of 13 April, 1227, refers to proceedings against one of Brienne, note also Golubovich, I, 178-80, and II, Niccolo Calbani, who had sold Geoffrey I of Villehardouin 122-24, and J. M. Buckley, “The Problematical Octogen- a galley contra honorem Venecie (R. Predelli, ed., Il Liber arianism of John of Brienne,” Speculum, XXXII (1957), Communis detto anche Plegiorum: Regesti [1872], no. 525,

315-22. p. 128), which may help to explain where Villehardouin

4 Acropolites, Chron., 31, 33, ed. Heisenberg, I, 48-49, got at least one of his ships. On his aid to Constantinople, 50-51. A marriage was arranged between Vatatzes’ cf. Philippe Mouskes, Chronique rimée, ed. [F.A.F. Th.] de eleven-year-old son Theodore Lascaris and Asen’s nine- Reiffenberg, Brussels, 1836-38, H, vv. 29, 238-59, pp. year-old daughter Helena. On the background and 620-21. On 18 January, 1238, the Latin clergy in Greece chronology, see Délger, Regesten, pt. 3 (1932), nos. 1730, were assessed a third of their movable goods and in1745-47; cf. Geo. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine comes to help finance the defense of Constantinople State, Oxford, 1956, pp. 388-89, and Hoeck and Loenertz, (Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, II, nos. 4035-36, cols. Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto (1965), pp. 167-68. 858-60, and cf. no. 4711).

58 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In the meantime, having escaped from the _ II, after which relations between Nicaea and disaster at Klokotnitza, Manuel Ducas, the de- Thessalonica remained fairly amicable.

feated Theodore’s brother, had returned to About three years later, however, Manuel Thessalonica where he employed to full ad- appears to have become ready to turn once vantage the title of despot which Theodore had more to Gregory IX, for he feared that the given him some time before. Seizing control forces of Frederick II might occupy the imporof the city and the region to the southwest of tant island of Corfu, his westernmost possession. it, Manuel assumed imperial airs, signing his At any rate he now sent the learned Athenian documents in cinnabar ink (épvdpots ypa&u- George Bardanes, the metropolitan of Corfu, pact), which earned him the raillery of aNicene ona mission to Gregory as well as to Frederick. envoy who said that the liturgical description Manuel was probably willing again to acknowlof Christ as “king and lord” (Baovevs Kat edge himself a dutiful son of the Latin Church deo7roTns) were better applied to Manuel. Asen if Gregory would keep Frederick out of Corfu.

left him his pretensions in Thessalonica and’ Bardanes’ ship set sail from the island for did not dispute his assertion of authority over Brindisi, but was driven from its course by

Epirus, for Manuel had married Asen’sdaughter adverse winds, and on 15 October, 1235, landed

Maria.*” at Otranto, where the good metropolitan fell

Insecure in his unexpected sovereignty, sick. Bardanes had been in poor health for Manuel Ducas now made overtures to Pope some time. He spent a month at the nearby Gregory IX, and expressed his willingness Basilian monastery of Casole, whose late abbot

humbly to recognize the maternal authority of | Nectarius (also known as Niccolo of Otranto) the Roman Church in return for papal protec- had long served the papacy and preserved his

tion of his lands, presumably against Prince Greek Orthodoxy too. When his illness conGeoffrey II of Achaea and Michael II Ducas, tinued, Bardanes was removed to Otranto (on son of the late Michael of Epirus, who was 17 November), where he remained for six anxious to recover his paternal inheritance. months, living in the house of John Grasso ‘The young Michael seems to have acknowledged “Idruntinus,” a fiery Ghibelline, a poet and the Achaean suzerainty.*® Pope Gregory gave _ bilingual notary of Frederick II, just the man to

Manuel a rather uncertain answer (in a letter brief Bardanes on the best way to approach dated at Rieti on 1 April, 1232), informing the emperor and the officials of his chancery,

him that the Curia would seek the guidance of _ but likely to give him a prejudiced view of the the Latin Emperor John and the Latin Patriarch Curia Romana if Bardanes required any more

Simon in Constantinople.*® But the papal prejudice than he already had. It is not clear, response could have made little difference to however, how much time if any John Grasso Manuel, for he had already turned his gaze spent with Bardanes at Otranto, and indeed toward the Nicene light in the east, and was_ it is not really clear why Manuel Ducas sent prepared to abandon his imperial pretensions Bardanes to Italy. But when the latter was and make his peace with the Emperor John finally able to resume his mission and was preVatatzes and the Greek Patriarch Germanus paring to travel to both the imperial and papal courts, Manuel recalled him,®™ possibly because

57 Acropolites, Chron., 26, ed. Heisenberg, I, 43-44, on ~~

which cf. Hoeck and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios ven ® Cf. Hoeck and Loenertz, op. cit., pp. 156—58, and doc.

Otranto, p. 151, and Polemis, The Doukat (1968), p. 90. no. 10, ibid., pp. 190-93, a letter of George Bardanes, 58Cf. Hoeck and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von metropolitan of Corfu (Corcyra), to the Patriarch GerOtranto, pp. 168-69, 170, and on Michael II, note Polemis, manus II, apparently written in the early summer of 1232.

The Doukai, pp. 93-94. 61 All the older accounts of Bardanes’ Italian mission

59 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, I, no. 786, cols. 491— are wrong. The chronology was first established by Hoeck 93, on which see Hoeck and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, pp. 117-25, von Otranto, pp. 154-55. In 1232 the Patriarch Germanus 148 ff., and esp. pp. 164-68. Cf. the confusion in Cardinal II of Nicaea was also in correspondence with Pope Gregory Baronius [Cesare Baronio], Annales ecclesiastici, ad ann.

IX concerning the possibility of church union (Auvray, 1176 [!], nos. 23-29, and note, ibid., the years following Registres de Grégoire IX, 1, nos. 803-4, cols. 502-3, with to 1188, vol. XII (Antwerp: Plantin, 1629), 667-69 and refs., and cf., nos. 849, 1316). Cf Golubovich, Bibl. bio- _ ff., with Latin translations of eleven letters of Bardanes bibliogr., I (1906), 161-62, 168, and vol. II (1913), 510- (which after the year 1176 Baronius assigns [in the Plantin 12, and Roncaglia, Les Fréres Mineurs . . . (1954), pp. edition] ad ann. 1178, nos. 16-19; 1179, nos. 13—16;

31-42. 1180, nos. 34-42; and 1188, nos. 36-38), on the inter-

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 59 he had decided that the Roman pontiff could resulted, for whatever reason, in the third serve him less well in Corfu than the Nicene brother Constantine’s finding it necessary to patriarch could in Thessalonica. Actually relinquish his authority over Aetolia and Acarrecognition of papal supremacy would have been nania, apparently to join Manuel in Thessa-

inconceivable, and would have imperiled lonica either to serve him in the capital or to Manuel’s none too steady position in Greece, be under his surveillance. The new state of especially as John Asen, aggrieved at the Latin affairs also gave young Michael [II] Ducas,

baronage in Constantinople, had broken off exiled son of Michael I, the opportunity to the union of the Bulgarian Church with Rome, return, very likely from the Morea, to his home which had endured with more or less continuity in Arta to rule with the title of despot over for almost thirty years, ever since the days of Epirus as his uncle Manuel’s alleged lieutenant. Innocent III and the Tsar Ioannitsa. Besides, the Michael II now began a notable career of almarch of events was probably beginning to most forty years’ rule in Epirus, making him make it clear to Manuel that Gregory IX could one of the most conspicuous figures in the not assure him continued possession of Corfu thirteenth-century history of Greece. Of his

against a decision of Frederick to take the early life little or nothing is known beyond island, for the latter’s reconciliation with the the (later) tradition that he caused his pious papacy at San Germano had worn thin, and wife Theodora Petraliphas (Petraliphina), the papal influence would hardly be adequate to “blessed Theodora of Arta,” terrible hardships restrain Hohenstaufen ambition on the Adriatic during the first five years or so of their marwhere Manuel’s brother-in-law, Count Matteo riage, banishing her from his life and court Orsini of Cephalonia, had for years acknowl-_ while he lived with his mistress Gangrené (1230—

edged his vassalage to Frederick. 1235). During this period Michael had two

The decisive battle of Klokotnitza not only sons by Gangrené, of whom the elder, the able ruined Theodore Ducas and elevated his brother John Ducas, was to receive Thessaly from his

Manuel to power in Thessalonica, but it soon father and bequeath to his heirs the great

castle on the craggy height of Neopatras (the

pretation of which see the article of Ed. Kurtz, “Georgios modern Hypate). ; Bardanes, Metropolit von Kerkyra,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Far from the dangerous rivalry of Bulgaria XV (1906), 603-13. In the present context, observe the and Nicaea, the “despotate” of Epirus prospered fourth letter, dated by Baronius 1178 [!], which Kurtz, op. cit., has erroneously assigned to the fall of 1231; this ———————

letter, which appears in the edition of Hoeck and Loenertz 6 Job Monachus [who wrote in the thirteenth century], as no. 15, pp. 203-4, was written toward the end of the ed. J. A. GC. Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, I year 1235. Baronius has of course confused Manuel (Paris, 1845): Corfou, doc. 11, pp. 401-6, and J. P. Migne, Ducas (1230-1237) with the Byzantine Emperor Manuel PG 127, cols. 904-8; Chronicle of Galaxidi (in Greek), ed. Comnenus (1143-1180), and Frederick II (1212-1250) C.N. Sathas, Athens, 1865, repr. 1914, pp. 197-200, and with Frederick I Barbarossa (1152-1190). See also Golu- ed. G. Valetas, Athens, 1944, pp. 110-14; and cf. Wm. bovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., I, 170 ff.; Martiniano Roncaglia, Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), p. 97; Nicol, Despotate of

Les Freres Mineurs ..., pp. 23-25; and K. M. Setton, Epiros (1957), pp. 128-31. Theodora Petraliphas was a “The Byzantine Background to the Italian Renaissance,” member of an important, completely Hellenized family Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 100 of Norman-lItalian origin (cf. Nicetas Choniates, De Manuele

(1956), 14-15, 32-33. On the historical background, note Comneno, II, 4 [Bonn, pp. 110—11]), descended from one

also Silvano Borsari, “Federico II e l’Oriente bizantino,” Pietro d’Alifa or Pierre d’Aulps, whose members had Rivista storica italiana, LXIII (Naples, 1951), 279-83, with served Byzantium faithfully for well over a century before

refs., but all these studies, like everything else which the Fourth Crusade. Theodora bore Michael II three has appeared on this subject before the monograph by sons, of whom the eldest, Nicephorus, was born after Hoeck and Loenertz, must be used with caution. their estrangement began. It was Nicephorus who inherited

George Bardanes has left a half dozen letters relating the despotate of Epirus after Michael’s death, which B. to his fruitless mission to Italy in 1235-1236 (Hoeck Ferjanci¢ has recently established as occurring between and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, nos. 15-20, September, 1266, and August, 1268, not as formerly aspp. 203-18), in which he describes the hardships of his sumed in 1271 (¢f. the notice of his article in the Zborntk journey and near-shipwreck (ibid., pp. 204, 214), his Radova VizantoloSkog Instituta, 1X [1966], 29-32, in the intention of going to the Curia Romana (pp. 204, 206, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LIX [1966], 436). Theodora’s hand215), and Manuel Ducas’s sudden orders to him to return some sister Maria Petraliphas was of less than “blessed”

to Corfu and await further instructions (p. 215). It would character, and connived at the murder of her husband, have been difficult to see the Emperor Frederick II, the aging Philippe Chinard, lord of Corfu (cf. E. Bertaux, who was then in Germany, but Frederick appeared un- “Les Francais d’outre-mer en Apulie et en Epire .. . ,” willing to abandon his claims to Corfu (pp. 217-18). Revue historique, LXXXV [1904], 244).

60 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT under Michael II, who ruled with ever larger “for he loved his wife Irene,” says Acropolites, independence of his helpless uncle Manuel in “no less than Antony had loved Cleopatra.” Thessalonica. Circumstances gave a wide scope Upon his arrival in Adalia Manuel was well to his talent, and experience made him aware received by the Moslems, who helped him to

of abundant opportunity and increased his go on to the court of John Vatatzes where

sense of responsibility. He put away his mis- he was welcomed as a kinsman and a despot. tress, and restored Theodora to his side. She Vatatzes still nurtured unpleasant memories of served him well as wife and counsellor, even the aggressive Theodore, and gave Manuel going in later years to Pegae in Asia Minor to money and six triremes with which to return arrange the betrothal of their son Nicephorus to Thessaly, first exacting the most solemn oath to a granddaughter of John Vatatzes (in 1249). of loyalty from him (épkovs wap’ avrov haBav By 1236 Michael had acquired Corfu, possibly gptx@deus). Manuel set sail for Demetrias with Manuel’s compliance, and won the alle- on the Gulf of Volos, whence he sent letters to giance of the Corfiotes by the generous con- _ his friends and supporters to notify them of his firmation of all their past privileges. He en- reappearance in Greece. This was in 1239. couraged the merchants of Ragusa to trade in He raised a considerable army, and took the the despotate, making the most earnest under- important strongholds of Pharsala, Larissa, taking to protect their persons and their prop- and Platamona. It was a good beginning, but

erty. Manuel was a schemerherather than a warrior, and was soon negotiating with his brothers

During the years that Manuel Ducas, amiable Theodore and Constantine. When they met, and unforceful, lived out his reign in Thes- the two brothers persuaded Manuel to disresalonica, and Michael II was slowly but surely gard his oath of allegiance to Vatatzes, as witrebuilding the strength of Epirus, Theodore nesses later attested, and Manuel did so, howlanguished in his Bulgarian captivity. But ever reluctant he may have been. The three Theodore’s hopes of release and a return to Ducae now effected an amicable division of the the Greek world were quickened when John _ lands and towns in dispute, and made alliances Asen, whose wife had died, fell in love with with the Latin triarchs of Negroponte and his beautiful daughter Irene, who shared her Prince Geoffrey I of Achaea.” When Manuel blind father’s confinement among the bar- died in 1241, Michael II annexed his holdings barians. John Asen married her in 1237, and in Thessaly to the despotate of Epirus. John freed Theodore, who promptly made plans Asen died in June of the same year, and the with Asen’s consent to retrieve what he could strength of Bulgaria departed with him.® of his former power. He hastened to Thes- Considering the divisions among the western salonica, entered the city stealthily, and found Greeks, and the pitiful condition of the Latin

supporters enough to seize the throne from empire under the young Baldwin II, John

Manuel, who was put on board a ship and sent Vatatzes now towered above his former rivals to Adalia on the southern coast of Asia Minor. and opponents, whose reverses always enTheodore was unwilling to resume the imperial couraged his own ambition. title because of his blindness, but he had his At this point, however, a new tide of turmoil son John named emperor, and prepared to rule swept in upon the Balkans and the Levant. from behind the throne. John Asen was satisfied In 1241 the Mongols burst into central Europe,

with the arrangement and made no protest, defeating the Poles and Hungarians in April.

It was an appalling onslaught, and in letters of

- @ Acropolites, Chron., 49, ed. Heisenberg, I, 88-89, and rn June, 1241, Fope Gregory IX tried to get cf. Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1799, p. 21. Owing to war the clergy and laity of Europe to meet the invabetween Nicaea and Epirus, the marriage did not take ——— place until the autumn of 1256 (Acropolites, 63, 64, ibid., 85 Acropolites, Chron., 38, ed. Heisenberg, I, 60-62; I, 132-33, 134), on which see below, p. 73b, where it may Ephraem, vv. 8325-69 (Bonn, pp. 335-36), and cf. Hoeck be observed Theodora made another long journey with and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, pp. 169-70. her son to bring it about, unfortunately succeeding the 6 The death of John Asen “circa festum sancti Iohannis”

second time. (24 June) is one of the last facts recorded in the chronicle

64 Hoeck and Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, attributed to Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, who notes that pp. 170-71; Paul Lemerle, “Trois Actes du despote d’Epire the Latin government in Constantinople made a two years’ Michel II concernant Corfou,” ‘EAAnvexa, IV, Suppl. truce with Asen’s successor Koloman and also with Vatatzes

(Thessaloniki, 1953), pp. 414-18. (Chron., ad ann. 1241, in MGH, SS., XXIII, 950).

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 61 sion with a crusade, assumpto crucis signaculo,and Anatolia and attacks upon the sultanate of

was prepared to grant anti-Tatar crusaders Iconium (Konya) and the Greek empire of the same immunity and indulgence as the Trebizond, both of which were quickly reduced defenders of the Holy Land were receiving.” to the status of tribute-paying satellites. But the Mongols left Europe upon the death of If Vatatzes now had to conclude his assault the great khan Ogodei, for their commander upon Thessalonica after some six weeks, he Batu was to take part in the election of a new was still able to force John Ducas, who was khan at Karakorum. Some of Batu’s forces more of a monk than a soldier, to abandon the withdrew by way of Transylvania and Moldavia, insignia of empire and recognize by oath the others through the lands of the South Slavs, sovereignty of Nicaea, contenting himself with striking terror into the hearts of the Bosnians, _ the title of despot.®’ Now there was one Greek Serbs, and Bulgarians, from whom they took emperor, and Vatatzes could face his western plunder and exacted tribute. The Mongols problems with every confidence. He went back had already overrun southern Russia (Batu. home with his forces, spending the winter of left his forces in the steppes of the Don as he 1242-1243 at Nymphaeum, and soon formed hurried eastward), and here they established in a defensive alliance with the sultan of Iconium.”

the lower valleys of the Don and the Volga Here again, as in the west, the misfortunes

the khanate of the Golden Horde, which was to of his enemies increased Vatatzes’ power and

endure for more than two hundred years. prosperity, which were always relative to cirThe general consternation seemed to offer cumstance, for while the Mongol invasion caused Vatatzes an opportunity, and in 1242 he led havoc in Iconium, it never reached the Nicene an army, supported by a fleet, into Macedonia, empire. The Turks, lacking food and materials, and marched upon Thessalonica although he purchased them at high prices in gold from the lacked siege machinery. He immediately Nicene Greeks. Vatatzes’ long career was always found himself in an awkward position when marked by the interplay of prudence and good word reached him of the Mongol invasion of fortune. 87 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, fasc. 12 (Paris, 1910), Vatatzes noe ‘kalo the despotate-—no longer

nos. 6057-62, cols. 523-24, and cf. Jean Richard, “The empire—o essalonica was Tat er tenuous, Mongols and the Franks,” Journal of Asian History, I11 but when John Ducas died in 1244, and

(Wiesbaden, 1969), esp. pp. 45-52. blind Theodore wanted his younger son Cf. in general Georges Rochcau, “Innocent IV devant Demetrius to secure the succession, the le* péril tatar: Ses lettres 4 Daniel de Galicie et a Alexandre ; ‘ ’

Nevsky,” Istina, VI (Boulogne-sur-Seine, 1959), 167-86, pucae. felt tt De ee cedaese vatalzes cone and on Innocent IV’s missions to the Mongols, note also . pot. G. G. Guzman, “Simon of Saint-Quentin and the Dominican Vatatzes granted their request; nevertheless, Mission to the Mongol Baiju: A Reappraisal,” Speculum, the independent state of Thessalonica had alXENI (197 , 282-49. Of the sources now available in most run its course. Acropolites contrasts the cally in the Middle East), particular attention Should be Chastity and religious devotion of John with

nglsn relating to t 1r -cen ongols (espe- ’ sort . .

paid to Juvaini, The History of the World-Conqueror, trans. the riotous and libidinous life of his brother John Andrew Boyle, 2 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1958, Demetrius. On one occasion, “desiring to escape and note Jean Richard, Simon de Saint-Quentin, Histoire by the window, upon the sudden entry of his des Tartares [partially retrieved from the text of Vincent mistress’s husband, Demetrius fell from a great of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, bks. XXX-xxxU1], Paris, 1965, height and struck his buttock d after bei passim, with refs. and notes, and esp. pp. 76 ff., on the els and struc 1s ULLOCKS, and atler being Mongol invasions of Trebizond, Iconium, Hungary, and laid up for some time, he became healed, but Poland in the early 1240’s. On the long-range effects of limped a little in one foot and did not walk the Mongol invasions, see Bernard Lewis, “The Mongols, straight.””2 Demetrius doubtless assessed his the Turks, and the Muslim Polity,” Transactions of the

Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., XVIII (1968), 49-68. —_—— It may not be amiss to observe at this point that in 6° Acropolites, Chron., 40-41, ed. Heisenberg, I, 65-68, 1238 the Latin Emperor Baldwin II, then in Paris seeking and cf. Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1775, p. 19.

funds for the defense of Constantinople, agreed to sell ” Acropolites, 41, ed. Heisenberg, I, 69, and Dolger, Louis IX the crown of thorns, which arrived in Paris in Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1776, p. 19, with refs.

August, 1239 (P. Pelliot, “Les Mongols et la papauté,” 7 Acropolites, 42, 45, ed. Heisenberg, I, 70, 79, and Revue de lOrient chrétien, 3rd ser., VIII [XXVIII, 1931— Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1778, p. 19.

32], 4-6). Such a relic naturally excited much interest 7 Acropolites, 42, ed. Heisenberg, I, 71. (The Latin (Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1239, in translation in the Bonn Corpus, p. 76, seems erroneous

MGH, SS., XXIII, 947; Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., II to me: it was Demetrius who left by the window, not

[1913], 306-11). the unexpected husband who entered thereby!)

62 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT experience after the fashion of the Italian ypper valley of the Maritsa, which became the proverb that it is better to fall from windows boundary between Bulgaria and the Nicene than from the roof—e meglio cader dalle finestre empire, all without a struggle, “as though he che dal tetto—and continued his pursuit of were taking over an inheritance from his father.” pleasure, which was however to prove of short He pushed on into the far northwest, taking

duration. Velbuzd (Kustendil) on the upper Strymon;

In 1246 John Vatatzes made a casual expe- moved south taking Skoplje and Stip in the dition into Thrace with the intention of visiting Vardar region; then through Veles, Prilep, his European possessions. Almost untouched and Pelagonia in the plains of Monastir; and by the Mongol incursions into Anatolia (1242), eastward again to the Vardar where he took his eastern borders protected by alliance with pyosek. It was a triumphant progress from the sultan of Iconium (43), and now bound by _ beginning to end, but the end was not yet. In ties of marmlage with the western Emperor Jess than three months Vatatzes had overrun

Frederick II (44), Vatatzes could turn his all southwestern Bulgaria, “and this is the

attention to the Greek mainland with assurance way things turned out,” says Acropolites, “and of tranquillity at home. While in Thrace, Va- [| myself helped in writing the reports as well as tatzes learned at the beginning of September jn preparing an imperial letter for each one of that the young tsar of Bulgaria, Koloman (1241- the captured cities and towns: it is the ancient 1246), had died, some claiming he had been custom of the Roman emperors to make known poisoned, and with some hesitation Vatatzes by writing the successes they have achieved to decided to respond to what looked like a fine enable those at a distance also to share in the opportunity for the acquisition of towns and pleasure of their deeds.””4

territory although he had few troops with him. In mid-November, 1246, Vatatzes was enA memorable season of conquest began with camped with his army at Melnik, planning to his brief but successful siege of the important return home for the winter, when a final wave

fortress of Serres.” of good fortune led him to embark on his _ Vatatzes was now quick to perceive the high greatest conquest. In Thessalonica the irretide in his efforts and decided to sail with the sponsible conduct of Demetrius had led to the

current. He ventured north to take Melnik, formation of an opposition party which was and continued northeastward to capture Steni- conspiring to oust him and turn the city over

machus, Tzepaena, and other places in the to Vatatzes. One of the conspirators named

73 Acropolites, 43, ed.

Campanus went to see Vatatzes, offering him the city in return for confirmation of the ancient Heisenberg, I, 72-75. In 1244 . . . os

Vatatzes married Frederick’s young daughter Constance, rights, p rivileges, and freedom of its citizens, who took the Greek name Anna when she was received to the observance of which the emperor bound into Orthodoxy (Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, nos. 1779-81, p. himself by a golden bull. Setting out from Mel-

19). Soon rejected by her husband in favor of one of nik for Thessalonica, Vatatzes called upon her ladies in waiting, long kept a prisoner at Nicaea, Pemetrius to come to meet him and make the later caught the Constance Angevinfinally invasion ofODeElSance Italy whento her hich h ‘tted bh brother Manfredup wasinslain, died in w Ic bei € was committe y oath. Valencia, where her wooden sarcophagus is still preserved Demetrius, relying for advice upon those in the little church of S. John of the Hospital (see Giuseppe who were involved in the plot, failed to appear del Giudice, “La Famiglia di Re Manfredi,” Archivio storico before the emperor. When Vatatzes encamped per le province napoletane, 111 [1878], 27 ff.,-and V [1880], le 21 ff.; J. Miret y Sans, “Tres Princesas griegas en la corte under the walls of Thessalonica in December, de Jaime II de Aragon,” Revue hispanique, XV [1906], Tenewed his demand for submission, and also 668 ff., 680-83, 690-702, 717-19; Chas. Diehl, Figures ordered that a market be provided for supplies

Pyeandines, i [1909], 207-25; Fe Marinesco, oe Noten for his.army, Demetrius, still relying upon the sur onstance de onenstautfen, imperatrice e icée,” Byzantion, 1 [1924], 451-68; and Vasiliev, Hist. Byz. Emp. 22™© aWvisers, made oki effort to obey the [1952], pp. 528-29). Constance was the daughter of imperial commands. Lac ing equipment, VatatBianca Lancia, mother of Manfred. When in 1262 the zes was unable to lay effective siege to the city, Epirotes captured Alexius Strategopoulus (the Nicene but after a few days a detachment of Nicene general who had recovered Constantinople for Michael goldiers. set to guard a little gate overlookin

VIII) and sent him as a prisoner to Manfred, Constance , 0 gia tle gate 0 5 was returned to her brother in exchange for Stratego- —————

poulus (see below, Chapter 5, note 27). She died in Valencia 74 Acropolites, 44, ed. Heisenberg, I, 75-79 (quotation

on 15 April, 1307, about seventy-five years old (see Miret on pp. 78-79); Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, nos. 1787-89,

y Sans, op cit., pp. 700 ff.). pp. 20-21; and ¢f. Nicol, Despotate of Epiros, pp. 144-45.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 63 the harbor to prevent a sortie from the city, upon the continuing support of Prince Geoffrey heard a cry that the gate had been opened by _ II of Achaea, and on 9 February, 1240, Gregory some of those within the walls, and responding IX granted Geoffrey an indulgence to the to the cry they got into the city, followed very effect that the vow he had made of going shortly by the entire army and by the emperor as a crusader to the Holy Land might be fulhimself, who took his stand at the east gate. filled, with all benefits, by rendering continued There Irene, the beautiful widow of John Asen assistance to the beleaguered Latin empire, in II, who had retired to Thessalonica, sought which connection Geoffrey declared himself him out, and made a tearful plea on her knees ready to lead a decens comitiva militum.™ It would

that her brother Demetrius not be blinded. certainly be needed. He promised to spare the young man that Geoffrey was at the pinnacle of his career. He common disablement of the defeated. Then was already seneschal of Romania, like his Irene produced Demetrius, a handsome, beard- father, who had received the office at the first

less, young man, who had taken refuge in the parliament of Ravennika (1209). In 1217 fortress on the acropolis. Vatatzes treated Irene Geoffrey had married Agnes of Courtenay, with a grave courtesy; when she dismounted _ sister of the Latin Emperors Robert and Baldwin from her horse, he stepped from his carriage II. During most of Geoffrey’s eighteen years of

and stood on foot with her.” He could afford rule peace prevailed in the principality of to be gracious, for he had just secured a greater Achaea; he seems to have made little or no

city than Nicaea. effort to subdue the Slavs of Mount Taygetus and the Tzakones of Mount Parnon; he did not

After the Latins had successfully broken the undertake the reduction of the great fortress Greek-Bulgarian siege of the capital, a two town of Monemvasia, whose inhabitants were years’ truce (1236-1238) seems to have been a menace to Latin shipping and maintained made between Vatatzes and John of Brienne.”° close relations with John Vatatzes. Although But the Latin regime had no future in Constan- he had trouble with the Ducae of Epirus and tinople. It is astonishing that it survived as long ‘Thessalonica, he apparently avoided serious

as it did; there was something indomitable conflict with them. Geoffrey died in 1246, about the Greek leadership in Nicaea. Time the same year in- which Vatatzes brought to was on the Greek side. Vatatzes wrote Pope an end the checkered history of the Greek Gregory IX, apparently late in the year 1237: empire and despotate of Thessalonica. “We have been forced to withdraw from Con- When the Latin Emperor John of Brienne stantinople, but we do not beg as a favor [from died in March, 1237, his successor, the young

anyone] our rights to the office and empire of Baldwin of Courtenay, was in France and Constantinople. The ruler has authority and Flanders, vindicating his rights to the great

power over a nation ...a people, human castle of Namur against the rival claims of a

beings, not over the sticks and stones which sister.” The Nicene had every reason to cast make up walls and defense towers.””” Baldwin hopeful eyes upon the stout walls of Constan-

II’s rule on the Bosporus seemed to depend tinople. On 21 May, before he had learned of

Brienne’s death, Pope Gregory IX wrote from * Acropolites, 45, ed. Heisenberg, I, 79-83; Dolger, eee to the nobleman Vatatzes de é Phe Regesten, pt. 3, nos. 1790-91, p. 21; O. Tafrali, Thes- etter announcing a great crusade or the salonique des origines au quatorzieme siecle, Paris, 1919, pp. Protection of the Holy Land and, if need be,

228-31. for the assistance of the Latin “empire of ~. Robert Saulger, Mistoire m 1 tbe pertabay Romania,” which was threatened by Vatatzes. —~%O. 2. mpereur onn oO rienne} soliicite .. par le Duc de Naxe lite, Angele Sanudo, at the behest The Pope warned the latter against PUFSUING of Vatatzes] consentit 2 une tréve de deux ans...” 2 Policy hostile to John of Brienne and the Latins (p. 46). In the summer of 1238 the fleet of Geoffrey II, 1 Constantinople, and demanded rather his co-operating with the Venetians, again aided the Latin capital against Vatatzes (¢f. Longnon, L’Empire latin [1949], ————————

pp. 176, 180). 8 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, III (1908), no. 4983, ™ Doc. published by J. Sakkelion, in the Greek periodical col. 141.

Athenaion, I (Athens, 1872), 375 (sic), and summarized in 7 Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1237, in Ant. Meliarakes, History of the Empire of Nicaea and the MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), 941. Pope Gregory IX was Despotate of Epirus (in Greek), Athens, 1898, p. 277. (The vigilant on the young Baldwin’s behalf (Auvray, Registres

translation is a paraphrase.) de Grégoire IX, I11 [1908], nos. 4944-45, 5047, 5305).

64 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT “aid, counsel, and support” for the Latins.” rivalry between Nicaea and Bulgaria. Planning Gregory's letter was so lofty in tone that Vatatzes, his campaign against the weakened “empire”

in replying, professed to believe it could not of Thessalonica in the early summer of 1241, really have come from the pope himself. He Vatatzes arranged with the young Baldwin II answered it, nevertheless, with even less re- a two years’ truce,® and about the same time straint than the papal chancery had shown, as_renewed with Koloman, son of the late John though he were repaying an old score of re- Asen II, the Bulgarian alliance, which was sentment. He declared that the see of Rome was always convenient while it lasted. Some time in no wise different from the other ancient after the expiration of the truce with Baldwin, bishoprics, and that he, and no usurping Latin, Vatatzes renewed it for one year (in 1244).® In was the direct successor of the great Constan- the meantime, of course, Gregory IX had died tine, the Ducae, and the Comneni. The papacy (in August, 1241, at Rome), and after the brief should never have condoned the Latin seizure papacy of Celestine IV and a long interregnum of Constantinople nor contrived the election Sinibaldo Fieschi was elected pope as Innocent of the late John of Brienne. The Greeks had IV in June, 1243. He is best known for his merely yielded to brute force in withdrawing presidency of the first Council of Lyon and from their capital. The conduct of the Latins his unremitting struggle with the Hohenstaufen and the existence of their alleged empire were Emperor Frederick II.

inconsistent with the papal hope of freeing But we are not done yet with the reign of

the Holy Land. Carrying on the fight against Pope Gregory IX, for as his life drew to a close, John of Brienne, now “long dead” (adda), his anxious concern for the tottering empire of whom the pope had asked Vatatzes to leave Constantinople increased: “Sad is the news we in peace, had been a sacred duty for the re- have heard from the city of Constantinople,” covery of Constantinople. While Vatatzes was he wrote to the Latin hierarchy in Greece, inprepared to respect the rights of the pope, cluding the archbishops of Patras and Corinth, the latter must also recognize those of the Thebes and Athens (on 18 January, 1238), “and

Greek emperor.*! no little the grief it has caused us, but we hasten Vatatzes’ letter, whether it was ever actually to apply a remedy to counter the perilous ills sent to Pope Gregory or not, is certainly an of which men tell us.” There was famine in the exact statement of Nicene views concerning the imperial city, and desertion in the ranks; grain Latin empire, which lasted from year to year, was needed, and warriors to defend the city. precariously and unheroically, preserved from The count of Brittany, Pierre de Dreux, was the time of Brienne’s accession largely by the coming with an army while the pope undertook to supply food. But if the need was great, the

* Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 18, fol. 291, published distance from which help had to come was no in W. Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, less great. Quick action was required, and so append., no. VII, pp. 751-52; Auvray, Registres de Grégoire his Holiness commanded the Latin hierarchy IX, il (1907), no. 3693, cols. 659-60; and see especially to pay a third of their movable goods and a V. Grumel, "L de Authenticité la lettre Jean Vatatzés,IX,” third of their incomes to Master empereur Nicée,deau papedeGrégoire Echos d’Orient, . :Philip, . a man XXIX (1930), 450-58, who gives an improved text of the provident and discreet, who was being sent to papal letter, “datum Viterbii, XII Kalendas Iunii, [pontifi- Greece to collect the funds. The Crusaders’ catus nostri] anno undecimo.” It is interesting to note remission of sins was to be the reward of those that on 13 March, 1238, Gregory IX charged the Hospi- who brought aid to the threatened city. Not 919-20). The first direct papal taxation of the Church Ulaware, however, that the several archbishops in Greece occurs in 1238 to raise funds for the protection whom he was addressing, and their numerous

tallers with aiding Vatatzes (Auvray, II, no. 4156, cols. .

of Constantinople against Vatatzes and John Asen II

(cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1238, nos. 1-5, vol. XXI_~_=————

[Bar-le-Duc, 1870], pp. 168-69, and see Adolf Gottlob, 8 Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, Chron., ad ann. 1241, in Die papstlichen Kreuzzugs-Steuern des 13. Jahrhunderts, MGH, SS., XXIII, 950; Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1773,

Heiligenstadt [Eichsfeld], 1892, p. 64). p. 18.

81 Meliarakes, History of the Empire of Nicaea and the 83 Acropolites, Chron., 39-40, ed. Heisenberg, I, 64-65;

Despotate of Epirus, pp. 276-79 (from J. Sakkelion, Athenaion, Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines, loc. cit.; Délger, Regesten, pt. 3,

I [Athens, 1873], 372-78); Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. no. 1773a, p. 18. 1757, p. 16; V. Grumel, Echos d’Orient, XXIX, 452-58, & Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, ed. H. R. Luard (Rolls who has shown that Vatatzes’ letter is genuine although Series, no. 57), IV (London, 1877), 299; Délger, Regesten,

redaction. und Byzanz, pp. 323-26.

it may never have been sent to Rome, at least in its present _ pt. 3, no. 1781a, p. 19; and in general cf. Norden, Papsttum

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 65 clergy, would not much approve the papal inscription testifies, and asks the traveler using remedy, his Holiness reminded them that their the road to pray for its builder’s soul.*° safety was bound up with the safety of Constantinople, and he added that his emissary § During the last decades of its existence the was instructed to compel them, if necessary, to Latin empire of Constantinople dwindled, make the contribution he required of them. almost to the city itself and its suburbs. Its At the same time as this unhappy news was natural defenders in the West were occupied dispatched to the Latin clergy in the Morea with other problems. Even as early as 1216 and the Athenian lordship an appeal was ad- the death of the Emperor Henry, although it dressed to Count Matteo Orsini of Cephalonia created a profound impression in the East, and Zante, who was also reminded that his attracted only moderate attention in the West.” interests were similarly at stake, “if, God forbid, ‘The hope which Innocent III had once enter-

the Greeks should obtain possession of the tained of the effective union of the churches aforesaid city.” Besides the remission of sins, under the papacy and the new Latin hierarchy

Count Matteo was promised, for his help, in the East had been frustrated, and after

unending praise among men and the crown of Honorius III the popes had to pay less attensupernal achievement in heaven.®* But condi- tion to the manifold problems of the Latin tions did not improve; indeed, they were never empire and its constantly imperiled capital. to improve; and a year later, on 23 January, Gregory IX and Innocent IV were caught up 1239, Pope Gregory again imposed the levy of in the struggle with the Hohenstaufen. The a third of their goods upon the Latin hierarchy Emperor Baldwin, lord of Courtenay, naturally in Greece, on behalf of the empire of Romania, looked to his native France for aid, but Louis for “the need was more urgent than ever.”®” IX thought chiefly of the Crusade, and the Latin Furthermore, the danger was close to home, empire had proved a liability to the Crusade. for papal documents of 12 July, 1235, and 27 Baldwin was well known in France, where he June, 1236, refer to the frequency and the spent much of the years 1236—1239 and 1244severity of Greek attacks upon Thebes, the 1248. The queen mother, Blanche of Castile, home and capital, presumably, of Guy I de la found him enfantif en ses paroles.** The loss of Roche, “Megaskyr” of the Athenian lordship. the Latin empire was not far distant. It was not Nevertheless, there is no evidence that the entirely Baldwin’s fault. If he was weak, he was

Greeks suffered any particular hardships in a better and a braver man than his brother

Thebes and Athens because of the attacks and predecessor Robert. If the empire was 1mof their fellows upon lands of Guy de la Roche. poverished, Baldwin spent generously the No particular disability was imposed upon the resources of his lordship of Courtenay and his Greek monks at this time, at least as far as county of Namur in its defense. His misfortune we can tell. In 1238 a Greek named Neophytus, was that he was neither a warrior nor a diplomat.

possibly a monk, was allowed to build or repair There were no native defenders in Constana road leading up to the monastery of S. John tinople to aid him, or very few, for the Emperor the Hunter on Mount Hymettus, as an iambic Henry’s policy of putting Greeks into respon-

sible positions both in the state and in the

————- army, hoping that they might identify them-

- d, . ’ . _ ’ ay, fré Tes régoire ’ : . . . .

ce oe an. xn a 358 (Lampros, Eggraphe {1906}, selves with the Latin regime, help create the II (1907), no. 4035, cols. 858-60; Potthast, no. 10,502 tusion of continuity with the past, and pro(vol. I, p. 890). Master Philip apparently met with some tect their own interest in the status quo, it nothing

difficulty in collecting funds when he arrived in Greece else, had been abandoned. On one occasion (Greg. IX, an. XII, ep. 265, doc. dated 27 September, 1238, Blanche of Castile wrote Baldwin of her chagrin in Auvray, H, no. 4546, col. 1145, and of. no. 4547). Count to learn that he was guided by the counsel of Pierre of Brittany had planned his expedition to Constan-

tinople before October, 1236 (Auvray, II, no. 3363, cols. ~

497-98, and cf. no. 4027, col. 853, dated 12 January, 1238). 88 Corpus inscriptionum graecarum, IV (1856-59), no. 8752,

8 Tampros, Eggrapha, pp. 39-40; Auvray, Registres de p. 345, to which reference is once more made, below, in

Grégoire IX, II, no. 4036, col. 860; Potthast, Regesta, no. Chapter 16, note 85.

10,503 (vol. I, p. 890), dated 18 January, 1238. a ongnon, Empire latin, p. 152. *” Greg. IX, an. XII, ep. 370 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. p ena “h méenestrel won ee > atalis de any

I, doc. 27, pp. 42-43); Reg. Grég. IX, II, no. 4711, cols. Jatin. p. 178: Chronicle’ of Reims chao. xIP mans. AN

1910-11. , atin, p. 178; Chronicle of Reims, chap. XLI, trans. E. N. Stone, University of Washington Publications in the Social *8 Reg. Grég. IX, II, nos. 2671 and 3214, cols. 108 and 421. Sciences, X (Seattle, 1939), 348.

66 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT two Greeks (videlicet exhortacionibus duorum As the months and years passed, the Latin Grecorum), but Baldwin sent the queen mother empire of Constantinople came increasingly to the most solemn and subservient assurance, look like a poor investment; the papacy, neverteste Altissimo, “that we have never in the past theless, continued to make some effort to suptaken the advice of any Greeks, nor do we now, port the Emperor Baldwin. On 13 July, 1243, nor shall we; rather whatever we do is done on Innocent IV directed the churches of Athens, the advice of the noble and good men of France Corinth, the Archipelago, Patras, Thebes, and who are with us... .”* However valuable Negroponte to provide, “from your ecclesiastical their advice may have been, these noble and yeyenues,” ten thousand hyperperi, as a subgood men of France were not numerous enough sidy “for the preservation of the empire of

to give Baldwin the support he needed. Constantinople, won by the faithful of Christ

The poverty of the Latin emperor was €X- not without many labors and much cost, and ceeded only py that of the Latin patriarch d even no little shedding of blood.” Eleven days Honstantinep €, ane if the Latin hel hi dt later, on 24 July, the archbishop of Athens and

the ar c ‘the were de Under hh p had to Crescentius, treasurer of the Parthenon, and

come a the Old. hia b Nh “A he caircum- William, dean of the Theban minster, were in-

ne t t ee © he 's a 1 a may formed of the papal declaration of another

now de noted i the tone oF papal letters COn- tithe, to be collected in the coming year in the cerned with the affairs of the Latin patriarchate. Morea, Negroponte, and the islands. The III and Honorius III had again and again ex- chancery clerk who prepared this letter copied

The irritation and even anger which Innocent ; mo

; . . the text of Gregory IX’s lament of 29 May,

pressed at the patriarchal independence and dis-

obedience have been replaced by anxiety and 1241: the penury of the once opulent church sympathy. On 29 May, 1241, Gregory IX wrote of the imperial capital was grievous to behold,

to the archbishop of Thebes, the prior of the its misery extreme, the empire in sore distress Dominicans, and the archdeacon of Negroponte and disruption, the patriarchate in a desperate that a tithe was to be paid to the Latin patriarch Pignt, nec est jn ete vel evn subside porrigere

of the revenues of the cathedral churches, mon- 7 te to P on f fe I of Wlchardeein, asteries, and the clergy, both Latin and Greek, WTOl di “hin Ceo al 0 ‘ eharcouin, in the Morea, wgroponte, ane the islands ub near neigh bein . mie nd p as c and orgin : Ject to the see of Constantinople. ‘The proud see |; : >a : which had once, asof wethe haveRoman seen, contested | IPs and twonow weeks0% thereafter the authority pontiff, was a ! eewer find

contemplate its plight without grief, “an dete , ; yet there was no one willing or able to extend a_ those in his letter to Villehardouin, now proreduced to sich penury tat Gregory could nots Holiness again witing onthe subject of the

helping hand.”*? viding, however, for compulsion and assistance — from the secular arm if the Latin hierarchy in % Ep. Bald. Imp. CP., B. reg. Francorum, dated at Constan- Greece proved unduly reluctant to provide tinople on 5 August, 1243, in Alex. Teulet, Layettes du the requested funds.” But as hope of reviving

trésor des chartes, II (Paris, 1866), doc. 3123, p. 519.

3 Greg. IX, an. XV, ep. 60, ed. Auvray, Registres de ————————

Grégoire [X, fasc. 12 (1910), no. 6035, col. 515: “. . . nec tinople with a considerable military force; he had been est qui velit vel valeat subsidii porrigere sibi manum. .. .” _ especially aided by King Louis IX of France and the pope, In 1236 the pope had informed the Latin hierarchy in the who had sought to divert the “crusade” of 1239 from the

Morea that qeother atin patriarch pad ost a his 68. for nis beneht (Longnon, " Empire latin, revenues and goods, owing to €almost rortunes Of Holy War _aldwin nad previously wishe Oo turn overPP. to

and the wickedness of the Greeks (Reg. Greg. IX, II, no. Geoffrey II of Villehardouin the lordship of Courtenay, 3382, col. 506). Later in the same year a tithe was declared in return for funds and help, but Louis IX had refused to

in the Morea for the benefit of the Latin empire (ibid., nos. sanction the grant ([Jean] du Bouchet, Histoire généalogique 3408-9, cols. 521-23). To Leo Santifaller’s Beitrage zur de la maison royale de Courtenay, Paris, 1661, pp. 74-76). Geschichte d. Lateinischen Patriarchats (1938) and R. L. Wolff’s * Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV, 1, no. 22, pp. 6-7.

articles on the Latin patriarchate, should be added Giorgio % Reg. Inn. IV, I, no. 33, pp. 8-9. (Imperial abbeys Fedalto, “Il Patriarcato latino di Costantinopoli (1204— and houses of the Templars and Hospitallers were ex-

1261),” Studia patavina, XVIII (1971), 390-464. empted from payment of the tithe.) On 2 September The Emperor Baldwin II had spent the period from the pope again wrote to the churches of Athens and

1236 to 1239 in western Europe, seeking aid for his Thebes concerning this tithe (ibid., no. 94, p. 21). threatened capital and also asserting his rights to the % Reg. Inn. IV, I, no. 706, p. 120; Potthast, no. 11,388

lordship of Courtenay in France and the county of Namur (vol. II, p. 967). in Flanders, but in 1239-1240 he returned to Constan- 7 Reg. Inn. IV, 1, no. 707, p. 120, doc. dated 30 May, 1244.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND ACHAEA 67 the lost strength of the Latin empire faded, To the patriarch of Constantinople, then papal efforts grew less insistent. The pope legate of the Apostolic See, Pope Innocent IV continued to write letters and to make gestures; wrote from the Lateran Palace, on 29 April, if the lay powers in the Levant would aid the 1244, that he had been informed by Guy de emperor, so would the papacy, but not other- la Roche, the lord of Athens, that certain Greek

wise. monks in a village on his northern border It seems very likely that some of the reluc- (quod Laragie vulgariter nuncupatur) were furtance of the Latin hierarchy in Greece to give nishing his Greek enemies, of Epirus or Thessubstantial aid to the Latin empire was due to _ salonica or both, with secrets, apparently of a their conviction that they had a better use for military nature, “whence great dangers resulted their resources at home. The capital was distant, for the faithful.” Guy had therefore requested

and seemed to be doomed. The Latins in that these monks be removed to other Greek Boudonitza, Athens, and Thebes were near abbeys in his domains, and that Latin monks

neighbors of the Ducae in Epirus and, until orsome secular clergy be put in their stead. The 1246, in Thessalonica. Proximity to the Despot patriarch was instructed to act, after a proper Michael II of Epirus (1231-—ca. 1267) was worri- investigation, so as to preserve the honor of the some, and yet the Latins lacked the foresight Church and the safety of the land.*® There was

to see, if such was indeed the case, that their every need for caution, for Michael II of Epirus first line of defense was actually the Bosporus. was now well launched on his long and troubleAs we have already stated, Pope Gregory IX some career, and in 1246 (as we have seen) the

bears witness to the “frequent attacks upon Greek “despotate” of Thessalonica was taken and devastation of the city of Thebes, which over by the emperor John III Vatatzes, and the Greeks have often laid waste.”*8 A letter of added to the ever-increasing domains of imhis successor suggests that fear of the Greek _ perial Nicaea, which thus became a danger to the

menace along the border had scarcely dimin- lord of Athens as well as to the emperor of

ished a decade later. Constantinople.

8 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, II (1907), nos. 2671 *% Inn. IV, an. I, ep. 656 (Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. I, and 3214, cols. 108 and 421, letters dated 12 July, 1235, doc. 28, pp. 43-44); Berger, Regzstres d’Innocent IV, 1, no.

and 27 June, 1236: “. . . propter frequentes guerrarum 657, pp. 112-13; Santifaller, Beitrage zur Gesch. d. Latein. impulsus et vastationem civitatis Thebane, que a Grecis Patriarchats, p. 208. sepius est vastata. . . .” Cf. above, note 88.

4, THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA AND THE DECLINE OF THE LATIN EMPIRE (1246-1259) G EOFFREY II was succeeded in 1246 by his fallen city undisturbed in their possessions; and brother William of Villehardouin, the most _ built castles to extend his sway in the central

lordly of the princes of Achaea. By playing off and southeastern parts of the Morea. The

the despotate of Epirus and the empire of Tzakones of Mount Parnon, the ancient Nicaea against each other, while committing Laconians, were made to submit to his authority,

himself irrevocably to neither side, William and during the winter of 1248-1249, which might have enlarged his principality in the south William spent in Lacedaemonia (la Crémonie),

and made predominant his influence in the he began the famous castle on the steep heights affairs of Greece without great danger to him- of Mistra, some four miles west of Sparta. self and his vassals. But William had more (Mistra was destined to a great future, but not serious problems to face than his brother had under Latin hegemony.) William next built the

had. Some of his trouble arose from the castle of Grand Magne on the site of Old

miserable condition of the Latin empire of Maina, on the Laconian Gulf near Cape Matapan,

Constantinople, to the affairs of which con- tip of the central prong of the Moreote pentemporaries attached an undue importance. insula. Some miles northwest of Old Maina he The imperial title stirred the imagination, built another castle called Beaufort, “and in nomen et omen, and location in Constantinople Greek called Levtro,” on the eastern shore of made the Latin emperor and the baronage the Messenian Gulf, just across from the Venethe center of both popular interest and diplo- _ tian station of Coron. These fortresses produced matic maneuvering. Titular head of the Latin a more submissive attitude among the Slavic feudatories in Greece, the emperor was never in tribe of the Melings of Taygetus and even a position to supply leadership to his alleged among the natives of Maina, who were not eager vassals after the death of Henry of Hainaut in to provoke William’s armed intervention in their

1216. As a whole Venice looked after her affairs. During these years of the mid-century barons in the Aegean, sometimes more closely _ the power and prestige of the prince of Achaea than they wished, and the papacy sought to pro- _ reached their height, and the Emperor Baldwin

tect the other Latins in Greece. To some is said to have given (presumably to William in extent the Villehardouin, especially William, 1248) suzerainty over the duchy of Naxos in the tried to take the lead in the affairs of Frankish Archipelago,’ over the island of Negroponte, Greece, but lacked the prerogative, if not the and probably over the margraviate of Boudonprestige, to do so. Undoubtedly, too, the Latin _ itza. lords enjoyed their independence and saw no —————— particular enemy against whom they should 1 See David Jacoby, La Féodalité en Grece médiévale, Paris,

combine. 1971, pp. 21-23. Jean Longnon, “Problémes de lhistoire de

Prince William is the hero of the Chronicle! Princpaute de Morée,” Journal des Savants, 1946, pp. 149-

. . 53, believes that Prince William of Achaea acquired a of the Morea. He had first seen the light in jimited suzerainty over the duchy of Naxos as a con-

his father’s castle at Kalamata, some ruins of sequence of the agreements of 1267 (on which see below); which still stand on a hill in the northern part of — the event has been assigned by Hopf, Wm. Miller, and the modern town. Greek was almost his native Others to the year 1236, when Geoffrey II of Villehardouin

language. He began his long and colorful ‘,,{h aid of Constantinople, and broke the seg reign (1246-1278) with the successful siege of above). Besides the alleged suzerainty over Boudonitza, the Monemvasia (1246-1248), in which he was prince of Achaea acquired that over Negroponte, where the assisted by Guy I de la Roche, the second lord of triarchs were to furnish him on request one galley or eight Athens, his vassal for the Moreote fiefs of knights each year although the Venetians exercised control Argos and Nauplia, and also by the triarchs of Istoria del regno di Romania, in Chas. Hopf, Chroniques

: . e facto over the island. Cf. Marino Sanudo Torsello,

Negroponte, Duke Angelo Sanudo of the gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 100, and Hopf, Stora

Archipelago, some of the lesser lords of the dell’ isola di Andros e dei suoi signori, trans. G. B. Sardagna,

Acgean, and the Orsini count of Cephalonia. Yeu, 1850 py, 3-94 and do wi 17, Wn, William granted the Monemv asiotes . the fran- in the general confusion the interpretation of Jacoby, loc. cit.,

chise; left the chief archontic families of the — .cems the most reasonable. 68

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 69 Prince William seemed to meet no obstacle he tragedy William was soon to meet a reversal of could not overcome, and his principality attained fortune, a peripeteia, which would completely its fullest extent and security during the half alter the hitherto prosperous course of Latin afdozen or more years which followed the taking of fairs in Greece.

Monemvasia. Marino Sanudo the Elder has

borne witness to the magnificence of his court, Before returning to Asia Minor early in 1247, the fame of his warriors, and the well-being of his the Emperor John III Vatatzes appointed as subjects. Merchants traversed the realm in safety, governor of Thessalonica and Berrhoea his traveled without hard cash, lodged with their grand domestic Andronicus Palaeologus, whose agents, received money on a written draft, and son, the later Emperor Michael VIII, was given in this way paid their expenses and did business. charge of Serres and Melnik.* Michael PalaeoloWilliam had gone to meet Louis [IX at Cyprus in _ gus’s ambition was soon to be well known, and a

May, 1249, with twenty-four ships and four half-dozen years later (according to the historian hundred horse, having left behind a hundred George Pachymeres) he was accused of treasonknights at Rhodes, to assist the Genoese who able communication with Michael II of Epirus,° had just seized the great island and were trying whoafter the Nicene acquisition of Thessalonica to hold it against attacks from Nicaea.” William remained the only primary power in continental is said to have received at this time the right to Greece, becoming in fact Vatatzes’ serious coin deniers tournois like those of the royal mints competitor. The fallen Demetrius was imprisin France; and he accompanied Louis on the oned in the fortress of Lentiana (ev 7T@ gpoupi¢ Seventh Crusade to Egypt, where he spent the . . .7@v Aevruav@yv) in Asia Minor,® where he ap-

winter of 1249-1250, returning home when pears to have died, but old Theodore, his father, the king went to Acre in early May, 1250. who had lived chiefly at Vodena since his return “His court was always attended by 700 to 1,000 from Bulgaria in 1237, had one last opportunity horse,” says Marino Sanudo, “and this I have to express his hostility to the pretensions of learned from Messer Marco [II] Sanudo, grand- Nicaea, now so largely realized, by inveigling father of Messer Niccolo [1323-1341], whoonce his nephew Michael II into an attack upon lived at the court of this prince.” Duke Hugh IV Vatatzes’ new possessions in the west (1251). of Burgundy, later titular Latin king of Thes- Michael could no more be trusted, in the opinion

salonica, spent the winter of 1248-1249 with

William, rode with him along the banks of the 101-3, and ¢f. Longnon, L’Empire latin de Constantinople et la Eurotas, and went on the crusade to Egypt with principauté de Morée, Paris, 1949, pp. 218-19. D. M. Nicol, him. Marino Sanudo probably the Fe pesbotate of Epiros, Oxtord, 1957, pp. and 155, note . : . , was dates therepeating Epirote attack upon Boudonitza in142 1246 when

words of his old friend and kinsman, Duke Michael II is known to have recovered Halmyros from the Marco II of the Archipelago, when he wrote Venetians, who had taken possession of the Gulf of Volos “that the court [of William of Villehardouin] ap- after the death of the Despot Manuel of Thessalonica (in

peared greater than a great king’s court.” On 1241). ,

. . . potesse battere torneselli

one occasion when the Greeks, presumably the Wie peg do: Oh. Gi p. 102, Louis IX granted

Epirotes under Michael II, are said to have at- detta lega del ré, mettendo in una libra tre onze e mezza tacked Boudonitza, “which was on the [northern] d’argento.” The Moreote denier tournois, which (Sanudo says) confines of his state,” William went to meet them contained 3% ounces of silver to the pound in 1250, had a with some 8,000 horse, of whom 3,000 were men- silver content of only 21 ounces to the pound by 1340 Pare when Francesco Balducci Pegolotti wrote La Pratica della at-arms (armig ert); he defeated them roundly, mercatura (see the edition by Allan Evans, Cambridge, Mass., and caused them to regret their undertaking. If 1936, pp. 116-17, 118, and Gustave Schlumberger, Numisthe figures are not exaggerated, this was a large _matique de l’Orient latin, Paris, 1878, pp. 308-14, and plate

cavalry force for that generation, further evi- *!. Ros. Nae 46 bid. L. 83-84 den ce of the great resources of the Moreote 5 Geo. Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, I, 7 (Bonn, I, principality. But like the protagonist in a Greek 21). Acropolites, 50-51, ed. Heisenberg, I, 92-101, who deals at great length with the trial of Michael Palaeologus, — claims that popular rumor improperly linked Michael with 2 Cf. Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 48, ed. Aug. Heisenberg, I the Bulgarian Tsar Koloman, whose sister it was alleged he

(Leipzig, 1903), 86-88. The Genoese were finally obliged was going to marry. Cf. Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant.,

to surrender the island to Vatatzes. Cf. the historical notes II, 8, 3 (Bonn, I, 49), and D. J. Geanakoplos, Emperor and references in Franz Délger, Regesten d. Kaiserurkunden Michael Palaeologus and the West, Cambridge, Mass., 1959,

d. ostrom. Reiches, pt. 3 (1932), no. 1803, p. 22. pp. 21-26.

3 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., pp. § Acropolites, 46, ed. Heisenberg, I, 84.

70 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Acropolites, than the Ethiopian could become this change in the papal attitude toward the white. Vatatzes replied to the unexpected aggres- Latin empire. sion ina long and lucky campaign in 1252, which Seeking means of securing Constantinople, reduced Michael’s pride and prestige for some Vatatzes had long given serious attention to the

time, and extended the hegemony of Nicaea perennial problem of church union,® for the throughout western Macedonia and for a while papacy was the prime support of the Latin into Albania. ‘The price of peace, which Michael empire,!° but perhaps no decisive action could

promptly paid, was the surrender of certain be attempted until after the death of Frederick towns he had captured and the surrender also __ [J], the pope’s arch-opponent and Vatatzes’ close of old Theodore, who nike is son Demetrius ally and father-in-law (from 1244). Nevertheless,

now cones as eventful life in a Nicene efforts at church union were renewed in the

prison.‘ During this period Italian affairs tended pission which the famous John of Parma fe distract the ond an vee Curia homana minister-general of the Franciscans, undertook

Vatatz ‘dose. oC as Cac le the rougnt’ for Innocent IV to the court of Vatatzes at

the L a closer to ; cool Ieee che the eur eT Easter (4 April), 1249. John and his companions O a 30 A rue 9 on Ion c LIV vote thy returned to Lyon, where Innocent was residing

bi ho: . Neen , nd Ole: h nar hic with the Curia Romana, some time before bel ar ° tbe opens ey «he al, 1 t Faster, 1251, and the Byzantine envoys to Nw hae nd he her b ware © poi h d whom the pope addressed a letter (dated at de ed ot k he 6 id “fora t he i vearof a“. Lyon on 8 August, 1250) either came with them

iad f ase e th city f Consta in ve. hich or soon followed them, bringing a synodal

should be maintaine. qd nd v ted fom ih letter from the Nicene Patriarch Manuel II." assault of Vatatzes.” th a La . € d the on Although the patriarch emphasized the im-

» ney were to ve paid tie su portance of effecting the union of the Churches of one thousand marks of silver,onas a subsidy . , the pope spiritual grounds, for he reminded the defense of the city, from the revenues al- hat ‘there were various points of difference ready collected of the churches of Athens and P

Corinth. If these revenues did not reach this

amount, the deficit was to be made up from the * Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903,

goods of the prelates and clerics of Romania. repr. New York, 1958, pp. 348-65; K. M. Setton, “The This document stands, however, more in Byzantine Background to the Italian Renaissance,” Proceedtestimony of the apparent wealth of the Church ae of mM. american Philosophical Society, vol oe (1956), of Athens, together with that of Corinth, than 74 ygo4 Olger, Regesten, pt. 3, nos. 1737a, 1737b, 1795, of papal anxiety over the Latin community in 10 Despite the violent distractions of his reign caused by the Constantinople, because Innocent IV did not contest with Frederick II (the “negotium Siciliae”), Innocent now exert himself unduly over the trials of IV took various steps ad Constantinopolitani conservationem the Latin empire and the tribulations of its ‘peri and made certain provisions sor tne oa. Test) the emperor. Indeed, from about the middle of the Latin Church in Greece and the islands (1245-1254), as . : shown by his letters in Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV, I century Innocent, who died in November, 1254, (paris, 1884), nos. 8, 22, 32-33, 94, 199, 657, 706, 730, and Alexander IV, who succeeded him, were 1385, 1480, 1748, 1826, 1842, 2058, 2298, 2405; vol. II (Paris,

probably both prepared to withdraw their sup- 1887). roe Oe te chow ATES. so ee vol. tn port of the Emperor Baldwin and his tottering §57"s344, 6362, 6431, 6479, 6479 80, 6583, 6632, 6643throne, having become reconciled to the Nicene 44 6657, 6668, 6671, 6676, 6804, 6828, 6831-33, 6835-36, ruler’s realization of an ambition now a half- 6838-39, 6845-46, 6848-50, 6894, 6952, 7245-46, 7450, century old, provided only they could, by seeing 7845. Documents relating to Cyprus and the Holy Land are Constantinople return toa Greek emperor anda __°t noted here.

Greek patriarch, secure that union of the 11 On the mission of John of Parma to the Nicene court

Churches, so lon g desired, so long unfulfilled. en see a nmov Biblioteca bio-biblio-

* oebetween . ‘ll t Rome te grafica é erra e dé riente francescano, (QuaracNegotiations and Nicaea illustrasanta chi, 1906), 222-26, and for the text of the papal letter of 8 August, 1250, see, ibid., I, 227-28, from which it is clear that Innocent IV took the initiative in sending the embassy

_ . to the Greeks, and that John of Parma, humilis pacis angelus,

" Acropolites, 49, tbid., I, 89-92; Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, was very well received by Vatatzes and the Patriarch Manuel no. 1806, p. 23. (Heisenberg’s edition of Acropolites will II. (Golubovich, loc. cit., gives passages relating to John of

be usually indicated hereafter by an ibidem.) Parma’s mission to Nicaea from Salimbene’s chronicle, 8 Elie Berger, ed., Les Registres d’Innocent IV, III (Paris, Niccolo di Curbio’s life of Innocent IV, and Angelo

1897), no. 5923, p. 100. Clareno’s Tribulationes.)

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 71 (kepadata) between them which required set- Pope Innocent found the Nicene proposals tlement.” But the Byzantine envoys seemed acceptable. He was quite willing to abandon the anxious for setthkement, offering remarkable imperial wraith on the Bosporus to revive the concessions in return for the restoration of unity and authority of Christendom. Rarely Constantinople to the Greeks, the re-establish- had such a measure of agreement been achieved ment of the Byzantine patriarch in all his rights, in generations of discussion directed toward

and of course the withdrawal of the Latin church union, but both Innocent and Vatatzes emperor and Latin patriarch from the city. In_ died in the year 1254, and their accord was return Vatatzes and the Patriarch Manuel were never put into effect. On 2 January, 1255, willing to settle two centuries of schism in the shortly after his election to the papacy, Alexander following way: the see of Rome would be _ IV expressed concern for the safety of the Latin recognized as the highest patriarchal see by empire of Constantinople and the baronies in the

inscribing the names of the popes on the Morea, and demanded oportuna et congrua

Byzantine diptychs; the Greek clergy would substdia from both the clergy and laity in the render the pope general canonical obedience; principality of Achaea to protect the Catholic the see of Rome would be the court of appeal lands in Greece against enemy attacks.’ Despite for the Greek clergy when oppressed by their the well-known activity of Alexander’s chancery, superiors (Rome had claimed such appellate however, which directed numerous letters to the jurisdiction since the Council of Sardica in Holy Land as well as to all parts of Europe, his A.D. 343), and higher ecclesiastics would also be registers reveal that he and his advisers paid free to settle their disputes by appeal to papal relatively little attention to Greek affairs. But decision; papal decrees would be binding in they would be quite willing to resume Innocent law, provided they were not at variance with the IV’s negotiations with the Greeks if the opcanons; and the pope would preside at councils, portunity presented itself. be the first to sign their proceedings, and have

the right to speak first on matters of faith, but At the end of February, 1254, the great always in accord with scripture and canonical Emperor John III Vatatzes suffered an apoprecept. Although the Greek legatesemphasized _ plectic stroke at Nicaea. His physicians sought

that this statement of submission would not to revive him by lacerating his feet, and tried a apply to the question of the procession of the number of other remedies which the medical art Holy Spirit (always a controverted point be- of the day prescribed (o760-a 7 Téexv7n E5t5ac KEV).

tween the Greeks and Latins), Vatatzes was The emperor lay motionless in a coma all that apparently willing to sacrifice the independence night and the next day and the following of the Byzantine Church to secure the return of _ night. Then his labored breathing was heard; al-

Constantinople.” though he regained consciousness, his color was

—____ ghastly. He insisted, however, upon going im” Georg Hofmann, “Patriarch von Nikaia Manuel II. an Papst Innozenz IV.,” Onrentalia Christiana periodica, XIX

(1953), 59-70, with an edition of the Greek text (from a ~~ Bodleian MS., Cod. Barroccianus 131, fols. 360r—361v, on 14 Although the common reading of Acropolites’ text which cf. H. O. Coxe, Catalogus codicum MSS. bibl. Bodleianae, (Chron., 52, ed. Heisenberg, I, 103), that Vatatzes died on

I [Oxford, 1853], 227), of which Norden, Papsttum und the “third of the calends of November,” should obviously Byzanz, append., no. Xl, pp. 756-59, had already published __ be interpreted as 30 October, V. Laurent, “La Date de la

a German summary with the wrong date 1253. mort de l’empereur Jean III Batatsés,” Echos d’Orient, ® The facts are given at some length in the instructions XXXVI (1937), 162-65, has shown that Acropolites actually

which Pope Alexander IV gave Bishop Constantine of meant 3 November. This is the only passage in which Orvieto, whom he was sending as papal legate to the Acropolites uses the calends (there was no “Greek calends”), Nicene court in 1256 when Vatatzes’ successor, Theodore II__ and he apparently did not know how to employ it in dating.

Lascaris, indicated a desire to continue the discussions Innocent IV died on 7 December. When the papal-imperial which his father had carried on with Innocent IV (see negotiations appeared on the brink of success, Vatatzes Alexander IV’s instructions to Bishop Constantine in seems to have issued a bronze coin with the figure of S. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1256, esp. nos. 48-50, vol. Peter holding two large keys in his right hand. Cf. David XXI [Bar-le-Duc, 1870], pp. 516-17, and Fritz Schillmann, Lathoud and Tommaso Bertelé, “Le Chiavi di San Pietro ed., “Zur byzantinischen Politik Alexanders IV.,” Romische su una moneta di Giovanni Doucas Vatatzes, imperatore Quartalschrift, XXII [Rome, 1908], 115, 116). Cf. C. Bourel _ niceno (1222—1254),” Unitas: Rivista internazionale (Ital. ed.),

de la Ronciére, ed., Les Registres d’Alexandre IV, 1 (Paris, III (Rome, 1948), 203-12. 1902), no. 1406, p. 430, doc. undated; Norden, Papsttum und 5 Bourel de la Ronciére, Registres d’Alexandre IV, I, no. 34,

Byzanz, pp. 328, 367—77, with chronological errors; and pp. 9-10. Cf. ibid., I, nos. 182-83, 621, 1406, and vol. II, Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1812, pp. 23-24, for the other eds. Joseph de Loye and Pierre de Cenival, Paris, 1917, no.

sources. 2072, p. 637, as well as nos. 2099 and 2458.

72 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mediately to Nymphaeum in order to arrive be- Astonishment hindered belief, and the Bulfore Palm Sunday, which he was accustomed to _ garian command decided not to move their camp

celebrate there. He arrived in time for Palm until they could get more certain information. Sunday and the Easter holiday. His devotions Theodore knew their location, however, and provided no cure, as further attacks occurred pressed on in a neurotic frenzy characteristic both in the palace and outside. His attendants of him. When the foremost detachments of the

helped him to conceal the extent of his illness Byzantine army struck the advance guard of the from the people, but he grew worse, and his Bulgarian forces, they put many to the sword, physicians were unable to help him. He went to and captured others, including the Bulgarian Smyrna to pray for relief from the affliction, but commander, but others fled in the darkness of to no avail, and he returned to Nymphaeum night to the main encampment bringing excited

although he did not go back to the palace. His news of the Byzantine attack. It was every

tents were pitched in the imperial gardens, and man for himself, including Michael Asen. Some here he died on 3 November in his sixty-second of the Bulgarians managed to find safety by year.’® His reign had lasted thirty-three years, fleeing into the forests, scratching their faces, and he was the true renovator of the Byzantine Asenas wellas the rest, in the thick undergrowth state, the author of the Byzantine renascence. of the trees which concealed them, and others Vatatzes was succeeded by his son, Theodore got away on unsaddled horses—“thus by runII Lascaris (1254-1258), who is said to have ning away the Bulgarians escaped the Roman suffered from the paternal epilepsy inastillmore sword, and at dawn when the emperor reached

vehement form. Theodore was a brilliant, the site of their camp, and found their army

moody man, a student of the famous Nicephorus gone, he was grieved, but there was nothing he Blemmydes, who was also the master of the could do about it.” But in the following months historian George Acropolites. Vatatzes’ death of that memorable campaign of 1255, impeded

was the signal for the young tsar of Bulgaria, though it sometimes was by bad weather,

Michael Asen, son of John Asen IJ and the grand- dysentery, and other hardships, Theodore son of Theodore Ducas, to invade Thrace and __Lascaris found much to assuage his initial disMacedonia to win back the territories which the appointment. One after another he retook the late emperor had conquered, but had not had cities, towns, and castles which Asen had seized, time to organize sufficiently for effective de- regaining all but two. One of these was a small fense. From the region of Adrianople to Albania, stronghold in the hills of Ochrida, which was Bulgarian arms reduced most of the cities, towns, soon retaken by Alexius Ducas Philanthropenus,

and castles that had constituted the western whom he left behind as military governor of part of Vatatzes’ empire. The news caused the region of Ochrida, while the other was the

consternation at the Nicene court.*” important town of Tzepaena, an exceptionally

The scholarly Theodore Lascaris proved to be _ strong fortress between the Balkan and Rhodope

a good soldier, however, and, despite the mountains, guarding the upper valley of the

divided counsels of his advisers, he decided upon Maritsa. Despite occasional setbacks, over which a quick campaign. Leaving his trusted friend, the he brooded excessively, Theodore Lascaris re-

plebeian grand domestic George Muzalon, as_ turned to Lampsacus in triumph at the end of regent of the empire in his absence, Theodore _ the year, and after spending Christmas there he

hastened to Adrianople, spent one day there, went on to Nymphaeum for the rest of the and on the next was marching westward through __ winter.’®

Thrace. A Bulgarian scout reported the When the spring came (1256), Theodore Lasemperor’s remarkably swift advance to Michael caris recruited a huge army, taking on not only Asen, then encamped near the river Maritsa. _ those already enrolled in the ranks but some who

had never served before. He set out for

16 Acropolites, 52, ed. Heisenberg, I, 101-3, who says Lampsacus and crossed the Hellespont to dtrom\néia yap iv vooos (p. 102, line 5), but medieval Europe, where he soon found that the Cuman literary sources rarely describe an ailment with sufficient allies of Michael Asen had pillaged widely in precision for a modern physician to identify it with ac- Thrace and Macedonia, and had defeated the aad E }. Locnert, “La Chronique breve de 1352 above forces which he had left the preceding year Premiere partie, de 1205 a 1327,” Orientalia Christiana =—————

periodica, XXIX (1963), 332, 338-39. 18 Acropolites, 55— 60, ibid., I, 109-24 (quotation on p. Acropolites, 54, ed. Heisenberg, I, 107-9. 112, 11. 12-16).

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 73 at Demotica. He tried to track them down, but necine strife. Asen was killed by his cousin they fled before him although he managed to kill Koloman, who succeeded him for a little while, a good many of them near Vizya (Bizye), north- and was replaced on the throne by Constantine

west of Constantinople, after which he es- Tich (1257-1277), who put away his wife to tablished his camp by the nearby river Rhegina_ marry the Emperor Theodore’s daughter Irene,

(the modern Erkené), in eastern Thrace. Now and was recognized as tsar by the imperial

Michael Asen, considering the sizeof Theodore’s government.”! There was peace with Bulgaria, army and his dangerous proximity, expressed and the Nicene approach to Thessalonica would

a desire for peace, sending to the imperial no longer be menaced. camp his father-in-law, the Russian prince In the meantime Michael of Epirus wanted to Rostislav Mikhailovich, who had married the forestall any western venture that Theodore daughter of Bela IV of Hungary. Theodore might plan with the large army he then had in received him graciously in May, 1256, and Thrace, and so in the summer of 1256 he sent Rostislav swore to the terms he imposed: the his wife, the devout Theodora, with their eldest town of Tzepaena was to be restored to Nicene son Nicephorus to arrange the young man’s rule (this was all that Michael Asen still held of marriage with the emperor’s daughter Maria, Vatatzes’ conquests), and henceforth both sides as Vatatzes had proposed in 1249. The marriage should be content with their former boundaries. had been delayed by the war between Nicaea

Rostislav departed, loaded with gifts by the and Epirus (1251-1252), but the time now emperor, who intended to remain by the seemed appropriate for it to take place. LearnRhegina until Michael Asen surrendered ing that Theodora and Nicephorus were coming

Tzepaena.”® to him, Theodore advanced to the Maritsa and The Emperor Theodore’s victory over the met them. On the way to Thessalonica, where Bulgarians dissuaded Michael II of Epirus from he had decided the ceremony should be perplotting against Nicaea with the Serbs and formed, he explained to Theodora the price of Albanians as he had begun to do. Actually union with the imperial family. The Epirotes

Michael Asen rejected the terms set by must give up to him both Durazzo in Albania

Theodore, who was profoundly irritated, vent- and Servia in northern Thessaly. It was uning his anger on Acropolites, who had the mis-_ worthy of the emperor and unwise. Theodora,

fortune to attract his attention just after he had however reluctant, had no alternative but to

learned of what he regarded as the Bulgarian’s give her sworn consent in writing, and since both perfidy.” But whether Asen would give up she and her son were virtually hostages, Michael

T'zepaena peacefully or not, he had been de- II had to accede to the ruinous stipulation.” feated, and Bulgaria was soon torn by inter- Theodora had hoped for peace between Nicaea and Epirus by this union of the Lascarids and ; 3 Acropolites, Of 5 Ota. } Bree Nic: Gregoras, Ill, the Ducae, but the marriage of Maria and 1833-34, “pp. 26-27, ve refs, BO other sources. The Nicephorus in the fall of 1256 merely set the “Russian prince” to whom Acropolites refers (6 ‘Pa@sos Stage for another war between the eastern and Oupos, ibid., p. 127, 1. 2, and thereafter simply as Oipos, western Greeks. This war was to involve the which means echenias had vnIkKnauovicn, Hungarian princely title) Latin statesin also, withcon disastrous was KNOSUSIAaV whose career this 1 1 ]consequences : traced in Const. Jirecek’s review of N. Festa’s Theodori to the principality of Achaea. Ducae Lascaris epistulae CCXVII, Florence, 1898, esp. pp. 279- While In Thessalonica the Emperor Theodore 82, in the Archiv fiir slavische Philologie, XX1 (Berlin, 1899), Lascaris received a letter from officials in

622-26, andder see Despoteswurde G. Ostrogorsky, “Urum-Despotes: Bithynia to the effect that iMichael Palaeologus, nfange in Byzanz,”peByzantinische Zeitschrift, XLIV (1951), 455-56. Rostislav was the son of S. then 8 “The. OF OF the reg won nad ee i me

Michael Vsevolodovich, prince of Chernigov, who was : Pp ? could no

executed by the Tatars in 1246. In his youth Rostislay §=——H—— ruled Novgorod, and later lived in Hungary as the son- 21 Acropolites, 73, ibid., I, 152-53; Nic. Gregoras, III, 2, in-law of King Bela IV, whose daughter Anna he had 4-5 (Bonn, I, 60-61), who names Theodore’s daughter married. Becoming “ban of Sclavonia” (banus Sclavonie), he | Theodora, apparently in error; Ddlger, Regesten, pt. 3, no.

ruled Croatia, and later a small part of Serbia and an area = 1843, p. 28; referring to her activities in later years, in northern Bosnia. He died about 1262, shortly after his | Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, II1, 18 (Bonn, I, 210),

daughter Kunigunde became queen of Bohemia upon her alls her Irene.

marriage to Ottokar II Premysl. 2 Acropolites, 63, 64, ed. Heisenberg, I, 132-33, 134; ”° Acropolites, 63, ed. Heisenberg, I, 127-32. Acropolites Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1840, p. 28; and cf. Nicol,

was lashed. Despotate of Epiros (1957), pp. 149-50, 159-60.

74 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT understand such strange conduct, but Acropo- Berrhoea he began a three months’ journey lites reminded him that he had often threatened through the broad expanse of mountainous Palaeologus in fits of anger with the most terrible country which Theodore had placed under his punishments, saying he would have him blinded; jurisdiction, first going south to Servia, then

many people had heard these threats, north through Castoria and Ochrida, west to Palaeologus had learned of them, and his flight Elbasan (ro ’’AABavov) and Durazzo, where he

was doubtless the consequence of fear. spent eight days; thence he continued through Palaeologus was well received by the sultan of the region of Croia (XovvaBia),”®° west over the Iconium, who put him in command of Christian Bad Rock and across the Black Drin to Dibra,

forces which, according to Acropolites, dis- Kitevo, and finally to the castle town of tinguished themselves in helping to counter Prilep: “I had made the journey from Thessarenewed Mongol attacks upon the Seljuk sultan- lonica to Prilep in three months in the winter

ate. However that may have been, the Mongols time, for it was December when I left were overrunning the Moslem lands in Anatolia, Berrhoea, and the end of February [1257] when

and the emperor, disturbed by the news, I reached Prilep.”?’

returned home with the entire Byzantine army, Pushing on now to Pelagonia, Acropolites assigning four commanders to his cities and learned that Constantine Chabaron, the military strongholds in Macedonia,”* and putting governor of Elbasan, had been caught in a trap Acropolites in charge of them all with the title set by the Despot Michael II of Epirus with the of praetor—“he did this in my opinion,” the aid of his sister-in-law, Maria Petraliphas, with latter wrote in after years, “in order that by a whom Constantine had fancied he was embarklong separation from him I might forget whatI ing upon a love affair. Acropolites sent orders had suffered,” for the emperor could see that to Michael Lascaris, the emperor’s uncle and Acropolites no longer felt free and easy in his governor of Thessalonica, to come to Pelagonia presence, or perhaps, Acropolites also conceded, where Xyleas, the commander of Prilep, also the emperor was simply tired of the objections joined them. The three took counsel, and that he made to his sometimes unjust decisions.** decided that Lascaris and Xyleas should hold After the departure of the Emperor Theodore _Pelagonia and the plains of Monastir to prevent and the army from Thessalonica, Acropolites the Serbs from joining the Epirotes, for it was went to Berrhoea where in December, 1256, he known that Stephen Urog I (1242-1276) had is alleged to have turned back a papal embassy, made an alliance with Michael II. Acropolites

headed by the bishop of Orvieto.” From himself went to Ochrida and thence advanced

—______ upon Elbasan, where he found that the Al** The Emperor Theodore appointed his uncle Michael banians were launched on a full-scale rebellion, Lascaris as governor of Thessalonica and certain other areas, manifesting a violent preference for the friendwith a small force of Paphlagonians and some three hundred . ; ; ;

Cumans under his command; put one Xyleas in charge of ship of Epirus to the suzerainty of Nicaea. He Prilep and the troops stationed there; made Theodore Managed to retreat into the rugged, well-fortified Calampaces commandant of Veles (Belesos, Belessos) on the town of Prilep, which he thought was a safe Yanda: and set Constantine Chabaron over the sgxm 2nd_haven, “but for me and for our people there i —for these assignments, see Acropolites, 66, zbid., I, 139. proved to be the contrary,” for Michael I had The’ translation of Acropolites in the Bonn Corpus (pp. Deen busy. Having seized all the villages and 148 ff.) gives Xyleas the name Scuterius, which, however, fortified places around Prilep, Michael laid siege denotes an office (oxovréptos, oxovraép.ov [the imperial to the town itself. Prilep had stout walls and was shield], Latin scutarius, lit. guardsman) and is not a proper

name (cf. Codinus “Curopalates,” De officitis, chaps. u, IV, § V, VI, xvi [Bonn, pp. 11, 24, 39, 48, 82], on which work note 26 On Albanian toponyms and related data in the Byzantine K. Krumbacher, Gesch. d. byzant. Litteratur [Munich, 1897, sources, cf. Ludwig v. Thalléczy and Const. Jiretek, in the repr. New York, 1958], pp. 424-25, and see now the Archiv fir slavische Philologie, XX1 (Berlin, 1899), 78 ff., who

edition, with translation, of the late Jean Verpeaux, make the point that Croia is the center of the region of

Pseudo-Kodinos, Traité des offices, Paris, 1966, pp. 138, 162, | Albanon, as shown for example in a passage in Acropolites

183, 196, 246, 301, 305, et alidi). (chap. 49, Bonn, p. 98, line 24; ed. Heisenberg, I, 92,

24 Acropolites, 64—66, ibid., I, 134-39; cf. Ephraem, vv. lines 1-2), but the town of Albanon is to be identified with 9116-30 (Bonn, p. 365); Nic. Gregoras, III, 2,1—3(Bonn,I, Elbasan. Cf. G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden 57-59); Pachymeres, I, 9-10 (Bonn, I, 24-26); Sanudo, zur dlteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes (1873), _vols., Vienna, 1856-57, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, I (1856), p. 135. On Michael’s flight to the Turks, see Geanakoplos, 472-—73 (notes), and cf. Antonio Carile, “Partitio terrarum

Emperor Michael Palaeologus (1959), pp. 28-30. imperii Romanie,” in Studi veneziani, VII (Florence, 1965— 5 Acropolites, 67, ed. Heisenberg, I, 139-40, but see 66), 264.

below, p. 77a. 27 Acropolites, 67, ed. Heisenberg, I, 140.

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 75 difficult to take, says Acropolites, but Michael the command of his bastard son Theodore. The

placed his confidence in the treachery of the latter set out to make a surprise attack upon

inhabitants.?8 the Nicene camp near Vodena. On the way they During this period the Emperor Theodore met and routed a raiding party composed of had been occupied in Asia Minor with the sultan some of the riffraff from the Nicene army. of Iconium, who “having the heart of ashy deer, Fugitives from the rout brought news of the as a poet would have said” (6 gufaxwis EXagou impending attack to Palaeologus, who now

Kapodinu €xwv, eitrev av Trowntns), had fled from showed his bravery and skill in combat. Spear

his country after the Mongols had defeated his in hand, he took command of Michael army. Theodore gave him a temporary asylum ___Lascaris’s special guard of fifty Paphlagonians,

on Nicene soil until he made peace with the the only good soldiers in the Nicene army, and invaders, to whom he subjected himself and set out against the Epirotes. In such an emer-

agreed to pay tribute. At this time Michael gency no help could be expected from Palaeologus, reassured as to his safety by an _ Lascaris, who wore a corselet instead of a full

imperial oath, returned to Nicaea and recovered _ breastplate so that he could flee the more readily

his property. Needing a bold and experienced when caught in a hard plight. Lascaris now commander to send against the despot of Epirus, cautiously watched from the sidelines the the Emperor Theodore now chose Michael encounter in which the Paphlagonians under Palaeologus, who emerges from Acropolites’ the inspired leadership of Palaeologus drove pages as a man of great ability. For whatever the picked Epirote cavalry into headlong flight,

reason, perhaps not trusting that ability, killing a good many of them. Young Theodore Theodore gave him a small army recruited in was slain, unrecognized, for Palaeologus did Macedonia, almost useless and conspicuously not know him by sight. After the victory unfit for its appointed task. Palaeologus was in Palaeologus and Lascaris were ordered to no position to remonstrate. He accepted the Prilep by Acropolites to confer on the situation, command, apparently without comment, and which remained almost as perilous as before. marched through Thrace to Thessalonica and They arrived safely, but lacking sufficient forces over the Vardar, “which the ancients call the to attack Michael of Epirus, they remained in

Naxius,” and joined forces with Michael Prilep only a few days, and then returned to Lascaris. Together they attacked the region of the region of Vodena, leaving the faithful Berrhoea, not with any hope of taking the place, Acropolites to obey the emperor’s orders by

but to furnish their soldiers with an area to remaining in the threatened town, where the plunder, from which venture they collected a inhabitants knew no loyalty and the local good many animals, presumably for both food soldiery could not be trusted.*° and transport. But now Stephen Uro§, the kral §_ Michael of Epirus promptly invested Prilep of Serbia, whom Acropolites roundly denounces, and set up siege tackle (€Xe7roAets) under the sent a thousand Serbs to plunder the country walls. Three times he tried to scale the walls in around Prilep, whose commander, Xyleas, un- force, but was repulsed, and so withdrew to give wary and incompetent, says Acropolites, made a_ his henchmen within the town an opportunity disorderly attack upon them, but was badly de- to do what his soldiers could not do. When part feated and fled with the remnants of his troops of the garrison ventured outside the walls to to the hills for safety, “and so the army at secure food, a group of Michael’s sympathizers Prilep was destroyed, and we were shut upinthe opened the gates, and Prilep was captured, “not town of Prilep, virtually imprisoned.”° by the valor of the enemy nor because of the weakWhen Palaeologus and Michael Lascaris had ness of the place, but by the stupidity and finished pillaging the country around Berrhoea, _faithlessness of its defenders.” The next morning they encamped near Vodena where their horses Acropolites surrendered to Michael, who promcould graze in rich pastures. But Michael II of ised him freedom to return to imperial terEpirus had learned by now of the small number __ritory, and then calmly broke his word, sending

and poor quality of Palaeologus’s troops; he the unhappy Acropolites in fetters from one

formed a superior cavalry force, selecting five place to another until he was finally imprisoned hundred of his best men and putting themunder at Arta,®! “where he had ample leisure for

a meditating that literary revenge which colours 28 Acropolites, 68, ibid., I, 140-43.

29 Acropolites, 70, ibid., I, 144-46; cf. Pachymeres, Miche ~— Pal., I, 10 (Bonn, I, 26). The Nicenes had just *° Acropolites, 71, zbid., 1, 146-49.

lost Berrhoea (f. p. 74b). 31 Acropolites, 72, ibid., I, 149-50.

76 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT his history of his own times.” For the most Constantine Tich, the new Bulgarian tsar; and part, of course, our knowledge of these events another, Maria, had married Michael Ducas’s is confined to what Acropolites chose to tell us. son Nicephorus, but Maria was also dead by The Emperor Theodore Lascaris suspected now. Two other daughters, Theodora and Acropolites of treachery, unjustly but not en- Eudocia, were still unmarried. The emperor’s tirely without reason, for he had learned of only son, John IV, barely eight years old, sucthe defection of some of his best European ceeded him, but by the terms of his father’s commanders to Michael of Epirus. Xyleas, will John was placed under the guardianship of Manuel Ramatas, and one Poulachas were George Muzalon, the grand chamberlain (proamong those who preferred the rising to the ftovestiarios), who was made regent of the setting sun, and threw in their lot with the empire with full powers until John should reach conqueror. Isaac Nestongus surrendered Och- his majority. Among others, the chief members rida to the Epirotes, who took over many of the aristocracy, always at odds with Theodore other towns and castles.*? The Despot Michael Lascaris, had sworn to uphold his political now controlled most of western Macedonia. The testament, and when he died they repeated high-strung emperor, easily given to distrust, their oaths. But nine days after the emperor’s

seemed to have grounds for suspicion, and, death, and three days after his burial, there according to Pachymeres, he ordered that gathered at the monastery of Sosandri a large Michael Palaeologus be re-arrested and returned assembly of nobles, upon a number of whom

to the court at Nicaea.** Theodore had inflicted savage injuries. While

Having reacted to the Epirote victory with fear George Muzalon was attending with his two

and a sense of frustration, the Emperor brothers a final funerary service being held for Theodore now directed the Patriarch Arsenius Theodore in the monastery, a large crowd, into place the whole despotate of Epirus under cluding nobles and Latin mercenaries, burst the ban of excommunication, an unwise move in upon him. Aided by fellow conspirators in only likely to create schism in the Greek world the Muzalons’ own party, they killed all three and to result in the establishment of an inde- brothers as the protovestiarius George embraced pendent Orthodox Church in the despotate. the holy table of the sanctuary.”

This would have been a very unfortunate The assassination of George Muzalon brought development for Nicaea, which had been re- to an end the late Emperor Theodore’s plans lieved of such ecclesiastical as well as political for the regency after his death. Now all eyes rivalry by Theodore Ducas’s defeat at Klokot- turned toward Michael Palaeologus, says Acronitza. If Michael of Epirus achieved much __polites, who relates that the church, the senate, further success, he would probably adopt an and the army acquiesced in his assumption of independent ecclesiastical course and there was_ power. During the last few months of 1258 no need to push him in this direction. Owing Michael quickly took into his own hands the to the intervention of Nicephorus Blemmydes, reins of government first as grand duke, then as however, the decree of excommunication was despot, and finally as co-emperor with the young withdrawn, and the patriarchate spared the John IV, whose interests the Patriarch Arsenius possible ill effects of a sadly mistaken policy.*” made him swear to preserve.*”

The Emperor Theodore Lascaris died in

August, 1258, after a lengthy illness had driven ~~ 7 .

him into repentance for the past and acceptance , “ Acropolites, 74—75, ibid., I, 153-56; Nic. Gregoras, IIL,

nastic garb.§His was buried inthe 3. 15 62-66). Pachymeres, I, 19 0f €thmonasuc : ybody . 55-62), describing the@onn, death1, of George Muzalon at(Bonn, length1,

monastery of Sosandri at Magnesia, where and with tedious rhetoric, says that he was slain by a Latin Vatatzes had been laid to rest before him. One named Charles (ibid., p. 61: Ké&povdds tis), on which cf. of his daughters, Irene, had just married Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus (1959), pp. 39-41. Acropolites, 76—77, ibid., I, 156-59, and especially Nic.

Gregoras, IV, 1 (Bonn, I, 78-79), who says that Michael

32'Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, p. 109. was raised on the imperial shield on 1 December, 1258, and

33 Acropolites, 72, ibid., I, 151. crowned by the reluctant Patriarch Arsenius a month later, 33 Pachymeres, I, 11 (Bonn, I, 27). probably on Christmas day (cf. Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, p. 30).

35 Nic. Blemmydes, Curriculum vitae et carmina, ed. Aug. Pachymeres, I, 29, and II, 4 (Bonn, I, 81 and 96), says Heisenberg, Leipzig, 1896, pp. 45-47; cf. Alice Gardner, that Michael was first crowned emperor on 1 January, 1259 Lascarids of Nicaea, London, 1912, p. 209. On Blemmydes, (see V. Laurent, in Echos dOrient, XXXVI [1937], 166-68).

note Louis Bréhier, in Dictionn. d’hist. et de géogr. ec- Actually there seems to be no way of establishing the exact

clésiastiques, UX (Paris, 1937), 178-82. date of Michael VIII’s first coronation (he was crowned

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 77 After his two successful Bulgarian campaigns On what juridical bases was the papacy to de(1255-1256), Theodore II Lascaris had ap- _prive them of that throne? The formal union of parently seen no need of making extreme the Churches would have to await another time

concessions to the papacy to secure Con- and other circumstances. :

stantinople, whose feeble Latin government After Theodore’s death in 1258 and Michael seemed in no position to resist his occupation Palaeologus’s gradual usurpation of imperial of the city when he should be able to under- power in the weeks that followed, while Michael take it in force. To be sure, as he prepared J] of Epirus was organizing with Manfred of for the second Bulgarian campaign, Aheodore Sicily and William of Achaea the anti-Nicene nad made ove he. to the new pape: Aexaneer coalition in Greece, Palaeologus is said to

h ve itied c Geert w 4 Ale at der have sent another embassy to Alexander IV, but

ha d carrie Iv ¢ wit h Donninn an C exanCer the pope may have seen no point in trying hich pron y Sent the ble admnini ee to take advantage of Nicene difficulties, probably

h re vt Gey vith th a mperor, who ( ¢ assuming that political opportunism did not

scholar, ne Saf cr ed) a, sd to ree w tan, supply a sound basis for religious union.*® To are usually Mmrormed) Petusec to receive mm, the background of this coalition we must now

and directed theattention. historian to Berrhoea send di ; ; _. . ; . . dealt ; irect Palaeologus him backour home after heAcropolites hadMichael reached

: -Macedonia.*® 38 with his enemies without papal assistance, in Actually, however, bothgrievous the hi resultsand ; ; is success had the most for Emperor Theodore and the Patriarch Arsenius the Frankish states in Greece. where the

appear to have received Constantine and the q © vat ho sta th Ms . d t other members of his mission with full honors. from the Bats. an Willi an Vill har, douin Theodore was then at Thessalonica (in the late ° © evens, Was am 0 © : fall of 1256). Nothing came of these pourparlers, _

to be sure; the problems could not be solved; but Prince William of Achaea was one of the the failure was not due, as commonly alleged greater soldiers and less fortunate diplomats of (by misunderstanding Acropolites’ text), directly his age. Until 1255 his performance had seemed to the emperor’s refusal to receive Constantine, to justify his self-confidence. He was rich, his which would have been a diplomatic discourtesy tealm was prosperous, but now he interfered

with neither point nor purpose.** There were in the affairs of Negroponte and the Athenian advocates of church union both at the court of lordship, and soon became caught up in the Nicaea and at the Curia Romana. Yielding the contest between Epirus and Nicaea. From these filioque clause to the Greeks was not as much involvements he was to learn hardship and

of a stumbling block as surrendering Con- defeat.

f uest. T ICS. , ; . ,

stantinople to them. The family of Courtenay “Inthe midst of this prosperity,” writes Sanudo possessed the Latin imperial throne by the right in his history of the realm of Romania, of conquest hey had dispossessed schismatics a misfortune occurred which much disturbed it [all].

——______— The lady wife [Carintana dalle Carceri] of one of the again after the recovery of Constantinople in 1261),andthe _triarchs of Negroponte died, and she was the heiress matter is of little importance (cf. Geo. Ostrogorsky, History of this seigniory. And because, as was divulged, of the Byzantine State, Oxford, 1956, p. 397, note 2), but Laurent advances cogent reasons for following Pachymeres_ =————————

and accepting 1 January, 1259. On Michael’s usurpation *° That Michael VIII sent such an embassy at least apof the throne, see Michael Angold, A Byzantine Govern- pears from a statement in the letter which the Byzantine ment in Exile . . . (1204-1261), Oxford, 1975, pp. 80-93. _rhetorician Manuel Holobolus wrote for him about April, 38 Acropolites, 67, ibid., 1, 139-40; Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, 1265. The letter is addressed to Pope Clement IV, and is

nos. 1835-36; and see especially F. Schillmann, “Alexander published in N. Festa, “Lettera inedita dell’'Imperatore IV,” Romische Quartalschrift, XXII (1908), 108-31, where a Michele VIII Paleologo al Pontefice Clemente IV,” in dozen documents are published relating to Constantine of Bessarione, ann. IV, vol. 6 (1899-1900), esp. p. 48, and

Orvieto’s embassy in 1256. Cf. [Guglielmo della Valle], pene la lettera di Michele Paleologo a Clemente IV,”

Storia del duomo di Orvieto, Rome, 1791, pp. 29, 31; Norden, ‘bid., pp. 530, 532. Festa misdates this letter 1267 (see Papsttum und Byzanz (1903, repr. 1958), pp. 378-80, who by | below, Chapter 5, note 71). Cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, nos.

a slip of the pen refers to Constantine as the ‘Bischof von 1864 and 1942. Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz, p. 383, Civitavecchia” (p. 379); and A. A. Vasiliev, History of the thinks that “a greater pope in Alexander IV’s position would

Byzantine Empire, Madison, Wisc., 1952, pp. 544-45. not have let this unique opportunity slip by to win over 39 Cf. V. Laurent, “Le Pape Alexandre IV (1254-1261) the Greeks, but Alexander IV, the incompetent politician,

pp. 42 ff. echoes from Norden.

et empire de Nicée,” Echos d’Orient, XXXIV (1935), esp. lost the chance,” a view which Vasiliev, Hist. Byz. Emp., p. 545,

78 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the aforesaid triarchs had made an agreementamong to _ be the fideles homines ligit henceforth and themselves that, any one of them dying without heirs, forever of the doge and commune of Venice. the other two should get the succession, Messer Obviously they disavowed their vassalage to the Guglielmo da Verona and his son-in-law Narzotto prince of Achaea, who had acquired suzerainty

dalle Carceri, the remaining triarchs, now pressed over Negroponte some years before from the their case with the lord of Oreos, owing to the said | powerless Latin Emperor Baldwin II. Narzotto acy s peat fe cone who caimec the vcori and. hic and Guglielmo agreed that the castrum pontis by mat Curd (a certain Leone dalle warcer! ane is the sea, which guarded the “black bridge” con-

children] lodged a complaint withwith Prince : ; : should be ; ., necting Euboea theWilliam, mainland, who rode out straightway. . . and sent to tell the said held by the Venetian h ‘cht d ‘th it triarchs to come to him, and when they did, they were h h < 7 Ss, W h ced d it oh detained by his command and put in prison. what they chose. The triarchs ceded all rignt to Their wives, namely milady Simona, Messer Customs revenues (comercliium) to the Venetians, Guglielmo’s wife and the prince’s niece, and milady who gave up the annual tribute (Narzotto at Felisa, [Guglielmo’s] daughter, Messer Narzotto’s least was paying 700 hyperperia year), which was wife, and many other knights of their blood with tears, | due to the Republic under the terms of the “old

disheveled hair, and rent clothing came to Messer pact.” The triarchs’ properties and subjects Paolo Gradenigo, then bailie at the Venetians in were to remain free “in the same state as they Negroponte [1254-1256], and begged him to set were when we sought possession of Oreos.” In aright their sad misfortunes. Messer Paolo, moved by Negroponte itself the Venetians acquired extencompassion, gathered his Venetians; they attacked the sive properties in fee simple bur siae), €

city of Negroponte with arms; and he took possession ah, he ch 1 P d he (ae i by

of it, freeing it from the prince’s yoke... . When ‘nding trom the channel and the Castle by

the prince learned of the loss of Negroponte, he _ the bridge all the way to the Church of S. Mary sent there forthwith the lord of Karytaina [Geoffrey of the Crutched Friars and the house of Othon of Briel] with a large force. He laid waste the whole de Cicon, the lord of Carystus. Although the area of the island, and recovered the place, and the __triarchs preserved a right of way (via aperta) Venetians took refuge here and there as best they from their own holdings to the bridge, it was

could, and fared badly. . . .® quite apparent that (if and when this pact could

Carintana dalle Carceri had held the northern be put into effect) the Venetians had finally Ge bied” :; acquired an extensive and a true quarter in third” of Negroponte with the fortress town of Neor te 42 fragment of Veni

Oreos. She comes to life in the pages of Frankish “8 This ee - a o 8 d co ° : aes, nd it

history only on the day she died, for her death vag. s q veloom nt ne d ited t “b f

caused the war of the Euboeote succession. If h hi hest a oP ne, ke the Ver Gans ° he ° William of Villehardouin really imprisoned her , 30 0 ® - mporla da Ome venetta he wio in fellow triarchs, as Sanudo states, they must have land hich they he id ati! 14°70, wh, the ether soon gained their freedom, for on 14 June, 1256, “hac »W Pa he ; ne eld unt 1470, W 7 the blue they made a pact with Marco Gradenigo, thenew CDa@Pter c h a" istory was written in the blue

bailie of Negroponte (1256-1258). They had Waters of the Aegean.

foregathered with Gradenigo at Thebes, the Narzotto and Guglielmo would continue to usual residence of Guy I de la Roche, the lord send to Venice, presumably every year, the of Athens. And Narzotto dalle Carceri and honorific cloths of gold, one for the doge and Guglielmo da Verona now declared themselves another for the altar of the ducal Church of S. Mark. Three times a year they would have the 41 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom.,. §

pp. 103-4; R. J. Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs tierciers de 42 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, III (1857), 13—14, a letter

Négrepont de 1205 4 1280: Regestes et documents,” patent of Narzotto dated at Thebes on 14 June, 1256;

Byzantion, XXXV (1965), nos. 41-44, pp. 248-49. Carintana’s _Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs tierciers,” Byzantion, XXXV, nos. husband, whose name is unknown, was apparently excluded 45-46, pp. 249-50. According to the Venetian Liber Albus, from succession to the northern third of the island. He sided _ fol. 96°, “simile pactum habemus cum domino Guilelmo”

with Prince William (Sanudo, ed. Hopf, p. 104): “Il principe (cf. Loenertz, loc. cit.), which is not recorded in Tafel and per ricuperar la citta mando sopra l’isola quanta gente pote Thomas, Der Doge Andreas Dandolo und die von demselben metter ad uno e della Morea e del terzero del Rio [Oreos], | angelegten Urkundensammlungen zur Staats- und Handelsgeche teniva in‘se” (unless conceivably Sanudo is here refer- _schichte Venedigs, Mit den Original-Registern des Liber Albus, des

ring to Leone dalle Carceri). Loenertz, op. cit., has corrected Liber Blancus und der Libri Pactorum .. . (from the Abvarious errors in Hopf’s article in Ersch and Gruber’s handlungen der k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissen., UI. Cl., VIII. Bd., I. Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), 274-75, 277-80, Abt.), Munich, 1855, p. 38. On the importance of the new

284a, 285-86 (repr. New York, 1960, I, 208-9, 211-14, “quarter” to Venice, note Jacoby, La Féodaliteé en Grece

218a, 219-—20), which had become the standard account. médiévale (1971), p. 191.

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 79 laudes sung to the doge and his successors as On 2 October, 1256, the Doge Ranieri Zeno part of the liturgy at Christmas, Easter, and on gave the bailie Marco Gradenigo full authority to the feast of S. Mark,® and they acknowledged conclude any sort of agreement with Guglielmo

the Venetians as possessing henceforth in da Verona and Narzotto dalle Carceri, also of

perpetuity the right to regulate the weights, Verona, dominatores in Nigroponte,*" and on the measures, and scales to be used throughout the following 25 January the two triarchs issued island. The bailie wrung the last advantage out further letters patent, pledging in alliance with of them, and Narzotto at least agreed to provide the Venetians to wage “a lively war against the

funds enough to support two prebendaries at lord William of Villehardouin, prince of S. Mark’s. The persons and properties of all Achaea, and his supporters,” and under no Venetians were of course to be secure, “going, conditions to make a peace or truce with their staying, and returning without exaction.” Finally, opponent without the Republic’s full agreement.

Narzotto and Guglielmo would make all their Gradenigo promised that the doge would attach

vassals and subjects swear to abide by this the ducal seal to the pact, and make all his convention: “likewise we promise to wage a lively successors as bailie swear on the gospels to abide war against the prince of Achaea and his sup-_ by its provisions.*8

porters, by ourselves and through our heirs in The bailie Marco Gradenigo had come to

perpetuity[!], and we shall not make peace Greece with three galleys, according to Sanudo, with him or them, nor a truce, accord, pact or and begun a thirteen months’ siege of Negroany other convention without your permission ponte. When he finally took the city, it was

and command... .”44 with the aid of the two chief members of the The Venetians were active in Italy as well house of the de la Roche, Guy I, the lord of as in Greece. In times of crisis they sought to Athens, who held Argos and Nauplia as Prince secure past gains as well as to make new ones. William’s vassal, and Guy’s younger brother Wil-

At the behest of the Venetian patriarch of liam, who was also the prince’s vassal for his

Grado, Pope Alexander IV confirmed himin full Moreote fief of Veligosti. Guy had probably jurisdiction over all the churches in Venetian- joined Venice when Gradenigo made his pact held territory in Romania as well asin the Veneto _ with the triarchs in mid-June, 1256, and William

(on 11 and 14 July, 1256),*° a declaration had probably joined his brother soon thereafter. doubtless desired by the Venetian state. But if According to the Chronicle of the Morea, both we can believe the chronicler-doge Andrea Thomas II d’Autremencourt, lord of Salona Dandolo, writing almost a century after these (Amphissa), and Ubertino Pallavicini, the marevents, as grave discord arose between the grave of Boudonitza (Thermopylae), also enVenetians and the prince of Achaea, Pope tered the league being formed against VilleAlexander recognized the likely peril of the hardouin.*® Greeks’ gaining in strength against the Latins Although at some point Venetian infantry, in Romania. He warned both sides “that in their armed with pikes, broke a charge of the prince’s

zeal for the faith and in reverence for the cavalry in the fields outside the walls of NegroRoman Church they should desist from the ponte and saved the city from recapture by a dangerous course on which they had embarked, Moreote force,®° the war did not go well for

so that he should not have reason to take

; ; 246 14: ——____—.

stronger action against them.”4° His words had “Tafel and Thomas, III, 4, 9-10.

Tafel and Thomas, III, 1-4, 7-9, where the documents

——_—_———— are incorrectly dated 7 January, 1256, on which see

* On the practice, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs tierciers,” Byzantion, XXXV, nos.

Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler 48-49, p. 251. Guglielmo da Verona also gave one of his Worship, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958, esp. pp. 147-56. sons as a hostage to the Venetians until the war with Prince

“4 Tafel and Thomas, III, 14-16. William should end (T. and Th., III, 8). William de la Roche, 45 Tafel and Thomas, III, 16-23; A. Potthast, Regesta lord of Veligosti, is named as a witness to the proceedings.

pontificum Romanorum, 2 vols., Berlin, 1874-75, nos. 16,468, *° Cf. Chronicle of Morea (Greek version), ed. John Schmitt, 16,481 (vol. II, pp. 1350, 1351); and cf. Andrea Dandolo, London, 1904, wv. 3195-96, 3294-95, pp. 212, 218; Chronique

Chronica, in the new Muratori, RISS, XII, pt. 1, fasc. 4 de Morée, ed. Longnon, Paris, 1911, par. 234, p. 85; Cronaca di (Bologna, 1941), 305-6. The patriarch of Grado usually Morea, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), p. 439, which resided in Venice, where he was head of the church. The __ 1s based on the Greek version. According to Dandolo, Chron.,

cathedral church of Venice was S. Pietro di Castello, which in RISS, XII-1, 306, Marco Gradenigo appeared at Negronever cut any figure beside the ducal church of S. Mark’s, | ponte with seven galleys. whither the episcopal throne was finally transferred in 1807. 5° Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., pp.

46 Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XU-1, 306. 104—5: The Venetians pulled the Frankish horsemen from

80 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the allied forces, even when the doughty fief, which seems to have been somewhere Geoffrey of Briel deserted the prince to throw around Oreos, clearly awaited the final outcome in his lot with Guy de la Roche, the lord of of the war with Prince William.** Actually the Athens, whose daughter Geoffrey had married. encounter at Mount Karydi had virtually ended But the Genoese aided Prince William, glad ofa the “war of the Euboeote succession,” and chance to strike at the Venetians, and Othon sometime during the early months of 1259 the de Cicon, the lord of Carystus, “held with the doge authorized a new bailie to negotiate a peace prince,” says Sanudo, “and Carystus was then in “with the illustrious William of Villehardouin, high repute.” The war extended to the Morea, prince of Achaea and grand seneschal of the and was a lively one, as the allies intended, empire of Romania,”™ as well as with his ally but about the end of May or early June, 1258, Leone dalle Carceri,** who seems thereafter to William defeated Guy de la Roche at the pass of disappear from the documents. But owing to the Mount Karydi,” on the old road from Megarato tragedy soon to befall Prince William there was Thebes, whither the vanquished barons now fled to be no opportunity to re-establish peace to the refuge of the castle on the Cadmea. As_ until 1262 when the triarchs returned to their Guy de la Roche and Geoffrey of Briel set about Moreote allegiance, as “in the time of the lady making amends to the irate prince, the Euboeote Carintana,” and Venice retained at least some of allies reconsidered their position. On Wednes- the advantages she had gained in Negroponte.*®

day, 6 August, 1258, at a meeting in the

Venetian chancery at Negroponte Guglielmo da 58 Tafel and Th IIL. 29-31. The ducal confirmat

Verona and Narzotto the reate an? noms, ee te Cuca’ “1: .dalle of theCarceri, earlier at grant to William de la Roche was aconarmauion chrysobull; quest of the new bailie Andrea Barozzi, agreed the extant text is dated 1 September, 1259, the second indicto the doge’s making judicious inquiries as to _ tion (which however runs from 1 September, 1258, to 31

: 52 , nos., 51, 57, pp. ; , has therefore correcte

possible terms of peace with the victorious August, b258); Peer? ass Seigneurs terciers, ” Byzantion,

PaThe or ncnaca. Karvdi h b the date of the document. William’s fief, yielding 1,000

€ ce eat at Mount Karydi must ; ave Deen hyperperi a year, is located in the text by reference to the a severe jolt to Guy de la Roche’s brother scala Laureti, which Jacoby, La Féodalité en Gréce médiévale William, whose continuing adherence to the (1971), p. 192, shrewdly identifies with the trading station at Euboeote cause was doubtless strengthened on 1enice Oreos.under By gingcertain uP his fief, veuam rg omen bd bd conditions - annar * >sty° Sep tember, 1258, when the Doge Ran ler en Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. 104, confirmed a grant which the enterprising bailie says that “the Signoria of Venice promised [William de la Marco Gradenigo had made (in January, 1257?) Roche] by an express pact that, if he lost the hereditary “to the noble William de la Roche, of 1,000 _ state which he had in Romania, [Venice] would give him

: ‘ nd every year 11,000 soldi de grossi.”

nyperpert of land conceted in our name a Tel and Thomas, lil. 26.

that 0 the commune o enice as a : er to 55'Tafel and Thomas, III, 27, and cf. Loenertz, “Les the said noble.” William’s enjoyment of his new Seigneurs tierciers,” Byzantion, XXXV, nos. 60, 62, pp. 253,

rs 1390), Florence, 1975, pp. 429-35. ,

254, and Les Ghisi, dynastes vénitiens dans VArchipel (1207 —

their saddles with pikes (rampigont), easily defeating them and % Tafel and Thomas, III, 46-55, documents dated 5

taking many prisoners, whom they sent to Venice, “as I January and 15-16 May, 1262, on which cf. Loenertz, have heard from the prisoners themselves,” says Sanudo, “Les Seigneurs tierciers,” Byzantion, XXXV, nos. 65—66a, pp.

“with whom I have talked at Venice.” 254-55; Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., *" Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., pp. 108-11. The Venetians lost the castle of Negroponte p. 105; Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 230-35, pp. by the sea, which had to be torn down at the expense of 84—85; Chronicle of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 3282-3331, PP- the triarchs, to whom reverted the land, on which they could 220-22; Libro de los fechos, ed. Alfred Morel-F atlo, Geneva, _ build small houses, but in the event the triarchs were pre-

1885, pars. 220-24, Ppp- 50—51. On Othon de Cicon, lord of pared to sell the land (or any part thereof) to a nonCarystus from at least December, 1250, to 21 March, 1263, resident of Negroponte, they had to give the Venetians a

after which the sources reveal no further trace of him, first refusal at the same price (T. and Th., III, 48, 54-55). see R. J. Loenertz, “Genéalogie des Ghisi. . . ,” Orientalia The Venetians intended to stay in Negroponte, where they Christiana periodica, XXVIII (1962), 158-61. OthondeCicon retained control throughout the island of weights and was a nephew of Othon de la Roche, the first Latin lord of measures (op. cit., pp. 48, 54) and above all of the customs, Athens. Othon de Cicon appears to have married Agnese —gtum comerclum maris, saving the rights of the prince of Ghisi, sister or half-sister of the island dynasts Geremia and Achaea, the triarchs, and certain others (pp. 47, 53-54). The Andrea Ghisi. After Othon’s death (in 1264—1265?), Agnese — Venetians increased the size of their quarter in the city,

became the “lady of Carystus.” acquiring land and houses in fee simple in the area of the

52 Tafel and Thomas, III, 5—6, 10-11; Loenertz, “Les Church of S. Margarita, so that the Venetian quarter now exSeigneurs tierciers,” Byzantion, XXXV, no. 54, p. 252. Wil- _ tended from the seaside to the street (callis) which ran be-

liam de la Roche was a witness to these proceedings. tween the Dominican convent and the house of Aroldo da

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 81 The death of the Emperor Theodore and the tate,” but with the resilience of a born politician

succession of a boy to the throne of Nicaea Michael managed to follow the principle of were welcome events to the Despot Michael II joining with an enemy who cannot be defeated. of Epirus, whose ambition grew wings as he He offered Manfred his beautiful young daughthought of flying to the shores of the Bosporus. ter Helena in marriage, and apparently proposed Michael had occupied Vodena early in 1258,and as her dowry the towns of Durazzo, Berat,

now held all northern Greece west of the Avlona, and Butrinto, the region of Sphenaritza Vardar.*’ He was in an excellent position to at the mouth of the Voyusa River, and the

launch an attack on Thessalonica, and (as island of Corfu, all of which was quite acPachymeres notes) Michael certainly took his ceptable to Manfred, whose wife had died in

uncle Theodore, one-time emperor of Thes- January, 1258, and who already held these salonica, as his model, and became intoxicated places, over which he now set his bold admiral with the determination to emulate and even to Philippe Chinard, a Frankish native of Cyprus,

surpass his stirring conquests.°° Everything investing him with the island of Corfu.

had not gone as Michael might have wished, Chinard is said to have been sent with a large however, for though he scored victories over fleet in June, 1258, “to Romania . . . and the the Nicenes, and though the Emperor Theodore, province of Macedonia” to aid Michael against brooding over the setbacks his forces had suf- the Nicenes.*t About a year later Manfred is fered, removed Michael Palaeologus from the command in Greece and recalled him to im- Byzantine Restoration: The Battle of Pelagonia (1259),” prisonment, a startling development on the pumbarton Oaks Papers, VII (1953), 103, and Emperor Michael despot’s own western shores threatened to cut Palaeologus (1959), pp. 49-51. (Manfred was crowned king of

short his career of conquest. In 1257-1258 Sicily at Palermo on 10 August, 1258.) , Manfred, rince of Taran so m Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. kine of oF and ath ma Ik n (in nec i 107, and cf. genealog. table on p. 529: “. . . Ré Manfredi di 8 culy southern Ataty Un August, Puglia e Scicilia, a cui avea dato in dote Durazzo e la Val-

1258), seems to have taken advantage of lona e Corfu, el qual Corfu: Manfredi diede a Miser Filippo Michael’s full preoccupation with the struggle Zonardo [Chinardo] suo armiraglio, ch’era nativo di Cipri.” against Nicaea, and seized much of the Albanian- Corfu and Butrinto are not mentioned in the notarial record Epirote coast from Durazzo inland to Berat, of 23 February, 1258 (see preceding note), and were therethence to Avlona on a protected inlet of the fore acquired, presumably, after this date. For the marriage, ee Pp - ; see in general Acropolites, 76, ibid., I, 157-58; Pachymeres, Adriatic, and south to Butrinto opposite the 1, 30 (Bonn, I, 82-83); and Nic. Gregoras, III, 5 (Bonn, I,

important island of Corfu, which he also oc- 71-72); and cf. Thalléczy, Jiretek, and Sufflay, Acta et

cupied.®® This was a severe blow to the “despo- diplomata, I, no. 245, p. 71. On Helena, whose life ended in

tragedy (in 1271), see Dendias, “Helene Angelina

TT - Doukaina . . . ,” Epeirotika Chronika, 1 (1926), 219-94; Milano, and as far as the property of Sivino da Caristo Giuseppe del Giudice, “La Famiglia di Re Manfredi,” (pp. 47-48, 54). Grapella dalle Carceri, Leone’s heir, ap- Archivio storico per le province napoletane, III (1878), 3 ff., 19, parently succeeded to Oreos (or to part of the fief), and 35 Ff. 53 ff.; IV (1879), 46-97, 299-334; V (1880), 21 ff., 76,

figures in the peace as one of three triarchs, Guillelmus and cf. pp. 470 ff.; and the old work, based upon documents de Verona et Crapella de Carceribus Verone et Narzotus de from the Angevin archives in Naples and other hitherto Carceribus Verone, dominatores insule Nigropontis (p. 46). unpublished texts, of Domenico Forges Davanzati, Dis14. iy Acropolites, Chron., 76, ed. Heisenberg, I, 157, 11. serazione sulla seconda moglie del Re Manfredi e su’loro figliuoh,

ous Naples, 1791, although Julius Ficker, “Manfreds zweite

cal ] t chronicl S.

hat Pachymeres Mun? “ 1, 30 (Bont I, 52-8), who ane Heirat und der Anonymus von Trani,” Mitteilungen des hoe C ON den Pot Cee Bue, € an 3. e FOBB) Instituts fiir oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, II (1882), is 339, if. Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz (1903, repr. 1958), 358_ 68, accuses Davanzati (perhaps unjustly) of forging the 5® By February, 1258, Manfred had possession of Durazzo, — « nome . Known as the Anonym us Pranensis

Berat (Belegrada), Avlona, the hills of Sphenaritza (at the F. Ughelli, Italia sacra, V1 (Venice, 1720), 774—76; B. mouth of the Voyusa River), and the surrounding ter- Capasso, Historia diplomatica regni Swciliae, Naples, 1874, pp.

ritories, as appears from a deed of sale (for half a vineyard) 145-46; del Giudice, in Arch. storico per le province drafted by a notary of Durazzo on the twenty-third of the "poletane, III, 30; Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz, p. 331; month (F. Miklosich and J. Miiller, Acta et diplomata res Dendias, in Epetrotiha Chronika, I (1926), 245. It may have graecas italasque illustrantia, 111 { Vienna, 1865], 239-42; L.de been at this time that Manfred took Corfu and Butrinto, as

Thalléczy, Const. Jirecek, and Em. de Sufflay, Acta et Nicol, Despotate of Epiros (1957), p. 167, suggests, although diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, 1 [Vienna, 1913], _ Geanakoplos, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VII, 105 and note

no. 246, pp. 71—72, on which see M. A. Dendias, “Helene 18, believes that Michael added them as part of Helena’s Angelina Doukaina, queen of Sicily and Naples” (in Greek), | dowry to supply a further inducement to Manfred to assist "Haretpwrixa Xpovixa, I (1926), 223-27, 234-35, andcf. D. him in the conquest of Thessalonica and Constantinople. J. Geanakoplos, “Greco-Latin Relations on the Eve of the The latter part of the Translatio S. Thomae Apostoli, relating to

82 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT said to have received Helena with all solemnity Michael’s proposal too attractive to refuse. Wilat Trani (on 2 June, 1259), when Michael _ liam was offered and accepted a dowry of 60,000

badly needed a strong ally, as events were to hyperperi as well as costly gifts,“* together prove. In the meantime, however, he was playing _ with the castle town of Liconia and other lands in

against Nicaea for high stakes, and he may southern Thessaly. Liconia, southeast of

have thought the price was not too great for Demetrias on the Gulf of Volos, was valuable to such a son-in-law. Some day a grandson of his William because of its proximity to the northern might occupy the throne of Sicily and southern Euboeote “third” of Oreos, over which he Italy; besides somehow, sometime he might claimed of course the feudal right of suzerainty. contrive to recover the possessions he had been __Liconia was in itself an important place, for just obliged to relinquish. For Manfred, on the other _ twenty years before it had been declared worth

hand, his father-in-law’s acquisition of the 10,000 hyperperi a year in a suit brought before imperial crown of Constantinople at the expense the Curia Romana.® No time was lost in arrang-

of the Latin Emperor Baldwin II, whom the ing the marriage, which took place at Patras papacy was supporting, was doubtless aconsum- in the late summer of 1258. William must have mation devoutly to be wished, especially when _ been well pleased, for according to the popular it was to be accompanied by the extension of Greek chronicle attributed to Dorotheus, seven-

his own south Italian territories to the eastern teenth-century archbishop of Monemvasia,

shores of the Adriatic. As Michael moved Anna was quite as lovely as her sister, “a

farther eastward, so would Manfred, who now _ second Helen of Menelaus” (@ Sevrépa ‘EAEvN

issued coins with the legend Manfridus R. Tov Meveddov).* Quite appropriately she took up

Siciliae . . . et Dominus Romaniae.™ | residence in the new castle on the rugged hill-

In the meantine the Despot Michael II had side of Mistra close to ancient Sparta and the

already secured another powerful ally, and one _ banks of the Eurotas where the first Helen had

more closely connected with the affairs of lived before her. Upon her marriage Anna took Greece, by the marriage of another daughter, the name of Agnes. Like her sister, she witnessed Anna, to William of Villehardouin, prince of — great events. Achaea. This marriage soon involved William in another war, catching him up this time in the See the Greek Chronicle of the Morea, ed. P. P. Kalonaros, bitter contest between Epirus and Nicaea, but, Athens, 1940, w. 3127-32, p. 134, and of. Chronique de

quite understandably, he found the Despot ™rée, ed. Longnon (1911), par. 216, pp. 77-78. On the

of the Despot Michael’s daughters, note again ——_____ Pachymeres, I, 30 marriages (Bonn, I, 82-83).

Chinard’s alleged removal of the relics of the Apostle 65 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. Thomas from “Edessa” (Vodena) to Ortona in Italy, hasbeen 107: “. . . e li diede per dote il castello della Liconia e declared a monastic invention by Fedor Schneider, “Eine _alcune altre terre.”

Quelle fur Manfreds Orientpolitik,” Quellen und Forschungen, 6 Sp. P. Lampros, Eggrapha (Athens, 1906), pt. 1, doc. 26, XXIV (Rome, 1932-33), 112-23, who would also throw _ p.42; Lucien Auvray, ed., Les Registres de Grégoire IX, II (Paris,

doubt, perhaps improperly, upon the historicity of the whole 1907), no. 4390, col. 1046, doc. dated 26 May, 1238: expedition to Epirus. On Chinard, see E. Bertaux, “Les “. . . ac fructus perceptos ex eis [i.e. casale Liconiae cum Francais d’outre-mer en Apulie et en Epire au temps des _ pertinentiis suis] quos decem milia ypperpera extimaHohenstaufen d’Italie,” Revue historique, LXXXV (1904), bat... .” A. L. Tautu, ed., Acta Honorii IT (1216-1227) et 233-51. Chinard was a French Cypriote of wide experience Gregori IX (1227-1241), Citta del Vaticano, 1950, does not in the Holy Land, a devoted follower of the Emperor _ give the text of this letter. Since 1235 the Cistercian abbey Frederick II, to whom he owed grants of extensive lands of Daphni had claimed the right to possession of Liconia in Italy. Count of Conversano and grand admiral of the in a suit brought against one Albertus “Bokaron.” or kingdom of Sicily, Chinard died lord of Corfu. Abhorred Boccerannus, miles Nigripontensis diocesis (Auvray, II, no. 2671,

by the papacy, which refused after his death to lift the bans cols. 108-9, and cf. nos. 3214, 3583). In 1240 the laid upon his sons, he was excommunicatissimus quondam case was decided in favor of the abbot and convent of Philippus Chinardus (Edouard Jordan, ed., Les Registres de Daphni, against the claims of two daughters of the now Clément IV [1265-1268], Paris, 1894-1945, no. 1131, p.392, | deceased Albertus (ibid., ILI [1908], no. 5204, cols. 256-57),

from a letter to Charles of Anjou dated at Viterbo on | but that was not the end of the litigation (III, no. 6085).

October, 1266). §7 Dorotheus, in J. A. C. Buchon, Chroniques étrangeres & Anonymus Tranensis, ed. Forges Davanzati, Dissertazione, relatives aux expéditions frangaises pendant le XIII° siecle, Paris,

pp. 11 ff.; del Giudice, in Arch. stor. per le prov. napoletane, 1841, p. xxxv. The Chronicles of the Morea represent the

III, 18, 54-55; Nicol, Despotate of Epiros, pp. 177-78; marriage of William and Anna as arranged by the latter’s Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 50-52; and brother, the Despot Nicephorus, after the death of their cf. the objections of Ficker, Mitt. d. Inst. f. oesterreich. father Michael II (the Greek Chronicle, ed. Kalonaros, wv.

Geschichtsforschung, III (1882), 362 ff. 3093-3132, 3469-72; Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon,

6G. Valenti, “Vestigia di Manfredi di Hohenstaufen Re pars. 211-16, 255; and cf. Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, di Sicilia e Signore di ‘Romania’,” in Numismatica, 1939, p.65. pars. 245-49, and Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, Chron.

THE ADVANCE OF NICAEA 83 According to the garbled account in the with the papacy, Baldwin’s chief support in Chronicles of the Morea, Michael II and William of Europe. If the coalition succeeded in taking

Villehardouin met in a festive parliament at Thessalonica, the road would lie pretty much Patras about December, 1258, to plan the cam- open to Constantinople, which Michael of Epirus

paign which was to drive the Nicenes from and the forces of Manfred might well put under

Greece and Macedonia. After the expected siege while they tried to hold the Emperor victory Michael was to take over Thessaly Michael VIII at bay, and if they could thus (Vlachia), or so it is said, and William was to reach Constantinople, Michael VIII would revive the erstwhile Latin kingdom of Thes- presumably make the Bosporus his first line of salonica.** Upon returning home, Michael defense for the preservation of Nicaea. Baldwin informed King Manfred of the plans that had may have entertained as great a hope as Michael been made and requested assistance tohelpcarry VIII that the coalition would break up, but them out. William in his turn served notice of Baldwin was a negligible figure with almost no a feudal levy upon his vassals—Othon de la __ possessions except his capital. The Villehardouin Roche, bailie of the Athenian duchy (1258-1260) had been traditionally loyal to the Latin empire,

during the absence of his elder brother Guy in and the coalition had of course been formed France; the triarchs of Negroponte; Duke primarily against Nicaea. Baldwin and the Latin Angelo Sanudo of the Archipelago (Naxos); the barons in Constantinople therefore decided to Margrave Ubertino Pallavicini of Boudonitza; do a little fishing in the troubled waters. It and the barons and knights of the Megarid.® was conceivable that they might gain something; They were all to be prepared by early spring to it was certain that they had little to lose. take the field with William against the Nicenes, They decided to send an embassy to Michael pour chevauchier contre ses anemis avec lut. VIII shortly after his accession. The formation of the coalition was well known If we can accept the account of Acropolites, in Constantinople and Nicaea, where the Latin Michael VIII received the envoys courteously,

and Greek rulers each tried to assess its but with obvious amusement, rejecting their

likely effect upon his state. If the Emperor successive requests that the Nicene government Michael VIII Palaeologus was in grave danger, cede to the Latin regime in Constantinople so too was the Latin Emperor Baldwin. The the city of Thessalonica and the territory to

ambition of Michael of Epirus to rule in the east of it all the way to the Bosporus,

Constantinople was no secret, and his ally and when he refused, they wanted Serres and Manfred had inherited his father Frederick II’s_ the lands to the east thereof, to which sugenmity to the Latin empire as well as his contest gestion he returned a second refusal. “The envoys readily jumped from place to place,”

ar-rom., pp. 438 440), a confusion of time and persons also says Acropolites; “and since they had nothing, be found in Dorotheus, loc. cit., whose chief source was the if they got anything at all, they might rejoice

Greek Chronicle. The chronology of the marriages of the ‘1 it as profit.” They asked for the territory Epirote princesses causes some difficulty. Dendias, in from Voleron to Constantinople, which Michael Epeirotika Chronika, I (1926), 243-44, believes that two refer- pleasantly refused. “What then are you going to ences in Acropolites (chap. 76, ed. Heisenberg, I, 157-58, give us?” the Latins asked Michael, who replied,

and chap. 79, p. 164, 11. 3-6) show that the marriage of ay re —_ nothing.” He offered Helena and Manfred preceded that of Anna and Ville- am going to give you — nothing. © orrere hardouin, but I do not get this impression from these texts. them peace, however, and added: “I want the The betrothal of Helena and Manfred preceded the mar- Latins in Constantinople to pay to the Roman riage of her sister with Villehardouln, but Helena actu empire one half their customs duties and the

wedding was aye »,a e . _. 3 .

married Villehardouin, probably late in the summer of 1258. S@™1€ Prop ortion of their Income from receipts 6° Cf. the Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, par. 250, pp. in gold. If you would promise to yield these

55-56: “. . . et con la gracia de Dios auremos victoria et to me, I am ready for peace. If not there

recobraremos toda la Braquia realme shall be war. . . .” The Latin embassy had been oO aure ia aqula, et VOS auredes “€lelreaime daede odaSatomicls cn. ’ 69 Greek Chronicle of the Morea, ed. Kalonaros, vv. 3480-— to no purpose, and the envoys returned to 3520; Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 256-62. The Constantinople, some of them probably reChronicles state that the campaign was to be directed

against the “lord Theodore of Vlachia,” i.e. John Ducas of =~

Neopatras, the illegitimate son of Michael II by his mistress Acropolites, 78, ed. Heisenberg, I, 161-63. Voleron apGangrené, but John was actually on his father’s side in op- _ pears to be a district east of the Nestus river (K. Amantos, position to the Nicenes: John Ducas’s younger brother was in Hellenika, 11 [1929], 124-26). Cf. H. Ahrweiler, Byzance

named Theodore. et lamer, Paris, 1966, pp. 328-29, and K. M. Settone? al., eds.,

84 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT calling the parable that “unto every one thathath tained him for almost two years, and a third shall be given, . . . but from him that hath not, envoy was sent to William of Achaea. Manfred even that which he hath shall be taken away.” and William were no more to be dealt with Michael VIII himself sent an embassy to the than their ambitious father-in-law.) Michael Despot Michael II of Epirus under Theodore VIII dispatched a fourth embassy, this time to Philes, one of the many nobles whom the late Pope Alexander IV, ostensibly to discuss the

Theodore Lascaris had blinded. The tone of union of the Churches, but undoubtedly to Philes’ instructions was conciliatory, for Michael secure papal condemnation of the triple alVIII wished to secure the release of Constantine _liance and obstruction of the allies’ projected Chabaron and George Acropolites and to reach movement against Nicaea.” All Michael VIII’s a peaceful accommodation with the despot, who efforts had been in vain, and now he had no

gave the envoy a rude reception, however, alternative but war against the western allies obviously confiding his future to the strength who wished to despoil him of his lands in of his new sons-in-law. Michael also sent an Europe and probably try to deprive him of the imperial secretary (0 €7t Tov Kavikdelov), throne. Nicephorus Alyates, to King Manfred, who de-

a ™ Acropohites, 79, ibid., I, 163-65.

A History of the Crusades, II (Philadelphia, 1962), p. 152, ”@ For Michael VIII’s embassy to the pope about the

map 6; in the revision of the maps for the 2nd ed. beginning of the year 1259, see above, p. 77b, and cf. (Madison, Wisc., 1969) this name was unaccountably dis- Geanakoplos, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VII, 118-20, and

placed eastward. Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 60-62.

5, PELAGONIA, THE LOSS OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND THE RISE OF THE ANGEVINS (1259-1268) Q)NEhis ofestablishment Michael’s first important acts, after said to have answered Michael VIII’s call for as regent and before his men-at-arms.? In March, 1259, these auxiliary accession to the throne, was to send his brother _ forces assembled in the plains near Adrianople

John Palaeologus, whom he had made grand fora general muster before being sent on to the domestic, into Greece with an army for the Sebastocrator John Palaeologus in Macedonia. defense of imperial territory in the west, espe- In the meantime the Sebastocrator John, cially ‘Thessalonica, against the designs of the acting upon the orders of his imperial brother Despot Michael II Ducas of Epirus. John was _ to seek out the Epirote army, learned that the accompanied by Alexius Strategopoulus, John Despot Michael was encamped near Castoria Raoul, and other experienced campaigners. As with his wife and all his household. Marching the army marched westward, it was reinforced through the vale of Vodena, John made for by local units along the way. Proclaimed em- Castoria, but word of his advance got there just peror, Michael Palaeologus later raised his before him and threw the Epirote army into a brother to the dignity of sebastocrator and sent _ panic in the middle of the night. Although many the insignia of office to his camp in Macedonia. lost their lives in an effort to escape, for they

Strategopoulus was then appointed grand _ could not see where the road was and where domestic. Palaeologus, Strategopoulus, and __ there wasa precipice, most of the army managed Raoul soon met with a setback when John Ducas, _ to get to safety in Old Epirus. The Sebastocrator

bastard son of the Despot Michael and lord John then overran the territory abandoned by of Neopatras in southern Thessaly, stopped the — the Epirotes, seizing the undefended cities, with imperial army’s advance at Berrhoea withalarge _ the result that the despot lost all his gains of the

force of Vlachs,? but the expedition was to previous year. John took Ochrida with the aid of

achieve within the coming year one of the great- _its archbishop, who had accompanied the Nicene est military victories ever won by Greek arms in army back to his see after the Emperor Michael

the long history of the Palaeologian era. had allowed him to return home from the exile The Emperor Michael VIII needed more into which Theodore Lascaris had sent him.

troops to join the army in Macedonia under Next John captured Devol (Deabolis) by storm, John Palaeologus and Alexius Strategopoulus, and thereafter had little difficulty in establishing

and looked for mercenaries in Germany, his authority throughout all western Macedonia, Hungary, Serbia, and Anatolia. According tothe securing the submission of Prespa, Pelagonia, Chronicles of the Morea, his appeals brought three

hundred knights from Germany, allegedly ~~.

under the duke of Carinthia. A cavalry force Ob In describing VIII’s for men, the Greek ronicleMichael of Morea, ed. P.appeal P. Kalonaros, Athens, 1940, of fifteen hundred came from Hungary. What- vy, 3567-3607, 3703-3709, and the French Chronique de ever the relation of the Serbian ruler Stephen Morée, ed. Jean Longnon, Paris, 1911, pars. 268, 270, 279, Uros to the triple alliance of Epirus, Achaea, agree on the numbers of mercenaries who responded except ap . Sal, the Chronicles represent contingent is The Aragonese Chronicle (Libro de los fechos), ed. Alfred ; . . Morel-Fatio, Geneva, 1885, par. 244, and the Italian version, also stated to have come from Bulgaria. Five ed. Ch. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 441, hundred Turks and two thousand Cumans are increase most of the numbers of these contingents, the

ici i that the French chronicle says lurks Came sans nombre.

Aragonese specifying 1,000 Germans, 2,000 Hungarians, —— 1,000 Serbs, and 4,000 Alans and Cumans; and the Italian

‘Geo. Acropolites, Chron., 77, ed. Aug. Heisenberg, I giving 5,000 Serbs and 10,000 Cumans! It seems unlikely (Leipzig, 1903), 160-61; Nic. Gregoras, Hist. byzant., III, that Stephen Uro’, who had just joined Michael II of 5, 2 (Bonn, I, 72-73); and see D. M. Nicol, “The Date of the Epirus, would abandon his ally so quickly and send Battle of Pelagonia,” Byz. Zeitschr., XLIX (1956), 68-69. forces to fight against him, but some disaffected Serbian

Michael VIII was proclaimed emperor on | January, 1259, chieftain might have accepted employment with his own foland was crowned shortly thereafter (Loenertz, Orient. Christ. lowers. It is possible that the Bulgarian Tsar Constantine periodica, XXIX, no. 6, pp. 333, 342-44), on which, how- Tich, the brother-in-law of John IV Lascaris, and bound to

ever, cf. above, Chapter 4, note 37. Nicaea by an alliance from 1257, would have sent aid to

I, 83). young co-emperor.

2 Geo. Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, 1, 30 (Bonn, Michael VIII, who had not yet dethroned and blinded his

85

86 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Soscus, and Molyscus. After Devol, which had gent probably comprised a fair portion of the fallen quickly, John encountered little or no German forces which Manfred had with him in opposition, for the western Greeks, observes southern Italy. Although Gregoras declares that Acropolites, were a soft lot, with no stomach for Manfred came to Greece himself,!® it is quite a siege or a fight, and in their anxiety to save apparent that his statement is erroneous." But if their lives were easily subdued by a determined Manfred did not appear in person, William of opponent. Acropolites dates all these events in Villehardouin did, as the French chronicler of

the spring of 1259.4 the Morea describes so picturesquely: “When

Ina passage which appears to refer to thesame that winter had passed and the new spring came, events the historian Pachymeres adds to his when the nightingales sing sweetly until the dawn predecessor’s list of the places captured a Of day and all creatures are renewed and enjoy number of others, including the fortress of Berat themselves on earth, Prince William, who was and the town of Canina near the coast south- farther away than the despot, collected all his east of Avlona.> Pachymeres says that John people from the Morea as far as Monemvasia, Palaeologus’s drive reached Durazzo. Michael both those on foot and those on horseback, as had retreated to the plains of Avlona where he mightily as he could.”” marshaled his forces and whence he sent his _ William crossed over from the Morea to the daughter Helena to Trani on the south Italian mainland, entering the despotate by the straits coast where she married Manfred,*® whose aid he of Naupactus, and made his way to Arta, where

now solicited with especial fervor. According to Michael II had amassed so large an army that Nicephorus Gregoras, Michael laid siege to Berat it was a wonder to behold, que c’estoit merveilles a

at this time, which if true would suggest that veoir. The Frankish chivalry of the Morea was the Sebastocrator John must have captured the famous, and we may assume that William’s fortress from its Sicilian garrison.’ Michael’s knights surpassed in their proud appearance efforts against Berat were unsuccessful. Ob- even Manfred’s German cavalry concerning

viously he needed help if he was to make which such a glowing report had reached

progress against the Nicenes. Acropolites. Effecting the juncture of their

Both Manfred and William of Villehardouin forces, the Despot Michael and William marched answered the Despot Michael’s plea for help but north from Arta through Ianina, across the not so much to assist Michael, according to Pindus mountains, and into southern Thessaly,

Gregoras, as to add to their own domains, going a long way around apparently to avoid hoping to acquire a great stretch of territory premature contact with the Sebastocrator John from the Ionian Sea to Constantinople.’ Acropo- Palaeologus. In the meantime the Latin forces

lites says that Manfred sent “four hundred from the great lordship of Athens and Thebes, [German] horsemen, heavily armed cataphracts, the barony of Salona, the triarchies of Negroriding on stately, spirited steeds;”® this contin- ponte, and various islands of the Archipelago 4 Acropolites, 80, ed. Heisenberg, I, 165-67. Pachymeres, I, 30 (Bonn, I, 83, 11. 3-5), identifies the 5 Pachymeres, II, 11 (Bonn, I, 107). This passage is cavalry force as German, but quite incorrectly gives the certainly out of its proper place in the narrative. It seems number of men as three thousand.

to refer to events before the Nicene occupation of — %° Nic. Gregoras, III, 5, 1 and 5 (Bonn, I, 71-72, 75). Constantinople (cf., ibid., chap. 12), and so the description 11 See M. Dendias, “Le Roi Manfred de Sicile et la of the conquest of these cities should probably refer to the _ bataille de Pélagonie,” in Mélanges Charles Diehl, I (Paris,

spring of 1259. Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, 1930), 55-60, who shows that Manfred did not go to 1908, p. 113, understands this passage to relate to John Greece, and when the Italian chronicler Matteo Spinelli da Palaeologus’s later Macedonian expedition in 1264 (¢f. Giovinazzo, Diurnali, in Muratori, RISS, VII (Milan, 1725), Pachym., III, 20, Bonn, I, 214-15), which seems to be aless cols. 1097-98, says under the date September, 1260 (for satisfactory interpretation. See Nicol, in Byz. Zeitschr., XLIX 1259), that King Manfred “andao in Romagnia, et tutta la

(1956), 68-70. voltao sottosopra,” he is in fact referring to the Italian 6 Acropolites, 81, ibid., I, 168, and for the marriage of Romagna, then largely held by the Guelfs, against whom

Manfred and Helena, see above. Manfred made an expedition. Spinelli’s text may also be

7 Nic. Gregoras, III, 5, 2-3 (Bonn, I, 73), on which cf. found in G. Del Re, ed., Cronisti e scrittori sincront Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros, Oxford, 1957, p. 177, napoletani, Il (Naples, 1868), 641, and G. Vigo and G.

and in Byz. Zeitschr., XLIX, 70-71. Dura, eds., Annali di Matteo Spinello da Giovenazzo, Naples, 8 Nic. Gregoras, III, 5, 1 (Bonn, I, 72). 1872. Dendias, op. cit., clearly gives the proper interpreta® Acropolites, 81, ibid., I, 168, 11. 7-8. and cf. Marino tion of Spinelli’s text. Sanudo Torsello, Istoria del regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, 12 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, par. 273, p. 98, and ¢f. Chron. gr.-rom., p. 107: “400 huomini d’armi Tedeschi.” the Greek Chronicle, ed. Kalonaros, vv. 3618-25, pp. 155-56.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 87 had moved northwest directly into southern and equipment. Wheeled vehicles were necesThessaly, passing through Gravia and Sidero- sary for heavy transport, and armies followed porta, and soon reaching Neopatras (Hypate), the old highways (as today they follow the where the despot’s son John Ducas ruled from railroads). In the Middle Ages mud was one of the castle he had built on a rocky precipice the most hostile forces an army had to contend overlooking the town. These forces were com- with, and the rainy seasons were avoided whenbined with the armies of Michael II and William ever possible; the night attack was very rare, in the plains of Thalassinum, according to the and there was of course no aerial bombardment Greek Chronicle (v. 3636), by which seems to be to interdict the enemy’s approach to the battlemeant the Trachinian plain along the Malian field. Although medieval commanders naturally Gulf south of Zeitounion (Lamia) and west of employed ambush and the sudden interceptory

Neopatras.”° attack when they could, they usually expected

At this point the leaders took counsel and de- _ to meet their opponents in the open field, as was cided not to waste time trying to take strongly to be the case in the coming engagement. fortified places, but rather to risk a battle in the When the Sebastocrator John mustered his open field. The French knights were usually forces in the summer of 1259 upon the approach impatient of sieges. Accordingly the Graeco- of the Epirote-Frankish army, he had twentyLatin host traveled north, traversing Thessaly, seven battalions (a\A@yua, batailles),!> including probably going to Larissa and thence along the the foreign mercenaries who had been sent to road to Elassona, and next through the moun- him from Adrianople. There is no way of estitams to the castle of Servia in Macedonia, mating very closely the size of either of the opcrossing the then northern boundary of Thessaly posing armies; both suffered from their polyglot ata place called Katakolou (in the valley of the composition, but a largely unified authority

river Sarandaporos), said to have been thus over his troops gave a decided advantage to named from an estate of the great Byzantine the Nicene general.'6 The Epirote-Frankish family of the Katakoloi. At Servia they took army had too many leaders. Michael II and his some prisoners from whom they gotinformation son Nicephorus led the army recruited in Epirus

about the movements of the Sebastocrator John, together with, presumably, other Greek and who was at the time probably between Ochrida Latin mercenaries. His bastard son John Ducas, and Pelagonia, where Michael II and Wiliam who had married the daughter of Taronas, a decided to go, trusting that “God would give Thessalian Vlach chieftain, had a large force of them the victory and they would be masters of Vlachs with which he had already stopped the Romania.”"* We have few logistical details re- Sebastocrator John at Berrhoea during the lating to the progress of either army, but in the previous winter.'7 Manfred’s four hundred thirteenth century (as today) anarmytraveledno German horsemen had their own commander. faster than its carrier service could move food William of Villehardouin had gathered contingents from most of the Latin states in Greece 13 Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. Kalonaros, vv. 3627-36; and the Aegean, a proud panoply of arrogant Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, par. 274; Libro de los WarTiors. According to the exaggerated report fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, pars. 248-55, where the count of of the Aragonese Chronicle of the Morea, “the Cephalonia is included among those whom wali of prince had in his company twenty dukes, counts, 253); and cf. the Italian chronicle (Cronaca di More) ed. and barons; some prelates and mary knights

wenaraouin ordaere Oo jomn € euda ev ar. . °

Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. 441, which is an abridgment .———W————

from the Greek version. The margrave of Boudonitza, 45 Greek Chronicle of Morea, vv. 3703-11; Chronique de whom William ordered about January, 1259, to turn out Morée, par. 279. According to the Libro de los fechos, the following spring for the levy (Chron. de Morée, par. 262), par. 259, the army of the Sebastocrator John consisted is not mentioned as supplying men-at-arms when the of 8,000 foreign mercenaries, 12,000 mounted Greeks, and campaign got under way (ibid., par. 274, and cf. the an infantry force of 40,000! On the detachment of troops Greek Chron., vv. 3632—33). Kalonaros, op. cit., p. 156, note, known as the allagion (a@\[email protected]), cf. Pachymeres, IV, 27

places Sideroporta on the present highway from Athens to (Bonn, I, 310), and D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de

Lamia, near Eleutherochorion, where remains are still Morée, II (Athens, 1953), 139. preserved of the medieval castle of Siderocastron, with 6 Cf. Nicol, Despotate of Epiros, p. 179.

which Sideroporta is said to be identified. 17 Pachymeres, I, 30 (Bonn, I, 83), and cf. Sanudo, 14 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 275-78; Greek Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. 107, who

Chronicle, ed. Kalonaros, vv. 3637-95; Libro de los fechos, gives John the name of Theodore (his younger brother) ed. Morel-Fatio, pars. 257 ff.; Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, and calls him “lord of Neopatras, Loidoriki, and finally of

op. cit., pp. 441-42. Vlachia” [Thessaly].

88 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and other people; and all together there were So much we are told by Acropolites, but the eight thousand first-class men-at-arms and _ sudden withdrawal of the Despot Michael and twelve thousand men on foot.” The same his two sons is explained otherwise by Pachydubious source reckons the Despot Michael’s meres. According to the latter, members of army as containing eight thousand men-at-arms William of Villehardouin’s retinue, “whom they

and eighteen thousand foot soldiers.”® call knights,” deeply offended the bastard

Preparations for the battle had been extensive John Ducas by leering at his beautiful Vlach on both sides. The domination of the Greek wife in contemptuous disregard of her husband. world would apparently be the prize of victory. John threatened them, and a violent quarrel The Emperor Michael had warned his brother ensued. William, being drawn into it, reviled to prefer a cautious opportunism to a direct John with the stigma of his birth, leaving the

encounter. The Frankish knights were past latter in smouldering anger “like another masters of the headlong charge; they would Achilles.” Wishing therefore to show that which-

stand in their stirrups and rush into battle ever side he fought on would win, John got in with stirring war cries. Their impact was difficult touch secretly with the Nicene commanders, to sustain. There was little military strategy in offering to join them in an attack upon the Latins

the thirteenth century, but the Sebastocrator provided the safety of his father and brother John employed such devices as he and his were guaranteed. Assured thereof by suitable advisers knew. Acropolites says that he put his oaths, John persuaded his father and brother

cavalry and heavy-armed troops in secure places _ to withdraw from the coming contest. John then on the neighboring hills while he assigned more attacked the Frankish army from the rear. The

mobile units, Cumans, Turks, and a number of Latins quickly realized that they had been beGreeks, to immediate action on the plains. trayed and tried to scatter in flight; many of them Among these were the archers who, after the were slain by the Cumans, and others were capfirst contact of the opposing armies at a place tured by the Turks. William of Villehardouin called Borilla Longos,’® near Monastir, kept up was discovered attempting to hide himself; an unceasing harassment of the enemy both by hauled out from his place of concealment, he

day and by night. Constantly in motion, they was sent off as a prisoner to the imperial

attacked the Epirotes and Franks when they court.”? tried to water their horses; shot at them on the march; and set upon their baggage train. 21 Pachymeres, I, 31 (Bonn, I, 84-86). A passage in

Success fed their courage, and they finally Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. 107, engaged in hand-to-hand combat in order to 1s sometimes taken as confirmation of Pachymeres’ report strip defeated opponents of their valuables. or tne ill dae acon accorded Jonm Ducas by the F ranks,

The.Epirote army proved.unequal the pum- eeeche seconpassando a verne che ocssardo - I ae to che . inaccurate: . . edtoavvenne per i Stato che meling and tried to push northwards by way of tenivano i Greci, li Greci lo tradirono, e tra li altri suo Stanus, Soscus, and Molyscus toward Prilep, but —_cognato Sevasto Cratora per offesa che avea riceputo da the going was too hard, and the Despot Michael Latini, e il principe con suoi baroni fu fatto prigione. . . .

and his son Nicephorus departed the perilous Greeks and Latins got along badlyand is very likely; . g, caused byqegenerations of theological political scene under the cover of night. They knew the rancor, had made the triple alliance an unnatural union roads and made good their escape. When day _ from the beginning. broke and the Epirote army learned of their But had the unseemly attention of Frankish knights to leaders’ flight, many of them followed suit in John Ducas’s wife been the cause of his joining the Nicene frightened haste. The commanders of the re- forces, I think that Acropolites would have mentioned it. maining Epirote Greek troops offered their Alexius Strategopoulus and John Raoul shortly after the batservices to the Sebastocrator John, as did the tle of Pelagonia (ois kai mpos odiyas nuépas EvvoprHoas

2. . : Having talked for some days with the Nicene generals

bastard John Ducas of Neopatras. The sebasto. ed events, 11, U1 oe hl crator added their forces to his own and made the battle. A little while later Acropolites also spent some them swear oaths of allegiance to the emperor of time with the Sebastocrator John (and presumably with

Nicaea.”° John Ducas himself) at Neopatras (tbid., 11. 23-26) where the battle must have again been discussed at length, but

TT Acropolites does not mention the episode involving John 18 Fibro de los fechos, par. 256. Ducas’s wife, and his contemporary account is generally to 19 Longos (AGyyos) denotes a marshy or a woodland waste __ be preferred to that of Pachymeres, written decades after the

(cf. Mesolonghi). event. Finally we should observe that Pachymeres himself 20 Acropolites, 81, ed. Heisenberg, I, 168—70. takes especial care to indicate that, although he had heard

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 89 Of William of Villehardouin’s attempted flight | The Sebastocrator John pressed on through from Pelagonia there is no doubt. Acropolites Thessaly without delay, fortifying towns and says that, after the defection of the Ducae, castles as he went. He established his camp at William and his knights scattered, every man for Neopatras, whither John Ducas had accomhimself, but William was soon found at Castoria panied him. In the meantime Alexius Stratehiding under a heap of chaff, and a soldier gopoulus and John Raoul, the sebastocrator’s recognized him by his large protruding front chief generals, went through the Pindus mounteeth. He was put in fetters and shipped off to _ tains (r& Iluppnvaia) and, leaving troops behind the Emperor Michael. Anseau of Toucy, Geof- for the siege of Ianina, continued on to Arta, frey of Karytaina, and some thirty other Frank- the Epirote capital, which they captured, and ish knights were shackled like their prince and _ where they found the historian George Acrosent to the imperial court. Manfred’s four polites, who had been the despot’s prisoner for hundred German horsemen, obviously baffled almost two years. Acropolites thus had a chance by the ways of warfare in the Levant, sur- to talk with Strategopoulus and Raoul for a few rendered with their arms and horses to four days (as he informs us) while the details of the Nicene officers, one of whom was Alexius Strate- campaign were obviously fresh in their minds. gopoulus, the grand domestic. They too were Acropolites is consequently our best source for

sent to the emperor. The fame of this victory, the events leading up to Pelagonia as well as which Acropolites credits to the wise counsels for the battle itself although his account differs of the Emperor Michael, spread to the ends of markedly in some respects from those of Pachythe earth, for the sun on high had rarely beheld meres and Gregoras. Acropolites was glad to such victories.”” Such exaggeration was pardon- leave the city of his long confinement, especially

able. It was an astonishing success. since the residents of Arta were ill disposed

toward the eastern Greeks, and the historian

the story somewhere, he cannot vouch for it; he twice admits that the Nicene army treated the popuuses Herodotus’s convenient phrase “it is said,” A€yeTat lace badly (ov YAP KAAWS Ol TOY OTPATEVLATWV

(Bonn, I, 84, 11. 10, 18) to introduce a story which tovrots €xpnoavto): “and so that glorious victory almost all historians, from Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s which had shone upon the Romans came not Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), p. 283 (repr. New 1 ft ds t t . ” But howYork, 1960, I, 217), to D. J. Geanakoplos, Emperor ‘OMS atterwards to a Contrary issue. Dut NOW Michael Palaeologus and the West, Cambridge, Mass., 1959, ever that was to be, Acropolites now hastened

pp. 68-72, have probably taken too seriously. to join the Sebastocrator John at Neopatras and

The battle of Pelagonia was fought apparently in the after spending some days with him finally refall of 1259 (¢. R. J. Loenertz, La Chronique breve turned to the Nicene court. moréote de 1423,” in the Mélanges Eugene Tisserant, 11 . . . . [Studi e testi, 232], Citta del Vaticano, 1964, no. 4, The Sebastocrator John maintained his drive pp. 403, 413, although D. M. Nicol, “The Date of the against the Latins a little longer. Bypassing Battle of Pelagonia,” Byzantinische Zeuschrift, XLIX [1956], Livadia, he took Thebes and stripped the city,

68-71, is inclined to date it as early as July). _ which was the capital of the great Burgundian “ Acropolites, 81, ibid., I, 170-71. According to Nic. Jordship in Boeotia and Attica. Meanwhile John

Gregoras, III, 5, 4-5 (Bonn, I, 74—75), the Sebastocrator D £ ble in hi . th th John had sent to the camp of the Despot Michael at ucas, uncomfortable In his association with the night a pretended deserter who said: “Know that today great danger hangs over you and all your army, for both

your sons-in-law and allies, the prince of the Peloponnesus Mélanges Charles Diehl, 1[1930], 55-60). That thirty Frankish

and Achaea and the king of Sicily, have secretly sent knights were captured by the Nicenes after the battle apagents to the Romans to offer peace in return for certain _ pears from Manuel Holobolus, Orationes, ed. M. Treu, 2 vols.,

concessions [S@pa tax7d]. If you value your life, therefore, Potsdam, 1906-7, I, 42, cited by D. J. Geanakoplos, take thought for your safety as soon as possible, before “Greco-Latin Relations,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VII (1953), their treaty and agreement are concluded!” Michael be- 128, 130, and Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 68, 70. lieved him, continues Gregoras, and fled before sunrise, Despite the confusion and general inaccuracy of the and when his soldiers found out that he had gone they Chronicles of the Morea, they supply a number of interesting also sought safety in flight. When the westerners learned and picturesque details concerning the battle of Pelagonia, of what they believed to be Epirote treachery, they too the heroism of Geoffrey of Karytaina, and the interview tried to flee, the prince of Achaea being captured and the — which took place after the battle between the Sebastocrator

king of Sicily escaping with a very few of his followers, John and William of Villehardouin, qui sages estoit et while most of their forces were destroyed by a Nicene parloit auques bien le grec: Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, attack. Gregoras, writing almost a century after the battle of — pars. 2830-312, pp. 101—15; Greek Chronicle, ed. Kalonaros,

Pelagonia, is not well informed. It is quite certain that vv. 3712-4203, pp. 160-79; Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-

Manfred was not present at the battle (¢f. Dendias, “Le Fatio, pars. 262-84, pp. 58-63; Cronaca di Morea, ed. Roi Manfred de Sicile et la bataille de Pélagonie,” in Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., pp. 442—46.

90 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Nicene army since the battle of Pelagonia, had Spinelli da Giovinazzo to have gone to Italy on slipped away with some of his retainers to join 3 December, 1259, about two months or so after his father Michael II, who after the fall of Arta the battle of Pelagonia, in an attempt to bring

had sought refuge first on the island of Leukas Pope Alexander IV and Manfred together in and then at the court of the Orsini in Cepha- opposition to Michael VIII.2® The evidence of

lonia.”* Spinelli is usuallyembassy suspect, but the Italian of Nicephorus seems to be confirmed by The battle of Pelagonia had undoubtedly Pachymeres, who states that Michael II, in sadly sounded the death knell of the Latin empire of _ straitened circumstances after Pelagonia, asked

Constantinople, which fell almost by accident to Manfred for more aid and received it (kat the Nicene general Alexius Strategopoulus two A€toTHv cuppaxiav haBa@v): Michael placed years later (1261), thus helping to effect the final Manfred’s forces under the command of Nicereconstruction of the Byzantine empire. It was phorus, who defeated the Caesar Alexius Stratealso to result in grave damage to the Frankish gopoulus with them in 1260 in a bloody battle principality of Achaea, but strangely enough it near Salona at Tricoryphus (“Three Peaks”). did not mean the end of the despotate of Epirus Among the captives taken by Nicephorus was even though the Nicene forces overran, as the Strategopoulus himself, but the young despot Emperor Michael VIII says in his so-called auto- released him after a treaty had been arranged biography, “Acarnania and Aetolia, the region between them, and Strategopoulus apparently around the Gulf of Crissa [the Gulf of Salona], returned to Nicaea. The situation caused suffiand all Epirus both old and new, Illyria as far cient uneasiness at the Nicene court for the Emas Durazzo, and all Phocis. . . .”24 The Ducae _peror Michael to send his brother John back to had managed to retain the fortress of Vonitza, Macedonia. John had been promoted to the rank on the southern shore of the Gulf of Arta, which of despot because of his recent victories over the was used as the center of operations fora north- Epirote despots, but now Manfred’s forces are ward march which retook the city of Arta with vaguely said to have occupied “many places in the aid of the loyal inhabitants and then went on _ the Illyrias and New Epirus,” and John’s task to relieve the siege of lanina. Already the was to oppose their advance into Macedonia.?? Nicenes were beginning to lose the fruits of the | The Emperor Michael VIII had spent the Emperor Michael’s wise counsels to his com- Winter at Lampsacus, after which he went in the manders in the field, to whose disobedience and summer of 1260 to the region of Constantinople, lack of discipline Acropolites attributes their ex- ¢xpecting to acquire the city through the pulsion from Old Epirus, where a year after the treachery of a Latin resident, one Anseau or virtual destruction of his state Michael II ruled Ansel (’Ao€A), perhaps de Toucy, who had been again as despot and was plotting the expansion captured at Pelagonia. This Anseau, who seems of his domains by conquest from Nicaea.”® to have been related to the emperor by marriage, The young Despot Nicephorus, the son of had a house in Constantinople, and claimed to be

Michael II, is said by the chronicler Matteo 1 charge of the gates in his neighborhood. Anseau had said that the gates could be opened 23 Acropolites, 82, ed. Heisenberg, I, 171-72. surreptitiously to admit the Nicene troops, and

24 Michael VIII has described the triumph of his forces

from Pelagonia to the Peloponnesus in his memoir De vita 96 con: sua (actually a monastic rule or typikon intended by * Spinelli, Diurnali, ad ann. 1259, in Muratori, RISS, VII Michael for the monastery of S. Demetrius in Con- (Milan, 1725), cols. 1095-96; also Annali di Matteo Spinello stantinople), ed. I. G. Troitskii, S. Petersburg, 1885, and ed. da Grovenazzo, eds. Vigo and Dura (1872), p. 43, where Henri Grégoire, Imperatoris Michaelis Palaeologi de vita sua !0 piscopo stands for dispoto. Spinelli says that Nicephorus opusculum necnon regulae quam ipse monasterio S. Demetrii landed at Vieste on the peninsula of Mt. Gargano. cof. praescripsit fragmentum, chap. Vil, in Byzantion, XXIX-XXX Giuseppe del Giudice, “La Famiglia di Re Manfredi,” Archivio

(1959-60), 455. The alleged chronicler of S. Justina in Sfortco per le province napoletane, III (1878), 23-26, 58-63; Padua understood perfectly that Pelagonia meant the end Geanakoplos, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VII, p. 133, note 165.

of the Latin occupation of Constantinople (Annales S. Pachymeres, I, 32, and II, 26 (Bonn, I, 89, 137), and lustinae patavini, in MGH, Scriptores, XIX [1866], 181-82). %f- Hopf, in Aligemeine Encyhlopadie, vol. 85 (1867), p. 285

The Annales patavini were later published as the Chronicon (repr. New York, 1960, I, 219). Strategopoulus was again Marchiae Tarvisinae, in RISS, VIII-3 (1916), on which see captured, later on, by the Despot Michael, who sent him to

below. note 39. Manfred; the latter exchanged him in 1262 for his sister 25 Acropolites, 82, ibid., I, 172. As a reward for their Constance, whom Pachymeres calls by her Greek name

services John Palaeologus was made a despot, and Alexius Anna (loc. cit., Bonn, I, 89, 11. 18-22). Cf., above, Chapter

Strategopoulus received the title of caesar. 3, note 73.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 91 thus Michael might acquire the city without the as the favored Latin colony on the Bosporus hardships of a siege; Anseau was released for this when Michael should retake Constantinople.” purpose, given gifts and honors, and returnedto Even if the terms of the treaty of Nymphaeum Constantinople where Michael kept in touch were never put fully into effect (for the Greeks with him by secret messengers. In the meantime were very shortly to regain their lost capital

the Nicene army had encamped at Galata where without Genoese aid), it was an important Michael made an unsuccessful attempt to take measure, for it helped bring on the day when the citadel while he waited for Anseau to do the Genoese colony at Galata would become an what he had promised; but the latter had no almost independent state on the northern shore intention of betraying the city, and finally in- of the Golden Horn. formed the disappointed Michael that the Latin For some time the Venetians had felt a sense Emperor Baldwin had taken the gate keys away of disquiet, and in the late spring of 1260 the from him. Michael withdrew toward the Helles- Doge Ranieri Zeno had granted Tommaso pont. Three Latin envoys went after him to re- Giustinian, bailie of Negroponte, and the latter's quest a peace, which Acropolites says Michael councillors full power to negotiate with Guy I de

granted for one year.”® la Roche of Athens and the Moreote barons

Returning to Asia Minor, Michael halted at (Prince William of Villehardouin being then of Pegae for a while and then went on to Nym- course a Nicene captive), the Euboeote triarchs phaeum where he planned to spend the winter Guglielmo I da Verona and Narzotto dalle which was already at hand, and where he soon Carceri, the Venetian feudatories on Crete, negotiated the famous alliance with the Genoese Duke Angelo Sanudo of Naxos and his son-in(on 13 March, 1261).2® In return for the naval law the “Grand Duke” Paolo Navigajoso of assistance which he required for the recapture of Lemnos, the young Count Riccardo Orsini of Constantinople, Michael agreed to grant the Cephalonia, and the Venetian lordlings of the Genoese extraordinary political rights and Aegean, as well as any others whose help might economic privileges in the major ports of the seem necessary to assure the Emperor Baldwin’s empire, especially in Smyrna. The treaty was an _ possession of Constantinople against the Greeks.

expression of Byzantine hostility toward the The bailie was to propose that the Republic, Venetians, whom the Genoese were to replace the Moreote barons, and the various dynasts of the Archipelago should put one thousand men into Constantinople and keep them there “for all 28 Acropolites, 83, ibid., I, 173-75. Pachymeres, II, 20 time,” the expenses being shared according toa (Bonn, I, 122-24), and Nic. Gregoras, IV, 1, 4 (Bonn, I, formula which the bailie was authorized to work 80-81), both describe the failure of the assault upon out with the other participants in the league.** Palata, bur know nothing or the expected treason of Anseau In the meantime, Michael VIII had sent his Eaporon Michael Palaeologus, pp. 76-79) nor of the one-year faithful ser vitor George Acropolites on a diptruce (Franz Dolger, Regesten d. Kaiserurkunden d. ostrom. lomatic mission to the court of the Bulgarian

cj. WwcanaKopios, In vumoarion Va apers, ’ —-4*1,an . . ‘ .

Reiches, pt. 3 [1932], no. 1885, p. 36). Tsar Constantine Tich. The Bulgars made much 29 Camillo Manfroni, “Le Relazioni fra Genova, l'impero of the Christmas season (of 1260), and Constanbizantino e i Turchi,” in Atti della Societa ligure di Storia Patria, _ tine insisted that Acropolites watch all the festivi-

XXVIII (1896-1902), 656-66, with the Latin text of the ties. The historian had no other choice and spent treaty of Nymphaeum on pp. 791-809; Dolger, Regesten, several days at Tirnovo, after which he returned pt. 3, no. 1890; L. T. Belgrano and Cesare Imperiale, eds., . Annali genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suot continuatori, 5 vols., 1890- to Nymphaeum with messages from the tsar 1929 (Fonti per la storia d'Italia, nos. 11-14), IV (1926), to Michael. Although Acropolites says little 42-43; Martino da Canale, La Cronique des Veniciens, chap. CLXxIVv, ed. F. L. Polidori in Archivio storico italiano, Ist ser... —————— VIII (Florence, 1845), 480; Hopf, in Allgemeine Encyhlopadie, 30 Cf. H. Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, 1966, pp. 329-

vol. 85 (1867), p. 260 (repr. New York, 1960, I, 194); 30, 344 ff. The purpose of the convention was in fact a Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 83-91. The Genoese-Byzantine war against the Venetians. treaty of Nymphaeum was ratified by the Genoese govern- 31 Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, ment on 10 July, 1261 (cf. Manfroni, op. cit., pp. 658, 666, append. no. XIII, pp. 759-60, doc. undated, but probably 791, 807). The Byzantine envoys sent to Genoa by Michael May or early June, 1260; Hopf, in Allgemeine Encyhlopadie, VUI had apparently required and accepted certain changes vol. 85 (1867), 280b, 308a, 314—15 (repr. New York, 1960, in the initial texts (Annali genovesi, IV, 42): “. . . et factis 1,214b, 242a, 248-49); Freddy Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne quibusdam mutationibus et promissionibus ab ipsis nunciis au moyen-age, Paris, 1959, pp. 144—45.

imperatoris, confederatio predicta in civitate Ianue fuit 32 Acropolites, 84, ed. Heisenberg, I, 175-76, and ¢f.

firma(ta] et iurata.” Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1888, p. 36.

92 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT about his mission to Bulgaria, it may have been career. He announced that he would try to take only partially successful, because the following the city. Apparently irresolute by nature, he was summer (1261) the emperor sent the Caesar soon almost sick with indecision as he thought of

Alexius Strategopoulus with a “Scythian” the failures of John Asen II and Vatatzes and (Cuman) force and some auxiliaries into Thrace other great generals before and after their time. to guard the roads from the mountains, for both The capture of Constantinople had been the the Bulgars and of course the Epirotes were dream of all Nicene (and Epirote) statesmen since causing the Nicene government some uneasi-_ the earliest memories that Strategopoulus re-

ness. Constantine Tich had married Theodore tained from his boyhood. Now he proposed

Lascaris’s daugher Irene, who was urging him to to make that dream a reality with a paltry force attack imperial territory to avenge the (by now) and no previous planning. When he called a

manifest dethronement of her brother John meeting of his officers, however, his cousin

IV.%3 Strategopoulus’s troops were to keep a_ Alexius vigorously advocated making the atsharp lookout for trouble. On his way to Thrace tempt, as did a certain Cutritzaces (Kovrpurhe was also to approach the walls of Constanti- {(akns), one of the Nicene sympathizers, who nople as a threatening gesture, and to watch the _ lived in or near Constantinople.*

Latin reaction to the presence of his army. Strategopoulus was convinced that he had a There was no thought of his taking the city. He good chance of success, and Pachymeres implies

had too small a force and lacked siege engines. that he was merely casting his lot with fate Crossing the Hellespont, Strategopoulus ar- itself. Once committed, Strategopoulus worked rived at Gallipoli, where he decided to go along hard and surveyed the walls in detail with Cutrit-

the northern shore of the Sea of Marmara to zaces, who knew the whole area very well.

Selymbria and move on Constantinople directly Cutritzaces was a leader of one of the groups of

from the west. It was all Nicene territory, local Greeks, comprising agricultural workers,

almost to the walls of the city. Pitching his tents general laborers, chapmen, other such folk, to in the very suburbs of the Latin “empire” on the whom Pachymeres gives the name “Volunteers” Bosporus, he summoned various Nicene sym- (@eAnpaTapior).** Being allegedly neutral in the

pathizers to his headquarters. The imperial continuing contest between the Greeks and

court had long been full of talk about capturing Latins, the “Thelematarii” lived both within and

Constantinople, Michael VIII himself having without the walls and offered their services made one or two half-hearted attempts to take to either side as they perceived the opportunity the city. Strategopoulus now spoke of the old or accepted the necessity to do so. But there hope and held out the expectation of rewards could be little question that most of them pre-

to those who should assist in its fulfilment. In ferred to “volunteer” their services to their answer he was told there could be no better fellow Greeks rather than to the Latins. They

opportunity than that offered by present circum- not only served others at will (8éAnua), so to stances, for the entire Venetian squadron had_ speak, but also served at the will of others. gone with most of the Latin garrison under the _ All thought of idle parades under the walls to Venetian podesta, Marco Gradenigo (1258-— frighten the Latins was abandoned, and every1261), an unduly ambitious man, to take over the thing was done to allay the suspicions of those Greek island of Daphnusia in the Black Sea.** in the city. Success would depend on speedy The Latin Emperor Baldwin held the city with a action. The attempt would be made quietly very small force. Impressed with the sincerity of at night. Like hunters tracking down some

his informants and their willingness to help, deadly game, Pachymeres says, Stratego-

Strategopoulus made the decision which was to poulus’s men put scaling ladders on the walls ata render notable an otherwise mediocre military

———__—_—_— 35 Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 105-6, 33 Pachymeres, II, 26 (Bonn, I, 138). strangely misreads Pachymeres, II, 26 (Bonn, I, 139, 11. 14-

34 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., 15), to create a non-existent Alexius Cutritzaces, whom he pp. 114-15, and cf. the so-called Fragmentum of Sanudo, makes Strategopoulus’s nephew. Pachymeres carefully disibid., p. 172. Marco Gradenigo had previously been bailie of _ tinguishes between Alexius and Cutritzaces, who was one Negroponte when the Euboeote triarchs promised the Vene- __ of the “Thelematarii” (on whom see below, and also note

tian government to wage their “viva guerra” against Prince | Pachymeres, vol. I, p. 148, 11. 14-17). ~ William of Achaea (G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, 36 Pachymeres, II, 14 (Bonn, I, 110, 11. 16-17): “noav Urkunden zur Glteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik -yoov petaév ‘Popaiwv Kai Trader, kat dua TovTo EKEKAHVTO

Venedig, I11 [Vienna, 1857, repr. Amsterdam, 1964], 1-16). Kat OeAnparapwr. .. .”

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 93 carefully chosen spot. Acropolites has a different top of the walls where they found the Latin account of how Nicene soldiers got into the city. guards asleep “and brought them a fearful He says that Strategopoulus’s informants told dream.” Some of the guards, seized before they him of an opening in the wall (owjv twe eivat could wake up, were strangled and thrown to the WEpt TO TELXOS THS TOES) through which one ground outside the walls. Others who had been

armed man at a time could pass. One man after awakened were promptly killed with swords another went through this aperture until fifteen before they could sound an alarm. The intrepid or more men had got into the city. Mounting the band then made for the Gate of the Fountain wall from the inside, some of these men seized which they found barricaded with a mound of the only guard they found and threw him down _ stones they had to remove to make a passage; outside; others hacked with axes at the cross- then prying off the hinges with bronze wedges, bars which held the gates, and opened at least they tore down the gate. The imperial acclamaone to the Nicene army which waited in readiness tion was loudly shouted from atop the wall,

to enter.*” easily heard by the anxious Strategopoulus and Pachymeres gives a long and exciting descrip- his waiting army. They rushed from their places tion of the Greek recovery of Constantinople, of concealment (around the nearby monastery of telling how Strategopoulus had massed all his the Fountain), and were soon crowding through forces at the appointed time and place, and then _ the opened gate. It was the first hour of dawn.

waited as the night passed, fearing treachery. In the bewilderment of success some of the Cutritzaces did his best to reassure him, but as Nicene troops apparently began to attack or seize the delay continued Strategopoulus suspected whomever or whatever they encountered first, him also, and envisaged the destruction of his but the Cumans maintained their military disciarmy in a Latin trap. Hours seemed to pass __pline, and cleared the streets of the crowd of citi-

before there was any sign from their collabora- zens which assembled to find out what was tors within the city. The army waited in silence. happening. Strategopoulus proceeded systemThe sign was to be an acclamation (evgnpia) atically and with caution, an old hand at the such as that accorded the emperors, delivered forcible entry of citadels and cities. He wanted from the wall ina loud, clear voice. One by one to be certain of the strength of the Latin chosen men had climbed scaling ladders to the defenders before his troops had penetrated too

—_——— deeply into the city. He was appalled at the 37 Acropolites, 85, ibid., 1, 181-82; Pachymeres, II, 26-27 first sight of the Latin force, more numerous (Bonn, I, 137-40). Nic. Gregoras, IV, 2, 3 (Bonn, I, 85, apparently than he had expected. Pachymeres 11. 13-15), whose account seems to be dependent upon that savs he almost gave orders f treat. but the of Acropolites, says that access to the city was gained through ys ne a Os gave O © Ss for retreat, . an underground passage. According to Acropolites (loc. local Greek “Volunteers” who had helped him cit., p. 182, 11. 19-20), Strategopoulus’s army consisted of fought furiously, certain of their own destrucGreeks (Romaiot) and Mae Seach and to Pachymeres (p. 137, 11.Seythians. 20-21), of Scythians “with no according tion if this venture should fail. The Latins many others.” Sregoras (p. 83, 11. 9-10 ff.) says that were soon rep ulsed, however, and sought safety Strategopoulus was given a force of 800 Bithynians with by scattering in the still dark hours of the mornorders to recruit as many more as he needed from Thrace ‘11. The Latin Emperor Baldwin, apprised of and Macedonia, and that his troops were intended primarily the Nicene advance into the city, thought only for service against Michael II of Epirus. The Byzantine of flight; leaving the palace of Blachernae in

rhetorician Manuel Holobolus, Orationes, ed. M. Treu, I th th f th : he fled t (1906), 67, observes that Strategopoulus had only a “slender € northwest corner 0 € city, he le 0

force” (atp&revja Bpaxd), which is undoubtedly true, but in the Great Palace by the sea. He lost his hat, an undated letter of 1262 (perhaps in May or June) Pope threw away his sword, and left behind the insigUrban IV wrote the provincial minister of the Franciscans nia of empire in his haste to get away.°8 in France that “Paleologus namque scismaticus, qui Gre- By this time the Venetian fleet of allegedly corum imperatorem vocari se facit . . . , congregato . ... . . . . exercitu copioso, et civitatis Constantinopolitane finibus ap- some thirty ships, including galleys, had come propinquans, civitatem eandem, cum non posset illam vio- back from the unsuccessful attack upon Daphcenter capere, _Prodiuonaliter occupavit, collocans in ea nusia. News of the Nicene attempt to take the

uperobie sue seaem in se¢mpl 1 1 1 1

sp rbie sue sedem in se np ica obpro jum Latinorum city and fears for their wives, children, and iI [Paris, 1901], no. 131, pp. 46-47). Urban is here property had led allon board to make the speediapparently linking Strategopoulus’s seizure of Constanti- ©St possible return. The invaders had set fire to nople (proditionaliter) with Michael’s subsequent entry into the city when Greek forces were concentrated to hold the ————————

newly won prize (congregato . . . exercitu copioso). 38 Pachymeres, II, 27 (Bonn, I, 143-44).

94 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Latin quarters in the city, especially that of in fact been rewon. Approaching the city, the Venetians, and the commanders of the fleet Michael began to think of the proper way for decided a landing would be suicidal; they took him to make his entrance; not with pomp and on board to the fullest capacity of their ships military display, he decided, but in a way more all the Latins who could reach them. A galley _ pleasing to God.*° He wanted Nicephorus Blem-

was sent in to the shore near the Great Palace, mydes to compose prayers of thanksgiving for and Baldwin seems to have been fortunate to the occasion. Blemmydes lived too far away in get aboard in the perilous operation. “Thus it Ephesus, however, and so Acropolites offered to came about that by divine providence the city of _ write suitable prayers, to which Michael agreed, Constantine passed again into the hands of the — being naturally impatient to establish himself

emperor of the Romans in just and fitting in Constantinople.

fashion, on 25 July, the fourth indiction, inthe —‘ The imperial entourage reached the city on 14

year of the world’s creation 6769, after the August, but Michael did not want to enter the enemy had held it for fifty-eight years.”*° city the same day. He pitched his tents at the monastery of Cosmidium near Blachernae; here When rumor first reached him that Stratego- he spent the night, going into the city the next poulus had taken Constantinople, the Emperor day. George Cleidas, the metropolitan of CyziMichael was encamped at Meteorium. After an cus, celebrated the victory in the absence of the anxious day a messenger confirmed the news, _ patriarch. Climbing into one of the towers of the and Michael began a march to the city, stopping Golden Gate, and carrying with him the icon of near Achyraus where Baldwin’s imperial insig- the Virgin which belonged to the monastery of

nia, the products of Latin craftsmanship, were the Hodegetria, George recited the prayers

delivered to him. Now even the most skeptical before a throng that must have been profoundly could no longer doubt that Constantinople had moved. The emperor, with head uncovered, fell to the ground on bended knees, as did all °° Acropolites, 85, ibid., I, 182-83 (in the quotation those present. When the first prayer was Con“Romans” [Romaioi] means Greeks, as almost always in cluded, the dean indicated that they should Byzantine texts of this period); Pachymeres, II, 27 (Bonn, stand, after which they raised their voices a I, becoie who odserves (p. py Sanna that the sans hundred times in the Kyrie eleeson, and then the

surtered aS mucn mn Cir 10SS O In In . . the Greeks had in 1204; Dandolo, Chron., in RISS , XIE CeTEINOMes continued. They went on for days.™

(Bologna, 1938-48), 311, 369; Martino da Canale, Cronique But Michael, full of gratitude as he was for this des Veniciens, chap. CLXXxv, in Archivio storico italiano, 1st signal mark of divine favor, thought constantly ser., VIII (1845), 480; Chronicon Marchiae Tarvisinae et of the political significance of Strategopoulus’s Lombardiae, ed. L. A. Botteghi, in RISS, VIII-3 (Citta di yemarkable achievement, and he soon set about Castello, 1916), 47-48, which is the only significant refer- h buildi £ hi ‘tal. which th ence to Greece in the Chron. March. Tarvisinae, a contem- C € rebuilding oO . IS new Capita » which the porary north Italian chronicle covering. the period from §Tiim years of Latin occupation had left almost 1207 to 1270, sometimes badly informed (previously pub- desolate.

lished as the Annales Sanctae Justinae patavini, ed. Philip The Latin Emperor Baldwin, after escaping

Jaffé, in MGH, SS., XIX [Hanover, 1866], 181-82). Manuel

Holobolus, Orationes, ed. Treu, I, 67-68, cited by Geanako- }=9=—-————_—

plos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 95-115; Raynaldus, *° Michael VIII claimed of course that the recovery of Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1261, nos. 26 ff., ed. A. Theiner, XXII Constantinople was a signal mark of God’s favor to him (Bar-le-Duc, 1870), pp. 174 ff.; Hopf, vol. 85, p. 261 (De vita sua, chap. vill, ed. H. Grégoire, Byzantion, XXIX(repr. I, 195). It is doing the thirteenth-century Jacobite XXX [1959-60], 457). historian Bar Hebraeus, learned “maphrian” of the East 41 Acropolites, 86-88, zbid., I, 183-89 (here Acropolites’ from 1264, no injustice to say that he knows little either Chronicle comes to an end); Pachymeres, II, 29 ff. (Bonn, of the taking of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusaders I, 149 ff., detailed and interesting); and Nic. Gregoras, in 1204 or of the Greek recovery of the city in 1261 (The IV, 2, 3-7 (Bonn, I, 85-89), who says that upon entering Chronography of Gregory Abi’l Faraj . . . Commonly Known as Constantinople the Nicenes set fires in four places (p. 85,

Bar Hebraeus, trans. from the Syriac by E. A. Wallis Budge, 11. 20-22). Strategopoulus was accorded a triumph for I [Oxford and London, 1932], 357 ff., 428-29). In addition _ his capture of the city. The famous icon of the Hodegetria,

to the thirty Venetian ships the escaping Latins sought believed to have been painted by S. Luke, had apparently safety aboard a large Sicilian transport (Pachymeres, loc. been kept from 1206 to 1261 in the Venetian church of cit., Bonn, I, 145, 1. 15, and p. 147, 1. 1). According to the Pantokrator, whence it was recovered at Michael Palaeothe Chronicles of the Morea, about three thousand Latins logus’s command in order that it might be carried at the fled Constantinople (see the Greek version, ed. Kalonaros, head of his triumphal procession and thereafter restored v. 1305, and Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, par. 85, p.27: to the monastery of the Hodegetria (see R. L. Wolff“. . . “. . . Tempereor Bauduin ... si entra en une nef ou The Church and the Icon of the Hodegetria,” Traditio, VI

bien iii M. personnes”). [1948], 320-21, 325-27).

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 95 from Constantinople, landed briefly at Negro- of Carystus soon gave to the abbey of Citeaux ponte, where the triarchs gave him a splendid in Burgundy, seeking the prayers of the Cisterreception befitting the imperial glory he was cians for his not inconsiderable generosity (20never again to know. When all allowance is 21 March, 1263). And the monks doubtless made for his good qualities, Baldwin had hada _ did pray for him, that “the Lord reward him sorry reign (1237-1261); now he had little left according to his works.”

but the imperial title and some Byzantine rel- Constantinople had fallen during a papal

iquaries with their precious contents. The relics interregnum. Alexander IV had died at Viterbo proved to be negotiable for cash, and this Bald- on 27 May, 1261; Urban IV was elected on 29 win and his retinue needed beyond everything August. As soon as Michael Palaeologus heard of else, so desperate was their plight. The relics Urban’s election, he sent to the Curia Romana were in fact a godsend, because less celestial an embassy consisting of two former secretaries sources of revenue had long been in Venetian of the Latin imperial chancery, who received a

hands. From Negroponte, Baldwin went on to harsh reception in Italy. Michael wished the Thebes and Athens; he was entertained in the new pope to send legates to the Byzantine court castles on the Cadmea and the Acropolis. There to discuss the possible union of the Churches. were doubtless some present at these banquets Since Michael’s embassy apparently left for the given by Guy I de la Roche, now back from his Curia in October or November, 1261, it is clear sojourn in France, who recalled the reception that he was wasting no time in trying to employ

given Baldwin’s predecessor Henry in 1209 diplomacy to protect himself against a quick when the Latin empire was just entering its reprisal.* short-lived period of grandeur. A monarch who Michael VIII was wise not to waste time. While has lost his throne is certain of the sympathy in Italy, the Latin Emperor Baldwin put in a sad of the ladies, and the duchess of Naxos, mother appearance before Urban IV, who wrote King

of Marco II Sanudo, came to add her gifts Louis IX of France from Viterbo on 5 June,

to those which Baldwin was receiving from the 1262, that the terrible news of the fall of Con-

triarchs and the lord of Athens. He had an stantinople had burst upon his ears like some

additional source of income in the multiplicity sort of explosion (veluti ex quodam terrifico sonitu of knighthoods which he created. Continuing on _vehementer attoniti). His Holiness was stunned by

into the Morea, Baldwin sailed from Glarentza_ this fearful loss to Christendom, and poured to Apulia, where King Manfred received him forth prayers to the Almighty, who was obvicordially. The following year Baldwin went to ously punishing the Latins for their unending France, seeking men and money for a cause be-_ sins. But the Venetians had promised a fleet, yond all help,*” and beginning thus to play the and the Latin magnates in Greece were gather-

role of a monarch 1n exile. ing an army to help rewin the great city on the

While he was in Athens in October, 1261, Bosporus. Urban looked to France, however, Baldwin had repaid a loan of 5,000 hyperperi of “the mirror and exemplar of all the Christian gold which Othon de Cicon, lord of Carystus, kingdoms,” to begin action against the Greek

had made him some time before, por le grant usurper, for then the other states in Europe necessité de nos et de nostre empire, by a giftto Othon would follow suit and the expedition would soon

of the right hand and part of thearm of Johnthe get under way.* Baptist, a prized Byzantine relic, wherewith the Savior had been baptized, which the worthy lord “4; , Sanctorum, Iunii tom. IV (Antwerp, 1707), pp. 768-69 (De reliquiis S. Ioannis Baptistae); Paul Riant, Exuviae

~~ sacrae Constantinopolitanae, I (Geneva, 1877), pp. clxxxii—iil,

#2 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., and Epp. et instrumenta in vol. II (1878), nos. xcilI, xCv— p- 115, and Sanudo’s so-called Fragmentum, ibid., p. 172; xcvul, pp. 144-49; cf. Hopf, Storia di Karystos, trans. G. B. Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 311; Martino da Canale, Sardagna, Venice, 1856, p. 30; Wm. Miller, Latens in the Cronique des Veniciens, chaps. CLXXV, CLXXXIX, in Archivio Levant (1908), p. 115; and Longnon, L’Empire latin de storico italiano, \st ser., VIII (1845), pp. 480, 498; Hopf, Constantinople et la principaute de Morée, Paris, 1949, p. 228, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), where the loan made by Othon de Cicon to the Emperor 261 (repr. New York, 1960, I, 195): Chas. J. Hefele, Histoire Baldwin is erroneously given as 15,000 hyperperi. des conciles, trans. H. Leclercq, VI-1 (Paris, 1914), 153 ff.; 44 Pachymeres, II, 36 (Bonn, I, 168-69), on which see R. J. Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. John Schmitt, London, 1904, Loenertz, “Notes d’histoire et de chronologie byzantines,” vv. 1296~—1315, pp. 88, 89; Chronique de Morée,ed. Longnon, Revue des études byzantines, XX (1962), 171-73.

pars. 84-85, p. 27; Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, Chron. 45 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1262, nos. 39-43, vol.

gr.-rom., p. 422. XXII (1870), pp. 89-90, “datum Viterbii non. Iunii, anno

96 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Minorites in France were directed to “tothe prejudice of Christendom and the Roman

preach the Crusade against the “schismatic Church.” By and large the chancery clerks Palaeologus, who has himself.called emperor of at the Curia Romana drafted some eloquent the Greeks.” Funds being collected in France documents, which accomplished little. for the subsidium Terrae Sanctae were to be spent Collectors of crusading funds were sent into for three years on the task of restoring the dis- Castile and England as well as into France,

possessed Baldwin to the lost throne of the but the sums gathered fell far short of the reCourtenay in Constantinople.*” Urban IV also quirements for an expedition against Michael excommunicated the Genoese because of the al- VIII. Disillustonment had diminished the laity’s

liance they had made with Michael Palaeologus enthusiasm for the Crusade, which tended to rise and fall with passing generations, and the pope

had cause for isap-

primo.” Cf. Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, II (1901), no. nt a i 0 ibprenension as we he asap

132, p. 48. According to Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, pom men in c poor response of the clergy 311, Urban IV heard the explosive news of the Greek (privat commodt nimium tenaces, says Raynaldus, reoccupation of Constantinople from the Venetian embassy ac publict immemores). It did no good for Urban to of obedience which went to the Curia Romana to congratu- issue the solemn warning that the swollen pride

ae Pon us cevation to the throne, jc postea of the Greeks had now given them the ambition flebilem amissionem Constantinopolitane urbisilli[the Vene- __. lation: a he “principali f

tian envoys] indicant, qui [papa] merore stupefactus de 7? @ ations spiritu to occupy the principa ity O celeri remedio providere per literas duci promittit.” Urban Achaea and the adjacent areas.’*? There is IV reminded Louis IX that, if the Greeks also occupied little reason to believe that even the Catholic the residuum eiusdem imperi (i.e. Greece and the islands), Clergy in Greece showed much mor “tet

passage to the Holy Land would be blocked (Raynaldus, f ie f, de t yh | © Ore avacrity

loc. cit., no. 43, vol. XXII, p. 90b). But Louis IX had no ‘UFnishing funds to help preserve the Latin

heart for fighting Christians, even schismatics, reserving his domains now threatened by Michael VIII, alhostility for the Moslems. On Urban IV’s crusading efforts, though the pope addressed the customary see Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz (1903), pp. 401ff; Geana- letters to the archbishops of Patras, Corinth, koplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 139 ff.; and Burk- Athens, and Thebes, the bishops of Coron,

hard Roberg, Union zwischen griechischen und der h abb ots and lateinischen KircheDie auf dem II. Konzl von Lyon der (1274), Sparta, al Negroponte, anddthe

Bonn, 1964, pp. 20 ff. (Bonner Historische Forschungen, other dignitaries of the imperiled Latin Church vol. 24). Urban IV, born Jacques Pantaléon, was the sonofa which lived so uneasily in the lands of Greek shoemaker in Troyes; he was patriarch of Jerusalem at Orthodoxy.®° anti-Genoese, he was better acquainted with Palestinian than The Venetians, however, were gravely con-

the time of his election (29 August, 1261); pro-French and . | with Greek affairs. cerned. They had suffered the severest loss in *° Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, II, no. 131, pp. 46-48. the Byzantine reoccupation of Constantinople. The bull is undated, but was presumably written in June, Their privileges had been part of the very struc-

1262, as Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1262, no. 38, vol. t f the Latin empi and n uite naturall XXII (1870), p. 89b, believes; Guiraud does not note that ure o € Latin empire, ow quite na y

Raynaldus, loc. cit., nos. 34-38, vol. XXII, pp. 88-89, gives the statesmen on the lagoon were dreamthe full text of this letter. It seems unnecessary and is ing of the reconquest of the Bosporus. Thus certainly impracticable to note every papal letter relating to op 8 September, 1264, the Doge Ranieri Zeno the Crusade and the mendicant missions to the East. rote Urban IV: Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica, 1 (Quaracchi, wro ° 1906), 413-23, gives brief summaries of more than 180

such letters from 1228 to 1301, and his list is incomplete. TT 47 Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, I, nos. 133~37, pp. 48 Belgrano and Imperiale, Annali genovesi, IV (1926), 48-49, docs. dated 9-20 June, 1262, and cf. nos. 183, 187. 44-45, and ef. pp. 50-51. On 19 January, 1263, in a bull On 14 October, 1263, the Hungarians were exempted from dated at Orvieto the pope admonished the Genoese to give the subventio prestanda imperio Constantinopolitano because of up their alliance with Michael VIII (Guiraud, Registres

the terrible attacks they were suffering at the hands of the d’Urbain IV, II, no. 182, pp. 72-73, and note nos. 228—

“gens impia Tartarorum” (ibid., no. 421, p. 201). For 30, 719-21, 851-52), which after their defeat by the various bulls relating to the Crusade in February and March, Venetians at Sette Pozzi in the spring of 1263 (which led 1263 (from Urban IV’s regestum camerale) see ibid., 1 (1901), | Michael to turn from Genoa to Venice) they seemed quite

esp. nos. 310-32, pp. 84-91. prepared to do—to the pope’s pleasure since on 11 February, It will be well to recall that during these years, for 1264, he was quite ready to relax the ban he had pro-

more than a decade in fact, Venice and Genoa were caught nounced against Genoa (ibid., I, no. 756, pp. 361-62). up in their first great war (1256—1269/70), which helped 49 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1263, nos. 19-21, vol.

destroy the security of Acre, Tyre, and the remaining XXII (1870), pp. 98-99. The Crusade was also preached Latin centers in the Holy Land (among other accounts, see in Poland and in Aragon (Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz,

34454). p. 98a.

Wilhelm Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-dge, _p. 403).

2 vols., Leipzig, 1885-86, repr. Amsterdam, 1967, I, 5° Cf. Raynaldus, ad ann. 1263, no. 21, vol. XXII (1870),

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 97 It is not unknown to your Holiness how great, how the pope had tried to enlist the aid of the Monhonorable, and how excellent the empire of Romania gols against the Nicene Emperor John III was and is for the strength of Christendom, nor Vatatzes.*? A decade later (in 1258) Hulagu with what effort and expense as wer as joss ot life it (Hiilegi), the Mongol il-khan of Persia, de-

Ma ea creation detenced wit cue SUP” stroyed the Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad, and port oF tie 1O oy Soman Miburcas © Co not msist Up seized five centuries of accumulated wealth. The

this since it is more than clear to your Holiness and M Is slaughtered the inhabitants of the cit to the whole world. . . . For it is said that a manifesto ongols staugnterea the inhabitants of the city, [edictum] has gone out from the Apostolic See that and p1ous Christians m the West saw the Moslem whoever is willing to set forth in aid of the empire of disaster as condign punishment from on high. Romania may have such indulgence [venia] granted ‘There is no question but that the forces of to him as is conceded to those who cross the sea for Hulagu spared the Christians in their deadly

service in the Holy Land. . . .*! ravages, and the Turkish princes and emirs of

rk once more on the ; ;

The Venetians wanted to turn back the onward misgivings Anatolia looked to the future with marc om ume and to embark once more © In fact the Mongols quickly occupied Moslem

. ; Syria (bytime the spring of 1260), but their It was about . advance ; eratwas soonthis stopped bythat the the newsattention which came of the

of the Curia Romana was again directed to the Great Khan Méngke’s death (in September

in th nt. For almost a ,

farther East in search of allies to solve the mount- 1259) while he wa 5 engaged in the or uest of

ing problems which threatened Latin Christen- China. A war of suc een in the Fee East

dom everywhere in the ov 7 or 8 hich Whither the redoubtable Hulagu now betook Prone years) Wh od dik me he the Fra: eee” himself, limited Mongol activity in the Levant. Cipvannt de Pianecs once a 19 45 _ the Creat For a while the Christian kingdom of Cilician

a P . Armenia and the Latin principality of Antioch

athistine. time. ‘ .

Khan Guyuk (d. 1248), the Curia had had at derived abundant rofit and 2) arent securit least a tenuous diplomatic connection with the from the Mongol cstablishment i the Mamlut Mongols, which had excited the lively interest of victory over the Mongols at ‘ Ain Jalat (on 3 Sep-

such writersRumor as Vincenthad of Beauvais tember, 1260) Paris.» it thatandinMatthew the remained summer ofimmediately 1248 -?imperiled , ; ; what of the Latin states in Syria and Pales-

‘1 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I11, 56-57. The Vene- The Mamluk commander Baibars murdered ans especially feared a Byzantine attack upon Crete at the soldan, and was soon the undisputed master 52 On Christian-Mongolian relations in the mid-thirteenth of Veypt as ‘ee as Syr ta. e aibars knew how .

century, see the remarkable study of Paul Pelliot, “Les © PT° t trom € rivalry etween ulagu, Ue Mongols et la papauté,” Revue de Orient chrétien, 3rd khan of Persia, and the latter’s cousin Berke, ser., III (XXIII, 1922-23), 3-30; IV (XXIV, 1924), who ruled the Kipchak khanate of the Mongols 225-335; and VIII (XXVIII, 1931-32), 3-84. The in southern Russia. In opposition to Hulagu, Mongol invasion of Hungary in 1241-1242 from the Beste had assumed the role of protector of the

Kipchak khanate in southern Russia had stunned Europe . - ° p ;

although no western power made the slightest effort to Moslems in Syria whom the il-khan had assailed. assist King Bela IV (Denis Sinor, “Les Relations entre les Baibars was soon in correspondence with Berke Mongols et l'Europe jusqu’a la mort d’Arghoun et de Bela’ and exchanged embassies with him in 1262— IV,” Cahiers d’histoire mondiale, III [1956], 42-46). 1263, at which time war broke out between the There had apparently been no exchange of embassies be- two Mon ol rulers in the Levant.*4 At this point Ehe Berger, ed., Les Registres dInnocent IV, Ill [Paris, _————

tween the papacy and any Mongol prince since 1254 (ef. 5 . Pp

1897], no. 8315, p. 557, doc. dated 29 August, 1254). The Persia were in fact largely Buddhists (although some of Mongols (Tatars) had of course fascinated Europeans for them, to be sure, became Nestorians). On the Mongols in some time. Aubrey of Trois-Fontaines believed they had Persia and elsewhere in the mid-thirteenth century, see been ruled by Prester John, after whose death “they have especially Bertold Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik,

done much evil on earth” (Chron., ad ann. 1237-1239, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit, 1220-1350, 2nd in MGH, SS., XXIII (1874), 942-43, 946, with a refer- ed., Berlin, 1955, pp. 39 ff., 59 ff.; on their religion, cf, ence to John de Plano Carpini [Piancarpino], on whom see _tbid., pp. 178 ff.; and on their relations with the papacy and Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., I, 190 ff.). Incidentally other Christian powers in the West, ibid., pp. 224 ff., 360 ff.

Piancarpino knew, unlike some modern writers, that the 3 Pelliot, Revue de (Orient chrétien, 3rd ser., IV (XXIV, Mongols were Tatars, not Tartars, “. .. Tattari appel- 1924), 330-31. lantur, non Tartari” (Golubovich, I, 192). Despite the oc- “4 Berke or Barka had been converted to Islam together casional hope entertained at the Curia Romana of effecting with two of his brothers sometime between 1246 and 1253 the conversion of the il-khan to Christianity, the Mongols of (Paul Pelliot, Notes sur Vhistotre de la Horde d’Or, Paris,

98 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Urban IV, some time before his death on 2 Pelagonia. The Emperor Michael VIII saw the October, 1264, directed the letter Exultavit cor opportunity to recover some of the lands the nostrum to Hulagu, who was believed to desire Greeks had lost as a consequence of the Fourth conversion to Christianity, and from whom an Crusade. For more than two years Prince William alliance was to be sought against the Mamluks, of Villehardouin remained Michael’s prisoner, whose victory at ‘Ain Jalut was likely toconclude _ being unable to accede to the price the emperor

the increasingly inglorious history of the Latin fixed for his freedom, the surrender of the kingdom of Jerusalem and cause the ouster of Morea in return for a money indemnity. The

the Latin regime in Acre.* principality of Achaea was a feudal state. Its Despite Urban IV’s anxiety for the Christians usages were enshrined in the Assizes of Rostill in the Holy Land and his epistolary activity mania, to be written down something over half

on behalf of a crusade against the Greeks for a century later. The rights of the baronial

the recovery of Constantinople, he knew well that families of the Conquest were still fresh in mind.

the papacy could not commit its resources to any Shortly after William’s capture, according to such enterprise until the Hohenstaufen King _ the several versions of the Chronicle of the Morea, Manfred of Sicily and southern Italy had been he informed Michael VIII in a dramatic audidefeated. Manfred offered to assist the pope and ence: the Latin Emperor Baldwin in an attack upon My lord emperor, since you ask of me the land of Michael VIII (and even to venture on to Jeru- the Morea, it is right that I tell you the whole truth salem) in return for recognition of his right tothe and all that I shall be able to do, were I to remain a Regno. But this proposal, which appealed tothe hundred years in your prison. The Morea is a land dispossessed Baldwin, was completely unaccept- acquired by force of arms, held by right of conquest, able to the pope, who was seeking in Charles of which my father and the other good men of France Anjou a champion to dethrone Manfred rather who were his companions conquered, and they or-

than looking for an opportunity to extend dained and established among themselves, by laws Hohenstaufen influence from Italy to the and customs, that the land should pass on to their Bosporus.** Thus, although the European chan- heirs. Therefore I should be doing a great wrong if

: lapveals forapapal cru. app 2 Wheama person, seek for deliverceres received several : ance ofsingle my own bodyshould to disinherit allthe those who sade against the Greeks, as we shall note in the a6 to come up to the day of judgment. . . .

next chapter, the pope himself began seriously _

to consider effecting the union of the Churches Prince William explained that he was merely (if it could be done) with Michael VIII’s first among his peers, whose lands he could not co-operation as a first step against Manfred. alienate, but that the emperor might hold him However inconsistent in this respect, papal for ransom, “as is done in all the world where policy is easily explicable. Only time and political wars are fought,” and that he and his vassals circumstance, then, could determine whether would pay, each according to his ability. If Michael was to find an ally or an enemy in the Michael would not accept a ransom in money, pope, but it was becoming increasingly clear that “we are in your prison, do with us what you there would be no crusade against the Greeks will, for you shall never have anything else of

unless and until Charles of Anjou became the us.”°’

king of Sicily. The fall of Constantinople on 25 July, 1261, The principality of Achaea never recovered moderated the intransigence of Prince William

from the blow the Latin baronage sustained at and also inclined the triumphant Emperor Michael to compromise. Within half a year

——— William was released by guaranteeing the sur1949, pp. 50-51). Concerning the Mongol occupation of yender to Michael VIII of the great Moreote Baghdad (on 10 February, 1258) and its consequences, see fortresses of Mistra. Grand Magne. and MonemB. Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran (2nd ed., 1955), pp. 52 ff., : “SO >” : gne, 207 ff., and on the battle of ‘Ain Jalat, of., ibid., p. 57. vasia. William had built Mistra and Grand Magne ‘5Cf. Jean Richard, “Le Début des relations entre la himself; he had taken Monemvasia after a three papaute et les Mongols de Perse,” Journal asiatique, vol. years’ siege in 1248: thus the rights of the Latin 237 (1949), 291-97. Hulagu’s death in 1265 removed any

possibility of his accepting Christianity. 56 Cf. Martino da Canale, Cronique des Veniciens, chaps. 57 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, par. 314, pp. 116CLXXXIX-CXCI, 1n Archivio storico italiano, lst ser., VIII 17; Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 4256-4301;

(1845), 498, 500; Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz, pp. 418, Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, par 286, p. 64; and 422-32; Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes,

(1953), pp. 143-44, 146-47. p. 447,

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 99 barons of Achaea and the usages and customs Pope Urban IV had given Prince William all of the principality were not violated when Wil- the help he could, directing the Latin hierarchy liam surrendered for his freedom these products in Greece to support the embattled barons of of his own enterprise. William also became, Achaea against the armed perfidy of the schisaccording to a Greek source, the Emperor matic Greeks.*! Eastern affairs, even Moreote afMichael’s vassal for the principality of Achaea,*® fairs, claimed the pope’s attention to a larger ex-

as previously he had held his great fief of the tent than we can note here. Various letters and Latin emperor, but soon after William’s release bulls were issued dealing with ecclesiastical and Pope Urban IV freed him from any such obliga- other problems in the Holy Land—for the fall of tions to Michael VIII on the grounds that they Acre was still almost thirty years away. Now we

had been incurred under duress.*® find the pope adjudicating a long-standing dis-

The cession of the Moreote castles, however, pute between Archbishop Leonardo of Crete had first to be confirmed by a “parliament of and the Venetian Signoria concerning certain dames” (in 1261), representing their imprisoned rights and jurisdictions involving ecclesiastical husbands, which the Princess Anna [of Epirus], personnel, tithes, and the possession of a number the Greek wife of William of Villehardouin, had of monasteries and villages.” Again, we see him summoned to Nikli, because the Assizes of Ro- receiving, “cum ingenti gaudio et exultatione ac mania provided that “if the prince hasacastleon honorificentia condigna,” a Greek embassy from

an enemy frontier, he cannot pledge it to the Michael VIII, to whom he now accorded the enemy or destroy it without the counsel and imperial title and to whom he would be glad to consent of his liegemen” (art. 19). The lonesome-__ send his own nuncios (apocrisarit seu legati nostrt)

ness of the women prevailed over the dictates of _ to discuss the union of the Churches and to remilitary prudence, and the prince’s concessions ceive the expression of Michael’s filial devotion to to the Greek emperor were ratified, despite the the Holy See. In the meantime, however, Urban objections of Guy I of Athens. William of Ville- could only express distress at the reports which

hardouin returned to his principality about the came to him from the Morea of the “persecuend of the year 1261, and soon found himself tions, vexations, harassments, and pressures” to at war again, for two more years, with the Em- which Prince William was being subjected by peror Michael VIII. William’s forces in the Mu§chael’s forces. Indeed, these reports were deMorea directed two unsuccessful campaigns laying the dispatch of the papal legation to Con-’ against the imperial troops (who included Turk- _ stantinople. But Urban hoped for the speedy ter-

ish mercenaries), but he could hardly think of mination of these acts of hostility against the retaking the great fortresses which he had been Latin principality of Achaea as well as for the obliged to give up to the emperor. The struggle reverent and honorable reception of his envoys had been “so bitter and bloody,” according to at Michael’s court. If Michael really wanted peace

Sanudo, “that one woman was married to seven and concord, he should make his intentions husbands, one after the other, who were killed manifest and he would find the Holy See recep-

in this war... .”8 tive, for the union of Christendom was the pope’s —______ most earnest and heart-felt desire.® 58 Pachymeres, I, 31 (Bonn, I, 86—88), adds the fortress of Geraki and the region of Kinsterna to Mistra, Grand =——7——

Magne, and Monemvasia (which three places are specified St Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, II, nos. 231-32, pp. as being ceded by William in the Chronicles of the Morea 102-3, docs. dated at Orvieto on 27 April, 1263. and Sanudo’s Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., ® Guiraud, Registres d’'Urbain IV, H, no. 233, pp. 104-8,

pp. 108, 116), on which see Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec doc. dated at Orvieto on 19 April, 1263; also in A. L. de Morée, I (Paris, 1932), 16-20. The future of Nauplia Tautu, ed., Acta Urbani IV, Clementis IV, Gregorti X (1261and Argos was apparently discussed by Michael VIII and 1276), Citta del Vaticano, 1953, no. 5, pp. 7-14. William, but no action was taken concerning them, and 8 Guiraud, Registres d’ Urbain IV, II, no. 295, pp. 134-40,

they remained in Latin hands. doc. dated at Orvieto on 18 July, 1263: “. . . ut ad unitatem

5® Pachymeres, I, 31 (Bonn, I, 88, 11. 16-22); Dandolo, redeatis catholicam totis clamamus affectibus et vos ut ad Chron., in RISS, XU-1, 306, 11. 18-21 (ad ann. 1255!);| sinum matris ecclesie convertamini promptis desideriis of. Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, I], no. 131, pp. 46-47; invitamus . . .” (loc. cit., p. 136b). Cf., ibid., nos. 322-26, Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec, 1, 27-28; Longnon, L’Empire docs. relating to the projected papal legation to Constanti-

latin (1949), p. 231. nople, and ibid., no. 748, for Michael VIII’s (undated) letter

® Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., to Urban IV, which was probably written in the spring of p. 118, and see Pachymeres, HI, 15-17 (Bonn, I, 204-9); 1263 (see Loenertz, “Notes d’histoire et de chronologie Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, 1, 32-44, with refs., | byzantines,” Revue des études byzantines, XX [1962], 173, and

and vol. II (Athens, 1953), 60-62, 121, 133, 137, 337-38; cf. Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 176 ff.).

Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 231-34. The letter of Urban IV to Michael VIII, dated 18 July,

100 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Since the Greek attacks upon the Latin princi- years, tam in mart quam in terra sine omni dolo, a pality did not stop, however, Urban IV ordered non-aggression pact with Michael, although the renewed preaching of the crusade against the latter was no longer able to agree to the eviction schismatic Greeks and Michael VIII (on 13 May, of the Genoese, who had returned to Galata.® 1264), but only ten days later (on 23 May) the

pope wrote Michael that he was sending Bishop To protect himself from Latin aggression Niccolo of Cotrone and two Franciscans, Ger- Michael VIII had recourse to the customary ardo da Prato and Rainerio da Siena, on a mis-_ device of offering to discuss church union, as sion to Constantinople to undertake negotiations we have observed, which led Pope Urban IV, looking toward the union of the Churches.® In now seeking to destroy the Hohenstaufen King another decade such negotiations would achieve Manfred of Sicily and southern Italy, to abate

surprising results. his efforts against the restored Byzantine

After the Venetian defeat of the Genoese in empire. Urban aided in the establishment of an the spring of 1263 in the naval battle of “Sette uneasy peace between the emperor and the Pozzi” (the island of Spetsai, near Hydra), prince of Achaea. But he died on 2 October, Michael VIII saw the wisdom of re-establishing 1264, and Clement IV succeeded him on the peace with the Venetians and renewing their following 5 February. When the news of Clemeconomic privileges and exemptions. He was

ite r clude the Genoese from the

aay ready to Pn d ‘sed th t Nvm- For the Latin text of the treaty, see Tafel and Thomas, rancnhises he nad promise em a y ITI, 92-100: “. . . Item propter treguam istam non debent

phacum. was drafted expelli Januenses de Constantinopoli vel imperio suo [i.e. ichael A ontreaty 18 June, 1265,” and but accepted the dogebyof—imperatoris], sed erit securitas per ipsum imperium ...

° : also Dandolo, Chron., in ; -1, ; Martino da

Venice did not ratify it, and Michael had to inter venetos nostros et Janene. 1 ” ie P- 96). See ee attr his dep endence upon tne menoese im Canale, Cronique des Veniciens, chaps. CLXXXVI—VU, 253 ff., in view Of the growing menace oO ares OF AMOU. Archivio storico italiano, 1st ser., VIII (Florence, 1845), 496,

The renewal of the Graeco-Genoese alliance, 582 ff.; Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1960; Thiriet, Romanie however, later prompted the Venetians them- _ vénitienne, pp. 148-50; Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael

selves (on 30 June, 1268) to accept for five alacologus, pp. 214-16, who exaggerates the extent to

which “Venice was in the position of petitioner”; and H.

—————— Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, 1966, pp. 348-50, 356.

1263 (Guiraud, op. cit., no. 295), is also published in This treaty was renewed in 1277 (Tafel and Thomas, III, Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276) (1953), no. 6, pp. 14 ff. 133-49), in 1285 (ibid., III, 322-53), and on subsequent Michael’s undated letter to Urban (incorrectly assigned to _ occasions. Despite these treaties a Venetian maritime court the year 1264) is given in Tautu, no. 10a, pp. 38-40. (Tautu) in March, 1278, asked for indemnity from the Byzantine

provides excellent texts of a number of documents relating government for an appalling number of acts of piracy to papal claims to jurisdiction over the eastern churches, allegedly committed by Greeks against Venetian subjects in as part of the Fontes iuris canonici orientalis, ser. III, vol. V, | the eastern Mediterranean during the 1270's (cbid., III, tom. I.) Cf. in general B. Roberg, Die Union zwischen der 159-281). griechischen und der lateinischen Kirche (1964), pp. 38-43. The Genoese colony in Galata led a rather tumul“ Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, I, nos. 577-79, pp. 292— _ tuous existence (Annali genovesi, IV, 180), but was settled on

94, docs. dated at Orvieto. the Bosporus to stay. After the re-establishment of the

® Ibid., no. 848, pp. 405-8, doc. dated at Orvieto; also in Venetians in Constantinople their chief official was no longer

Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276), no. 10, pp. 31-37. called a podesta (€ovataaris), but a bailie (zratod\os); until

% Belgrano and Imperiale, Annali genovesi, IV (1926), 51- __ the fall of the city to the Turks the head of the Genoese

52; Camillo Manfroni, Storia della marina italiana ... colony bore the apparently more exalted title of podesta; (1261-1453), I (Livorno, 1902), pp. 8 ff. Manfroni representatives of other Italian states, heading the smaller has also outlined the sources and discussed the results of | communities of their countrymen in the Greek capital, were the battle in an article “Sulla Battaglia dei Sette Pozzie le | commonly known by the less important name of consuls sue conseguenze,” Rivista marittima, 1900, pp. 225-49. (€mizpozrot). On the history of the Venetian office of podesta 87 For the Greek and Latin texts of the treaty see Tafeland in Constantinople (1205-1261), see R. L. Wolff, “The Oath Thomas, Urkunden, III, 66-89, where the date is given by _ of the Venetian podesta,” Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie error as 8 June (ibid., p. 62). The date 18 June is given et d’Histoive Orientales et Slaves, X11 (1952), esp. pp. 556 ff., in the treaty (pp. 67, 78); cf Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. and on the Greek names for podesta, bailie, and consul, cf. 1934; Belgrano and Imperiale, Annali genovesi, IV, 65-66, the remarks of Nicephorus Gregoras, IV, 5, 4 (Bonn, I,

on the difficulties of the Genoese with Michael VIII in 97-98). A corrected list of the names of the Venetian 1264-1265, and ibid., pp. 107-8, on their reconciliation in _bailies is given in P. Wirth, “Zum Verzeichnis der veneziani1267, concerning which see Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael _ schen Baili von Konstantinopel,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LIV

Palaeologus, pp. 206 ff. Cf. also W. Heyd, Histoire du com- (1961), 324-28, and esp. in Chryssa A. Maltezou, The Status merce du Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I (Leipzig, 1885, [@Q¢eopés] of the Venetian Bailie in Constantinople (1268 ~1453)

repr. Amsterdam, 1967), 432, with the inaccurate date 8 [in Greek], Athens, 1970, pp. 99-127, who also sketches

June, 1265. the history and defines the functions of the office.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 10] ent’s accession reached Constantinople, pre- depopulation of the countryside, the quest for sumably sometime in April, 1265, Michael VIII plunder, and the untimely deaths of countless had the Byzantine rhetorician Manuel Holo-_ men. For years before Michael had reached the bolus p:epare a letter to be sent to the new summit of imperial power, this tragic situation pontiff. One of the envoys whom Michael in- had been causing him anguish as each side tended to make a bearer of the letter was the appealed to the same Christ for assistance against Greek Niccolo, bishop of Cotrone (Crotona), a the other. But, then, as soon as he had ascended faithful adherent of the Holy See. Holobolus’s _ the throne, he sent envoys to the late Alexander letter contains high praise of Niccolo. The other IV to try to repair this lamentable division of envoys had not yet been selected when Holo- Christendom. When Alexander died, Michael bolus composed the text of the imperial letter; had sent a similar embassy to Urban IV, aphe left blank spaces for their names, but the _ pealing to him also in the cause of ecclesiastical

blanks were never filled in, because the letter and political peace. The learned Niccold of was not sent. Pachymeres informs us that Niccolo Cotrone had served as the reverend emissary

now lost favor at Michael’s court and was between Rome and Constantinople. There

banished to Heraclea in Pontus,® which may be seemed to be high cause for rejoicing, and the reason for not sending Holobolus’s letter Michael was preparing a second embassy when since, although the few lines lauding Niccolo Urban himself died. (Holobolus was not well

could easily have been deleted, Niccolo’s unique informed concerning Michael’s relations with qualifications for the embassy could not readily the Curia Romana.) Now, however, Michael be found in some other emissary. He wasa Greek could thank God for Clement IV’s elevation to Catholic, thoroughly familiar with the tenets of S. Peter’s throne, for the new pope’s wisdom, Orthodoxy and wholly loyal to the papacy. In charity, and moderation were well known. any event the letter which Michael actually sent Michael urged Clement to work with all his Clement IV appears no longer to be extant, al- might for the union of the Churches and to rethough its contents can be inferred from the _ establish the sense of brotherhood between the pope’s reply to it (dated 4 March, 1267).7° Greeks and Latins, recalling all that the saints Since the imperial letter to which Clement IV and martyrs and doctors had done for the thus replied was partly based upon Holobolus’s Church in their opposition to heresy in the long draft, perhaps some indication of the contents of and arduous past. Michael urged that a general this draft is in order: Michael VIII reminds the council be summoned to remove all rancor and pope of the time when a glorious peace shone misunderstanding in order to help restore the like the stars between the Greeks and Latins, but needed union of Christendom. He promised his (alas!) the adverse winds of the evil spirit had full co-operation in a joint quest for that peace dissipated that harmony. Now the relations of and justice which Michael wished to prevail in his Greeks and Latins had become a grim tale of empire. Clement would thus win both the gratialmost daily hostilities, the ruination of cities, the tude of heaven and the applause of mankind if his efforts succeeded. Michael himself, like a

———___—_ loving son, would approve and keep inviolate * Pachymeres, V, 8 (Bonn, I, 360), and see Loenertz, whatever was done in the sacred tradition of

AX SG, Te One ay hace Chistian éZnSanneoyzantines, ’ —@4, n orthodoxy.” e ear ire oO . . ’

Cardinal Guido Fulcodi [Guy de F oulques], up to the time of Desp ite th © glowing tone of Holobolus’s draft, his election as Pope Clement IV, see Joseph Heidemann, which IS quite in keeping with other communicaPapst Clemens IV: Eine Monographie, I: Das Vorleben des thons of Michael VIII to the Holy See, Michael

Papstes . . . , Minster i. W., 1903. apparently did not take the initiative in resuming Cf. Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz, pp. 435, 449. On

Niccolo of Cotrone (in the toe of the Italian boot, just 9 —— northeast of Catanzaro), see Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., 71 Holobolus’s draft is published from Cod. Vindobonensis I (1906), 255-59; A. Dondaine, “Nicolas de Cotrone et les graecus 321, fols. 141v—43v, by N. Festa, “Lettera inedita

sources du Contra errores Graecorum de Saint Thomas,” dell’ Imperatore Michele VIII Paleologo al Pontefice CleDivus Thomas, XXVIII (1950), 313-40; and Paolo Sambin, mente IV,” Bessarione, ann. IV, vol. 6 (Rome, 1899-1900), Il Vescovo Cotronense Niccolo da Durazzo e un inventario di suoi 42~—57, with the wrong date “tra il gennaio e il febbraio codici latini e greci (Note e discussioni erudite a cura di 1267,” and see also “Ancora la lettera di Michele Paleologo

Augusto Campana, 3), Rome, 1954 (cited by Loenertz); and. . . ,” ibid., pp. 529-32. Cf. above, Chapter 4, note 40. K. M. Setton, “The Byzantine Background to the Italian Festa, p. 532, notes Holobolus’s apparent errors in describing Renaissance,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Michael VIII's negotiations with Alexander IV and Urban

vol. 100 (1956), p. 36, with references. IV.

102 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT unionist negotiations after Urban IV’s death. either orally or in writing. Now, however,

Rather it appears to have been Clement IV who Clement incorporated in his letter of 4 March did so. During the second year of Clement’s a rather detailed profession of faith, demanding pontificate there were papal apocrisiaru in Con- its acceptance by Michael and the Greek clergy stantinople, who had already returned to the and people. This profession, which by and large Curia by 4 March, 1267, when the pope wrote provided the bases for the so-called union of in answer to the letter he had recently received Lyon (in 1274), included recognition of the Holy

from Michael.” Spirit as verus . . . Deus ex patre et filio proceIn this letter Clement expressed cautious dens; a pointed allusion to the sacramentum

pleasure that Michael seemed ready to help end eucharistiae ex azymo [confectum]; as well as an the Greek schism from Rome, but showed no uncompromising insistence upon the primacy of

tendency to accept theological or other com- the Roman Church and the papal potestatis promises which could assist in the process. He plenitudo with its right of doctrinal definition and also rejected the proposal Michael had made that appellate jurisdiction.”

a general council be convoked on Greek soil to This letter was not easy for Michael VIII to deal with the problem of church union, but answer. Events had been moving swiftly in Italy. urged Michael to effect the union, after which On 26 February, 1266, the Hohenstaufen were Clement would be happy to consider a council defeated, and Manfred was killed, at Benevento.

which might adjust various differences existing Charles of Anjou, the dauntless brother of between the Latins and Greeks. Observing that Louis IX, became king of Sicily, and with the Michael had taken no step for almost three years throne he soon acquired the Norman-Hohento advance the ecclesiastical union which he staufen designs upon the capital city on the advocated, Clement wrote that “. . . iamelapso Bosporus.”* The Byzantine historians George fere triennio non curasti, nec per nostros apocri- Pachymeres and Nicephorus Gregoras (as well as sarios . . . novissime ad te missos, qui apud te _ their western contemporaries) have a good deal moram diutius contraxerunt, nobis misisti ali- to say of Charles of Anjou. Greek fear of the man

quid verbo vel scripto. . . ,”* making quite and of his projects still rings in their lines.

clear that Clement had himself recently (novis- On the other hand fear of Michael VIII was stme) sent nuncios to Constantinople, who had_ great in the Morea, and Prince William welremained there for some time (in 1266),and that comed the advent of a powerful French Michael had made no reply to their overtures, monarchy in southern Italy, a few days from his

own domains, and he naturally gravitated

2 Clement IV’s letter of 4 March, 1267, is given in Luke toward it and sought its protection. Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV (3rd ed., Quaracchi, 1931), According to Pachymeres, as Charles’s plans

30" Magnitudinis 1276 7 [recepimus|," attack andnc.aiSO 1Nn261 Lautu, Acid... - for ,» anno. , :upon - . .Constantinople seemed to be

69, but little more than the archival identification (Reg. vat, Progressing, Michael became alarmed and 32, fols. 199 ff.) appears in Edouard Jordan, ed., Les addressed frequent appeals to Clement, someRegistres de Clement IV (1265-1268), 1 vol. in 6 fascs., Paris,

1894-1945, no. 585, p. 199. On the same date Clement also ~~

addressed a brief letter to the Greek Patriarch Arsenius “ Wadding, Ann. Min., IV, 305-6; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., (Wadding, IV, 308, and Tautu, Acta, no. 24, pp. 69-70; ad ann. 1267, nos. 75-78, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 215-16. Jordan, Registres de Clément IV, no. 586, p. 199). Arsenius 5 The literature on Charles of Anjou is of course too had also expressed a desire “ad ecclesiarum, latinae videlicet extensive for even partial citation here, but cf. Emile G. et graecae, desiderabilem unionem,” prompted of course by Léonard, Les Angevins de Naples, Paris, 1954, pp. 42 ff., 103

Michael VIII. ff., and see in general the excellent study of E. Jordan, Les

73 Wadding, Ann. Min., IV, 304. Geanakoplos, Emperor Origines de la domination angevine en Italie, Paris, 1909, repr. Michael Palaeologus, pp. 200-1 and note 37, cites this passage, New York, 1960, noting esp. pp. 405-19.

omitting the all-important word nec, and mistakenly con- The documents relating to the Angevin conquest of south-

cludes that “Michael opened negotiations.” He has been ern Italy and the first half dozen years of Charles I’s misled by Norden, Papsttum und Byzanz, pp. 448-49. I follow reign were collected by Giuseppe del Giudice, ed., Codice the reconstruction of events in Loenertz, “Notes,” Revue des diplomatico del regno di Carlo I. e I. d’Angio ossia collezione études byzantines, XX (1962), 175-76. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., di leggi, statuti e privilegi . . . dal 1265 al 1309, 2 vols. in 3, ad ann. 1267, nos. 72—79, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 214-17, Naples, 1863-1902. Del Giudice could never fulfill the ambi-

gives an abridged version of Clement’s letter of 4 March, tion of his title; his documents only come down into the 1267, but omits the passage cited above, the importance 1270's, and contain very little about eastern affairs. The of which had obviously escaped him. On the further signifi- major collection of Angevin documents for this period is cance of this letter, see F. Vernet, “Le I1® Concile oecumén- now of course that of Riccardo Filangieri and the Neapolitan ique de Lyon,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, IX, pt. 1 archivists, J Registri della cancelleria angioina, 20 vols., Naples,

(Paris, 1926), col. 1382, and note Roberg, Union, pp. 58 ff. 1950-66, covering the years from 1265 to 1279.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 103 times through Italian friars, who could travel but you should shun them as schismatics if you safely through Charles’s newly acquired king- cannot coerce them.”

dom. He urged the pope to dissuade Charles ys , from his projected invasion of the Byzantine. The rast was Ne Clement tok mind at ins empire and not to allow Christians to make me. At the papal court in Viterbo on 24 May,

war on Christians. He affirmed “that they were 1267, after prolonged discussions, the harassed also Romans whom the Latins call Greeks” Prince William of Achaea surrendered the prin(civar yap Kat ‘Papaious, os abrot Tpakous cipality to Charles of Anjou with the full agreeévocclovor): they were subjects of the same ™ent of the titular Latin Emperor Baldwin II. In Christ and members of the same Church as ‘¢ preamble to the treaty, to which both William the Italians. The Greeks also recognized the and Baldwin affixed their seals, William stated pope (Michael said) as their spiritual father and that his person and principality had been exaccounted him “the very first among the bishops” posed to grave perils by the attacks of the “schis(apxtepéwv av 6 mpaTiaTos). Michael promised ™@Uc Michael Palaeologus, who causes himself to

that he would work to gather all Christ’s flock be called emperor,” and that the Villehardouin into a single fold. At the same time, Pachymeres lands in the Morea had been “in large part indicates, he took the mundane precaution of 0ccupied.” He claimed that he had sought aid of sending gold to the cardinals.”* Michael was a ‘411005 European princes and magnates, but all realist, and always employed gold as his trump ' Ya! until “finally we have had recourse to

card in the diplomatic game. you, most serene prince, lord Charles, illustrious

When the sword of Islam fell heavily on the king of Sicily.” William had taken into account Armenians (in Cilicia) and Michael VIII ex- the marvelous deeds of your ancestors and the pressed compassion for their plight in another PrOVeD worth of your most Christian lineage:

letter to Clement IV, the latter replied on 17 | We mark the valor of your person and are May, 1267, mildly commending Michael's as- keenly aware that because of the special boon serted affection for his fellow Christians in the ©! nergy and enterprise bestowed upon you by East. Clement said that he would be less sparing C04, as well as the power and proximity of your

in his praise if Michael were only giving some ‘igdom, you have the quicker means not only effect to his alleged affection (si affectui respond- ‘© 2SSISt Us and our said land but to meet also the

eret effectus). Louis IX was going on a crusade perils of the Holy Land by the recovery of our with three sons, the pope wrote, and if the ‘territory and the defense of the orthodox [Latin]

French attacked the Moslems on one side and faith. . . -

Michael were willing to attack them on the other, William professed to be as concerned for the

the enemies of the faith could soon expect C°™mon weal of Christendom and the Holy the end of their pestiferous sect. What Michael and as for the protection of his own interests, had written can be assumed from what Clement 24 continuing his direct address to Charles in

then on to say: . . ™goes Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,—— ad ann. 1267, nos. 66-67, vol. But if you say that you fear a Latin attack if you xxII (1870), pp. 211-12; Jordan, Registres de Clément IV, no. should leave your land stripped and almost unarmed 1201, p. 404, brief reference; Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-

by taking your army with you [on the crusade], the 1276), no. 25, pp. 71-72. Cf. Geanakoplos, Emperor answer is not far to seek, for it is in your power to Michael Palaeologus, pp. 204—5, who mistranslates Clement remove this fear by the roots—if you return to the IV's significant observation to the Byzantine emperor “quod unity of the Roman Church, assent toits salutarycoun- ™ in praelatos et clerum longe matorem quam deceat obtines sels, and are prepared humbly to obey the mandates potestatem” (Raynaldus, p. 212). King Louis’s dedication to

the Church will make known What vou have the Crusade is too well known to require further comment

‘t id co 1 h 1 bl here, and certainly the Curia Romana did all it could to

ast b, “fastened € the [Greek] pre a a ame assist him by grants of indulgences, tithes, and the like e€ fastened on the LUreek] prelates and clergy, (Jordan, Registres, nos. 463-67, 508, 595, 841, 843, 1320,

not on you or your people, if the obedience owing 1374, etc., andcf. nos. 812-14, 825-26, 838, 1117, 1211-12, to us is not forthcoming from them since it may be _ etc.). On the preaching of the crusade in France from 1264 held as more certain than certainty itself [certo certius] to 1270, see M. H. Laurent, Le Bienheureux Innocent V

that you exercise a far greater power over the prel- - - - (Studi e testi, no. 129), Citta del Vaticano, 1947,

ates and clergy than is proper! You should place no EP: 1961, pp. 86-97, who very rightly observes of Clement trust in their error, contrary to God and all justice IV that “ce pape languedocien, devenu si francais, s’ interessa

, > plus vivement aux événements d’Italie qu’ a ceux de Pales-

tine” (op. cit., p. 91), making Charles of Anjou’s “crusade” oe against the Hohenstaufen take the place of assistance to 76 Pachymeres, V, 8 (Bonn, I, 359-60). the threatened Latin states in the Holy Land.

104 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the preamble, he acknowledged that it was “ob- amble to the treaty that he was looking to the viously more advantageous for us to recover our needs of Christendom and the Holy Land as said land through your efforts, with the help of well as to his own interests, actually of course

God, and to hold it in the manner set forth he had been forced to yield to the relentless below than to lose it irretrievably on our ambition of Charles of Anjou, whose eyes beown. . . .” The Emperor Baldwin was agreed held in the East the rising sun of an imperial that all our aforesaid land shall devolve upon you and future for himself and his family. your heirs or successors in this way—namely that one In Clement I'V’s rooms at Viterbo on 27 May,

of your sons, whom the most holy father and lord 1267, another treaty was negotiated between Clement, by divine providence supreme pontiff of the Charles of Anjou and the Latin Emperor BaldHoly Roman and Universal Church, shall choose and win against “Michael Palialogus schismaticus im-

designate, shall take to wife our daughter Isabelle, peratoris sibi nomen usurpans.” Charles lawhom we have begotten of our wife Agnes, daughter mented the detachment of the Latin empire of the Despot Michael, and after we have returned to by schismatics from the body of the Sacrosanct our own land, we shall send Isabelle to you, toremain | Roman Church, and promised that within six (or with your consort Beatrice, illustrious queen of Sicily, ..y en) years he or his heirs would provide until the consummation of this marriage. We, how- Baldwin or the latter’s heirs with 2.000 men-atour territory and all our rights, and we are to have arms (equites armati) to serve overseas for an throughout our land all the jurisdiction and authority €nlre year in the noble task of recovering the

ever, are to hold throughout our entire lifetime all ; ,

which we have at present, but with this exception, €Mpire for its rightful lords of the family of

that we cannot make enfeoffments which will remain Courtenay. This undertaking was made in the in effect after our death, beyond 14,000 hyperperi of presence, the treaty states, and with the full

land... . approval of Pope Clement IV. Baldwin on the Failing the birth of a son to Isabelle and her other hand Surrendered to varies es have

Angevin husband (she was to marry Charles of ae W raatrte ot the of ts ne wae the Anjou’s son Philip, and they were to have no hou: the & Anion ity 0 he © e th so that t les

children), the Villehardouin principality was to domini nf he chy rae Kish t CP the pass irrevocably to the Angevins, for even if Levan "B ; dy ole leo 1S et Cha ‘ in the

William should have a son (his expected child evant. Baldwin was also to grant Charies turned out to be a second daughter), the latter aj] the land which the Despot Michael [of Epirus] was to receive only one fifth of his father’s by way of dowry or otherwise gave, transmitted, and lands as a fief under Angevin suzerainty. William granted his daughter Helena, widow of the late Manwas to secure compliance with the terms of the fred, onetime prince of Taranto, and which the same

treaty from the Moreote barons and burgesses, Manfred and the late Philippe Chinard, . . . the

and direct that after his death the castellans admiral... , held while they lived, and all the and sergeants of the castles and other strong- oan pevonst ae 1° the sare [Latin] iy Mya _

. . . amos, Cos, and Chios,

holds should surrender their charges to Angevin Sane of Abydos! except tour, namely Myulene,

appointees. In return for this extraordinary

cession Charles of Anjou was to help William which Baldwin was to reserve for himself and recover his lost possessions in the Morea, al- his imperial successors. Charles was to receive though the extent of Charles’s military commit- one-third of all the imperial lands which his ment is not specified in this connection. The troops might rewin; the other two-thirds, of treaty of 24 May was ratified at a consistory course, as well as Constantinople and the four held in the papal chamber at Viterbo in the islands specified, were to be returned to Baldwin; presence of the pope himself, fourteen cardinals, but even here Charles might choose as his third

two archbishops, and various dignitaries and of- whatever lands he wanted, including (if he ficials of both the Apostolic and Angevin should so wish) parts of the despotate of Epirus courts.”* Although William had stated in the pre- or of the kingdoms of Albania and Serbia. 78 Jean Longnon, “Le Traité de Viterbe entre Charles §————— Ier d’Anjou et Guillaume de Villehardouin, prince de important treaty of 24 May, 1267, which was unknown Morée ... ,” in Studi in onore di Riccardo Filangieri, 1 until 1942 and remained unpublished until 1959. Cf. also (Naples, 1959), 309-14, and Charles Perrat and Jean Longnon, “Le Rattachement de la principauté de Morée Longnon, eds., Actes relatifs a la principauté de Morée (1289-— au royaume de Sicile,” Journal des Savants, 1942, pp. 136-

1300), Paris, 1967, pp. 9-10, 207-11, give the text of the 37, and L’Empire latin de Constantinople (1949), pp. 236-37.

CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE ANGEVINS 105 Charles as active agent in the treaty further the patron and protector of the Latin empire of

stipulated that Constantinople, Clement was undoubtedly

. . . if perchance the two persons with whom you pleased with the prospect of seeing Angevin [Baldwin and his heirs] have agreements with respect 2!™s transferred from the Italian countryside to

to the kingdom of Thessalonica should fail in their the shores of the Bosporus.

obligation under the same agreements, you are will- Prince William of Villehardouin rode at his ing and consent that the kingdom of Thessalonica suzerain’s side in the famous battle fought itself, the entire dominion, and all rights whatsoever near Tagliacozzo on 23 August, 1268, with which you hold in the same kingdom of Thessalonica’ four hundred of those Moreote knights whom

. . . we and our heirs . . . may count in our afore- Louis IX had admired in Egypt twenty years said third and hold in full sovereignty [plenissime] if before. In this battle Charles of Anjou defeated

we should so wish. the sixteen-year-old Conradin, last of the legitiRepetitive articles in the treaty of 27 May em- Mate Hohenstaufen, and Conradin’s youthful phasized that everything which the house of companion Frederick of Baden, who after a brief Anjou acquired by this convention was tobe held = 14mprisonment in the Castel dell’Uovo were tried in full sovereignty, in capite et tanquam principales and executed in the public square in Naples (on

domini, free of all service and obligation of any 29 October, 1268), so that Charles could sit kind to the Latin emperor. In fact, if Baldwin securely on the Sicilian throne. Pope Clement IV and his son Philip of Courtenay, who was to died a month later (on 29 November), and durmarry Charles’s daughter Beatrice when she was ng a papal interregnum of almost three years old enough, should both die without heirs, the Charles was free to reorganize his new kingdom

entire Latin empire with all its honors and ap- and to further his ambitions in Italy. purtenances was to devolve upon the grasping Wiliam of Villehardouin had been a faithful Charles and the heirs of Anjou. No part of this _Vassal, and Charles of Anjou sent him substantial

treaty was intended to cause prejudice “to the assistance in the Morea. The principality of ancient right which the Venetians are said to Achaea had passed, however, for the duration possess in the aforesaid territory of the empire.” Of its checkered history into the orbit of NeaFinally, the high contracting parties both agreed _politan politics, warfare, and intrigue, and most

to Clement IV’s validation of the treaty, which Of those who served the Angevins in Greece had been ratified article by article in his presence Were ill rewarded for their efforts. ‘The victory

in the long hall at Viterbo which in May looks at Tagliacozzo had brought Charles of Anjou from a height upona green and smiling country-_ to the fore as the Byzantine Emperor Michael side.”? Quite apart from the role which events VIII’s chief antagonist, with important consehad bestowed upon the pope in making him quences for both East and West.” In the struggle that ensued the popes played a conspicuous part,

7 Chas. Du Cange, Histoire de V'empire de Constantinople especially Gregory X, who was to hold Charles in sous les empereurs francais, ed. J. A. C. Buchon, 2 vols., Paris, check, and Martin IV, who proved to be a fierce 1826, I: Recueil de chartes, no. 23, pp. 455-63; Buchon, partisan of Angevin interests. Recherches et matériaux, pt. I (Paris, 1840), 29-37; del Giudice, Codice diplomatico, 11, 30-44, with notes; L. de —————— Thalléczy, Const. Jiretek, and E. de Sufflay, Acta et diplomata 8° Clement IV in a letter of 27—28 March, 1268, makes res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, 2 vols., Vienna, 1913-18, clear his high opinion of the services which William of I, no. 253, p. 732, with refs. to earlier publications of the _Villehardouin, princeps Achaye, can render Charles of Anjou treaty; Filangieri, Registri della cancelleria angioina, 1 (1950), in the coming contest with Conradin (Jordan, Registres de 94-96, text severely abridged; Sanudo, Regno di Romania, Clément IV, no. 1336, p. 427).

ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., p. 115, and Sanudo’s so-called 8! Much attention has been given in recent years to the Fragmentum, ibid., p. 173; W. Heyd, Hist. du commerce du contest of Charles of Anjou and Michael VIII, for which see

Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I, 433-34; Zakythinos, Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 189 ff., 216 Despotat grec de Morée, 1 (1932), 44-45; Longnon, L’Empire _ ff., etc., and Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers, Camlatin, p. 237; Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. bridge University Press, 1958, pp. 136 ff., 157 ff., 174 ff.,

197-200. Beatrice of Anjou and Philip of Courtenay 186-234. Note also the succinct account of the background were not married until 15 October, 1273, some six years of events leading to the Sicilian Vespers in Erwin Dade, after the treaty of Viterbo. Baldwin II appears tohave dieda Versuche zur Wiedererrichtung der lateinischen Herrschaft in few days later, and Philip assumed the Latin imperial Konstantinopel im Rahmen der abendlandischen Politik (1261 bis

title (Longnon, op. cit., pp. 242-43). etwa 1310), Jena, 1938, pp. 55 ff.

6. THE PAPAL INTERREGNUM, GREGORY X, AND THE SECOND COUNCIL OF LYON (1268-1274) Wii the death of Pope Clement IV on 29 1 September, 1271), and factional strife in the

November, 1268, Charles of Anjou was Sacred College as well as the cardinals’ diffirelieved of the embarrassing restraint which culties with the municipal authorities at Viterbo the pope’s interest in church union had imposed made the conduct of business difficult. Charles upon his plans for an expedition against Byzan-_ of Anjou also interfered all he could, and Byzan-

tium. But Louis IX’s projected crusade still tine envoys had difficulty even reaching the

made it necessary for Charles to postpone his Curia. Under these circumstances Michael VIII

ambition, in furtherance of which he had made_ undertook to negotiate the union of the alliances with the rulers of Hungary, Serbia,and Churches with Louis IX, without whose perBulgaria. The years 1269-1270 were marked mission Charles could hardly hope to launch by extensive diplomatic activity. According to his attack upon Byzantium. the Annali genovesi, “in this year [1269] there It was apparently in the summer of 1269 came to the city lof Genoa] legates of the soldan that a Byzantine embassy arrived in France, of Babylon as well as envoys of the Tatars and to which Louis IX replied by a contre-ambassade

of the Greek emperor to confer with the at the end of the year. Neither able nor willing

supreme pontiff and with the kings of France to settle the ecclesiastical issues involved, Louis and Sicily. They stayed in this city for many referred Michael to the Sacred College. A letter

days and thereafter left for the places (it is of the College, dated 15 May, 1270, to Raoul assumed) to which they had been sent. Whatthey Grosparmy, cardinal bishop of Albano and accomplished and what they proposed, were legate of the Apostolic See in France, states

not generally known.”! that Louis IX had recently informed the carThe soldan of Babylon was of course Baibars, dinals “that the magnificent Palaeologus, illusthe Mamluk ruler of Egypt (1260-1277), whose trious emperor of the Greeks, has explained troops had ravaged the areas around Acre and to the king by envoys and letters that he him-

Tyre in the spring of 1269. Late in the year self as well as the clergy and people subject Baibars had marched north to drive the Mongols _ to his rule, desiring to return to the obedience

(or Tatars) from Syria, where he spent the of the Roman Church and themselves to be

winter of 1269-1270. Baibars then returned united in profession of the same faith, had sent to Egypt to prepare for Louis IX’s expected various envoys and letters to this effect to the crusade; since the Genoese were to provide Apostolic See, of which some (detained along most of the ships to transport the French army, _ the way) did not reach their destination. Despite

it is not surprising that “legates of the soldan their frequent and humble demands for adof Babylon” should have appeared in Genoa. mission [to union], no satisfaction had so far The Mongol il-khan of Persia, now Hulagu’s been accorded their desires. . . .” Now the successor Abagha (1265-1282), had married a Greek emperor by repeating his embassies was

natural daughter of the Emperor Michael insisting that Louis IX assume the role of

VIII Palaeologus. A Latin letter of Abagha arbiter, and “was promising that he would obto the pope, dated in 1268, is still extant.? But serve fully and inviolably whatever pronouncewhatever the Mamluk, Tatar, or Greek envoys ment the king might make in this matter.” If

might have wished to propose or hoped to Louis declined to act, said Michael, let him accomplish, their time would not be well spent explain his refusal when he stood before the at the Curia Romana, for following Clement Supreme Judge at the last judgment. NeverIV’s death the apostolic throne was vacant theless, Louis did not want to usurp the funcfor three years (from 30 November, 1268, to tions of the Holy See, according to the cardinals’

—___— letter, and had directed Michael to address his 1. T. Belgrano and C. Imperiale, eds., Annali genovesi _ plea to the Sacred College, which now expressed di Caffaro e de’ suot continuatort, IV (1926), 115. Louis IX approval of the royal prudence and humility.* had taken the cross at Paris on 24 March, 1267.

2 Cf. Gino Borghezio, “Un Episodio delle relazioni tra la =©=——-—————

Santa Sede e i Mongoli (1274),” Roma: Rivista di studi e 3 The letter of the Sacred College to Raoul Grosparmy,

di vita romana, XIV (1936), 363-64. cardinal bishop of Albano, “datum Viterbii idibus Maii, 106

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 107 The letter to the cardinal of Albano men- IV) was incorporated in the cardinals’ letter, tions the efforts at church union which were and they stated that the union of the Churches made in Urban IV’s time and rehearses at could be effected only if in a general synod of length those of Clement IV’s reign when specific Greeks the emperor, patriarch, archbishops, requirements were drawn up for the reception bishops, archimandrites, abbots, and other of the Greeks into the Roman Church. The prelates as well as the rest of the clergy and writers of the letter did not intend so much to people publicly swore to the acceptance of the

inform Albano of past proceedings as to put prescribed profession of faith and of the Clement’s requirements once more into the primacy of the Roman Church. Public instrurecord, especially the verae catholicae fidei pro- ments were to be prepared of these proceedings,

fessio, to which the Byzantine emperor, clergy, some of which (duly sealed) were to be sent and people must subscribe si vellent iuxta etus to the Holy See for preservation in the archives.* desiderium redire ad ipsius Ecclesiae unitatem. On the same day (15 May, 1270) the cardinals Thereafter the Holy See might decide upon a_ wrote to Louis IX in almost the same words place where a council could be convoked (as as to Albano, but added a statement of their Michael VIII had wanted) “for strengthening fervent desire for ecclesiastical union and a the bond of love forever between the Latins word of caution against Greek hair-splitting and Greeks.” The necessary declaration of faith and tergiversation.°

(as prepared for the purpose under Clement Louis IX’s crusade faltered and failed on the burning sands around ancient Carthage

A.D. MCCLXX, Apostolica Sede vacante,” may be found uring the summer of 1270. His brother Charles in Luke Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV (3rd ed., Quaracchi, Of Anjou negotiated with the king of Tunisia 1931), 338-41; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1270, nos. a rather favorable peace (favorable to himself

autu, eda., Ac roant ’ ements » Gregorit - ‘ ° 6

3 vol. XXaT (Bar-le-Duc, 1870), Pp 203s x 261. at least), and was prepared to resume his plans 1276), Citta del Vaticano, 1953, no. 29, pp. 78-84, where 1F an attack upon the Byzantine empire. it is incorrectly dated 13 May (in March, May, July, and But his fleet was destroyed off the western October the ides fall on the fifteenth of the month). On coast of Sicily (on 22 November), and further the Graeco-French embassies, cf. Franz Dolger, Regesten misfortune met him in the election of the new

d. Kaiserurkunden d. ostrém. Reiches, pt. 3 (1932), nos. 1967— :

68, 1971; Louis Bréhier, “Une Ambassade byzantine au P Ope alter ue ong inter ned the Both Charles camp de Saint-Louis devant Tunis (aoit 1270),” Mélanges an e cardinals had found the interregnum offerts a M. Nicolas Iorga . . . , Paris, 1933, pp. 139-46; profitable. On 1 September, 1271, however, D. J. Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the since factional strife in the famous “conclave West, Cambridge, Mass.» soos a bs and 5 Rorers, Viterbo” had made the choice.of. a° pope we Union zwischen derPP.griecniscnen unofer tateinischen Kirche °_

auf dem II. Konzil von Lyon (1274), Bonn, 1964, pp. 65 ff. impossible, an electoral committee of S ix Car Cardinal Bishop Raoul of Albano had been given the dinals had chosen Tedaldo Visconti of Piacenza, cross by Clement IV and sent to France, where he now the unordained archdeacon of Liege, who took served as Apostolicae Sedis legatus for the crusade (. . . ob the name Gregory X. For some years the Sacred felicem promotionem ipsius negotit [Terrae Sanctae)), and was to College had been divided into an An gevin

follow Louis IX Tunis, where died (Raynaldus, hich (pre d 1ad ann. 1269, nos. 7-8, vol.to XXII, pp. 240-41, and adhe party, which wanted an uitramontane

f

ann. 1270, no. 10, vol. XXII, p. 247). Michael VIII sent §————— a second embassy to Louis which found him dying before — * Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276), no. 29, pp. 79-84. Carthage (Geo. Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, V, 9, 5 Ibid., no. 29a, pp. 84-85, which Tautu also misdates Bonn, I, 361-64, and cf. the “Primate,” a monk of Saint- 13 May. Cf. Chas. J. Hefele, Histoire des conciles, trans. H. Denis, in M. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de Leclercq, VI-1 (Paris, 1914), 158-59; M. Roncaglia, Les la France, XXIII, 73, on whom see Bréhier, “Une Ambas- Freres Mineurs et Véglise grecque orthodoxe au ; XIUT® siecle

sade byzantine,” pp. 143 ff.). This embassy was headed, (1231-1274), Cairo, 1954, pp. 141-42; and Dolger, Reges-

according to Pachymeres, by John Beccus, then chartophylax ten, pt. 3, no. 1971, p. 56. a of Hagia Sophia (and later patriarch), and Constantine _ *The years have done little to diminish the value of

Meliteniotes, “archdeacon of the imperial clergy”: its Richard Sternfeld, Ludwigs des Hetligen Kreuzzug nach purpose was to persuade Louis to make his brother Tunis, 1270, und die Politik Karls I. von Sizilen, Berlin, Charles desist from his designs upon Byzantium. Having 1896. On the ill-fated French expedition to ‘Tunis and once been John Beccus’s secretary, Pachymeres was well Charles of Anjou’s position thereafter, note the observainformed. On the office of chartophylax and Beccus’s mission _ tions of the contemporary chronicler Saba Malaspina, Rerum

to Carthage, cf. also Bréhier, “Jean XI Beccos,” Diction- stcularum historia, V, 1—2, 4-6, in Muratori, RISS, Vill naire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, VII (Paris, (Milan, 1726), cols. 859-64, and on Saba’s history, see 1934), cols. 335, 356. Raoul Grosparmy, incidentally, was Sternfeld’s critique in the Mitteilungen des Instituts fur

France under Louis IX. 45-53.

of Norman origin, bishop of Evreux and chancellor of Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, XXXI (Innsbruck, 1910),

108 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT erably a French) pope, and an imperial party, Tyre, Tripoli, or Antioch. Who could blame

which wanted to see an Italian pope and the them? Of course, all that was required to imperial vacancy filled with a proper candidate. preach a crusade was strong lungs and the Like Urban IV and Clement IV, Gregory was _ gift of eloquence, but it took a mountain of elected by compromise, but this time obviously money and untiring effort to recruit men,

the Angevin party had lost out. find lodgings for them, transport them east-

Tedaldo Visconti had been an ardent advocate ward, and lead them into battle with any hope of the Crusade, which provided the only issue of success. The crusaders had to leave their on which the cardinals could reach an undivided families behind and face the alarming perils opinion. Indeed, at the time of his election he of the sea. No sooner had they fought their was at S. Jean d’Acre in the Holy Land. A battles in the East to protect the holy places crusade, designed to check the fall of Latin and build securer lives for their orientalized fortunes in biblical lands, would be an im- cousins than the latter were eager to see them

pediment to an Angevin expedition against on their way back to Europe, to the estates Byzantium. But Gregory, while attached to the they had sometimes mortgaged to the hilt to

memory of Louis IX, cared little for the am- pay the Genoese or the Venetians for their

bitions of his brother Charles. On 10 February, passage to the Levant. The eastern Christians 1272, the new pope reached Viterbo, where were right. There was no place in Syria and apparently he was ordained and consecrated. Palestine for their western cousins, who usually ne was enthroned and crowned hy - eter Ss wanted to return home and wondered in retro-

n k poe on 2 he » and’ s FIP, Totes ter spect what they had achieved anyway by all er possession e possesso) oO “had nora the expense, discomfort, and danger. Finally,

oe reign oO pe rane a fe and the interplay of powerful forces in the Levant

; Nie times bot fre a pope of strength anc in the 1270’s would complicate enormously the The Church ree Fran Page sot the wus vast problems inevitably involved in launching le ature was Ananclaly Crippled, tie ques- a crusade of sufficient magnitude to recover

; ae the Holy Land.

tion of the imperial election still unanswered, |, 8

the future of Latin :survival the Holy Land At the in beginning of the. century Innocent

very ;doubtful, and the the Churches ; .; of III had tried to reunion resumeof papal leadership

still. ;unlikely of achievement. The poets, . ; the the Crusade. But, now, while Baibars, trouveres and troubadors alike, encouraged Mamluk “soldan” of Eevot, destroyed Caesarea prelates to pay the crusading tithes and feudal d Arsuf in 1265 ‘IP k Saf: re 1966, th lords to take the cross. Almost two centuries #70 TSUE ID hin ooK 0a de vain t Nan had passed, however, since Urban II had Fred ( nd | Phe nee veneration’ woul d do inspired the French to go a-venturing into Syria ree Xa : Pe d “TT o f a on). In 1268 the

and Palestine, and Gregory X lived in a gen- °° against fear ° BON):

eration which had little interest in helping —H

eastern Christians, who would in any event 8 On conditions in the Levant at the time of Gregory rather live at parlous peace with the Mamluks %’s election to the papacy (the relations and rivalries of thankeprovoke th t ttack nA the restored Byzantine empire, Mamluk Egypt, Mongol them to an attack Upo Cre, Persia, and the Mongol khanate of Kipchak or the Golden

—— Horde, with its seat at Serai on the Volga, whose power

7On the background of Gregory X’s election and his extended throughout southern Russia and was constantly arrival in Italy, see the monograph of Ludovico Gatto, Ji felt on the Danube), see Vitalien Laurent, “La Croisade Pontificato di Gregorio X (1271-1276), Rome, 1959, et la question d’Orient sous le pontificat de Grégoire X chap. I and pp. 48-61 (Istituto storico italiano per il (1271-1276),” Revue historique du sud-est européen, XXII medio evo, Studi storici, fascs. 28-30). Cf. J. D. Mansi, (1945), esp. pp. 105-18; Denis Sinor, “Les Relations entre Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (cited as les Mongols et l'Europe . . . ,” Cahiers d'histoire mondiale,

Concilia), XXIV (Venice, 1780, repr. Paris and Leipzig: III (1956), 49-54. The major works on the Mongols in Welter, 1903), cols. 21 ff. In early November, 1271, Persia and Russia are Bertold Spuler, Die Mongeolen in before he left the Holy Land, Gregory delivered a sermon = _[ran: Politik, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit, 1220-

in the church of Sainte-Croix in Acre on the text (from 1350, Leipzig, 1939, 2nd ed. Berlin, 1955, and Die Goldene the Psalms, 137: 6): “Let my tongue cleave to the roof of Horde: Die Mongolen in Russland, 1223-1502, Leipzig, 1943,

my mouth, if I remember thee not, Jerusalem” (Charles 2nd ed. 1965 (the first scholarly book on the Mongols Kohler, “Deux Projets de croisade en Terre-Sainte [XIII°- in Russia since Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall’s Gesch. d. XIV® siécle],” Revue de VOrient latin, X {1903~4, repr. Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, das ist: der Mongolen in Russland,

1964], 410-11). The sermon was long remembered, and [Buda ]pest, 1840), and on the names of the Mongol khans

until his death Gregory preserved an almost hourly and princes, see the posthumous work of Paul Pelliot,

recollection of Jerusalem. Notes sur U'histoire de la Horde d’Or, Paris, 1949, pp. 10 ff.

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 109 Mamluks captured Jaffa in a single day (7 at an oecumenical council—to revive the March), and took the Syrian capital of Antioch Crusade. on 21 May when a garrison of some 8,000 The storm which destroyed Charles of Anjou’s surrendered.® Actually the popes had lost con- fleet off the western coast of Sicily in no way trol of the Crusade before they began to debase diminished his ambition, and he continued his

its purpose. When the era of the “political attempts to win the support of the Serbs and crusades” came, men were not easily inspired Bulgars, Albanians and Hungarians, for his to fight the battles of French popes and their eventual attack upon the Byzantine empire.

Angevin partners. By and large his efforts were not unsuccessful, There was no lack of theorists, from Humbert especially among the Albanians, who recognized

of Romans and Fidenzio of Padua to Pierre him as “king” and promised the succession to Dubois, Ramon Lull, and the elder Sanudo, his heirs. In a royal charter dated at Naples to advance plans and programs for the con- on 21 February, 1272, Charles undertook the

quest or conversion of Syria, Palestine, and defense of the Albanians and pledged his Egypt, but they were read (when they were maintenance of all their privileges, good read) largely by high prelates and rich mer- usages, and customs.” Four days later Charles, chants sipping fine wines and munching con- “dei gratia rex Sicilie et Albanie, etc.,” apfections. Like the pursuit of virtue the Crusade pointed Gazo Chinard, son of the eminent was widely regarded as a duty, a good work, Philippe, his vicar-general in the new kingdom, but one could be virtuous by abnegation, by and made one William Bernardi marshal of all abstaining from sin. Crusading involved posi- the troops being sent to Albania.” tive effort, expense, and self-sacrifice of major = The alacrity and success with which Charles proportions.’® Neither the chivalry of Europe seemed to be pursuing his objectives alarmed nor the clergy, however, was notably anxious Michael VIII, leading him to write to the high for self-sacrifice in the later thirteenth century. clergy and nobles of Albania in an effort to divert

As European society became richer, the towns them from their Angevin allegiance. But the more populous, the bourgeoisie more pros- recipients of the letter turned it over to Chinard, perous, the desire to enjoy life increased. and it was promptly transmitted to Charles, who Cooking improved, houses got larger, and there on 1 September, 1272, wrote the Albanian clergy was some tendency to seek economic rather and nobles, congratulating them on their loyalty;

than spiritual salvation. Only such an extra- warning them against Michael’s fraudulent ordinary figure as Louis IX could inspire men, _ practices, “quibus, sicut nostis, alias vos decepit;”

at least some men, to go crusading against the and urging them to advance the Angevin cause infidels in the East. For some time to come, by waginga lively war against the Greek enemy.”* the religious motive seemed spent, and yet As Charles moved his troops into Durazzo, he Pope Gregory X would make a great effort— _ stood at the head of the ancient Via Egnatia, the

——_—_— great military road which led through the center °Cf. W. B. Stevenson, The Crusaders in the East, Cambridge, 1907, pp. 338-41, and M. M. Ziada, “The Mamluk

Sultans to 1293,” in Setton, Wolff, and Hazard, eds... ~—_

A History of the Crusades, 11 (1969), 735 ff., esp. pp. 748—49. 111,, de Thalléczy, Const. Jirecek, and Em. de Sufflay, 10 Cf. Gatto, Il Pontificato di Gregorio X, pp. 68-73, on Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, 1

the poets and publicists, with a good bibliography; A. Lecoy (Vienna, 1913), no. 269, p. 77. Charles speaks in this

de la Marche, “La Prédication de la croisade au treiziéme document of the fides et devotio which the Albanians showed siecle,” Revue des questions historiques, new ser., IV (Paris, the Latin Church. Cf. in general Geanakoplos, Emperor 1890), 5-28, an analysis of Humbert de Romans’ Tractatus Michael Palaeologus (1959), pp. 232-35, and G. M. Mont,

solemnis . . . de predicatione sancte crucis (composed in 1266— “La Dominazione napoletana in Albania: Carlo I.

1267), a very instructive but rather unexciting manual d’Angio, primo re degli Albanesi,” Rivista d’Albania, | for preachers of the crusade. Humbert’s well-known (Milan, 1940), 50-58. Opus tripartitum was written shortly before the -Council 2 Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, nos. 270-71, pp. 77-78, of Lyon (1274), and was intended as a guide for the docs. dated at Naples on 25 February, 1272. On 7 April, conciliar fathers’ discussions of the Crusade, church union, 1272, in a dispatch from Trani, Charles upbraided the and ecclesiastical reform (K. Michel, Das Opus tripartitum justiciar of Bari for his failure to send to Chinard ballistaru des Humbertus de Romanis, O.P., Graz, 1926). Cf. Roberg, et pedites lanzerit as he had been ordered to do (ibid., I, no. Union, pp. 85 ff. On the widespread hostility to the Crusade 273, p. 78, and cf. nos. 274 ff., letter after letter relating at all levels of European society, before and during the _ to the dispatch of men and provisions to Durazzo). reign of Gregory X, see P. A. Throop, Criticism of the 13 Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, no. 282, p. 80: “. . . nostra Crusade: A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda, negotia contra hostes faciendo eis vivam guerram prose-

Amsterdam, 1940. quamini viriliter et potenter.”

110 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Thessalonica, whence the approach was open by a long letter dated at Orvieto on 24 October,

to Constantinople. 1272, and had included for subscription by the Greeks the Latin “symbol” or profession The Crusade, the reunion of the Churches, of faith which (as we have seen) Clement IV and the election of an emperor were the three had sent to Constantinople some years before. chief issues which Gregory X faced upon his Gregory invited Michael to appear in person accession. All three problems were interrelated. or to send apocrisarii . . . cum potestate plenaria

There was a grandeur to medieval ideas, as to to effect the union and remove the schism.” medieval architecture. The warriors of a united Gregory also noted in his letter of the twenty-

Christendom would subdue the infidel and fourth the arrival in Orvieto of the Greek rescue the Holy Land under the spiritual Franciscan, John Parastron, whom Michael

and temporal dominion of pope and emperor, had sent as an envoy to the Curia.’® Being

and so the reunion of the Churches was as_ utriusque linguae doctus, Parastron was a valuable necessary as the selection of an emperor. A_ intermediary between the Curia and Constanfew days after his coronation in Rome (on 27 _ tinople, where he had been a strenuous advocate March, 1272), Gregory served notice on the ofunion.!” He had broughta letter from Michael

Christian princes and prelates of his intention in which the latter stated he had hoped that to convoke the fourteenth oecumenical coun- Gregory might stop off at the Greek capital

cil, which was to meet on | May, 1274, and ata_ on his way from the Holy Land to Italy since consistory in April, 1273, he announced that they might thus have considered together the he had chosen Lyon as the place of assembly."* means of ending the schism and preserving Gregory had already notified the Emperor peace in Christendom." Michael VIII Palaeologus of the coming council 15 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 194, pp. 67-73;

14 Curial lett f 31 March, 1272, inf d th h. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1272, nos. 25-30, vol. ‘shoo and clergy. aS eT oe ence Font, XXII (1870), pp. 283-87; Tautu, Acta. . . (1261-1276) bishop and clergy of Sens, Philip III of France, Henry

III of England, and other princes and high clergy of the (1953), no. 32, pp. 91-100. On 25 October (1272) Gregory general council to be held on 1 May, 1274, “in loco quem also wrote the Patriarch Joseph I (1267-1275) of Constanlicet ad presens subticeamus ex causa, competenti tamen tinople requesting his personal attendance at the Council

tempore vobis curabimus intimare” (Jean Guiraud, ed., with the necessary Greek clergy (Guiraud, op. cit., no.

Les Registres de Grégoire X [1272-1276], Paris, 1898-1960, 196, p. 74; Tautu, op. cit., no. 34, pp. 103-4). Michael

nos. 160-61, pp. 53-56, and Abbé J. B. Martin, Conciles VIII responded. to the pope’s letter with enthusiastic

et bullaire du dioctse de Lyon, Lyon, 1905, nos. 1542-46, 4Pprobation (Guiraud, op. cit., nos. 313-14, pp. 119-23, pp. 378-79). Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1272, no. undated), and asked for security for his envoys: the Latin 24, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 281-83. The patriarch and the texts of Michael's letters are given also in Wadding, Annales

clergy of Jerusalem were informed of the projected Ménorum, IV (1931), 416-21, and brief summaries are council by a letter of 1 April (1272). On 13 April, 1273, provided by Martin, Conciles et bullaire, nos. 1553-54, p. Gregory X announced Lyon as the site of the council 380, with refs. to the publication of the letters by Wadding,

by the dispatch of letters to the princes and prelates of Raynaldus, Labbe, Hardouin, Martene, Sbaralea, etc. . France, England, Scotland, Norway, Poland, Spain, 16 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 194, p. 68b: “. . . diHungary, Germany, the Italian states, Romania (Greece), lectus filius frater Johannes de ordine Minorum a tua etc. (Guiraud, op. cit., nos. 307-8, p. 118; J. B. Martin, serenitate transmissus, bonus de terra longinqua nuncius, op. cit., nos. 1567 ff., pp. 384 ff.; and see Raynaldus, Ann. supervenit. . . .” Also in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. eccl., ad ann. 1273, nos. 1 ff., vol. XXII, pp. 300 ff). On 1272, no. 26, vol. XXII (1870), p. 284a, and Wadding, the election of Gregory X and the whole history of the Annales Minorum, IV (1931), 388; cf. Dolger, Regesten, pt. Second Council of Lyon from the Greek point of view, see 3 (1932), no. 1986, pp. 58-59, and in general Roberg, George Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, V,11—22(Bonn, Union, pp. 95 ff.

I, 369-99). Cf. in general Belgrano and Imperiale, eds., 17 Cf. Pachymeres, V, 11 (Bonn, I, 371). Annali genovesi, IV (1926), 171-72, and V (1929), 16, 18 Guiraud, loc. cit., and see esp. G. Golubovich, Biblioteca 29; Dandolo, Chron., in RISS, XII-1 (Bologna, 1938- — bio-bibliografica, 1 (Quaracchi, 1906), 283 ff., and IT (1913), 48), 320-21; Sanudo, Regno di Romania, in Hopf, Chroniques 415 ff.; of. also Roncaglia, Les Freres Mineurs . . . (1954), gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 135; and on the background _ pp. 140 ff., 149 ff. Michael VIII was certainly doing his

of recent troubled events in Lyon, see the excellent study part to force union upon the Byzantine clergy (Hefeleof M. H. Laurent, Le Bienheureux Innocent V (Pierre de Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VI-1 [1914], 162-63, 172-73), Tarentaise) et son temps, Citta del Vaticano, 1947, repr. which provoked of course much opposition in Constan1961, pp. 110-33 (Studi e testi, no. 129). The famous tinople to the imperial policy. Among the opponents with Pierre de Tarentaise, later Pope Innocent V (1276), had whom Michael had to contend were his own sister Eulogia, been appointed by Gregory X to the archiepiscopal see the influential monk Job the Iasite, and the wavering of Lyon on 6 June, 1272, to effect the pacification of Patriarch Joseph I (on whom see Louis Petit, “Joseph le the city and archdiocese as a major step in preparation Galésiote,” in the Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, VII-2

for the forthcoming council. [Paris, 1925], 1541-42). After a synod held in Constan-

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 111 On 25 October, Gregory appointed Jerome admonished him in uncompromising terms.” of Ascoli (the future Pope Nicholas IV) and Gregory feared that Michael might lose some three other Franciscans to accompany Para- of his deference for the Holy See and his enstron back to the Bosporus to serve as papal thusiasm for union if he could pursue a successnuncios at the imperial court in the expec- ful policy of neutrality or alliance with strong

tation that Michael would respond favorably maritime states in the West.” .

to the invitation to attend or be represented An important purpose of the council was at the council.!® Angevin adherents at the Curia _ to be the moral reform both of the clergy and Romana lost no opportunity to advise the pope _ laity,” but this is not so much our present interest

that the best way to end the schism was an as Gregory X’s eastern policy and plans for a

expedition which would restore the Latin crusade. There can be no doubt that, as the empire on the shores of the Bosporus, but on _ papal party journeyed north, it was the crusade

96 October (1272) Charles of Anjou directed which filled Gregory’s mind. His activities his admiral in Brindisi to speed the Francis- during the preceding months make this fact cans on their way and to assist them upon their abundantly clear.”* Gregory reached Lyon return.2° Gregory X was not a Frenchman, with a large attendance between the third and and he had no intention of pulling Angevin the eighteenth of November (1273), and imchestnuts out of the Balkan fire. On 5 November mediately dispatched another letter to Charles

the pope authorized his nuncios to grant the Greek envoys S afe-conducts to the Holy See 23 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1272, no. 31, vol. (or to the council), in the likely event of Michael’s xxi (1870), pp. 287-88, and cf., ibid., nos. 40 ff; dispatching them, and on the seventh he Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VI-1, 162. On 12 demanded that Charles of Anjou grant sim- July, 1273, Gregory confirmed a shaky peace between

. . , X,no. 335, ,pp. 9991 “4129-32). PP

ilar safe-conducts to the Greeks “in veniendo, the Guelfs and Ghibellines (Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire

morando et etiam redeundo. Gregory tried 24 Cf. Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, to establish peace between Ottokar II of Bo- 1903, repr. New York, 1958, pp. 501; Roncaglia, Les hemia and Stephen of Hungary” as well as Freres Mineurs . .. , p. 152. Pope Gregory warned the among the north Italian towns, especially be- Venetian government more chan. gnee SH (Guiraud. tween Genoa and Venice. When Michael vill Registres de Grégoire X, nos. 845-46, 927-29, pp. 346-47, tried to renew the Graeco-Venetian peace, 363-64, all letters undated). In view of the pope’s obGregory warned the Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo jections Venice apparently delayed renewal of the peace not to do so without consulting the Holy See, or truce with Byzantium, but both sides were careful : to avoid any serious break in their relations with each and when the doge failed to reply, Gregory other. Between January and April, 1274, when Gregory

: the treugarum tractatus wit ichae uiraud,

had become convinced of Michael’s acceptance of union

—_—_— on papal terms, he apparently ordered Tiepolo to con-

tinople the Patriarch Joseph, to his subsequent regret, clude a truce with Byzantium (Martin, Conciles et bullaire, signed an “oath” that he would not accept the proposed no. 1632, p. 399). union of the Churches until the Latins removed the filioque *5 Cf. Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 194, p. 68:

from the symbol (see Vitalien Laurent, “Le Serment “. .. de generali morum reformatione, quorum deforantilatin du patriarche Joseph I* [juin 1273],” Echos matio in clero et populo nimis generaliter obrepsisse

d’Orient, XXVI [Paris, igo7t, 396-407, who publishes videtur. . . .” Cf. F. Vernet, “II® Concile oecuménique de the text of the oath, which Job the Iasite actually composed). Lyon,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, [X-1 (Paris, 1926),

19 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 195, pp. 73-74; 1374-75. In late May and June, 1273, Gregory created Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276), no. 33, pp. 100-2. Jerome _ five cardinals at Orvieto, among them Bonaventura, general

of Ascoli and his companions were to accept the Greeks’ of the Franciscans, and the Dominican Pierre de Tarenprofession of Catholic faith (the pope’s letter is given also _taise, later Pope Innocent V (Vernet, in DTC, IX-1, 1375; in Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 395-96, and cf. Martin, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1272 [sic], no. 68, vol. XXII

Conciles et bullaire, no. 1555, p. 381). [1870], p. 299, quoting Ptolemy of Lucca; André Callebaut,

20 Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 424-25. Gregory’s “La Date du cardinalat de saint Bonaventure [28 mai letter dated 21 November, 1273 (referred to again below), 1273],” in Archivum Franciscanum historicum, XIV [Quarac-

reports the pressure exerted by the Angevin party at chi, 1921], 401-14). Cf. also Martin, Conciles et bullaire, the Curia to deal with Michael VIII via alia than by diplomacy __ no. 1581, pp. 387-88.

(ibid., IV, 422-23). *6 Cf. Gatto, Il Pontificato di Gregorio X (1959), pp. 76-83,

21 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, nos. 197-98, pp. 74-— and ¢f. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1273, nos. 35 ff., 75; Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 396-97, 397-98; Mar- vol. XXII (1870), pp. 314 ff. During June and July, 1273,

tin, Conciles et bullaive, nos. 1557-58, pp. 381-82. Gregory was in Florence, trying to make peace between 22 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, nos. 4-7, p. 3, docs. the Guelfs and Ghibellines (cf. Fritz Kern, Acta Imperii, dated 5 May, 1272; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1272, Angliae et Franciae [1267 —1313], Tiibingen, 1911, doc. no.

nos. 48 ff., vol. XXII (1870), pp. 293 ff. 2, p. 2).

112 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Anjou (dated the twentieth), requesting full great Dominican Thomas Aquinas to appear protection for the Byzantine envoys who would at the council; Thomas set out from Naples

be traversing his domains in their way to for Lyon at the end of January, 1274, taking the council.?” On the following day (the twenty- with him the treatise he had composed at Urban

first) he wrote again to Michael VIII, exhorting IV’s request on the errors of the Greeks. But

him to make every effort and preparation to Thomas got no farther than the Cistercian

assure the sincere declaration of ecclesiastical abbey of Fossanuova, near the castle of Piperno,

union and promising him that the Holy See where he died on the morning of 7 March would guarantee the security of his envoys.” (1274), not yet fifty years of age.**

A few days later he wrote Jerome of Ascoli

and his fellow Franciscans that they should After a general fast of three days, Pope

urge Michael to send the Greek delegation to Gregory X opened the first session of the Second the council with no semblance of delay, and Council of Lyon on 7 May, 1274, in the cathedral

that he wished Jerome and his companions church of S. Jean.*? He preached on the text

themselves to attend the council.”° Every papal with which Innocent III had opened the Fourth epistle relating to the council or the crusade Lateran Council (Luke, 22:15), “With desire I carried a note of urgency and determination, have desired to eat this passover with you

whether demanding financial subventions . . . ,” and he dwelt upon the threefold pur-

for the negotium Terrae Sanctae or seeking to pose for which he had convoked the present allay hostilities among the states from which assembly—to recover the Holy Land, reunite the necessary men and ships would have to be the Greeks and Latins, and reform the Church.* drawn. Gregory urged Edward I of England Gregory faced an august gathering, which to hasten or postpone his coronation lest any (like his opening text) recalled the grandeur elaboration of the ceremonies should delay of the Lateran almost sixty years before. Some or impede proper English attendance at the 412 archbishops and bishops appear to have council.” As is well known, he directed the attended the Fourth Lateran Council. About

—_—_—_———— _ half that number were present at the First 27 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 316, p. 124, and

cf. nos. 317-19; Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276), no. 37, —

pp. 111—12; Martin, Conciles et bullaire, nos. 1591, 1593, 31 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1274, nos. 29-30, vol.

pp. 391-92. Amid the flood of papal letters demanding XXII (1870), pp. 332-33; Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des safe conducts for Michael VIII’s envoys, we may also note conciles, VI-1, 168; Martin, Conciles et bullaive, no. 1611, p.

those addressed to Philip of Courtenay, now Latinemperor 395, with pertinent refs. to the chroniclers. ‘Thomas of Constantinople (son of the late Baldwin II), and William Aquinas was canonized in July, 1323 (Raynaldus, ad of Villehardouin, prince of Achaea (Wadding, Annales ann. 1323, nos. 64-66, vol. XXIV [1872], 234-36). He Minorum, IV, 421-22, 423). Bernard Ayglier, the abbot was proclaimed a doctor of the Church in April, 1567. of Monte Cassino, was to meet the envoys wherever they On his death, ¢f. the edifying stories told in Fr. Thomas might land in the Sicilian kingdom, and conduct them to Pégues and Abbé Maquart, trans., Saint Thomas d’Aquin: the pope (Guiraud, op. cit., no. 317, p. 124). Although Sa Vie par Guillaume de Tocco et les temoins au proces de canoni-

Gregory insisted that Charles of Anjou abstain from all sation, Toulouse and Paris, 1924, pp. 128 ff., 193-97, acts of armed hostility against Byzantium, he did not _ 198 ff., etc., 288-91, etc. object to Charles’s continued preparations in Achaea 32 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1274, nos. 1-3, vol. and Epirus (¢f. Thalléczy, Jireéek, and Sufflay, Acta et XXII (1870), pp. 321-23, with the notes to this edition;

diplomata Albaniae, 1 [1913], nos. 295, 297, 299, 304, 306, Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 425, 434-35; Martin, Con-

pp. 84-89), obviously to stimulate Michael’s desire ciles et bullaire, no. 1647, p. 404; Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire to see the union of the Churches effected (cf. Norden, des conciles, VI-1, 168 ff.; Gatto, Il Pontificato di Gregorio X, Papsttum u. Byzanz, pp. 499-501, and Geanakoplos, Emperor pp. 82-84. By a slip of the pen M. H. Laurent, Le BienMichael Palaeologus [1959], pp. 241, 256-57). heureux Innocent V, p. 147, puts the opening of the council 28 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 315, p. 123; on 7 March. The article of Augustin Fliche, “Le Probleme Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 422-23; Tutu, Acta oriental au second concile oecuménique de Lyon (1274),” . . . (1261-1276), no. 38, pp. 112-13; Raynaldus, Ann. Orientalia Christiana periodica, XIII (1947), 475-85, is rather eccl., ad ann. 1273, no. 50, vol. XXII (1870), p. 320; Martin, © slight.

Conciles et bullaire, no. 1596, p. 392; cf. Dolger, Regesten, 33 Antonino Franchi, ed., Il Concilio II di Lione (1274)

pt. 3, nos. 2002—2a, p. 62. secondo la Ordinatio Concilii generalis Lugdunensis, Rome,

29 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 320, pp. 124-25; 1965, pp. 67-73, esp. p. 72 (Studi e testi Francescani, Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 424, doc. dated at Lyon no. 33). The ordinatio concilii had appeared in nine editions on 25 November, 1273; Martin, Conciles et bullaire, no. (from 1612 to 1890) before that of Franchi, most notably

1597, pp. 392-93. under the wholly misleading title of Brevis nota eorum

39 Guiraud, Registres de Grégoire X, no. 327, p. 126, doc. quae in secundo concilio Lugdunensi generali acta sunt, in dated 1 December, 1273; Martin, Conciles et bullaire, no. 1608, Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, cols. 61-68, and in the present

p. 394. context note col. 63AB.

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 113 Council of Lyon. According to the Bohemian Gregory employed the interval between the

chronicler Martin of Troppau (d. 1278), who _ first and second sessions of the council to extract had close connections with the Curia Romana, from the higher clergy of each province a promthere were 500 bishops, sixty abbots, and about se to give a tithe of all ecclesiastical revenues

a thousand lesser prelates in attendance at for six years to help rescue the Holy Land.

the Second Council of Lyon. Later chroniclers Just after the second session he received a most

may vary the figures, but they all derive their encouraging letter from the nuncios he had information directly or indirectly from Martin. sent to Constantinople, which he directed to be

Heinrich Finke showed many years ago that read publicly in the cathedral, and Cardinal Martin’s estimate is much exaggerated, al- Bonaventura preached on a singularly appro-

though recent writers seem generally to dis- priate text from Baruch (5:5): Exsurge, regard Finke’s more likely establishment of the Jerusalem, sta in excelso et circumspice ad Orien-

number of bishops present at Lyon as between tem. . . 36 The plight of the Holy Land was 200 and 300.4 It was still a grand affair. the major consideration of the second session The second session of the council was held of the council (on 18 May), and Gregory introon 18 May; the third on 4 June; the fourth duced a detailed project for the crusade with and fifth on 6 and 16 July respectively; and an impassioned allocution. He had not merely

the sixth and last session on 17 July. Although heard of the ineffable atrocities of the Saracens, James I of Aragon was the only king to appear he said, but he had seen them with his own eyes

in person, royal envoys came from France, (... non tantum audivimus sed oculis nostris

England, Germany, Sicily, Cyprus, and even aspeximus . . .), and the liberation of the Holy from Mongol Persia. The Byzantine envoys Land was a matter of concern to all Catholics of Michael VIII were present at the last three (. . . prefate terre liberatio tangere debet omnes sessions. Among the cardinals at Lyon three qui fidem katholicam profitentur . . .). In addiwould soon be elected to the papacy themselves tion to the six years’ tithe to be levied on —Pierre de Tarentaise (Innocent V), Ottobono §=—-H+—

1 elele-Leclercaq, Histotre des concties, -I, ; Vernet, 1n

Fieschi (Hadrian V), and Petrus Hispanus of pp. 69-70, and in Mansi Concilia, XXIV, cols. 62, 133; “sbon OF artnet oie or om were to single Dictionn. de théologie catholique, IX-1 (1926), col. 1376; a, and cf. Martin, Conciles et bullaire, nos. 1649 ff., 1763. year. Albertus Magnus, bishop of Regensburg, Jerome of Ascoli, who arrived from his mission to Conwas there, and so of course was Cardinal Bon- stantinople in time to attend part of the council, was made aventura, as well as some of the best-known 4 cardinal by Nicholas III in 1278, and was himself elected

members of the thirteenth-century episcopacy, ae Raynzldve, stn 2s rater a nae ei oe

including Guillaume I Durand of Mende, (1870), p. 323; Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, Concilio II Etienne Tempier of Paris, and Eudes Rigaud di Lione, pp. 75-77, 106, and in Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, cols.

of Rouen. The master of the Templars 638 6AA. Jerom Gregoryfrom 4 ae read m the i : 35 came, cathedral was The sentletter erome of Ascoli Leukas; and a representative of the Hospitallers. is dated 5 April, 1274 (Finke, Konzilienstudien, pp. 119-20;

—————_—__—_——— Od. van der Vat, Die Anfange der Franziskanermissionen . . . 34 Heinrich Finke, Konzilienstudien zur Geschichte des 13. [Werl in Westfalien, 1934], pp. 251-52; and Roncaglia, Jahrhunderts, Minster, 1891, pp. 4-8. Cf. Martinof Troppau Les Freres Mineurs . . . [1954], pp. 168-70). Jerome was (Oppaviensis), Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, in MGH, on his way to Lyon, traveling with the Byzantine envoys—

SS., XXII (1872), 442: “Numerus autem prelatorum, qui one of their two galleys sank in a storm off Cape Malea, fuerunt in concilio, 500 episcopi, 60 abbates et alii prelati with considerable loss of life and the loss also of rich gifts circa mille.” This is the source from which in one way or intended for the pope. Jerome informed the pope that another various similar or larger figures enter the works of | Michael VIII had subscribed to the symbol and recognized

Guillaume of Nangis, Ptolemy of Lucca, Bernard Gui, the primacy of the Holy See. He also identified the Martin of Fulda, Henry of Herford, John Iperius’s Chron. Byzantine envoys who were being sent to Lyon, “qui S. Bertini, and others. Cf. the rather uncritical note of nobiscum de Constantinopoli recesserunt, sed tempestate Mansi, who does not know Martin of Troppau, in Raynaldus, valida insurgente cum galea in qua erant CC et XIIII viri Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1274, no. 1, vol. XXII (1870), p. 322, viam ligni in qua nos eramus non sequentes alisi ad Nigroand for the dependence of later chroniclers upon Martin’s _ pontis scopulos perierunt . . . [but the galley went down work see, in addition to Finke’s Konzilienstudien, M. H. off Cape Malea, not the island of Negroponte]. Nos Con-

Laurent, Le B. Innocent V, pp. 3 ff., but Laurent, zdid., Stantinopoli in dominica, qua cantatur Letare [11 March,

p. 147, seems not to know Finke’s Konzilienstudien, and 1274], recessimus et applicavimus vix V die mensis Aprilis

accepts the exaggerated figures usually given by the in capite Leucarum [Leukas]. Ad vestram sanctitatem cum chroniclers (cf. Martin, Conciles et bullaire, no. 1648, pp. _ illis tribus apocrisariis festinamus . . .” (Finke, van der Vat,

405-6). and Roncaglia, locc. citt.). Cf. Pachymeres, V, 17, 21 (Bonn, 35 Cf. Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, Concilio II di Lione, 1, 384-85, 396-97).

114 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ecclesiastical incomes and other financial im- prelates were allowed to withdraw from Lyon posts, Gregory required that the secular authori- to a distance of up to six leagues (about fifteen ties collect a penny a year from every Christian miles), so that their recall might be easy and within their jurisdictions. Every penny would their return quick.®® Having provided a titular

count, and was to be used for the recovery head for the German empire, Gregory now of the Holy Land. Corsairs and pirates were turned to deal with the Greek empire.

to be excommunicated, together with the The Greek delegation arrived at Lyon on 24

false Christians who sold the Saracens arms, June, and was met according to the custom of the iron, timber, ships, and other such items of Curia Romana by the chief officers of the pope’s military contraband. Indeed, the pope forbade famiglia or household and of course by those of all Christian shipping in Saracen waters in the _ the cardinals.*® The three chief members of the Levant for six years not only to weaken Islam Greek delegation were the former Patriarch but to increase the transport to be made avail- Germanus [III], the Metropolitan Theophanes able for the crusade. He declared an inviolable of Nicaea, and the Grand Logothete George peace of six years in Christendom, and decreed Acropolites, whose historical account of his own the usual plenary indulgence for those who were _ times unfortunately comes to an end well before

going to participate in the crusade.*” the date of the council. Accompanied by their

In a consistory held on 6 June Gregory de- honorific escort, the Greeks were conducted to cided the long-disputed question of empire in _ the archiepiscopal palace, where Gregory stood favor of Rudolph of Hapsburg, whose repre-_ in the great hall to receive them and give them sentatives immediately confirmed various un- the kiss of peace. They declared that they had dertakings which Otto IV of Brunswick and come to Lyon to render obedience to the Sancta

Frederick II had given the papacy earlier Romana Ecclesia, accept the Latin Catholic

in the century.3* Recognition of Rudolphseemed symbol, acknowledge the primacy of the the Holy

to solve one of the problems which Gregory had See, and convey to the pope an imperial faced upon his accession. At the third session chrysobull in which their emperor also professed (on 4 June) a dozen canons were promulgated. the Catholic faith in the form and formulae Since no one was certain when the Byzantine required of him () ofodoyia THs mrioTEws, HY representatives would arrive, no date was set 6iddoKeu kat dpodoyel Kal KNpUTTEL Y cryla EK-

for the fourth session, and the bishops and kdAnoia rns ‘Papns).™ Most of the discussions at Lyon took place

81 See Fink, 7 1s. with th _ behind the scenes (as usually happens at synods

Konzilienstudien, pp. 11-15, with the Latn = anq councils), but Graeco-Latin agreement on textSee ofFinke, Gregory’s allocution, ibid., pp. 113-16, and ¢f. . .

Gatto, Il Pontificato di Gregorio X, pp. 84 ff., who deals the articles of faith was of course a foregone especially with Gregory’s financial preparations. At the conclusion. On the feast of Saints Peter and second session (18 May), the author of the Ordinatio, as Paul (29 June), Pope Gregory celebrated mass given in Franchi, Concilio II di Lione, p. 74, states “quod before a great ecclesiastical assembly, and the tantum. . . . Qua allocutione finita, lecte sunt consti- epistle, gospel, and creed were all sung mm tutiones, scilicet, Zelo fidei . . .” [which constitutions or Greek as well as Latin. Bonaventura preached

dominus papa non fecit sermonem, sed allocutionem . . canons, as Finke, op. cit., pp. 11-12, has shown, related to the levying of the crusading tithes]. Cf. the bibliography § ———————

assembled by Martin, Conciles et bullaire, no. 1768, pp. 39 Cf. Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV (1931), 434, and see

420-22. the Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, Concilio II di Ltone, p. 38 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1274, nos. 5-12, vol. 78: “. .. dominus papa. . . dedit licentiam omnibus XXII (1870), pp. 323-26, and ¢f., ibid., nos. 44-61, pp. _prelatis quod possent exire Lugdunum et elongare se 337-44. Some two months after the council Gregory usque ad sex leucas” (and not to a distance of “six miles,” made a formal declaration of Rudolph’s accession to the as stated in Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VI-1, 172).

imperial throne (by a bull dated 26 September, 1274): Cf. Martin, Conciles et bullaire, no. 1788, p. 428.

“.. . cum fratribus tamen nostris nuper deliberatione Ordinatio Conciliit, ed. Franchi, p. 79, and “Brevis nota,” praehabita, te regem Romanorum de ipsorum consilio in Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, col. 64C. nominamus” (ibid., no. 55, p. 340). The papal decision 41 Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 434-35, 436 ff.; was of course highly offensive to Alfonso X of Castile Ordinatio Concili, ed. Franchi, pp. 79-81, and in Mansi, and Ottokar II of Bohemia, the former being Rudolph’s Concilia, XXIV, col. 64CD; Tautu, Acta . . . (1261-1276) chief rival for the throne and the latter Rudolph’s chief (1953), no. 41, pp. 116 ff.; of. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad enemy (cf. Hefele-Leclercq, VI-1, 170-71, with refs., and ann. 1274, no. 14, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 326-27, partial M. H. Laurent, Le B. Innocent V, pp. 152-54, with refs., text; and Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3 (1932), nos. 2006-9,

and cf. pp. 192-97). The sources are collected in pp. 63-64. (Different readings of minor importance in Martin, Conciles et bullaire, nos. 1783-84, pp. 426-27. these transcriptions need not detain us.)

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 115 on the righteous faith of Rome and the neces- against the Moslems in the Levant. The envoys sity of church union. When the Nicene symbol had made their long journey safely under the or creed was sung in Greek, the Dominican guidance of a few Dominican friars. The letter

William of Moerbeke (the translator of Aris- which they brought the pope, the cardinals, totle and Archimedes), who later became Latin and the conciliar fathers began with a grandil-

archbishop of Corinth (1278-1286), and the oquent boast of all the conquests which the Franciscan John Parastron, who had appar- Mongols had made throughout the Middle and ently been serving as the chief interpreter at Near East; stressed Mongol generosity to and the council, joined in the singing. The filiogue protection of Christians; and proposed a conclause was sung three times, and the Patriarch federation with Christendom against Islam, Germanus III, the Metropolitan Theophanes_ which would of course place the city and kingof Nicaea, and the “logotheta” Acropolites all dom of Jerusalem in Christian possession, but joined in, after which they also sang in Greek obviously under Mongol suzerainty.* The

the laudes solemnes in the pope’s honor.* envoys dwelt on the interest which Hulagu,

A few days later, on 4 July, the good citizens Abagha’s father, had shown in Christianity. of Lyon and the members of the Curia were Hulagu had bared the secrets of his heart to astonished to witness the arrival of an embassy the Dominicans at his court, telling them from Abagha, the Mongol il-khan of Persia, things he had never told others; in fact the who sought an alliance with the Christians envoys claimed that Hulagu would have been converted and baptized “if God had not allowed 2 Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, pp. 82-83, and in Mansi, his removal from our midst because of our own Concilia, XXIV, cols. 64-65A, the author of which, oddly sins.” (One wonders whether the Dominicans enough, incorrectly places the feast of SS. Peter and Paul did not prepare this alleged littera quam misit on 28 June; Wadding, Annales Minorum, IV, 446-47; Mar-

tin, Conciles et bullaire, nos. 1634, 1638-39, 1790-95;

Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VI-1, 173; M. H.. ——

Laurent, Le B. Innocent V, pp. 155-56; Roncaglia, Les * Gino Borghezio, “Un Episodio delle relazioni tra la Freres Mineurs . . . , pp. 171-72. On Nicholas III’s election Santa Sede e i Mongoli (1274),” Roma: Rivista di studi e di

of William of Moerbeke as archbishop of Corinth (on 9 vita romana, XIV (1936), 369-72, publishes the text of April, 1278), see Martin Grabmann, Guglielmo di Moerbeke, the (undated) letter of credence which the Mongol envoys O.P., il traduttore delle opere di Aristotele, Rome, 1946, pp. brought to Gregory X and the Sacred College at Lyon on 52-56 (Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae, vol. XI, no. 20), | behalf of Abagha, who is referred to in the letter in the

and on Moerbeke as a translator, see L. Minio-Paluello, third person: “Tandem volens concordiam cum latinis et in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography, IX (New York, confederationem contrahere specialem omnes civitates 1974), 434-40. The bull nominating Moerbeke to the see eorum et castra, terras et possessiones quiescere precepit of Corinth may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, et ne lederentur a suis districtissime prohibuit et ordinavit. Reg. Vat. 39, fol. 6’, of which there is a notice in Jules Insuper civitatem sanctissimam Ierusalem cum toto regno Gay and Suzanne Vitte, eds., Les Registres de Nicolas IIJ | eiusdem contulit et in possessionem poni fecit, sicut no(1277-1280), fasc. 5 (Paris, 1938), no. 20, p. 8. The text verunt omnes christiani ultra mare et religiosus frater has apparently not been published, but (in my opinion) David [the Dominican who had conducted the Mongol it contains nothing of importance beyond fixing the date of | mission to Lyon, and who has just been described as Moerbeke’s elevation to the see: “. . . te ordinis fratrum ‘nuntius domini patriarche Ierosolimitani et domini regis predicatorum penitentiarium nostrum predicte Corinthiensi Yregni eiusdem et Cypri, qui nos usque ad presens sacrum ecclesie de fratrum nostrorum consilio et apostolice concilium incolumes laudabiliter conduxit,’ which sounds plenitudine potestatis in archiepiscopum preficimus et almost as though this portion of the letter was written pastorem et tibi munus consecrationis nostris manibus after the arrival of the mission in Lyon!], qui omnia ista

duximus impendendum firmam spem fiduciamque una cum fratribus eiusdem ordinis qui cum eo erant

tenentes quod dicta Corinthiensis ecclesia per diligentiam studiosius procuravit” (op. cit., pp. 370-71). Cf. Ordinatio et industriam tuam laudabilia in spiritualibus et temporali- Concilii, ed. Franchi, pp. 84, 92, 96, 97, and in Mansi,

bus suscipiet incrementa.” Concilia, XXIV, cols. 65B, 66C, 67C, and 68A; Wadding, As observed by D. M. Nicol, “The Byzantine Reaction Annales Minorum, IV, 447, 449; Gatto, Il Pontificato di

to the Second Council of Lyons, 1274,” in Studies in Church Gregorio X, pp. 93-95, who erroneously refers the appear-

History, VII, eds. G. J. Cuming and D. Baker, Cambridge, ance of the Mongols to 14 July instead of 4 July (on 1971, p. 114, the oft-repeated tale that Theophanes of | which cf. the Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, p. 84). Gatto Nicaea stopped singing at the filiogue clause, presumably also incorrectly places a session of the council on 14 July: to catch his breath, is untrue. All told, the Greeks, including _ there were sessions on 6, 16, and 17 July, but not on the Theophanes, sang the creed with the filioque insertion five fourteenth. Cf. in general M. H. Laurent, Le B. Innocent V, times at the council (Franchi, Concilio II di Lione, pp. pp. 156-60, with refs.; Giovanni Soranzo, Il Papato, 83, 91-92, 111, 114). Actually Theophanes was a unionist [Europa cristiana ei Tariart, Milan, 1930, pp. 219-22 (Pubbl. and a supporter of Michael VIII, whom he later served as Univ. Catt. Sacro Cuore, ser. 5, vol. 12); and especially envoy on the unhappy Byzantine mission which Michael — the detailed account of B. Roberg, Die Union zwischen der

sent to the Curia Romana in 1280-1281. griechischen und der lateinischen Kirche (1964), pp. 135 ff.

116 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT rex Tartarorum ad Concilium Lugdunense, as the Persia and provide the Mongols further means, letter is entitled in the Vienna MS. of the text.**) if they would but hearken to the message, of Now Abagha followed in his father’s footsteps, achieving the salvation the pope coveted for

showing Christians the same and even greater them.

consideration. Both father and son had re- The fourth session of the Second Council leased the [Christian] captives they had found _ of Lyon was held on Friday, 6 July. The Greek on their campaigns, stripping the shackles from envoys took their places on the pope’s right, them and having them conducted to the safety after the cardinals, and listened to a sermon of the Mediterranean. Of all this the Dominican by Cardinal Pierre de Tarentaise, who was so friar David could speak, for he had accompanied conspicuous in the activities of the council.

the Mongols on such campaigns. The pope then expressed his joyful satisfaction

Therefore we make known to all who live under in the Iree return one or aa to tne obedience the sun that our most puissant king Abagha, wishing © the Koman C urch,” and had Latin to form an alliance and maintain a firm peace translations of the important Greek letters read with all the Christian subjects of the Sacrosanct to the assembly — Michael VIII's long letter conRoman Church, has been pleased to send us as_ taining the Roman symbol (Credimus sanctam his solemn envoys to the presence of the holy Apos- trinitatem, patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum . . .),

tolic See and the present most holy Council, as is a letter of acceptance of the Catholic faith with stated in letters in the Mongol and Latin languages, an expression of filial obedience from Michael’s authenticated by nus seals, whien we have presented eldest son Andronicus, and a letter from the

fo the most holy father, the supreme ‘ontiit, Greek hierarchy praising Michael’s zeal for

the presence the venerable lord and +s . ; 45 of church union as well as cardinals recognizing the. union

the other prelates in attendance. . . . ; 48 and the primacy of the papacy.

There is no reason to assume a sincere attachment fo Ch ristianity on Abagha S part. A 46 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1274, nos. 21-23, vol. Christian alliance against the Mamluks would be —_ xxzr (1870), pp. 329-30; Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, col. 80; highly advantageous, and one of the Mongol _Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VI-1 (1914), 174, 180;

envoys and two other members of the mission og g, spar Die Mongolen in Iran, 2nd ed. (1955), pp. requested and received pape ism the hands of “7 According to the author of the Ordinatio Concilu, the Vominican Cardinal Fierre de arentaise Gregory emphasized that the Greek profession of the (later Innocent V), and on the following 13 Latin faith and recognition of papal primacy were rendered March (1275) when the Mongols were getting ‘“nichilque temporale petendo” (ed. Franchi, p. 86, and in

. upon Byzantium was obviously a quid pro quo of some

the il-khan that he had welcomed his envoys Conciles, VI-1, 174), but prevention of the Angevin attack with pleasure. Gregory had prayed and he importance, as everyone at the council realized, including did pray, corde contrito et humiliato spiritu, that the contemporary author of the Ordinatio, who adds God, the true light illuminating the soul of that much doubt could be entertained on the score of the every man born into the world, would grant Greeks’ willing acceptance of the Latin symbol—de quo

Abagha andpeop his people will to recognize GubMabatur. & us ; Sr the 8 TXutu, Acta . 7/9‘ . . (1261-1276),

nos. 41 ff., pp. 116 ff.

the truth and in the exaltation of the Christian The Greek hierarchy recognized both the union and the

faith to seek their own salvation. As for the _ primacy in general terms (Tautu, op. cit., no. 42, pp. 125-26). crusade, Gregory stated that before Christian The letter of Andronicus, to which Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,

rmies 2 pee 4 in the Fast 1 missi ad ann. 1274, no. 14, vol. XXII (1870), p. 327, alludes,

a . PP € ; € a papa SS on is not “aujourd’hui perdue,” as stated in Hefele-Leclercaq,

would in its turn inform the il-khan’s court in Histoire des Conciles, VI-1, 176, but appears in Tautu, op. cit., no. 44, pp. 130-31, and had already been published —_—_— by Léopold Delisle, “Notice sur cinq manuscrits de la 44MS. Vindobon. 389, fol. 114v, of which Borghezio, Bibliotheque Nationale et sur un manuscrit de la Biblio-

op. cit., furnishes a facsimile. The text may have been theéque de Bordeaux, contenant des recueils épistolaires written by the notary Rychaldus, who served the Mongols de Bérard de Naples” [a notary in the papal chancery as Latin interpreter, and to whom reference is made in famous for the style of his letters], Notices et extraits des the document in the first person (ibid., fol. 115v; Borghezio, manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale ... , XXVII, pt. 2 op. cit., pp. 371-72): “... quorum minimus eram_ (Paris, 1879), doc. 11, pp. 158-59. Geanakoplos, Emperor Rychaldus, notarius . . . interpres latinorum. . . .” Michael Palaeologus (1959), p. 262, also seems to imply 45 MS. Vindobon. 389, fol. 115v, ed. Borghezio, op. cit., that Andronicus’s letter is lost. p. 372. According to the author of the Ordinatio Concilit, The Roman symbol (up to the words Haec est vera fides ed. Franchi, p. 92, Abagha’s letter was read at the council catholica . . . , for which see the text in Mansi, Concilia, by a chaplain (Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, col. 66C). XXIV, col. 70; Hefele-Leclercq, VI-1, 175, note; Tautu,

GREGORY X AND THE COUNCIL OF LYON 117 George Acropolites, historian, soldier, and When Acropolites had finished, the pope diplomat, now stepped forth, the center of began the Te Deum in a loud voice and, an

attention. There must have been a solemn _ eye-witness informs us, remained standing with-

stillness in the church as he began to read: out his miter “with great devotion and in I, George Acropolites, grand logothete, envoy of our abundant . “hi It was probably the veoched,

lord the Greek emperor, Michael Ducas Angelus moment of his papacy. Again he preached, Comnenus, possessing the latter’s full mandate briefly this time, on the text with which he had for what follows, do entirely abjure all schism. opened the council (from Luke, 22:15), Destderto

The statement of faith to which we have subscribed, destderavt hoc pascha manducare vobiscum. ‘Then

as it has been fully read out and faithfully set forth, the Greek envoys descended from the dais to

in my said lord’s name I do recognize to be the take their places behind the cardinals in the true, holy, catholic, and orthodox faith. 1 accept it. high stalls set up in the nave of the church, In my heart and with my lips I profess it, and Ido and the pope began to intone Credo in unum promise that I shall preserve it inviolate, as the pj in which the whole council joined. Then

Sacrosanct Roman Church truly holds, faithfully th ’ ‘tin Greek. bei JO" db h

teaches and preaches it, and I promise that I shall € envoys sang It in Greek, being joined by the never at any time abandon it or deviate from it or Greek clergy from southern Italy and Sicily,

disagree with it in any way whatsoever. . . . who had been in communion with Rome since _ the memorable Council of Bari in 1098. They Acropolites then solemnly accepted the pri- sang the filioque clause twice. It was after this that

macy of the Roman Church and pledged the pope had the letter of Abagha, the il-khan

obedience thereto both on his emperor’s behalf of Persia, read to the council, and then tenta-

and on his own.® tively set Monday and Tuesday, 9-10 July, for the next sessions of the council.*° op. cit., pp. 117-18; Vernet, “II® Concile oecuménique de On Saturday, 7 July, Gregory showed the Lyon,” Dictionn. de théologie catholique, 1X-1 [1926], cols. cardinals the constitution he had prepared 1384-85) is essentially the profession of faith of Pope super electione Romani poniificis, concerning which

Leo IX (as given in the letter Congratulamur vehementer there had been a good deal of dissension in to Bishop Peter of Antioch, dated 13 April, 1053, in H. the § d Coll CG ‘insisted Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum, ed. C. Rahner, Freiburg- € ; acre ollege. Uregory insiste Upon reim-Breisgau and Barcelona, 1952, nos. 343-48, pp. 169-— Newing the decrees of certain of his prede71), which is almost that still employed by question and _cessors, especially Alexander III, to the effect answer in the consecration of bishops in accordance with that after a novena of mourning for a dead the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, formerly ascribed to the non-

existent Fourth Council of Carthage (398), but of which ———— Caesarius of Arles (502-542) is believed to have been a letter of credence to Gregory X upon their arrival either the author or the compiler (cf. the notes in Den- jn Lyon, the text of which is given in THutu, op. cit., no. zinger-Rahner, pp. 72, 214—15). Since the Statuta contain 45, pp. 131-32, and Delisle, “. . . Recueils épistolaires nothing concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit, Leo de Bérard de Naples,” Notices et extraits des manuscrits de IX took care to affirm, “Credo etiam Spiritum Sanctum [gq Bibl. Nationale, XXVII-2 (1879), doc. 1Vv, p. 159: “Et

. .- a Patre et Filio procedentem . . .” (on which ¢f. quicquid tractaveritis et quicquid affirmaveritis et

Vernet, op. cit., col. 1387). confirmaveritis, attendit hoc imperium meum ostensione * Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, pp. 88-90, and in _ presentis precepti imperii mei. .. .” But since specific Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, cols. 73-74; TxXutu, deta ... mention is not made in this commission of either the (1261 -1276), no. 48, p. 134; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. Latin symbol or the Roman primacy, the legal minds in 1274, no. 18, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 328-29; Martin, Con- the Curia apparently considered its phraseology inadequate

ciles et bullaire (1905), nos. 1802-8, pp. 432-34, with to establish the binding validity of Acropolites’ oath. On extensive bibliography; Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des the chronology of Gregory X’s letters, as contained in conciles, VI-1, 177-78; Roberg, Union, pp. 147-48. Ac- Bérard of Naples’ collection of papal correspondence (in cording to instructions which Pope Innocent V gave a_ Bordeaux MS. 761), see Palémon Glorieux, “Autour des papal embassy going to Constantinople two years later Registres de Grégoire X,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in (on 23 and 26 May, 1276), George Acropolites could not /talia, V-3 (1951), 305-25, and cf., below, Chapter 7, note 1.

produce a written document authorizing him officially ° Ordinatio Concilii, ed. Franchi, pp. 90-92, and in Mansi, to abjure the schism in Michael VIII’s name, and so Concilia, XXIV, 66D, the latter incorrectly dating Monday as Innocent directed his envoys to receive a personal oath 11 July. It may be observed that since the time-of Innocent from Michael accepting the Latin symbol and recognizing IV’s negotiations in 1249-1251 with John III Vatatzes and the Roman primacy (E. Marténe and U. Durand, eds., the Nicene Patriarch Manuel II the papacy had been ready Veterum scriptorum .. . amplissima collectio, VII [Paris, to concede that the Greeks need not expressly mention 1733], no. 34, cols. 254D, 257E; M. H. Laurent, Le B. the filioqgue clause in the symbol provided they did not

Innocent V, append. 5, no. 153, p. 480, and cf. p. 160; deny the dogmatic teaching implicit in the clause (¢. note also Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, col. 133E, and Hefele- Georg Hofmann, in Orientalia Christiana periodica, XIX Leclercq, VI-1, 177). The Greek emissaries had presented [1953], 64).

118 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pontiff, the cardinals should assemble in con- Sixtus V in 1588, both pontiffs recalling his clave on the tenth day, and if after three days extraordinary services at Lyon.**

in conclave they should have failed to elect It was at the fifth general session of the a new pope, their food would be reduced to council, on 16 July, that Pierre de Tarentaise

a single plate (ferculum) served them each baptized the three Tatars, who were clad

morning and evening. If after five days of this (more Latinorum) in scarlet for the occasion. coercive diet, they still had not elected a pope, After the ceremony Pope Gregory entered the they would receive nothing but bread and wine church, and fourteen conciliar constitutions and water until they could announce toa waiting were read to the assembly. The pope then spoke world the name of the new pope. During the of Bonaventura and of what an “inestimable conclave the cardinals were to receive nothing loss” the Church had suffered in his death; from the Camera Apostolica or from any other he ordered that all prelates and priests per ecclesiastical source.*! Gregory’s own election totum mundum should say a mass for his soul had been preceded by an interregnum of three and another for the souls of those who had years, and he was determined that such a_ died in attending the council. But now the hour scandalous vacancy should not again leave Chris- was getting late, and continuance of the affairs

tendom without its chief pastor. of the council was set for the next session,

The general feeling of satisfaction among to be held on the following day. The sixth and most of the conciliar fathers at Lyon was sadly last session, then, was held on Tuesday, 17 diminished on Sunday, 15 July, when Cardinal July, and two more constitutions were read Bonaventura died, homo eminentis scientie et publicly. The pope now addressed the assembly eloquentie, vir quidem sanctitate precipuus, .. . for the last time. Again he recalled the three benignus, affabilis, pius . .. Deo et hominibus reasons for convoking the council. Plans had dilectus. He was buried the same day at the been made for the Crusade (the negotitum Terre Franciscan convent in Lyon in the presence of Sancie), and union had been effected with the the pope, the members of the Curia, and the Greek Church, but he said “that the prelates grieving fathers of the council. Pierre de Taren- Were Causing the ruin of the whole world” taise, cardinal bishop of Ostia, preached on (quod prelati faciebant ruere totum mundum). Yo the text (from II. Kings [II. Sam.], 1:26): “I these he gave a solemn warning. If they did not am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan: reform themselves, he would impose reform Very pleasant hast thou been unto me. . . .”5? on them. Only worthy men were to be ordained The Greeks had translated Bonaventura’s name _ 4S parish priests, and they were to reside in as Eutychios, and the charm of his personality their parishes. Other matters remained, of had impressed them as much as his learning. course, for the council had not been able to He was canonized in 1482 under Sixtus IV, deal with everything that required attention, and proclaimed a doctor of the Church by but the pope would seek remedia opportuna

for such problems. After the accustomed

; ’ q, 4244S e . ‘ and to prevent misunder- the following January. Charles of Anjou issued a standing Nicholas supplied his envoys witha text safe-conduct for its four members on 7 January,

of the oath which the Greek prelates were touse 1279.78 As far as the Emperor Michael VIII in their acceptance of Latin Catholicism.2® was concerned, it was a poor time to receive The Greeks must employ the filioque clause, for papal envoys. Charles seemed ominously active unity of faith could not be achieved in diversity.2”__ in Naples. In January, 1279, he ordered an array

But for the rest the Greeks might retain such of of all his feudatories in Italy, Sicily, and Pro-

their ancient rites as in the judgment of the vence; summoned coiners and minters from

papacy were not inconsistent with the faith and _ Brindisi to the Castel dell’Uovo in Naples; the canons. Michael was to help negotiate the and started the construction of royal dwellings continuance of peace with Philip of Courtenay in the regions of Bari and Otranto. The foland Charles of Anjou, and even be prepared lowing month he directed that a second tower

to receive a cardinal legate in Constantinople be built like the one recently put up in the who would have full authority in religious harbor at Brindisi, so that a chain could be matters.** Under the circumstances these and suspended from one to the other and block certain other papal demands seem excessive, access to the harbor at night.2° He exchanged and Nicholas III was pressing the emperor embassies with the king of Serbia and received too far. Church union could be maintained only one from the king of Cilician Armenia. In by a mutual desire to find the means. Latin April he ordered the shipment to Brindisi of arrogance and the Greek sense of grievance arms and munitions, which were to be sent were grave impediments to union. Undoubtedly over to the Dalmatian coast “to fortify the the Greeks found satisfaction in their theological castles of Butrinto and Suboto,”*! which he was acquiring from the Despot Nicephorus Ducas

oe of Epirus. Michael VIII’s religious policy had council is Ogerius’s “instructions” to Marco and Marchetto, helped make Nicephorus not merely an Angevin and Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, pp. 548-49, has llv b Lj hich . Charl shown reasons for placing this council late in 1276, “January, ally ut a vassa » IN which connection aries

1277, at the latest.” had just received a solemn embassy from

25 Cf, Marténe and Durand, Veterum scriptorum . . . amplis- Epirus. On 8 April he ordered the harborsima collectio, VII (1733), Acta varia . . . conc. Lugdunen., masters of Apulia to allow the Greeks, their no. 43, col. 269C; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1278, no. mission completed, free departure from the Nicola It, no 376, p Posh. Gay and Vite, Registres de kingdom, and on the tenth he ratified the articles #6 Marténe and Durand, VII, col. 270, and Raynaldus, of an Angevin-Epirote pact, and authorized his Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1278, no. 9, vol. XXII (1870), p.415b. © Own envoys to Arta “to receive in his name 27 Martene and Durand, VII, col. 269D; Raynaldus, Ann. from the said despot the oath of homage and of eccl., ad ann. 1278, no. 8, vol. XXII (1870), p. 415a; fealty and also the oath for the observance of Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas III, no. 376, p. 128b: “Item

super eo quod dictus imperator in prefatis suis litteris petiit ut ecclesia Grecorum dicat sanctum symbolum sicut dicebat §=—————————

hoc ante scisma, et ipsi Greci maneant in ritibus suis. 28 Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., 1, 299, “datum Neapoli die Respondendum est quod unitas fidei non patitur diversita- VII lanuarii [1279].” Charles granted the papal mission, tem in professoribus {Raynaldus: professionibus] suis,sivein the bishop of Grosseto and his three companions, free professione sive in decantatione vel alia ipsius fidei publica- passage from the kingdom sine pedagio vel iure aliquo, and tione . . . , et ideo deliberavit eadem Romana ecclesia et included in the safe conduct “the nuncios or envoys [apocrivult ipsum cum adiectione illa Filioque tam a Latinis quama__ sarii}] of Palaeologus,” who were returning with them to

Grecis uniformiter decantari. . . .” The Greeks were notto Constantinople. The document is given in Golubovich, allege that taking oaths was contrary to their custom. loc. cit., and summarized in C. Minieri-Riccio, “Il Regno di 28Marténe and Durand, VII, cols. 270-72; Raynaldus,Ann. Carlo I d’Angio . . . ,” Archivio storico italiano, 4th ser., I eccl.,ad ann. 1278, nos. 10-11, vol. XXII (1870), pp.415-16; (1878), 193. Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas III, no. 376, p. 130a:“. . . 30 Minieri-Riccio, Arch. stor. ital., 4th ser., II (1878), 193, quod multum esset utilis in partibus illis presentia cardinalis, 194, 196. quiauctoritatem plenam haberet . . .” (Marténe, col. 272C). 31 Ibid., pp. 195, 197, 198.

THE HOLY SEE AND GREEK OPPOSITION 131 the pact.”*? On 18 May (1279) Charles ordered It was indeed not a good time to receive 1,700 marks of fine bronze sent to Galeran papal envoys in Constantinople. Michael VIII d’Ivry, seneschal of the kingdom of Sicily and had been having a great deal of difficulty with since August, 1278, vicar-general of the princi- the independent John Beccus, who after some pality of Achaea. The bronze was to be de- harassment had given up the patriarchal throne posited in the mint at Glarentza. On 8-9 June in March, 1279, and retired into the monastery he directed two mint masters and a silver refiner of the Panachrantos,* thus leaving the political of Messina to proceed immediately to Glarentza. scene about the time the papal envoys came Galeran d’Ivry was to receive them, “and to upon the emperor at Adrianople. Michael had have the new coinage struck of the same value, been makinga pretense of not accepting Beccus’s the same weight, and the same form as the late abdication, and now required him to meet the

Prince William of Achaea used to issue, and papal envoys in the monastery of Mangana only the legend is to be changed, substituting with no word of his own abandonment the name of Charles for that of William.”** of the patriarchate. Michael found Nicholas To be sure, the aging William of Villehardouin —III’s demands disheartening, for he knew they

had died on | May, 1278, and Charles of Anjou would provoke bitter opposition from the had succeeded him in the principality. Byzantine Byzantine clergy. In a special assembly, however,

agents were watching Charles like so many he quietly warned the clergy of the pope’s hawks as he seemed to be moving eastward, excessive requirements for union, which he now that he was prince of Achaea and suzerain attributed to reports the Latin religious in Pera of the Despot Nicephorus Ducas of Epirus, must have been sending to Rome obviously to the self-proclaimed defender of Orthodoxy the effect that the Byzantines regarded the

against the imperial unionist. union as a religious farce, a mere _ political

The Emperor Michael VIII had his successes maneuver. Michael assured the clergy that he too, for during the entire decade of the 1270's would not allow an iota to be added to the symbol

he had in his employ the notorious Latin ad- even if it meant war with the Latins, but he venturer Licario, who conquered most of asked the clergy to receive the envoys honorably Negroponte (Euboea) as well as various islands and to hear them patiently.*° in the Archipelago. We shall return to Licario’s The papal envoys had their say, and doubtless

career in connection with the Burgundian believed they were performing their functions

duchy of Athens.*4 well. To prove his determination to maintain the union of Lyon, Michael arranged that the

2 Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliogr., 1, 300; Minieri-Riccio, C@VOYS Should visit the prisons where antiArch. stor. ital., 4th ser., II (1878), 198, 199. It required UNionists, including members of the imperial twenty horses, saddle and sumpter, to transport the despot’s family, were held in chains.*’ John Beccus’s envoys from Barletta to Brindisi, and the Angevin bailie pro-unionist views were well known, and he was of Barletta was ordered to find the horses and send the envoys now restored to office. On 6 August (1279) on their way the day after their arrival in his bailiwick. B d h ‘arch ‘ 3 Ibid., pp. 201-2, 203. On Galeran d‘Ivry, see Jean Lon- 2ECCUS returne to the patriarc ate, ostenta gnon, L’Empire latin de Constantinople et la principauté de tiously accompanied by a_ brilliant gathering

Morée, Paris, 1949, pp. 254 ff., and on the Epirotes, of senators and high prelates. Now a synod

(Amsterdam, 1972), 170-94. . : .

Donald M. Nicol, “The Relations of Charles of Anjou with = could formally consider the papal demands. Nikephoros of Epiros,” Byzantinische Forschungen, IV But once more the Greek clergy declined to take

34On Licario, see Marino Sanudo Torsello, Regno di the required oath, as being contrary to their

Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), pp. 119-20, custom. The filtoque clause was not inserted

122-27; Facaymeres, pat Noe’ Bonn 410-13); in the Greek symbol, and the clergy would do Icephorus GOregoras,Mich. fist. oyzant., onn, 1,I, —Jl, 98); Dalger, Regusten, pt. 3, no. 2042, p. 72; Hopf, “Ge- no more than prepare @ synodal statement schichte Griechenlands ... ,” in J. S. Ersch and J. G. like that of April, 1277. There were so few Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyhlopadie . . . , vol. 85 (1867),

pp. 304-6, 308-9 (repr. New York, 1960, I, 238-40, ——————

242-43): Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, (1965), nos. 70, 77, 79, 82, 85, 87, 89, 94-96, 98, 102-3, pp. pp. 136-41, and Essays on the Latin Orient, Cambridge, 1921, 256-65.

repr. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 164 ff.; D. J. Geanakoplos, %° Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., VI, 13 (Bonn, I, 454-55). PachyEmperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, Cambridge, Mass., meres says that he wrote the libellus for the abdication; he

1959, pp. 295-99; and on the chronology of Licario’s was John Beccus’s secretary. career, note the regestes in R. J. Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs °° Pachymeres, VI, 14—15 (Bonn, I, 455-59). tierciers de Négrepont de 1205 a 1280,” Byzantion, XXXV *? Pachymeres, VI, 16 (Bonn, I, 459-60).

132 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT subscribers to this statement, however, that than with ink (7a 8’ éxeivw TOTE TpaTTOLEva Michael ordered the addition of numerous Saxpvotis wadAov 7) pédAave ypdgvew hv Evov).” names of imaginary bishops to improve the Michael’s violence inspired hatred which was impression which the document would make on __ directed also against the Patriarch John Beccus,

the Curia Romana. Pachymeres admits that he whose intellectual defense of church union did not know whether or not John Beccus gave became intolerable for those who would no his consent to this outrageous forgery. Dealing longer grant even its political utility.**

with the thorny problem of the procession of The Franciscan mission must have returned the Holy Spirit, the synodal statement cited to the Curia Romana early in the year 1280, numerous Greek patristic texts which sought to and one can easily imagine Pope Nicholas III’s define the relation of the Holy Spirit to the Son. annoyance with the results which they had obNone of the texts chosen, however, employed tained. It may be that criticisms made by the the decisive phrase EK TOU VLOU EKTTOPEVET Vat Angevin party help to explain the imperious

(ex filio procedere); apparently the purpose tone which the pope had allowed to enter the

of the Greeks was to bury the problem under a_ letters and instructions which the Franciscans mass of citations. Although the statement con- had carried to Constantinople in the first place. cluded with the prescription of condign punish- As Cardinal Orsini, Nicholas had been the

ment for those who rejected the religious leader of the Roman faction at the Curia; his peace, there were certain to be those in the election had of course disappointed Charles

Curia who would assail the intransigence and of Anjou, who could now rejoice in the complete

tergiversation of the Greek clergy.** failure of the Franciscans to secure Byzantine Michael VIII and his son Andronicus [II] obedience to the pope’s demands. It was not renewed their professions of faith by oath in the end of the union, but the union could the palace of Blachernae in September, 1279, not last.

and letters to this effect were given to Bishop Generations of so-called crusaders had Bartolommeo of Grosseto and the Franciscan thoroughly alienated the Greeks. Just as after mission to carry back to Nicholas III.°° But the Cerularian Schism, the ambition of the Norby now the good bishop and his companions man rulers of southern Italy had impeded efrealized their mission had not been a success. forts at ecclesiastical reunion, so Charles of They had secured no concession, no gesture, Anjou had persistently sought to disrupt the that John XXI’s embassy had not already gained, religious peace of Lyon. But until the flat and they had obviously sacrificed much good-will failure of Nicholas III’s embassy to Constan-

at the Byzantine court. tinople there had been little he could do for When the Franciscans left Constantinople the past half-dozen years. Michael VIII might try

to return to Rome, they left Michael VIII to with increasing violence to force reunion on face increasing anti-unionist agitation, from the Greek Church, just as John VIII was to the laity and secular clergy as well as from the exercise his influence to achieve it again at monks. Michael responded angrily, even the Council of Ferrara-Florence (in 1438-1439). viciously, to the opposition, and embarked on The simple fact was that neither the Greek a cruelty of repression which Pachymeres hierarchy, despite John Beccus, nor the Greek believed might better be written of with tears people wanted reunion with Rome. The pleni-

—_ tude of papal power was incompatible with 3*Pachymeres, VI, 17 (Bonn, I, 460-62), and cf. in general the pentarchic view of the Byzantine Church M. Viller, “La Question de Manion des Cglises en Grecs whereby the four eastern patriarchs, although (127d TB.” Reowe d'histoire ecclésicttiqne, XVIL (1921), Tecognizing the papal primacy of place, would 264-65, and, ibid., XVIII (1922), 46-47, an interesting but accept neither the appellate jurisdiction nor the

rather diffuse study. right of doctrinal declaration claimed by the 39 The letters are given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. Roman pontiffs. Many Greeks believed that

1280, nos. 19-22, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 478-80: “Praesens autem sacramentum actum est in nostra urbe felici Constanti- =§=————

nopolitana in nostro sacro imperiali palatio Blachernarum 40 Pachymeres, VI, 24 ff. (Bonn, I, 483 ff.). mense Septembris indict. VIII anno sexto milleno septimo 41.On Beccus’s defense of church union and the double centeno octuagesimo octavo, hoc ipso nimirum Christianae _ procession of the Holy Spirit, cf; Grumel, “Le II° Concile de

salutis MCCLXXX feliciter. . . .” But the Byzantine new Lyon,” Dictionn. de théologie catholique, [X-1 (1926), cols. year and the eighth indiction began on 1 September, 1279. 1400-1; L. Bréhier, “Jean XI Beccos,” Dictionnaire d'histoire

Cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 2041, p. 72. et de géographie ecclésiastiques, VII (Paris, 1934), cols. 360-63.

THE HOLY SEE AND GREEK OPPOSITION 133 the safety of the empire, with its God-guarded lip service to the crusading idea, and commonly capital on the Bosporus, depended upon the insisted upon payment of the crusading tithe,

preservation of Orthodoxy. as provided for by the Council of Lyon, al-

Nicholas III had little time to assess the sad_ though as usual funds were diverted to other consequences of his embassy to Constantinople. uses.*” Nicholas was nothing if not a practical

He had been a busy pope. During his brief politician. He had too many problems and too reign he had tried to hold in check the ambition many ambitions to spend his strength on what

of Charles of Anjou as well as to adjust the he doubtless regarded, for his reign at least, latter’s difficulties with Rudolph of Hapsburg as an unattainable ideal, and he needed his in order to secure peace in Italy.** By the well- resources to restore the independence of the known constitution Fundamenta militantis ecclesie papal states as well as to establish, if possible,

(of 18 July, 1278) he had prohibited election as the Orsini family in a hereditary domain in Senator of Rome of any emperor, king, prince, northern Italy.*

marquis, duke, count, or baron without the A Roman by birth, Nicholas III spent most express consent of the Apostolic See,* which of his brief reign in the city which the popes prevented re-election to the office of Charles had almost abandoned during the thirteenth of Anjou, of whom he also demanded that he_ century, although the summer heat might drive give up the imperial vicariate of Tuscany.*4 him to the pleasant height and green vistas Although Charles’s grip upon central Italy was of the palace at Viterbo. Since the Lateran thus loosened, he continued to press his policy needed rebuilding in his time, and Rome was of alliances with the anti-Greek states in the often turbulent, Nicholas took up his residence Balkans, and especially with Bulgaria.** On the at S. Peter’s, where many of his letters were other hand Nicholas III was interested in a issued, and where he was almost the founder possible Mongol-Christian alliance against of the Vatican palace and the gardens.* Despite Islam, and in the spring of 1278 he had sent a F ranciscan mission to the Il-Khan Abagha of quod dudum te gratia divina preveniens mentem tuam sua Persia, which was supposed to go on to the misericordi virtute commovit ut semitas erroris abiciens great Kubilai Khan in Peking. Nicholas paid vias incederes veritatis recipiendo Christi baptismum ut sic regeneratus in Christo populo fidelium iungereris. Ex

—______ hoc tua fertur accensa devotio ut sacrosanctam Romanam

42. Cf. Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas II, nos. 226, 302, reverearis ecclesiam, cultum diligas Christianum, et ipsos

704 ff., 724, 728 ff., 765 ff., 797 ff., 847-48, 860, and cf. Christianos sub ditionis tue degentes imperio caritative

nos. 257, 684 ff., etc. foveas, favoribus munias, benigne pertractes, ac ipsos in 43 Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas III, no. 296, pp. 106-8. libertate conserves. . . . [Nicholas III is sending the “ Cf. Gay and Vitte, op. cit., nos. 303-4, 344 ff., 601, 604, Franciscans to Peking to give proper instruction in the 661, 705, 711, etc. Charles of Anjou’s appointment as Christian faith to Kubilai Khan, his sons, ‘and others of your

Senator of Rome expired on 16 September, 1278. people who have received no baptism thus far or have not 6 There was an exchange of Bulgarian and Angevin received it in the required form.’ In closing he asks for a embassies in 1278, on which note J. Radonié, Acta et diplomata kindly and co-operative reception of the mission.] Datum ragusina, | (Belgrade, 1934), no. 39, p. 60, and R. Filangieri, Rome apud Sanctum Petrum II nonas Aprilis anno primo” I Registri della cancelleria angioina, XX (Naples, 1966), add. (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 39, fols. 72"—72”). There are

ad reg. LXxx, no. 5, p. 259. brief notices of this letter in Gay and Vitte, op. cit., no.

6 Gay and Vitte, op. cit., nos. 232-38, pp. 88-90. Cf. 233, p. 89, and Aug. Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum,

Wadding, Annales Minorum, V (1931), 39 ff. Actually Nicholas 0. 21,293 (vol. II, Berlin, 1875, p. 1722).

III’s mission did not get beyond Persia (cf. E. Amann, *" Gay and Vitte, op. cit., nos. 3, 8, 14, 62, 80-83, 110-11, “Nicolas III,” Dictionn. de théologie catholique, XI [Paris, 19311], 126, 131, 165-67, 186-88, 190, 193-94, 491, 537 ff., 761.

cols. 534-35). There was also an exchange of embassies » Cf. Sternfeld, Kardinal Johann Gaétan Orsini (1905, repr.

between Abagha and Charles of Anjou at this time (cf. 1965), pp. 309-13. Filangieri, Registri, XIX [1964], pp. 148, 150, 245). 49 Tf any reliance can be placed in the Bolognese Dominican The Franciscan mission consisted of Gerard of Prato, Francesco Pipino (1276-1314), Chron.: de papa Nicolao Il, Antonio of Parma, John of S. Agatha, Andrea of Florence, IV, 20, in Muratori, RISS, IX (Lucca, 1726), col. 724, and Matthew of Arezzo, who were entrusted with the delivery Nicholas built his palace from the tithes of ecclesiastical

of a papal letter dated 4 April, 1278, to Kubilai Khan, revenues collected by Gregory X for the crusade (.. .

who was believed in Rome to have accepted Christian ex pecunia collecta de decima proventuum universarum ecclesiarum baptism: “Carissimo in Christo filio Quobley magno Caano _occasione passagii, quod statuerat facere Gregorius X papa . . .), imperatori et moderatori omnium Tartarorum salutem et and a similar statement appears in the Chronicon imperatorum

apostolicam benedictionem: ... ab olim in eo Romana_ et pontificum Bavaricum, in MGH, SS., XXIV (1879), 225, to mater exultavit ecclesia et felicis recordationis Johannes the effect that Nicholas built a “miri operis pallacium de papa predecessor noster letitie incrementa suscepit quod de marmore Rome .. . de pecunia decimali, quam Gregorius te per Abagua regem orientalium Tartarorum illustrem X universo clero pro subsidio terre Ierosolimitane inposu-

nepotem tuum suis extitit auribus intimatum, videlicet erat per sexennium. .. .” I take these references from

134 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT his predilection for Rome, however, Nicholas April, 1280, appointed an embassy to treat died, allegedly of apoplexy, at the castle of with Charles and the Latin Emperor Philip

Soriano near Viterbo (on 22 August, 1280). of Courtenay: despite the broad terms of

A vigorous pope, he might have been a great their commission, the envoys were obviously

one had he lived longer. to deal with the problem of the zmpertum Romamie. There is no question that hopes for a crusade

were dimmed by the failure of Nicholas III’s After a papal interregnum of six months, mission to Constantinople. Charles of Anjou during which time Charles of Anjou exerted saw his opportunity, and immediately after such pressure as he could on the Sacred College, the return of the papal mission to the Curia Cardinal Simon de Brion (or Brie) was elected Romana he was in communication with Giovanni pope in a conclave at Viterbo on 22 February,

Dandolo, the new doge of Venice, who on 28 1281. He took the name Martin IV. (As a

—_—_— result of the odd error, which existed at the Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Der Vaticanische Palast time. of calling Popes Marinus I and Marinus in seiner Entutcklung bis zur Mitte des XV. Jahrhunderts, Citta Il by the name of Martin. Cardinal de Brion

del Vaticano, 1935, p. 39 (in the Studi e documenti per la y ; ,

storia del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, vol. II). became Martin IV whereas actually he was

Cardinal Ehrle, op. cit., p. 27, has observed that we have only the second of the name.) Opposition to no document of Nicholas III dated at the Lateran. The the Orsinion the part of the populace of Viterbo, repairs and reconstruction undertaken in recent years in the where the cardinals gathered in conclave, had

oldest parts of the Vatican Palace, around the Cortile helped £ h o ftheR G if

del Pappagallo, have added considerably to our knowledge of elped trustrate the ettorts ol the oman ucHs the early history and development of the papal residences to elect another pope of Nicholas III’s party. on the hill to the north of S. Peter’s. According to the The usual pattern of papal election had mani-

ren innocent if “hee nap. in PL construction a’ co CcxIA — fested itself: when the Italians could not agree a somewhatP defective text},ae extensive was; begun before 1208 by Innocent III, of whose works a sturdy - the conclave, a Frenchman emerged as pope.

tower and the understructure of a long hall still stand, Martin was crowned at Orvieto (on 23 March) embedded in the east wing of the palatium novum which because Rome was in revolt. Indeed, the city Nicholas II built in 1278. Innocent’s long hall, called the was never entirely pacified although, on 29

aula tertia, forms theMartin older part of the (later) Sala Ducale, .:f: nenaber ; April, delegated to Charles of Anjou which Nicholas completed by the construction the so- authority. h ‘al hori Martti called aula secunda. (Pius IV revaulted the Sala Ducale in C of € senatorial artin never lived live the third quarter of the sixteenth century.) Nicholas III also in Rome, and through the four years of his

added the aula prima, now the Sala Regia. reign his hold upon the papal states remained The primary source for Nicholas’s building activities at precarious. A patriotic Frenchman and a tool in the Vatican is an inscription which was found off the Via . . . Aurelia by one Monsignor F. Bianchini, who presented it to Angevin hands, Martin appointed too many of the Roman Senate in 1727. It is now on the Campidoglio, in his compatriots to ecclesiastical and other the Sala dei Capitani of the Palazzo dei Conservatori: offices. Far more seriously, he deliberately and “fAnno domini MCCLXXVIII sanctissimus pater dominus dangerously reversed the wise policies of his Nicolaus Papa III’ fieri fecit palatia et aulam maiora [sic] Jratian predecessors, Gregory X and Nicholas

et et alias domos antiquas amplificavit pontificatus Ill.soug whot ecc had eslastica h lesiastical uni ‘th the th suicapellam, anno primo, et anno secundo pontificatus sui fieri » WhO Nad union with fecit circuitum murorum pomerii huius [i-e. ‘of this garden’, Greeks and the political repression of Charles the plaque having been set in the garden wall]: fuit autem of Anjou.*! For years all Europe had watched predictus summus pontifex natione Romanus ex patre

domini Mathei Rubei de domo Ursinorum.” —_——

For thirteenth-century building north of S. Peter’s and 50G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur the papal acquisition of land and vineyards, see Ehrle dlteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, IIt

and Egger, Der Vaticanische Palast, pp. 25-27, 33-52, 57, (Vienna, 1857), 287, 293-94, 303-4, and cf. Erwin Dade, 71, with a good plate of the above inscription (Taf. Il, opp. Versuche zur Wiedererrichtung der lateinischen Herrschaft in Kon-

p. 40), and esp. D. Redig de Campos, “Les Constructions stantinopel im Rahmen der abendlandischen Politik (1261 bis

d’Innocent III et de Nicolas III sur la colline vaticane,” etwa 1310), Jena, 1938, pp. 54 ff. On 19 March, 1277, after in Mélanges d’archéologie et d'histoire, LXXI (1959), 359-76, the exchange of multe et diverse ambaxate between Venice

and idem, I Palazzi Vaticani, Bologna: Cappelli, 1967, pp. and Constantinople, Michael VIII and the Doge Jacopo 25-33, with various plans and drawings as well as a legible Contarini renewed for two years (usgue ad complementum photograph of the inscription (fig. 11). The layout of the duorum annorum) the treaty which had obtained between the Vatican Palace becomes important as well as interesting in empire and the Republic (Tafel and Thomas, III, 134, the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when, for example, the 137). But this treaty had expired on 18 March, 1279, ceremonial diarists identify the rooms in which certain freeing the Venetians for negotiations with Charles of Anjou. dramatic historical events take place. On the eternal city 51 See in general Richard Sternfeld, “Das Konklave von in the thirteenth century, see Robert Brentano, Rome before 1280 und die Wahl Martins IV. (1281),” Mitteilungen des

Avignon, New York, 1974. Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, XXXI (Inns-

THE HOLY SEE AND GREEK OPPOSITION 135 with vast interest the spectacular career of as doge, the Latin Emperor Philip, and Charles Charles, and seemed actually to be divided of Anjou or the latter’s son Charles of Salerno into two great parties, one for and the other were to embark in person upon the reconquest against him. There could have been little of Constantinople. Philip and Charles were to doubt where Cardinal de Brion stood in this supply about 8,000 horse with the requisite alignment, and from the hour of his election armed personnel and the transport (videlicet as Martin IV he was, as he had always been, a__naves et teridae) while the Venetians would pro-

French partisan. vide at least forty well-armed galleys and more In the meantime Michael VIII Palaeologus, if necessary. The high contracting parties probably not knowing of Nicholas III’s death, should be ready to begin their expedition

had dispatched another embassy to the Curia (passagium) in April, 1283. The doge would sail Romana, consisting of Leo, bishop of Heraclea, from Venice with his fleet on 1 April at the latest and Theophanes, archbishop of Nicaea, who and Philip and Charles from Brindisi about 15

fell into the hands of Charles of Anjou. Leo April at the latest, “so that in the said middle and Theophanes were promptly sent as pris- of this month all the vessels may be together

oners to the Curia in January, 1281. After his at sea off Brindisi.”**

election Martin gave the Greek envoys a very The alltes signed another pact on the same cool reception, which Theophanes could later day (3 July, 1281) wherein “it is decided and report to an indignant Michael, but poor Leo expressly agreed to send out and maintain of Heraclea was to meet his death on the way _ galleys and transports at sea for seven months a

home.* year until such time as the [allies] shall make Their mission could not have been a success. their passage into Romania against Palaeologus On 3 July, 1281, envoys of the Doge Giovanni and the others who hold and occupy the empire

Dandolo confirmed at Orvieto a treaty with of Romania... .” The Venetians were to

the Latin Emperor Philip and Charles of Anjou supply fifteen armed galleys and the Angevins “for the recovery of the empire of Romania, another fifteen galleys as well as ten transports which is held by Palaeologus and other usurp- (¢ertdae) with 300 horse, the allied host to assem-

ers...” (ad recuperationem eiusdem imperu ble at Corfu on 1 May, 1282, “ad faciendam

Romanie, quod detinetur per Paleologum et alos guerram et dampnificandum Paleologum et occupatores. . .). If the allies succeeded in re- alios. . . .” When the doge had added his lead

covering the empire, they were to regain all seal to the instrument of agreement, and the rights, liberties, properties, jurisdictions, Philip of Courtenay and Charles of Anjou had lands, and franchises which they had respec- added their seals in wax,°* armed men set tively possessed during the years of Latin domi- out to sea to harry the Byzantine coasts and nation, and all the pacts which the Venetians islands and thus hinder Michael VIII’s preparahad held with preceding Latin emperors, in both tions for defense against the expedition which spiritual and temporal matters, were fully to was to get under way in April, 1283.

be observed. Dandolo himself or his successor For the last several years, ever since the declaration of union at Lyon, Charles of Anjou bruck, 1910), 1-53, who explores the historical background nad pad a “ciend nm ser agus es nia : of the decade or more preceding Martin IV’s election, as CUTSIONS IMO MMS SO-CAMEE KINGCOM O ania.

well as the family connections, political affiliations, and By an order dated at Lagopesole on 13 August, motives of the cardinals who made up the long conclave of 1279, Charles had required that ships be readied 1280-1281. Five popes were elected in Viterbo in some

twenty years. Charles of Anjou was not in the city at all ~

during the years 1280-1281 (see his itinerary in Paul 8 ‘Tafel and Thomas, III, 287-95, treaty confirmed also Durrieu, Les Archives angevines de Naples, 2 vols., Paris, on 2 August, 1281 (ibid., III, 298-308). Cf E. Dade, 1886-87, II, 185-87), and his influence upon Martin’s Versuche zur Wiedererrichtung d. latein. Herrschaft in Kpel., pp. election was thus indirect. On Saba Malaspina’s report con- 56-57; Nicola Nicolini, “Sui Rapporti diplomatici venetocerning the election, note Sternfeld, op. cit., esp. pp. 24 ff., | napoletani durante i regni di Carlo I e Carlo II d’Angio,” and on Saba’s history of the Sicilian kingdom from Manfred Archivio storico per le province napoletane, LX (n.s. XXI, 1935),

to the death of Charles of Anjou, ibid., pp. 45-53. 264-65; W. Norden, Das Papsttum u. Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, 52 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., VI, 30 (Bonn, I, 505-6); repr. New York, 1958, p. 626, and note 2 on the date

Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 2049, pp. 73~—74. On the early April, 1283; Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus,

life of Pope Martin IV, cf. Richard Kay, “Martin IV and _ pp. 337-38.

65 and ff. Versuche, pp. 57 ff.

the Fugitive Bishop of Bayeux,” Speculum, XL (1965), 461- ¢ Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, III, 296-97, and cf. Dade,

136 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT for the embarkation of Hugh le Rousseau de The number of men and the quantity of material

Sully, whom he had just appointed captain being sent into Albania made it abundantly

and vicar of Albania. Sully was himself directed clear that no mere defense of Angevin strong-

to go immediately to Brindisi with the con- holds was intended. siderable force under his command and thence A royal order of 29 June (1280) seems to to proceed on 22 August to Albania.*® A large place Sully’s army between Aviona and the staff was being assembled and numerous troops inland fortress of Berat, and Sully required

recruited to serve under Sully against the the engineer (named Johannes de Tullo), a

forces of Michael VIII, whose aggressive stance carpenter from Foggia with two apprentices, in Albania was a source of extreme exasperation and a good deal of heavy siege machinery to Charles. From the late fall of 1279 Sully, obviously for the purpose of attacking either a who first established his headquarters at Sphe-_ castle or a fortified town. Since the document naritza (at the mouth of the Voyusa),and various of 29 June directs our attention with especial other Angevin officials in Albania received emphasis toward Berat (ad partes Belligradt), constant reinforcements, including Saracen we may assume that Sully had already invested archers and a Latin engineer (?ngenierius), as the town, which was heavily fortified, or that well as money, munitions, siege tackle, grain, he was about to do so.*” Charles of Anjou wine, cheese, beans, and other provisions.*® had lost Berat to Michael VIII in 1274. Now he was determined to recover it.

oo Through the summer of 1280 Charles con55... de Thalloczy, Const. Jire¢ek, and Em. de Sufflay, ,;

Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, I tinued to send . Sully men-at rarms, money, (Vienna, 1913), no. 394, pp. 115-17. Both Sanudo, Regno Munitions, provisions, horses, timber, and even dt Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), p. 129, and Greek fire. According to Sanudo, Charles Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., VI, 32 (Bonn, I, 509), were obvi- “intended to conquer the empire of Romania,” ously fascinated by the proud personality and handsome and supplied Sully “with some 2,000 men-at-

appearance of Sully, whom Pachymeres calls “Ros Solymas. il b 6.000 £

Cf. the curious study of George E. Tipaldou, “The ‘Ros @!1S OF More as well as a out 0, ool, Solymas’ of the Byzantines and the Rossolimi of Cephalonia” among whom were a good many Saracens. (in Greek), in the "Ezernpis ‘Etatpetas Bulavrwav Srovdev, Berat was subjected toa prolonged siege, the II (Athens, 1925), 316-20, who seeks to show that the present-day family of the Rossolimi (PoaoAuvjot) of Cepha- —§ —————

lonia are descended from Rousseau de Sully. Years ago 57 Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, no. 413, p. 125, “datum Karl Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, ... die penultimo Junii: Cum . . . subscriptas res que vol. 85 (1867), pp. 324-25 (repr. 1960, I, 258-59), wrote infra distinguuntur [the siege machinery and other equipan excellent, detailed account of Sully’s Albanian campaign ment are listed later on in the document}, ad nobilem and unsuccessful siege of Berat from the archives of the virum Hugonem dictum Russum de Solliaco capitaneum Cancelleria Angioina in Naples which, stored for safekeeping nostrum in partibus Romanie . . . ad partes Belligradi in the Villa Montesano near S. Paolo Belsito during the _providerimus destinandas—pro quarum destinatione Second World War, were destroyed on 30 September, festina ecce magistrum Johannem de Tullo ingenierium, 1943, on which ¢f. Ernesto Pontieri, “Rovine di guerra in etc., ad te [the ‘justiciar’ or governor of Capitanata, to Napoli,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane, LXVIII whom the order is addressed] specialiter de curia nostra (new ser., XXIX, 1943), 278-81, and E. M. Jamison, “. . . transmittimus. . . .” Berat was of course a very important Angevin Registers . . . ,” Papers of the British School at Rome, _ place, the seat of a bishop. On Johannes de Tullo, ef. XVI (new ser., IV, 1949), 87-89. On the appointment of | Charles of Anjou’s orders of 27 March and 9 September, Sully as vicar-general of Albania, Durazzo, Aviona, Butrinto, —_ 1280, in Minieri-Riccio, “II Regno di CarloI d’Angio . . . ,”

Suboto, and Corfu on 13 August, 1279, see also Minieri- Archivio storico italiano, 4th ser., III (1879), 9, 166. In a Riccio, “Il Regno di Carlo I d’Angio ... ,” Archivio document of 17 September, 1280, the names of about thirty storico italiano, 4th ser., II (1878), 355, andcf. pp. 360, 362.An carpenters, ironmongers, and stone-workers (petrarolt) from

emissary of Nicephorus Ducas was at the royal court atthe Barletta are listed as being assigned to the construction time (ibid., p. 356). The Ducae were always ready to do of machines of war (ibid., p. 168). On the employment of

Michael VIII any damage they could. siege machinery against Berat, cf. Pachymeres, VI, 32 (Bonn, 56 Acta et diplomata Albaniae, 1, nos. 397-413, pp. 117-25. 1, 510), wnxarnpata metpoBoda. On the location of Sully’s headquarters in November, 1279, 58 Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, nos. 414-15, 418, 422-24,

note, ibid., no. 397, p. 118a: “. . . ad partes Spinarse, pp. 125-27. On 26 August, 1280, the castellan and treasurer ubi gens ipsa cum capitaneo ipso [Hugone dicto Russo de _ of Avlona were directed to send Sully “de igne [sic] greco, Suliaco] moratur. . . .” Apparently Sully divided much of — quod [sic] est in castro nostro Avellone.” The large extent of his time between Sphenaritza and nearby Avlona (@bid., no. | Charles of Anjou’s preparations for Sully’s Albanian cam418, p. 126). In this connection note the reference in the _ paign may easily be envisaged from the details of his order

document summarized by C. Minieri-Riccio, “II Regno di relating to supply, dated 13 March, 1280, at Torre di S. Carlo I d’Angio ... ,” Arch. stor. italiano, 4th ser., III Erasmo near Capua (Minieri-Riccio, Arch. stor. italiano, 4th (1879), 165, to “Ugo detto Rosso de Sully, capitano di _ ser., III, 7—8, and note various other documents to similar Romania, che sta a Spinarsa” (under date of 3 August, 1280). effect summarized by Minieri-Riccio in this article).

THE HOLY SEE AND GREEK OPPOSITION 137 cost and labors of which can be assessed from which Turkish mercenaries in the Byzantine the surviving documents.*® Charles certainly felt army clearly had set for him. The Turks seized

the strain on his resources, but on 6 December Sully, in whom they were chiefly interested. (1280) he wrote Sully, joyfully acknowledging Some members of his retinue escaped, and the news that the Angevin forces had occupied brought the alarming news of his capture to the outlying areas of Berat (suburbia casiri the Angevin host under the high walls of Berat.

Bellograd:), and informing him that he was Panic was instant, and Charles of Anjou’s sending a surgeon to care for his wounded “fortunate army” was soon in headlong flight,

men.” Thereafter, a letter dated at Naples in past Clissura to Canina (near the coast southeast March (1281) to Jean Lescot, the captain of of Avlona). Many were killed, and many others Durazzo, orders the latter to send all possible taken prisoner. The Greeks took over the Anaid to Sully “to increase our fortunate army in_ gevin siege machinery, munitions, arms, provi-

the siege of the castle of Berat.”™ sions, and other supplies of all kinds. “Messer Charles’s uneasiness was caused by the slow, Rousseau [de Sully] was taken to Constantinople,”

careful approach of the Byzantine forces Sanudo tells us, “with many of his people, and which Michael VIII had dispatched to the they were put in prison where they remained relief of the threatened fortress.’ But ap- many years: finally he was freed and returned parently Charles had more to fear from the to the kingdom of Puglia, and certainly these rashness of his commander than from the things did not happen without God’s own high caution of his enemies. When at the beginning judgment and great cause. . . .”® of April (1281) Sully was informed by his scouts Delighted by the extraordinary success of his that the Byzantines had arrived in the area of troops, the Emperor Michael VIII gave especial Berat and had even succeeded in getting some thanks to God, who had given him the victory provisions into the beleaguered town, according (yeipas S’aipe. mpos tov VYeov Kat OLOAOYEL

to Sanudo, he “selected twenty-five of his rnvyapw tpave@ To oT6paT1), celebrated a public knights, told them that he wanted to go and triumph, and had murals painted in the imperial take a look at the enemies’ army, and that he palace, presumably at Blachernae, depicting wanted them to come with him. . . .” Sully’s among other victories that at Berat.*4 Michael bold advance led him directly into an ambush had not enjoyed a like success over his Latin

ee opponents since Pelagonia over twenty years 5° Acta et diplomata Albaniae, 1, nos. 425~40, 443-48, pp. before. Certainly his unionist negotiations had 128-31, 132-33; Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, gained him time, and appear to have delayed

Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 129. Pachymeres, VI, 32 (Bonn, I,

509), and Nicephorus Gregoras, V, 6, 2 (Bonn, I, 146), also §=©=————————

agree that, after taking Berat, Charles of Anjou planned 63 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., to sweep through Macedonia and attack Constantinople. He __ p. 129; Pachymeres, VI, 32 (Bonn, I, 512-15); Nic. Gregoras,

tried to clear the road into Macedonia, and also put other V, 6, 4~—5 (Bonn, I, 147-48). On the date of Sully’s castell in the region of Berat under siege (Minieri-Riccio, capture, cf. Hopf’s article, loc. cit., and on the siege of Arch. stor, italiano, 4th ser., IJ, 165, under date of 4 August, _ Berat and its historical significance, cf. also Geanakoplos,

1280). Emperor Michael Palaeologus (1959), pp. 329-34. That the 8° Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, no. 441, pp. 131-32. Angevin army was defeated and Sully captured at the be-

Charles wants Sully to hasten the capture of the fortress by ginning of April, as Hopf, loc. cit., states, clearly follows from

“frequent assaults” (frequentes insultus). a letter of Charles of Anjou dated at Orvieto on 17 April, 5! Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, no. 449, p. 133, doc.dated by 1281 (Acta et diplomata Albaniae, I, no. 451, pp. 133-34):

the editors 12 March, 1281, but should probably be 22 that Charles knew the fate of his army on this date March (cf, ibid., no. 450, p. 133b), as it is dated in Hopf’s _ clearly follows from his request for an inventory of the goods article in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85 of his troops at Berat, “. . . tam ab illis de hospicio nostro (1867), p. 325a (repr. 1960, I, 259a). Jean Lescot, who quam stipendiariis nostris olim in obsidione castri Bellogradi. appears in Minieri-Riccio’s summaries of the Angevin docu-_. . .” Sully’s imprisonment, however, did not last as long as ments as Giovanni Scotto (Johannes Scottus), and likewise in Sanudo believed, since his name stands at the head of a list of Francesco Carabellese, Carlo d’Angio nei rapporti politict e French lords in the Angevin service in November, 1282 commerciali con Venezia e l' Oriente, Bari, 1911, pp. 33, 71, 87 (Minieri-Riccio, “II Regno di Carlo I d’Angio . . . ,” Arch.

ff., was of course a Frenchman (cf. Paul Durrieu, Les _ stor. ital., 4th ser., IV P1879], 357). Cf. in general Sanudo’s

Archives angevines de Naples, 11[1887], 338). Almost no Italians __ reflections on the events of these years in a letter addressed

occupied positions of command in the Angevin military or to Cardinal Bertrand du Poujet, composed at Venice on 10

civil service at this time. April, 1330, in Friedrich Kunstmann, “Studien uber Marino 8 Pachymeres, VI, 32 (Bonn, I, 510, 512). Sully continued Sanudo den Aelteren,” Abhandlungen der historischen Classe to receive reinforcements through March, 1281 (Minieri- der k. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Munchen, VII Riccio, “Il Regno di CarloI d’Angio . . . ,” Arch. stor. ital., (1855), app., ep. I, pp. 773-74.

4th ser., IV [1879], 5, 6) and even later (ibid., p. 14). 64 Pachymeres, VI, 33 (Bonn, I, 516-19).

138 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a full-scale Angevin attack upon the Byzantine One fact was obvious in Constantinople, Rome,

empire for some half-dozen years. After Berat, and Naples: Michael VIII needed an ally. Charles of Anjou’s smoldering hatred against ‘To informed observers of the time it was equally Michael burst into a new flame, if one can use obvious where he might find one.

the metaphor of the cold-blooded pragmatist, King Pedro III of Aragon-Catalonia had who now set about organizing a larger expedi- married the ill-starred Manfred’s daughter tion against Byzantium than any he had planned Constance. She had not relaxed her claims before, and this time (as we have seen) inalliance to the Hohenstaufen kingdom of Sicily. with the Venetians, who were no more recon- Ghibelline refugees from Sicily and southern ciled than he to the Greek reconquest of 1261. Italy gathered at the Catalan court in Barcelona,

As he worked toward the expedition which where they never ceased to importune Conwas to assemble at Brindisi in April, 1283, stance to remember her rights and Don Pedro

Charles now had, and for the first time, the full to give them substance. Recent historians have

and unremitting assistance of the papacy. studied the lives and legends of Giovanni da Pope Martin IV was an Angevin zealot. On Procida and Benedetto Zaccaria, both of whom 18 November, 1281, he promulgated a solemn played important roles in the diplomacy which bull of excommunication against “Michael led to the Graeco-Catalan collaboration against

Palaeologus, who is called emperor of the Charles of Anjou. It is now known, however, Greeks,” and who like his people was a schis- that from the year 1279 until the spring of 1282,

matic and a heretic. The pope forbade all when the alleged arch-conspirator Giovanni da

rulers to form any societas vel confoederatio with Procida was supposed to be making his secret

him or to give him aid or counsel so long as_ trips to Rome, Sicily, and Byzantium, he was

he remained under the ban.® The decree too frequently resident in Aragon-Catalonia, was repeated on 7 May and on 18 November, where he served Don Pedro as chancellor,

1282,°° and the “union” of the Churches was_ to have traveled abroad often enough and far entirely shattered, to the pious disapproval of enough to weave the diplomatic web in which the Venetian Marino Sanudo, as half a century Charles of Anjou was finally caught. Conlater he pondered these rapidly moving events.” temporaries understood that Michael VIII

a6 and Don Pedro possessed a common bond in A. Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum, II (Berlin, their hostility to Charles. What finally proved 1875), no. 21,815; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1281, no. to be surprising, then, was not so much the 25, vol. XXII (1870), pp. 490-91, “in festo dedicationis fact of collaboration as its overwhelming effec-

basilicae_principis apostolorum, pontificatus nostri anno tiveness

primo” [the dedication of the basilicas of both S. Peter ‘ . .

and S. Paul in Rome comes on 18 November]. The date of Whether one believes that a formal alliance the first excommunication of Michael VIII is given in- existed between Don Pedro III and Michael correctly as 18 October (1 281) by Dade, Versuche, p.58,and VIII may depend upon one’s definition of the Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus, p. 341, but cor- term, No text of an alliance exists in which rectly as 18 November by E. Amann, “Martin IV,” in Dic- the obligati f th tracti 3 tionn. de théologie catholique, X-1 (Paris, 1928), col. 195. The C0 igations of ¢ € contrac Ing paruies are bull was promulgated at Orvieto, a Guelf city, which after specified, but the Dominican chronicler P tolemy Urban IV’s two years’ residence there (in 1262-1264) had _ of Lucca, writing in the early fourteenth century,

become an Angevin center: except for a brief interval seems clearly to say that he once saw the text Martin IV resided at Orvieto from the spring of 1281 until of such a tr eaty, desi gne d to take Charles of

the summer of 1284 (cf. in general Daniel Waley, Mediaeval . . gg

Orvieto, Cambridge, 1952, pp. 44-53). Anjou’s kingdom from him.® Don Pedro % Potthast, Regesta, II, nos. 21,896 and 21,948; F. OlivierMartin, ed., Les Registres de Martin IV (1281-1285), 3 fascs.. ————————

1901—35, nos. 269, 278, pp. 100-1, 115-16; Raynaldus, 6 Ptolemy of Lucca, Hist. ecclesiastica, in Muratori, RISS, ad ann. 1282, nos. 8-9, vol. XXII (1870), 495-96, “actum XI (Lucca, 1727), cols. 1186-87: “Primo namque assumun-

apud Urbemveterem [Orvieto] . . . in die Ascensionis tur mediatores inter Palaeologum et regem Aragonum, Domini . . .” (Ascension comes forty days after Easter, qui vocabatur Petrus, qui uxorem habebat filiam Manfredi, hence on 7 May in 1282 when Easter fell on 29 March), and, quae vocabatur domina Constantia. Hi autem fuerunt ibid., no. 10, p. 496, when Michael VIII was excom- mediatores: unus fuit dominus Benedictus Zacharias de municated for the third time, as Raynaldus remarks, Janua cum quibusdam aliis Januensibus, qui domini erant in “recurrente festo dedicationis principis apostolorum” (i.e. terra Palaeologi. Alius autem fuit dominus Joannes de again on 18 November). Cf Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, cols. Procida. Et hi, praecipue autem dominus Joannes, medi-

475 ff. atores fuerunt inter unum de majoribus principibus mundi 67 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., et regem Aragonum supradictum de auferendo regnum regi

p. 138. Carolo: quem tractatum ego vidi. Sed illi regi succurrit Palaeo-

THE HOLY SEE AND GREEK OPPOSITION 139 appears to bear witness to the same effect ina Michael VIII would perforce be content with letter of January, 1282, to the Ghibelline govern- any move which deflected Charles from striking

ment of Pisa, from whom he wanted assistance at Byzantium. Michael would claim, in the

against Charles: memoir of his achievements, to have been the Since it is well understood that Charles, like the Shea see whrcl God chose to elP the S rans wretched miscreant he is, plans soon to attack the throw oO at € Angevin yoke and gain Met emperor of Constantinople, who has become bound freedom.’ The contemporary Franciscan to us by a tie of recent friendship [nove amicitie chronicler Salimbene of Parma suggests that linea nobis unitus], we have taken the heart-felt Pope Nicholas III, who as Cardinal Orsini resolution firmly to oppose the reckless ambitions had headed the Roman or anti-Angevin party at

of this king to the full extent of our power. It the Curia Romana, had helped prepare the way is our intention therefore . . . to go into the king- for Don Pedro’s Sicilian expedition because of

dom of say and mere fo remain . be oles his hatred for Charles, being supported in

army, and so when the king begins to believe tales this endeavor by the cardinals pledged to the

of his conquest of the Greeks, SiciliansSalimbene will oe . 72 : ; Orsinithe allegiance.” is probably re-

find themselves unmistakably subject to ourwas . : taken up dominion. porting current rumor, which by later writers including Dante and Giovanni

In the interesting bull of 18 November, Villani. It seems most unlikely, however, that 1282, by which Martin IV imposed the long- Nicholas III was a party to the conspiracy expected ban of excommunication upon Don which had certainly been formed against Pedro III of Aragon—at the same time as he_ Charles of Anjou by Pedro III, Michael VIII, pronounced the ban for the third time on Mi- various Sicilian leaders, and some of the Italian chael VIII—general reference is made to the Ghibellines.” As every reader of history knows, pacta, conventiones et confederationes which, the the conspiracy produced startling results. Curia Romana had by then become convinced, existed between the two allies.”” The purpose of such a be vacco- a aan coalition woure 71 Michael VIII, De vita sua, chap. 1x, ed. H. Grégoire, presumably be to attack Charles in Sicily, where — pyantion, XXIX-XXX (1959-60), 461. Perhaps we may he was the most vulnerable. Pedro III could observe here that Michael’s titular rival, the Latin Emperor thus assert his wife’s rights to the island, and Philip of Courtenay, served as a commander for Charles of Anjou in Sicily against Pedro of Aragon (Minieri-

—_—_—_—_—_—_——_ Riccio, “Il Regno di Carlo I d’Angio . . . ,” Arch. stor. ital.,

logus propter novitates eidem factas, et cum suo adju- 4th ser., V [1880], 179). torio facit armatam in mari.” See in general Richard ” Cf. Salimbene [degli Adami], Cronica, ed. O. HolderSternfeld, “Der Vertrag zwischen dem Palaologen Michael Egger, MGH, SS., XXXII (1905-13, repr. 1963), 517: VIII und Peter von Aragon im Jahre 1281,” in the Archiv ‘“Siquidem papa Nicholaus III dederat eam [Siciliam] sibi fiir Urkundenforschung, V1 (Leipzig, 1918), 276-84. Ptolemy [Petro] in odium regis Karuli cum consensu aliquorum settled in Avignon (in 1309), where he finished his history cardinalium, qui tunc erant in curia, et ipse Petrus rex of the church, which comes down to 1294. As Sternfeld Aragonie ex alia parte credebat se aliquid in ea iuris habere, suggests, Ptolemy may have seen the “treaty” of alliance (in quia Manfredi principis gener fuerat”—on which cf. SternRome?) when as prior of the convent in Lucca from 1288 _ feld, “Vertrag zwischen dem Palaologen Michael VIII u.

he was entrusted with important business on behalf of the Peter von Aragon,” pp. 282-83, and “Das Konklave von Dominican Order, and presumably found himself at the 1280... ,” Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Osterreichische

Curia Romana on diverse occasions. Geschichtsforschung, XXXI (1910), 19 ff.

Fritz Kern, Acta Imperii, Angliae et Franciae (1267-1313), 3 Too little is known of the mission of Pedro III’s emisTiibingen, 1911, doc. no. 28, p. 17, and cf. Geanakoplos, sary A. Taberner in 1278-1279 “pro quibusdam nostris Emperor Michael Palaeologus, pp. 348-49, who rightly stresses | negociis ad Curiam Romanam et ad dominum imperatorem”

the importance of this text. (Helene Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones y alianzas politicas 7 Olivier-Martin, Registres de Martin IV, no. 276, p.112.The del rey Pedro de Aragon contra Carlos de Anjou antes pope states that vox . . . publica et communis accuses Pedro de las Visperas Sicilianas,” Boletin de la Academia de la Historia,

III and Michael VIII of an alliance contra nos, ... CVII [Madrid, 1935], 561-63, 591-92) to assume that

Ecclesiam etregemCarolum. . . . Theban was repeated against Nicholas III was willing to support the Graeco-Catalan Pedro III a year later on 18 November, 1283, in die dedica- coalition against Charles of Anjou even if the dominus tions basilice principis apostolorum (ibid., no. 482, pp. 220-22, imperator in question was in fact Michael VIII and Taberner

and cf. nos. 571, 573, 577). discussed with Nicholas a Catalan expedition against Sicily.

8. THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND A CENTURY OF ANGEVIN DECLINE (1282-1383) QO) EASTER MONDAY, 30 March, 1282, Two facts were certain, however, and may be a crowd was gathering in the square by the stated briefly. Until the conflict between the century-old church of Santo Spirito, tothe south- houses of Anjou and Aragon was resolved, east of the city walls of Palermo. People were there could be no possibility of a successful coming from the city and the countryside tohear crusade, and without such help the remnants the vesper service. Suddenly an irate husband of the Latin states in the Holy Land could not slew a French soldier who was molesting his wife. long survive. Of course Byzantium would last

He made history. Every Frenchmaninthe square until it faced a more powerful enemy than perished within minutes as the bells of Santo Charles of Anjou and one closer at hand. In epiito tree the extraordinary hour of the the meantime Pope Martin IV began pouring

ict qf are ihe massacr e of the French crusading tithes and other revenues into the thro h Tom day fh Pe id week nN week war against Pedro III of Aragon,? whom he rougiout most of the island, and an Angevin accused of deceiving the Curia with the expecfleet was destroyed in the harbor of Messina— the fleet which Charles of Anjou had intended

to send against Byzantium. Within a few weeks 4. Ge lIschaft. 1 V (MG 1935). 230-39 it was clear that Charles’s “crusade” would have G7 uae sBese scat Ist ser); Seas )e ‘ro de b dpostponed indefjnitel d wh 30and so when “Conjuraciones y alianzas del rey de to be indennitely, on Aragén contra Carlos politicas de Anjou antes de laPedro Visperas

August Don Pedro III of Aragon finally landed _ Sicilianas,” Boletin de la Academia de la Historia, CVU at Trapani, it was clear that Charles of Anjou (Madrid, 1935), 547-602, with twenty new documents

had lost the chance to attack Byzantium (Miss Wieruszowski’s two articles have been recently

The Sicili V d mi i ; -, reprinted in the collection of her works entitled Politics € sicilan Vespers, quod miracuiosum fuit, and Culture in Medieval Spain and Italy, Rome, 1971, pp.

as a Genoese chronicler describes it in his ex- 173-83, 223-78, the latter being given in a revised

cited account,' astonished Europe and aroused German version, “Politische Verschworungen und Biindnisse

much comment and speculation in the Levant.2 Konig Peters von Aragon gegen Karl von Anjou am

Vorabend der sizilianischen Vesper,” from the Quellen und

—_—_—— Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XX XVII 11. T. Belgrano and C. Imperiale, eds., Annali genovesi, [1957], 136-91); Erwin Dade, Versuche zur Wiedererrichtung V (1929), 16-20. der lateinischen Herrschaft in Konstantinopel . . . , Jena, 1938, 2 Of the large literature on the Sicilian Vespers and its pp. 59 ff.; Giuseppe La Mantia, “Studi sulla rivoluzione

consequences, reference may here be made to Bartolommeo _ siciliana del 1282,” Archivio storico per la Sicilia, VI (1940),

di Neocastro, Historia sicula, chaps. 14 ff., ed. Giuseppe 97-135; Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers, Cambridge

Paladino, in Muratori, RISS, XIII, pt. 3 (Bologna, 1921), Univ. Press, 1958, pp. 201 ff.; and D. J. Geanakoplos, 11 ff.; Salimbene, Cronica, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH,SS., Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, Cambridge, Mass.,

XXXII (1905-13, repr. 1963), 508-10, 512, 513, 517, 523 +1959, pp. 344 ff. There is a survey of some of the ff., 564-65; Ricordano Malispini, Storia fiorentina, Livorno, sources in C. N. Tsirpanlis, “The Involvement of Michael 1850, chaps. 220 ff., pp. 504 ff., and in a much better VIII Palaeologus in the Sicilian Vespers (1279—1282),” in the edition by Enrico Sicardi, Due Cronache del Vespro in volgare | Greek periodical Byzantina, IV (Thessaloniki, 1972), 303-29.

siciliano del secolo XIII (containing the Rebellamentu di Don Pedro had gathered his naval and land forces for Sichilia . . . contra re Carlu by an anonymous writer of — the Sicilian venture under the guise of a crusade against Messina and the Vinuta e lu suggiornu di lu re Japicu in la the Moslems in North Africa (¢f. Wieruszowski, “Congitati di Catania [in the year 1287] by Frate Athanasiu di juraciones y alianzas ... ,” pp. 583 ff.; Politics and Jaci, as well as an appendix of other pertinent texts), in Culture [cited above], pp. 255-64; and La Mantia, “Studi RISS, XXXIV, pt. 1 (Bologna, 1922), pp. 81 ff., appendix 3. sulla rivoluzione siciliana,” pp. 101-3). According to the Sicardi discusses the historical value of the Sicilian literary © Angevin records summarized by Camillo Minieri-Riccio, “Il

sources in a long introduction (they add valuable data to Regno di Carlo I d’Angio . . . ,” Archivio storico italiano, contemporary letters and documents, but are frequently un- 4th _ser., IV (1879), 174-75, on 7 April, 1282, Charles trustworthy). Of secondary works it may suffice here to cite of Anjou ordered the arming for his Greek expedition of Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1282, nos. 11 ff., vol. XXII a fleet of twenty-two galleys and eight transports, which (Bar-le-Duc, 1870), pp. 496 ff.; the famous work of Michele according to an entry under 11 April “dovranno navigare Amari, La Guerra del Vespro Siciliano, 9th ed., 3 vols., verso Visola di Sicilia” (bid.)—the Sicilian Vespers had ocMilan, 1886; Otto Cartellieri, Peter von Aragon und die curred twelve days before, and Charles now changed his sizilianische Vesper, Heidelberg, 1904, esp. pp. 138 ff.; mind (di avere mutato consiglio) about sending the fleet into Helene Wieruszowski, “Der Anteil Johanns von Procida an Romania! der Verschwérung gegen Karl von Anjou,” Gesammelte 3 Adolf Gottlob, Die papstlichen Kreuzzugs-Steuern des 13.

Aufsatze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens (Spanische Forschungen Jahrhunderts, Heiligenstadt (Eichsfeld), 1892, pp. 116 ff.

140

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 14] tation of peace while entering into a treacherous the time of good King William II (1166-1189)

conspiracy against Charles.‘ and the days of yore.

Already very heavily in debt, Charles found The first Angevins could easily be charged his revenues markedly reduced by the loss of with violating King William’s good usages since Sicily. Don Pedro III and the Catalans soon no one ever found out what these usages really occupied the island in its entirety. Although were. Charles followed the models he found in grasping, Charles was certainly not niggardly. the kingdom when he conquered it, and these But he found life a costly business. His finan- Were the malpractices of the Emperor Frederick cial accounts, which Minieri-Riccio published II and his son Manfred. Charles's administration years ago in brief summaries from the records Was merely more efficient, which prevented of the Cancelleria Angioina in Naples, show abuses but also aroused hostility. Charles inCharles to have been reasonably generous to creased his always inadequate revenues by the

his retainers and to ecclesiastics, anxious to wor en or Ghibelline properties, revocation

build up his library, and constantly alert to the © R ° f Sicilia cn oak full ceblaitees orme he

needs of his armed forces. His administration im d sain 4 he ol XP Newt on ¥ te

in the Regno was expensive; it was also rather oral and extraordinan eae (th “hog * Sen-

corrupt, his taxation boreand heavily his ; y .land © SwovEnto gensubjectsand eralis), customs portonduties, taxes, mar-

fe r son Cadi ho has defended Charl ket tolls, exit visas (jura exiturae), exchange and ¢ Ani con q adler, Wilo fas he kin q ar “e sales taxes, and returns from the salt monopoly, Si ; mous a denv theahon - t \ oPhic r I. as well as by the most stringent interpretation of A y, cannot the k € ra h scality O h 1s Fue: feudal law, which by and large he applied equally Ss suzerains of the kingdom, however, the popes to his French and Italian subjects. But certainly played a dominant role ink Neapolitan and there were royal officials and French feudatories, Sicilian affairs, and were In part responsible of whom some remained in the southern king(says Cadier) for the mistakes of policy which dom unwillingly, who were rapacious enough to helped to precipitate the Vespers. The terms set exacerbate the feelings of the Sicilians, especially by the papacy for investing Charles with the when the latter finally found themselves almost

kingdom had prohibited his levying imposts entirely excluded from the governance of the upon ecclesiastical lands, and he was further island.® bound to respect the freedom, immunities, and P rivileges o fall men in the entire kingdom, and 5 Cf. Clement IV’s bull Cum itamdudum tractatum of 26 to maintain such privileges as had existed in February, 1265, in J. C. Lunig, Codex Italiae diplomaticus, II (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1726), cols. 945 ff.: “. . . Item

——_—_——_—_—— comites, barones, milites, et universi homines totius regni et 4 See Martin IV’s bull excommunicating Pedro III of Ara- terrae praedictae vivent in ea libertate, et habebunt illas gon, dated 18 November, 1282 (F. Olivier-Martin, ed., Les | immunitates illaque privilegia, ipsisque gaudebunt, quas et

Registres de Martin IV [1901-35], no. 276, p. 109b): quae tempore clarae memoriae Guillelmi secundi Siciliae “.. . pacem expectavimus et turbinis gravioris tempestas Tegis et aliis antiquis temporibus habuerunt” (col. 962). On apparuit, machinatis iam dudum, ut communis quasi fert this text, cf. L. Cadier, Essai sur administration du royaume opinio, et subsecutorum consideratio satis indicat evidenter, e Sictle sous Charles I et Charles II d@Anjou, Paris, 1891,

dolis et insidiis revelatis.” On the fact of conspiracy, Pp- 10-11, and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1265, no. which Amari always denied in his effort to see the Vespers 20, vol. XXII (1870), p. 152b. aS a spontaneous uprising of Sicilian patriots against * Paul Durrieu, Les Archives angevines de Naples, 1 (Paris,

French tyranny, cf. Wieruszowski, “Conjuraciones yalianzas,” 1886), 75-76, has emphasized that a study of the pp. 549 ff., and La Mantia, “Studi sulla rivoluzione Angevin registers gives a favorable impression of Charles siciliana,” esp. pp. 101 ff. As is well known, Pedro was ona _ of Anjou’s efforts to maintain justice and social security in

“crusade” at Collo, north of Constantine, against the the kingdom of Sicily. Charles adopted for his realm the Hafsids of Tunis when two Sicilian delegations waited on ‘French institution of permanent commissions of inquiry him in mid-August. They brought him an urgent appeal to —_(inquzsitores curiae) to hear complaints against, and to correct

intervene on the rebels’ behalf against Charles of Anjou, — the abuses of, all royal functionaries. On the multiplicity who was quickly making plans for the reconquest of the of taxes collected in the kingdom of Sicily (and inherited island. Charles-Emmanuel Dufourcgq, L’ Espagne catalane etle from Frederick II and Manfred), see Durrieu, I, 90 ff. Maghrib aux XIII* et XIV® siécles, Paris, 1966, pp. 248-59, Protesting against Michele Amari’s sweeping condemnation

claims with good reason that Pedro’s North-African of Angevin administration in Sicily (in La Guerra del

venture was a serious undertaking in itself although the Vespro Siciliano), Léon Cadier, Essai sur administration du Sicilian Vespers gave him a fine opportunity for the profit- royaume de Sicile, esp. pp. 10-54, 62 ff., has described at able diversion to Sicily as his campaign against the Hafsids some length Charles’s efforts to provide the kingdom with

was failing. a sound administration and to prevent official abuses of

142 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Charles of Anjou’s revenues seem rarely to ecclesiastical tithes (presumably of the Angevin

have equaled his expenditures, and he often domains in Italy) for two years “to aid him in turned to Martin IV for help. From the be-_ the expenses of the war against Sicily.”® When ginning of his reign Martin seems to have been _ one adds the specificity of figures to the general scrupulously attentive to financial matters (partly grants of tithes and the like, it becomes clear

perhaps because of Charles’s constant need), that we are dealing with very large sums of and he used the subsidium Terrae Sanctae as a money. device to raise money. Possessing the ecclesias- On 12 November, 1283, for example, Charles tical mentality of his ttme, Martin was of course of Anjou’s son, the prince of Salerno, sent two theoretically devoted to the crusading ideal, emissaries to the Curia Romana to receive from and he was always eager to persuade the faithful Pope Martin IV a loan of 100,000 ounces of to make testamentary bequests to promote the gold to help arm a fleet for an expedition against

crusade.’ But once crusading funds were col-_ the native rebels and the Catalan invaders of lected, the pope was accountable to no one for _ Sicily.!° Three months later, on 13 February their disposition. On 18 March, 1282, before (1284), Charles of Salerno acknowledged the rethe Sicilian Vespers, Martin granted Charles of ceipt from Martin of 10,000 ounces of gold for Anjou the crusading tithe for six years in both _ the Sicilian war, and at the same time was given the island of Sardinia and the kingdom of Hun- another 28,393 ounces and 14 grains of gold, gary. Since Charles professed to be a crusader, which amount the pope paid in gold florins at

this was quite in accord with the decree of the the rate of five to an ounce.!! Shortly there-

Second Council of Lyon.’ The object of Charles’s after, on 25 February, Charles of Salerno made “crusade” was of course Byzantium although due acknowledgment to the pope for the receipt one commonly spoke of the perils of Christians of 50,000 ounces of gold, of the sum being loaned

in the Holy Land. Charles would rescue them to his father “per le spese della impresa di after the re-establishment of the Latin empire _ Sicilia.” At the same time Charles received 1,000 on the Bosporus. Before November, 1283, how- ounces of gold from Gino Frescobaldi and his ever, Martin had also granted Charles certain associates, Florentine merchants, and another

—__—_—_—— 10,000 ounces of gold from other merchants, all kinds, and has shown that Charles’s grand ordinance of “e tutti per le spese della guerra.” If the reform of 10 June, 1282, was to an important extent a entire loan of 100.000 ounces is reckoned on repetition of laws and royal orders issued before the the basis of five florins to an ounce (the ratio

Vespers. Nevertheless, Cadier, op. cit., p. 53, concedes ‘ .

that the Angevin administration weighed heavily on some remained much the same for decades), obviously parts of the realm (and notably on Sicily, op. cit., p. 63), and the Angevins expected the Holy See to finance provoked complaints against excesses and oppressions. the recovery of Sicily to the extent of 500,000 The preface to Charles’s grand ordinance of reform makes florins, which was probably the total fixed incorrupt officials, and the prince of Salerno’s articles of come of the papacy for some eighteen months.

clear that his subjects had been sadly mishandled by .

reform (of 30 March, 1283) confirm the fact (op. cit., The kingdom of Sicily was, to be sure, a papal PPS Op neegenera | Olivier-Martin. Reeistres de Martinme IV fief, anddé Charles of Anjou was the pope’s - in ivieT-MaYrtin, res iMaarun , nos. ; Mvassal, 4, 93. ORS 34, 54, 74-76, 79, 8 19 6-87, 116, 119-91, but one may be permitted the suggestion that 140-45, 150 ff., etc., 161, 163, 180, 204, 222-23. The —————— crusading tithe was still diligently collected after the * Minieri-Riccio, “II Regno diCarloI d’Angio . . . ,”Arch. Vespers when it would obviously be used not against stor. ital., 4th ser., V (1880), 360: “. . . per soccorrerlo the Moslems but against the Catalans (ibid., nos. 244-45, _ nelle spese della guerra contro la Sicilia.”

947-48, 272-74, 286, etc., 350-52, 356, etc.), which 0 Ibid., V (1880), 358-59, and cf. p. 361. Charles of

caused the complaint reported to the Curia Romana by a_ Salerno was then ruling as vicar-general for his father, collector, “qui in litteris suis significaverat in Alamaniae who was out of the kingdom (Durrieu, Archives angevines, I partibus dolosam linguam disseminare guod decimam Terrae [1886], 140, and If [1887], 139). On the loans, ¢f. Cadier, Sanctae subsidio deputatam in usus alios nequiter ecclesia Essai sur l'administration du royaume de Sicile, p. 101, who Romana converteret . . .” (ibid., no. 244, pp. 84-85, papal observes that Charles of Anjou had authorized his son to letter dated at Orvieto on 13 January, 1283). When on _ borrow up to 100,000 ounces of gold, but does not note that 12 January; 1284, Martin IV wrote that “the business of | this sum was expected from the pope. Since Charles also

the Holy Land is especially close to our heart,” Terre soon sought a loan of 20,000 marks of silver from Edward Sancte negotio cordi nobis specialiter insidente (ibid., no. 433, p. I of England and lesser sums from other Florentine and 178), it is hard to escape the conclusion that he is thinking | Lucchese bankers, he was obviously prepared for a higher only of collecting funds which he knows perfectly well will indebtedness than 100,000 ounces of gold. never see service against the Moslems. Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. 11 Minieri-Riccio, op. cit., VII (1881), 8.

eccl., ad ann. 1283, nos. 39 ff., vol. XXII (1870), pp. 519 ff. 12 Thid., VII (1881), 8-9, and cf. the entries under 27 ® Olivier-Martin, Registres de Martin IV, no. 116, pp. 43-44. February (ibid., p. 9) and 3 September (p. 304).

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 143 Charles’s expectations of his suzerain were weakness of his successor Andronicus II, who excessive. Nevertheless, Martin IV’s response to immediately abandoned his father’s policy of his requests appears to have been unhesitating. ecclesiastical union with Rome and made the Papal pressure was constantly put on the Guelf intractable pro-Latin John Beccus step down bankers to extend further credit tothe Angevins. from the patriarchal throne.” The French lost Sicily largely as a result of their The years were also to show that Michael VIII own harshness and arrogance although the had probably failed to assess the true danger to success of the islanders’ revolt obviously owed Byzantium, which lay not in the West but in the

much to Byzantine money and Catalan troops. East. The grandiose schemes of Charles of Certainly Martin IV gave Charles of Anjou all Anjou diverted him from serious efforts to

the help he could. check the continuing expansion of the Turks in The Angevins now began their long effort to Anatolia. Undoubtedly the removal of the Byreconquer Sicily, which inevitably distracted zantine capital from Nicaea to Constantinople their attention and resources from Moreote after 1261 diminished Michael’s interest in deaffairs. The French principality of Achaea had fending the Greeks of Asia Minor, who had all the weakness of a feudal state and none of prospered and felt secure under the Lascarids, the strength of the centralized monarchy upon and who widely regarded him as a usurper. which it depended. It was a politicalanachronism Once Michael had regained Constantinople, by the close of the thirteenth century. The rights however, he had to protect the city from Latin of William of Villehardouin’s daughter Isabelle, claims. To further this aim he had of course signed away by her father, as we have seen, in accepted church union at Lyon in 1274, which the treaty of Viterbo (1267), were to be restored _ had also served to alienate the Greeks of Asia

for a time by Charles II (1289). Perhaps Charles Minor.

was moved to do this by the intervention of | The recovery of Constantinople revived the

Philip IV the Fair on Isabelle’s behalf. In any Byzantine dream of universal empire, and made event Isabelle was to reign as princess of Achaea mastery of the Aegean and the reconquest of

with her two later husbands—Florent of Greece a categorical imperative. But a weak

Hainaut (1289-1297), a great-grandson of the state centered in Constantinople could not at Latin Emperor Baldwin I, and Philip of Savoy the same time hold Asia Minor, the old nursery (1301-1307), a nephew of Count Amadeo V— of Byzantine manpower, and also crush the but the glorious past of the Villehardouin did Ducae of Epirus and Neopatras as well as the not return to the Morea for all that a daughter Latin dynasts. While Michael attacked the Greeks

of their house bore the princely title. in Thessaly and Epirus, the Angevin forces in

For twenty years after the Vespers, until the Albania, and the Latins in the Morea, Negropeace of Caltabellotta in 1302, the Neapolitan ponte, and the Aegean islands, the Turks were house of Anjou required all its strength for the overrunning the Byzantine territories in Asia struggle with the house of Barcelona.? Many Minor.’* When under the first Ottoman rulers Moreote knights fought in the Angevin armies against the Catalans, Aragonese, Sicilians, and 14 John Beccus was also forced to subscribe to an antipeninsular Ghibellines, who opposed the re- Latin profession of faith, the text of which is given by establishment of French rule in the island king- George of Cyprus (Beccus’s opponent and successor) in dom of Sicily (Trinacria). Fortunately for the his Exposition of the “Tome” of Faith against Beccus (“Exdeots 1 oe . TOV TOLOU TNS TLATEWS KaTa Tov Béxxov), in PG 142, cols. principality of Achaea, however, and p cr haps 237-38, on which note George Pachymeres, De Andronico

for the Angevin kingdom of Naples, Michael pgjacologo, 1, 8-11, 14, 34-35 (Bonn, II, 25-36, 42-43, VIII Palaeologus died at this juncture (on 1] 89-103); J. D. Mansi, Concilia, XXIV (1780, repr. 1903),

December, 1282). Michael had displayed military cols. sour Nee a Ron as: a ist ypantina, Vir | 2 and diplomatic genius, but his restoration of the jog4" 19s. 44 ff. vol. XXII (1870), pp. 544 ff and V. Byzantine empire had been very incomplete. It Grumel, “Le II® Concile de Lyon et la réunion de l’église did not become a strong state, and the Latins grecque,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, IX-1 (Paris, in Greece and the Aegean profited from the 1926), cols. 1403-9. On Byzantium after Michael VIII's death, see in general Angeliki E. Laiou, Constantinople

——__—_—_———_. and the Latins: The Foreign Policy of Andronicus II, 1282-1328, 13Cf. Hans E. Rohde, Der Kampf um Sizilien in den Cambridge, Mass., 1972.

Jahren 1291-1302, Berlin and Leipzig, 1913 (in the On the growing strength of the Turks and their Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte, territorial expansion during the reign of Michael VIII, see

Heft 42). Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, I11,21,and IV, 27 (Bonn,

144 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Turks finally acquired effective leadership, did remain a bone of contention between the two Michael’s successors on the throne would have _ powers.

little difficulty in identifying the Turkish ad- The Byzantine government expressed its will-

vance as the chief danger to Byzantium. ingness to admit both Marco II Sanudo and Charles of Anjou died at Foggia on 7 January, Bartolommeo I Ghisi, island dynasts and good

1285, and less than three months later (on 28 Venetians, into the truce, provided they obMarch) death forced Martin IV to give up the served the important articles of non-aggression. resources of the papacy which he had employed The Byzantines also granted the Venetians part so generously on Charles’s behalf. Jacopo Savelli, of their old quarter on the southern shore of

cardinal deacon of S. Maria in Cosmidin, an the Golden Horn, from the Porta Drungarii old man and a sick one, was elected his tothe Porta Perame, as well as certain properties successor on 2 April. He was crowned as Honor- and rights in Thessalonica and elsewhere in

ius IV on 20 May, and he lost no time in_ the empire. There was to be no expulsion of granting Charles of Anjou’s son, Charles II the the Genoese, however, sed erit securitas per im-

Lame, “the tithes of all churches for three perium nostrum inter Venetos et Januenses. The years . . . for the recovery of Sicily from the Venetians were assured of the safety of their perpower and dominion . . . of Pedroof Aragon, sons and goods throughout the empire, and were who held it contrary to the determination of the conceded full rights to come and go, buy and church.”?* The historical stage was soon cleared sell, without let or hindrance, tax or toll. The of the figures who had played prominent roles Venetians might purchase and export a limited in the great drama which culminated in the quantity of grain, and were allowed various other Sicilian Vespers. Philip III’s “crusade” against economic and legal privileges which we need not Aragon-Catalonia failed ini the summer of 1285, specify; the two powers would also exchange and Philip himself died on 5 October during the _ prisoners, who might be free to go more or less retreat from Spain.’7 A month later Pedro III where they chose. followed him to the grave (on 11 November). Piracy would not be tolerated. Disputes would Meanwhile, the envoys of the Venetian doge be adjudicated without hasty recourse to arms. Giovanni Dandolo had already negotiated with Byzantine merchants might trade in Venice, the government of Andronicus II Palaeologus, paying only the regular taxes prescribed by the Michael VIII’s son and successor, a ten years’ state. The Venetians were not to aid or abet the

truce. enemies of Byzantium in any way—nor furnish

The pact provided that the truce might extend transport to them, which was obviously a blow beyond the decade in question if it was so de- to whatever imperial hopes were still being nursired. In any event the pact was toend in orafter tured at the Angevin court in Naples. Specific the year 1295 only if one of the high contracting reference is also made to the pagani, Turks, parties formally notified the other that it was among the Byzantine enemies whom the Venewithdrawing therefrom, and legally to do this _tians would neither assist nor make a pact with. an advance notice of six months was required. Finally the Byzantines promised to pay the VeneThis vera et pura treugua was signed by Androni- tian government 24,000 hyperperi as reparations cus in Constantinople on 15 June (1285), and for the seizure of certain Venetian ships and ratified by the doge on 28 July. The Byzantine other goods during the reign of Michael VIII as government undertook not to attack or other- soonas the doge ratified the terms of the present wise molest the Venetians in Crete, Modon, treaty. The Byzantines would press no similar -and Coron although the island of Negroponte claims upon Venice (and probably had few to press). The text of the agreement was prepared

—_——____— by Ogerius (Ogier), familiaris notarius in the I, 219~20, 310-12). Michael of course made some effort Byzantine chancery, and was sealed with a pen-

against he (H. Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, Paris, dant golden bull on Friday, 15 June, 1285, in 16 sipabene, Cronica, in MGH, SS., XXXII, 594, whohada ‘he palace of Blachernae in the presence of very poor opinion of Honorius IV (ibid., pp. 618-19, some of the highest dignitaries of the empire. 629). On the pope’s Sicilian policy, which continued that of Martin IV, see Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1285, nos. }§©=————————

16 ff., vol. XXII (1870), pp. 553 ff., and Cadier, Essai sur 8G, L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur Vadministration du royaume de Sicile, pp. 122 ff. dlteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, ™ Cf. Joseph R. Strayer, “The Crusade against Aragon,” _III (Vienna, 1857, repr. Amsterdam, 1964), no. CCCLxxvIH,

Speculum, XXVIII (1953), 102-13. pp. 322-39.

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 145 Thereafter in Venice the doge, Giovanni claims for reparations, which seem to have ranged from

: : ; about 67,000 to 100,000 hyperpyra, were unacceptable to

. andor, S igned nee reement with ms love Andronicus II. The Grand Council therefore decided,

and on oalurday, J Y> 8. again by an overwhelming vote, to send another envoy or

and true affection which the Venetians had envoys to the Bosporus with the same full powers to entertained of old for the Byzantine empire. negotiate as the first envoys, Andrea Zeno and Marino

Dandolo observed that, before the text of June, Morosini, had possessed (no. 53, p. 69). On 20 June orders 1285, was decided upon, several embassies, Were issued to arm a galley to convey the Republic’s new three of them in fact, had been exc lange c- Andronicus’s ambassadors could return home with them. tween Venice and Constantinople (diversis factis The Grand Council now wanted to see not only Negroponte ambaxatis ex utraque parte). The pact was modeled _ but also the Athenian duchy included in the truce (nos.

° . ’ h db * envoys to the imperial court; it was suggested that

upon previous agreements, so that a fuller "Two PP chants. Luce Michiel and Marco Bobizo, were understanding existed between the signatories given permission (on 8 July, 1284) to accompany the envoys

than might otherwise have been the case. Since at the expense of the state, to plead their own case

the proposal to make peace with the Byzantines, and that of others, “and if they get back what they lost, and thus abandon their alliance with Charles when they were captured with their ships, they can invest

. it in grain or in other things to bring back with them, but

of Anjou, was ap parently first proach the not a merchandise from the Levant, ... Michiel and

Grand Council on 16 Septem er, 12 ~ the Bobizo were forbidden to take money with them; they were Venetians had returned to their erstwhile love not going for commercial purposes. They were also to take for Byzantium about a year after Pedro III’s oaths “that they will tell the truth, according to their own landing in Sicily, by which time it was clear good conscience, about what was in the ships when they were that the Angevins could break the Catalan captured _. -”received (no. 76, p. 73, ¢. nos.instructions 88, 177, pp. 75, . 19 ).not The Republic’s envoys theandusual

hold upon the island. and authorization to contract loans in an emergency (nos.

89, pp. 73, 75), and the Byzantine ambassadors received —$—— the usual gifts as they77,prepared for their departure

19 The doge’s confirmation of the truce with Andronicus (no. 85, p. 74). II is given in Tafel and Thomas, III, 339-53. The success- The Venetian envoys made some progress, because on 15

ful third Venetian mission to the imperial court was February, 1285, a Byzantine embassy was back in Venice. conducted by Angelo Marcello and Marco Zeno (ibid., III, | Andronicus’s ambassadors, however, informed the doge that 323, 324, 340). The course of almost two years’ negotia- _ the imperial government would not subscribe to the truce at tions can be followed in Roberto Cessi, ed., Deliberazioni the cost of 66,600 hyperpyra, let alone 100,000: Andronicus’s del Maggior Consiglio di Venezia, III (Bologna, 1934), entries | own evaluation of the Venetian losses was 24,000 hyperpyra

from the Liber Luna. In April, 1283, Venetian merchants (¢bid., no. 214, p. 96, and no. 17, p. 98). On 10 March

were not to go into the “lands of Palaeologus” (Luna, the Grand Council voted to send a third mission to

no. 35, p. 25). A month later the Grand Council declined the Constantinople (no. 9, p. 98), and on the thirteenth requests of an Angevin embassy for assistance (bid., nos. they agreed to a settlement for the 24,000 hyperpyra 45-46, p. 27), stating that it was the Venetian intention that Andronicus was willing to pay, although the Venetian “attendere et facere illud quod nos debemus et ratio vult envoys should get more if they could (no. 17, p. 98). The in isto facto” (no. 51, p. 28). On 8 August the Grand Council merchant Luca Michiel was allowed to return with the new

authorized the bailie and councillors of Negroponte to envoys, Angelo Marcello and Marco Zeno. Another borrow 5,000 hyperpyra “for the purpose of defending the merchant, Bracco Bredani, who had suffered losses at the

city and island of Negroponte, if it should be necessary, hands of the Greeks (no. 17, p. 98), was also granted against the army of the Greek emperor” (no. 116, p. 41). permission to accompany Marcello and Zeno to Andronicus’s

When on 16 September, however, a proposal was court (nos. 25-28, 30, 33, pp. 100-1). Venetian traders submitted to the Grand Council to make a “compositio were still forbidden to go into the “lands of Palaeologus”

seu treugua cum Imperatore Andronico,” the vote was (no. 48, p. 103), and on 3 July, not knowing of the almost overwhelmingly in the affirmative: “capta fuit pars © emperor’s acceptance of the truce (on 15 June), the Grand

quod sic, et fuerunt cLxvi de sic, xL de non, xxxvin non Council was still making provision “pro defensione insule sinceri” (ibid., no. 157, p. 49). Incidentally, in Venetian voting Nigropontis contra exercitum Imperatoris Grecorum” (no.

procedures bale non sincere were not “abstentions,” but 98, p. 113). As late as 7 July the Grand Council was doubtful votes, which were often important, though not in _ prepared for a Venetian fleet of ten galleys to make war on the present instance. On 18 September the Grand Council _ the Byzantines if the truce was not signed (no. 103, p. 113).

agreed to send two envoys to Constantinople to negotiate a Marcello and Zeno must have returned, with the truce truce of “from seven to ten years” (nos. 160, 163-64) which agreed upon, within the next ten days or so, because on was, if possible, to include the island of Negroponte (no. 165). 22 July the text was read in the Grand Council and acThe Venetian envoys were told not to allow the Greeks to cepted (bid., no. 115, p. 115, and cf. no. 120, p. 116). prolong the negotiations beyond two months; each of the On the twenty-eighth it received ceremonial confirmation by envoys received £400 from the state “as salary for the the doge (no. 122), and on the following day the Grand journey and expenses” (nos. 167, 170, p. 50). As of March, Council declared it legal to go “ad mercatum in Romaniam 1284, Venetian merchants were still not to go “ad terras et ad terras Imperatoris et ad Mare Maius” (no. 123). A Paleologi” (ibid., no. 7, p. 62), and the same prohibition — bailie and two councillors were to be elected and sent to was still in effect on 17 June when Byzantine ambassadors Constantinople (nos. 124, 128-33, pp. 116-17, dated 29 informed the Venetian government that the Republic’s July to 4 August, 1285). The Byzantine government paid

146 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The statesmen of the Republic had read aright papacy ever found of dealing with non-Christhe changing temper of the times. Strict limits tian enemies in the East and sometimes with had been set to Angevin power, and Charles’s Christian enemies in the West. successors would be confined within them. Popular interest and papal confidence in the Furthermore, the Angevin alliance had not en- Crusade did not perish, then, as a result of the hanced the prestige of the Holy See. By preach- failures of the later thirteenth century. All ing crusades against Frederick II, Manfred, and through the fourteenth century popes, princes, Pedro III, the popes had spent some of the and publicists talked about the Crusade, and moral force of their appeal to arms for the indeed launched some very important expedialleged well-being of Christendom, and had tions which, unfortunately from the Christian weakened their own position of leadership in point of view, achieved little or nothing, while the respublica Christiana. Even before the disaster the Turkish peril increased quite without abate-

of the French “crusade” against Aragon-Cata- ment from one decade to the next. lonia, the Venetians had perceived the failure of Martin IV’s policy against Byzantium and the Whenever one appears to find a dearth of house of Barcelona. The close connection was interest or action on the eastern fronts, it is

now broken between the French court and the , ae , : crusading ; - : f Raynaldus [Odorico Rinaldi, 1595-1671] in failures, but Philip the Fair had no ° Y ; ae ; Curia Romana. Louis IX and Philip II had died always possible to turn to the Annales ecclestastict

: rele ae vs culled from Vatican Archives intention of ho maintaining this the pious tradition, and 4 ilimportant I£P

averted his eyes from the Mediterranean to Caine for ; Tees ene papa corn the lat tare

fasten them upon the expansion of royal power 2/4418 tor almost every year. Bor the last two in France. More than one pope had reminded decades of the thirteenth century we do not promore than one Capetian that the Crusade was pose to follow either Raynaldus or his modern a peculiarly French responsibility. Although in SUCCessors. But notice should be taken during years to come more than one French king would these years of the efforts expended by at least announce his intention of going on a crusade, On€ Mongol il-khan of Persia to form an alliance the fact is that after Philip III no French king with the papacy, France, and England against

was ever to do so. the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor and the Mamluks

Philip IV altered the focus of French royal in Egypt. In the first year of his reign, for ambition, and as far as the Crusade was con- example, the Il-Khan Arghun (1284-1291) cerned the year 1285 brought the thirteenth apparently sent an embassy with a conciliatory century to a close. “Thus 1285 marks . . . the letter to Pope Honorius IV,” and two years end of the crusade as a regular and reliable in- later dispatched Rabban Sauma, a relic-loving strument of papal policy,” as J. R. Strayer has Nestorian monk from northern China,” on an stated: “Deprived of the steady support of the extraordinary mission to Honorius in Rome, French king, the pope was in a poor position Philip IV in Paris, and Edward I at Bordeaux to combat the rising tide of secularism and indif- in Gascony.

ference.””° Nevertheless, as we have already Rabban Sauma and the members of his misnoted, the Crusade remained the only means the sion left Persia in March, 1287, reached Con-

—___— stantinople in April, were in Naples by mid-June, the indemnity of 24,000 hyperpyra before 5 December, 1286, on which day the Grand Council passed a resolution §=——-—_———

to the effect “chat ducats should be minted from the 21 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1285, no. 79, vol. XXII 24,000 yperperi, which have recently come from Constan- (1870), pp. 573-74, the letter to the pope being dated on tinople, for the benefit of those to whom they belong, so 18 May, 1285 (in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 44, fol. that our commune gains nothing therefrom and loses 128); J. B. Chabot, “Notes sur les relations du roi Argoun nothing” (Liber Zaneta, ibid., no. 147, pp. 160-61). Al- avec ’Occident,” Revue de l’Orient latin, 11 (1894), 568-74; though peace had thus been restored between Byzantium Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra and Venice, it would only last the decade provided for in Santa e dell’ Oriente francescano, 11 (Quaracchi, 1913), 432~33; the truce. Brief summaries of some of the more important A. C. Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550, London,

documents may be found in Freddy Thiriet, Délibérations des 1930, pp. 105-7. The pope was much interested in assemblées vénitiennes concernant la Romanie, 1 (Paris and The organizing a crusade (Bernard Pawlicki, Papst Honorius IV.,

Hague, 1966), nos. LXvI ff., pp. 43-51, and no. CXIV, p. 53, Munster, 1896). See in general the brief but instructive

and see the general discussion in A. E. Laiou, Con- article of Jean Richard, “The Mongols and the Franks,”

stantinople and the Latins, pp. 57-67. Journal of Asian History, U1 (Wiesbaden, 1969), 45-57. 20 Strayer, “Crusade against Aragon,” Speculum, XXVIII, 22 Rabban Sauma was of Turkic origin (Paul Pelliot,

102-3. : Notes sur Uhistoire de la Horde d’Or, Paris, 1949, pp. 45-46).

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 147 and spent the month of July in Rome. Some asked him about the imperiled Minorite contime after their arrival in Naples they learned vents in the Holy Land. of Honorius IV’s death (on 3 April, 1287), but In any event Sauma was allowed to celebrate in Rome the pious Rabban Sauma was received mass, apparently in the pope’s presence, and more than once by members of the Sacred Col- watched with wide-eyed fascination the cerelege, before whom he made a profession of monies of Holy Week, which led from day to day faith. Even if he could not discharge his embassy _ to the final Easter services in S. Maria Maggiore

to the pope, sede vacante, at least he and his and the Church of the Lateran. Now that Rabcompanions enjoyed their reverent visits to S. ban Sauma had discharged his appointed tasks, Pietro, the Lateran, S. Maria Maggiore, S. Paolo and delivered to the pope the gifts and letters fuori le Mura, and indeed to “all the churches of the Il-Khan Arghun as well as the offerings and convents in the great city of Rome.” Rabban and letters of the Nestorian Catholicus Mar Sauma then went north into Tuscany, passed Jabalaha, he had to think of the long journey through Genoa in early August, reached Paris back to Persia. Sometime after Easter (28 March, in early September (1287), and was in Gascony 1288), Sauma asked for the papal permission to late the following month. According to the leave Rome. He had spent about six weeks in the Histoire de Mar Jabalaha, Sauma was received city during this, his second, sojourn; he departed both by Philip IV and Edward I, which was for Persia in mid-April,”* with some months of doubtless the case. His warm friendliness and good weather for travel lying pleasantly in prosappreciative curiosity seem to have gained him pect. Arghun and Mar Jabalaha both received

a willing reception wherever he went. The him honorably, as well they might, and for the Mongol envoys marveled at the University of remainder of his days Rabban Sauma doubtless Paris with its 30,000 students, and admired the found among his Nestorian brethren eager listombs of the French kings in the abbey Church teners to his wondrous tales of the marvels of of S. Denis, of which the choir and chevet had Rome.*® been finished only a half-dozen years before. After the election of our old friend Jerome of — Cf. Nicholas IV’s letters to Arghun, Mar Jabalaha, and Ascoli as Pope Nicholas IV (on 15 February, others, dated in April, 1288 (Langlois, Registres de Nicolas 1288), Rabban Sauma returned to Rome, having JV, nos. 571-72, 575-78, 581, and ¢f. nos. 2218 ff.; Luke spent the winter in Genoa. As the fall of Acre Wadding, Annales Minorum, V [3rd ed., Quaracchi, 1931], drew near, papal activity in defense of the Holy 188-9. and cf. pp. 216 ff.; and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad Land had given way before the efforts of Ange- Arghun’s two later embassies in 1289-1290 to Rome, Paris, vin supporters in the Curia Romana to win back and London, cf. Moule, Christians in China before the for Charles II of Anjou-Naples the controverted seh 9. 990, epee ‘ ma ex and now Raynaldus, ad ann. i and ot picnly. * But Rabban Sauma certain'y 25 J. B. Chabot, “Histoire du patriarche Mar Jabalaha III

I ann. 1288, nos. 32-38, vol. XXIII [1871], pp. 38-40). On

: + 1, 2 . , nos. 60—64, vol. , pp. 64-66.

inde the new popes interest In the Last. ¢ du moine Rabban Cauma” [traduite du syriaque], Revue

Nicholas IV was the first Franciscan pope and = de ’Orient latin, 1 (1893, repr. 1964), 567-610, and, ibid.,

a former general the Order. embassies He received vol.toITRome, ( 1898), 73-142 pp. 87-12) » 935-304 1 waliof aumas Faris,(and anesp. aSCOnNny), _ Sauma with great cordiality, and presumably (with a chronology of events on pp. 301-4), and 566-643.

——_—_———_ Bar Hebraeus knows of Rabban Sauma’s embassy to Rome on 23 There can be little doubt that until the late summer of _ behalf of the Il-Khan Arghun (The Chronography of Gregory

1291 Nicholas IV gave more attention to the subsidium Abu’l Faraj . . . Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, trans. regni Siciliae (Ernest Langlois, ed., Les Registres de Nicolas IV, from the Syriac by E. A. Wallis Budge, I [Oxford and 9 vols., Paris, 1905, I, nos. 96-105, 107—9, 560-61, 597, London, 1932], 492). See also Golubovich, Bzbl. bio613, 615, 617—18, 991-1009, 1136, 1178-80, 1227, 1354- dibliogr., II (1913), 434-37, and for the letters which 55, 1882-83, 2114, 2170-71, 2178, 2181-85, 2245 ff., etc, . Rabban Sauma took back with him to Persia, together

3961-64, and vol. II, nos. 4306-7, 4404, 6702-3, 6724, with other (later) papal letters to eastern prelates and 6731, etc.) than to the defensio Terrae Sanctae (ibid., 1, nos. | potentates (dated in July, 1289), ibid., 11, 438-42, and esp.

620-22, 649, 679, 1357 [on the defense of Acre], 1585, Chabot, “Notes,” in ROL, II (1894), 576-600. The con1906, 1934, 2056-57, 2252-60, 2265-70 [on preaching the tinuator of Florence of Worcester notes that Edward I crusade and the dispatch of galleys to Acre], 2516-18, received the Mongol envoys at Bordeaux before Christmas 9772, 3676-78, and vol. II, nos. 4300-02, 4385-4403, of 1287 (Chron., ed. Benj. Thorpe, II [London, 1849], 239, 4409-14, 5319, 6664-6701, 6778-92, etc., etc.). Fromabout and Chabot, ROL, IV [1896], 417). Cf. in general Denis August, 1291, the Curia gave more attention to the Holy Sinor, “Les Relations entre les Mongols et I’Europe,” Land, but Nicholas had certainly evinced much sympathy Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, III (1956), 54-57. The U-Khan for the plight of eastern Christians and made appeals on Arghun sent a third embassy to the West in 1289-1290, a their behalf (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1289-1290, vol. fourth in 1290—1291, and others followed in later years (see

XXIII [Bar-le-Duc, 1871], pp. 66-76). Chabot, ROL, II, 592 ff., 616 ff., and esp. Antoine Mostaert

148 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT During these years there were few wondrous the beginning of his “restitution and concession” tales to be told of the Morea, although conditions of the Villehardouin inheritance, for by an order

in the principality did improve for a while. dated at Naples on 13 September (1289) Charles When Charles of Anjou died in early January, made provision for Isabelle’s passage as princi1285, his son and successor Charles II the Lame pissa Achaye from Brindisi into the Morea.?7 A had hardly begun his more than four years 1m- few days later she married Florent of Hainaut, prisonment in Sicily and Catalonia, having been a great-grandson of the Latin Emperor Baldwin captured on 5 June, 1284, when his squadron I; a younger son (and no longer sO young), was defeated in the bay of Naples. Now on 10 Florent had come to Italy to seek his fortune July, 1289, shortly after his return to Italy, amid the struggles of Anjou and Aragon. In a Charles granted his widowed sister-in-law Isa- royal order of 26 September, Charles II recalled belle of Villehardouin, the late Prince William's how the Villehardouin inheritance had passed to daughter, the barony of Karytaina as well asthe the royal house of Anjou (in 1278) as a result castle of Bucelet (Araklovon).”* This was only of the treaty of Viterbo (in 1267), and noted that

ee he had granted Isabelle and her legitimate heirs

and F. W. Cleaves, Les Lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Aryun the Moreote principality as an act “of sheer

et Oljen c Philippe le Bel, cambridge, Mass. Rae 7 generosity and special grace.” She was to hold netsdetails rans’ations of the travels remarnable jyriacSauma Aistory it as which the western of Rabban may bean . immediate vassal of the Angevin crown,

found in Norman McLean, “An Eastern Embassy to,Europe and since she and her new husband would soon in the Years 1287-88,” English Historical Review, XIV (1899), be leaving for Greece, Charles directed that two

ada , Nestorian Patriarch, and of his Vicar Bar sauma, : ‘ eI .

oo, an James A. Montgomery, yr he Vicar Bar sory of royal commissioners accompany them to see that Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the they hat t fommal’y nstaiice da the are lity Thirteenth Century, New York, 1927, introd. and pp. 51-73 and that the barons and feu atories Oo chaea (Columbia Univ. Records of Civilization), which contains the rendered due homage to them “according to the account of Rabban Sauma and gives about one-half of the use and custom of the empire of Romania,”

whole chronicle; and E. A. Wallis Budge, trans., The rovided they never departed themselves from

Monks of Kublai Khan, Emperor of China: or The History of the he fealt he, owed the h ouse of Aniou.22

Life and Travels of Rabban Sawma, Envoy and Plenipotentiary y y Jou. of the Mongol Khans to the Kings of Europe . .., London, =——~__

1928, introd., pp. 63-71, and pp. 165-97, which provides Karytaina and Bucelet, having married Isabelle de la Roche, a translation of the entire Syriac text, the page references widow of Geoffrey of Briel, lord of Karytaina; as compensa-

relating to the travels of Rabban Sauma. On the historical tion for his loss Charles II gave Hugh the castellany of importance of Rabban Sauma’s mission to Rome, Paris, and Beauvoir (Pontikocastro), a harbor fortress on the Ionian Bordeaux, note also the learned study of [Cardinal] Sea (ibid., docs. 2~3, pp. 22-23, dated 10 and 16 July, 1289). Eugene Tisserant, “L’Eglise nestorienne: Relations avec On 16 September Charles II confirmed an exchange of fiefs Rome,” in the Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, XI (Paris, between Hugh de Brienne and Jean Chauderon, constable

1931), esp. cols. 221 ff.; Giovanni Soranzo, Il Papato, of Achaea, whereby Hugh acquired Conversano in the Europa cristiana e i Tartari, Milan, 1930, pp. 260-71, and region of Bari in southern Italy (which Chauderon had cf. pp. 281 ff.; Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550, received from Charles 1), and in return the constable got pp. 94-127; and B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran, 2nd ed., the seaside castle of Beauvoir, said to have been worth 150

Berlin, 1955, pp. 229-30 with refs., and of. pp. 233, 457. ounces of gold a year (ibid., doc. 6, pp. 25-26). On the significance of Rabban Sauma’s profession of On the capture of Charles the Lame by the admiral Roger faith in Rome, note Jean Richard, La Misston en Europe de de Lluria in a naval battle in the bay of Naples on 5 June, Rabban Cauma et l’union des églises,” Convegno di scienze 1984, note J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, ed., Chronicon morali, storiche e filologiche [1956]: Oriente ed Occidente nel Placentinum et Chronicon de rebus in Italia gestis, Paris, 1856,

medio evo, Rome, 1957, pp. 162-67 (Accademia Nazionale dei p. 385. On 29 May, 1285, King Pedro III ordered Charles Lincei, Atti dei convegni, 12), and for a strange association to be sent to Catalonia (Giuseppe La Mantia, ed., Codice

of Sauma with Bishop Leoterio of Veroli and his diplomatico dei re aragonesi di Sicilia. . . , 1 [Palermo, 1917], cathedral church, see M.-H. Laurent, “Rabban Sauma, doc. LXXVIII, pp. 162-64), which was done in November ambassadeur de I’Il-Khan Argoun, et la cathédrale de (ibid., pp. 165, 354-55, and cf. docs. XCVII, CXLVII, Veroli,” Mélanges darchéologie et @histore, LXX (1958), crv, CLIx ff.). Charles was freed after the treaty of 331-65. An example of Sauma’s seal in red wax is still Campofranco (in the Pyrenees), which was signed on 27 extant (in the Vatican), and is described by Laurent, October, 1288 (cf. docs. CLXXIX, CLXXXI, CXC ff., with La op. cit., pp. 339-40, and plate 1, no. 1. It was during his Mantia’s notes), and he was back in Italy in May, 1289. second sojourn in Rome (March-April, 1288) that Rabban 27 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 5, pp. 24-25. Sauma added his name and seal, with those of thirteen other 28 Ibid., docs. 7-8, pp. 26-29, dated at Rieti on 26 archbishops and bishops, to an indulgence for such fideles September and at Naples on 3 October, 1289. Charles II Christi as would give alms to assist in the construction or noted that Isabelle “investita per nos de principatu ipso per maintenance of the cathedral of S. Andrea in Veroli. coronam auream. . . prestito prius ut moris est fidelitatis 26 Charles Perrat and Jean Longnon, eds., Actes relatifs solite juramento, ligium homagium exinde in manibus & la principauté de Morée (1289-1300), Paris, 1967, doc. 1, [nostris fec]it. . .” (ibid., doc. 7, p. 27). One took an oath of

p. 21. Hugh, count of Brienne and Lecce, then held fealty and rendered an act of homage. On Isabelle of

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 149 The rule of Florent of Hainaut (1289-1297) abandoned to his own inadequate resources was wise, and his administration for the most when the Genoese made peace with Venice. part just and humane, although he was unduly The struggle reduced the substance of both repartial to his relatives, some of whom unfor- _ publics; it contributed to civil strife in Genoa, and tunately joined him in the Morea. The princi- strengthened the nobility’s hold upon Venice.

pality had lost much of its erstwhile importance The Turks resumed their offensive in Asia by Florent’s time, but we should run through Minor. As war filled the Aegean and the Adriatic,

some salient facts of its history, for we shall the Curia lost its grasp upon the churches in occasionally need them as a frame of reference. Greece. Uncertainty attends the dates of tenure

Throughout his entire regime Florent had some and even the names of the archbishops of difficulties of feudal protocol with the duchess Athens, Thebes, and Corinth. The capitular of Athens, Helena Ducaena, guardian and _ canons were obviously electing their own bishops mother of the young Guy II de la Roche, from and archbishops, who sought confirmation from

whom he demanded fealty and homage, al- their fellows in Greece and from the ‘Latin though the duchess rejected his claims to patriarch, who was usually anxious to preserve

suzerainty, as we shall see in a later chapter. as much independence of the Curia Romana as But for the most part Florent seems to have he could. Very often the Curia was not informed been easy to get along with; he made peace with _ of these elections. Papal documents, as recorded

the Byzantine captain (kepady) of Mistra, and in Eubel, list one appointment made to the refused to allow minor incidents to lead to war. _archiepiscopal see of Thebes between 1252 and

Security of life and property brought back a 1308, and none from 1253 untl 1330 to that of measure of economic well-being to the Morea, Naxos and Paros, whose archbishop presided and Florent’s death at Andravida in 1297 was__ over the Cyclades.”

regretted by Latins and Greeks alike.” There are, as usual, rhetorical letters providFor some time after the death of Charles of ing for the collection of crusading tithes and Anjou papal interest in overseas affairs was subsidies, purportedly for the recovery of the diverted from the Levant. Under Andronicus II_ Holy Land (the negotium Terrae Sanctae), grants the Byzantines were hardly dangerous, andthere of indulgences for crusaders, and excommuniwere too many problems in Sicily, France, Ara- cations of those who trafficked in arms with the

gon, and elsewhere in the West. Officials of the Moslems. But during Boniface VIII’s reign Curia Romana cast their eyes eastward, to be (1294-1303) we learn few specific facts relating

sure, during the destructive decade in which to the Latin Church in Greece—a few apVenice was engaged in her second indecisive pointments, a scandal, and the building of a war with Genoa (1293/4—1299). The latter’s monastery. Thus in October, 1295, Boniface unfortunate ally Andronicus II was also drawn VIII nominated John, dean of the Church of into the futile contest (1296-1302), only to be Patras, as archbishop of the see, and then

—_____— allowed him to borrow 2,500 gold florins for Villehardouin’s marriage to Florent of Hainaut and their his own needs and those of his church.*! He

occupation of the principality of Achaea, note the Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. John Schmitt, London, 1904, vv. £=———————

8483-8652, pp. 550-60, and the French Chronique de 3° C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medi aevi, I (1913, repr. Morée, ed. Jean Longnon, Paris, 1911, pars. 589-96, pp. 1960), 482, 358. On the first two wars between Venice and

236-39: When Florent went into the Morea, “si trova le Genoa (1256-—1269/70, 1293/94-1299), see Heinrich

pays en moult grant povreté, tout gasté et exillié par le Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, 11 (Gotha, 1920, repr. mauvais gouvernement des officiaux qui souffrirent a faire Aalen, 1964), 59-67, and on the sources, ibid., p. 574. The grans tors a la povre gent, especialement aux hommes de Ja __ first war is described at some length in W. Heyd, Histoire du

court.” commerce du Levant, I (1885, repr. 1967), 344-54, and the 29 Cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin, Paris, 1949, pp. 264-78, second in Heyd, I, 445-48, and A. E. Laiou, Constantinople

and on the efforts of Isabelle and Florent of Hainaut to se- and the Latins, pp. 101-14. There is a sketch of Venetian, cure recognition of the suzerainty they claimed over the Genoese, Angevin, Byzantine, and Catalan-Sicilian diploduchy of Athens, see below, Chapter 16. For a general sketch matic moves in 1301-1302 in Paolo Sambin, “La Politica of Moreote history from the Fourth Crusade to 1460, see the mediterranea di Venezia alla fine della guerra del Vespro,” chapter by Jean Longnon and especially those by Peter in the Atti dell’ Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, CIV-2 Topping, in K. M. Setton, R. W. Wolff, and H. W. Hazard, (Venice, 1944-45), 971-98, with an account of the Venetoeds., A History of the Crusades, II (2nd ed., 1969), 235-74,and Byzantine war, ibid., 978-86.

III (1975), 104-66. D. A. Zakythinos’ notable work on Le 31 Georges Digard, Antoine Thomas, et al., eds., Les Despotat grec de Morée, 2 vols., Paris and Athens, 1932-53, Registres de Boniface VIII, I (1884-1907), nos. 426, 471, 492;

has been republished, with additions and corrections by Dr. Eubel, I, 393. A certain Leonard, archdeacon of Patras,

Chryssa A. Maltezou (London: Variorum, 1975). was appointed bishop of Olena on 26 March, 1300

150 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT had the treasurer of the Church of Argos look from the kingdom, and John had appealed to into the matrimonial squabbles of a woman, the prince in Naples. The Lupelli apparently clearly of some means, who first married a appealed to Cardinal Benedetto, who interSpoletan in the diocese of Athens and then vened strenuously on his chaplains’ behalf, and moved to Thebes, where she married a Vene- an order went out immediately to the master of tian knight (miles), the majordomo of her the passes to restore the full amount in queshousehold. Excommunicated by the arch- tion and to allow John freely to depart with it bishop of Athens, she appealed to the Latin from the kingdom.* Patriarch Peter of Constantinople, who relaxed A royal mandate of 26 September, 1296, the ban contra wusticiam without giving the first jnformed the lieutenant of the admiral of husband a chance to be heard. The Spoletan Sicily, that “commissioners of the venerable therefore appealed to Rome, pecause Ag could father in Christ, the lord Llandolfo Brancacnot ne said) he lad aries in Vy, e At ‘over cio], cardinal deacon of S. Angelo, appointed

duchy, Md ere i € lady ah I ears Over by him to collect money for the tithe in Achaea,

were 12? How y hee intluenuia 7 wit 43 dic Pe have already collected about 500 ounces of triarch.” How the case was finally adjudicated, gold. . . .” By whatever authority, Charles II Is not Pepe In November, 1300, Bontlace proposed to use the tithes of Achaea in build0% de ofS. Chen to Fs he tle we et Ol, °" ing ships then under construction in his dock-

built b “Isabelle rincess of ‘Achaea vias yards." On the other hand, he granted

y isadata > Pl cs Romanus, bishop ofno Croia in Epirus, who had Such need detain us longer. b ; ; . , . een driven from his see, an annual pension of The Angevin documents recently published f . our ounces of gold from the market and

by Perrat and Longnon, however, provide a customs dues of Barletta2® It was not much further glimpse into the affairs of Latin church- with which fo maintain an episco "l estate but

men in Greece in the last decade of the Charl P och Lenz ,

thirteenth century. Thus on 13 May, 1292, L izio) Cor Sic. the bisho Mae: Bitontc (or Prince Charles Martel, acting on behalf of his athe haly. wh he d 18 me h 1 fas ‘ly

father Charles II, who was then in Aix-en- ‘S0Utern Ataly, Who had served the royal tamuly Provence, wrote the “master of the passes” ©M some delicate missions in Greece. Lenzio (magister passuum) in the Terra di Lavoro, received an annual pension of twenty ounces of

directing him to return to one John de gold, to be paid from the local tithe of oil which Fusolono the sum of 13 pounds, 20 denarii the crown collected each year. Venetian, and 40 silver solidi of Tours. John Charles IT lent a willing ear to the complaints was the agent of Pietro Lupelli and Stefano of the clergy, and on 9 March, 1296, he Lupelli, canons of Corinth and Athens respec- requested his son Philip, prince of Taranto, to

tively and both chaplains of the powerful require his captain of Corfu to cease interferCarding Benedetto Caetant wo was De" ingGreek with tne s Jurisdiction over as come Fope bonilace in 1ess ce toclergy, asarchbishop well as Latin. Also Philip’s years. The money came “from the revenues of fiscal agents (magistri massarii) were not to the prebends which the chaplains hold there” cultivate church lands without permission of (in Greece), and John had ventured with it into the archbishop and chapter of Corfu, and the south Italian kingdom in ignorance of a when they did sow such lands (always with royal order prohibiting the export of precious permission), they were to pay the accustomed

metal. The master of the Pine aad seized tne tithes, which they had been refusing to do. money, believing it was being legally taken Certain vassals and dependents of Philip had

— taken over salt works, lands, and other posses-

(Regisires, I1 [1890-1904], no. 3520, col. 664; Eubel, I, 375), sions of the church, to the obvious loss of the and another Leonard, from the Church of S. Bartolommeo

near the Rialto in Venice, was named to the Latin patri-

archate on 31 March, 1302 (Registres, III [1906-21], no. oe _ oo

4588, col. 428; Eubel, I, 206). M sage ad posnO, es. relatifs a la principaute de 32 Registres de Boniface VIII, 1, no. 516, cols. 180-81, oree | » COC. 4U, PP. Ja—Id. dated 20 April, 1295. The Latin patriarch of Constantinople i. I bid., doc. 188, p. 162. ;

was probably residing at the time in Negroponte; on | July, Ibid., doc. 97, p. 99, dated 5 July, 1294. Croia was a 1296, Boniface exempted the bishop of Negroponte from suffragan see of Durazzo (Eubel, I, 216). the patriarchal jurisdiction (@bid., I, no. 1143, col. 408). 37 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 131, pp. 125-26, dated

33 Ibid., II, no. 3783, col. 845. 18 January, 1295; Eubel, I, 142.

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 151 clergy, and Philip was to see that the captain grain, chiefly wheat and barley, from Apulia

dealt justly with this complaint.*® into the Morea and the Athenian duchy,” and When Boniface VIII condemned the _ the documents also give us an occasional insight

Spiritual Franciscans, called Fraticelli or into the problems of merchants trading in

“Bisoci,” some of them sought refuge in Glarentza and elsewhere in the Morea.* Greece, where a small group gathered on an When the spring of 1300 came, Princess island in the Gulf of Corinth, probably Tris- Isabelle of Villehardouin appointed Nicholas sonia, which was then under the domination of III of S. Omer, lord of half Thebes, as her Thomas III d’Autremencourt of Salona.*? On __bailie in the Morea, for she intended to go to 11 January, 1300, Charles II informed Philip Rome to share in the spiritual benefits which of Taranto’s captain in Romania that the pope Pope Boniface VIII had provided for pilgrims had ordered the Latin Patriarch Peter and the during the first jubilee. Isabelle and her suite archbishops of Patras and Athens to seek out sailed from Glarentza to Ancona aboard two the Bisoci and punish them as well as any Venetian galleys which were making the return

person or persons who assisted or received voyage from Alexandria. From Ancona she them. Charles directed the captain to see that made her way to Rome, where she probably no one under his jurisdiction offered the least had little trouble finding lodgings although the obstacle to this pious pursuit of religious dis- city was so full of pilgrims in search of grace, senters, and indeed, if the patriarch and the says the Moreote chronicler, “that it was a archbishops asked for his aid and counsel, the wonder to behold.” Isabelle visited the holy captain was to help them carry out the papal places every day, “as the other pilgrims were

mandate.” doing,” but she had had a further purpose in The Angevin documents from the time of coming to Rome. She wished to meet Philip of

Florent of Hainaut provide a rich illustration of Savoy, son of Thomas III, late count of feudal politics and protocol, especially in the Maurienne and Piedmont, and nephew of Achaean claim to suzerainty over Athens, to Amadeo V, count of Savoy. Isabelle and Philip which we shall come subsequently. The texts had been in touch with each other through the

abound in other oddments of information. mediation of Leonardo Patrasso and Luca Thus the only way to travel in the Moreain the Fieschi, both of whom became cardinals in thirteenth century (and indeed until the later Boniface VIII’s fourth promotion of 2 March, nineteenth century) was on horseback or by 1300. Philip was twenty-two years of age, and mule. Such means of transport seem to have Isabelle more than forty, but she wanted a male been in short supply, however, judging from heir to whom to leave her rich inheritance, and

the number of licenses which Charles II she needed a strong husband to help her

granted for the free export of horses and defend the principality. Philip was apparently mules from Apulia into the Morea.*! Some- the best prospect, and now she proposed to times Charles gave permission to transport marry him without seeking the consent of King Charles II, as she was required to do by the

~.Perrat terms under which he had ceded the principaland Longnon, Actes, docs. 167-68, pp. 149-51, ity to her in 1289.4 and note docs. 186-87. The archbishop’s name was Stephen; Cardinal Leonardo Patrasso was a relative of named Demetrius (Actes, doc. 213), also unknown to Eubel. the pope, who clearly favored the marriage. On Both Greeks and Latins found the administration of Philip of 7 February, 1301, Isabelle gave Philip of Savoy

he does not appear in Eubel, I, 209. Stephen’s successor was ;

Taranto’s omncia's nN 13,. 16). arerywhere the castle ri and. castellany of Corinth with all mania (cf, ibid., —7, , . Thein Ro: magistri . (in Grek wasrpopaac Spa) are well-known’ officials in their dependencies, and he undertook to reAngevin Corfu; they attended to financial and other affairs

relating to the princely “estate” (massa). —

39 Cf. G. Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa, * Tbhid., docs. 48, 115, 122, 157, 166, 193-95.

I (1906), 347-49, and ¢f., ibid., vol. II (1913), 80-81, 97, 8 Ibid., docs. 53, 67, 94, 124. On agricultural conditions

466 ff. in the Morea, especially from the 1330's, see Jean Longnon 40 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 230, pp. 197-98, and and Peter Topping, Documents sur le régime des terres dans

of. doc. 231, to Isabelle, princess of Achaea, and Karl Ja principauté de Morée au XIV® siécle, Paris, 1969, with a Hopf, in J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, eds., Allgemeine rich commentary. Encyhklopadie, vol. 85 (1867), pp. 350-51 (repr. New York, “4 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 841-47, pp.

1960, I, 284-85). 333-35; Libro de los fechos, ed. Alfred Morel-Fatio, Geneva, 41 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, docs. 58, 73, 77, 84-85, 1885, pars. 504-5, p. 111; Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 13;

98, 114, 132, 203, 209. Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 280-82.

152 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT conquer those parts of the old Villehardouin a ceremony at the Lateran. He made the

principality which had been lost to the Greeks. investiture in the name of his son Philip of If sons were born of this marriage, the Corinth- Taranto, suzerain of the principality, then a

ian grant would become a dead letter, for they prisoner of the Catalans, who had defeated and =

would inherit the principality. The wedding captured him at the battle of Falconaria in

took place in Rome on Sunday, 12 February, in western Sicily (on 1 December, 1299). At the the presence of Count Amadeo V of Savoy, time of Isabelle’s marriage Charles had to deal Count Guy III of S. Pol, Pierre Flotte, a royal gingerly with the irascible pontiff, on whom he

councillor of France, and other nobles and_ largely depended to finance Angevin preinvited guests. The archbishop of Lyon, Henry _ tensions in Sicily. Boniface was disgusted with de Villars, a papal chaplain, was also present. what he regarded as the general incompetence

The menu and bill for the wedding feast are shown by the Angevins in their conduct of the still extant, and bear witness to strong appe- never-ending war. An interesting report of tites, gaily decorated halls, the songs of some months later informs us “that the illustri-

minstrels, and generous gratuities, the costs ous King Charles came to Anagni on the

amounting in all to 488 pounds, 17 solidi, and Saturday after the feast of the Assumption of

9 denarii in the coinage of Vienne.* the blessed Mary (i.e., on 19 August, 1301), and Isabelle’s disregard of the Angevins’ asked the pope for a subsidy, and finally after paramount rights in Achaea had provoked the pope had said many harsh, violent, and Charles II into ordering the preparation of a abusive words to him, a tithe was conceded and

letter patent on 6 February, 1301, declaring granted to him, without restriction for three that her marriage to Philip of Savoy had _ years, in the whole of Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, violated the “form and tenor of the conven- Venice, Greece (to the extent the Church holds tions” (in the first treaty of Viterbo of 24 May, sway there), and in a certain part of Germany

1267) under which he had ceded the Morea to Where they speak French.”

her. (Although the marriage did not take place As he took the papal abuse (and the tthe that until 12 February, the text assumes that went with it) Charles doubtless thought that the Isabelle was already married.) Charles there- old man would not live forever, and as for the fore declared the principality forfeit, and be- Morea, he kept on file his declaration of 6 stowed it as a fief upon his son Philip, prince of February to the effect that Isabelle had forTaranto, to whom he had of course already feited the principality by her marriage. Philip granted the Moreote suzerainty. Charles had of Savoy showed more ambition than integrity the document duly sealed, but events had been and more cupidity than capacity; he also failed moving so rapidly that he withheld publication to establish a satisfactory regime during the of it,46 presumably owing to the insistence of three years he spent in the principality (1301—-

Boniface VIII. 1304). The French chronicler of the Morea

Papal pressure also led Charles II (with thought Philip of Savoy had seen too much of extreme reluctance) to accept Isabelle’s mar- “li thyrant de Lombardie,”** employing their

riage, and on 23 February (1301) Charles, peremptory ways in a feudal society which

being in Rome at the time, personally invested prized its liberties. His unsuccess made him the

Philip of Savoy with the Moreote principality in more vulnerable to the slings of Angevin policy, for as count of Piedmont he was also at

————_——— odds in northern Italy with Charles II, who ** Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. possessed the nearby counties of Provence and

85, p. 351 (repr. I, 285), and “Journal de la dépense de Forcalquier, and was anxious to extend his

hostel du prince Philippe de Savoye faitte par clerc . ‘ . Guichard,” in Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, pp. influence over the town of Asti and the mar-

231-35. Guy of S. Pol and Pierre Flotte had come to Italyas graviate of Montferrat. On 9 October, 1304, envoys of King Philip IV of France, who was at the time Charles revived his letter patent (of 6 February, trying to. ay we discordia between me Genoese on TL 1301) asserting Isabelle’s forfeiture of the prin-

Finke, Acta Aragonensa, 1 [1908], doc. 62, pp. 89-90, iPality and its cession to the prince of

and cf. vol. III [1922], doc. 43, pp. 93-94). Isabelle is Taranto.

said to have married Philip of Savoy “par la voulente dou =————————

pape” (Longnon, Chronique de Morée, p. 401). 47 Finke, Acta Aragonensia, I, doc. 71, p. 101, dated at

46]. A. C. Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques sur la Anagni on 14 September, 1301. principauté frangaise de Morée et ses hautes baronnies, 11 (Paris, 48 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, par. 855, p. 338.

1845): Naples, doc. XXXIV, pp. 339-43. *° Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, 11, 342-43.

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 153 Philip of Savoy left the Morea for northern Louis of Burgundy (1313-1316), to whom the Italy as early as November, 1304, and his_ principality now passed by virtue of his maraffairs so prospered during the following year riage to Mahaut de Hainaut. Her interests were that the Angevins sought an understanding being watched over by Philip the Fair. with him. But disagreement soon sprang from There were other claimants to the principala persistent conflict of interests, and on 5 June, ity, however, for the indecisive and double-

1306, Charles deprived Philip of Savoy of the dealing policy of the amiable Charles II of principality and released his Moreote vassals Naples had helped produce these claims and from the allegiance they had sworn to him. At counter-claims, some of which were only to be length, on 11 May, 1307, Philip relinquished extinguished in blood. Isabelle’s sister, Marguehis unenforceable claims to the principality in rite of Villehardouin, younger daughter of return for certain concessions in Italy. Philip Prince William, passed on her own dubious of Taranto was now recognized as the prince of claim to her daughter Isabelle de Sabran’s Achaea (1307-1313). He made Duke Guy IIde husband, the brave Infante Ferdinand of la Roche of Athens his bailie in the Morea, until Majorca, who took the title prince of Achaea the latter’s death in 1308. This may have been (1315-1316). He lost his life in Elis, after the done to appease Guy’s feeling that his wife, battle of Manolada (on 5 July, 1316), trying to Mahaut de Hainaut, had been cheated of her implement the claim of his wife, who had just inheritance, for Mahaut, the daughter of died, and of their son James, against the forces Isabelle and Florent, also claimed the principal- of Mahaut and Louis of Burgundy.*! Before her

ity. Isabelle finished her life in exile, mostly in death in 1331, however, Mahaut, who had Hainaut, in the lands of her second husband. suffered from Angevin ambition, named as her Her unhappy daughter Mahaut, who had two heir Ferdinand’s son, the young James [II] of husbands after Guy’s death, was to become the Majorca, whose father had been slain after his princess of Achaea (1313-1318), but finally died defeat by her husband. Finally, Isabelle of in 1331 in prison at Aversa, a victim (like her Villehardouin’s third husband, Philip of Savoy,

mother) of Angevin intransigence. also renewed his claims to the principality,

With the Catalan conquest of the duchy of because of the failure of the Angevins to keep Athens in 1311, Angevin interests in the Morea their promises to him, and his successors held

had to be reconsidered by Clement V at the empty title until the last of them, Louis of Avignon, by Philip the Fair of France, and by Savoy-Achaea, died in 1418. The dynastic Robert the Wise of Naples. In 1313 some history of the titular and actual rulers of the complicated marriage alliances were effected, Latin states in Greece possesses much political five of them in fact, touching Angevin interests importance, and is necessary for the understand-

both in Italy and in the Morea. Philip of ——

Taranto became titular Latin emperor of Con- —*[Chas.] du Fresne Du Cange, Histoire de Vempire de stantinople through his marriage with Constantinople [1657], ed. J.A.C. Buchon, 2 vols., Paris, 1826,

Catherine of Valois-Courtenay, the great- II, 172-88, who bases his account largely upon a text granddaughter of Baldwin II. Philip remained jlegedly dated 1844 andi any erent after 1820, called subject to his brother, Robert of Naples, but ferrandi de Majorica (ibid., pp. 383-92), according to which became the suzerain of the prince of Achaea, Ferdinand was misled by his advisers, and killed after the battle of Manolada as he was retiring toward Chloumoutsi.

TT The so-called Aragonese Chronicle of the Morea, ed. Alfred On the career of Philip of Savoy, see Chronique de Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos, Geneva, 1885, pars. 560-626,

Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 848-71, 886-89, 919-72,979-95, pp. 122-37, describes in some detail the prolonged 1007-8, 1014, 1017, and pp. 401-2, and ¢f. Libro de los contest for the principality of Achaea as well as Ferdinand of fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, pars. 504—15; Friedrich Kunstmann, Majorca’s occupation of Glarentza (in early August, 1315,

“Studien tber Marino Sanudo den Aelteren ... ,” on which note Rubid i Lluch, in the work cited below, doc.

Abhandlungen d. historischen Classe d. k. bayer. Akademie d. no. XXXIV, pp. 360-61), Chloumoutsi, Andravida, and Wissenschaften, VII (Munich, 1855), 775; Hopf,in Ersch and _Chalandritza, his defeat and death, and Louis of Burgundy’s

Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 85, pp. 351b-55a, own death (on 2 August, 1316) shortly after his victory. See 362b-63a, 364a—65a, 366, 367, 368b (repr. I, 285 ff.); in general, however, Antoni Rubio i Lluch, “Contribucié a la Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 195 ff.; biografia de Yinfant Ferran de Mallorca,” Estudis UniLongnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 282-83, 287-91, withindication —_ versitaris Catalans, VII (1913), 291-379, esp. pp. 308 ff., who

of the sources. Hopf, op. cit., pp. 365a, 366a, dates Philip of | publishes a number of important (largely new) documents

Savoy’s return to Italy in November, 1305. Despite the ac- relevant to the Moreote career of Ferdinand, esp. nos. cord of 11 May, 1307, Philip did not give up the title Prince XXIX ff., including the Declaratio summaria mentioned above

of Achaea, which his descendants kept until 1418. (no. XL).

154 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ing of many developments during this era of dozen baronies organized after the conquest Greek history which would otherwise be unintel- only three now remained intact, the archiepisligible. It does not, to be sure, greatly increase copal barony of Patras, Chalandritza, and Vosour knowledge of conditions in Greece and the titza. Most of the great families of the conquest Aegean, and we shall try henceforth to make as had become extinct. The French declined in little reference to it as we may find practica- yumbers and influence; Italians began to pre-

ble. . a dominate; they came from the kingdom of Angevin promises and intrigue were not Naples, Venice, Genoa, and Florence. But enough to defend the Morea against the grow- feudalism survived in “Romania,” often in

Ing power of the Greeks of Mistra, who modified forms, vassals with small fiefs freoccupied among others the important Arcadian quently becoming mere landholders, who castles of Matagrifon, near the modern Dimit- commuted the erstwhile military service into zana, and of Karytaina, which looks down into money payments to their lords.

the vey o the Alpheus. qney also F00K me During the early period of this political and ate in the year 1320. During the summer and jikely in consequence of it, as Jean Longnon

lone ~° he ee 0 tween the ang NauPp 4 social disintegration in the Morea and very

fall of 1321cae King the Wise of Naples, , . of the pen , asRobert suggested, unknown who was then residing in Avignon, was wielders con-no oslonger ; produced the original versions, excerned with the recovery of lands lost to the t. of the Assi R lled the Book Greeks and with the protection of those being tant, of the Assizes of Romana, called the Boo 53 and of theTurks.** Usages and Of Statutes attacked by the Catalans the of, ;the Empire of Romania, and of the Chronicle of the Morea,

——___ oo called the Book of the Conquest of the Princi52 On the later Angevins, see E. G. Léonard, Les Angevins pality of the Morea. The Assizes seem to have

de Naples, Paris, 1954, pp. 161 ff., 199 ff, 295 ff, been, to start with, an unofficial codification of who gives in this book, however, inadequate attention to . : eastern affairs. On Philip of Taranto, see Léonard, La Moreote law, probably siven much their presJeunesse de Jeanne I°, reine de Naples, comtesse de Provence, I ent form between 1333 and 1346, and con-

macee andthe Paris, pees 126-3 i" 30 ff.,in an the ole ofAragonese ceivably intended for the instruction detailed account Chronicle o | ; of the

the Morea, ed. Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos, pars. 641-54, Angevin c On h Ot eee h hich pac been pp. 140-43. According to the chronological table prefixed Involved mM the attairs of t € peninsula or to the Brussels MS. of the French version of the Chronicle of Some sixty years, and whose high-handed sons the Morea (see below), on Tuesday, 9 September, 1320, the and officials were in grave need of instruction

castellan of S. George treacherously surrendered the castle jn the feudal rights and. usages which had to Andronicus Palaeologus Asen (or Asan), the Byzantine (pained in the principality since the early years governor of Mistra, who also seized Matagrifon, Poly- eth + . h he Assi phengos, Karytaina, “et autres chastiaux que li traytor of the conquest.*" In time, however, the Assizes qui les gardoient vendirent a cellui Assaigni [Asen] par son. -—-—-—_—_—

decevement” (Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon [1911], pp. and cf. pp. 617, 620, 621, 623, docs. dated 12 and 20

404-5). On Asen, note Averkios Th. Papadopulos, Versuch October). On 21 July he feared an attack upon the

einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453, Munich, 1938, Moreote principality, of which he was suzerain, by the

repr. Amsterdam, 1962, no. 46, pp. 23-29; and on the Byzantines (Rubié i Lluch, Diplomatari de (Orient catala, historical background D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Barcelona, 1947, doc. CXIX, p. 147), and some three years Morée, 1 (Paris, 1932), 70—72; Longnon, L’Empire latin, p.311; thereafter, on 2 September, 1324, we find him seeking an R. J. Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve moréote de 1423,” inthe alliance with the Venetians against both the Greeks and the Mélanges Eugene Tisserant, 11 (Studi e testi, 232), Citta del “unspeakable Catalan Company” (ibid., doc. CXxU, pp. 150-

Vaticano, 1964, no. 5, pp. 403, 413-14; and cf. D. Jacoby, 51). This was of course not Robert’s first effort to enlist “Un Régime de Coseigneurie gréco-franque en Morée,” Venetian support, but in October (1324) the doge replied Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, 1963, pp. 111-125. G.M. that the Republic could not ally itself with the Angevins

Monti, Nuovi Studi angioini, Trani, 1937, pp. 612 ff., against either the Greeks or the Catalans, for it possessed a publishes eight documents dated from 18 July to 10 peace both with the Byzantine emperor “and with those of November, 1321. Although of course the Greeks had the Company” (ibid., doc. CXXII, pp. 152-53). occupied S. George, Matagrifon, and Karytaina, King 54Cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 316-18, 325, and Robert seemed to think on 18 July, 1321, that these three Monti, Nuovi Studi angioini, pp. 630-34. Although the acplaces had been taken by the Catalans (Monti, op. cit., p. count in the Chronicle of the Morea describing the settle626). The king was much aggrieved “quod gens Grecorum ment of Marguerite de Passavant’s claim to the barony of scismatica et societas Catalanorum nefanda ac Turchorum Akova in Arcadia (Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. pleps [i.e. plebs] Saracenica Christiane fidei inimica non 501-31, pp. 197 ff., and Chronicle of Morea [Greek version], absque temerarie presumpcionis audacia principatum ed. Schmitt [1904], vv. 7301-7752, pp. 474 ff.) shows that a

nostrum Achaye continuis aggressionibus impugnant written livre dez usages or livre des loys existed in Prince

hostiliter et tam personis quam rebus dampna multiplicia _ William’s possession, presumably in 1276 (Chron. de Moree,

inferre non cessant” (Monti, p. 614, doc. dated 6 October, pars. 519-24, pp. 905-7), on which see D. Jacoby, La

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 155 of Romania became the official law code of what language it was written, the nature of its feudalized society in Venetian-held Ne- contents, and how far down in time it covered groponte and century Nauplia,also andinfrom about the the the But history Latinthe baronage Greece. mid-fifteenth Corfu, where afterofa the fashion originalin Chronicle Venetians held continuous sway for more than _ survives in four later versions, in four languages

four centuries (1386-1797), and where jurists and eight manuscripts, of which five are in sometimes consulted the Assizes until the popular Greek verse, and one each in French, Napoleonic occupation of the island brought Aragonese, and Italian prose.*’ The extant Veneto-Corfiote feudalism to an end. A knowl- French and Greek Chronicles are clearly closest

edge of the Assizes was indispensable to the to the prototype, the disappearance of which

Venetian castellans of Modon and Coron in the administration of their office although there 57 The MSS. are well known and are all identified with was little feudalism m southern Messenia. The shelf-mark numbers in the recent article by David Jacoby, Assizes also determined dower rights, inheri- “Quelques Considerations sur les versions de la ‘Chronique tance, transfers of property, and similar mat- de Moree,’ "in the Journal les Savant 1968, pp. 133-34, note

ters in the more or less independent duchy of 3 John Schmitt, ne r ronicle of Morea, pp. hod the he Ottoman (after Xxvuland ff., who on opposite the Naxos, even. into the 1p period ~* Copenhagen Parispublishes MSS. (see below),pages and both whose 1566), as well as in the lordship of the Ghisi edition of the former MS. is reprinted in P. P. Kalonaros, family at Tenos and Mykonos in the Cyclades. To Xpovixoy tov Mopéws, Athens, 1940; Jean Longnon, Local requirements gave rise to different prac- Livre de la conqueste de la princée de lAmorée: Chronique de tices, as, indeed, at Tenos and Mykonos, where “2% (1204-1309), pp. XX1 ff, Lagcxv If.

CES, as, eed, y ? The unique MS. of the French Chronicle, of . which

the grant of a small fief, sometimes called a Longnon, op. cit., has prepared a careful edition, is to be

pronia, might entail service as a bowman on the _ found in Brussels in the Bibliotheque Royale, no. 15,702. It

island galley. Although Byzantine law long dates from the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the

survived in various parts of Romania, the pronia een hich. hae wee’ chronic is on non hive d Mvk rs to have had ., of which57,the (known as OfT enos an yXonos appears to Havniensis of oldest the end is of in theCopenhagen fourteenth or beginning of little but the name in common with the Byzan- the fifteenth century, it was formerly in the University tine pronoia. Texts. of Assizesimportance exist only in a Oey is now incertain tne Royallacunae ribrary in Copenhagen). : :themuch forandfilling in Havn.

“0 zen late Venetian aaa eictta? ah Bins from 57 is a MS. of the late fifteenth or early sixteenth

the year 1423 tot € mid-e1g teent century, century in Paris (Bibl. Nationale, Paris. gr. 2898). There is a but recent research indicates that the original second “valueless” copy of the Greek Chronicle in Paris

may well have been in French, the dominant (Cod. gr. 2753), and others at Turin and Berne, for

later ; nain the M h houldfourteenth . h library of the duke of century. Osuna and now in Madrid language of the Moreote feudality until the which see Schmitt, op. cit., pp. XVII-XVil. There is only one

56 MS. of the so-called Aragonese version, formerly in the

ore than a word should be said about the Biblioteca Nacional, MS. 10,131, which has been edited by so-called Chronicles of the Morea, the mirrors of Alfred Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos et conquistas del

Moreote civilization during the period of principado de la Morea, Geneva, 1885. This MS. is dated Frankish domination. The original, the so-called 1399. Finally Chas. Hopf found and published in his

“prototype” of the Chronicles. has of course Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, pp. 414-68, the only been lost for centuries, vox et praeterea nil, which which is in Venice in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. has caused disagreement as to when and in _Irtal., Cl. VU, no. 712 (8754), fols. 25"-47", which depends upon the MS. in Turin (f. Longnon, Chronique, p. LXxIl). The first part of the MS. in the Marciana (fols.

p YP ; ’ : known copy of a late Italian version (Cronaca di Morea),

Féodalité en Grece médiévale, Paris, 1971, pp. 63 ff., there is 1-25", bound in disorder), which is written in a clear, some reason to believe that the extant redaction of the minute hand, contains the Istoria di Romania composta per Assizes of Romania dates from the period between 1333 Marin Sanudo detto Torsello (inc. “I principato d’Achaia ebbe and 1346 (ibid., pp. 75-82). On the fact that there was no __ prima principe Ser Zuffredo;” expl. “Carlo di Valois tornar

written codification of Moreote feudal law by the beginning a Napoli or per mar or per terra, come li piacesse”), ed. of the fourteenth century, note Georges Recoura, Les Assises Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, pp. 99-170, who has made de Romanie: Edition critique avec une introduction et des notes, necessary corrections in the text and also taken various

Paris, 1930, pp. 37-40 (Bibliotheque de [Ecole des _ liberties with it. The Italian version of the Moreote

Hautes Etudes, fasc. 258). chronicle is entitled Istoria della Morea in the MS. (fols.

55 See in general Recoura, Les Assises de Romanie, pp. 48 ff., 25'—47*, with a note at the bottom of fol. 47° that “manca 83 ff., and esp. Jacoby, La Féodalité en Grece médiévale, pp. un foglio”), inc. “Anno creduto all’ imperatore,” and expl. 115 ff., 174, 185 ff. Jacoby’s penetrating study makes it al- ‘“tuttavia l’armata continuava il camino verso l Arta ed ebbe most possible to dispense with Recoura’s introduction to gran dolor, e convocati il principe et conte, etc.,” ed. Hopf,

his edition of the Assizes. op. cit., pp. 414-68, as noted above. The Marciana acquired 58 Jacoby, op. cit., pp. 82-88, 170. the MS. in 1831.

156 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT has given rise to the controversy. In late years death of Duke Niccolo I Sanudo of Naxos in progress has been made toward understanding July, 1341 (par. 550), and to the Latin Empress the relationship of the French and Greek texts Catherine of Valois, who died in October, to each other, but uncertainty persists on many 1346, as still living (par. 86), la tres excerlente important points, and the analysis of incom- dame qut ores s‘appelle empereys, at first suggest plete data inevitably deviates into rationaliza- that it was written between these two dates. ‘The

tion, the bane of historical studies. Neverthe- problem of dating the French version is comless, recent research has shown that the pro-_ plicated by a copyist’s apparent interpolations totype of the Chronicle of the Morea was probably in both the prologue and the text, as Jacoby has

in French.*® reminded us, and although some of his arguAccording to the brief prologue of the extant ments seem rather tenuous, and his assump-

version, “C’est le livre de la conqueste de tions are derived from rationalization, he has Constantinople et de empire de Romanie, et made in my opinion a rather convincing case dou pays de la princée de la Morée, qui fu trové for dating a first French redaction from the lost en un livre qui fu jadis del noble baron messire prototype between 1320 and 1324.° The proBartholomée Guys, le grant connestable, lequel 1 -—-————_—

livre il avoit en son chastel d’Estives.” The ® Jacoby, Journ. des Savants, 1968, pp. 133-50. Longnon,

Chronicle, then, as it has come down to us in Chronique, Dex, beteved at me proworyPe es

the French version was drawn fromabook which Witten (rédigé) between 1305 and 1931, probably curing . . the Ghisi tenure of Thebes, on which see below in the Bartolommeo It Ghisi, the Venetian grand con- _ present note. When the apparent interpolations are omitted

stable of the principality of Achaea, once had from the French Chronicle, such as the references to in the famous castle of S. Omer at Thebes. _ the destruction of the castle at Thebes (1331) and the death

: of Niccolo I Sanudo (1341), and the notation of events in

i397 xno 33] 3 have Pp Ossessed the castle rom 1331-1333 is also deleted from the chronological table to - but the extant lrenc VUDTONICIC, prefixed to the Brussels MS. (ed. Longnon, Chronique, pp.

as the author or rather redactor himself tells 400-5, on which note the important observations of us, is an abridgment of the original, “si vous Jacoby, op. cit., pp. 141-47), it is clear that the events diray mon compte, non pas ainxi com je trovay alluded to in the Chronicle all come before about 1320, and in

. . . 3» the chronological table before about 1323. But since the

par escript, mais au plus brief que je pourray interpolations are identified on the basis of what “must have

(par. 1). ; ; been the case,” concern inevitably arises that maybe at References in the French Chronicle to the _ least one of these interpolations was actually part of the first redaction of the French text from the prototype. Undoubtedly there are interpolations in the text, and they

*® There is no need to cite here the older literature on the have been an awkward problem since A. Ellissen considered

Chronicles, but especial notice should be taken of Giuseppe them more than a hundred years ago (Analekten der Spadaro, “Studi introduttivi alla Cronaca di Morea,” mittel- und neugriechischen Literatur, pt. U [Leipzig, 1856], Siculorum gymnasium, new ser., XII (Catania, 1959), 125-52; xviI—xxvul), and John Schmitt based certain arguments XIII (1960), 133-76; and esp. XIV (1961), 1-70, who upon them in his dissertation on Die Chronik von Morea, after a searching analysis of the language of the Greek Munich, 1889, concerning which note Longnon, Chronique, Chronicle concludes that it was drawn from a French pp. LIV—LVIL. original. Harold E. Lurier, Crusaders as Conquerors: The Bartolommeo II Ghisi could have taken up residence in Chronicle of Morea, New York and London, 1964, who has _ the castle of Thebes from 1327 when his son Giorgio II translated the entire Greek Chronicle, also believes “that married Simona of Aragon, the daughter of Don Alfonso both the French and Greek versions . . . are derived from _‘ Fadrique, vicar-general of the Catalan duchies of Athens a prototype written in French” (p. 52). But Peter Topping in —_ and Neopatras until about 1330. The castle presumably went

his review of Lurier’s book in Speculum, XL (1965), to Giorgio as Simona’s dowry. It is tempting to believe 737-42, entertains some reservations, as does Antoine that the writer of the French prologue knew that the

Bon, La Morée franque, Paris, 1969, pp. 15-17, who still “original” text of the Chronicle had belonged to Bartholomée believes with Longnon, Chronique de Morée, pp. LXXVI ff., Guys ... , lequel livre il avoit en son chastel dEstives, that the original may have been written in Italian, probably | simply because Ghisi’s name was inscribed on the fly leaf,

in Venetian. M. J. Jeffreys believes in a Greek original with an indication that he had it (or acquired it?) while

(Byz. Zeitschr., LXVUI [1975], 304-50). residing in the castle at Thebes, which (since the chronicler 5° Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, p. 1, and cf. par. 128, _ says it was “son chastel”) would probably mean between 1327

p. 46, relating to the assignment by Guillaume de Champlitte and 1331. The Catalans, however, destroyed the castle, of the first Moreote fiefs to barons and prelates, knights, | presumably late in 1331, lest it be taken by or turned over to squires, and sergeants, de quoy li livres ne fait mencion cy Gautier VI de Brienne, titular duke of Athens, who was endroit, which appears to be another mention of the original __ then trying to reconquer his father’s erstwhile duchy from

Chronicle, which also contained some notice of the jewels the Catalan Company, which had occupied Thebes and which Isabelle of Villehardouin gave the admiral Roger de Athens in 1311 (for details, cf. K. M. Setton, Catalan Lluria in 1292 (par. 798), de beaux joiaux, de quoy le Domination of Athens, rev. ed., London, 1975, pp. 39~41, 49).

livre ne fait mencion. On the castle itself, note R. J. Loenertz, Les Ghist, dynastes

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 157 totype presumably began, like the French and_ difficult question is of course whether the Greek versions, with a rapid glance at the First Greek Chronicle was adapted from a complete

Crusade and hurried on to the Fourth. It text of the French redaction (made between probably covered at least the whole thirteenth 1341 and 1346), which itself no longer exists,

century, reaching a point beyond 1292, in’ or from a copy like that which belonged to which year the French Chronicle refers to Ghisi, whose livre appears and disappears in a Isabelle of Villehardouin’s giving some beauti- single reference (in the French prologue). Was

ful jewels to the admiral Roger de Lluria, de Ghisi’s manuscript the only text of the “probeaux joiaux, de quoy le livre ne fait mencion (par. totype” ever made? What finally happened to 798). But it is not clear how much beyond 1292 it? No one can say. But Jacoby believes, and he the French redactor could depend on /e livre,®! may be right, that the Greek redactor could not

obviously the text which Bartolommeo Ghisi have employed the Ghisi text in the production

once had in Thebes. of his own version although he made use of The Greek Chronicle (Xpovixov tov Mopéws) known facts and an oral tradition upon which

is written in demotic, in the fifteen-syllable the “original” itself may have been partly “political” verse common in Byzantine and based. popular modern Greek poetry. It bears all the Although the Greek text breaks off abruptly marks of translation from another language, in the year 1292, it also of course contains and Jacoby has argued very plausibly that it was references to later events, such as the unhappy

based upon a complete text of the French marriage and death of Niccolo I Sanudo (wv.

redaction prepared between 1341 and 1346.% 8032-39) and especially to Erard III le Maure The sole extant manuscript of the French text, (d. 1387?), who is assumed to be alive from the now in Brussels in the Bibliotheque Royale (no. allusion to him in the Copenhagen manuscript

15,702), suffers from certain lacunae; the (vv. 8467-69) and dead by the time of the later scribe, who copied it about the year 1400, says Paris redaction (vv. 8470-74). Erard was the

that he reproduced it as he found it.** The lord of Arcadia, son of Etienne le Maure and Agnes of Aulnay and father-in-law of the

155_56. ecome a convert to Latin Catholicism. The

vénitiens dans l’Archipel, Florence, 1975, pp. 151-52, jamous J ohn Lascaris Calop herus, who had Jacoby, Journ. des Savants, 1968, p. 138, assumes that Suggestion has been made more than once that since Bartolommeo Ghisi once had the original in the the author (or redactor) of the Greek Chronicle castle of S. Omer, it must have been lost or destroyed in was a Moreote in the following of Frard III, to 193° for which of course there is no proof. Before the whose family he gives unusual attention.®* contents of value. Indeed, Longnon, Chronique, pp. The extant version of the French Chronicle

atalans demolished the castle, they presumably removed all :

es at 1 n .

LXXIV, LXXXIV, believes that the reference in the prologue breaks off abruptly in the year 1305, but the

to the original’ aut fu jas ae noe en .%, Narrative of the text once extended apparently nO way of knowing how long or in what hands the original to 1320, and was probably employed to the survived. Jacoby, p. 137, believes that if the original had ——-———— passed into other hands or been transferred elsewhere, “le “Tant com jay trové, tant j’ay escript de ceste conqueste de prologue l’aurait sans doute signalé,” but @ fortiort if la Morée.” The statement occurs at the conclusion of the text, the writer of the prologue had known that the original had__ which breaks off abruptly. been destroyed in 1331, he would surely have indicated $4 Jacoby, Journ. des Savants, 1968, pp. 153 ff.

the fact. While it would appear that the copyist (or 65 Schmitt, Chronicle of Morea (1904), pp. 548, 549, and ¢f. interpolator) of the prologue did not know where or Lurier, Crusaders as Conquerors: Chron. of Morea (1964), p. whether the original existed, it is obvious that the author 307, note 54. (or rather redactor) of the extant French Chronicle had * Longnon, L’Empire latin, p. 337, and Jacoby, Journ. continued access to the original, which he says he has given des Savants, 1968, pp. 140, 157. Very likely some of the us “not as I found it in writing, but in the shortest Moreote sources that went into the making of the Aragonese form that I could” (par. 1). But was Ghisi’s copy the version of the Chronicle were collected at Erard III’s

unique text of the original? court (op. cit., pp. 168-69, 177-78). On Calopherus, see

$8! Cf. Longnon, Chronique, pp. LIX—LX, LXXIV. D. Jacoby, “Jean Lascaris Calophéros, Chypre et la

82 Buchon, Hopf, and Morel-Fatio believed that the Morée,” in Revue des études byzantines, XXVI (1968), 189-228, Copenhagen MS. of the Greek text and the Brussels MS. of and especially Fr. Ambrosius K. Eszer, Das abenteuerliche the French text both went back independently toa prototype, Leben des Johannes Laskaris Kalopheros: Forschungen zur a more extensive form of the Chronicle written in French Geschichte der ost-westlichen Beziehungen im 14. Jahrhundert, (Longnon, Chronique, p. LXV). Ellissen and Schmitt believed Wiesbaden, 1969, with the comments of R. J. Loenertz, in

the prototype was in Greek. the Revue des études byzantines, XXVIII (1970), 129-39, and 83 Chronique [frangaise] de Morée, ed. Longnon, p. 399: Jacoby, in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LXIV (1971), 378-81.

158 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT latter date by the compiler of material for the hierarchy of the principality. In the fourteenth so-called Aragonese Chronicle (the Libro de los century Moreote lords with Greek names like fechos),*" which itself comes down to the year Misitos (Misito), Koutroulis (Cutrullus), Mour1377, and is based upon information derived mouris (Murmurus), and Maroulis (Marulli) are largely from Moreote sources. The Libro de los to be found in the ranks of the Latin feudality, fechos was apparently given its present form and were inevitably caught up in the strife during the period in which the Hospitallers attending Angevin domination in the peninheld the principality of Achaea on lease from _ sula.® the crown of Naples (1376-1381) although the The Angevin brothers were not in agreement sole surviving manuscipt was not copied until among themselves as to what disposition to

October, 1393.8 make of the Latin Morea. Robert the Wise, The purpose of the first author (or redactor) however, finally secured the principality for his

of the original Chronicle of the Morea was younger brother John of Gravina, who did obviously to glorify the Frankish achievement homage as prince of Achaea to the titular Latin

of the thirteenth century. Perhaps also he Emperor Philip of Taranto. John of Gravina wanted to inspire his contemporaries in the was prince from 1322 to 1333, and as he harassed principality with some of the resolu- assumed his various responsibilities, Pope John

tion of their predecessors who had made the XXII tried to effect the return of some of his history he was interlarding with legend. If the faltering subjects to the bosom of Mother chronicler lacked literary talent, he apparently Church. On 1 October, 1322, the pope wrote had a sense of drama, and his narrative could the Latin patriarch of Constantinople and the move rapidly. He had an exciting subject. Both archbishop of Patras that “certainly not without

the French prose and the Greek jingle that bitterness of mind have we learned in these

have come down to us, however, are tiresome _ days that good Christians in the principality of

to read in long stretches. But they are a Achaea, who are commonly called Latins in valuable source for Moreote social customs, those parts, living as they do with Greek feudal institutions, and the mentality of the schismatics and other unfaithful, sometimes military caste whose sense of honor and adher-_ themselves (and their wives and families too) ence to law, low cunning and deeds of valor ignorantly accept the said schismatics’ rite to

they celebrate. the peril of their souls and quite often go to hear [Greek] masses and make offerings to

The conquest of the Morea had taken more _ schismatic priests, and boldly receive the sacthan forty years. It differed from the crusaders’ raments of the Church from these same priests violent occupation of Palestine and Cyprus according to the [Greek] rite, and the Latins do

(and Constantinople) in that few of the native not fear to admit schismatics to masses and residents of the Morea had either fled or been other divine offices which are celebrated ackilled as the Fourth Crusaders extended their cording to the rite of the Sacrosanct Roman sway in the peninsula. The Greek archontes, as Church.” Such aberrances were no longer to be we have already seen, had retained in large tolerated.”

part their non-feudal, patrimonial possessions. John of Gravina was not primarily con-

In the course of the next century some of the cerned, however, with ecclesiastical consideramore prominent pro-Latin members of this tions when in 1325-1326 he made an expediclass were knighted according to the western tion into the Morea against the Byzantines of ritual, received offices and additional lands, Mistra, the last considerable Latin offensive swore fealty and did homage as vassals to their against the Moreote Greeks. Although he Frankish lords, and were drawn into the feudal wanted to extend and to make more secure

Angevin authority in the peninsula, he 67 Cf. Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos (1885), pref., pp. ———————

LVII-—LIx, who has observed that “lauteur aragonais * David Jacoby, “Les Archontes grecs et la féodalité en manifeste a chaque page qu'il a eu sous les yeux un Morée franque,” in Travaux et mémoires, I1 (Paris, 1967), livre frangais. .... .. Le compilateur aragonais a eu 470-78; Longnon and Topping, Documents sur le régime des recours a un texte parfois plus complet que celui du manu- terres dans la principaute de Morée au XIV® siecle (1969), scrit de Bruxelles et qui en différe souvent,” a view which _ pp. 21, 33, 45, 48, 52, 73, 121 ff., 127 ff., 149, 150, 196, 198, Schmitt and Ad. Adamantiou disputed (Longnon, Chronique, 213 f., 226 £., et alibi.

p. LX). 7 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1322, no. 48, vol. XXIV $8 Jacoby, Journ. des Savants, 1968, esp. pp. 148, 160-77. (Bar-le-Duc, 1872), pp. 187-88.

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 159 achieved nothing more than great expenditure, of the Anatolian coast, who terrorized the some of which had been met by the Florentine Aegean islands and did not spare the Moreote

banking house of the Acciajuoli, who were soon coasts. :

repaid for their loans by grants of the fiefs of Pope John XXII died in December, 1334, Lechaina and La Mandria in the northwestern and was succeeded by Benedict XII. On 20 Morea. In 1333, John of Gravina’s claims tothe March, 1335, Benedict wrote Robert of Naples

Moreote principality were purchased with from Avignon:

funds advanced by the Acciajuoli; Robert of ,; .

Tarant0,£son Philj d the titular Lati Not without great distress have we learned of the of Philip and the ttular Latin = dire afflictions which the infidel Turks are striving to

Empress Catherine of Valois, became the inflict upon the Christians of Romania, as they have prince of Achaea (1333-1364). By this ume the done up to now. We and the envoys of our most ambitious Niccolo Acciajuohi, Petrarch Ss hon- beloved son . . . Philip, illustrious king of France, ored friend, was becoming a dominant figure at the members of the Hospital of S. John of the Neapolitan court, and his family’s banking Jerusalem, and the ambassadors . . . of the doge house gave up to him the fiefs of Lechaina and and commune of Venice, now at the Apostolic La Mandria. The Empress Catherine and See—we have issued orders to send an armada of

Robert, “despot of Romania and prince of galleys for tne delense ve Christians and the n 29 Febru 1335-71 the follow; } was done last year. Although this matter is clearly

Achaea and Taranto,” confirmed the transfer ‘°PT¢SS!OM Of te said Ourks . . . for this year, as

r ebruary b € 1 336) h » on q € 10 a ae the concern of all faithful Christians, because (133 ) they receive Nicco O aS 4 nevertheless it concerns you especially, most beloved

vassal of the principality of Achaea, mn ligium son, as your Majesty well knows, we are confident prefati principatus Achaye.” ‘There was increasing that you, who more than any other prince whattrouble in the Morea, which would occupy soever can make gains in that area, will bend your Niccolo to the end of his days, and increasing every effort to come forth with prompt and efficaopposition to the Angevins. Anxiety was caused clous subsidies and aids to advance this purpose. . . .

in Naples by the robustly independent arch- Benedict implored Robert to join with the Holy

bishops of Patras, who claimed to hold their see France, the Hospitallers, and Venice to great ecclesiastical barony directly from the help the eastern Christians and repel the pope; as well as by the Latin baronage, which raging arrogance of the Turks, that he might hardly concealed its distrust of Angevin emis- heap up merits in heaven and increase his fame saries; and by the Byzantines of Mistra, now op earth.73 perilously strong; the adventurous Catalans dn The wisdom of hindsight would eventually

the Athenian duchy; and the Turkish corsairs ake it clear that in the fourteenth century

—_—_—__——— contemporaries exaggerated the resources of

7 Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, I (1845): the Angevin kingdom of Naples. Robert had Florence, doc. u, pp. 32—44, and ¢f. no. ur, doc. dated 22 his own troubles, and could do little to help the January, 1336, pp. 46-50. The associates of the Acciajuoli de. In 1 D b 1331. his broth company transferred Lechaina and La Mandria to Niccolo on crusa e. in late Decem eT, » fis ; rother 1 September, 1334 (op. cit., II, doc, 11, pp. 35 ff.). Since Philip of Taranto had died at Naples, ineffecRobert of Taranto was a minor, and royal acquiescence was_ tually cherishing his title as Latin emperor of desirable in any event, King Robert the Wise of Naples Constantinople by virtue of his marriage (in

confirmed on 28 June, 1336, and 27 April, 1342, the . . ‘ , grants made by Catherine and her son to Niccolo 1313) with the heiress Catherine of . Valois-

Acciajuoli (op. cit., II, docs. ti and xv, pp. 44-51, 109-14). Courtenay. The Latin Empress Catherine now By 1342 Niccolo had received extensive additional grants, went into the Morea herself, with all her family, including the barony of Kalamata and the fortress of Piada in accompanied by Niccolo Acciajuoli, who had the Argolid, and the royal deed of confirmation states that By this time received many fiefs in the north

Catherine had secured a loan of some 40,000 ounces (of gold, y d f th . 1 1336-1338 d amounting to 200,000 florins) from the Acciajuoli company and west 0 the peninsula ( eer ), an

[societas Acharellorum] for the purchase of the principality of whom gossip reputed to be Catherine's lover.

Achaea, “as well as for maintaining the said principalityand Her purpose in going had nothing to do defending it strongly against diverse, powerful, and hostile with the crusade, which Pope Benedict XII was

neighbors—Greeks, Catalans, and Turks—failing which, trvine to preach to unlistenin ars.74 heaven forbid, the said duchy might have been exposed ying to p s B Cars. to grave dangers and losses. . .” (doc. XV, pp. 112-13). In

his life of Niccolo, Matteo Palmieri gives surprisingly —————— little attention to the affairs of Greece (ed. Gino Scaramella, 73 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1335, no. 29, vol. XXV in RISS, XIU-2 [Bologna, 1934], pp. 6, 8, 29, 31). (1872), p. 31, “datum Avin. XIII Kal. Aprilis, anno I.” 7 Buchon, op. cit., I: Florence, doc. V, pp. 65-67. 74 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1336, nos. 40-41,

160 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Like John of Gravina before her, Catherine become “more desolate than the land of the wanted to set the princely authority in the Scythians,” says Cantacuzenus, employing a Morea upon firmer foundations and to help common Byzantine phrase (drawn from Arisdefend it against the attacks of the Greeks, tophanes), when in 1349 his son Manuel Catalans, and Turks. Catherine’s young son _ was sent into the country as its despot, where-

Robert now bore the princely title. She re- upon Manuel accomplished miracles of remained with her entourage in the Morea for construction.” The Latins thus needed some two years and a half (from November, 1338, to success of their own to set against the Byzantine

June, 1341). Her graciousness and apparently achievement in the Morea, but what success genuine interest in the land, together with they did achieve was, as we shall see, won across Niccolo’s energy and astuteness, accomplished the Aegean at Smyrna, and the Morea had little

something. More was done by Acciajuoli share in it except to enjoy the cessation of money, but not enough, and in 1341 certain _ piracy.

Moreote feudatories appealed to John [VI] On 21 April, 1358, Robert of Taranto, who

Cantacuzenus, then the grand domestic: they had become the titular Latin emperor upon his were willing to accept the suzerainty of Byzan- mother Catherine’s death (in 1346), granted tium in exchange for security in their posses- Niccolo Acciajuoli, now grand seneschal of the sions.”° A large group of barons next appealed kingdom of Naples, the city and castellany of to James II of Majorca. Nothing came of these Corinth with all its dependencies, for he alone overtures, for the principals were otherwise could furnish protection against Turkish depengaged. In France the Hundred Years’ War redation and Byzantine ambition.”® Niccolo

had come; the Hungarians invaded the king- obviously enjoyed the role of defender of dom of Naples; and the Frankish Morea was Christendom against the Turks, and on the left to shift for itself. The imperial historian following 5 August (1358) Pope Innocent VI John Cantacuzenus laments the destruction had occasion to thank him for offering to go on wrought in the Morea by Turkish corsairs and an expedition against the Turks and apparently Frankish knights, as well as by the internecine to devote his fortune to outfitting the necessary strife of the Greeks themselves; the Morea had naval force. The pope did not think the time was ripe for such an expedition although he 43—45, vol. XXV (Bar-le-Duc, 1872), pp. 75-76, 77-78; ad had already appointed a commission of cardiann. 1337, nos. 24, 33, pp. 103-4, 109-10; ad ann. 1338, nals to study the possibility of a crusade, but he nos. 72, 73 ff., pp. 140-41 ff. [on the Tatar embassy to assured Niccolo that the time would come when Avignon]; ad ann. 1339, nos. 19 ff., pp. 159 ff. [Barlaam’s ye might indeed show himself an obedient mission to and Avignon assistance forpp.the Greeks againstofld; Chri faithfulathlete athl fofththe the Turks]; ad ann.seeking 1340, nos. 23-24, 28, 198-99, SO'@ler Ul £rist andda a taithtul

900. Church militant.” The Angevins of Naples 75 Niccolé Acciajuoli left Naples for the Morea with carefully preserved the royal title of Jerusalem

Catherine of Valois on 10 October, 1338 (Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, 11 [1845]: Florence, doc. xm, p. 106, ©———______

letter of one Domenico Bonciani to Niccolo’s father 7 John Cantacuzenus, Hist., 1V, 13 (Bonn, III, 85-86). Acciajuolo Acciajuoli, dated 14 October, 1338). Their stay 78 Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, 11: Florence, doc.

lasted two years and six months, since they departedforhome xxv, pp. 143-53, and cf. docs. XXVI-XXIX. A despairing

on 16 June, 1341 (¢. Catherine’s own account in Leopoldo etter to Robert of Taranto dated at Corinth on 5 Tanfani, Niccola Acciaiuol, Florence, 1863, p. 42, note 3): February, 1358, had lamented the “continue et insup“|, . die sextodecimo ipsius mensis Iunii [none indictionis] portabiles afflicciones quibus ab infidelibus Turchis afnobis recedentibus de partibus supradictis, quod totum fligimur omni die” (II, doc. xxv, p. 145). Tanfani, Niccola

tempus est annorum duorum et mensium sex... .” On A¢ciaiuoli, pp. 120-22; Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant 28 August, 1341, Boccaccio wrote Niccolo from Florence, (1908), pp. 285-87; and Léonard, Jeanne I'@, Ill: Le congratulating him upon his safe return from the Morea Régne de Louis de Tarente, Monaco and Paris, 1937, pp. 329, (Buchon, op cit., II: Florence, doc. XVI, pp. 114-16). Note also 371~79.

Tanfani, op. cit., pp. 40-44, 227-28, and Leonard, La On the Moreote fiefs, which had become extensive

Jeunesse de Jeanne I"°, ¥ (1932), 184-85. from 1336, of Niccolo Acciajuoli and his heirs, see 76Cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), p. 326; Geo. Longnon and Topping, Documents sur le régime des terres Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, trans. Joan Hussey, dans la principauté de Morée au XIV® siecle (1969), docs. Oxford, 1956, pp. 454-55; and cf. Setton, Catalan Domination 1-—vi, Ix—Xtl, and cf. in general Bon, La Morée franque

of Athens (1975), p. 65. The extant French version of the (1969), esp. vol. I, 208 ff. There is nothing new (and Chronicle of the Morea could have been prepared for unfortunately many errors) in Curzio Ugurgieri della Catherine of Valois while she was residing in the principality Berardenga, Gli Acciaioli di Firenze nella luce dei loro tempi,

(note the interesting observations of Longnon, op. cit., 2 vols., Florence, 1962, II, 350-406.

p. 325). 7 Buchon, op. cit., If: Florence, doc. XX, pp. 135-36.

THE SICILIAN VESPERS AND ANGEVIN DECLINE 161 in their titulature, and although Niccolo may _ prestige of the Acciajuoli by gaining the Athe-

possibly have dreamed of reasserting his nian duchy.

sovereigns’ ancient rights to the vanished Latin Late in the year 1373 Philip [II] of Taranto kingdom in the Holy Land,” one can hardly was succeeded in his claims to the Latin empire take very seriously Niccolo’s conventional obei- and the principality of Achaea by his nephew, sance to the crusading ideal, the profession of Jacques des Baux, whose suzerain, Joanna I of which was only a gesture of some personal and Naples, promptly contested his rights and

diplomatic value to any prince or statesman claimed the Morea for herself. After a diswho found himself in a position to strike the turbed administration of almost three years in pose of crusader. Niccolo Acciajuoli was, the Morea, Joanna I leased the principality,

nevertheless, one of the great figures of his apparently in early August, 1376, for five years, time in Italy and a tower of Latin strength in at 4,000 gold ducats a year, to the Hospitallers. the Morea. He died in early November, 1365,a About a year later Juan Fernandez de Heredia, year after Robert of Taranto, whose widow one of the most interesting and cultured grands Marie de Bourbon now claimed to be princess seigneurs of his age, was named master of the of Achaea (1364-1370). This caused dissension Hospitallers, who held the principality the

and war yet again in the principality, since full length of their lease, involving Heredia Philip [II] of Taranto, younger brother of very deeply in the troubled affairs of Greece.

Robert, also asserted his right to the succession A document of the year 1376-1377, still pre(1364-1373). But when Niccolo Acciajuoli served in the Archives of the Order of S. John in died, he left his family well established in the Malta, gives a list of the Moreote feudatories Morea, where he had acquired the extensive and their tenures. It was probably prepared at holdings we have noted,*! and a generation the time the Hospitallers leased the principality

later his adopted son Nerio added to the from Joanna of Naples. The list identifies a

total of some fifty-two castles (castelli) and two

———_—_——— other districts less strongly defended. Of these, 8 Cf. E. G. Léonard, La Jeunesse de Jeanne I"*,1, 100-3. fifteen are attributed to Joanna as princess of §! The Certosa outside Florence (. . . in comitatu Florence Achaea (li castelli che Madama ave in lo princepato

quoddam monasterium Cartusiensis), where Niccolo Achaya), andJG); thirty-seven Acciajuoli now liesordinis buried, was partly built fromdethe spoils § ay . to the Moreote

of Greece (cf. Catherine of Valois’s concession to Niccolo of 15 feudatories, including the archbishop of Patras July, 1338, in Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, II: and the Hospitallers themselves, who already Florence, doc. XI, pp. 104—5). In his first will (dated on 28 held two castles in the peninsula at the time

September, 1338), made out before he departed for the they negotiated their lease with Th Morea with Catherine of Valois, Niccolo provided that the arcbishe then P rm F w i J eld ©

Certosa should be built with the income of his holdings in the abIshop, aolo = *oscarl, Neila seven Morea: “E pero che questo luogo [uno munistero dell’ fortize, including that of Patras. Niccolo Acordine di Certosa il quale si chiami santo Lorenzo] ciajuoli’s son Angelo, then the grand seneschal, richiedera grande moneta a metterlo a seguzione, sl possessed eleven, together with one less well lascio e voglio che tutti i frutti della terra mia la quale f{5;tified district (terre), and Niccold’s ad opted lo tengo o tenessi nel principato della Morea si convertano e Nerio Acciajuolj. | lord of Corinth and si stribuiscano nel detto luogo a compiere, accid che SOM *NETIO /AcClajuol, ater lord of Corinth an pit tosto vi si possa uficiare e fare i servigi di Dio .. .”. duke of Athens, held three, which means that (Leopoldo Tanfani, Niccola Acciaiuoli, Florence, 1863, pp. the Acciajuoli possessed fourteen castles in the

35-36). In the defense of his career which Niccolo) Morea only one less than the princess of

later made1364), in a long letter toitAngelo Soderini Achor” a9family F famil hich k how h to December, he noted that was believed or at (on least26 chaca. whic new stated at the papal court in Avignon that he had been -——-——-——— given so much crown land for his services to the Angevins 8 The list of the Moreote feudatories, assigned by Hopf to that the Neapolitan census could hardly be paid to the Holy _ the year 1364, was first correctly dated 1377 by Anthony T.

See (Tanfani, op. cit., p. 228, with a better text in Gino Luttrell, “A Fourteenth-Century List of the Barons of Scaramella, ed., Matthei Palmerii Vita Nicolai Acciaioli, in Achaea (1377?),” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, L1 (1958), 355-56,

RISS, XIII-2 [Bologna, 1934], p. xvi, and app. I, pp. and “The Principality of Achaea in 1377,” ibid., LVI (1964),

49-50). Niccolo denied the charge, pointing out that his 340-45, who gives an improved text of the document duties as grand seneschal of the kingdom had nothing to (pp. 343-45), which had previously been published by do with the collection or disbursement of funds (Tanfani, Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, pp. 227-29, where reference is pp. 230-31, and Scaramella, p. 51). Improved texts of both omitted to Patras among the fortize de Archivescovo de Niccolo’s holograph will of 28 September, 1338, and his Patraxo. Cf. also Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine dictated will of 30 September, 1359, may be found in Encyklopddie, vol. 86 (repr., II), 7; Wm. Miller, Latins in the appendices to Scaramella’s edition of Palmieri’s Vita Levant, pp. 287, 290-91; Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp.

Nicolai, pp. 57-80. 329-30. Of the fifty-four places mentioned in the document

162 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT exploit them, these lands possessed more than it to say at this point that a state of constant political and military importance. There was in _ hostility existed between the Navarrese Com-

truth little industry in the Morea, and the pany and the Greek Despot Theodore | products of the linen and flour mills on the Palaeologus of Mistra (1382-1407). The

Acciajuoli properties were not sufficient for a ‘Turks used the opportunity to pillage, and the significant export trade, but there was a fair Morea continued to suffer. A Venetian docuabundance of olives, oil, figs, grapes, currants, ment of October, 1407, reports that Turkish cheese, cows, sheep, chickens, partridges, and_ raids had been so severe in the territory of of course wax. Wax was commonly worth five Coron that agricultural workers could not be sterlins a pound (with twenty sterlins to the found for hire even for gold, “et le possession hyperper), and was in constant demand for et terre de i diti vostri citadini son per la maor seals, decorative purposes, and candles in parte silvestre et en gran disolation.”®

homes as well as churches. When Jacques des Baux died in July, 1383,

Before long the “Navarrese Company” (or three or four pretenders, with contestable

rather Companies) arrived in the Morea, and rights inherited from the vagaries of Angevin after serving the Hospital of S. John for a while _ policy in the past, laid claim to the title prince

looked for lands for themselves, finally recog- of Achaea. One of them, Amadeo of Savoy, nizing Jacques des Baux as their prince and _ planned an ambitious expedition to take over suzerain (1381—1383).83 Jacques des Baux also his alleged inheritance (in 1390-1391), but bore the Latin imperial title. The Navarrese nothing came of these plans. At length, the Company will be considered below in connec- then commander of the Navarrese Company in tion with the Catalan history of Athens. Suffice the Morea, Pedro Bordo de San Superano, declared himself twentieth prince of Achaea cited, the castle of la terre de Mayna had been in Byzantine (13 96- 1402); he was fraudulently succeeded by

hands since 1262, and the grand seneschal’s terre de la his wife’s nephew, Centurione II Zaccaria Cristiana in the “Grisera,” i.e., the lower valley of the (1404-1432), who finally lost the now muchAlpheus, between Elis and Triphylia, seems to have con- diminished principality in 1430 to the Greek

tained nodesignificant fortress. Nerio Acciajuoli the dIrty f the M Thi singiore la Avostitza (i.e. Vostitza). espots of was the orea. years ater,| .m Although Luttrell believes that Joanna I leased the princi- 1460, the Despots Thomas and Demetrius, pality of Achaea to the Hospitallers “about June 1377” (¢f.his brothers of the last Byzantine emperor, Conchapter in Setton and Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades, stantine XI Palaeologus, lost the peninsula to

; —42), thereseems tobe noevidencethatthe ,, ” .

CVE ECady ote article in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, the Turks under the redoubtable Mehmed II lease did not run for the full five years. The principality the Conqueror,” to whom Constantinople had was returned to Joanna shortly (nuper) before 24 August, fallen seven years before. In later chapters we 1381, which would put the beginning of the lease in late shall be concerned with these events. July or early August, 1376, on which see R. J. Loenertz, “Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Gréce (1376-1383): Regestes —————— et documents,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXII (1956), 84 Theodore arrived in the Morea about the end of 1382

reg. nos. 1, 29, pp. 329-30, 337, and note p. 351, from (Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve moréote de 1423,” in the the financial accounts of the Order, dated at Rhodes 24 Mélanges Eugene Tisserant, 11 [Studi e testi, 232], Citta del August, 1381, reprinted in Loenertz’s Byzantina et Franco- Vaticano, 1964, pp. 417-20).

Graeca, Rome, 1970, pp. 339, 347, 361. 85 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Grazie, Reg. 20 (originally ® Cf. in general the documentary study of R. J. Loenertz, no. 17, Oct. 1407-Jan. 1416, more veneto), fols. 4°-5° “Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Gréce, 1376-1383,” Orientalia [2°-3"], cited by N. Iorga, “Notes et extraits pour servir a Christiana periodica, XXII, reg. nos. 37-38, 40-43, 45-49, histoire des croisades au XV° siécle,” in Revue de l'Orient

51, 53-54, 57, 59-60, 62-63, 66, pp. 340-49. latin, IV (1896), 290.

9. THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY, THE CRUSADE, AND THE CAPTURE OF SMYRNA (1309-1345) T HIRTY YEARS after the the Latin Greekkingdom recovery of of In residence thesettled years which followed. of Constantinople, March, during 1309, he in Avignon, surJerusalem came to an end. The coastal city of rounded by influential, independent, and inS. Jean d’Acre fell to al-Ashraf Salah-ad-Din _ triguing cardinals. As Clement took up his lodgKhalil, young soldan of Egypt, in May, 1291, ings in the Dominican convent, one of the chief

and soon there was nothing left in the Holy problems engaging the Curia was the future

Land of the conquests made by the First Cru- of the Ghibelline city of Pisa. James I of Aragon saders two centuries before. Acre was lost during __ was trying to secure suzerainty over Pisa by bribthe short reign of Pope Nicholas IV, Jerome of ing certain of the cardinals while he was planning

Ascoli, whom in an earlier chapter we have met the permanent occupation of the “kingdom of as an active participant in eastern affairs, but Sardinia and Corsica.” To achieve his ends James despite his every effort Nicholas could do noth- had sent his faithful envoy Vidal de Villanova ing to stem the tide of Mamluk victory.1 His to the Curia, and while Vidal did not succeed death was followed by an interregnum of more __ in gaining the papal cession of Pisa to the Crown than two years (from April, 1292, to July, 1294). of Aragon, his reports are among the most in-

The hermit Pietro da Morrone was chosen to formative sources we have concerning the early succeed him as Celestine V, but after a bewil- years of the Curia’s establishment at Avignon.’ dered five months he abdicated in what Dante We shall return to them later. appears to call i gran rifiuto (Inf., III, 58-60). The fourteenth century began as a relatively Next came Boniface VIII, who declared a cru- peaceful era in the eastern Mediterranean. The sade against his enemies, the Colonnesi; became Catalan Grand Company, to be sure, disrupted hopelessly involved in the contest with Philip _ life in the northern Aegean, and there was a good IV of France; and suffered the outrage at Anagni deal of commotion in Constantinople, but Veneat the hands of Sciarra Colonna and Guillaume tian and Genoese galleys sailed into Egyptian de Nogaret.? When Boniface died in October, ports and even into those of the Black Sea with 1303, one could safely assume that the papacy far fewer attacks upon each other’s commerce was in no position for members of the Curia to. than in the preceding century. Venetian hosthink seriously of trying to resume the leader- tility to Byzantium, however, cooled slowly ship of a crusade, although they would certainly despite the growing danger from the Turks. On encourage and support any prince who was 8 April, 1301, for example, the Venetian duke of prepared to venture into the Levant against Crete informed the Doge Pietro Gradenigo that,

the enemies of the Church. when the Republic’s armada (exercitus galearum)

Boniface VIII was succeeded by Benedict XI, reached Crete on an expedition then being whose brief reign closed with his death at Perugia planned against the Byzantine Emperor Anin July, 1304, and after a year’s interregnum dronicus II Palaeologus, the Cretan contingent Bertrand de Got, archbishop of Bordeaux, was of men-at-arms, horses, supplies, and ships elected as Clement V (on 5 June, 1305).Weneed would be ready “ad persecutionem imperatoris not be concerned with Clement’s various places et gentis eius.”* Although the Venetians made 1 While Acre was under siege, and after it had fallen, —W———— there had been talk of a crusade; see Heinrich Finke, Acta 3 On conditions in the Curia (and the Pisan question) at Aragonensia, 1 (Berlin and Leipzig, 1908), docs. 1-2, 7, the time of Clement V’s settlement in Avignon, note Finke, pp. 1-7, 11-13, and note the work of the crusading Acta Aragonensia, 1, docs. 354 ff., pp. 529 ff., letters of Vidal

publicists to whom reference is made below. de Villanova to James II of Aragon in March and April, 2 An extensive collection of sources, mostly from the 1309. The Dominican convent, to the southwest of the

period 1296-1311, was made by the French archivist Pierre (later) papal palace, was the scene of the conclaves of 1334 Dupuy, Histoire du différend d’ entre le pape Boniface VIL et and 1342.

Philippes le Bel, roy de France, Paris, 1655, repr. Tucson, 4G. M. Thomas, ed., Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, 1963; the pro-papal and pro-royal tracts of the period are _ I (Venice, 1880, repr. New York, 1965), doc. no. 1, pp. 1-2: analyzed by Richard Scholz, Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipps The Venetians staged a very formidable naval demonstrades Schénen und Bonifaz’ VIII, Stuttgart, 1903, repr. Amster- tion before Constantinople on 21-22 July, 1302, on which

dam, 1969. see R. J. Loenertz, “Notes d’histoire et de chronologie 163

164 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT peace with the Byzantine government on 4 Octo- Clement V certainly did his best to prepare the

ber, 1302,° they were ready enough to hearken way. On 14 January, 1306, he wrote Guy de to Pope Clement V’s call to a crusade a few years Plailly, bishop of Senlis and papal collector in

later (in 1306-1307) when they were to join France, lamenting the misfortunes which had Charles of Valois, the new titular Latin em- befallen Christendom as a result of the Greek peror, in an effort to expel the Palaeologi from schism. He announced that Charles of Valois, Constantinople and to re-establish the Latin count of Anjou and husband of the titular Latin

empire.® Empress Catherine, was preparing to reconquer —______ the empire of Constantinople from Andronicus

byzantines,” Revue des études byzantines, XVII (Paris, 1959), II, “for if, which heaven forfend, the empire

2602. In the Byzantine empire, despite my reference shall chance to fall to the Turks and the other

in the text to the early fourteenth century as a relatively 4 -ac¢ens and infid els, by whom the said Andro-

peaceful era, conditions sometimes approached chaos. Lack- . . .; . . id b

ing employment, after the peace of Caltabellotta (31 August, UCusIs being continually attacked, it would not be 1302) had ended the twenty years’ war between the housesof easy to wrest it from their hands! What grave

Anjou and Aragon, the Catalan Grand Company hadcome danger and great confusion the mother Church east under the command of the adventurous Roger de Flor ~— of Rome and the entire Christian religion would to help Andronicus II stem the advance of the Turks in ffer if. which God h hould Asia Minor. The Company arrived in Constantinople in sulrer js » WHIC od avert, such an event shou September, 1303, spent the winter at Cyzicuson the southern occur!” It behooved Clement to assist Charles (Anatolian) shore of the Sea of Marmara, and fought suc- and the noble barons who were going with him

summer o . Andronicus then recalled Roger de Flor; 1, .

cessfully 150304 the wos during the Re and carly to recover the empire and return it to the Cathoand the Company from Asia Minor, where their presence lic faith; moreover h e was merely followin g, he

was almost as great a menace to the Greek inhabitants said, the lead of his predecessor Benedict XI,

as it was to the Turkish invaders. who had in fact just written Guy de Plailly poser and the se pany 1304). serten intoWhen GallipoliAndronicus’s an August in this connection death overtook in and September, son andwhen co-ruler l ‘ ° him ° ne-

Michael IX connived in Roger’s murder at the end of Jr ye ee Now, faking uP the reins which Bene April, 1305, the Company found itself at war with the ict had dropped, lement ordered Guy an €

Byzantines. For more than two years, until their withdrawal papal subcollectors in France to make available

westward in the summer of 1307, the Company ravaged to Charles of Valois, at the proper time, the Thrace and threatened Constantinople, were famine legacies, redemptions of vows, and all offerings 1306-1307. While Andronicus searched in vain for allies (except tithe s) p ledged to the assistance of the

ecimate e population during the terrible winter o :

against the Company, and the Greek Patriarch Athanasius I Holy Land.

railed against the indifference of Byzantine officials and of }§—————_—- _

the rich to the sufferings of their poor compatriots, it daughter of Beatrice of Anjou and Philip, the eldest son

almost looked as though the empire might go under, on _ of the Latin Emperor Baldwin II. Catherine died in October which see the detailed account in A. E. Laiou, Constantinople 1307, leaving the Latin imperial title to her daughter and the Latins: The Foreign Policy of Andronicus II, 1282-1328, Catherine of Valois, who later married Philip of Taranto Cambridge, Mass., 1972, pp. 130-99, andcf. RogerSablonier, (on 30 July, 1313), one of the several sons of Charles II of Krieg und Kriegertum in der Cronica des Ramon Muntaner, Naples. On Charles of Valois and his imperial dream, see

Bern and Frankfurt/M., 1971. especially Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins, pp. 200-20,

5 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 7, pp. 12-16. Androni- 233-37, 240-41, and ¢f. Jean Longnon, LEmpire latin, cus confirmed the pact on 7 March, 1308 (ibid., I, no. 8, Paris, 1949, PP. 281, 295-98; J. Delaville Le Roulx, La pp. 16-19); cf. George Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, France en Orient au XIV® siécle, Paris, 1886, I, 43-47; H.

IV, 24 (Bonn, II, 326-27), who notes both the Veneto- Moranvillé, “Les Projets de Charles de Valois sur l’empire Byzantine truce and the Turkish advance. The Venetians de Constantinople,” Bzbliothéque de U'Ecole des Chartes, LI were much concerned “propter scandala que habebamus (1890), 63-86, who publishes from the original MS. in the olim cum Januensibus” (p. 14), because much of the trouble “Collection Baluze” in the Bibliotheque Nationale the “mises which then obtained in Greek waters was due to Androni- _ et despens pour le voiage de Constantinoble,” showing that

cus II’s persistent preference for the Genoese over the Charles expended large sums “pour le fait de empire. Venetians (cf. Freddy Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne au 7 Regestum Clementis Papae V, Rome, 1885-88, annus moyen-Gge, Paris, 1959, pp. 152, 156), which was not sur- primus, no. 243, pp. 40-41, “datum Lugduni {Lyon] prising since a Venetian squadron had burned the Genoese XVIIII Kal. Februarii.” Cf. C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica

colony at Pera in July, 1296, and a number of Greek houses medii aevi, 1 (1913, repr. 1960), 13, 451, according to which had also gone up in flames (Loenertz, “Notes d’histoire . . .,”. Guy de Plailly was bishop of Senlis, a suffragan see of Revue des études byzantines, XVII, 166). The Veneto-Byzan- Rheims, from 1294 to his death on 9 May, 1308. For Benedict tine peace of 1302-1303 was reaffirmed in 1310, and other _XI’s letter to Guy de Plailly, dated 20 June, 1304, to which truces were negotiated in 1324, 1331, and 1342 (Dipi., 1,19). | Clement referred and from which he took the phraseology 8 Charles of Valois was the younger brother of Philip IV _ of his own letter, see Chas. Grandjean, ed., Les Registres de of France: “fils de roi, frére de roi, pére de roi et jamais roi,” Benoit XI, Paris, 1883-1905, no. 1006, cols. 605-7 . On the

Charles had married the titular Latin Empress Catherine same day Benedict had appealed to the universi Christ

of Courtenay (on 28 January, 1301), the twenty-year-old _fideles to take part in Charles of Valois’s expedition against

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 165 Papal scribes were busy, that 14 January, on June, 1306). Otherwise the two years’ levy would

Charles of Valois’s behalf. Jacopo de Nernia, begin when the financial assignment to Philip bishop of Cefalu in Sicily, had just been ap- had been fulfilled. Clement did not want the levy

pointed collector of an island tithe “pro to fall upon ecclesiastical incomes which were

recuperatione imperii Constantinopolitani.” less than 10 pounds of Tours per annum, and in Clement had imposed the tithe for two years France as elsewhere the Hospitallers and ‘Temupon all ecclesiastical incomes in the island of plars were exempted.’”® Looking ahead for a Sicily (Sicilia) as a subvention for Charles. The moment, we may note that Philip did eventually levy fell upon both the secular and the regular yield to his brother’s more urgent need, and his clergy; only the Hospitallers and Templars were pia benignitas was rewarded with an additional exempted from payment. The funds, once col- year’s tithe on 3 June, 1307, at which time the lected, were to be kept safe. If Frederick II, Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II was excomCatalan king of Sicily (Trinacria), would ac- municated, and all rulers were forbidden to form company Charles on the expedition to the Bos- any societas vel confederatio with him.”

porus “with a fitting company of warriors,” Among the papal letters of 14 January, 1306, he was to receive the tithe. Otherwise it would _ relating to the “business of the empire,” is one to

go directly to Charles to help defray his ex- Charles of Valois himself, granting those who penses.® A similar tithe was imposed upon the went with him on the expedition against the kingdom of Naples (called the regnum Sicilie), Greeks the same forgiveness of sins as those who

where Bartolommeo, a papal chaplain and _ fought for the liberation of the Holy Land.” bishop-elect of Brindisi, was appointed the col- Another letter of the same date was dispatched lector. If Philip of Taranto would goon Charles’s to the doge and commune of Venice, blasting expedition to rewin the empire of Constanti- the schism of the “eastern church seduced by a nople, he was to receive the tithe; otherwise the damnable deception from the fold of Peter and money thus collected in southern Italy would, from union with the Catholic Church,” which like the avails of Sicily, be given to Charles to had led Pope Martin IV to excommunicate the

help finance his eastward passage.° “late Michael Palaeologus, fautor of the afore-

In France a tithe had already been conceded said schism.” Charles’s forthcoming expedition to Philip IV, but if he would postpone his claim would throw the fear of God into the Moslems, thereto, collection of a two years’ tithe on behalf and Clement requested the Venetians to assist of his brother Charles might begin on the coming _ in this glorious undertaking and receive the crufeast of the nativity of S. John the Baptist (24 sading indulgence as their reward.” The Venetians expected more than spiritual the Byzantine empire, ad recuperandum dictum impertum in rewards for their pains. On 19 December, 1306, personis propris, granting the participants the usual remission they made a pact with Charles of Valois “for

of their sins (ébid., no. 1007, cols. 607-8, and Giuseppe the defense of the faith and the recovery of Miller, ed. Documenti sulle | relazioni delle 7 ita foscane the empire of Romania, which is now held by LXXV, pp. 112-13). On 27 June, however, Benedict had also Andronicus Palacologu S. oe ’ The expediwritten Charles of Valois that he was deferring both the OM was to assemble at Brindisi the following generalis predicatio crucis and the grant of a tithe of ecclesias- March. It would last for a year. The Venetians tical incomes, which Charles had requested, until conditions would supply galleys and transports at a reasonimproved in the kingdom of France, at which time he would

accede to Charles’s wishes (Registres de Benoit XI, no. 108, § -————————

cols. 608-9). 10 Reg. Clem. V, annus primus, no. 245, pp. 43—44, dated

8 Reg. Clem. V, annus primus, no. 244, pp. 41-43. The 14 January, 1306. Sicilian tithe was for two years, not three, as the Benedictine 1 Reg. Clem. V, annus secundus, nos. 1758-59, pp. editor, loc. cit., writes by a slip of the pen. Jacopo de 55-56, dated 3 June, 1307; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., Nernia was bishop of Cefalu from 1304 to his death (before I, nos. 33-34, pp. 61-62. 22 January, 1324, according to Eubel, I, 182). Since the col- ” Reg. Clem. V, annus primus, no. 247, pp. 44-45. Hope lection of this tithe was postponed, the pope reimposed it of recovering the Holy Land inspired an extraordinary series upon the island of Sicily on 3 June, 1307 (Reg. Clem. V, of bulls addressed to the Hospitallers and the high clergy

annus secundus, no. 1755, pp. 52-55). throughout Europe and the Levant on 11 August, 1308

® Reg. Clem. V, annus primus, no. 246, p. 44; Eubel, I, (@¢d., annus tertius, nos. 2987-2990, pp. 153-65, and ¢f. nos.

149, on Bartolommeo. Philip of Taranto was, however, 2996-97, 3010, 3219, et alibi). granted a tithe to be collected in the principality of Achaea, 3 Reg. Clem. V, annus primus, no. 248, pp. 45-46; in “Romania,” and elsewhere in order to recover lands which Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I; no. 21, p. 38, wrongly dated the Greeks had occupied (Reg. Clem. V, annus secundus, 15 January (1306); R. Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriali, I

nos. 1604—5, pp. 17-19, dated 5 May, 1307). (Venice, 1876), bk. 1, no. 260, p. 56.

166 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT able price, and in the event of victory they Pierre Dubois, Guillaume Adam, and Ramon could look forward to regaining the privileged Lull were not the only publicists who believed position they had enjoyed in the Latin empire _ that the road to Jerusalem passed through Conbefore the Greek reconquest of Constantinople stantinople.’” About this time (on 5 September, in 1261."* Charles seemed to be getting off toa 1307) Clement granted the Hospitallers in pergood start. From Bordeaux on 10 March, 1307, petuity the island of Rhodes, which they were Pope Clement wrote the archbishop of Ravenna busy seizing from the schismatic Greeks “not and all the bishops in the Romagna, ordering without great effort, outlay, and expense.”!® that the crusade be preached in their territory, Another base had thus been acquired for an as was also to be done in the kingdom of Sicily, eastern offensive, but in the meantime Euro-

the Veneto, and the March of Ancona. The pean attention was turned toward the pres-

cross was to be given to those who would bear _ tigious figure of Charles of Valois.

it, and by joining Charles they would gain The Venetians were not, however, wholly the same venia peccatorum as those who fought sold on Charles of Valois, who soon had ex-

for the redemption of the Holy Land.® planations for his delay in getting the expediThe old days of Urban IV had returned, and tion started, protested against the proposed

the Venetians at papal behest were to help re- costs of transport in Venetian ships, and wanted

store to the Latin throne a French prince, certain modifications in the agreements he who would recognize their erstwhile political had negotiated with the Republic.!® They had and economic privileges as almost co-ordinate with his own imperial authority. In the bull —————— of 10 March, 1307, Clement V repeated his 17 Cf. Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, earlier admonition that, if Constantinople fell 1909, tepr- New York, 1958, pp. 676-81, with ample refer. he hand ence to the sources. Papal agents continued to collect the cruinto t 1€ han s of the Turks, Saracens, and sading tithe in Germany for the negotium Terrae Sanctae other infidels, “qui assidue Andronicum pre- (Reg. Clem. V, annus secundus, nos. 1941-44, pp. 95-98). fatum impugnant,” the Roman Church and al] _Latin propaganda had long since taken its toll of the Greeks’ Christianity would be gravely imperiled.1& T‘ePutation. An unknown French writer of the year 1308

When3on ClJune 8 y ement perme. q _ States: “Asia [Minor] . . . que est pars Grecie continet in excommunicate se dictas provincias [Bitiniam, Galaciam, Ysauriam, etc.],

Andronicus If, “who calls himself emperor ab oriente circuncingitur Turcis, a septemtrione Tartaris et of the Greeks,” the die was obviously cast. Ruthenis, ab occidente Bulgaris et Cumanis, a meridie Constantinople loomed large in the minds of Tracia. Terra est in omnibus habundans et fertilis in pane, most advocates of the Crusade at this time, ‘lice piscibus, carnious, aur argento, lo av sed homines fiorhthe Latin r u ti f th 1US terrewas sunt va Te inbeciiles etTurcis in nuiwo ap ad Unde pre tum coccupation Of B the1HOSporus et ideo reddunt tributum et Tartaris. quia widely regarded as the prime necessity for dictis Turcis nolebant reddere tributum, ab eisdem septimo a successful expedition to the Holy Land: anno transacto [counting inclusively and referring to the Ottoman defeat of a Byzantine army in the region of

——— Bapheus, near Nicaea, on 27 July, 1302] tota terra dicta 14 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 27, pp. 48-53. Clement _fuit devastata, depopulata et depauperata et ex hoc multum V and Charles of Valois also appealed to the Genoese, who _imperatoris Constantinopolitani diminuta potentia: homines

had a large stake in Palaeologian Byzantium; their request incole dicti Christiani sunt, actamen scismatici perfidi” for the commune’s participation in the “crusade” was re- (Olgierd Gorka, ed., Anonymi descriptio Europae orientalis, jected (Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins, pp. 204-8). But Cracow, 1916, pp. 6-7, and ¢f. pp. 23-25). Gorka, ibid., in 1307-1308 the Catalan Grand Company, which was then __ pp. XII-XIV, believes that the writer was a French Dominican. in Cassandrea and Macedonia, joined the Valois alliance, as As is well known, Guillaume Adam, De modo Sarracenos extirdid Stephen Uro§ II of Serbia: neither was, however, inthe pandi, in the Recueil des historiens des croisades, Docs. arméniens,

least committed to Charles’s so-called crusade (ibid., pp. I (Paris, 1906, and repr. 1967, 1969), 538-39, and “Bro-

208-11). cardus,” Directorium ad passagium faciendum, ibid. , 11, 455, also

15 Reg. Clem. V, annus secundus, no. 1768, pp. 58-60; emphasize the timidity of the Greeks: “Gentes enim grece Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 28, pp. 53-55; Predelli, miliciam perdiderunt, usum armorum nesciunt vs ” (p. Regesti dei Commem., 1, bk. 1, no. 308, p. 71. Clement V’s letter 538), “inermes ut mulieres, timidi et pavidi . . . ” (p. 455). of 10 March, 1307, was also addressed to all the archbishops Denigration of the Greeks as arrogant, slothful, perfidious, and bishops per districtum et provincias [venetas]. Note alsoRay- _ crafty, and timid had been a commonplace of the chroniclers

naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1306, nos. 2~5, vol. XXIII and crusading propagandists from the I1th century, on

(Bar-le-Duc, 1871), pp. 374-76, and cf. nos. 12-13, pp. _ which see Sibyll Kindlimann, Die Eroberung von Konstantinopel 379-81. Clement V also encouraged the Spanish crusaders 4s politische Forderung des Westens im Hochmittelalter: Studten against the Moslems in Granada (ibid., ad ann. 1309, nos. 24 Entwicklung der Idee eines lateinischen Katserreichs in Byzanz,

25 ff., vol. XXIII, pp. 443 ff; ad ann. 1310, no. 44, pp. Zurich, 1969, esp. pp. 32 ff., 86 ff., 122 ff., 151 ff.

467-68; and ad ann. 1312, no. 53, pp. 554-55). 18 Reg. Clem. V, annus secundus, no. 2148, p. 134. 16 Reg. Clem. V, no. 1768, pp. 58-59; Thomas, Dipl. 19 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 32, pp. 59-60, doc.

ven.-levant., I, 54 of «5 above, p. 96. dated at Poitou on 31] May, 1307.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 167 as much reason for discontent with Clement Whatever the eventual complications, the V, who was interfering (unjustly in the Doge Curia Romana could watch with equanimity pradenigo S opinion) in the ecclesiastical af- Venetian efforts to make and maintain trading

airs of Crete. That was not all. Papal con- pacts with the kings of Cilician Armenia,”

demnations of trading in arms and other pro- for after all they were Christians, but the Curia via with the Saracens, and especially with stood firm in its Opposition to economic ties C *Syptans, had been directed at the doge with the Moslems. Thus on 12 October, 1308,

ane soe of Venice with particular point Clement V, who announced his intention of in . . liberating the Holy Land (after Charles of The fact was that in early August, 1302, Valois had rewon his late wife’s Latin “empire” Venetian diplomats had finally secured an in Constantinople), threatened with excom-

elaborate and singularly reassuring pact from munication all Christians who exported arms, the soldan of Egypt, an-Nasir Muhammad, horses, iron, timber, foodstuffs, and merchandise affirming in full detail the security of the per- of any kind to Alexandria or any other place sons and properties of all Venetian merchants in Egypt.4 The bull of October, 1308, was of everywhere in lands under Mamluk dominion. course primarily a warning to the Venetians and On land and sea they were to be safe and sound, their Genoese rivals. The Venetians obviously free to come and go as they chose. They were required some warning, for they were tiring to have as many warehouses in the Egyptian of the complaints of Charles of Valois and the

customs areas as they needed, well equipped excuses he advanced from time to time to

and well roofed. Their goods were to be explain the failure of his expedition to get securely guarded, and the Venetians were to under way. On 6 July, 1309, Charles informed keep the keys to their own warehouses. Their the doge and the Signoria that he had just spent

consular rights were to be respected. Vene- many days at the Curia Romana, seeking a

tians who suffered shipwreck at Alexandria larger subsidy from his royal brother of France or elsewhere in Mamluk territory were assured and from Clement V. He had enjoyed little “that our officials will send people to save and success so far because of the alia ardua et guard their belongings and persons, so that they inevitabilia negotia, which were engrossing may lose nothing.” The property of a Venetian the minds as well as the resources of both the who died in the soldan’s domain was to be king and the pope, but Charles was confident

disposed of according to his will: if he died that the following February would see the intestate, his property was to be turned over expedition auspiciously under way, owing to to the Venetian consul. The Venetian colony the royal and papal assurances he had now in Alexandria was to have a market for storing received. and selling their wares, an oven, a fresh-water —_____

well, and certain other amenities and considera- (Dipl., I, no. 20, pp. 33-38), and shortly afterwards mer-

tions to make life more tolerable and secure Chants or oe Repunitc received a privilegi from. the in a land where Europeans often felt unsafe see Heyd “op. cit., IT a ++ I, no. 26, p. 47), on whic and not infrequently contracted disease.” The Catalans were also active in Egypt. At least eight em-

———_—_———— bassies were exchanged between Barcelona and Cairo from

20 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, nos. 30, 35-36, pp. 58, 1300 to 1330. James II and Alfonso IV sought from an62-63, docs. dated 29 May, 12 and 22 September, 1307; Nasir Nasir-ad-Din Muhammad, one of the greatest cf. no. 44, pp. 79-81, doc. from the year 1309, and Reg. soldans, the grant of commercial privileges for Catalan Clem. V, annus secundus, no. 1654, pp. 30-31. merchants, unrestrained access by Christian pilgrims to the 21 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, nos. 9-10, pp. 19-21, Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, the opening of the Coptic letters of Benedict XI, “considerantes . . . quod Saraceni churches in Cairo, and the release of the Christian captives Alexandrie terreque Egipti non solum adversariifidei . . . , taken by the Mamluks from time to time, on which see the sed etiam populi Christiani sunt hostes . . .” (p. 21). The _ interesting little monograph by A. S. Atiya, Egypt and Aragon,

prohibita included food, wine, and oil, as well as arms, Leipzig, 1938, repr. Liechtenstein, 1966 (in the Abhandhorses, iron, and timber (Reg. Clem. V, annus tertius, no. lungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, XXIJI-7). 3218, pp. 232-34, addressed to the Venetians, Genoese, 23 Cf. Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, nos. 29, 31, 37-38,

Anconitans, and others on 20 September, 1308). 40, and 47, pp. 55 ff.

22 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 4, pp. 5-9, docs. dated 24 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 39, pp. 74-75;

2 and 5‘ August, 1302, and ¢f. nos. 5-6, 12, 13 ff., 18. Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., 1, bk. 1, no. 381, p. 89. Traffic in

On Venetian relations with Egypt after the fall of Acre (in contraband did not cease, of course, and Clement V in1291), see Wilhelm Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au dignantly returned to the subject (Reg. Clem. V, annus sextus,

moyen-age, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II (Leipzig, 1885, repr. nos. 7118-19, pp. 241-42, dated 17 July, 1311). Leipzig, 1923, Amsterdam, 1967), 37 ff. A pact with Tunis 25 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 41, pp. 75-76. Among was also negotiated by a Venetian envoy on 3 August, 1305 _ the “arduous” problems facing Clement V were the affair of

168 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Doge Pietro Gradenigo clearly per- In the meantime (on 22 October, 1309) mitted himself to entertain some doubt on that Clement cautioned Philip IV of France that score, when on 10 September, 1309, he wrote it behooved the honor of the royal house to Clement V, with reference to this new post- continue working for the crusade ad effectum ponement of the Franco-Venetian expedition debitum. Both Philip and Charles of Valois against Constantinople, that the Venetians had had been granted tithes on the revenues of

long wanted to recover their part of the ecclesiastical properties in France, but that

Latin empire (supradicti imperu pars nostra) granted to Charles was now to be collected

and of course to see the Church of Constanti- first since even Philip was apparently prepared nople rescued from schism and restored to the to acknowledge that his brother’s proposed universal Roman Church. To this end they had _ expedition to the East had reached a critical made an alliance with Charles of Valois, who impasse.?”7 Charles of Valois lacked the manhad been failing in his stated obligations to the hood, however, as well as the means necessary

Republic. The Venetians were incurring ex- for such an expedition; the patience of the penses and facing perils in the East. Now Venetians was exhausted, and they decided to Charles was putting off the expedition again, make peace with the Byzantine government.

and Clement had intervened on his behalf. The terms of a truce were prepared in the The doge would not conceal from his Holiness doge’s palace on 3 October, 1310; Andronicus

the intolerable burden this dilatory policy II accepted and confirmed them in the palace

imposed upon the Venetians and the grievous of Blachernae on 11 November. The truce was loss of time they were suffering. But so great intended to last for twelve years (to be reckoned was the devotion which the Doge and the Si-_ from 14 August, 1310), and Andronicus agreed gnoria felt for the pope and the Apostolic See to make an annual payment to Venice of 10,000 that Venice would of course accept the post- gold hyperpyra for four years, the full sum of

ponement of the expedition until February, 40,000 hyperpyra constituting complete satis-

1310.6 faction of all claims which the doge and citizens

—__ of the Republic might have upon the imperial

the Templars, the alleged heresy of his predecessor Boni- government, which was, however, to make no face VIH, the Catalan- Aragonese efforts to take the postem claim upon the Venetians for losses which the kingdom of Granada, and the forthcoming council to be Greeks had suffered through the years of hos26 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 42, pp. 76-78. Accord- tility. The high contracting parties were to give ing to the Fragmentum of Marino Sanudo, ed. R. L. Wolff, each other SIX months’ notice in the event that

“Hopfs So-Called ‘Fragmentum’... ,” in The Joshua either wished to terminate the truce after the

alols Zave up the intention o going on the crusade upon . ’ ;

Starr Memoriat Volume, New Yorks 1953, P 153, Charles of expiration of the twelve-year period. The Vene-

the death in October, 1307, of his wife Catherine, “to whom vans Wee ne he on scarce grain ain the right of the empire of Romania belonged” (but obviously an one fhyperpyron per modium

he did nothing of the sort): “Mortua vero domina Katerina, from Byzantine territory nor render any kind uxore .. . Karoli . . . ,cuiiusimperii Romaniespectabat, Of assistance to the Catalan Grand Company,

dictus dominus Karolus illam intentionem dimisit, itaque huc ==——_———

usque res absque fine perfecto remansit.” The reading of are of the later fourteenth century, and both contain this passage in Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, Villehardouin’s Conquete de Constantinople, as a supplement

1873, p. 173 (“... illam in Franciam dimisit...”) [© which Wolff believes that Sanudo intended the “Frag-

suggests that Charles sent his wife’s body to France, which 9 ™entum.

is certainly less relevant to the passage than the statement Among the expenditures pro vestibus, pannis et forraturis

that he now abandoned his plans for the reconquest of published by K. H. Schafer from the Vatican registers of

Constantinople, which observation Sanudo makes elsewhere, Introitus et Exitus for 1322 appears the interesting fact that in much the same words, in a well-known letter (F. Kunst- on 26 July de mandato pape mandantis nobis per nobilem

« ne . » virum P.Marino de Via Sanudo [a nephew John XXII], quodofdaremus mann, “Studien iiber den of Aelteren .. . , / pew Jo. »q \

Abha ndlun on der historischen Classe d. k. bayerischen Akademie vestes d. Marino Sanudo alias dicto Torcello de Venetiis,

der Wisse ee ifien, VIL [Munich 1855] * b. Il, p. 775): qui libros super informatione passagii Terre Sancte porta-

“Demu f c ‘ d ni C i d mina Caterina. verat domino nostro, pro vestibus yeme prox. preterita de

eaequondam ee ieee animperatoris nent Pave ’ Philippi 3 garnimentis, videl. supertunicali, tunica et mantica emptis filia [de Courtenay], ad quam L de Pistor; , bat imperium. Unde predictus magnificus dominus pro €o a “apo ce Fistorio, mercatore curie Romane, de

Cok a ii pertum. | r d a8 doi . 4, pPanno marbrino de Melinis, in quo fuerunt 5 canne 2 palmi: vee. re oor intenuionem Iam f Satude ; eced une 18 fl. 5 s. 6 d. tur. p.” (Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen

Hopt’s text of the Fragmentum of Sanudo Is based upon ko nmer unter Johann XXII. nebst den Jahresbilanzen von 1316the MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds frangais 4792 1375, Paderborn, 1911, p. 215). (formerly 9644), which Du Cange and Buchon had published 27 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 43, pp. 78-79, with a

before him; Wolff's text follows the Bodleian MS., Laud. quoted addendum from [Chas.] du Fresne Du Cange, Misc. 587, which provides some better readings. Both MSS. Histoire de 'empire de Constantinople.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 169 the Compagna Almugavarorum, which had The cardinals’ households were elaborate, been nominally in the service of Charles of their incomes immense. In addition to their Valois for more than two years (1307-1310).28 numerous benefices, gifts, and other avails, Actually and ironically the attacks of the Cata- Nicholas IV had granted them on 18 July, lan Grand Company upon Byzantine territory 1289, the right to “participate” in one-half during the years which followed the murder of the entire regular income accruing to the Holy their leader Roger de Flor in April, 1305, were See from Sicily, England, “and any other kingthe closest thing to a crusade which Europeans doms” [paying homage to the pope], Sardinia, managed to organize against Andronicus II.” — Corsica, Benevento, the March of Ancona, the

. Romagna, the duchy of Spoleto, the Patrimony

Throughout this period France, always of S. Peter in Tuscany, the Campagna and

France, was the predominant influence at the the Marittima, the Comtat-Venaissin (around Curia. Of 134 cardinals created by the seven Avignon), and elsewhere. The cardinals shared Avignonese popes from Clement V to Gregory equally in the proceeds.*! XI, one was Genevan, two English, five Span- In the early fourteenth century the attention ish, fourteen Italian, and 112 French. No Ger- of Europe and the Holy See was fastened for man received a red hat. Of the French, ninety- years upon the trial of the Knights Templars. five were natives of the Midi, including forty- Since the fall of Acre in 1291 the Templars eight compatriots of the popes who appointed had been held in less esteem than the Knights them; sixteen came from the north of France, Hospitallers, whose “hospitality” (hospitalitas)

an’ a tom ne oat Venalssin Among he and care of the sick had always accompanied

cardinals trom the Midi, Gascony, Quercy, an@ their function as warriors in the Holy Land. Limousin were well represented: in the early The grand master of the Templars, Jacques de years of the Avignonese papacy a Gascon fac- Molay, wrote Clement V (probably late in the tion was strong; John XXII appointed eight year 1306) that, although the Templars were Suercynois; and from tae reign or Clement founded chiefly for military service, they disVI the Limousins tended to predominate 1M yensed alms three times a week, and always the consistory. Whatever the differences be- gave the poor a tithe of all their bread.”

tween cardinals of the langue @Oc and those But Guillaume de Nogaret, Guillaume de of the langue d Oil, or the rivalries among Plaisians, and Pierre Dubois turned the full the various factions in the Sacred College, force of the French propaganda machine upon Avignonese policy was always strongly inclined ,p- Templars, whom King Philip IV apparently

toward France, to the frequent annoyance of hated for reasons that are still not clear. The the Engst xing ane the more frequent indig- king collected evidence against them for about

nauion of the English parliament. two years before ordering their mass arrest

———_— everywhere in France (on 13 October, 1307), *® Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, nos. 45-46, pp. 82-85, and Clement V’s timidity involved the Holy See

docs. dated 3 October and 11 November, 1310. in the wretched business of the torture, the con-

29 Cf. Marino Sanudo’s so-called Fragmentum, ed. Hopf, . . .

Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), p. 173; Antoni Rubié i Lluch, demnation, and in many Cases the execution of Diplomatari de VOrient catala, Barcelona, 1947, docs: xiv men who were largely innocent of the vicious

ff., NEIgnatius - pp. 15 . Burns, 42 mo Aongnen, Combine iatin, (andan sometimes absurd) charges made against pp.aan .» R. “The Catalan Company 33 .

the European Powers, 1305-1311,” Speculum, XXIX (1954), them.” By his own account Jacques de Molay 751-71; David Jacoby, “La ‘Compagnie Catalane’ et état did not have four cents to defend himself or

catalan de Grece . . . ,” Journal des Savants, 1966, pp. 78 ff; and Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins, esp. chaps. V-VII.._._|§ —~———————

* See Bernard Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’ Avignon 31 Augustin Theiner, ed., Codex diplomaticus dominii tem(1309-1376): Etude d’une société, Paris, 1962, pp. 183-89, poralis S. Sedis, 1 (Rome, 1861, repr. Frankfurt am Main,

701 (in the Bibliotheque des Ecoles frangaises d’ Athenes 1964), no. 468, pp. 304-5: “. . . statuimus et decerni-

et de Rome, no. 201), and cf. Guillaume Mollat, Les Papes mus .. . ut de universis fructibus, redditibus, proventibus,

d’ Avignon (1305-1378), 9th ed., Paris, 1949, pp. 476-77, mulctis, condempnationibus et censibus . . . fiat divisio who however counted 13 Italians and 113 French. Our fullest in duas partes, quarum una papali camere semper cedit, accounts of the Avignonese papacy may now be found in _ reliqua vero inter cardinales eosdem equaliter divida- Guillemain’s book and that of Yves Renouard, Les Rela- tur... .” tions des papes d’ Avignon et des compagnies commerciales et 32 Georges Lizerand, Le Dossier de I’ affaire des Templiers,

bancaires de 1316 a 1378, Paris, 1941 (also in the Biblio- Paris, 1923, p. 6. theque des Ecoles frangaises d’ Athénes et de Rome, no. 33 On the charges, see Lizerand, Le Dossier de l’ affaire des

151). Templiers, pp. 18, 26, 28, 30 ff., 40, 104, 122, 160, 168, 194.

170 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Order.** Thirty-six Templars died under was not the slightest chance of co-operation torture at Paris, and fifty-four others were between Venice and the Holy See to send a

burned at the stake.* crusading expedition to the Levant.

The Council of Vienne was summoned to The contest between Venice and the Curia

witness the demise of the Order, whose sup- Romana, however, was far from being the worst pression the pope announced on 3 April, 1312, disturbance in Italy. Almost every imperial

before the conciliar fathers, who had been descent into the peninsula caused turmoil. given no voice in the proceedings. On 24 Countless troubles attended Henry VII's August, Philip IV approved the papal transfer southern expedition to secure his imperial

of the Templars’ possessions to the Hos- coronation, which took place at S. John’s

pitallers, provided the latter were reformed [ateran on 29 June, 1312. Rome became an “in head and members,” and became worthy armed camp with the various quarters of the

instruments for the recovery of the Holy Land city almost equally divided behind barricades (subsidio Terre Sancte).** Nevertheless, Philip him- erected by the Guelfs and Ghibellines. The self had done nothing to create an atmosphere troops of King Robert of Naples, commanded

favorable to the crusade. by his young brother John of Gravina (later

; Although Clement V proclaimed the crusade prince of Achaea) and aided by their Guelf contra Sarracenos regni Granate,” and granted allies, had prevented Henry’s being crowned to the Catalans and Castilians who fought for jn S, Peter’s, which Clement V had prescribed the destruction of the Moorish kingdom of as the place for the ceremony. Henry regarded Granada the same indulgences as to those who Robert as the worst of his numerous Italian fought for the recovery of the Holy Land,*’ enemies, and was determined to crush him. He there were too many distractions in Italy to formed an alliance of the German empire with turn the arms of the faithful against the Mos- the island kingdom of Sicily (Trinacria) whose lem powers in the Levant. In fact Venice and sovereign, Frederick of Aragon-Catalonia, gladly the Holy See were at war from October, 1308, agreed to the betrothal of his son Peter to Henry’s to March, 1310, when the Republic was trying daughter, Beatrice of Luxemburg. But as Fredto extend her sway over Ferrara and the Po erick began an invasion of the Neapolitan king-

valley. Clement showed a determination dom, at Henry’s behest and in defiance of

(unusual for him) to reassert the old papal Pope Clement’s prohibition, Henry died sudsuzerainty over Ferrara, and succeeded in denly at Buonconvento south of Siena (on 24 doing so, but the harsh and incompetent ad- August, 1313). Frederick retired to his island ministration of the papal vicar-general forced fastness to await a more opportune time to Clement to turn Ferrara over to the still worse attack the Angevins.®9 vicariate of King Robert of Naples (late in the year 1312). Robert’s garrison of Catalan mer- —_———— cenaries was ousted in August, 1317, when the ay, quintus, nos. 6310-17, pp. “12-27, en 1] peat : an ; annus septimus, no. , pp. —90, chris themselves restored the Estensi to dated 25 November, 1311; annus octavus, nos. 9007-11,

power.** During these years, of course, there pp. 46-89, papal letters of 26 January and 17 February, 1313, confirming the pacts between the Ferrarese and Vene-

TT tians and restoring the Venetian clergy to the benefices of 34 Lizerand, Le Dossier del’ affaire des Templiers, p.148:“. . . which they had been deprived. Guillaume de Bruniquel cum esset in captivitate dominorum pape et regis nechaberet was appointed Clement’s vicar-general in temporalibus on 21

aliquid, eciam quattuor denarios, quos expendere posset May, 1310 (ibid., annus quintus, nos. 6313-14, 6317,

pro predicta defensione. . . .” pp. 411-12, 425-27), and by 26 November, 1311, his 35 Ibid., pp. 156, 190, and see in general Heinrich Finke, rapacity and that of his underlings had come under in-

Papsttum und Untergang des Templerordens, 2 vols., Miinster _ vestigation (ibid., annus septimus, no. 8749, p. 291). See in

i.W., 1907 (the second volume contains 158 documents), general the scholarly study of Giovanni Soranzo, La Guerra and Georges Lizerand, Clément V et Philippe IV le Bel, Paris, fra Venezia e la S. Sede per il dominto di Ferrara (1308-1313),

1910. Citta di Castello, 1905, with an appendix of twenty-three 36 Tizerand, Le Dossier de l’ affaire des Templiers, pp. documents, and Mollat, Les Papes d’ Avignon (1949), pp.

200, 202. 141-48.

37 Reg. Clem. V, annus quartus, nos. 5090-95, pp. 469-76, 39 Cf. the contemporary narrative of Nicholas of Butrinto,

dated 12 November, 1309, and no. 6312, pp. 410-11, “Relatio de itinere italico Henrici VII imperatoris,” in

dated 23 May, 1310. Etienne Baluze and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Vitae paparum

38 Ibid., annus quartus, nos. 5000-1, pp. 426-30, dated 4 Avenionensium, 4 vols., Paris, 1914-22, III, 491-561, and December, 1308, and nos. 5081-85, pp. 459-67, dated W. M. Bowsky, Henry VII in Italy: The Conflict of Empire and 28 June, 1309; no. 5087, p. 468, dated 17 July, 1309; annus — City-State, Lincoln, 1960.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 171 The dying Clement now decided to take electors and gradually won out over his Hapsprecautions against further imperial inter- burg rival, who died before him. The Bavarian’s ference in Neapolitan affairs, and by the de- stormy tenure of the imperial office involved cretals Romani principes and Pastoralis cura him in a long struggle with John XXII, who (of 14 and 19 March, 1314) he attacked the adhered to the principles laid down by Clement late Henry as dishonestly denying that the V in the decretal Pastoralis cura. The contest oaths which he and his imperial predecessors was marked by the most vigorous pamphleteer-

had taken to the pope and the Holy See were ing on the part of both imperialists and in fact iuramenta fidelitatis, with the clear papalists. implication of vassalage.*° Clement stated that Ludwig found some support for his opposiRobert was not an imperial vassal for the king- tion to John XXII in the radical arguments dom of Naples (regnum scilicet Siciliae), and against the temporal power of the papacy ad-

that he had not been guilty of laesa maiestas vanced by Marsiglio of Padua and John of against Henry, who had denounced Robert Jandun in the Defensor pacis, which (at what-

as a “rebel, traitor, and enemy of the empire.” ever date they began the work) was finished in Robert’s kingdom was a papal fief, and he was June, 1324. After the fashion of the Averthe liege and vassal of the Holy See. Clement roist Aristotelians of their day, Marsiglio and declared null and void the ban and penalties John separated human from divine law, reason which Henry had sought to impose upon from faith, and mundane society from the future

Robert, and he did this by virtue of the life. Lowering their sights from heaven to earth,

superiority of the papacy over the empire, by they recognized the clergy as an important class the imperial authority which as supreme pontiff in society like agriculturists, merchants, and it was his right to wield during an interregnum, artisans, but the priest no less than the artisan

and by the plenitudo potestatis which Christ was subject in this life to secular law and to had bestowed upon his vicar in the person of secular authority, and the pope had no just

S. Peter.* claim to either spiritual or temporal supremThe presence of the emperor in Italy caused acy. A motley crowd of hard-headed im-

more unrest than the absence of the pope. But _perialists and light-headed visionaries took up to be crowned in Rome seemed almost impera- the cudgels against the Avignonese popes, tive to the successors of Charlemagne and the who found champions in such writers as the Ottos, and indeed without this coronation they German Carmelite Sybert of Beek, the ener-

were only kings of the Romans and not em- getic Augustinian Guglielmo Amidani of perors. In October, 1314, disputed elections Cremona, a certain Petrus de Lutra, the Franprovided both Ludwig of Bavaria and Frederick ciscans Andrea da Perugia and Francesco of Austria with claims to succeed Henry VII; Toti, the strange Pavian Opicinus de Canistris,

Ludwig received the votes of most of the the canonist Hermann of Schildesche (near

Bielefeld in Westphalia), Lambert Guerrici of 40 Clementinae, lib. II, tit. 1x, eds. E. L. Richter and Emil Huy (in the diocese of Liége), and various Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, 11 (Leipzig, 1879, repr. others, who by and large wielded the pen with

Graz, 1955), cols. 1147-50, Romani principes. more zeal than talent.*2

41 Clem., lib. II, tit. x1, cap. u, ibid., II, cols. 1151-53, Pastoralis cura: “. . . nos tam ex superioritate, quam ad = =———————

imperium non est dubium nos habere, quam ex potestate 42 Marsiglio’s views are too well known for further in qua vacante imperio imperatori succedimus, et nihilo- elaboration here. The main purpose of the Defensor pacis minus ex illius plenitudine potestatis quam Christus . . . was the annihilation of the papacy (note esp. dictio II, capp. nobis . . . in persona beati Petri concessit, sententiam et XV-XXVI, ed. C. W. Previté-Orton, Cambridge, 1928, pp. processus omnes praedictos [pronounced by Henry VII 263 ff., and ed. Richard Scholz, 2 fascs., Hanover, 1932-

against Robert of Naples] ... de fratrum nostrorum 33, pp. 325 ff.).

consilio declaramus fuisse ac esse omnino irritos et 48 Richard Scholz, Unbekannte kirchenpolitische Stretischriften inanes. . . .” See G. Lizerand, “Les Constitutions Romani aus der Zeit Ludwigs des Bayern (1327-1354): Analysen und principes et Pastoralis cura et leurs sources,” Nouvelle Revue Texte, 2 vols., Rome, 1911-1914 (Bibliothek des Kgl. Preuss.

historique de droit frangais et étranger, XXXVII (1913), 725— Historischen Instituts in Rom, vols. IX—X); note also 57, who explores the juridical background of both decretals. | Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon (1962), pp. 90-96,

The text of Pastoralis cura was promulgated in a public with refs., and on Opicinus de Canistris, who became a scribe consistory at Monteux on 14 March, 1314(atthesametimeas in the Penitentiary, see, ibid., pp. 343-44, and Richard Romani principes), and was repeated on the nineteenth Salomon, Opicinus de Camnistris: Weltbild und Bekenntnisse in a public “audience.” Cf. in general Mollat, Les Papes eines avignonesischen Klerikers des 14. Jahrhunderts, London and d’ Avignon, pp. 318-29, who misdates the decretals (p. 328). Leipzig, 1936, esp. pp. 23 ff.

172 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Over the years Ludwig harbored the Fran- the connivance of John XXII and the papal ciscan malcontents who were offended by _ legate, Cardinal Bertrand du Poujet. John of John XXII’s condemnation of clerical poverty, Bohemia failed, and papal efforts to achieve and Michael of Cesena, Bonagratia of Bergamo, some sort of hegemony in Lombardy, the March

and William of Ockham all died in Munich. of Ancona, the Romagna, and Emiulia failed Ockham was primarily a theologian rather than also, for the legate Bertrand du Poujet added a political theorist, and the weight of his attacks bad luck to bad judgment, and the Italian upon papal absolutism was for that very reason signori and signorie were determined to main-

the more heavily felt at Avignon, where his tain their independence. far-reaching influence was most disturbing to It was the age of despots. The Visconti were the Curia. He inveighed against the tyranny ruling in Milan, the Scaligeri in Verona, the of the papacy in both church and state, and stood Montefeltri in Urbino. The Bonaccolsi had out as an uncompromising defender of the em- just fallen in Mantua, to be sure, and death peror and the empire, roundly denying the had recently removed Castruccio Castracani

papal claims to the “plenitude of power.“ from the lordship of Lucca (in 1328), but

Like Henry VII before him, Ludwig of Lodovico Gonzaga, who had snatched Mantua Bavaria also took the road to Italy, where he from Passerino Bonaccolsi, was founding a remained for some three years (1327-1330), dynasty that was to last for three centuries. and where he was twice crowned in Rome (at Besides the Este in Ferrara, the Manfredi held S. Peter’s on 17 January and 22 May, 1328) in sway at Imola and Faenza in the Romagna, ceremonies of dubious ecclesiastical validity. the Polenta at Ravenna, the Malatesta at He secured the schismatic election of a Fran- Rimini, and the Ordelaffi at Forli. Some of these ciscan, a very minor friar named Pietro Rainal- families retained their authority into the six-

lucci da Corbara, as Pope Nicholas V (on 12 teenth century, sometimes the allies but

May, 1328), but the anti-pope’s position be- usually the opponents of the Holy See, which came untenable when Ludwig withdrew into had perforce to recognize them as “vicars” northern Italy. Pietro da Corbara abdicated at 1m control of allegedly papal cities.

Pisa in July, 1330, and died in comfortable The hostile interference of Philip VI of

confinement at Avignon.* France and Robert of Naples frustrated the

As Ludwig of Bavaria left the stage, King efforts of Ludwig of Bavaria to make amends for

John of Bohemia came to the forefront in his attacks upon the papacy and to effect a northern Italy, where he almost put together reconciliation with Benedict XII who, when he a state. John’s ambition was frustrated, how- succeeded John XXII in 1334, would have

ever, by a north Italian league formed at much preferred peace to discord. Benedict Ferrara in September, 1332, when Guelfs and was building the massive northeastern wings

Ghibellines joined together lest the adven- Of the palace at Avignon; it was a better

turous king should gain another kingdom with use for money, he thought, than warring with the Ghibellines in Italy. Clement VI followed “4 Richard Scholz, Wilhelm von Ockham als politischer Denker him in 1342, and added the southwes tern wings

und sein Breviloquium de principatu tyrannico, Leipzig, tO the palace, but was less cautious than Bene1944 (Schriften des Reichsinstituts fur altere deutsche dict, reverted to the intransigent policy of John Geschichtskunde [Monumenta Germaniae historica], no. 8). XJ] against the Wittelsbachs, and declared In arguing the pope’s illegitimate usurpation of power, .; wo . . Ockham states “quod ad pape non spectat officium se Ludwig’s deposition from the imperial throne. negotiis secularibus implicare, ex quo patenter concluditur At Rense on 11 July, 1346, John of Bohemia’s Arenitadenem potestatis” (ibid. p. 66, ¢ alibiy On Ockham's SO” Was elected king of the Romans as Charles works, see Scholz, Unbekannte hirchenpolitische Stretischriften, IV (and John lost his life the following month

I, 141 ff., and IJ, 346-480, and L. Baudry, Guillaume on the battlefield at Crécy). Ludwig of Bavaria

omme et oeuvres, Paris, . . c . *

eam Sa tne, ses oeuures, ses Wee sociales et politiques, vol.I: himself died on a bear hunt in October, 1347; 45 Cf. Baluze ‘and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, I after the passing or another rival im 1349,

143-51, 167, with an indication of sources in vol. Ii, Charles IV’s authority was recognized. He

196~—210, and note Walter Hofmann’s brief but learned made the usual expedition into Italy, and was

sketch of German opposition to the Avignonese papacy crowned at Rome (on 5 April, 1355), after in “Antikuriale Bewegungen in Deutschland in der Zeit . . Ludwigs des Bayern (1314—1346),” Forschungen und which he returned to Germany to publish the

Fortschritte, XXXV (Berlin, 1961), 79-82. Golden Bull of 1356, which disregarded the

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 173 papal claims of Pastoralis cura,** and settled attended by turmoil in Italy, the massacre at the question of election to the German throne Cesena (1377), and the War of the Eight Saints by confirming the electoral rights of the arch- (1376-—1378).*°

bishops of Mainz, Trier, and Cologne, and The Spiritual Franciscans, or what was left those of the king of Bohemia, the count palatine of them, had continued to assail papal authority,

of the Rhine, the duke of Saxony-Wittenberg, and John Wyclif jomed the fray with attacks and the margrave of Brandenburg—three upon the priesthood as well as the hierarchy. ecclesiastical and four lay electors, who became ‘The Church was, he contended, the union of almost sovereign in their domains, and who ll true Christians; it had been debased by a alone created kings of the Romans. Innocent corrupt clergy and a grasping papacy. Wyclif

VI apparently made no protest at the exclu- would deny the clergy the right to possess

sion of the Holy See from the very basis of a property; he rejected most of the sacramental new imperial constitution. He saw no point in system; and he extolled the power of the king continuing against the Luxemburgers the costly and the magnates over that of the pope and struggle which his predecessors had carried the priests, who in his view were not entitled to on against the, Wittelsbachs. Thus the Golden exercise any coercive power at all.*° Wyclif’s

Bull set the imperial electoral procedure teachings became well known, and _ struck which lasted until the beginning of the nine- responsive chords among the people in

teenth century. England, Bohemia, and elsewhere.

There was ample cause for complaint. Nicole

The fourteenth century was a period of vio- Oresme had seen trouble coming. In a sermon lent social change as well as intellectual fer- which he preached to Urban V and the cardinals ment. The widespread famine in Europe for on Christmas eve of 1363 (and which became three successive years (1315-1317), the revolt very popular, finding its way into print in the

of the peasants and weavers in western sixteenth and seventeenth centuries), Oresme Flanders (1323-1328), the dramatic bank fail- acknowledged the fatuity of much preaching ures in Florence (1343-1346), the Black Death on Christ’s poverty. He also stated that priests

with its consequent labor shortages and high lived better than the common people in all prices, the Jacquerie in France (1358), the societies, which was quite fitting; this did not Lollard movement in England and the Peas- justify, however, the pomp of “horse and ants’ Revolt (1381), and the intermittent but household” that marked the lives of great prolonged distraction (and destruction) of the prelates. The shepherds were not feeding their Hundred Years’ War were hardly conducive to

the Crusade. The papacy sp ent Immense SUMS in, Society and History, VIII (The Hague, 1966), 464-73. The on the Italian wars, but despite the remarkable rural population of Tuscany had been declining for decades

success of Bertrand du Poujet’s great successor, before the Black Death (¢f., David Herlihy, “Population, Cardinal Gil de Albornoz (1353-1357, 1358- Plague, and Social change, 0 RCV HT 11963] 225-44)” 1363), Gregory XI's return to Rome was “@® See in general M. Antonelli “Ta Dominazione pontificia nel Patrimonio negli ultimi venti anni del periodo avi-

as6 Conrad gnonese,” Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Paina, of Megenberg, Tractatus contra Wilhelmum Occam XXX (1907), 269-332, and XXXI (1908), 121-68, 315-55, (dedicated to Charles IV on 28 September, 1354), ed. R. with twenty-four documents (1363-1378). Cf. Pierre Ronzy, Scholz, Unbekannte kirchenpolitische Streitschriften, 11, 352, Le Voyage de Grégoire XI ramenant la papaute d’ Avignon

discusses the two decretals Romani principes and Pastoralis a Rome (1376-1377), Florence, 1952, who has edited the cura, “per que duo statuta iura imperii et totum imperium tedious but instructive poem of Pierre Ameilh (or Ameil)

annichilantur et destruuntur.” on the Itinerarium Gregori XI. Ameilh served as _ papal

*7 On the difficulties of the Holy See in central Italy, see librarian from 1366 to 1395 under Urban V, Gregory XI, M. Antonelli, “Vicende della dominazione pontificia nel Urban VI, and Boniface IX. On conditions in Rome in patrimonio di S. Pietro in Tuscia dalla traslazione della 1376-1378, note R. C. Trexler, “Rome on the Eve of the Sede alla restaurazione dell’ Albornoz,” Archivio della R. Great Schism,” Speculum, XLII (1967), 489-509. Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XXV (1902), 355-95; 4° Wyclif’s treatise De potestate pape was written in 1379, and XX VI (1903), 249-341; and XXVII (1904), 109-46, 313-49, makes frequent reference to the beginning Schism as Urban

with twenty-two papal letters and one other document VI and Clement VII declared each other excommunicate— (1318-1357), and note also Giovanni Tabacco, “La Tradi- to the immense satisfaction of Wyclif, who identified unzione guelfa in Italia durante il pontificato di Benedetto worthy and false popes with the Antichrist ( Johann Loserth, XII,” in P. Vaccari and P. F. Palumbo, eds., Studi di storia _ed.., Johannis Wyclif tractatus de potestate pape, London, 1907,

medievale e moderna in onore di Ettore Rota, Rome, 1958; pp. repr. New York, 1966, chaps. 6-8, 9-10, 12, esp. pp. 97-148. On the catastrophes of the age, note Josiah C. 118-26, 144, 148-50, 185-90, 221-22, 233-34, 248, 251 ff., Russell, “Effects of Pestilence and Plague,” Comparative Studies 321 ff., 352—54, 386 ff.).

174 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT sheep. They were feeding themselves. But gandists but also loyal adherents to the ideal even among priests a scandalous inequality like Pierre Thomas and Philippe de Mézieres, existed. While one suffered from starvation, who were willing to risk their lives for the re-

another suffered from indigestion. Repre- covery of the Holy Land. It also produced

hensible prelates were an old story, and in some notable crusades, large-scale military extimes past conditions in the Church had been peditions into the Levant, which although worse than in Oresme’s day (etiam plus quam limited in results were certainly spectacular in nunc), but he added, “I do not see that, if a performance.” house has been ready to collapse for some time, The diplomatic correspondence of the Aviit is for this reason any less likely to fall or gnonese period sheds much light on the diffi-

any less dangerous!”*° culties attending papal elections, factional Sometimes the Crusade seemed almost for- strife among the cardinals, meetings of the gotten at Avignon, but the popes remained consistory, local intrigue and _ international dedicated to the idea, and for good reason. tensions, and the activities and personalities If the kings and chivalry of France and England of the leading cardinals. For the reigns of could be persuaded to go crusading, drawing Clement V and John XXII such matters are off the grand companies of mercenaries that often vividly depicted in the letters and other were ruining France, the Holy Sepulcher documents published in Heinrich Finke’s Acta would be rewon, and there would be no one to Aragonensia. Fifteen cardinals, of whom carry on the Hundred Years’ War, which was twelve were Italians, took part in the election taking a grievous toll of churches, monasteries, of Clement V in June, 1305; in three promo-

hospitals, schools, and human life in France. tions (in 1305, 1310, and 1312), however, Towns were sacked and burned; houses and Clement named twenty-four cardinals, of vineyards were destroyed; land went out of whom thirteen were Gascons; and thereafter cultivation; lay and ecclesiastical revenues the Italian influence in the Sacred College declined. Food shortages and the plague fol- diminished rapidly. For some time the proud lowed the armies over wide areas in France.** _ figure of Cardinal Napoleone Orsini loomed Despite this devastation, however, and partly large. A Roman, he was a member of the because of it, ecclesiastical circles were flooded College for fifty-four years (from May, 1288, to with crusading propaganda. Theorists proposed March, 1342). As a cardinal, he served under

the naval blockade of Mamluk Egypt and the seven popes. He made his own policy; his strict prohibition of Christian trade with the decisions in the conclave helped to elect both soldan’s subjects at Alexandria. Until the Clement V and John XXII; but of course the Osmanlis occupied Adrianople, Egypt was tiara lay far beyond his grasp, for the congenerally looked upon as the great Moslem claves always contained too many cardinals power; in any event the soldan’s forces held from the Midi. Syria and Palestine. Crusading schemes were The ever-increasing French ascendancy in put forward by Fidenzio of Padua and the the College finally reduced Napoleone and indefatigable Ramon Lull; the French publi- the other Italian cardinals to an impotence cists Pierre Dubois, Guillaume de Nogaret, which they could relieve only by intriguing and Guillaume Adam; the Armenian prince against the pope or by trying to oppose him in Hayton and the Venetian traveler Marino the consistory. ‘Thus on Monday, 3 October, Sanudo Torsello. The fourteenth century pro- 1323, as John XXII turned his attention from duced, however, not only crusading propa5° Sermo coram papa Urbano V et cardinalibus habitus, cuius 52 Delaville Le Roulx, La France en Orient au XIV® siécle

thema: “Juxta est salus mea ut veniat, et justitia mea ut reveletur,” (1886), I, 16-39, 48-77, 80-98; N. Jorga [Iorga], summarized with selections from the textin Francis Meunier, Philippe de Mézieres (1327-1405) et la croisade au XIV° Essai sur la vie et les ouvrages de Nicole Oresme, Paris, 1857, siécle, Paris, 1896; A. S. Atiya, The Crusade in the Later

pp. 40-44. Middle Ages, London, 1938, pp. 29 ff.; Joachim Smet, The

51H. Denifle, La Guerre de Cent Ans et la désolation des Life of Saint Peter Thomas by Philippe de Mexeres, Rome, 1954; églises, monastéres et hépitaux en France, 11 (Paris, 1899, and F. J. Boehlke, Jr., Pierre de Thomas: Scholar, Diplomat, repr. Brussels, 1965), covers the depredation in Francetothe and Crusader, Philadelphia, 1966.

death of Charles V (1380). Denifie’s first volume (1897, 53 Cf. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, I (1908), introd., pp. repr. 1965) contains more than a thousand documents (or cCLxvi ff.; Eubel, Hierarchia, I (1913, repr. 1960), 11, on

century. three promotions.

regesta of documents) from the first half of the fifteenth Napoleone Orsini, and see, ibid., pp. 13-15, for Clement V’s

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 175 the Crusade (for which Charles IV of France Villanova, one of the best-known diplomats had just demanded huge subventions in men _ of his time, arrived in Avignon on an important

and money), he announced in the consistory mission for James II, and on the seventeenth that he intended to depose Ludwig of Bavaria, they sent the king their first report. ‘There was “who calls himself king of Germany,” and who talk of a crusade, they wrote, and apparently was a fautor of heretics. The cardinals were some slight progress in organizing one. Some all astonished, and none dared to reply, “sav- knights had taken the cross for service over-

ing Messer Napoleone [Orsini] and Messer seas “as a sign of penance.” The pope was Pietro Colonna and Messer Giacomo Caetani, bearing down on the cardinals’ ostentatious and they said that the result would be a great way of life, and had limited the numbers of scandal, and nothing but a return to the war their squires (scutiferi), attendants, and chapbetween the Empire and the Church.” The _lains. Their hitherto elaborate dinners were to pope was incensed, especially against Pietro be a thing of the past; henceforth they were not Colonna, who stood up to him. On Wednesday, to serve more than two courses (fercula) at a

the fifth, there was another meeting of the meal.** Non-curial prelates were to return to consistory, and the three Italian cardinals their own sees when their business in Avignon again refused to give way, but two days later was finished. Otherwise there seemed to be they told John that he might do as he pleased. little or nothing new at the Curia. When on Saturday, the eighth, the “process” Avignon itself was a horror. The two envoys against Ludwig was finally read, however were miserably housed in public inns, “owing harsh it may have sounded to partisans of the to the great pressure of people.” The streets empire, it was a good deal less so than the were full of mud; the stench was unbearable. irate pope had at first wanted it.” But the In fact their lodgings stank, and were a peril to dissident Italian cardinals still withheld their health; it was also degrading to his Majesty

consent.*® Although the distribution of so that a Catalan embassy should be so badly many red hats among the south French housed; and so they were moving across the changed the political concerns as well as the Rhone to the suburb of S. André (where the social complexion of the College, the Crusade _ Jater fort was built on the hilltop) in Villeneuvestill remained a subject of discussion, which Jés-Avignon (in French territory). Their dignity

(as we shall see) finally reached a point of was thus protected, and their health better

decisive action during the decade of Clement assured, with the river between them and the

VI's reign. fetida civitas. It was easy for them to go over the

The texts published by Finke from the Ar- Pont S. Bénézet, which connected S. André chives of the Crown of Aragon (Arxiu de la_ with Avignon, and so be in daily attendance Corona d’Arag6) in Barcelona enable us to walk at the papal court. Despite their precautions the dirty, crowded streets of Avignon through- Vidal became ill.*”7 Such was Avignon in the out the first quarter of the fourteenth century. early years of the popes, and as the population The Archives contain some 6,389 volumes (or continued to increase, conditions improved but “registers”), with about 3,194,500 documents, slightly if at all. Some of the richer cardinals dating very largely from the middle ages; 338 moved to Villeneuve (like the Catalan envoys), volumes, with more than 300,000 documents, and built palaces and housed their staffs in have survived from the reign of King James II _ airier, pleasanter quarters than could be found (1291-1327), whose envoys kept him well informed concerning conditions and events in| ______ Avignon. Their letters are an invaluable source 56 John XXII intended to check the extravagance of the for the social history of both the city and the cardinals’ households by the ineffective decretal De honestate Curia. Thus in October, 1316, Pons de Gualba, cardinalium of October, 1316, on which see Guillemain, bishop of Barcelona (1303-1334), and? Vidal de La pontificale pp.of 253-54, and especially Norman P.Cour Zacour, “Papald’'Avignon, Regulation Cardinals’ House-

———__—_—— | holds in the Fourteenth Century,” Speculum, L (1975), 4 Finke, Acta Aragonensia, I, doc. 265, pp. 398-401, from 434-55. The decretal or constitution in question is perhaps a letter addressed to James II of Aragon-Catalonia, dated at _ better known, from its incipit, as Dat vivendi normam.

Avignon on 11 October, 1323. 57 Finke, Acta Aragonensia, I, docs. 147-48, pp. 224-27,

55 Finke, Acta, I, doc. 264, pp. 396-97, to James II, dated dated 17 October and 19 November, 1316. On Vidal de

after 8 October, 1323, and cf. Guillemain, La Cour pontificale Villanova, see, ibid., I, introd., pp. CLIX-CLx, and on the

d’Avignon (1962), p. 232, and on Napoleone Orsini, see, mission, cf. Rubiéd i Lluch, Diplomatari de ('Onent catala

ibid., pp. 241-44. (1947), doc. 1c, pp. 119-21.

176 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in Avignon. The remains of some of their chases of adjacent lands and houses under both “livrées” may still be seen by the church of Benedict XII and Clement VI to enlarge the Notre Dame and along the Rue de la Répub- palace. The costs of maintaining the papal lique in Villeneuve. It is small wonder, then, kitchen, pantry, wine cellar, and stables, and that the Black Death took such a toll of life the prices paid for oil, food, spices, confections, among the curialists in 1348 when fourteen and medicine, cloth, clothing, and vestments couriers were buried in June and July at the are all listed with minute exactitude. We catch modest cost of two florins for each funeral.** glimpses of Clement VI preparing his tomb in But the crowding in certain parishes only be- the Benedictine monastery at Chaise Dieu came worse with the years. The plague of 1348 (Casa Dei) and of Innocent VI preparing his carried off some 93 known members of the tomb in the Carthusian convent at VilleneuveCuria (about 14 per cent of the total number of —_lés-Avignon.©

curial officials and lesser functionaries), and the The cameral scribes kept careful records of murderous plague of 1361 removed some 97 expenditures, and Johann Peter Kirsch has pro-

curialists (or about 18 per cent of the total). vided us with archival texts which make it The mortality was higher in the rest of the possible to assess the costs of moving the

city and in various religious communities in papacy from Avignon to Rome under Urban V the Midi, and yet many names of curialists (from 30 April to 16 October, 1367) and again (4,253 are known for the period between under Gregory XI (from 13 September, 1376, 1309 and 1376) disappear from the records to 17 January, 1377). Unlike his predecessor, with no indication that it was the plague which Gregory of course never left Rome, where he

removed them from the scene.*® died on 27 March, 1378. The Curia moved

Although the riches of the Vatican Archives slowly, and on both the journeys to Rome the seem inexhaustible, we do not lack printed curales consumed the usual abundant quantisources. Almost every aspect of life at the ties of wine, fish, pork, and cheese, and used Curia is illustrated by Karl Heinrich Schafer’s reams of parchment. Both the Lateran palace remarkable volumes on Die Ausgaben der and the Vatican had fallen into the saddest Apostolischen Kammer, which give us easy disrepair during the popes’ absence of more access to the expenditures (exitus) of the than sixty years, and since Urban had decided Camera under certain of the Avignonese popes. to live at S. Peter’s, the Vatican palace required

Here we may find the costs of papal corona- new roofs, ceilings, doors, windows, and other tions, banquets, and funerals, weddings of details of restoration, for which 15,569 gold papal nieces and nephews, gifts to princes, florins were paid out from 27 April, 1367, to ambassadors, cardinals, and other dignitaries. 5 November, 1368.°' The Lateran basilica, The salaries of curial officials and chaplains, S. Paolo fuori le Mura,” and other churches fees for physicians, expenses of nuncios and had to be restored, the Vatican gardens and couriers, and wages of servitors may be fol- vineyards laid out anew, stables rebuilt, walls, lowed from month to month. The costs of paper roads, and aqueducts repaired, and expensive and parchment, of binding books and sealing _ provision made for the cardinals and the Curia.

documents, and fees for illuminators are all

duly recorded. The papal accounts preserve ——_———— some extraordinary data on the sums paid to — “Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter Matteo Giovanetti of Viterbo for (still extant) aor 4B1 BS, 302, 203. Although damage a both roebe stil

frescoes in the papal palace, and year after gist. The amounts expended by Clement to rebuild the year record expenditures for wages and build- Chaise Dieu may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, ing materials, fees for contractors, and pur- Introitus et Exitus, Reg. 258. On life and work in Avignon,

see Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon, pp. 38-77,

———__——_—- 225—40, 251-695, whose whole book is a social and adminis8 Karl Heinrich Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen trative study of life in and around the Curia.

Kammer unter Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und Innocenz VI. $1 J. P. Kirsch, Die Riickkehr der Papste Urban V. und Gregor

(1335-1362), Paderborn, 1914, pp. 388-89, 392 (in the XI. von Avignon nach Rom: Ausziige aus den Kameralregistern Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der papstlichen Hof- des Vatikanischen Archivs, Paderborn, 1898, pp. XxIx ff.,

und Finanzverwaltung, 1316-1378, vol. III). 96 ff. A good deal can be learned of the Vatican palace in

5® Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon, pp. 441-49, the fourteenth century from these accounts, of which D. 556-59, and on the housing problems caused by Clement Redig de Campos has made little or no use in his work on V’s decision to settle, and John XXII’s to remain, in Avignon, I Palazzi Vaticani, Bologna, 1967.

see, ibid., pp. 532-56. 8? Kirsch, Die Riickkehr der Papste, pp. 104, 106.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 177 Urban spent 4,000 florins to have silver reli- and although it was in no way a union of the quaries made to hold the heads of the apostles Churches, it obviously seemed to the Curia Peter and Paul. There was a boom in the a step in the right direction.*® But the Greeks

building trades. Carpenters were kept busy and Latins had long since taken separate making furniture and redoing rooms in the roads and when, seventy years later, the union papal palace and in the lodgings of the cardinals of the Churches was proclaimed at Florence, and curial officials. Founders were casting the Greek clergy and people chose not to accept church bells. Quantities of wine were sent from it. Avignon:® it would take the Curia a long time

to get used to the Italian wines. During his The boldness and frequency of Turkish raids sixth regnal year (from 6 November, 1367, to from the Anatolian emirates evoked constant 5 November, 1368), Urban spent 15,737 gold fear in Venice, Avignon, and Paris. On 21 June

florins and 150 ford ducats on thewhere castrum and 16 July, 1318, Niccolo (Zane), the apostolicum at ontefiascone,®> he Venetian duke of Crete, andZiani his feudatories wanted to spend the summer, and the exitus complained to the Doge Giovanni Soranzo that accounts bear witness to the purposes for which the Turks were continually harassing the the money was spent and to the extreme dis- Aegean islands and Venetian merchantmen comfort under which curial officials were labor- despite the pax et concordia which the Repub-

ing as the court resumed its long-deferred resi- lic had with the Turkish authorities. When

dence in Rome. Ziani remonstrated, he received fair words in

While plans were still being made in Avignon answer, sed dicti Turchi [sunt] homines sine for the first return to S. Peter’s (in 1365), and fide, and large-scale attacks upon the islands Urban was concerned about replanting the showed every sign of continuing.® The Vene-

Vatican garden and vineyards, he tried to tians lived almost entirely on their overseas recruit crusaders for an anti-Turkish expedition commerce,” as everyone on the lagoon realfrom among the freebooting members of the ized, and were always alarmed when Moslem

mercenary companies which were then de- pirates or others interrupted the transport of

stroying Italy.6’ One of the highlights of Urban’s goods on the sea lanes of the Mediterranean. three years in Rome (or rather in Italy) was the Distant as Crete was from Venice, it had been

declaration of Latin Catholic faith by the By- one of the Republic’s most valuable eastern zantine Emperor John V Palaeologus, who was_ possessions for more than a century. The seeking aid against the Turks. The ceremony Venetians had acquired Boniface of Monttook place on the feast of S. Luke (18 October, ferrat’s rights to the island in August, 1204,” 1369) at the hospital of S. Spirito “in Sassia,” as we have noted, and thereafter they had had and three days later Urban received the em-_ to wrest it from the Greeks and protect it against peror on the steps of S. Peter’s, accepted his the Genoese.” The passing years had required obeisance, and entered the church with him for the celebration of mass. John remained in Rome _® gatuze and Mollat, Vitae paparum avenionensium, 1, 364,

for five months, and then went on with his 372, 388, 391-92, 401, and vol. IV, 135-36; K. M. Setton, retinue to Venice; Urban returned to Avignon, “The Byzantine Background to the Italian Renaissance,”

to Petrarch's eloquent irritation, John had of Tiwi: te Americ Pia! oe v0) course accepted the Latin faith for himself G. Golubovich, B. Altaner, A. A. Vasiliev, and esp. O.

alone; no Greek clergy had accompanied him; Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance & Rome (1355-1375),

— Warsaw, 1930, repr. London, 1972, pp. 188-200. On John 8 Kirsch, op. cit., p. 104. V Palaeologus in Rome and Venice, see below, Chapter 13. Kirsch, op. cit., pp. 92 ff. 6 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, nos. 61-62, pp. 107-9. 85 Kirsch, op. cit., pp. XXX, 96 ff. On 20 July, 1365, Urban —_Ziani believed that the Catalans in the Athenian duchy were

had ordered Cardinal Gilde Albornoz to prepare the fortified allies of the Turks (bid., I, no. 63, p. 110).

palace at Viterbo to receive the Curia (A. Theiner, ed., 70 Cf. Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 105, p. 208, doc. from the Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis, 11 [1862, repr. year 1327: “. . . negotiationum comercia, de quibus dum1964], doc. ccccx111, p. 437), which probably explains why __ taxat civitas nostra vivit, que in mari constituta caret totaliter so little seems to have been spent in 1367-1368 on Viterbo, _vineis atque campis. . . .”

where Urban also lived during part of the summer. 71G. L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur,

% Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, 11, doc. CCCCVII, p. 430. Glteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig,

8? Theiner, II, doc. cccciv, pp. 429-30, and on the free _I (Vienna, 1856, repr. 1964), doc. Cxxiu, pp. 512-15. companies in Italy, see the long bull Clamat ad nos (ibid., 72 On the establishment of the Venetian military colony

doc. ccccx, pp. 430-37, dated 13 April, 1366). in Crete, see Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, II, docs.

178 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT an unceasing vigilance and a large investment an almost garrison existence on Crete, for in men and money to hold on to the island. Greek uprisings were frequent, but many VeneAlthough for the most part the Greek inhabit- tian families were enriched by the commerce

ants of Crete, both nobles and peasants, which flowed in and out of the harbors of the

remained in possession of their property, and _ island.

retained their civil law, they were restive and Crete was rich in natural products, and exrebellious. The duke of Candia generally held ported minerals, wax, silk, cheese, sugar, office for two years, and was assisted by two honey, and wines tempting even to Moslem special councillors and two councils. The palates. Wheat, however, was the chief export, consilium maius was made up of all the Vene- and farming was always more important than tian nobles resident in Crete. Venice gave fishing, as well as safer. The island’s situation lands and fiefs in Crete to various of her citizens, on the main routes of the eastern Mediterwho rendered military service to the duke of ranean made it one of the chief commercial Candia for such holdings. She also granted and centers of the Levant. Venetian ships bound for

confirmed possession of fiefs to Greek nobles eastern ports regularly stopped at their wellon the island, who performed certain naval, fortified stations of Modon and Coron (in the military, and administrative duties until the southwestern Morea), the “chief eyes of the Venetian withdrawal after four centuries of Commune” (oculi capitales Comunis), as they

often turbulent rule.” were sometimes called, before proceeding on The Venetians found it difficult to achieve a to Candia, where great Venetian walls and the peaceful tenure of Crete. They came into the fortress still bearing the leonine escutcheon

island as a Latin-Catholic military caste, whose of S. Mark stand in the harbor of modern Herakloyalty to the home government was to be main-_ lion.” From Candia they would sail direct tained by a rigid separation from the Orthodox to Alexandria, carrying on the lucrative trade

Greek natives, who bitterly resented their which the papacy always deplored and often political and social inferiority as well as the forbade. economic servitude to which exclusion from The pragmatic Venetians much preferred

local government and (in the earlier period) peace to the crusade, for crusading fleets might from military service imposed upon most of be as destructive of business as the Moslem them. No Cretan of Greek origin, for example, pirates from the Anatolian emirates. On 17

could marry a Latin until the end of the December, 1331, the Venetian government rethirteenth century, and such intermarriage ceived from King Philip VI of France a letter always remained rare. The sons of S. Mark led (dated 18 November) in which he asked that certain good and experienced citizens of the CCXXIX—CCXXX, pp. 129-42, dated September.and October, Republic be sent to him by Christmas to tell 1211; of., ibid., Il, docs. CCXxXXII-XxxIII and ff., pp. 143-50, him how many and what kinds of ships and

159-68, 210-13, 234-49, 250-53, 312, etc. Thiriet, supplies would be needed for the crusade

La Romanie vénitienne (1959), PP: 87-88, 95-100, 107-8, which he planned, what the costs would be, 113-14, and esp. pp. 122-39; and, in general, Silvano and what Venice was herself prepared to do and Borsari, Dominio veneziano a Creta Naples, lv forous theenterprise. h d ‘ce. He 1963. TheI1Greeks of Nicaea and, after 1261,nel of XIII Con- secolo, to supply tor the 1azar Iiealalso stantinople never abated their ambition to repossess the wanted the Venetian envoys to be granted the

strategically located island (cf. Tafel and Thomas, III authority requisite to commit the Republic

[1857, repr. 1964}, doc. CCCcL, p- 57). _ to a definite course of action.” % Ernst Gerland, “Histoire de la noblesse crétoise au

moyen-age,” Revue de UOrient latin, XI (1905-6, repr. ~~

1964), 50-56, 67-79, has printed examples of Venetian 74 Cf. Setton, “The Latins in Greece and the Aegean,”

grants and confirmations of fiefs from the mid-thirteenth Cambridge Medieval History, IV-1 (1966), 427-28; Silvano century as well as notices of naval and military impositions of —_Borsari, Studi sulle colonie veneziane in Romania nel XIII

the later sixteenth century, all relating to the archontic secolo, Naples, 1966; and Mario Abrate, “Creta—Colonia family of Varouchas. He also gives the decision of 20/30 veneziana nei secoli XIII-XV,” Economia e storia: Rivista August, 1669, whereby among other requests the Cretan italiana di storia economica e sociale, 1V-3 (1957), 251-77. assembly of feudatories asked that the Republic allow Greek 75 Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 109, pp. 219-20. On the various

as well as Venetian families to settle in other islands and abortive attempts of France, Naples, and the Avignonese territories belonging to S. Mark (as the Turks were taking _ papacy to organize a crusade (usually against Byzantium) possession of Crete), to which petition the captain-general from 1313 to about 1330, see Walter Norden, Das Papsttum Francesco Morosini gave an affirmative answer on2Septem- und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, pp. 673-90; Gottfried Durrholder, ber, 1669, confirmed by the Venetian Senate on 30 October Die Kreuzzugspolitik unter Papst Johann XXII. (1316-1334),

(ibid., pp. 85-93). Strassburg, 1913, pp. 11-61, in detail; and A. E. Laiou,

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 179 The Venetians did not reply until 11 May of crusade until tranquillity had been restored the following year. Their envoys were toinform among the European states.”

Philip that the support of the papacy and the The Angevins were always interested in the establishment of peace in Europe would be East. Philip [I] of Taranto had borne from 1313 essential to the success of his project. As for the proud title of Latin emperor,” but his military forces, 20,000 horse (milites) and claim to the throne of Constantinople was 50,000 foot (pedites) should suffice for the taken seriously only in Naples. The Venetians recovery of the Holy Land. The Venetians had encouraged Philip VI in his crusading said they were willing to supply at the king’s plans, and of course they looked also to the expense at least one hundred galleys, horse Angevin court at Naples. Various Venetian transports, and other vessels to carry eastward documents from the years 1331~—1333 relate to

5,000 horses, 5,000 mounted men, 10,000 projects for a crusade, and on 6 April, 1332, the squires, and 20,000 foot “with their arms, Senate instructed their consul of Apulia to urge harness, and food and fodder sufficient for the Robert the Wise to join the anti-Turkish league said persons and horses for one year, carrying which was then being organized. The consul the foodstuffs in two trips [in duabus vicibus had already found Robert well disposed to the seu muduis].” Supplies might be secured in idea.” Naples, Sicily, Greece, the Black Sea, and in The fear of the Turk became so great that the the island of Crete. When the passagium Venetians finally decided upon more purposive generale was in fact organized, and Philip VI action. On 22 June, 1332, the Senate forbade, was setting out himself, the Venetians would under heavy penalties, Venetian merchants to furnish at their own expense 4,000 homines trade with the Turks, since such commerce was de mari and galleys enough to take them east- adding to the infidels’ strength, and on 7 July ward, and would maintain this naval ensemble the Senate charged the new bailie on his way through the six most navigable months of the to Constantinople to seek the participation of year, even leaving some of their galleys in the Emperor Andronicus ITI in an ant-Turkish

service through the winter.” league. The bailie was to keep his colleagues Philip VI had talked of a crusade for some in Crete and Negroponte informed as to the four years before he finally took the cross at

Paris on 1 October, 1333, after Pierre Roger, 7 Viard, “Les Projets de croisade . . . ,” Bibliothéque de archbishop of Rouen (and later Pope Clement Jécole des Chartes, XCVII (1936), 305-16; Dirrholder, VI), had preached a crusading sermon before an Kreuzzugspolitik, pp. 67-70. Philip VI took the cross more

assembly of French prelates and barons, at than ence. ; hich Philip II] of Navarr d the duk c ilip of Taranto had vainly sought Venetian support

WHIc ip 0 arre an € dukes Of in June, 1320, for his unrealistic ambition to recover

Brabant, Burgundy, and Bourbon also com- Constantinople (Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I [1880, repr. mitted themselves to participating in a “saint 1965], no. 82, pp. 170-71). In 1313 Clement V had again voiage d’ oultremer.” But one thing or another WE io Chifstendm might draw some advantage from always required Philip vi to postpone his de- the armed dissension which then obtained among the parture for the East (especially, of course, his Moslems, but western nobles and knights obviously found

uncertainty as to Edward III’s next move _ the tournament more attractive than the battlefield (¢ against France), and finally on 13 March, 1336, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1313, nos. 1-7, vol. XXIV

Benedict XII would request him to put off the [Bar-le-Duc, 1872], pp. 1-2).

—__________ 78 Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 15, fol. 8: Constantinople and the Latins, pp. 249 ff., 311-12, 315-20. “Capta quod respondeatur consuli Appulie quod intellexiDuring the years 1324-1327 Andronicus I, who had mus verba domini regis in facto Turchorum et bonam volunabandoned his anti-Latin religious policy, carried on (like — tatem suam secundum placitum Dei et bonum fidei, de quo

his father before him) negotiations for reunion with the animus noster fuit multum gavisus, qui desideravimus Roman Church, in which Miss Laiou believes he was sincere semper et desideramus persecutionem et desolationem (ibid., pp. 320-29). In 1328 Andronicus II was deposed by Turchorum ipsorum, . . . videntes iam diu qualiter ipsi his grandson Andronicus III, who ruled until 1341 (Ursula Turchi persequebantur hostiliter partes Romanie .. . ,” V. Bosch, Kaiser Andronikos III. Palaiologos, Amsterdam, and the consul was to urge Robert of Naples to join with the

1965). Venetians, the Hospitallers, and others in Romania and 76 Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 110, pp. 220-22; Delaville Le elsewhere against the Turks. Cf. the summary in Freddy

Roulx, La France en Orient au XIV® siecle, 1, 87-88; Dirr- Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Senat de Venise concernant

holder, Kreuzzugspolitik unter Papst Johann XXII., pp. la Romanie, 1 (Paris, 1958), no. 13, p. 25, and cf. Jules 63-64; Jules Viard, “Les Projets de croisade de Philippe VI Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires d’Orient (1342-1352),

307-8. Mézieres (1896), pp. 37-38.

de Valois,” Bibliotheque de ’Ecole des Chartes, XCVII (1936), Paris, 1904, pp. 21 ff., and Jorga [lorga] Philippe de

180 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT extent of his success at the imperial court were now turning more rapidly, and on 18 while they advised him of the progress of July the Doge Francesco Dandolo commistheir own negotiations with the island dynasts _ sioned Pietro Zeno, captain and bailie of Negro-

and the Hospitallers.°° The diplomatic wheels ponte, and Pietro da Canale, “captain of the galleys of the Gulf,” to arrange an alliance 8 Misti, Reg. 15, fols. 19’, 21", summarized in Thiriet, against the Turks with whomever they could,

Régestes, I, nos. 17, 20, pp. 26-27, and the text of the and especially with the Byzantine emperor

es, onmtonaTa THs Bevetuxns Tepovotias . 81 .

mer document (of row roe?) s printed i sp. M. and with Hélion de Villeneuve, the master (1281-1385), Athens, 1936, doc. 5, pp. 108-9 (in the © the Hospitallers.™ Canale found Andronicus

Mrnpeia rns EXAnvixns Toropias, II-1). most receptive to the idea of forming a union * Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, nos. 113, 116, pp. 224, 228, andcf. “for the pursuit of the Turks and the defense

Thiriet, Regestes, I, no. the 22, Pecaptain 27. On 20 Jury ane Senate of theof orthodox faith” (adto persecutionem also instructed of the galleys Romania . load at Modon and take to Negroponte all the ship’s biscuit enorwn A ddfens sonem St det orthadoxe), he could for the needs of the fleet to be assembled against 290 On 2 9 August ( 3 2) the emperor made the Turks (ibid., I, no. 23, p. 27). The Venetians had had an the Venetian captain his own agent to make anti-Turkish league in mind for several years. In October, an alliance with the master “and with all 1324, the Senate had apparently instructed the duke and others” for joint action against the Turks.” councillors of the Crete to “sit on”lost plans for aofconcordia with F the standpoint V : dpointthe thetime ti ftor the Turks (from rubrics of the registers the ‘rom the Venetian Misti, in Roberto Cessi and Paolo Sambin, eds., Le Delibera- action had certainly come. Pope John XXII, zioni del Consiglio dei Rogati (Senato), serie “Mixtorum,” I [libri who had been doing his best to launch an

xvi, Venice, 1960, Reg. 8, no. 107, p. 291i, quod super- expedition against the Turks, wrote the Doge

sedeant de perficiendo concordiam cum Turchis”). In March, Francesco Dandolo on 23 July, 1332, that the

1325, savi or sapientes were elected super tractanda societatecon- . . . hich the V . had suffered tra Turchos, obviously the sea-going Turks of the coastal Juries whicn the Venetians had suttered at emirates (ibid., no. 175, p. 296), and by July, 1327,a noteof ‘Turkish hands could well be a visitation of urgency seems to have entered senatorial letters (sentinthe divine justice upon them because of the neglidoge s name) to the duke and councillors of Crete and to the gent complacency with which the Republic bailies and councillors of both Negroponte and Constanti- had all d schi ti d hereti h nople, requesting news of such progress as had been made in ad allowed schismauics an ereuics suc Oe the attempt to arrange an anti-Turkish alliance (societas) Seemly freedom in her overseas possessions. with the Byzantine emperor, the master of the Hospital, But the Venetians had ceased to require papal the Genoese magnate Martino Zaccaria of Chios [on whom exhortations. On 6 September (1332) Pietro da see Ludovico Gatto, “Per la Storia di Martino Zaccaria, (Canale, as representative of both Venice and

signore di Chio,” Bullettino dell’ “Archivio paleografico italiano, B : had ‘th th Héli

II-III (1956-57), 325-45, with five documents], and “all VY2anuum, had met with the master Melion

others” who might be involved (Cessi and Sambin, op. cit., de Villeneuve in the latter’s chamber at Rhodes Reg. 10, no. 194, p. 341, and cf. no. 202). The Senate also in the presence of witnesses to form a unio, provided, in December, 1327, that ten galleys show “again” confederatio, liga et societas “for the exaltation and that the colonies [in the Levant] should also maintain and praise of the divine name and the confusion

e armed to patrol the Adriatic and the coasts of Romania, . . .

galleys in readiness (ibid., Reg. 10, no. 270, p. 348). of the Agarenes.” The union was to last for Venice persisted in her efforts to do something de facto five years, and it was to maintain a fleet of

Purchorum (Cessi and Sambin, op. cit., Reg. 11, nos. 247, twenty well-armed and fully equipped galleys, 274, pp. 380, 382, dated March, 1329). In January, 1331, GF which Byzantium was to contribute ten, the Senate John XXII of the need action . . d ‘tall hefleet fl the Turks, and wrote instructed the duke of Crete to alert the for Venice six, anagainst the Hospitallers four. £ ‘The Cretans to arm themselves against the Turks and to co- was to assemble in the harbor of Negroponte operate with the Negropontini (Reg. 13, nos. 205-04 p- by 15 April, 1333, when all the galleys should

434, and(Reg. note no. Crete seems have suffered Turkish ionagains inst the nale attacks 14, 302): no. 36, p. 444). IntoJanuary, 1332, the eadybe forr for actio © Turk s. Cana

Senate voted to send ambassadors to Avignon and the ——-————— French court, presumably to urge the crusade upon both _ rino Sanudo Torsello, Byzantium and the Turks: The Back-

John XXII and Philip VI (bid., nos. 326-29, p. 467). ground to the Anti-Turkish League of 1332-1334,” Specu-

As is well known, the Venetian publicist Marino Sanudo = lum, XLV (1970), 374-92, and cf. her Constantinople and the

was active throughout this period, and in two notable Latins, pp. 313-15. A reprint of Sanudo’s Secreta fidelium letters he sent Philip VI of France (1) his own plans for the — crucis (from Jacques Bongars’ Gesta Det per Francos, 11, Hanau,

crusade, and (2) a survey of conditions in the East. The 1611), with a foreword by Joshua Prawer, was published

first letter is dated 27 April, 1332 (“mense Aprilis die IIII_ in 1972 by the University of Toronto Press. exeunte”), and the second on 13 October, 1334 (Friedrich 8 Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 116, p. 227. The imperial Kunstmann, “Studien iber Marino Sanudo den Aelteren,’ document was a chrysobull signed manu nostra rubea subAbhandlungen der historischen Classe der k. bayer. Akademie der scriptione, but Andronicus did not have a gold seal at hand!

Wissenschaften zu Miinchen, VII [1855], app., epp. v-vI, 88 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1332, no. 23, vol. pp. 791-808, and cf. epp. vil-x). See Angeliki E. Laiou, “Ma- XXIV (1872), p. 499.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 181 and Hélion de Villeneuve exchanged solemn August, 1333), the pope dilated on the conoaths that the union would be resolutely (in- tinued lamentable state of eastern affairs and concusse) preserved for the stated five years.®* on the harsh oppression of the Turks.®* The By 1333 the Angevins, the Venetians, and the Cretans were in revolt against Venetian authorAvignonese papacy were confronted with an_ ity, however, throughout the late summer and unforeseen enemy. A new star appeared to have fall of 1333, and although the Senate stressed arisen in the Turkish firmament, the young its desire to meet all the Republic’s obligations

Umur Pasha, soon to succeed his father to the newly formed league, it proved difficult Mehmed as emir of “Aydin” (the ancient to do so until the insurgents had been supLydia) in western Asia Minor. In 1328-_ pressed.*’ 1329 Umur Pasha had taken the harbor Robert, despite Andronicus’s accession to the fortress of Smyrna from the famous Mar- league and the resulting conflict with the

tino Zaccaria, and thus opened up the Ae- Angevin-Valois claim to Constantinople, had gean to even more extensive Turkish raids. become so favorable to the idea of the crusade Umur Pasha next made an attempt, apparently that he proposed to Pope John XXII in 1333 in August, 1332, upon Byzantine Gallipoli, and_ that the tithes being collected in Italy should in 1332 (or 1333) also led a plundering expedi- be spent on a war “adversus Turcarum irrup-

tion against the margraviate of Boudonitza, tiones.” John replied (on 19 November) that the northern coast of Negroponte, and the nothing could be decided upon without con-

eastern shores of the Morea, and landed briefly sulting Philip VI, who had in fact been granted on the then Byzantine-held island of Salamis. a six years’ tithe for a crusade overseas: John Since, however, Umur Pasha’s father Mehmed had no intention, he told Robert, of placing was supposed to have a treaty with the By- the whole burden of a crusade upon the papacy. zantine government, Umur directed his hos- When the king of France was ready to go, and tility chiefly against the Latin states in Greece the other princes were prepared to join him,

and the islands.® Christendom would not find lacking either the The date of the appointed rendezvous had _ resources of the Church or the counsels of the meanwhile slipped past with no effective ac- Sacred College.® tion. The pope and King Robert of Naples were

still enthusiastic about the league, and eager to *6 Raynaldus, ad ann. 1333, nos. 13 ff., vol. XXIV, pp. 511 get it moving. In a letter to the doge (on 28 ¢¢. andof. Thomas, Dipl. ven. levant., I, no. 115, pp. 224-25, who has misdated the letter of 28 August to the year 1332, a **and misled Lemerle, L’Emirat d’ Aydin, p. 91, into the same Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 116, pp. 225-26, 228-29. On error. Raynaldus, loc. cit., dates it correctly 1333, “datum

the following day (7 September, 1332) Canale and Hélion vy Kal. Septembris, anno XVII;” the seventeenth year of de Villeneuve agreed that during conflict the commander John XXII extended from 5 September, 1332, to 4 Septem(capitaneus) of the twenty galleys should be a Venetian her, 1333. On 21 August. 1333, the pope wrote Count Charles

(ibid., I, no. 117, p. 229). of Alengon that among other depredations the Turks

*° Cf. Paul Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, Byzance et ?Occident: had attacked the Catalan duchy of Athens, “quod Turci Recherches sur “La Geste d’Umur Pacha,” Paris, 1957, esp. pp. contra Christianos tam per mare quam per terram adeo in-

63-88 (Bibliotheque byzantine, Etudes, 2). Besides the con- valuerunt quod burgos Athenienses combusserunt . . .” temporary Greek and Latin sources Lemerle has employed = (ibid., ad ann. 1333, no. 14, vol. XXIV, p. 512). with unusual effect the destan or geste of Umur Pasha, who 7 Cf. Thiriet, Régestes, 1, nos. 34-39, 41-42, 48, pp. 29-33.

was born late in the year 1309, became emir of Aydin in 8 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1333, no. 15, vol. XXIV, January, 1334, and died in May, 1348. The geste in question p. 513. But the pope had for some time been trying is that presented in the eighteenth book of the fifteenth- to assist the league against the Turks, and on 10 October century Turkish chronicler Enveri’s poem called the (1333) he had written a rhetorical letter on the Turkish Dusturname (or Book of Instructions, ed. and trans. Irene danger to Bertrand de Déaux, archbishop of Embrun, whom Mélikoff-Sayar, Le Destan d’Umir Pacha [Diistiirname-i he sent to confer with King Robert and the Venetian Doge Enveri], Paris, 1954, Bibliotheque byzantine, Documents, Francesco Dandolo ad refrenandos Turcorum ipsorum malignos 2). This geste seems itself to be a close adaptation of the impetus, repellendos insultus, compescendam nequitiam et conteren-

account of Umur Pasha’s career as given in a lost work of dam superbiam (ibid., no. 16, pp. 513-14).

one Hajji Selman. The very interesting reply of the Venetian government

When Umur Pasha’s troops appeared under the walls of | to John XXII’s letter of 10 October, 1333, may be found in Boudonitza, the margraviate was ruled by Guglielma Palla- Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 124, pp. 241-42, doc. unvicini, on whom note Wm. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, dated. The doge and his councillors state: “Although the Cambridge, 1921, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 251-53, and _ power of the perfidious Turks is great, nevertheless there

“A Lady of Thermopylae,” in the Homenatge a Antoni are several Turkish states [dominia] in those regions, of

Rubio i Lluch [Estudis Universitaris Catalans, XX1], Barcelona, which each one is distinct from the others, and one could

1936, pp. 399-403. not quickly render aid to another; therefore [the doge and

182 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT At the time of Umur Pasha’s attack upon was elected pope as Clement VI (on 7 May, Negroponte, the Venetian bailie was the stal- 1342), the Turkish menace in the eastern

wart Pietro Zeno, who was soon put in charge Mediterranean had reached alarming propor-

of the galleys recruited for the anti-Turkish tions. The Latins had not achieved a note-

league. In a large naval engagement fought in worthy success against the Moslems since the the coastal inlet near Adramyttium (Edremit) fall of Acre, and there is no dearth of texts Zeno defeated Yakhshi, the emir of Karasi, on ‘© illustrate Christian apprehensions. The Wednesday, 14 September, 1334, which re- Venetians had seen the Aegean islands and the duced Turkish raids in the Aegean for a while, Greek mainland ravaged until there seemed but did not diminish either Umur Pasha’s _ little left to plunder, and now the Turks of the boldness or his strength. When Pope John Anatolian emirates were sending large armadas

3 3 bd ‘ ‘

XXII died (on 4 December, 1334), furthermore, 25 far afield as Crete, which was one of the prized

and England and France moved closer to the PO0SS¢Ss!0ns of the Republic. A decree of the conflict which became the Hundred Years January, 1341, depicts the situation clearly:

. » Grand Council (Maggior Consiglio), dated 14

War, the league ceased to function. Early in the Ys CEP y:

new year Umur Pasha resumed his attacks upon If ever there was a time and a need to provide for Christian territory, this time the Morea.” the protection of the island [of Crete], such a time is at hand . . . because of the Turks, whose power

. on the sea has grown to the extent that they have

By the beginning of the fifth decade of the destroyed all the islands and districts of Greece, fourteenth century, just before Pierre Roger and not being able to seize Christian property

elsewhere, they threaten to come with the greatest

—_ armadal[s] to the island of Crete, and have already his government] believe that fifty horse transports [usserii], begun [to do so], and unless provision be made for in each of which there should be at least 120 rowers and its defense against the Turks, grave peril could beset 20 men-at-arms [equites] with the horses and arms they the island. . . .

need, and forty armed galleys, in each of which there should

be 200 men,—these would suffice to check the Turkish ~The Grand Council therefore decided that,

they hope that all the infidels’ ships might be burned. . . . ‘ (The Turks might also be attacked in their own lands,] and at ete in all merchandise except cloth (dra savagery, and with these men at arms, transporis, and’ galleys whereas foreign merchants might trade freely

if these things were done, the Christians in Romania would Para), they were to pay a one per cent duty be secure, and the power of the Moslems [Agareni] them- on all imports and another one per cent on all sefves € would De almost entirely broken. 2. the funds collected aml countiess rererences inUnfortunately Venetian,exports, papal, and thus otner . 91being redocuments to infideles, maledicti Turchi, perfidi ipsi, etc., we served for the defense of the island. ; seldom find their dominia distincta clearly identified until a Turkish raids, however, were not carried out

enetlans aiso pointe out tha reaking the power oO . _

reference to the vurks simply means te Osman s. The against all Christian territories at this time. the Agarenes” (in western Asia Minor) was the indis- Umur Pasha of Aydin, one of the most enter pensable step toward recovery of theofHoly Land, of the emirs and thetheir goodmeeting friend of which wasfirst then held by thethe Mamluk soldan Egypt. JohnFohn [VI]fCantacuzenus since at ° See Lemerle, L’Emirat a Ayn PPae who gives Clazomenae late in the year 1335, had long rererences to the sources, name Y Glovann! Villani, the an- ° ° ° * *

nals of Monaldeschi and S. Antoninus, the chronicles of refrained from attacking Byzan ine territories. Delfino and Andrea Dandolo, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., Umur had in fact served the imperial governad ann. 1334, nos. 7-11, vol. XXV (Bar-le-Duc, 1872), pp. ment as a sort of condottiere on more than one

3-5. Pietro Zeno had been bailie and captain of Negroponte ‘ : New Phocaea

from 1331 to 1333 (Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 372); ond 1s p (agains the Genoese ah Alb ians)

it was he who had checked Umur Pasha’s attack upon 20 esbos and even againsl c ; amanis . Negroponte (Lemerle, op. cit., pp. 81-83). On Venetian The most powerful of the emirs of Asia Minor plans and preparations for the anti-Turkish offensive, note (Av8ias yap Kai “lwvias obtos av NVELODV), the summaries of documents in Predelli, Regesti dei Commem.,

II (1878), bk. 11, nos. 252, 264-65, 311-12, 341, and esp. nos. 321, 342, and cf. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de Venise, 1, nos. 15, 17, 20, 22-23, 25, 36—39, pp. 25 ff. ®1Sp. M. Theotokes, ’Avogacets Meifovos YupBovdtov

Marino Sanudo describes the victory of the Christian league Beverias (1255-1669), Athens, 1933, from the Liber in a letter to Hugh IV, king of Cyprus, for which see Chas. Spiritus, doc. 14, pp. 118—19 (in the Mvnpeta ris EdAAQviKis

de la Ronciére and Léon Dorez, “Lettres inédites . . . de ‘Iaropias, I-2). The serious disaffection of both Venetian Marino Sanudo I’ Ancien (1334-1337),” Bibliotheque de colonists and Greek proprietors was shown by the uprising

P Ecole des Chartes, LVI (1895), 25~—26, with the text on pp. in 1333, already mentioned, and by another in 1342; see

35-36, and cf. Durrholder, Kreuzzugspolitik, p. 74, and Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), Laiou, “Marino Sanudo Torsello,” Speculum, XLV, 387. 607, and A. Navagero, Storia veneziana, RISS, XXIII (Milan,

° Lemerle, L’ Emirat d’ Aydin, pp. 102-6. 1733), 1025, 1031.

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 183 Umur directed much of his attention toward the Clement VI the same answer when he adLatin states, and ranged the wide waters of the dressed the same question to them. But now Aegean, exacting tribute, pillaging, and carry- they increased their estimates of cost, because ing off rich booty to be divided among his _ the strength of the emirs had increased. Sixty followers.®? His raids extended even into Bul- horse transports with at least 120 rowers and garia and Serbia. After the death of the Byzan- 20 horsemen in each, with horses and _ all tine Emperor Andronicus III (in June, 1341), necessary arms and equipment, making 1,200 Umur assisted the ambitious Cantacuzenus horsemen all told, and 30 armed galleys with against the Zealots and the nationalist party 200 men in each, making a total of 6,000 men in Thessalonica and against the Palaeologian besides the 7,200 rowers in the horse transcourt in Constantinople.” The close ties be- ports, should be sufficient to check the savagery

tween Umur and Cantacuzenus lasted until of the Turks. Umur’s death (in May, 1348), and he helped On 2 November, Clement wrote the doge

make possible Cantacuzenus’s ascent to the again, recalling the losses which the Turks had Byzantine throne. Umur lived largely by tribute caused Christians and the Venetians themand piracy, and like the emirs of a half-dozen selves. Henry d’ Asti, Latin patriarch of Conother petty Moslem states in western Asia _ stantinople, was the bearer of the papal letter.

Minor he harassed the Latin states in Greece He had helped to arrange a league on the

and the Aegean whenever the opportunity pre- pope’s behalf with Hugh IV of Cyprus and the

sented itself. master and priors of the Hospital for an expediPiracy was less popular in Venice than any- tion against the Turks. Clement asked Venice to

where else in Europe. More than one Avi- join the league, and announced that he was gnonese nuncio had consulted the Signoria on naming Guillaume Court, the “white cardinal,” the viae et modi of putting an end to Turkish a nephew of the late Benedict XII, as apostolic

enterprise in the eastern Mediterranean. legate to Venice and Naples. Toward the end of 1333 the Senate had in-

formed John XXII’s nuncio Bertrand de Déaux 345-46, 353-54, 363-64. (de Deucio), archbishop of Embrun, of the naval *' Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 124, pp. 241-42; strength necessary to teach the Turks civility Bree Regesh de Commen. De tt no. 342, PP. 57-58;

94 p. M. Theotokes, Oeoviopata ths Beverixyns Tepovcias

at sea, and on 10 June, 1342, they gave (1987'1385), Athens, 1936, doc. 27, pp. 139-41 (in the

—__-____ Mynpeia ths EdAnvexns Ioropias, I-1). Bertrand 82 Cf. Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant., X11, 7,2 (Bonn, de Déaux was created cardinal priest of S. Marco by Benedict

II, 597), and Ducas, Hist. byzant., chap. 7 (Bonn, p. 27, and XII on 18 December, 1338 (Eubel, Hierarchia, I [1913, ed. Vasile Grecu, Ducas: Istoria turco-bizantind [1341-1462], repr. 1960], 17, 44; on his career, see Mollat, Les Papes

Bucharest, 1958, p. 51). d Avignon [1949], pp. 190, 201, 245-46, 283 ff., and 3 Lemerle, L’Emirat d’ Aydin, pp. 107-15, 129-79, based Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d Avignon [1962], p. 271).

chiefly upon Cantacuzenus, Gregoras, and Enveri’s Diis- John XXII had been much dedicated to the idea of the turname (composed in 1465); note also E. Werner, “Johannes crusade, and (as noted below) had sent four galleys into the

Kantakuzenos, Umur Pasa und Orhan,” Byzantinoslavica, Aegean against the Turks, but the Italian wars had necesXXVI (1965), 255-76, and G. Vismara, “Le Relazioni — sarily absorbed most of his money and attention. dell’ impero con gli emirati selgiuchidi nel corso del secolo % Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 20, fol. 59°: The decimoquarto,” Byzantinische Forschungen, 111 (1968),210-21. pope was to be informed: “quod usserii LX in quorum

On social conditions in the Byzantine world of the mid- quolibet essent ad minus homines a remo Cxx et equites fourteenth century, as revealed by contemporary sources, XX cum equis et armis necessariis ipsis, qui omnes equites see Ihor Sevcenko, “Nicolas Cabasilas’ ‘Anti-Zealot’ Dis- caperent summam equitum MCC, et pauciores esse nollent course: A Reinterpretation,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XI ad conterendum potentiam eorundem {Turchorum], et (1957), 81-171, with refs., and “Alexios Makrembolites and galee Xxx armate in quarum qualibet essent homines Cc His ‘Dialogue between the Rich and the Poor,’” Recueil suficerent ad refrenandum sevitiam eorumdem. . . .” This des travaux de V'Institut d’ Etudes byzantines [de Académie document has been published by Sp. M. Theotokes, serbe des Sciences, LXV], VI (Belgrade, 1960), 187-228; on Qcoviopata rhs Bevetixns Tepovoias (1281-1385), the political background, Constantine P. Kyrris, “John Athens, 1936, doc. 9, p. 217. In one way or another the Cantacuzenus and the Genoese, 1321-1348,” Miscellanea documents selected for publication by Theotokes relate to storica ligure, III (Milan, 1963), 9-48; on the social history Crete. Lambertino Balduino, bishop of Limassol (1337of the period, Gunter Weiss, Joannes Kantakuzenos—Aristokrat, 1344) and envoy of Hugh IV of Cyprus, had appeared in Staatsmann, Kaiser und Monch—in der Gesellschaftsentwicke Venice the year before, on his way to the Curia Romana

lung von Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, 1969; and to seek the means of repulsing the attacks of the Turks, on the political and social institutions, Leon-Pierre Raybaud, “che minacciavano rovina a tutto il Levante cristiano” Le Gouvernement et | administration centrale de l empire (Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. 111, no. 563, p. 99). Lambyzantin sous les premiers Paléologues (1258 —1354), Paris, 1968. _ bertino had already appealed to the master of Rhodes, who

On Umur Pasha’s relations with Cantacuzenus, note Peter said he would also write to the Curia. Schreiner, “La Chronique bréve de 1352 . . . ,” Orientalia * Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. 1v, no. 18, p. 117, and

Christiana periodica, XXXI (1965), no. 41 and pp. 337, of. nos. 22, 24. Guillaume Court (de Curte) was created a

184 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT His Holiness seemed to be as serious about the At the beginning of his reign Clement could crusade as John XXII had claimed to be, per- afford a crusade. As time passed, however, the

haps more so, and on 7 January, 1343, the expenditures for the Italian wars, the compleVenetian Senate voted that five sapientes tion of the papal palace at Avignon, the purshould be chosen “who may diligently consider chase of the city from Joanna I of Naples, the the letters of the pope and the lord legate with gifts and loans to the French crown, and the

regard to the Turks as well as the embassy of luxury of his court reduced the Apostolic the said lord legate’s nuncios concerning the Camera to a pass from which his Avignonese same matter, and who may be able to confer successors could never rescue it. The pope and and discuss the matter directly with the nun- the Venetians had money in 1343, but the cios, and [then] give us their counsel in writ- Florentine banking houses were hovering on ing.”°? Four days later, on the eleventh, the — the brink of ruin. The Acciajuoli, for example, Senate accepted the recommendations of the owed Pedro Gomez de Barroso, cardinal bishop five sapientes: The papal embassy should be of Sabina, “great sums of money for legitimate reminded of how often the Venetian govern- _reasons;” they could not repay him, but on 20 ment had called the attention of Clement’s June Clement wrote Gautier de Brienne, titular

predecessors to the ever-increasing peril into duke of Athens and still lord of Florence, to which the Turks had plunged the Christian compel the Acciajuoli to meet their obligastates (and merchants) in the Levant. The _ tions.) Senate had already suggested that forty wellarmed galleys with 200 men in each and fitty Papes d’ Avignon, p. 518. The industry and learning displayed horse transports with 120 rowers and 20 horse- __ in Schifer’s studies of fourteenth-century papal finance are men in each, which would mean a thousand _ extraordinary, but unfortunately his compressed summaries horsemen (equites), would be able to curb the Of the exitus accounts (to save space) leave something to be

. ‘6 desired.

prava p otentia of the Turks, “but whereas we There is a brief sketch of the two crusades, which took do not believe that so large an armada of place during the reign of Clement VI, in Delaville Le Roulx, galleys could now be assembled so easily, La France en Orient au XIV® siécle, 2 vols., Paris, 1886, I, and that provision could not even be made for 103-10. It is insufficient and inaccurate. The account in the horsemen. some armada must be put to- lorga, Philippe de Méziéres (1896), pp. 39-62, although fuller th hi h . hould b and better, is still unsatisfactory. Jules Gay’s thesis Le gether, which in our opinion should not be Pape Clement VI et les affaires d’Orient (1904) was very good composed of fewer than twenty-five gal- in its time, although important sources are now available leys. . . .” Whenever the pope could get ready to which Gay had no access. A. S. Atiya, The Crusade in such an armada, Venice was prepared to con- the Later Middle Ages (1938), pp. 290-318, is readable but tribute a fourth part of it. If the armada consisted father inadequate, and contains errors that might easily have of twenty-five galleys, Venice would provide 10 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 137, fol. 32°, published

six of them, fully armed; of thirty-two galleys, by Giovanni Guerrieri, “Nuovi Documenti intorno a she would give eight; and of forty, ten, e¢ sic Gualtieri VI di Brienne, duca d’Atene,” Arch. stor. italiano,

per ratam numerorum. The Senate suggested pn ser EXT ( 188) tes pated (without tex!) in that the armada be held together for three "usene Deprez, ed., Clement VI (1942— 1922): Lettres closes, 7 patentes et curiales se rapportant a la France, vol. I, fasc. 1 years, Or at least for one full year, for the con- (1901), no. 234, col. 78 (cited hereafter as Déprez, I, fasc. 1).

fusion of the infidels in winter and summer.”®® After less than a year as lord of Florence, Gautier de Crusades were expensive, and Clement VI Brienne fell from power on the feast of S. Anna (26 July,

was extravagant. His predecessor Benedict 1343), and after being under siege for a while in the XII h left 1,117,000 flor Palazzo Vecchio, was expelled Florence. Believing ALisIsalleged allege to have €. t ? ? Orins at him still held inhe confinement, onfrom 7 August Clement wrote his death, and Clement is said to have had an indignantly to the priores artium, the citizenry of Florence, average annual income of 188,500 florins.®® and the Archbishop Angelo Acciajuoli, demanding Gautier’s release (Reg. Vat. 137, fol. 75; Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 330-31, cols. 126-27; and esp. Guerrieri, “Nuovi Docucardinal in the same promotio as Bertrand de Déaux (Eubel, menti. .. ,” Arch. stor. ital., XXI [1898], 298-300, who

II, 17, 41). also gives the texts [pp. 304-5]). On Gautier’s expulsion 87 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 21, fol. 8. from Florence, note the Historiae romanae fragmenta, 1, 12, in % Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 136, pp. 263-65, L.A. Muratori, Antiquitates italicae, III (Milan, 1740, repr.

dated 11 January, 1343, from the Misti, Reg. 21, fol. 8% Bologna, 1965), cols. 343-53, where the accompanying

(Thiriet, Réegestes, I, no. 149, p. 51). Latin text is a translation.

*® K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer The Acciajuoli failed in 1343, and in February, 1344, unter Johann XXII. nebst den Jahresbilanzen von 1316-1375, they could not meet their indebtedness to the Apostolic Paderborn, 1911, introd., pp. 16, 17, and cf. Mollat, Les Camera (Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 654, col. 321, and no. 689,

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 185 Europe had the financial jitters, and the most mitments they had to excuse themselves from prominent banking houses in Florence would enlarging upon the offer they had previously soon go under; one might have thought that it made. was a poor time to launch a crusade, but the Like the other recipients of the letters dated need was great, and Pope Clement was deter- on 8 August, Hugh IV of Cyprus was directed mined. On 8 August, 1343, he dispatched nine to make certain that the four galleys he had letters from Villeneuve-les-Avignon to princes offered assembled with the rest of the armada and others who would be the most concerned at Negroponte on the feast of All Saints.!°? The in the expedition. Foremost among these letters Hospitallers were reminded that a special obliwas that addressed to the Doge Bartolommeo _ gation fell upon them to protect Christians in (called Bertuccio) Gradenigo of Venice, who the Levant, and Clement demanded six galleys

(oddly enough) had died the preceding 28 of them in accordance with arrangements he December, and been succeeded on 4 January had already made with representatives of the by the young chronicler Andrea Dandolo. Order when they were in Avignon.!% Clement

There had been a slip somewhere in the papal also informed the master Hélion de Villeneuve chancery, but Dandolo received the pope’s that the needed reform of the Order was long letter. Clement understood fully, he wrote, that overdue. Clerics and laymen alike were conVenice was committed to five galleys for an stantly grumbling about the Hospitallers’ fine armada which now seemed to be planned for _ horses, rich food, sumptuous dress, gold and

twenty, licet plures esse debere credamus. silver vessels and other precious ornaments, Venice had such a large stake in the Morea and hawks and dogs, hunting expeditions, and the islands that the pope wanted the Republic to abundant funds. He stated that the Hospitallers

contribute at least six well-armed galleys, not had hardly distinguished themselves by their counting a galley which was to be furnished by the Venetian colony at Negroponte, where 102 Misti, Reg. 21, fols. 63¥-64'; Thiriet, Régestes, I, the armada was to gather on the coming feast no. 158, p. 53: “. . . Et quia iuxta oblationem nostram of All Saints (1 November). Clement stated de supradicta armata viginti galearum, quinque nos tangunt

that besides the spiritualia subsidia that he PY parte nostra, consulitur quod armentur quinque

had decreed t ist. th diti he had galee. . . .” Deliberations of the Senate on 18 September ecreec to assist the expedition, he ha (1343) suggest that the Republic was going to be rather granted certa temporalia from the already over- hard pressed to find money to get five galleys ready in the

burdened Apostolic Camera.’ The Senate Arsenal (Reg. 21, fol. 64%). On the same day the Grand replied on 16 September, however, “cum omni Council set about the election of a captain for the five galleys,

humilitate et devotione qua possumus.” that 224 Pietro Zeno was elected soon thereafter (Sp. M. Theohev had d f mh i £ h tokes, ’Avogacets Meilovos XvpBovrjiov Beverias they nad agreed to furnish only a fourth part [7255_7669], Athens, 1933, docs. 24-25, pp. 124-25, in of the armada, and because of their other com- the Mynyela ras ‘EAAnvixys ‘Ioropias, 1-2). He thus

—_—_———- received his command in September, not in November or cols. 349-50); in August Clement VI agreed to allow them December, as stated by Lemerle, L’ Emirat d’ Aydin, p. 185.

to pay up at the rate of 1,000 florins a year (zbid., I, fasc. 2 Letters drafted and passed as resolutions in the various [1925], no. 1042bis, cols. 142-43). It is interesting to note “councils” of the Venetian state (especially the Maggior that the Florentine banking houses owed the Apostolic Consiglio, the Senate, and the Collegio) were dispatched

Camera little or nothing at the time of their failures. The to their addressees as letters of the doge, but I have

largest debt, that of the Acciajuoli, amounted to only 11,475 usually designated them as emanating from the council in florins, on which see Renouard, Les Relations des papes which the texts were formulated. d’ Avignon et des compagnies commerciales et bancatres de 1316 103 Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 1-2", and Reg. Vat. 62, fol. a 1378 (1941), pp. 583-94. The Acciajuoli owed the cardinal 48°, with a brief notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 332, col. of Sabina 7,000 florins; their failure to reimburse him 127: “. . . volens eciam tuis et regni tui periculis precavere, brought an interdict upon Florence in 1346-1347 (ibid., pp. volebas et offerebas quatuor galeas bene munitas et armatas

589-90, 592). ad dictas partes contra Turchos eosdem in succursum 11 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 2’—-3', and dictorum fidelium destinare. . . .”

Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 49’-50°, with two brief quotations 4 Reg. Vat. 157, fol. 3°, and Reg. Vat. 62, fol. 50°, with from the document in Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 137, a notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 337, col. 128: “Ac pp. 265-66; a very inadequate notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, propterea [cum] ad defensionem fidelium et partium preno. 336, col. 128; and cf. Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., 11, dictarum sitis pre aliis ex debito strictius obligati, nonnullos

bk. Iv, no. 53, p. 124. Reg. Vat. 157 is a handsome, _priores et alias personas vestri ordinis tunc in Curia Romana bulky volume. Reg. Vat. 62 contains “littere seu scripture presentes ad nostram presentiam propter hoc duximus tangentes negotia Tartarorum parcium ultramarinarum et evocandos et deliberatione super hiis habita cum eisdem infidelium ac scismaticorum tempore fe. re. Clementis V, ordinavimus cum ipsis quod vos pro hac vice sex galeas Johannis XXII, Benedicti XII et Clementis VI per eosdem oportunis armis et gentibus armaretis per vos ad dictam

misse et recepte” (fol. 1°). Nigropontis insulam in festo huius destinandas. . . .”

186 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT alms-giving, and that their goods existed solely ent officially designated Henry d’Asti as his

for the protection of their fellow Christians, legate pro quibusdam magnis et arduis

especially those in the Levant. Various persons negotiis ad partes Romanie, and notified the had urged him to create another military order archbishops of Nicosia, Crete, Patras, Athens,

(alia militarts ordo) and to endow it with part Thebes, Corinth, Rhodes, Naxos, Corfu,

of the Hospitallers’ possessions, for the virtuous Durazzo, Lepanto, and Neopatras, their sufrivalry of two such orders in the Levant, as _ fragans, prelates, and other secular and regular formerly the Hospitallers and Templars had clergy over whom the eastern legation was to vied with each other, would redound to the extend.! Martino Zaccaria was appointed caplarge advantage of eastern Christendom. Clem- tain-general of the four papal galleys usque

hoe had bobs yee to these bel eect al ad nostrum beneplacitum on 16 September,’®

ould th a eb , ob a the ree €TS on which day the pope also gave Henry d’Asti

form The ore vin TINS ne eT " h raid nd authority to remove Zaccaria from his post and " growing severity Ob 1 UTkISh Talcs anc to appoint another in his stead if the need the loss of Christian life were breaking his heart, should arise.1°

he said, and now an armada of twenty galleys Alth h Cl t VI hed ‘th th

was being prepared for service against the SOUS emen _pushecd on witi tie Turks. Perhaps the entire armada should be hehe ae in more determined paid for by the Hospitallers, since many people ho hoe ae x iT: awgnone se P ree td onait ie rest of the Church. In the meantime Clement ‘med four galleys in the Aegean for some time would settle for the reform of the Order and six —______

claimed that they had more treasure than the th John XXII and Benedict XI had main-

galleys.’ parently intended for wages and food (for about 200 men

Papalth admonitions were often harsh in tone, Pe? galey?). andcols. was ya be eae BS). BY one legate and +1: (Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 435, —83). By ctober d . d hon b of the mili tary orders jad (1343) the Apostolic Camera had disbursed 40,800 florins Tecelve C em Derore, © espite the machina- for the pope’s galleys (and a few gifts to Greek envoys and

tions of curial politicians and others who others), not counting the 12,800 florins provided for the resented their wealth and arrogance, the Hos- first four months of service, which (as I understand the itallers were not about to go the way of the 2¢counts) means an expenditure of some 53,600 florins to fn emplars. Two weeks | tee 94 y A , Bet the crusade under way (Déprez, ibid., no. 464, col. 203),

Pp ° Ss la co? on . ugust = and thereafter the costs mounted steadily, as we shall see.

(1343), Clement VI wrote Helion de Villeneuve 107 Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 4'°-5"; inadequate notice in Déprez,

that the Hospital was to disburse the funds, _I, fasc. 1, no. 340, col. 129, and see nos. 388-90, 406 ff.; which it was receiving from the Apostolic Rubié i Lluch, Diplomatari de Orient catala, doc. CLXXxXI,

: pp. 232-34.

vamera, et mn egpans of the four galleys 108 Reg. Vat. 62, fol. 40°, and Reg. Vat. 137, fols.

which the roly see was maintaining In eastern 1 99v_103", with a notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 404, waters for one year against the Turks. Clement col. 171.

did not wish the crusade to fail for any defectus 109 Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 40'-40", and Reg. Vat. 137, fols. solutionis on his part The captains were to 103-103"; Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 405, col. 171: “Venerabili receive 12,800 florins for the first four months, transmarinis apostolice sedis legato: . . . Si forsan dictum and 2 5,600 for the remaining eight months capitaneum amoveri ab officio capitaneatus huiusmodi vel (to be paid in two installments). Martino Zac-_ deficere aut alio impedimento notabili detineri contingeret, caria, the adventurous Genoese, was to com- ‘valium capitaneum quem ad hoc ydoneum et sufficientem mand the one papal‘galleys under thead guidance of credideris auctoritate nostra quociens extiterit . . _ usque nostrum beneplacitum, nisi per nosoportunum tunc ordinatum Henry d’Asti, the Latin patriarch of Constanti- esset aliud, valeas deputare plenam fraternitati tue connople, who was to accompany the expedition cedimus tenore presentium facultatem. Tu vero sic te as the apostolic legate.’ On 31 August Clem- prudenter et modeste gerere studeas in hac parte... .

. er fratri Henrico patriarche Constantinopolitano in partibus

Datum apud Villamnovam Avinionensis diocesis XVI Kal.

———_—_——— Octobris anno secundo.” As happens rather too frequently, 10 Néprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 341, cols. 129-32. Déprez does not give the text. The legate was not to allow

106 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 368-69, cols. 150-52. The pope’s the fleet to be diverted or delayed (Reg. Vat. 62, fol. 41",

initial commitment, therefore, appears to have been not and Reg. Vat. 137, fol. 104"): “Volentes quod galearum 37,800 florins (as given in Déprez’s rubric) but 38,400 stolium . . . , postquam iter arripuerit, a recto tramite (almost half the amount which Clement VI paid for the city nullatenus divertatur, fraternitati tue . . . mandamus of Avignon five years later). The cost of fitting out and quatinus . . . dictum stolium ad portum vel locum aliquem arming the four galleys had already been met, and so 3,200 _declinare vel deviare a recto itinere vel retardari quomodoflorins a month for keeping four galleys in service (i.e., 800 _libet non permittas” (with a notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no.

a month for each) seems about right. The money was ap- 409, col. 172).

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 187 against the Turks.1!° Clement was to keep his ent devoted some 17 per cent of his total galleys at sea for two years, and the exitus “budget” to charitable purposes throughout accounts of his reign in the Vatican Archives the decade of his reign, and spent more than show that they eventually cost him almost 52,000 gold florins pro elemosina during the

200,000 florins!*™ pestilential year 1347-1348 (when only 5 per Few compilations of data relating to the eco- cent went pro guerra).’* Clement’s income,

nomic history of the fourteenth century are as we noted above, averaged about 188,500 more striking than the military and naval florins a year. His successor, Innocent VI,

expenditures of the Avignonese papacy. John spent 797,705 florins on the Italian wars from XXII’s total expenditures over the eighteen 1353 to 1360, which Schafer estimates to have years of his reign amounted to 4,191,466 florins, been about 40 per cent of his total income for which exceeded the papal income by more than these years.‘* Urban V spent some 8.32 per 90,000 florins, but the books were kept in cent of his income for war, and Gregory XI, the comfortable balance by John’s employing over _ last of the Avignonese popes before the Schism,

445,000 florins from the papal “privy purse” about 41.60 per cent.’ The warfare which and by recovering some 150,000 florins from attended Gregory’s return to Rome is well the injudicious bequests of his predecessor known. Clement V. John spent about 63.7 per cent of his “budget” (if we may so call it) for warfare, We have already observed that the titular especially in seeking to reassert papal su- Latin Empress Catherine of Valois-Courtenay premacy over the Italian vicariates in opposi- had recently spent two and a half years in the tion to the claims of the Emperor Ludwig of Morea (1338-1341), and when Clement VI Bavaria, the Visconti, and the ambitious lord- wrote her (on 8 August, 1343), he began by

lings of northern Italy, who preferred to be noting that she had seen with her own eyes imperial rather than papal “vicars.” From 1321 Turkish depredation in Greece. She had to 1331 John’s military expenses are said to promised two galleys whenever a Christian have reached 2,390,433 florins, spent mostly crusading fleet might be formed, and Clement on the Italian wars. The austere Benedict XII, now wanted her to see to it that her young whose average annual expenditures amounted to less than half of John’s, concentrated a total of about 21.80 per cent, of which the largest part

upon charity and the construction of the new went into the crusade and the Italian wars. See Schafer, palace at Avignon, and spent only 5.6 per cent Die Ausgaben d. Apost. Kammer unter Johann XXII. (1911),

of his income for warfare. To’ some imtrod., pp. 13-14, 31-32, 423-24, 36-37, and 433-36, the accounts448-52, given on . : . extent 335-81, 404-5, 410-11, Clement VI re sumed John s Italian policy, and 461 -62, etc., on John XXII’s nilitary expenditures; Die spent something under 21 per cent of his in- Ausgaben unter Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und Innocenz VI. come pro guerra on land and sea, and a fair (1914), pp. 178-79, 182, on the establishment of Clement part of this was n of the courseheav accounted for by of the vrs budget as almost percentKenouard, or ms income. 112 urden theinilitary Italian wars, see21 also crusade. Nevertheless, the BENeTOUS Clem- Les Relations ‘des papes d’ Avignon, esp. pp. 169-85, who gives

TO (pp. 32 ff.) convenient tables of the receipts and expenditures 10K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer of the Apostolic Camera from 1316 to 1378, and notes that unter Johann XXII. nebst den Jahresbilanzen von 1316-1375, the registers of Introitus et Exitus are the cash accounts of Paderborn, 1911, p. 379, and Schafer, Die Ausgaben der the treasury and in many ways not a full statement of papal Apostolischen Kammer unter Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und income and expenditures, which can hardly be assessed. Innocenz VI. (1335-1362), Paderborn, 1914, p. 22. On John 13 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 181-82. Clement VI’s XXII’s crusading expenditures up to 1334 and on the costs expenditures for charity were slightly exceeded by those of of maintaining the four galleys, see Renouard, Les Rela- Benedict XII, which averaged 19.40 per cent (ébid., p. 12),

tions des papes d’Avignon, pp. 166-69. and cf. Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon (1962), "1 Schafer, Die Ausgaben unter Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und pp. 409 ff.

Innocenz VI., pp. 170, 178-79, 182, 232, 257, 260, 263, 264. 114 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 519, 520, and cf. pp. 522,

As commander of the pope’s galleys Martino Zaccaria was 524-26, 554-55, 572-75, 609-12, 648-50, 747-52, etc., paid 1,800 florins a year (ibid., pp. 232, 263), and after his 791-92, 811. death his successor was to be paid the same amount (p. 264). 15 Cf. Renouard, Les Relations des papes d’Avignon, pp.

2 Reckoning the totals and percentages of papal ex- 32 ff., table II. Schafer’s third volume on the cameral

penditures is not a simple matter. Under the earlier Avi- accounts, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter den gnonese popes there was no established rubric pro guerra Pdapsten Urban V. und Gregor XI. (1362-1378), Paderborn,

(for which Clement VI spent 9.80 per cent of his income), 1937, lacks synoptic tables of expenditure of the sort he and military expenses were commonly designated pro cera et __ provided in his earlier volumes for the period from 1316 to extraordinaris (for which Clement spent 12 per cent), making 1362.

188 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT son Robert, prince of Achaea, kept the promise parently informed both Henry d’Asti and the by sending two well-armed galleys to the Curia that he was willing to supply one."!® He rendezvous at Negroponte.'’® A letter went sent similar requests on the same day to Giorgio off to Robert also, requesting the two galleys. II Ghisi, lord of Tenos and Mykonos and Clement stated that for his part he was prepar- triarch of Negroponte, and to Balzana dalle ing the papal galleys which were to join the Carceri-Gozzadini, regent for her son of two armada, and assured Robert of the heavenly “thirds” of Negroponte, asking each of them rewards of the crusader, provided of course for one armed galley. He also asked for approthat he sent the galleys. Robert’s contribution priate contingents or subsidies from the Genowas a doubtful factor, and so the pope sent ese (from whom aid was expected), Pisans, Archbishop Philip of Thebes (1342-1351), a Perugians, Anconitans, Sienese, and FlorenCarmelite, to Naples as the exhibitor pre- tines, as well as from the Visconti of Milan, sentium; Philip, presumably a curial prelate, the Scaligeri of Verona, and the Pepoli of would bring Robert’s answer back to Avi- Bologna.’”° Probably some of them sent money, gnon.'7 Philip was also the bearer of a papal but there seems to be no evidence that any letter of exhortation to Sancia, widow of the late one of them actually sent a galley unless King Robert (d. 19 January, 1343), who was to Giovanni Sanudo did so.’ There were, howpersuade the young Queen Joanna of Naples ever, some prominent volunteers. Thus Edto make her contribution to the armada. Of ward, lord of Beaujeu in the diocese of Macon, course Clement did not fail to write to Joanna had recently told Clement of the grief which herself.4!* It is hard to know how much Clem- _ stories of the Turkish oppression of Christians

ent really expected of the Angevins. Joanna had caused him. Edward had declared himself was still in her teens, and the kingdom was_ ready to go to Rhodes with a body of armed

already being rent by internal discord. men. On 23 September (1343) Clement recomThe bigger the Christian armada, the better mended him to Hélion de Villeneuve, and the chance of success. On 16 September Clem- granted him the privilege of a portable altar

ent requested a galley from Giovanni |] 0n the following day.™

Sanudo, duke of the Archipelago, who had ap- Preparations for a crusade included as always the attempt to allay the mutual hostilities of the

"6 Reg. Vat. 157, fols. '-2, and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. chnsuan Pho we Clement Me appeared to the 48’—49", with a notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 334, col. cnoese, who were supposed to sen a Nava 128: “. . . Cum igitur excellentia tua calamitates, op- contingent to Negroponte, to refrain from any pressiones, dampna et iniurias fidelium partium predic- movitas noxia against Hugh IV of Cyprus.’ trum [Romanie}, cum moram in ills parubus contraxist, Hee also tried to settle the long-standing dis dilecti fli nobilis viri Roberti principis Achaye filii tui PUte between P edro IV of Aragon and James

regebas, super succursu dictis fidelibus exhibendo a II of Majorca, and of course to stem

prelatis et aliis dictarum partium requisita duas galeas,5 ——————— cum aliqua armata contra ipsos Turchos per Christianos 4° Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 42°-42%, and Reg. Vat. 137, fols. fieret, gratanter obtuleris, . . . celsitudinem tuam re- 105'-105"; Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 414, col. 174. quirimus . . . quatinus, miserum statum fidelium partium 120 Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 42’-43", and Reg. Vat. 137, fols. predictarum et necessitatem huiusmodi negotii pie com- 105”—106", with notices in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 415-17, memorans, . . . ipsum principem omnibus viis et modisde _ cols. 174-75. quibus expedire cognoscis inducas efficaciter et horteris 1 In listing the galleys which were to comprise the ut huiusmodi duas galeas bene munitas ad dictam insulam armada, Clement informed Heélion de Villeneuve (on 8 [Nigropontis] in dicto festo tam ad pium sanctumque August, 1343) that there would be four from Cyprus, negotium et Dei obsequium submotis impedimentis quibus- five from Venice, six from the Hospital, four from the libet debeat destinare cum predictis aliis contra prefatos Holy See, and one from the “heredes . . . quondam paganos. ... Datum apud Villamnovam Avinionensis Nicolai Semici” (Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 341, col. 131).

diocesis VI Idus Augusti anno secundo.” Giovanni I Sanudo had succeeded his brother Niccol6d I as 117 Reg, Vat. 157, fol. 2", and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 49°-49", duke of the Archipelago in 1341, and it has been shrewdly

with the usual (insufficient) notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. suggested that Semici is a mistake for Sanudi (Lemerle, 335, col. 128; note Eubel, I, 430, 482, on Philip, who was _L’Emirat d’Aydin, p. 184, note 1).

translated from the see of Salona to that of Thebes on 26 122 Reg. Vat. 137, fols. 108", 286’-287'; Déprez, I, fasc. August, 1342, and very likely never went to Greece.On 17 1, nos. 421, 424, cols. 176, 178: “. . . nos tuis devotis

June, 1351, Philip was made archbishop of Conza in supplicationibus inclinati ut liceat tibi habere altare southern Italy (ibid., I, 202-3). He died in 1356. portatile . . . indulgemus.” 118 Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 2°, 3%, and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 123 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 360, col. 145. 48'—48", 50°, and cf. Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 333, 338, 124 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 159-60, 167-68, 188, 220,

cols, 127, 129. 254, 256, 260, 295-96, 342, 352, 356-58, 374, 383, 444-45,

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 189 the impending tide of war which threatened suspicion of the Latins. He had emphasized to engulf France and England, and would that church union could be effected only on bring English troops to the borders of the papal the basis of a mutual understanding which Comtat-Venaissin.’2> On 21 October (1343) he was sadly lacking. An expedition against the directed Henry d’Asti to make every effort to Turks to ward off the danger they presented to

keep the peace between the Catalan Grand Constantinople would help to mitigate that Company, which then occupied the old Bur- hatred and go far to remove the Greeks’ gundian duchy of Athens, and Gautier de suspicion that the Latins sought territorial Brienne,’?® who (having now been expelled aggrandizement at their expense. In 1346 from his brief lordship of Florence) might con- Barlaam was to return to the Bosporus as ceivably repeat his attempt of a dozen years Clement VI’s own envoy, presumably to exbefore to assert his claim to the duchy which plore the possibilities of church union at the the Catalans had taken from his father by force pro-Catholic court of the dowager Empress

of arms in the bloody battle of Halmyros Anna of Savoy and her son John V, but the in March, 1311. It seemed like a good time also hesychasts under Gregory Palamas, religious to renew ties with the Greeks. Clement and nationalists as well as mystics, were violently the Curia “received benignly,” from envoys opposed to church union. During the years of

from Constantinople, letters written in the his residence in Constantinople, where he had name of the young Emperor John V Palaeo- become abbot of the monastery of S. Salvator logus, who could never fail to interest a pope (some time before 1331), Barlaam had already when the question of church union arose. These clashed with the hesychasts, whose feverish envoys also wanted to discuss the expedition mysticism he had ridiculed, but they had reagainst the Turks, and they probably had some- cently secured a victory for their doctrines and thing to say about Umur Pasha of Aydin, whose the rejection of Barlaam’s criticism at a council entente with Cantacuzenus the Palaeologian held in Hagia Sophia (in June, 1341). After a

court wished to disrupt." few years’ eclipse the hesychasts would regain These were also the years in which the their power and prominence, and form a politi-

Basilian monk Barlaam, who was born at cal alliance with Cantacuzenus against the Seminara in Calabria, was employed on dip- Palaeologian court. The condemnation of Barlomatic missions between Avignon and Con- jgam would be renewed in the Greek capital stantinople. As an envoy of the Byzantine shortly before Cantacuzenus’s triumphant reEmperor Andronicus II, Barlaam had already entry into the city early in February, 1347.18 tried to explain to the Curia in 1339 the reasons Jn the meantime, of course, Clement VI was for the Greeks’ bitter hatred and enduring pushing forward his plans for a crusade to pro-

—__—_—_ tect Latin interests in the Levant. 8°cause ff, and i“ but the pope's came to nothing, rearo W.elvorts ermined to mHaving ; formally requested the Venetians to (ibid., nos. 773, 809-11, 820, and fasc. 2 [1925], nos. Teceive the crews and commanders of the

896-97, 1024, 1218, 1366, 1384, 1398, etc., and on the Christian armada and to make provisions availbackground, see Mollat, Les Papes d’Avignon [1949], pp. able to them in the eastern ports of the Re-

427-32, with bibliography [ibid., pp. 436—37]). public,” Clement ordered the crusade to be 125 Deéprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 94-96, 176, 315, 326-29,

363, 420, 439-40, 448-52, 581, 593-95, 617, 697, 743, _—_——————— 759, 775, 812, and fasc. 2 (1925), nos. 920, 1039, 1043, 1108, #28 Setton, “Byzantine Background to the Italian Renais-

1155 ff., 1304 ff., 1322 ff. On 20 June, 1344, Clement sance,” Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. 100 (1956), 40 ff., with forgave Philip VI the use of tithes (in defense of the French — refs. to the sources. Reference to hesychasm will recall to kingdom) which had been conceded and collected for the _ the reader various works by Jean Meyendorff.

liberation of the Holy Land (Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 914, cols. 9 Reg. Vat. 62, fol. 41%, and Reg. Vat. 137, fol. 104’;

54-59). with a brief notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 410, cols.

6 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 465, cols. 204—5, and cf. fasc. 172-73: “... quatinus cum ad portus vel loca vobis 2, no. 1608, cols. 482—84, dated 1 April, 1345. subiecta iter suum huiusmodi prosequendo pro refrigerio #7 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 464 (gifts to the envoys from et victualibus recipiendis declinaverint [capitane! et Greece), 466-70, 471, 490-93, 522-23, 547; see also patroni aliique navigantes in eodem galearum stolio] eos Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, pp. 182-83; Gay, Le Pape benigne recommendatos habentes ipsos dictasque galeas per Clement VI et les affaires d’Orient (1904), pp. 43-54; and vos et subditos vestros benigne recipere ac tractare favorG. Presutti, “Fr. Fortanerio Vassalli, O.M., in una minuta abiliter ut nullum nocivum impedimentum habere in hac di bolla del papa Clemente VI all’ imperatore d’ Oriente parte valeant sic prompte ac benivole pro divina et aposGiovanni Paleologo,” Archivum Franciscanum historicum, V1 tolice sedis reverencia procuretis quod inde possit vestra

(1913), 705-9. devocio merito commendari” (letter dated 16 September,

190 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT preached throughout Europe and the Christian 1344) the ravening hostility of the Turks reLevant, by the bull Insurgentibus contra quired the more rapid advancement of prepara-

fidem (dated 30 September, 1343), which pro- tions for the crusade.133 claimed the usual grant of indulgences for those

who now fought against the “gentes illorum In Venice, Rhodes, and Cyprus the work of infidellum paganorum que vulgari lingua preparation went on through the winter. The Turchi vocantur.” The Turks’ naval strength pope’s own galleys were partly fitted out in and unspeakable audacity had grown with Zaccaria’s native city of Genoa, whence Clemthe years. They were destroying and depopu- ent had hoped for aid which probably never lating the Latin states in the East. They sold came. In fact, while his galleys were in Ligurian

their Christian captives as though they were waters, Genoese sailors had signed up and animals, and forced them to abjure their faith. taken the usual oath “to sail and serve for a The Turkish raids upon Negroponte and the set period in the galleys which we have sent other islands in the Aegean had been a night- to Romania to assist the faithful against the mare of fire and slaughter, plunder and en- Turks,” and having received advances on their slavement.“° The text is eloquent. Clement wages, they had calmly (latenter et furtive) probably had a hand in its composition. deserted the galleys. On 8 May, 1344, Clement _ On | December, 1343, a three years’ tithe was appealed to the Genoese government, the imposed upon ecclesiastical benefices in some _ seneschal of Provence and Forcalquier, and the sixty or more provinces both in Europe and in archbishop of Genoa to see to it that the papal

the Levant.! The continuing dissension be- funds were recovered from the miscreants, who tween Hugh IV of Cyprus and the Genoese were not only imperilling their souls but imwas worrisome,’ but plans for the expedition _ peding the defense of eastern Christendom. were pushed forward by the Curia. Clement According to the contemporary chronicle of appointed Venturino da Bergamo, a Dominican, the Paduan judge Guglielmo Cortusi, on Asto preach the crusade in the rich province of cension day (13 May, 1344) the Christian fleet Milan, where it was hoped the generous con- burned and _ sank fifty-two Turkish vessels cession of indulgences would gain recruits to (ligna),"8> and Cantacuzenus informs us that the cross, because (as Clement wrote Giovanni the fleet, which he Says contained twenty-four Visconti, archbishop of Milan, on 4 January, galleys (zpunpeis), burned sixty ships which

the Turks had had to abandon at an inlet called Sl Longus on Pallene, the western prong of the 1343). The Venetian Senate replied favorably on 9 October Chatadi c peninsula.2"® It is wp bl ae *

(Misti, Reg. 21, fol. 68”). Pp a. presumably Us epi8° Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 7-7", and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 33D. yn - o.oo,

52'53°; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. 1v, no. 66, Reg. Vat. 137, fol. 166", with full notice in Déprez, p. 127; with an inadequate notice in Déprez, I, fasc. 1, I, fasc. 1, no. 591, col. 288. The region of P atras suffered no. 433, col. 181: “. .. illam suorum peccaminum de from heavy Turkish raids, possibly at this time (ibid., fasc. quibus veraciter fuerint corde contriti et ore confessi 2 [1925], no. 1215, col. 254, doc. dated 3 November, 1344). veniam indulgemus que conceditur transfretantibus in sub- Deprez, I, fasc. 1, nos. 815-17, cols. 431-33. sidium Terre Sancte et in retributionem iustorum salutis 35 Guillelmi de Cortusiis chronica de novitatibus Padue et eterne pollicemur augmentum.” The bull received the widest Lombardie, ed. Beniamino Pagnin, in the new Muratori, possible distribution in Europe (Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 7-8", RISS, XII, pt. 5 (1941), pref., and in the old edition, His-

and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 53-55") as well as throughout toria Cortusiorum, RISS, XII (1728), col. 914AB. Muratori the Christian East (Reg. Vat. 161, fols. 2-3"; Reg. Vat. had assigned this chronicle to the joint authorship of 215, fols. 3-4"; and Déprez, ibid., no. 434, col. 181). Guglielmo Cortusi (who was still living at a very advanced On the Turkish attack upon Negroponte, see also the age in 1361) and his great-grandnephew Albrigetto (who Historiae romanae fragmenta, I, 13, in Muratori, Antiquitates was born in 1388 and was still living in 1454), but Pagnin

ttalicae, III (1740, repr. 1965), 355E, 357A. has shown in the preface to the (unfinished) new edition 8! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 157, fols. 16Y-18", of the chronicle that it is the work of Guglielmo alone. See and Reg. Vat. 62, fols. 55'-57'; with a notice in Déprez, I, also the notes of Ester Pastorello to Raphayni de Caresinis. . . fasc. 1, no. 559, col. 264; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1 Chronica aa. 1343 -1388, in RISS, XII-2 (1922), 3—4, but the

(1880, repr. 1965), no. 140, pp. 269-73; Predelli, Regesti account of the expedition to Smyrna in Caresini, who condet Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 100, p. 134. Although exempted tinued the Doge Andrea Dandolo’s chronicle, is apparently

from the tithe as usual, the Hospitallers were also taxed a later addition. for the crusade, apparently above and beyond the amounts 8° Cantacuzenus, Hist., HI, 68 (Bonn, II, 422-23), on they had spent in fitting out their six galleys (Déprez, I, | which see Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, pp. 187-89. Cortusi fasc. 1, no. 711, cols. 363-64, dated 4 March, 1344). also puts the Christian victory “in pelago Montis Sancti, 82 Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no. 575, col. 278, and fasc. 2 (1925), ubi est monasterium, in quo sunt monachi MD caloceri

no. 833, cols. 1-3. nominati” (op. cit., in RISS, X11 [1728], 914B).

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 191 sode which led Clement VI on 25 July to the Latins launched an attack with twentycongratulate the master Hélion de Villeneuve seven ships upon the piratical ‘Turks, who had —fecistt viriliter et potenter—upon the sup- been preying upon Aegean shipping for years port he was giving the legate Henry d’Asti on (euparixov Twa Biov Kat AYQoTpLKOY avathe latter’s crusading mission.’*’ On 12 August jerpovvTes). The Christian fleet consisted of Clement thanked the Doge Andrea Dandolo Cypriotes, Rhodians, Salaminians (Negrofor informing him of a Christian victory over the pontines?), and Venetians together with the Turks “in these past days,”'®® which seems to forces which the pope and (according to be a further reference to the Latin success at Gregoras) the Genoese had provided. Their Pallene. He hoped that the fleet might also descent upon Smyrna was sudden and unexassist the Armenians, who had suffered much pected; they took the harbor fortress and roadfrom the Turks."*? On 18 September he warned stead apparently on the first assault. Gregoras Henry d’Asti not to allow Martino Zaccaria, adds that the Latins intended to use Smyrna as former lord of Chios (1314-1329), to try to re- a beachhead (opyzynrnptov) from which to sally possess the island, which would drive the By- forth and drive the Turks from the Anatolian zantine government from a reunion with Rome littoral, “but matters hardly proceeded there-

to an alliance with the Turks.**° after in accord with their expectations.”!**

Since the collection of the crusading tithe Cantacuzenus’s account puts Umur Pasha in might possibly be late, and it had up until Smyrna at the time of the attack: “Twenty-four then been impossible to find merchants or Latin galleys, which the Rhodians and others others through whom large amounts of cash had got ready, sailed against Smyrna, took the could be safely sent, Clement wanted Hélion fortress at the harborside, and set no few de Villeneuve and the Hospitallers to advance, Turkish ships on fire. Umur was on hand, and if it should prove necessary, four months’ ex- defended himself as best he could, but lacked penses for the papal galleys, which we know the strength to win out over the Latin force—

amounted to 12,800 florins. If the advance were so to this day the Latins hold the port of made, the sum would soon be repaid in full to Smyrna.”!“

the Hospital. Four and a half months later The news of the Christian victory was (on 1 February, 1345), Clement wrote Heélion promptly transmitted to Venice, whence the de Villeneuve again, complaining that the Hos- Doge Andrea Dandolo wrote Clement VI, who

pitallers had never answered his request,’ replied on 23 December, 1344, delighted to although by then the crusade was almost over, learn of the “triumphal and victorious capture and had achieved almost spectacular results. of that strong and important castle of Smyrna, In fact the Smyrniote crusade was a surpris- together with the seaport and [its] fortifications, ing success. Umur Pasha was caught off guard, and the defeat of the people of the stinking almost without any guard. Gregoras says that Turkish nation . . . on the feast of the blessed

apostles Simon and Jude [28 October, 137 Déprez, I, fasc. 2 (1925), no. 987, col. 108. Henry 1344], _ thus sup plying the date which is d’Asti had written the pope of the “fortunate progress” of lacking in the Byzantine chronicles. On the

their affairs (ibid., no. 988). same day Clement sent the happy news to the

e. peprez, 2, no. 1027. cols.. 130-31. king and queen of France and to the duke of eprez,rI,fase. fasc. 2, no. , col. On the hat relations 146

of the Holy See with Cilician Armenia, see Gay, Le Pape Normandy, and. on 13 January, 1345, he Clément VI et les affaires Orient, pp. 133-50. wrote Marie, the wife of Edward, lord of Beau10 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1113, cols. 185-86. On the jeu, informing her of the valor her husband had Zaccaria family in Old Phocaea and Chios, see Heyd, displayed in the signal success which the cru-

’ €C0-TO ’ . » p. . : ° :

sas cme ea 0, Me and saders had achieved at Smyrna.” ‘Two day Clement thought. it might prove desirable to replace later he wrote Humbert II, dauphin of Viennois, Zaccaria as commander of the papal galleys (Déprez, .—-————

ibid., no. 1114, col. 187). On Zaccaria’s early career, note 143 Gregoras, XIII, 13, 7 (Bonn, II, 689). Ludovico Gatto, “Per la Storia di Martino Zaccaria, signore 144 Cantacuzenus, III 68 (Bonn, II, 419-20); Lemerle, di Chio,” Bullettino dell’ “Archivio paleografico italiano,” new _L’Emirat d’Aydin, p. 190.

series, II-III (1956—57), 325-45, with five documents from 145 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1350, cols. 335-36; Thomas,

1318-1319 and 1323. Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 150, p. 286; and cf. Predelli, 141 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1114—15, cols. 186-88, dated Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 149, p. 144. 18 September, 1344. 146 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1351, col. 336. 142 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1463, col. 401, and cf. no. 1464. 147 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1395, cols. 361-63.

192 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in another connection, but took the opportunity the new wall a moat which gave access directly

to tell him of the Chnistian victory over to the sea. Merchants flocked into the suburb, ‘TO] marbassanus”’ (Umur Pasha), the chief @ monetary exchange was established, and ruler of the Turks; the Patriarch Henry d’Asti shops were set up under the lee of the new planned to-reside for a while in the harbor wall." Since Umur Pasha lived largely by piracy, fortress at Smyrna, where he was adding to the he found exclusion from the sea as intolerable defenses, and from which he hoped “to acquire 4S the proximity of his enemies. He bombarded

many other infidel lands in the region there- the lower fortress with mangonels, but the abouts.”"48 Finally, on 1 February, Edward Turkish chronicler Enveri describes in his III of England was officially informed of the Dwsturname an apparently successful Latin

victory, more than five weeks after Philip VI had sortie, which broke the siege for a while and

been notified.449 Clement congratulated destroyed the Turkish mangonels.’™ Henry d’Asti (also on 1 February) a bit be- The Patriarch Henry d’Asti now wanted to latedly, perhaps, and exhorted him to continue celebrate mass (presumably to commemorate as virtuose, constanter et intrepide as he had the Christian success) in a large abandoned begun. He reminded Henry at some length of church, which the Turks had converted into a his financial difficulties. It was very hard to find Stable, in the no-man’s-land between the harmerchants through whom large sums could be bor fortress and the Turkish-held acropolis. sent to the Levant, and now it was especially Cantacuzenus says that Martino Zaccaria and

so, “because . . . in those parts one cannot the patriarch had lately returned to Smyrna profitably navigate during the winter season.” with a dozen galleys, possibly from a foray Henry was to disburse funds with extreme care [tO secure supplies. We may assume that and to consider whether the size of the crews it was their arrival which lifted the Turkish on the papal galleys might not be reduced to siege. He also says that the church in question save money without endangering the success was the former metropolis of Smyrna (ev @ of the enterprise. Clement was far more anx- 7&Aat % “yTpPOTOALs Hv), and that Zaccaria and

ious, however, for the continued advance of the other commanders objected to the patrithe crusade than for the curtailment of ex- arch’s gesture as being too dangerous. Henry penses. Henry would know best what to do, d Asti, however, was leader of the host; they having been well taught in the school of ex- all had to follow him; and he was at the altar perience (in scola experientie). Although Clem- when Umur Pasha descended upon the church. ent had heard with immense satisfaction of the At the approach of the Turks, the bulk of the

many accomplishments of the Christian fleet, Latin forces fled to the refuge of the harbor he was not aware of any notable performance fortress, but Henry d’Asti, Zaccaria, the Veneon the part of Martino Zaccaria. Henry was to lan commander Pietro Zeno, and a few other

decide whether, when the year was over, it tmportant persons, who were in the church, might not be advisable to replace him with were all slain.’ The disaster occurred on

some other commander.!" S. Anthony’s day, 17 January, 1345.'** On that

The Christians had succeeded in taking only istoriae ast Historie 113.raim roma , I,Muratori, 13, i urA; ~

the harbor of Smyrna and the fortress by the tiquitates italicae, Thole 357, 359, 365C: “ne lo laberinto waterfront. The hilltop fortifications (the “acrop- ge le deserte case.” olis”) were still in Turkish hands, and indeed 182 Trans, Mélikoff-Sayar (1954), p. 116 and note. they remained so. Between the Turks on the 153 Cantacuzenus, III, 95 (Bonn, II, 582~—83); Guglielmo height and the Christians below was a “laby- Cortusi, in RISS , XII (1728), col. 914CD; and see Lemerle,

rinth deserted houses.” lived /2mirat @Aydin, pp. 190-91. ; in . . . ofThe author of The thecrusaders Historiae romanae fragmenta, im an atmosphere of almost daily crisis. They Muratori, Antiquitates italicae, 111, cols. 363, 365, 367, seems

helped the Venetians to wall in a shoreline tobe well informed, at least concerning the stories that were suburb outside the fortress, digging out around _iater current in Italy. He identifies the church, see of the

ancient vescovato of Smyrna, as that of S. John, which he

TT sets at two catapult shots (da doi valestrate) outside the re148 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1397, cols. 365-66. cently built wall, and says that forty nobles and officers were 149 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1462, cols. 398-401. killed as well as the patriarch, whom he identifies as

150 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1464, cols. 401—4. Zaccaria had Emanuele da Ca Marino, who however was never patriarch

first been appointed captain-general of the papal galleys of Constantinople (nor of Grado nor of Aquileia). The between 18 and 28 September, 1343 (cf., above, note 102, author gives two accounts of the events of S. Anthony’s day.

and see Theotokes, op. cit., doc. no. 25, p. 125). The first corresponds roughly to that in Cantacuzenus,

THE AVIGNONESE PAPACY AND THE CRUSADE 193 very day alms had been given to the convents Hélion de Villeneuve of his terrible distress, of the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and informed him that he was designating and Carmelites in Avignon, “for the proces- Raymond Saquet, bishop of Thérouanne, as the

sion held on 16 January in the house of the new legate and Bertrand des Baux, lord of Preachers on account of the victory obtained by Courthezon (de Cortedono), as captain-general the Christian faithful against the Turks. . . .”*° of the four papal galleys. Hélion was to console

Such are the tricks of fortune. the leaderless forces at Smyrna and to take

Before the bad news had arrived from the every possible step to safeguard the gains which

East, a small contingent of troops was preparing the crusade had made.’*” According to Giovanni

to set out (on 6 March) under Pierre de la Palu, Villani, when the plight of the crusaders be-

lord of Varambon and royal seneschal of came known in the West, 400 men segnati di Beaucaire,'** and their services would clearly croce from Florence, some 350 from Siena, be needed if the Christians were to hold the and various others from Tuscany and Lombardy

lower fortress at Smyrna. By the middle of made their way eastward by way of Venice March, Clement VI knew of the disaster of S. “at the expense of the Church and of the Anthony’s day. On the seventeenth he wrote pope.”!®8 In any event the future of the cru-

————— sade depended upon some measure of tranbut the second, which he prefers (and which allegedly came quillity in western Europe. Papal efforts to on oath from an eyewitness), is to the effect that the Patriarch keep the peace between France and England Emanuele finished the mass and delivered an elegant : sermon, inciting the Christians against the Turks. There were faring badly. Clement frankly warned were said to be 15,000 Christians in the host. After the Philip VI to take the necessary steps to protect sermon the patriarch put on rich and elaborate armor, himself lest he be caught unprepared. He also and sword in hand mounted a gallant steed to set off against sent Philip secret advices which he had rethe Turks, accompanied by Zeno and Zaccaria. They ad- ceived from England, which was hardly in vanced too far of the ambush, host, and unattended even with by dthe with th lj hich thetheCuri officers, they fell ahead into a Turkish were slain, de- accord neutrality which Curia procapitated, and stripped of their armor. The Turks “left fessed. their bodies naked upon the ground” (col. 365D). When the Bishop Raymond and Bertrand des Baux did

crusaders discovered the bodies, they gave way to grief not set out for the East, despite Clement’s and lamentation, (as we shall the see)Turks the Christians did Aldesire thata th not discover the but bodies, which carried off. esire eyhould shou dO160 SO,for orth. € war though the author professes to have first-hand information between France and England was being re-

(dicuno me dice . . . , Disse chi lo vide perzonalmente, col. sumed in earnest. Philip VI did not wish the 363E; Disseme uno, lo quale tutte quesse cose vide, col. 367D), general crusading indulgence to be extended his account is a compound of more fiction than fact, and to France. He declined to grant p ermission to unfortunately it is not easy always topp.draw a line between d d he the two, on which note Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, Raymond and Bertrand to assume thech charges 187-88, note 4, and pp. 192-93, note 4, who calls atten-

tion to certain other western sources of dubious value. —_ 155 Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter ‘57 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1570, cols. 462-63. The doge of

Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und Innocenz VI. (1914), p. 263. Venice had transmitted the news of S. Anthony’s day to

During the spring and summer of 1345 Umur Pasha, Avignon. The pope assured the prior of the Hospital in

leaving the Latins huddled behind the walls of the fortress Lombardy, the Negropontines, and others that every effort of the lower town at Smyrna, joined John Cantacuzenus in would be made “ad reparandum, quantum nobis est posa campaign in Thrace, on which see Lemerle, L’Emirat sibile, quod cecidit” (ibid., nos. 1571-72). At the same

d’Aydin, pp. 204-17. time Clement wrote the doge, “We know, my son, that

156 Deprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1524-30, 1623, cols. 432-34, you would more gladly send us good news than bad if the 488. Pierre de la Palu left for the East with Philip VI’s facts could only meet with your prayers,” and notified him permission, on which note Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les of the appointments of Raymond Saquet and Bertrand des affaires d’Orient (1904), pp. 58-59. On 10 April, 1345, by Baux (no. 1569). On the following day (18 March) he wrote which time he had already departed, Clement VI requested Edward III of England, giving him the news and urging that Pierre be allowed to retain the sénéchaussée of Beaucaire him to remain at peace with France in order that the war during his absence (Déprez, ibid., no. 1639, cols. 499-500). against the Turks might be carried on to a successful conPierre was, incidentally, well known to the Venetians (Misti, clusion (no. 1582, and note no. 1590).

Reg. 22, fol. 1", doc. dated 2 March, 1344). There were 158 Villani, Cronica, 8 vols., Florence, 1823, bk. xii, chap.

probably fair numbers of volunteers like Pierre. Thus 39, in vol. VII, pp. 103-4. Since no mention of these we hear of Robert Bradeston and John of S. Philibert 750 crusaders is to be found either in Clement VI’s corre(two Englishmen on their way to fight the Turks) only be- spondence or in the Venetian Misti, Villani’s statement is cause they were imprisoned in Pisa when a Pisan ship (vulgo more than suspect.

cocha) was detained by the English government: Clement VI ‘5° Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1574, cols. 464-65, dated 17 asked the Pisans for their release on 5 April, 1345 (Déprez, March, 1345.

ibid., no. 1617, col. 486). 169 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1596, 1603-9, 1638, cols. 477 ff.

194 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to which Clement had appointed them. Al- the deadly Turkish attack, and congratulated though the pope had notified various princes Edward on the heroic service he had renand magnates, including the commanders over- dered and was still rendering Christendom seas, of their appointments, he acceded (albeit at Smyrna.’ On 16 April (1345) he pressed somewhat reluctantly) to Philip’s decision,’ the French episcopacy to send in immediately and designated Francesco Michiel, archbishop to the Apostolic Camera the year’s crusading

of Crete, as papal vicelegate,"’ and John of tithes, which by this time should have been

Biandrate, prior of the Hospitallers in Lom- collected.'® In writing to Philip VI on 11 May bardy, as captain-general of the papal galleys."* he pointed out that the Turks had begun to

Clement’s dedication to the crusade is clear burn and plunder the lands of Philip’s own beyond dispute, but his devotion to France nephew, Robert of Taranto, prince of Achaea, was greater. At this very time he was trying seizing captives, selling them like cattle, and hard to arrange a marriage alliance between forcing them to abjure the Catholic faith. Had Castile and France to offset the increasing in- not the armada sent to Smyrna stopped their fluence of England in the Spanish peninsula." advance, who could say that the Turks might Whatever the pope’s preoccupations with not be venturing as far west as Naples and even ecclesiastical or political affairs, the harassed beyond.1®

crusaders were constantly in his mind. He We have already glanced at Clement VI’s

thanked Hélion de Villeneuve for sending letter of 15 January, 1345, to the young Humwar machines and matériel to help keep the _ bert II, dauphin of Viennois, in which Clement lower fortress at Smyrna in Christian hands.** informed him of Ludwig of Bavaria’s apparent

He assured the anxious lady of Beaujeu that desire to seek a reconciliation with the Holy her husband, the lord Edward, had survived See. Clement asked Humbert to postpone the journey he was then planning to the Bavarian 161 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1704, cols. 530-32, a letter court unt rucw's abruptly ty should have He

dated at Villeneuve-lés-Avignon on 11 May, 1345, to Philip come Cc carer, an (a ruptly c anging the su _

VI from the pope, who understood A ie tibi eosdem ject) told him in some detail of the Patriepiscopum [Raymundum] et militem [Bertrandum] ad arch Henry d’Asti’s divinely assisted victory at

placet nec placuit quod aliqui de . . . regno, hiis tem- ’

partes . . . remotasaccederenon placebat . . . ,necnobis Smyrna against Marbassanus, dux principalis poribus quibus de commotionibus guerrarum timetur, illuc Turchorum. The papal letter closed with a iverint sive vadant. . . .” On Bertrand des Baux, formerly rhetorical (but perhaps casual) appeal to HumAngevin bailie of Achaea, see Gay, op. cit., pp. 59-60; this bert that “the ardor which we know you bring Bertrand should not be confused with a better-known name- to such matters may be the more strongly sake, the father of Humbert’s wife, Marie des Baux (see kindled [by this news] to aid, support, and 16 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1668, 1673, 1676, cols. 514 ff., Pursue so pious an undertaking as this.

below, Chapter 10, note 38). . , - 99169 dated 1 May, 1345. Michiel was a Venetian. Two days later, very likely before the bearer

™® Deprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1675, col. 516, also dated 1 May, of the letter could leave Avignon for Humbert’s and ¢f. no. 1669, col. 514. John of Biandrate was theninthe coyrt at Grenoble, the disaster of S. Anthony’s East, apparently conducting the defense of Smyrna. da urred. The th hief lead f th 164 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1696-99, 1711-12, cols. 523 G4Y Occurred. Atte three chier leaders of the ff., and cf. E. Déprez, J. Glénisson, and G. Mollat, Clément Smyrniote crusade were dead. By mid-March, VI (1342-1352): Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se rapportant as we have seen, the news was known in Avi-

thoug ement authorized a “loan” o , go ’ . .

A ia, France, vor I, fake. 3 9), nos. F300 One av gnon, and rather unexpectedly Humbert anflorins to Philip VI (ibid., vol. II, fasc. 3, no. 2549, p. 173, SWered the pope’s appeal for aid against the dated 3 June, 1346, and cf. no. 2679, p. 203), it must be Turks. acknowledged that there were numerous disagreements ————-———

between Avignon and Paris, which are summarized in 166 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1637, 1707, cols. 498, 533-34, Guillaume Mollat, “Le Saint-Siege et la France sous le dated 10 April and 11 May, 1345.

(1960), 5-24. | 1719.

pontificat de Clément VI,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, LV 187 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1647, cols. 502-3, and cf. no. 165 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1669, col. 514, dated 1 May, 1345, 188 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1704, cols. 531-32.

and ¢f. no. 1670. Garin de Chateauneuf, prior of the 169 Néprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1397, cols. 364-66, and Claude Hospital in Navarre, had leased four Genoese galleys pro Faure, “Le Dauphin Humbert II a Venise et en Orient negotio transmarino (ibid., nos. 1684, 1692), which had created (1345-1347),” Mélanges d’archéologie et d'histoire, XXVII

difficulties which the pope intervened to solve. (1907), 511, 543-45.

10. CLEMENT VI, HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS, AND THE END OF THE SMYRNIOTE CRUSADE (1345-1352) YOUNG and adventurous, moody and er-_ show that he dined with Clement VI every day ratic, the dauphin of Viennois asked to be from 2 to 8 May, along with a number of made captain-general of the crusade. He sent cardinals, the Bavarian envoys, the count of an emissary, Guillaume de Royn, to Avignon to Armagnac, and others. From 15 to 22 May request that he be set over the Hospitallers and there was intense activity at the Curia, and the all others engaged in the Smyrniote crusade kitchen had to provide for “magna convivia,” at although, if the king of France went overseas which various cardinals were present with on the expedition, Humbert and his forces envoys from Aragon and Hungary, the Hospiwould serve under him. He offered to maintain tal and Venice. Another expedition to Smyrna 300 men-at-arms and 1,000 arbalesters; he was obviously the chief topic of discussion. would fit out five galleys; and he wanted title to From 23 to 29 May “fuit magnum festum, quia

whatever lands he might be able to conquer dalphinus recepit crucem.””

“sauf droit d’autre personne qui fust Humbert had got his way, and he had much

chrétienne.” He would be ready to set out on to recommend him. He was very rich, the ruler the nativity of S. John the Baptist (24 June, of Dauphiné, and related to the royal family of

1345), which would seem to leave him in- Hungary. On 26 May, Clement named him

adequate time for preparation. Humbert was _captain-general of the exercitus Christianorum conwell known in Avignon, however, and neither tra Turchos; he was to set out before 2 August; the

Clement nor the Curia had the slightest en- crusading commanders overseas were notified thusiasm for the idea of his taking command of of his appointment;? and the Venetians were

the crusade.’ requested to assist him with transport.* From 5 Humbert saw himself as a paladin. Leader- to 12 June, Humbert was still dining with the

ship of an anti-Turkish expedition appealed to pope and cardinals; the duke of Bourbon his religious nature. At the end of April, 1345, shared their repasts; beginning on 12 June he went to Avignon to bring personal pressure “fuerunt convivia per totam septimanam.” upon the Curia. The papal kitchen accounts Humbert celebrated the feast of SS. Peter and

—_—— Paul (29 June) in Avignon. He was still at the "J. de Valbonnays, Histoire de Dauphiné et des princes qui Curia through the week beginning on Monday, ont porte le nom de dauphins, particulierement de ceux dela 4 July through which period the papal kitchen

troisteme race, descendus des barons de la Tour-du-Pin, sous le , ; og

dernier desquels a été fait le transport de leurs états & la couronne WAS also feeding envoys from Venice.

de France, 2 vols., Geneva, 1721-22 [according to the title Humbert was free to embark on the crusade page vol. II was published in 1721], I, doc. ccvin, p. 507, as he might not have been a year before. He and see the Fragmenta quaedam desumpta ex antiquo codiceiam = was the last of his line. but in 1344 he had

diu desiderato, cut titulus inscribebatur Memorabilia Humberti finall rovided for. the succession to

Pilati, ibid., p. 623a, on Guillaume de Royn’s mission to y. p . .

Avignon “ut sibi [dalphino] daretur capitaneatus generalis Dauphine. After much discussion he had ceded

passagii pro eundo in Turquiam et, licet domino nostro the eventual title to his rich domains (in the papae et soe Of...ae- jules Gen ispliceret, ODUMNUIT. ay, Le rapeultra menmodum, et tés southeast of present-day France) to Philip VI’s affaires d’Orient (1342-1352), Panis, 1804, pp. 62-63, and 30” and successor John [II], then duke of Claude Faure, “Le Dauphin Humbert II a Venise et en Normandy, In the likely event that he should Orient (1345-—1347),” Mélanges d’archéologie et dhistoire, die without heirs. At the same time he had

XXVIT (1907), 511-12. ee

Humbert Pilat, fragments of whose Memorabilia are given ? K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter

at the end of Valbonnays’s second volume, was a notary Benedikt XII., Klemens VI. und Innocenz VI., Paderborn, 1914, and secretary of the dauphins of Viennois. As the Dauphin pp. 284.

Humbert prepared to set out for the East, he appointed his 5 E. Déprez, J. Glénisson, and G. Mollat, Clément VI friend Henri de Villars, archbishop of Lyon, de quo summe (1342-1352): Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se rapportant a

confidimus, his lieutenant and vicar-general in Dauphiné la France, vol. II, fasc. 3 (Paris, 1958), nos. 1747-50, p. 4 (Valbonnays, HI, docs. CCVI-VvII, CCXxVI, pp. 506-7, 513- (cited hereafter as Déprez, II, fasc. 3).

14), and at the same time “ordinamus esse et remanere *R. Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, 11 (Venice, 1878), cum dicto domino archiepiscopo locum-tenente magis- bk. Iv, no. 161, p. 146; Faure, “Le Dauphin Humbert II,” trum Humbertum Pilati secretarium .. .” (ibid., II, doc. pp. 516, 547. CCXXHI, p. 520b). Pilat died on 12 January, 1373. * Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 284. 195

196 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT scrupulously provided for the escheat of cer- probably the happiest days of Humbert’s life, tain rights to the Angevin crown of Naples, and_ full of “magna convivia,” and full of plans and

had sold the important castle of Visan to promises for the future. Clement VI, who had confirmed the general On 23 May, three days before he had cession to the royal house of France on 3 received the crusading banner, Humbert had August (1344).° After Humbert the title of leased four galleys from three skippers of dauphin was borne by the eldest son of the Marseille. Three of the galleys were to be new

French king for five centuries. and the fourth in good condition. Each would

In the time of Benedict XII, Humbert had carry 200 men and be properly armed and agreed to sell various feudal and allodial lands outfitted. The skippers would serve for four and castles to the Holy See for 150,000 florins, months (and longer if required); the cost of of which ten per cent was paid on 3 December, each armed galley would be 650 florins a 1338,’ and on the following Laetare Sunday (4 month. Humbert paid two months in advance, March, 1339) Benedict gave him the golden and the galleys were to be ready to sail the last rose.° Humbert appears in the records from week in July. The contract was witnessed in the time to time as a guest of the pope at Avignon.’ Franciscan convent.!? Humbert was to keep Clement VI awarded him the golden rose again with him at least 100 knights and squires for as

in March, 1343.1 When Humbert assumed long as the Church, Cyprus, the Hospital, and command of the crusade, Clement had a Venice were in league against the Turks, which jeweled scepter made for him," and when he would mean at least three years overseas."* took the cross as captain-general on 26 May Humbert imposed an annual levy of almost (1345), the feast of Corpus Domini, he received 50,000 florins upon the castellanies of from the pope’s own hands a silk banner Dauphiné to meet his expenses. Every knight emblazoned with the arms of the Church. He with three horses would be paid 12 florins a had it borne beside his own through the streets month, every squire with two horses seven of Avignon to the house which he had built florins, and Humbert was willing to enroll 200 near the Franciscan convent.’? These were in his service.4* The pope granted him various

— coveted spiritual privileges, some of them quite 6 Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1013, cols. 119-24; also fasc. 1, unusual, and was almost as generous to the nos. 546, 789, and fasc. 2, nos. 1034, 1101, 1121, 1171, dauphine Marie des Baux, who was going to 1177, 1187-89; Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 260-61. accompany her husband on the expedition. He Humbert also sold lands to Clement’s brother Guillaume d benef d oth . for hi Roger, viscount of Beaufort (Déprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. wante A benences an ou er concessions 10r Ns 1871-76, pp. 34-35). On Humbert’s lands and their Chaplains, clerks, physicians, and retainers; on disposition, see C. U. J. Chevalier, Choix de documents 1 August, 1345, the day before the scheduled

XXIII, XXXHI, pp. 67-89, 107 ff., and on the castle of Visan, : ,

note B. Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon, Paris, ions were p resented to the pope, who granted

1962, p. 137. them all. Humbert did not wish the great event 7 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 84-85, and cf. pp. 89, of his life to be lacking in proper splendor. He

261. is said to have had plate and jewelry melted Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 135. down to make crosses, escutcheons, and images ® Cf. Schafer, Ausgaben pp.the 92,poop 199. h d fofhihislley.16 10 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. (1914), 222. to adorn anddprow galley.” B But 1 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 314. if his preliminary arrangements tended toward 12 Valbonnays, Histoire de Dauphiné, II (1721), doc. CCXXI, display, his preparations seem to have been

Pp. 517-18, on une house whichFiat phamvert posh AVE reasonably thorough, gnon, note Fiumbert s Méemoraoiia, ibid., p. ,and anthe‘ .pope ; did everyFaure, “Le Dauphin Humbert II,” p. 513. The Bolognese thing he could to help him on his way.

Cronaca Varignana (Cod. 432 in the Bibl. Universitaria, 3 wt. .. Bologna) states that Clement VI sang the mass publicly in | Valbonnays, II, doc. Ccx, p. 510, and ¢f. J. de Petigny,

Avignon on the Feast of Pentecost [15 May, 1345], and Notice historique et biographique sur Jacques Brunier, confirmed the dauphin of Viennois as “duse e capitanio” of chancelier d’Humbert II, dauphin de Viennois,” Biball the Christians who wanted to go overseas and rewin the liotheque de Ecole des Chartes, 1 (1839-40), 274-75.

Holy Land from the “infidel Turks”: “El quale papa diede ™ Faure, “Le Dauphin Humbert II,” pp. 512-14, and ¢f.

al dicto Dalffino iii bandiere: in l'una era la figura de Deprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 1747-48, p. 4 (cited above), and Christo crucifisso, in I’ altra era la croce rossa nel campo the full text of no. 1747 in Valbonnays, II, doc. CcxI, p. biancho, in I’ altra era I’ arma del dicto papa” (Albano 9511. Sorbelli, ed., Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, in the new 15 Valbonnays, II, docs. ccIx, CcxIv, pp. 508-9, 512, and

Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. II [1910-38], pp. Faure, p. 514.

536-37). Although the western chroniclers provide pic- 16 Humbert Pilat’s Memorabilia in Valbonnays, H, 623a,

turesque detail, they also abound in inaccuracy. and Faure, pp. 514-16.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 197 On 18 July (1345) Clement directed the September with five galleys and a small ship, to vicelegate Francesco Michiel, archbishop of be welcomed by the archbishop, Jacopo da Crete, and the overseas commanders to receive §, Vittoria, and the clergy, and Giovanni Humbert with all due respect. Letters were sent Murta, the new doge, as well as the podesta, the on his behalf to the governments of Genoa, city council, and many citizens. Upon his arrival Pisa, Ancona, Perugia, Siena, and Florence, as_ jn Genoa, Humbert went to worship in the well as to the Visconti in Milan, the Scaligeriin§ church of S. Lorenzo, accompanied by _ his Verona, and the Pepoli in Bologna.*’ Since it mother, his wife, some ladies, and a number of

was planned that Humbert should cross Italy french nobles. He slept that night in the by land from Genoa, the hope was that he pominican convent, and left the city the next might pick up more recruits in northern Italy. day. The Genoese chronicler Giorgio Stella Crusades never started on time, and as the believed they were all going to Jerusalem, “to scheduled date of departure approached, jp. Holy Sepulcher.”3

Humbert expianed ae oon another Although through May and June, 1345, the

extended ae date anil © Sept a y assumin Venetian Senate more than once discussed the © ca epremer, 5 necessity of sending immediate help to the that Humbert would thus reach the agreed-on beleaguered crusaders at Smyrna. the V

rendezvous at Negroponte by18mid-November,a 0° °48 ; ; nyrna, te vene tians wanted as little disruption as possible of month later than had been planned.’® There their trade jn the Archipel They al

was talk at the Curia of arming ten more the ¢ ra - nit i POMPE aot, ; 4 a’so th galleys against the Turks.'® The Franciscans, Ale mare unt yb ‘cht pe cir old ues Ms ;

Dominicans, Augustinians, and Carmelites VL 9 alles hem®= t ao co. B ‘the Clemwere charged with preaching the crusade; ©" be to allow t hav to ‘ble putt ®. Louis those who responded in person or by contribu- "0W Peginning to have trouble with King Louis tions commensurate with their means would °f Hungary over Zara, which was prepanns for

receive the same indulgence as those trans- its seventh rebellion against S. Mark. Hum-

fretantes in Terre Sancte subsidium.”° bert of Viennois had informed Giustiniano

About two weeks before he sailed Humbert Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador at the received 5,000 florins, and his wife Marie Curia Romana, that he planned to go eastward

1,000, from the tithes collected for the via Venice; the ambassador had of course

crusade.*1_ From Marseille on 2 September promptly notified the Senate, which replied on

(1345) Humbert sent the castellan of Oulx a 5 July that conditions in the East required quittance for 130 florins to buy clothes and Humbert to speed his passage. He would waste Jewels for a young lady about to be married.” On the following day he set sail in. tella, the galley 23 Stella. Annales 4 1345. in RISS. Annales genuenses, ad ann. , in XVII ; Sancta Crux for Genoa, where he arrived on 14 (Milan, 1730), cols. 1085E_1086A.

24 Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 23, fols. 3 ff., 12, 14", 18", 19-20", 23"—-24" ff.; H. Kretschmayr, Gesch.

7 Déprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 1837~—38, p. 20, and cf. no. von Venedig, II (Gotha, 1920, repr. 1964), 196-99, on the 1861, p. 32, and E. Déprez and G. Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres seventh revolt of Zara (in 1345-1346). On 27 April, 1344, closes, patentes et curiales intéressant les pays autres que la France, Clement VI had granted the Venetians a license to send

I, fasc. 1 (1960), nos. 714-15, p. 89, also dated 18 July, six galleys and four other ships to Alexandria and other

1345. lands subject to the soldan of Egypt once every five years

%* Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres... se rapportant a la provided they did not trade in slaves and military conFrance, Ul, fasc. 3, no. 1846, pp. 27-28, and Faure, pp. traband (G. M. Thomas, ed., Diplomatarium veneto-

549-50. levantinum, I [Venice, 1880, repr. New York, 1965], no. 1° Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 1847, p. 28, dated 26 July, 1345. 144, p. 277; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. Iv, no.

Various concessions were granted to Robert of S. Severino, 122, p. 137). However, in a letter of 5 July, 1345, to count of Corigliano, who proposed to lead the ten galleys | Giustiniano Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador in Avi(Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant les gnon, the Senate requested some modification of the “gratia pays autres que la France, I, fasc. 1, nos. 725-29, 734-35, nobis facta per dominum papam de quattuor navibus et sex 739-41, pp. 90-92). Nothing came of these plans. Robert _ galeis” (Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 22°, and see the Regesti dei got caught up in the defense of the Neapolitan kingdom Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 172, p. 149; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-

against the troops of King Louis of Hungary. levant., I, no. 162, pp. 306-7). On provision being made in 20 Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres . . . se rapportant a la _ the Senate for the Aegean trade, cf. F. Thiriet, Régestes des

France, I, fasc. 3, nos. 1855-56, pp. 29-31. deliberations du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, 1 (Paris,

1 Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 1906, p. 39. 1958), no. 178, p. 57, dated 3—4 June, 1345, and nos. 179, 72 J. Roman, “Charte de départ du dauphin Humbert II,” —_183, and on western relations with Egypt, where conditions

Archives de UOrient latin, I (1881, repr. 1964), 537-38, were very unsettled, see Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les publishes the text with a rather inaccurate foreword. affaires d’ Orient, pp. 82-86.

198 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT time in coming to the lagoon; besides, there The Venetians had promised to provide a

were no ships in Venice to put at his disposal.” fourth part of the armada, which of course But Humbert sent one Nicholas d’Astribort they had done, but Clement pointed out that

as an ambassador to Venice to request galeae de after all the crusade was very much a Venetian

gardia from Brindisi to Glarentza and to in- concern (as Giustinian wrote home, negocium quire about the cost of transporting horses principaliter tangebat nos) because of their large from Brindisi to Smyrna. At the time d’As- holdings in the Levant. Clement wanted the Sentribort set out, Humbert still expected to be in ate also to provide a contingent of horse for the the area of Brindisi by the end of September. coming expedition, and stated that “it was The Senate replied on 2 August, agreeing to never his intention to make himself the chief of use galleys of the Gulf to convey him and his these operations [caput in predictis] but only to “harness” as far as Glarentza. As for the horses, pe a helpful partner, and that he had decided it would cost nine or ten ducats ae Th (0 to exchange two of his galleys and two of the transport them from Brindisi to Smysna. i ©Y Hospitallers’ for horsemen, and given the fact would require ships inaues) . v and: the e “ys that this reduction was being made in his and

Orcs ~ rs Sen at too nest rs on Ham the other galleys, it was his opinion that no

See ee eee eee eee eee alteration or exchange should be made in our bert’s coming to Venice, with i ; than ; : Venetian galleys, buttransport since theythe wereinevitable more effective demands upon (which was : . thethe others in thethere said service, allegedly not available in city), is nothey ; enter:should ; ; “aa remain continuously in the aforesaid evidence that the Republic was unwilling to rise.” On 25 Tuly a resolution of the Senate

assume her fair share of the costs and risks of P"S*: ded 2 yak d d

continuing the offensive against the Turks. Landline © ; ee anal ho Venice

The growing pressure from Hungary, a pro- “@nd'ng of the pope's proposal that Venice jected expedition against Zara, and the desire furnish cavalry In addition to galleys, and to advance the Republic’s commercial interests instructed him to say “that God knows, and in Alexandria were doubtless serious distrac- nothing is hidden from Him, and his Holiness tions; moreover, a recent report from Giustin- can fully understand, that the commitment

ian may have made the Senate wonder [oblatio|] we made in this sacred undertaking whether Clement and the Curia were not was appropriate and of large scope: in making themselves beginning to moderate their en- it we had regard solely for the honor of God’s thusiasm for further large investments in the name and of holy Mother Church—for a

26 1 .

crusade. bulwark and defense, protection and preservaGiustinian had written the Senate of an tion of the souls of the faithful in the East [de

audience he had had with Clement about the jjj;; partibus] who were being drawn to perdibeginning of July, 1345. They spoke atlength of tion with every passing day.” their respective commitments to the crusade.

P The Senate had not been deterred by the

25 Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 22" (the letter alluded to in the heavy weight of this commitment, and did not preceding note), and Faure, p. 517. Cf. Predelli, Regesti dei intend to be now. The Venetians were firmly

Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 168, p. 148. resolved to stand by the promises they had Faure, pp. 517-18, 550-52, with texts from the jade, “But we thoroughly believe that the Commemoriali, Reg. 4, fol. 87° (cf Thomas, Dipl. ven.- b £ call ws 3 fGicient levant., 1, no. 159, p. 300; Predelli, Regesti det Commem., II, number of galleys as it 1s at presen 1S SU cien bk. Iv, no. 183, p. 151), and Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 30‘, and for the present, and also effective and essential,

note the proposed instructions of 26 September to the and should not in any way be diminished.” captain of the Gulf (in the Misti, iid., fols. 35°30) Certainly soldiers were necessary to attack the . . . quod ob reverenciam Dei et honorem nostri dominii land: gall . h d th complaceretur domino dalfino Viennensi, capitaneo gen- Turks on Jand, galleys running here an there erali ecclesie sancte Dei contra Turcos, videlicet quod galee did the same thing in the Aegean. If the pope

nostre Culfi vel illa pars que dominio videretur esse[nt] wanted to substitute horsemen for the four associando eum et gentes suas, etc., sicut in dicta parte galleys in question, Giustinian was to tell him plenius continetur,” but the orders which Faure, p. 519, that whatever he wished was agreeable to describes as having been given to the captain of the Gulf Venice, but if he reverted to the proposal that were never actually sent since the annotation “non wWenice supply a subsidium equitum Giustinian

apud Brundusium circa finem mensis Septembris pro . . rer ‘

scribatur” appears twice in the left margin, where the cross } . , (which signifies that a senatorial resolution was put into Was to extricate himself honestis verbis, present effect) is also lacking. the Republic as always prepared to stand by her

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 199 promises as she had done in the past, press for murder to go unpunished. Humbert had close the requested modifications of the Alexandrian ties with both Hungary and Naples. On 7 trading concessions, and seek confirmation of October Clement VI wrote him, urging him to

the anti-Turkish league in its current form. continue in his divinely appointed task, and

When Gluustinian had done all this cum nostro requested Hugh of Geneva, his close friend

honore, he was to return to Venice.”? and companion in arms, also to give him some The suggestion that the pope substitute (doubtless needed) words of encouragement.*?

horsemen for galleys originated in Humbert’s With the eyes of all Europe upon him, suite. Knights felt more comfortable in the Humbert did continue. According to the saddle than on deck. There was, however, a Bolognese Cronaca Varignana, he entered Florcontinued exchange of amenities between Ven- ence with 400 horsemen and fifty women. On ice and Humbert, who by an order dated at Monday, 10 October, he arrived at Bologna, Avignon on 21 July (1345) directed all his where he was received with honor by Taddeo

subjects to render the Venetian ambassador de’ Pepoli, lord of the city, who provided

Giustinian or any other agent of the Republic quarters for him at the Dominican church, and whatever services might be requested of them.” paid his expenses during the several days he On 8 August the Senate passed a resolution spent in Bologna. Humbert knighted two of granting to an envoy of the dauphin a license Taddeo’s sons, Giacomo and Giovanni, who in to travel eastward with a small suite in the their turn knighted twenty-one or twenty-two Alexandrian galleys “since he says that he has other young Bolognese on 16 October. The permission from the lord pope,” and on 12 ceremonies were followed by a great feast, after September the dauphin received the privilege which Humbert left for Ferrara, accompanied of Venetian citizenship with full enjoyment of by Giovanni de’Pepoli. Now Obizzo d’Este,

all the rights of a member of the Venetian lord of Ferrara, recetved him with “grandisnobility.” The Senate, however, did not want simo honore,” gave him three handsome horses Humbert to come to Venice.** They may have ——__ feared that he would repeat the papal request _ * Déprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 2027-28, pp. 61-62. Hugh of for cavalry to serve at Smyrna; he would Geneva was the most conspicuous member of Humbert’s

resumablv r t additi lt ? d suite (Chevalier, Docs. sur le Dauphiné [1874], no. xxIx, pp.

Pp . y eques additiona: transport, ale 99-100, and Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 47°). Popular rumor made very likely they did not want members of his Joanna a party to her husband’s murder, and everyone suite to learn the extent of the Republic’s expected King Louis of Hungary to seek vengeance. The

preparations against Zara. best account of the murder, the shock it caused in Avignon, Nevertheless, Humbert made his way to the accusations which Lows made against Joanna, her sister

Venice. He left Genoa on 15;Sept b d Maria, an the princes of Durazzo an Taranto, as well as ptember, and = the Hungarian invasion of Naples [events occurring from probably landed at Porto Pisano, whence he September, 1345, to the end of July, 1348] may be found in proceeded up the Arno valley to Florence. Emile G. Léonard, Histoire de Jeanne I'¢, reine de Naples, Giovanni Villani says that Humbert passed comtesse de Provence (1343-1382) [the first two volumes

through hi mOF f comprise La1932-37, JeunesseI, de Jeanneand I'],I,31-143. vols., From Monaco and aan Florence WHA Ais“with company Men- paris, 465-712, Aversa at-arms in the pay of the Church . . . at the on 22 September, 1345, Joanna sent the Florentine govbeginning of the month of October, 1345.32 At ernment a brief but detailed description of Andrew's some point he learned of the still mysterious murder, “infandum scelus, sceleste nephas, piaculare murder (at Aversa on the night of 18-19 flagitium Deo abominabile mundoque orrendum” (for the Septemb fHoO heungary, fi text, the seeNrst Gusztav Wenzel, ed., Magyar diplomacziat in eptem er)fOAnd harew Monumenta Hungariae historica, Acta extera, emlékek, II [Budapest, husband of Queen Joanna I of Naples. He was 1875], no. 90, pp. 97-98, and cf. nos. 92, 93 [letter of so shocked by the news that he appears to have Clement VI to Louis the Great of Hungary, dated 29 thought of abandoning the crusade, in view of September, 1345, showing how fast the news reached the likely political repercussions in Italy, for aygnonl 96, 118 ff, 124, 132, 137, 141, 162, 173, and 218 Louis the Great would not allow his brother’s —_ On 14 March, 1346, Clement VI declined to concede the

Wee Un kingdom of “Sicily” (Naples) to the insistent Louis of ; Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 28°. Hungary and his brother Stephen (Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. ‘ Predelli, Regesti det Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 168, p. 148. - 9363, p. 125, and ef. no. 2478 bis, p. 148). The situation

* Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 31°. seemed especially perilous since Edward III of England

° Regestt det Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 173, p. 149; and Ludwig of Bavaria had declared themselves ready to

Valbonnays, II, doc. CCXxv, p. 526. support Louis. Joanna fled from Naples (to take refuge in

*! Faure, pp. 519-20. her county of Provence) on 15 January, 1348, and Louis

32 Giov. Villani, Cronica, 8 vols., Florence, 1823, bk. xu, entered the city on the twenty-third (Léonard, op. cit., II, chap. 39, in vol. VII, p. 104. 26-45).

200 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in scarlet caparisons, “and to his wife he gave a_ of the Christian league “as well as for the chessboard, all of silver gilt, and on the next suppression of the Agarene wickedness,” and day the said dauphin went on to Venice.”* for the preservation of the faith, the increase of

Humbert of Viennois arrived in Venice on the faithful, and the security of Venetian 24 October, stating that he wished to arrange subjects in the Levant. His excellency and all for “his speedy transit to Romania;” on the the world could see the zeal and ardor which following day the Senate provided for the Venice brought to the Christian cause. She had election of five sapientes to confer with him on always believed that the crusade would succeed.

the crusade. Giustinian had returned from Now her citizens hoped that Christ would aid Avignon, and is listed first among the five the dauphin in the provident command of his chosen.** On the twenty-sixth the sapientes re- army. Venice was prepared, if the pope so ported back to the Senate that Humbert was wished, to extend the anti-Turkish league most anxious to start his voyage eastward (unio) for another two or three years. Apparbefore the onset of winter. The ‘Senate now ently reverting to the problem of transporting agreed to arm “with all expedition” two galleys horses and equipment, the Senate also stated to accompany the dauphin and his forces to that some of the Venetian and allied galleys Glarentza. Thereafter these two galleys would might be opened at the stern if this procedure return to assist the Venetian army at Zara; in seemed necessary. They would send along with

the meantime the captain of the Gulf would him a captain and four other nobles, with

send two galleys to remain with the army until whom Humbert might take counsel with full Ha, ben of re galleys which were to nda confidence’ (and who could watch over the state

6 umbert to “fe he tre Humbert wanted a galleys). The crusading army should not lack rm price set for the transport of 400 horses food. The dauphin would do well to find horces cy nn which the Senate repued that provisions in the Regno and the “duchy,” in the orses could go in unarmed vessels belonging area of Foggia, and in the “empire of to private shippers. The state could not set Romania.” Venice produced no grain in her prices for the use of vessels belonging to territories, and had to import it in large individuals, but the Senate would help him find a rice.** The Senate hoped for the full success whatever was proper and possible, so that

: quantities, Senate ready to do suitable transportbut for the the horses at awas reasonable price. P Humbert’s army should have victualia, and they

—__ would so inform the captain whom they were 34 Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, in the new Muratori, sending with Humbert.” RISS, XV, pt. Cronaca I. an I] oonmampona ashy PP. 537od. oe The In Venice Dauphin. .Humbert o1ognese In the Bibl. the Univer° ° ‘is almost °

sitaria, Bologna) says that Humbert arrived in Bologna on immediately displayed the m decision which was 10 October, was lodged at the episcopal palace (et desposd in tO mark his performance in the Levant. Now vescoado), and on 16 October knighted the young Pepoli at that the Senate had armed and placed at his the altar of S. Niccolé in the Dominican church. It also disposal two galleys, he sent Archbishop Philip feno cavalieri xxida Bologna” (RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. II, pp. of Mytilene into the chamb er to ask whether it 531, 533, Cron. A). The facts in the Rampona correspond to would not be better for him to go eastward by those given in the Cron. Villola (ihid., pp: 533, 535-36). The way of Hungary. He may have thought he Cron. Bolognetti also places the knighting of the young could add some Hungarians to his forces, and

states that “li predicti misser Iacomo et misser Zohanne si . . ° : Bolognese on 16 October (ibid., p. 536). The Chronicon blv h nted to kn t first hand

Estense, ad ann. 1345, in RISS, XV (1729), col. 424D, states Presumably he wanted to know a a that the young Pepoli knighted twenty-two companions something of King Louis’s plans to avenge “die Mercurii XV mensis Octobris de nocte,” but 15 Andrew’s death. Both Humbert’s interests and October fell on a Saturday in 1345. When Humbert those of his wife Marie, daughter of Bertrand reached Venice there were apparently 305 persons in his des Baux. count of Montescaglioso in the

suite, including knights, religious, squires, ladies, and eae ? . 8 FF servitors of various kinds, all described as comedentes aut Basilicata, would be most seriously affected by a

librati in hospicio dalphinali in Venetiis, and listed in Chevalier,

Docs. sur le Dauphiné, no. Xxvill, pp. 96-99, and cf. Faure, ———--——_

pp. 524-26. 37 Faure, pp. 523-24, 554-56, with text of the Misti, Reg.

35 Faure, pp. 523, 553, with text of the Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 23, fol. 40°. In line with the Senate’s suggestion, the pope 39. extended the duration of the league and the anti-Turkish 36 Agents of the dauphin had been buying horses in _ tithes for two years on 12 December, 1345 (Predelli, Regesti

Treviso (Chevalier, Docs. sur le Dauphiné, no. XXVH, pp. dei Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 182, p. 151, and Déprez, II,

95-96). fasc. 3, nos. 2203-6, pp. 91-92).

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 201 Hungarian invasion of the Neapolitan king- martyrdom, because we cannot resist them.” dom.** On 3 November (1345) the Senate But as the Christians despaired of victory, reminded the archbishop of Mytilene that awaiting death with tears and lamentations, a Humbert had asked them to help speed his mysterious figure suddenly appeared amongst passage to the Levant; going by way of Hun- them. He rode a white horse, and carried a gary would entail excessive tarditas et impedimen-__ white banner with a red cross. Clad in camel’s

tum; “nevertheless he is a sage prince, and can _ hair, he had a long, thin face and a flowing

act and arrange his affairs as seems best to beard. “O fideles, nolite timere ... ,” he

him.”*9 called to them: “Surgite . . . et viriliter ad Humbert sailed on or about 12 November, pugnam mecum venite! . . .” The Christians

when the Senate wrote Marino Grimani, cap- responded as though they had not been tain of the Gulf, to send to the army at Zara fighting at all. They rushed at the Turks; the

two heavily armed galleys which should remain oncoming darkness was stayed; “and thus by “until the return of the other two galleys which divine aid we obtained victory in the battle.” are bearing the lord dauphin on his way.”*° The Christians celebrated a mass of thanksgiv-

Clement VI had followed Humbert’s rather ing, and the celestial apparition told them, slow progress, and on 15 November he reluc- “You have gained what you sought, and you tantly acceded to the further “prorogation” of will win greater victories than this if you remain Humbert’s arrival at Negroponte until Christ- steadfast in faith.” When they asked him who

mas.*! he was, he replied, “I am he who said, ‘Ecce

Some time during this period a wondrous agnus Dei. . .’.” Then he disappeared as the account of a Christian victory over the Turks sweetest odor suffused the atmosphere. The spread through parts of Italy and France. Men Christians suddenly found themselves incredibelieved in miracles, and tall tales were told in bly refreshed without either food or drink; taverns and hostelries, ports and villages. A melodious voices filled the heavens; and at Latin letter vaguely dated 1345, purportedly length they set about burying all the dead they written by Hugh IV of Cyprus to Joanna I of could find, of whom 70,000 were Turks. AcSicily (Naples), recounts the details of an cording to a contemporary French version of extraordinary battle which took place on 24 this letter, 73,000 Turks were killed in this June when “we were gathered in a plain marvelous battle, and 3,052 Christians.*? The between Smyrna and Altoluogo, and the Turks mysterious figure who had converted defeat had 1,200,000 warriors, and we only 200,000.” into victory was of course S. John the Baptist. Once begun, the battle lasted until evening. The Latin text is well written, concise, draThe outnumbered Christians became so matic, edifying; possibly intended for preachers

exhausted they could fight no longer, “and ——_

prostrate we expected to receive the palm of **N. Iorga, “Une Lettre apocryphe sur la bataille de

. sat1 ; 1 ’ —Ol, wippe E21eT eS _ é

martyrdom.” As the bloodthirsty Turks ad- 1900, eee te Orient bi 1327-1408) repr. vanced against them, the Christians raised their croisade au XIV® siécle, Parl, 1896, pp. 51-56, who believes voices to heaven in prayer, beseeching Christ to that there is a basis of fact in the spurious letter, which P. grant them strength of faith and heart “that in Lemerle doubts (L’Emirat d’Aydin, Byzance et VOccident: thy name we may be able to obtain the boon of Recherches sur “La Geste d’Umur Pacha,” Paris, 1957, p. 196, note 1). If any such engagement took place “between

——_————_— Smyrna and Altoluogo,” it was unimportant enough to ** On Bertrand des Baux, who is to be distinguished from _ escape our more reliable sources. Altoluogo is Ephesus, the

the vicar-general of Achaea of the same name, see city being named from the Church of S. John (‘‘Ayws

Léonard, La Jeunesse de Jeanne I'*, I, 30-32, 337-38, ’Iwdvvys or “'Aytos Oeoddyos, whence such an Italian form 566-67, 582 ff., et alibi. In 1309 Bertrand had married as Aitolocoand the Turkish Ayasoluk), on which note I. Beatrice (d. 1321), one of the daughters of King Charles II Mélikoff-Sayar, Le Destan d’Umir Pacha, Paris, 1954, p. 39, of Naples; Beatrice was the mother of Marie des Baux, who note 2, and Leontius Machaeras, Recital concerning the

had married Humbert in October, 1332. Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled ‘Chronicle,’ ed. and trans. * Faure, pp. 526, 557, with text of the Misti, Reg. 23, fol. R. M. Dawkins, 2 vols., Oxford, 1932, II, 113—14. For the

40", dated 3 November. French version of the letter, see Jules Michelet, Histoire de

Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 40°, dated 12 November: “. . . que France, III (1837), 190-92, on which note J. de Pétigny, due galee stent ad dictum exercitum [contra Jadram] usque “Notice . . . sur Jacques: Brunier .. . ,” Bibliotheque de

ad reditum aliarum duarum galearum que portantdominum __[’Ecole des Chartes, 1 (1839-40), 276-78, who believes that

delfinum.” the battle took place although the numbers of combatants

p- 82. ) ridicule.”

“! Faure, pp. 526, 557-58; Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2149, and casualties given in the letter are “d’une exagération

202 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of the crusade, it seems clearly to be propaganda Venice during the weeks and months that to aid in the recruitment of volunteers for followed Humbert’s departure from the city. service overseas. After all, S. John had prom- The Senate passed resolutions to arm three ised (quite truly, as the account makes clear) galleys, appoint commanders, and recruit men that few would die in the battle, and those who for service overseas. They concerned themdid would obtain life eternal; he also promised selves with the Alexandrian trade, and even that still greater victories lay ahead if only tried (quite unsuccessfully) to reconcile the Christian warriors remained steadfast in their spirited marchioness of Boudonitza, Guglielma

faith.* Pallavicini, with her Venetian husband Niccolo The credulous chronicler of Pistoia had also I Giorgio, in which connection they appealed to read the letter—or heard a preacher read it— Humbert for assistance (on 24 January, 1346).*” and he improved upon the story, increasing the The pope wrote him “that Saracens, Tatars, number of Turkish dead to 700,000, adding and other infidels, enemies of the cross and the that “after this very many Christians from all name Christian, in a large and hostile gathering

Italy were moved to go and fight for the faith at Caffa, ... have laid siege to the city by

against the Turks.”** And well they might, but land on all sides,” and requested him to aid the the Christians had the further assurance of Genoese galleys defending Caffa if he could do “molti miracoli . . . in quello tempo,” one of so without jeopardizing the crusade, by which which especially impressed the chronicler. In the pope presumably meant the extension of the city of L’Aquila or just outside there was a_ the Smyrniote beachhead.”

little church, and one day the Virgin herself Clement did not reduce the number of papal appeared upon the altar, holding the Child and _ galleys to be employed against the Turks, carrying a cross. Everyone flocked to the because (as we shall see) Humbert had decided church. She remained above the altar until the that he preferred galleys to horsemen after all. third hour, more resplendent and more beauti- Presumably the Venetians changed his mind. ful than the sun. “And know that all the On 21 January, 1346, Clement gave a detailed children who were born that day in L’Aquila financial quittance to officials of the Hospital had the imprint of a little cross upon the right for 25,600 florins which the Apostolic Camera shoulder. Hence, because of this miracle, many had provided for the maintenance of his four Aquilani and others of the countryside took the _galleys.*” Although Clement had looked with cross and went to fight against the infidels.’** = disfavor upon his Genoese captain, the late Martino Zaccaria, he had put the latter’s son

Humbert of Viennois finally reached the Centurione in command of a galley. Cencrusading rendezvous at Negroponte about turione figures prominently in the cameral Christmas, 1345. He was well received by the accounts. On 17 June (1346) the Camera paid Venetian colony, which presented him with a him and one Raymond Marquesan of Nice each gift of 200 gold ducats. Months later the Senate 3,200 florins for expenses for four months, “in

decided that the sum should be covered by an which they are to serve the pope and the assessment which the bailie should impose ——-—-——

upon the burgesses and others in the commu-_ colectam et getum communiter imponendum inter comnity.*° There was no neglect of eastern affairs in = ™unitatem, burgenses et alios de Nigroponte . . . , et hoc

scribatur domino baiulo Nigropontis quod predictam faciat —______— inviolabiliter observari.” 3 Torga, ROL, III, 29, 30: “. . . pauci qui morientur ex 47 Misti, Reg. 23, fols. 41", 42", 43°, 44”, 46, 50°; Thiriet,

vobis vitam eternam obtinebunt . . . , et majora hiis impe- Régestes, I (1958), nos. 181, 188, 193, pp. 57 ff. On the

trabitis si in fide perstiteritis.” Marchioness Guglielma’s contest with her husband Niccolo

44 Storie pistoresi, 130, ed. S. A. Barbi, in the new Giorgio, see Wm. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, CamMuratori, RISS, XI, pt. 5 (1907-27), pp. 215-16, where bridge, 1921, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 251-53, 258the number of Christian dead is given as 3,053 rather than 61, with texts from the Misti, Regg. 16, 23-24. The appeal

3,052! to Humbert to intercede with the marchioness is noted in 45 Ibid., RISS, X1-5, p. 214. There is an absurdly exagger- the Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 46’, and cf. Miller, “A Lady of ated account of the popular response to the crusade in the Thermopylae,” Estudis Universitaris Catalans, XXI (1936),

Historiae romanae fragmenta, I, 13, in L. A. Muratori, 399-403. Antiquitates italicae, III (1740, repr. 1965), col. 369. 48 Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2216, p. 94, dated at Avignon

46 Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 53", dated 6 July, 1346: “. . . Con- on 18 December, 1345. sulunt concorditer sapientes quod dicti ducati auri ducen- 49 Déprez, Il, fasc. 3, no. 2281, pp. 104—5. Apparently tum de quibus communitas Nigropontis fecit exonium [i.e. 50,000 ducats had been deposited to Humbert’s account in donum] dicto domino delphyno debeant exigi et solvi per Venice (ibid., nos. 2282-85, and esp. nos. 2286 and 2548).

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 203 Roman Church with two galleys as ordered by there from time to time (apparently too often

the pope against the Turks in the region of in the pope’s opinion), and had therefore not Smyrna,” making the obvious total of 6,400 rendered the servitium debitum called for by the florins. (Nevertheless, as we shall see presently, contracts which the skippers (patront) had made Clement intended to keep four galleys in the with the Holy See. Since one could not reckon Aegean.) Centurione was then pressing the in advance the future periods of actual service, Camera for the further sum of 1,200 florins the Curia was arranging to send to the Hospital

which he claimed was still due his father in at Rhodes 16,000 gold florins (the prior of

unpaid salary, Navarre was acting as papal paymaster), and Clement wanted certain persons delegated to

and because the . . . pope had often sent large k n eve on the gallevs and send secreta

sums of money to the master of the Hospital... to . cep an yh C Baey h id pay the stipends and salary of the said galleys informatio to the Camera, so that payment cou

and captain, he did not know whether or not be made to correspond with service. Clement the . . . lord Martino had been paid. And while it also stated that he was sending copies of the was also stated that the . . . galleys had not been contracts recently made with Centurione and armed according to the agreements made with the Raymond as well as those made with the patroni

pope, as is clear from public documents, the pope, of the “four old galleys,” so that Dieudonné wishing nevertheless to deal graciously with the said and the officials of the Hospital might be fully centurione, ae had ne sum deposited (until Car informed concerning all relevant detail.*"

lication could be had concerning this matter) with Zaccaria and Marquesan had already been

Giacomino da Sarsana . . . and Luchino Peregrini, id 6.400 florins. The 1 d Id

merchants of Genoa, on 2 May, 1346, [and] today pa ? 40 q S. f pap Ps Wh ron wou [on 19 June] by order of the pope the said sum has C©°SE 38, 0 orins for a tu year's Service,

been assigned in payment to the same Centurione, | but according to the exitus accounts on 30

ee June (1346) the Camera had paid out to the

who thus received another 1,200 florins. prior of Navarre, Garin de Chateauneuf, and On 19 August (1346) Clement VI wrote two of his confréres the sum of 10,400 florins,

Dieudonne de Gozon, who had recently suc- and on 9 September it made available to Garin ceeded Helion de Villeneuve as master of the the further sum of 48,000 florins on assignHospital, that he was sending Centurione Zac-_ ment to Dieudonné in Rhodes for disbursecaria and Raymond Marquesan of Nice into the ment to the patroni of the four papal galleys. Aegean with two galleys to take the place of the If these financial gyrations are hard to follow, two least seaworthy of the “four old galleys” they are summed up in a letter of quittance (which he had sent on the Smyrniote expedi- which Clement issued on 17 September (1346) tion). The papal squadron would still consist of to the papal treasurer, the Benedictine Etienne

four galleys. Zaccaria and Marquesan were (Cambarou, then bishop of S. Pons de

each to receive 800 florins a month as stipendia = Thomiéres in southern France: payments to for their galleys, and inasmuch as Clement was Marquesan and Centurione Zaccaria, 6,400; providing for a full year’s service, each was to arrears of Martino Zaccaria’s salary, paid to

receive a further 6,400 florins, making a total Centurione, 1,200; to Garin de Chateauneuf of 12,800 for their two galleys for eight more and two Hospitallers, 10,400; again to Garin, months. Since payment was made for the other 48,000; to Bishop Antonio de’Aribandi of two galleys, “which will be retained,” at the Gaeta and Giovanni Scarlatto, bishop-elect of same rate, they would cost 19,200 florins, Coron, for missionary work in Armenia, 1,000; amounting in all (as Clement states) to 32,000

florins. Payments would begin when the galleys ———————

left port. The Curia had learned, however, —™ Déprez, I, fasc. 3, no. 2752, pp. 227-28, and cf. no. from trustworthy sources that the “four old 2742. Similar letters were sent to Humbert and Archbishop

” . . . Francesco Michiel of Crete, the papal vicelegate.

galleys” had not been kept in continuous service, _& schifer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 322. The pope had trouble

because they had put into port and remained getting Marquesan and Zaccaria to live up to the terms of their contract and to provide two galleys fit for service in

——___—___ the Levant (Déprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 2835-38, pp. 250-51,

*° Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 321-22. As will be clear dated 24 September, 1346, and see below, p. 208a). Garin to anyone accustomed to reading papal documents, Schafer de Chateauneuf was later accused, unjustly according to substitutes the word papa almost everywhere in his tran- Clement VI (Déprez, ibid., no. 2889, p. 259), of trying to scriptions for dominus noster, which in the cameral accounts. prevent by bribery the election of Dieudonné de Gozon as as elsewhere is the common form of reference to the pontiff. master of the Hospital.

204 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and to two Armenian envoys who had come to to transport not more than fifty men “with light

the Curia, 300—making a grand total of harness [levibus arnesiis] . . . in our galleys of 67,300 florins expended on eastern affairs in the league;” two of the dauphin’s chaplains the three months from 17 June to 17 Sep- were to go with them; and so was “a certain tember.** Whatever dictum be rendered on the official of the lord duke of Athens with

reign of Clement VI it is clear that he gave ... one servant and light harness,” who much attention to eastern affairs, and spent would be let off somewhere in Greece, as the

large sums on the anti-Turkish offensive. He captain thought best.*” The duke of Athens was had already instructed Archbishop Henri de of course Gautier de Brienne, who was probaVillars of Lyon and Bishop Jean de Chissey of bly sending an emissary to his retainers in Grenoble that they could receive from all and Argos and Nauplia. singly in Dauphiné, clerics and laymen, goods ~— While the French and English were much fraudulently acquired (bona male ablata) and distracted by the beginning of the Hundred absolve from the charge of peculation (ab reatu) Years’ War, the Italians were anxious for news

those who would restore such goods, which of Humbert’s crusade. When facts were not were to be applied to Humbert’s crusade forthcoming, the chronicler of Pistoia appar-

against the Turks. ently adapted rumor to his purpose, relating As Humbert continued his preparations at that, upon leaving Venice, Humbert had pro-

Negroponte, the war between France and Eng- ceeded to Mytilene, “eighteen miles from Turland burst into fury. Clement VI wrote him on key.” He mustered his forces on the island, 7 February, 1346, congratulating him that asa 9 300 foot and 70 horse, and remained there

crusader in the Levant he was winning an for fifteen days, whereupon 1,500 Turks deeternal reward as well as the praise of Chris- scended upon him in 26 ships. They offered tendom, and not shedding Christian blood “as combat, which the dauphin accepted. The you would have had to do and would now have’ Turks disembarked, the dauphin defeated to do if you were on this side of the water.” them and burned their ships, “and the field Clement stated that he was extending the remained to the dauphin and to his Christians.”

crusading subsidy from three years to five, and The Turkish leader (lo barone Mitaometto) was

was attending as best he could to certain captured, and offered his weight in silver as a matters of importance to Humbert in France.” ransom. Humbert is said to have refused the On the fifteenth Clement dispatched letters to ransom, and insisted upon the conversion to the governments of Genoa, Pisa, Ancona, Christianity of both the leader and the other Perugia, Siena, and Florence, as well as to captives, who declined to save their lives by the Alberto and Mastino della Scala of Verona, sacrifice of their faith. Humbert then had Giovanni and Luchino Visconti of Milan, Tad- “Mitaometto” and 150 other Turks shot by deo de’ Pepoli of Bologna, and others, asking bowmen. The chronicler adds that 100 men them to send assistance to Humbert in his from the region of Pistoia had fought in the overseas enterprise.*° A few days later (on the battle of Mytilene under the command of one nineteenth) the Venetian Senate granted the Federico Cancellieri, who flew the checkered

dauphin’s friend Hugh of Geneva permission banner of the commune, and that in the

eighteen months preceding 10 February, 1346

~ Déprez, IL.tasc. fase. 309 44-45. (presumably the date of battle of six Mytilene), eprez, Il, 3, 3no. 2809, pp. Th 2 * ..one text 8 the Christians hadthe taken over towns in

also given in Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 323, note, where . . 58 . it is misdated 17 October. On the Armenian missionaries, Turkey, including of course Smyrna. It is

whom the pope commended to the Dauphin Humbert, note Déprez, zbid., nos. 2777-79, p. 239, dated 3 September, §=———————

1346, and Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . in- ‘7 Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 47°; C. Faure, “Le Dauphin

téressant les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 1 (1960), nos. HumbertII .. . ,” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, XXVII

1177-97, 1199-1201, pp. 149-52. (1907), 528. Humbert received other recruits from the *4 Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres . . . se rapportant a la West (Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres . . . se rapportant a la

France, II, fasc. 3, nos. 2333-34, p. 120, dated 26 February, France, II, fasc. 3, no. 2329, p. 118).

1346. Henri de Villars was Humbert’s lieutenant in 58 Storie pistoresi, 135, in the new Muratori, RISS, XI-5,

Dauphiné during his absence on the crusade (Chevalier, Docs. | pp. 219-20. Faure, p. 529, sees no reason to doubt the

sur le Dauphiné [1874], p. 115, note 1). veracity of the chronicler, but would put the battle of ° Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2305, pp. 109-10. Mytilene at the end of March, 1346. Lemerle, L’Emirat

6 Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant les pays d’Aydin (1957), pp. 195-96, rightly rejects the account as autres que la France, I, fasc. 1 (1960), no. 911, p. 116. “bizarre.”

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 205 hard to believe anything in this account. Such a__ transport of money and even letters had bevictory would never have escaped mention in come a serious problem in Avignon: the failure Clement VI’s correspondence, nor would the of the Florentine banking houses between 1343 hundred Pistolesi serving in Humbert’s army. and 1346 had brought an end to the transfer-

Humbert sent a number of messengers to ence of funds by bills of exchange). Next

Avignon,*® for he frequently needed advice as_ month the galleys would set sail from Genoa well as money. Among them was one Bar-_ with two Hospitaller galleys, and so payment to tolommeo de’ Tomari, described as a “canon of — the complaining skippers and crews would soon

Smyrna,” who probably left Negroponte in be made for service actually rendered to the early March, 1346, since he gave the pope a_ Christian cause in the Aegean. letter or letters and oral messages from Hum- At Humbert’s request the pope agreed to bert on 30 April. Humbert wrote that the write Anna of Savoy, the dowager empress and clergy and people of Negroponte had received regent in Constantinople (1 341-1347), to rehim “exultantly and honorably,” and that six quest that the island of Chios, “so essential to

galleys of the league had met him at Ne- you and the league,” be turned over to the

groponte, the four papal galleys, a Hospitaller Latins as a base of operations for three years. galley, and one belonging to the Venetians. In| The Greeks were to retain all their rights and a long letter of 15 June, Clement answered one revenues, and suitable guarantees were to be by one the points raised by Humbert. The given to the Byzantine government that Chios

skippers of the four papal galleys had com- would be returned when the expedition was plained that the Camera had not sent their over. Humbert was to use any opportunity that subsidies, to which Clement replied that the presented itself to help pave the way for the Curia had been informed that the galleys had reunion of the empress and the Greeks with withdrawn from service (de illis partibus recesstsse) the Catholic Church, but Bartolommeo would

as early as the preceding August, and he had explain upon his return why Humbert was no desire to pay for inactivity. Furthermore, not to deal with the empress’s enemy John while Humbert was still in Avignon, he had Cantacuzenus. (Within two weeks or so Clemwanted the pope to reduce the four galleys to ent would learn that Cantacuzenus had had two, and to add to the expedition a hundred himself crowned co-emperor at Adrianople on armed horsemen (with the money which would 21 May, 1346.) At Humbert’s request Clement thus be saved). But presently Philip, the arch- —______ bishop of Mytilene, had appeared at the 6°'The Camera Apostolica and the Chancery had freCuria to explain that Humbert had decided quently used the agents and couriers of the Florentine f; ll ld be more useful than two and banking houses for the transmission of both letters and

our galleys wou € € use money, but after the well-known bankruptcies of the early

the proposed hundred horsemen. The pope, 1340's the distant delivery of letters, funds, and financial therefore, wishing to follow Humbert’s advice, instruments became very difficult, on which see Yves had ordered four galleys to be outfitted at Renouard, “Comment les papes d’Avignon expédiaient leur

Genoa, to be sent dhe Kast, and for these SOUTen” Rerw hige/ CLXXX (87), 1-28 pp. payment had largely been made. But now by des compagnies commerciales et bancaires de 1316 a 1378, Paris,

Humbert’s own letter and from conversation 1941, pp. 113-14, 249, 384-92. with Bartolommeo the pope had learned that __We have already seen Philip, archbishop of Mytilene, Humbert wished to retain the four galleys active in Venice on Humbert’s behalf. On 11 December, already in the Levant which had seen so litle authorized that Philip be reimbursed for the expenses he service. Clement was thus not unreasonably had incurred in undertaking the mission to Venice as well

. . . 1345, Henri de Villars, lord lieutenant of Dauphine,

perplexed as to what he should do with the as that to Avignon, to which Clement VI here alludes four galleys that he was having prepared at (Valbonnays, 111721], doc. ccxxvi, p. 528). Genoa, but he had decided to send two of them Deprez, I, fasc. 3, no. 2580, pp. 180-81, dated 15 ; June, 1346, and cf. no. 2651, p. 198. Clement’s letter to eastward, and they would bring the funds to ‘Yumbert of 15 June is also given in A. Rubio i Lluch, pay both past and future debts. They would Diplomatari de VOrient catala, Barcelona, 1947, doc.

replace the two least satisfactory of the “four CLXxxvill, pp. 242-46. The prior of the Hospital in Capua, old galleys.” The Camera had been obliged to Isnard de Albarno, received over-all charge of the two wait for the new galleys, for there was no other ters (Déprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 2741, 2745-51, pp. 225-27, way to send the money safely. (By this time the dated 18-19 August, which shows that by this time the two

. papal galleys until they should reach Humbert’s headquar-

—____—_— galleys had not yet set sail!). Isnard was also entrusted with °° Cf. Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2478, p. 148. a secret mission for the pope.

206 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT also suspended for three years, “although it did Bartolommeo de’ Tomari was preparing to go

not seem expedient to some persons,” the back to the dauphin and the vicelegate. He

sentences of excommunication and the inter- received a letter of commendation,™ and on 22 dict under which the Catalan Grand Company June clerks of the Camera gave him 150 florins had labored since they had seized Thebes and __ for the expenses of the return journey.®

Athens from the Brienne. Humbert had asked In the meantime there had been an unexfor permission to coin money for the use of the pected development in the East. On 8 June league, which Clement granted with certain (1346) the Genoese admiral Simone Vignoso reservations. For the rest, Clement wrote that had suddenly appeared off Negroponte with he was trying to make peace in Lombardy, and _ twenty-nine galleys. His fleet had originally

that he would send frequent letters and been formed for an attack upon a large colony couriers to Humbert, as the latter had stated he of exiled Genoese nobles at Monaco, who had

wished him to do.” themselves been preparing galleys and musterThe pope had a duplicate of his letter ing land forces to try to effect their forcible

prepared for transmission to Humbert “be- re-entry into Genoa. But upon the dissipation cause of the perils of the journey.” On the same of this danger by the flight of the exiles to day (15 June, 1346) letters were written to Marseille the new government of the Doge Anna of Savoy, who is called “Joanna,” and to Giovanni Murta decided to use the fleet on a Francesco Michiel, the vicelegate, concerning venture to the Levant, to protect the eastern the proposed temporary cession of Chios to the possessions of the commune and to try to break

crusaders. The archbishops of Patras and the Tatar siege of Caffa. At Negroponte, ViThebes were told they might lift for three years gnoso found (we are told) twenty-six armed galthe bans of excommunication and the interdict leys and 400 horse of the anti-Turkish league unlevied against the Catalan Company in Greece der Humbert, who (Vignoso was told) was planprovided the Catalans maintained a hundred ning an attack upon Chios. As we have observed, horse and a hundred foot to serve during this _ the Zaccaria had possessed Chios for twenty-five

period with Humbert’s forces. The pope wrote years (the Greeks had recovered it in 1329), Hugh IV of Cyprus, asking him to maintain his and Vignoso wanted to re-establish Genoese galleys against the Turks since the Holy See supremacy on the island, for which he had was doing so, and the Hospitallers and the more reasons than patriotic pride. Before he Venetians would “undoubtedly” do so, in which had sailed from home at the beginning of May,

connection he also wrote the master of the the Genoese government had undertaken to Hospital and the doge of Venice. Letters were reimburse the owners of the galleys for their drafted to Marie des Baux, the dauphine, and losses and expenses; until this obligation was to Niccolo Pisani, captain of the Venetian met, they were to receive the revenues accruing galleys. A two years’ truce was proclaimed in from any conquests they might make. Humbert northern Italy in the hope of removing at least quickly learned that the Genoese were aware one serious distraction from the crusade.® of, and opposed to, his designs upon Chios; he is said to have promised Vignoso 10,000 gold

florinsII,a fasc. year,3,and to have offeredand thecf.patroni 62, Déprez, no. 2580, pp. 181-83, nos. .

of

9799-33, 2737, dated 17 Auguet! 1346. Clement ei had the Genoese galleys another 30,000 nN gems, already tried to establish some measure of pax et concordia pearls, and money if they would join the between Gautier de Brienne, titular duke of Athens, and crusaders in an assault upon Chios. They the patalan Grand Company petore Humbert had set out refused, and some of Vignoso’s men attacked POrient catala, doe, C1Xxxi11, pp. 286-37, which should be umbert’s fleet, seizing horses, jewels, harness,

ru ; i ubio 1 Liuch, Diplomatari ’ _ °

dated 1 April, 1345, as in Déprez, I, fasc. 2, no. 1608, cols. }=9———— 482-84. Francesco Giunta, in his brief article “Sulla Politica) (Trinacria), but this had little or nothing to do with the orientale di Clemente VI,” in Studi di storia medievale e pope’s attitude toward the Catalans in Athens (ibid., nos.

moderna in onore di Ettore Rota, eds. P. Vacari and P. F. 2627-30, pp. 192-93). On Catalan Athens, see below, Palumbo, Rome, 1958, pp. 156-57, has failed to note that Chapter 17. Rubio misdated this document, and that Raymond Saquet * Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2587, where Bartolommeo is did not succeed Henry d’Asti as papal legate in the East, described as “vicarius Francisci archiepiscopi Cretensis;” a because Philip VI would not allow Saquet to leave France. safe-conduct was prepared for him on 15 June, 1346 8 Déprez, H, fasc. 3, nos. 2581-86, 2588-95, pp. (Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant les 183-85, dated 15 June, 1346. On 5 July the interdict was _ pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 1, no. 1023, p. 131).

lifted for five months from the Catalan kingdom of Sicily 5 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 321.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 207 and other things, which they employed in their Humbert’s arrival, they are alleged to have sent

occupation of Chios, where they landed on 15 an embassy to Umur Pasha at “Altoluogo” June. Within a week they had taken the entire (Ephesus) to seek a truce and to demand the island except for the castle overlooking the whole city of Smyrna (domannavano le Esmirre town, which yielded to a three months’ siege on interamente). The Venetian envoys are said to 12 September. Four days later Vignoso moved have found Umur Pasha sitting on the ground,

on to the Anatolian coast, and had occupied leaning on his left arm, in a thoughtful mood. both Old and New Phocaea by the twentieth of He was elegantly clad in silk, enormously fat, the month. Vignoso’s partners claimed to have his stomach like a wine cask; heavily sweetened

expended more than 250,000 librae in the food was being served to him on brightly enterprise. It was all a startling success, and painted earthenware platters. He drank alappeared to have restored the Genoese com- mond milk, wielded a golden spoon on eggs,

mercial establishment in the Levant.® spices, and rice, “and ate abundantly” (e forHumbert seems to have sailed to Smyrna in temente devorava). Having listened to what the

late June, shortly after his unfriendly en- Venetians had to say, Umur Pasha stated that counter with Vignoso. The author of the he was perfectly aware the dauphin was on his

sprightly, imaginative, and unreliable Historia way to attack him, but that he entertained no romana says that a great concourse of crusaders fear on that account as long as his two Christian gathered at Smyrna, and every day the Vene-_ friends were thriving. “Who are these friends

tians brought more of them in their ships: of yours?” he was asked, and replied through “How much money those ships made! How an interpreter who spoke Latin, “They are they fleeced the crusaders!” They exacted the Guelf and Ghibelline!”

last farthing as the faithful came together from By this time the dauphin had arrived at Coron, Modon, Phocaea, Patras, and Monem- Smyrna, according to the Historia romana, with

vasia. While the Venetians at Smyrna awaited no more than thirty knights. He closed the gates, established order among the people (in % The text of the first pact, dated 26 February, 1347, the ower city), and avo ed all one qa: 8° rae between the Genoese government and the Mahona (or € made sorties Irom the walls, and capture joint-stock company) formed by Vignoso and his partners Many Turks. Large numbers of crusaders to exploit Chios and the Phocaeas is given in Carlo Pagano, joined him from Rome, Germany, France, and Delle Imprese e del dominio dei Genovesi nella Grecia, Genoa, Picardy, so that 15,000 Christians were to be

pent 1 Crurin 188%), Cha ee ee To found there at one time. But after these sorties

(in the Historiae patriae monumenta, IX). An historical adversity set in; the heat was fearful, and men

preamble to the text states that the castle of Chios was walked in dust almost to their knees. The surrendered “with certain pacts and conventions which crusaders became ill, and died like sheep. [the admiral Vignoso, the patroni of the galleys, and their There was famine. The master of the Hospital partners in the mahona] made with the Greek inhabitants, as . . appears in the public instrument written in the hand of the would not allow Venetian ships to enter the notary Pellegrino de’ Bracelli on 12 September, 1346,” and harbor, according to the Historia romana, and after the seizure of Old and New Phocaea and the returnof supplied the Turks with food and arms. Men

total expenses ascendere a maiorem quantitatem li- . :

the sleet to Genoa, Vignoso and the patroni claimed her suffered severely; some took to the ships; brarum CCL millium” (ibid., col. 560CD), which figure was, Others went off on their own. The Venetians

however, disputed in Genoa. Stella, Annales genuenses, ad appropriated the crusaders’ funds. The ann. 1346, in RISS, XVII (1730), cols. 1088-89, says that dauphin built high walls with towers, gates, and

the castle at Chios surrendered on 3 September, and¢f. ditches; the Venetians placed guards over Cantacuzenus, III, 95 (Bonn, II, 583), and Gregoras, XV, them, and took charge of the lower town. 6, 1-2 (Bonn, II, 765-66). See Wilhelm Heyd, Histoire du Havj hus fortified th il Christi : commerce du Levant au moyen-dge, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I aving t us tortined the sma ristian com

(Leipzig, 1885, repr. Amsterdam, 1967), 491-93; Gay, Le munity in the harbor fortress, the dauphin saw Pope Clément wr - es affaires TOrient (1904), PP. 7 1-78 nothing more that he could do. He left Smyrna,

aure, PP: ~3t;ofanc esp. Philip Argent, /%e returned to his own land, Occupation Chios by theft.Genoese andand their Administration of t“and a, such was

Island SAE LIDES. 3 vols Cambridge OBE 1 86-14, the end of the crusade of Smyrna.”" for a full account. A sketch of Chian history, until the How the master of the Hospital could preGenoese domination was brought to an end by the Turks in vent the Venetians from entering the harbor April, 1566, may also be found in Geo Pistarino, “Chio dei =—-+——_____

Genovesi,” Studi medievali, 3rd ser., X (Spoleto, 1969), 87 Historiae romanae fragmenta, 1, 13, in Muratori, Antiqui-

3-68. tates italicae, III (1740, repr. 1965), cols. 369, 371.

208 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT when they controlled the lower fortress, is not envoys arrived at Avignon toward the end of

clear. That Humbert made sorties from the October or the beginning of November. walls seems likely. News of a clash with the Aynard and de Gex soon departed for the

Turks, in which he scored a victory but lost five | French court, presumably to try to collect from of his knights, is said to have reached Grenoble Philip VI certain feudal rents which had been

in September, 1346.° At this time the two outstanding when, some time before, Humbert galleys which the Holy See had leased under had sold the crown a half-dozen small fiefs.” the command of Raymond Marquesan of Nice Jean de Marigny, the bishop of Beauvais, also and Centurione Zaccaria of Genoa had not yet owed Humbert money, which Clement VI made the eastward passage. Indeed, on 24 directed him to pay when on 11 November, September the pope directed Isnard de Al- 1346, he had letters of commendation prebarno, prior of the Hospital at Capua, and the pared for Aynard and de Gex, who were going

bishops of Padua and Monte Cassino to compel _ to pay the bishop a visit after they had been to Marquesan and Zaccaria to furnish two fortes et Paris.” magnae galeae instead of the two debiles et parvae Clement answered Humbert’s letter on 28 which they had proposed to take to the Levant November, congratulating him on his recovery

“contrary to the terms of the contract made from an infirmitas. He said that “already a good with the Camera Apostolica.” Marquesan, while ago” (iam diu est) he had sent Garin de moreover, had decided not to go to the Levant, Chateauneuf with money enough for about a

but to remain in Naples at the request of year’s support of the papal galleys, covering his aged and ailing father, and one Antoine’ both past indebtedness and future commit-

Ruphi of Nice was to take his place. Humbert ments. Humbert would be fully reimbursed for

and Francesco Michiel were informed of the amount he had paid the complaining these developments,” but they had probably — skippers. It did not seem advisable just then to left Smyrna before the pope’s letters had left send a legatus de latere to the East, as Humbert

Avignon. had clearly wanted. Furthermore, Clement and The commanders of the papal galleys the Sacred College had granted Robert of S.

had been demanding their subsidies, which had Severino, count of Corigliano, who had prom-

been unpaid for some time, pending the arrival ised to lead ten galleys on the crusade, a of funds from Avignon. Humbert had given postponement because of the turbulence in the them his own money “lest [as Clement VI put kingdom of Naples. Indeed, as Humbert must it} on the pretext of our failure to pay they know, most of the world was now caught up in should give up their service.” Humbert had the storms of war, as satanic winds increased

apparently shared the illness of his forces at the tempest.” Humbert had wanted more

Smyrna. Indolent and irresolute by nature, he crusaders sent eastward, but it was no wonder withdrew from the Anatolian mainland in the they could not be recruited even if they wanted late summer (the precise date is unknown), and to serve. Clement stated, however, that he had

went to the Hospitaller stronghold of Rhodes, directed the Venetians not to impede the where he spent the winter of 1346-1347. He passage of such crusaders as could be found, had sad tales to tell the pope, and sent off a and he had written Philip VI and the bishop of letter (or letters) with Bartolommeo de’ Tomari, Beauvais concerning the debts which Humbert

who was accompanied this time on the long claimed they both owed him. Aynard and de journey to the Curia by two knights, Lancelme Gex (tui milites) were taking his letters on their Aynard and Jean de Gex (de Gay). The three

—_———_—_——— 70 Cf. the letter of Henri de Villars, archbishop of Lyon 68 Humbert Pilat’s Memorabilia, in Valbonnays, II, 624a: and Humbert’s lieutenant in Dauphiné, in Chevalier, Docs.

“.. . illo tempore mense Septembri venerunt nova de sur le Dauphiné (1874), no. XxxIll, pp. 107-8, dated 19 domino nostro dalphino quod ipse et gentes suae bellaver- September, 1346. ant contra Turcos et devicerant eos, multos interfecerant, 7! Deéeprez, II, fasc. 3, nos. 2933-34, p. 266. Humbert had

quinque bonis hominibus de gentibus domini dalphini sold his lands in Normandy to Jean de Marigny, who sul dumtaxat interfectis in bello [of whom three are named in owed 12,000 livres on them (Valbonnays, II, docs. CLIV-V,

Pilat’s text]. . . .” Cf. Gay, pp. 73-74, and Faure, pp. pp. 426-28).

532-33. 7 Henri de Villars also dwells on the “guerra dura” in his 6° Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres . . . se rapportant a la _ letter to Humbert of 19 September, 1346 (Chevalier, Docs.

France, 11, fasc. 3, nos. 2835-38, pp. 250-51. On the sur le Dauphiné, no. xxxul, p. 112). On Robert of S. bishops of Monte Cassino and Padua, note C. Eubel, Severino, see Léonard, La Jeunesse de Jeanne I'*, I (1932),

Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, I (1913, repr. 1960), 169,385. 435 and esp. note 2, 450-51.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 209 northward journey. As for certain alia secreta, and Dieudonné, and requested Garin de which Humbert had touched upon in his letter, Chateauneuf to write him of the withdrawal to Clement stated that he was replying to them in Rhodes, the expenditure of the money he had another letter,” for the subjects certainly re- carried eastward, and the state of affairs in the quired handling with secrecy as well as with Levant. He thanked Marie des Baux for send-

discretion. ing him news of her husband’s recovery, and The “other letter” bears the same date (28 urged Hugh of Geneva to stand by Humbert in November, 1346): France, England, Germany, defense of the Catholic faith against the and Italy were torn by warfare and dissension, Turks.” Bartolommeo de’ Tomari, the everClement began, which prevented those who useful “canon of Smyrna,” was to take the wanted to join Humbert from fulfilling their letters back to Rhodes; on 4 December he vows as crusaders. Tithes and other subsidies received a safe-conduct (securus conductus);7®

could no longer be collected. Humbert had two days later clerks of the Camera gave him raised in his letter the question of a truce with 150 florins for his expenses on the return

the Turks, to which Clement replied with journey.”

alacrity that “having given careful considera- Although the person (or persons) with whom tion to these and other events, it seems to us Clement authorized Humbert to make a truce not only expedient but even entirely neces- is not mentioned in the “secret” letter of 28 sary . . . to proceed to make the truce, which November, it was obviously a question of you have mentioned in your letter to us, in the dealing with Umur Pasha, who would probably best, most honorable, and safest way possible.” be receptive to the idea if he had other irons in The cardinals were in unanimous agreement. the fire. Whether there was an exchange of Humbert was to consult with the vicelegate, the embassies between Rhodes and Umur’s court, master of the Hospital, the prior of Capua, and_ we do not know; it is possible, but subsequent the patroni of the Cypriote, Venetian, and other events will make clear that there certainly was galleys. Although he had some suggestions, the no truce.” pope left the manner of effecting the truce to The crusade had failed. The Venetian Senate

Humbert’s discretion, but insisted that the had been much pleased with the “comport-

negotiations should be carried on in secrecy, ment” of Humbert’s associate Francesco Michiel,

and nothing divulged even to Humbert’s en- vicelegate and archbishop of Crete, but

voys. The truce should not be made for more now they declined a request from Humbert than ten years, by which time one could hope (whatever it may have been), and blandly that Europe would be at peace. In the mean- thanked his envoys for their expression of his time Clement could send no more money good will.”® Nevertheless the Senate voted on

“while the present evil [of war] persists.” 11 March, 1347, to excuse Niccolo Pisani, Humbert was anxious to go on a pilgrimage to formerly captain of the Venetian galleys of the the Holy Sepulcher, but he should not go until anti-Turkish league, from accepting his electhe truce had been made and confirmed; then tion as provveditore in “Sclavonia” in order for he could go to the Holy Land and return to him to join Humbert (at the latter’s request) on

France with the pope’s blessing, notwithstand- the island of Rhodes. Pisani could go to ing the vows he had made to remain in the East Humbert if they both so wished, although for three years.”

A letter to Humbert usually gave rise to ~

several others relating to the crusade. Clement 013, o7o, sted oe 30 Novcmber. oe ~63, 2974, pp. wrote Dieudonne de Gozon, directing him to ___* péprez, I, fasc. 3, no. 2982, p. 277. proceed cautiously toward a truce with the “Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 321. Bartolommeo had Turks and informing him of the need to received the same amount the previous June, as he was reimburse Humbert for his payments to the Preparing o return to the dauphin in the East, on his

. . earlier mission to the Cuma (Schafer, loc. cit., and see

patroni of the papal galleys. He informed ahove, notes 64-65).

Isnard de Albarno of his letters to Humbert “Cf Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin (1957), pp. 200-1, 22324,

——————- 79 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 23, fols. 50°, 70”, 3 Néprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2956, pp. 270-71; Faure, pp. dated 11 April, 1346, and 7 February, 1347. Faure, pp.

559-62. . 535-36, believes that Humbert had probably requested 74 Deprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 2957, pp. 271-72; Faure, pp. financial assistance.

534-35. 8° Misti, Reg. 24, fol. 6”.

210 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT apparently Venice intended to spend no more where an inventory of his silver plate was

men or money on this crusade. prepared on 27 May, very likely with a view to In the meantime Humbert had dictated his its sale. According to the chroniclers, it was a

will on 29 January in the palace of the master of _ terrible spring; there was the worst famine that

the Hospital, who witnessed it together with anyone could remember; and the price of grain

Michiel, Isnard de Albarno, Garin de_ rose to fearful heights until the new harvest. Chateauneuf, and Pancrazio Giustinian, who King Louis of Hungary was ready to invade had been appointed captain of the Venetian Jtaly. It was a bad time to raise money. Despite galleys of the league.” Humbert was tired; the }yymbert’s large initial expenditures and all the crusade was not to his liking; he wanted to go money he had taken on the crusade, it was said back home. Clement VI had said that Humbert that he still owed 30,000 gold florins, but he might return with papal blessing after he had apparently managed to pay off the debt during

arranged a truce with the Turks and, if he 4 month’s residence in Venice.* Clement too

wished, had made the pulgrimage to Jerusalem. was anxious to close his crusading accounts, b ° ae a ad Deen mace, thi ever, ane | ‘the and on 19 May (1347) the Camera settled with

Pact Ab ae he to ~ he m deo his a he the procurators of the patroni of the four papal ast. About the me he made out his wil, Ne galleys by paying to each one various sums wrote to Clement, who declared on 6 March . . wo

a totalling some 5,000 florins, in addition to,6,346% that he was caught up in important matters, but flor; a2 orins which were to be paid in Cyprus.’ would answer soon.” Two weeks later (on 19 .. 87 ; In the meantime the efforts of Henri de Villars, March) Clement had three letters prepared for the governor of Dauphiné. combined with the

dispatch to Rhodes: he allowed Humbert to 8put OF10,000 oO! pomes wee : pope’s generosity, had florins return although the required three years hadhelped : 88.him ;in : . Humbert’s empty pockets,*® which not elapsed; granted him the right to have a to meet his obligations

suitable confessor dispense him from his oath; 8 co

and permitted him to designate two ships . On 2 ! June (1347), while Humbert was still

(naves) and twelve galleys which might carry !™ Venice, C ement wrote him a brief letter of merchandise to Alexandria provided they did Welcome home, stating that it was not necessary not convey arms or other contraband to the °° say more, because he would see him shortly Moslems.®* The papal chancery also made out 1 Avignon. » On 14 July he wrote Humbert

requests for “safe-conducts,” on Humbert’s 484!) ecinins to send him more money. He

behalf, to the chief authorities in the cities or wanted to talk with him (colloquium personale), areas through which he would presumably pass @0C ! by chance, before coming to the Curia,

on his way back to the south of France.™ Bumpert hous hig King Louis of mangary»

Humbert’s wife Marie des Baux died at © tine We N hit to cussuade vous rom

Rhodes, probably about the middle of March, ™Va@Ing the Neapolitan kingdom, w ich was a

1347, for the news is said to have reached ————

Grenoble on 1 May. Time weighed MYwrote doc: pomlv, PP. soe 7 ene °° ° . heavily aure, p.; »».vatponmayes Un ay ement humbpert a letter upon Humbert now, and anticipating Clem of consolation on the death of Marie, “in partibus transent’s favorable replies to his petitions, he marinis defuncta” (Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 3292, p. 345;

embarked for Venice, where he arrived during _ Valbonnays, II, doc. CCXxLII, p. 554).

the last week5in1May. ' caronicon Estense, ad ann. 1347, in RISS, rh14 col.He,was anlodged orpusin the chronicorum bonontiensium, in XV the(2729), new Dominican convent of SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. Il (1910-38), pp.

—— 563-64, 565, 566-67.

8t Valbonnays, II, doc. CCXxxIx, pp. 541-48, “actum in 87 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 359. The patronit were civitate Rhodi infra castrum habitationis domini magis- Antonio Vacca, Antonioto de’ Grimaldi, the late Corrado

tri... ,” and cf. Faure, p. 536. Piccamiglio, and Centurione Zaccaria. Cf. also Déprez and 8 Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 3162, p. 314, and note nos. Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant les pays autres que

3163-64; F , p. 536. la France, I, fasc. 2 (1961), no. 2101, p. 290. 83 Déprez, Il tee. 3, nos. 3179-81, p. 317. 8 Déprez, Siénisson, on Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres * Déprez, II, fasc. 3, no. 3182, p. 318, dated 19 March, . . . se rapportant a la France, Il, fasc. 3, nos. 3221, 3274, 1347, and addressed to the doge of Venice, the papal pp. 326, 342, dated 9 April and 6 May, 1347, and cf. Faure, rectors of Ancona and the Romagna, Obizzo d’Este in pp. 538-39. Ferrara, Taddeo de’ Pepoli in Bologna, Giovanni and 8 FE. Deéprez, J. Glénisson, and G. Mollat, Clement VI: Lucchino Visconti in Milan, Mastino della Scala in Verona, Lettres se rapportant a la France, vol. I, fasc. 4 (Paris, Jacopo da Carrara in Padua, Lodovico Gonzaga in Mantua, 1958), no. 3334, p. 357 (cited hereafter'as Déprez, I, fasc.

and Giovanni Murta in Genoa. 4).

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 211 fief of the Holy See.® Having left the trials of he had tentatively provided for the cession of

the crusade behind him in the East, Humbert Dauphiné to Duke John of Normandy, the seemed in little hurry to get home. Altogether eldest son of Philip VI of Valois. Now on 16 he spent about three months in northern Italy, July, 1349, at a gathering of high ecclesiastics and only reached Grenoble on 8 September, and feudal magnates in the Dominican convent 1347. Entries in the exitus accounts of the at Lyon, Humbert abdicated in the presence of Camera record his presence in Avignon from John and the latter’s eldest son Charles. He

27 October to 10 November, when he appar- surrendered the dauphinate irrevocably to ently dined every day with the pope,®! whose Charles, and bestowed upon him the scepter affability and courtesy assured him a gracious and ring, the ancient sword of the dauphinate

reception.” and the banner of S. George.” On the followWhatever the excuses Humbert may have ing day he received the Dominican habit from offered at the Curia for his conduct of affairs the prior of the convent, and so became the in the East, and whatever soothing responses illustrissimus princeps F. Humbertus dalphinus Vienhe may have received from a French pope and _nensis antiquior . . . Ordinis Praedicatorum fra-

French cardinals, the crusade had been a _ ter. Among other good works, he quickly set dismal failure. To Matteo Villani, Humbert was about promoting the eastern missions and a “soft fellow, of little force and firmness,” and_ providing for the study of Greek among while he gained some measure of honor and Dominicans at Paris. On 1 February, 1350, he esteem aS a crusader, “torno con poca buona publicly announced to an assembly of the fama.”®* The Turkish chronicler Enveri has nobles of Dauphine his cession of the principalwritten that although the Turks had at first ity and certain other lands to Charles, to whom feared Humbert, because he was believed to be the nobles were henceforth to take the oath of powerful, Umur Pasha had reduced him to a_ fealty.°* At the end of the year he is said to “scarecrow.”°* Modern historians have tended have left Dauphiné never to return, and on to agree with Enveri’s and Matteo’s appraisals Christmas day (of 1350) he received holy of Humbert’s capacity. The hostility of the orders from Clement VI, apparently becoming Genoese had added to Humbert’s burdens; the a subdeacon at midnight, a deacon at dawn, Venetians were less co-operative than they and a priest at the following high mass. A week might have been, besides which they got along or more later, on 3 January, 1351, he was

badly with the Hospitallers. There is little consecrated Latin patriarch of Alexandria,

evidence, however, to support the view that the and on 30 April, 1352, he was made adminioccasional slowness of Clement and the Curia _ strator perpetuus of the church and archdiocese

to reply to Humbert’s inquiries from overseas of Rheims,” but he soon wished to resign impeded military action on his part. We have because of his poor health and the allegedly

seen that Clement tried to do what his heavy burdens of the office. Nevertheless, on “captain-general” of the crusade wanted, but 25 January, 1355, King John nominated him Humbert’s own indecisiveness was constantly bishop of Paris, and procurators were soon on

baffling to the Curia. their way to Avignon to take the matter up with

Having lost his only son in 1335 and his wife Clement’s successor Innocent VI.%® A few in 1347, Humbert finally turned his back upon months later, Humbert found himself at Clerthe secular world. In 1344, as we have noted, mont in Auvergne, where he fell ill and died in the Dominican house on 22 May, 1355, at the "9% Déprez, Il fase. 4, no. 3871, pp. 364-68 early age of forty-three. His body was taken to °1 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 359; Faure, p. 539; and cf. raris, where he was buried under the steps to Déprez, II, fasc. 4, no. 3580, p. 408. e high altar “on the gospel side” of the

* On Clement’s character, cf. Guillemain, La Cour pon- Dominican church on the Rue S. Jacques, his

tificale d’Avignon (1962), pp. 137-40. According to Valbon-

nays, I, 344, when Humbert returned to Avignon, “Il en — fut recu avec des demonstrations de joye et de bienveil- "5 Cf. Valbonnays, II, docs. CCLXxIV-v, pp. 594-605,

lance.” and cf. doc. CCLXXXVIII, pp. 621-22. Villani, Cronica, 6 vols., Florence, 1825-26, bk. 1, chap. 96 Valbonnays, II, doc. CCLXXXIV, p. 616.

26, in vol. I, pp. 40-41. 97 For the dates, see Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 82, 419, and cf. 4 Irene Mélikoff-Sayar, ed. and trans., Le Destan dUmur __Pilat’s Memorabilia, in Valbonnays, II, 626b.

Pacha (Diistiirname-i Enveri), Paris, 1954, verses 2265-68, p. Cf. Valbonnays, II, doc. CCLXxxvI, pp. 617-18, and

122, and cf. Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, p. 201. vol. I, p. 352.

212 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT epitaph containing no reference to his nomina- less meant to be replacements for those in use

tion to the church of Paris.% at the time. In the spring of 1347, probably as

Humbert was sailing from Rhodes to Venice, _ Although the Venetians were obviously re- the Christian allies suddenly improved their lieved by Humbert’s withdrawal from the scene hitherto dreary performance by defeating the

or aciion to ane they which ie ready to Turks in an engagement of some importance. rop ou 347 the Sona URIS q cague. Pa In letters of 24 June (1347) to Francesco January: » Hhe senate voted to arm live Michiel and Dieudonné de Gozon, the pope ga “Ys: - SETVICE wien the league, 4 the expressed pleasure in receipt of the news that

arsenal at Venice. ese galleys were Coubt- — salleys of the league, with divine assistance, had $9 Humbert’s life is sketched in Valbonnays’s remarkable captured 118 Turkish vessels (vasa navigabilia) Histoire de Dauphiné, 1 (1722), 299-353, to which work we at the island of Imbros. At the approach of the

have made frequent reference in this chapter. On Hum- (Christians, the Turks had sought refuge on bert’s part in the second Smyrniote crusade, see, ibid., I, land, but their opponents had surrounded 334 ff., and on his subsequent career, pp. 345 ff. See also th d t fj nf ts of h Jacques Quétif and Jacques Echard, Scriptores Ordinis em, and sent for rein orcemen s ol horses, Praedicatorum, 1 (Paris, 1719, repr. Turin, 1961), 641-44, arms, and men (which Dieudonné provided with a good deal of reliance on Pilat’s Memorabilia; Louisde from Rhodes).!® If there were 118 vasa, most Mas Latrie, “Les Patriarches latins d’Alexandrie,” Revue de of them must have been small fishine boats

VOrient latin, YV (1896, repr. 1964), 4. In papal letters of 4 deered by Turkish ennai 5

and 7 August, 1349, Humbert still appears as dalphinus commandeered by some iurkish emir Or CapViennensis (Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres se tain, and in any event there is no reason to rapportant a la France, vol. III, fasc. 5 [Paris, 1959], nos. believe that the Turks in question came from 4218, 4220, pp. 12, 13), but by 4 September Charles is Aydin (Smyrna). and that Umur Pasha had

addressed as dauphin (ibid., no. 4244, p. 20), and on the ote r £ y ma) ? k. But it ; ‘ble that th twelfth Humbert as antiquior dalphinus (no. 4246, p. 22). ered a setback. Du IS possible Ula ec

According to the Prima vita Clementis VI [apparently Christian SUCCESS helped turn the eyes of written during the pontificate of Benedict XIII and Umur’s good friend John Cantacuzenus westcertainly before 1433], in Etienne Baluze and Guillaume ward.

Mollat, eds., Vitae paparum Avenionensium, 4 vols., Paris, i, 1914-22, I, 255, Humbert ceded the dauphinate “modo . When Cantacuzenus re-entered Constan

subsequenti, videlicet quod, eo ipsum relinquente, sibi in eo tinople _as emperor on 3 February, 1347, he succederet rex Francie et sui perpetuo in regno successores, found in the city one Bartholomew of Rome, hac adjecta etiam conditione, quod semper remaneret in whom the Dauphin Humbert had sent as an

manibus et regimineesse regis vel sui primogeniti qui erit any to the dowager.empress Anna vel sperabitur in filii regno successurus.” Foroysignificant I

references to Humbert in other lives of Clement, see, ibid., Palaeologina, the former Jeanne of Savoy. I, 265-66, 282, 306, 548-49. The exitus accounts of the Bartholomew was a canon of Negroponte, Camera Apostolica record expenses incurred in January where he had served as vicar of the Latin and February, 1351, for the kingwho of France, theall duke Patriarch H enry d’Asti. .Whether or not CanOrléans, and Humbert, were inoAvignon together “quando dalphinus fuit consecratus” (Schafer, Ausgaben tacuzenus prevailed upon him to do so, Bar[1914], pp. 437, 441), and in March, 1353, Humbert tholomew promptly wrote both Clement VI and appears as dominus dalphinus olim Viennensis, nunc archiepis- Humbert the most glowing accounts of the new copus Remensis (ibid., p. 539). An inventory of Humbert's enneror’s occupation of the Byzantine capital. books, jewels, reliquaries, crosses, crucifixes, and other destly j d th possessions, on deposit in a room at the Dominican convent Cantacuzenus modest y jncorporate ese two in Paris, was prepared on 18 May, 1355 (edited with a brief letters in his memoirs.! but poor introduction by Henri Omont, in the Bibliotheque

del’Ecole des Chartes, LXXVI [1915], 467-71). —

100 Misti, Reg. 23, fol. 68", dated 15 January, 1347 (more _ Deprez, H, fasc. 4, nos. 3336-37, pp. 357-58; Gay, Le veneto 1346): “In Christi nomine armentur ad viagium Pape Clement VI et les affaires d’'Orient (1904), pp. 78-79; unionis contra Turchos de hinc tres galee . . . et statim Lemerle, L’Emirat d'Aydin, pp. 202, 224. scribatur duche et consiliariis Crete quod de inde armari 102 Cantacuzenus, Hist., IV, 2 (Bonn, III, 12—20). If the faciant duas alias galeas, dando pro quolibet homine letters are genuine, it is a little difficult to believe that they ducatos duos . . .” [from a motion that did not pass], but were sent to Clement and Humbert in the form in which on fol. 68” of the same date it was agreed “quod in Christi Cantacuzenus reproduces them. See R. J. Loenertz, “Am-

nomine armentur hic galee quinque ad viagium unionis bassadeurs grecs aupres du pape Clement VI (1348),” contra Turchos..., et fiant capitaneus et supra- Orientalia Christiana periodica, XIX (1953), 178-79, 189-90.

comiti . . . , et dicti capitaneus et supracomiti stare et esse Bartholomew of Rome and Bartolommeo de’ Tomari are

debeant per medium annum et tantum plus quantum two quite different persons, a fact which Gay, pp. 95 ff., videbitur huic consilio. . . .” Six months was the usual unfortunately failed to observe. John VI ruled as emperor period of service. Contrary to Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, p. in Constantinople from 3 February, 1347, until his abdica202, no galleys were to be armed at Crete; he was misled by tion on 10 December, 1354; for the details and dates, see

Thiriet, Régestes, I (1958), no. 194, p. 60, which he cites Donald M. Nicol, “The Abdication of John VI Can-

from the proofs. tacuzenus,” Byzantinische Forschungen, I (1967), 269-83.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 213 Cantacuzenus had known Bartholomew years against the Turks than has been done in one before at Demotica in Thrace when on diverse year by the captains of the present armada.” occasions they had engaged in theological dis- Finally, he wanted the pope to assist him putations at the request of the Emperor An- against Stephen Dushan, the king of Serbia, dronicus III, who died in June, 1341. Can- who contrary to all right had occupied Greek tacuzenus was grand domestic at the time, and_ territory. Cantacuzenus reviewed all these he is said to have shown himself well disposed points with Bartholomew of Rome between 1 toward ecclesiastical union in these apparently September and 9 October (1347), and they

formal discussions. Subsequently he had re- were set forth in a memorandum, which ceived Bartolommeo de’ Tomari at Selymbria, Bartholomew was to take to the pope when the and they had talked amicably together, pre- Greek embassy went to Avignon.’

sumably on the same subject. Now, “im- Cantacuzenus also wrote a letter to the pope, mediately upon his entrance into Constan- dated 22 September, 1347, praising him for his tinople,” Cantacuzenus had summoned Bar-_ concern for eastern Christians and for organiztholomew of Rome, and explored with him the ing the sacrum passagium against the Turks (in means of reconciling the Greeks to the Latin fact against his faithful ally Umur Pashal). It Church and of securing their obeisance to was ina way the letter of credence for the three Rome. He prepared with the consent of his Greek envoys who were going to Avignon, the young co-emperor, John V Palaeologus, a _ protovestiarites George Spanopoulus, Nicholas golden bull which they both signed in cinnabar Sigeros, and Frangois de Pertuxo (du Pertuis?), ink, “giving our lord the pope his proper title a knight from Auvergne, who was in the service and recognizing the primacy and universality of Cantacuzenus. The three had witnessed his of the Roman Church.” Cantacuzenus’s desire solemn affirmation of all the commitments he

to unite Christendom under the triple tiara had declared himself ready to make, as set knew no bounds, “and he will observe that forth in the memorandum. The date of their obedience which the pope has received from departure from Constantinople is not known, the king of France, and thus he intends, for but it seems to have taken place several weeks

himself and his empire, to enter into union after the conclusion (on 9 October) of Barwith the lord pope and the Roman Church, tholomew of Rome’s conferences with Caneven as the king of France.” He needed help, tacuzenus. They would presumably land at however, against his enemies, “Christian, Sara- Venice, and remain there long enough to

cen, and pagan,” and proposed a synod to recover from the rigors of a voyage in discuss union, which might best be held in November or December. Loenertz has Constantinople, although Negroponte or suggested that Nicholas Sigeros probably met Rhodes might also be considered. But in hold- Petrarch in late January, 1348, at Verona, ing such a synod Cantacuzenus would need the where the Greek mission may have stopped on

strong support of a Latin armada, “so that by the westward journey. Petrarch is known to

force and fear he may be able to induce the have been in Verona at that time; on 10

obstinate to [accept] the Roman faith,” to which February the Greek envoys are reported to many Greeks were already inclined. Further- have been in Milan. Sigeros was the interpreter more, Cantacuzenus was prepared “to join his of the mission. He and Petrarch became good banner with the banner of the pope and [that friends, and some years later he sent Petrarch a

of] the lord dauphin . . . , nay even to pro- Greek text of Homer, for which the poet

ceed in person against the Turks... .” He thanked him in a letter of 10 January would go with a Christian armada against (1354?).’°

Smyrna (armata Smirnarum)! In fact he would In the meantime the industrious Bartolomtake command of the expedition if the pope so wished, and he had no doubt that he could 103 The memorandum, prepared for Clement VI’s own achieve more “with the armada in one month inspection, was published by Loenertz, “Ambassadeurs grecs,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XIX, 180-84, from

—__—_——_—— the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Pal. lat. 606, fols. 1-3, ina

On Cantacuzenus, see the works referred to above in fifteenth-century hand. That Bartholomew of Rome was to Chapter 9, note 93, and below in Chapter 17, note 92, and transmit the memorandum to the pope appears from the article by C. P. Kyrris, in Byzantina, HI (1971), 369-80, another document published by Loenertz, op. cit., no. III, p. who traces the rocky road which led Cantacuzenus to the 188, line 71. Cf. Lemerle, L’Emirat d@’Aydin, pp. 224-25.

throne, and outlines the futile efforts at church union 104 TLoenertz, Orient. Christ. period., XIX, 184-86.

during the 1330's. 105 T oenertz, Orient. Christ. period., XIX, 194-96.

214 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT meo de’ Tomari had been carrying on negotia- Pasha seemed interested in peace with the tions for the truce, which Humbert had rec- Christians.

ommended, with Umur Pasha of “upper Along the way or at Avignon the Greek Smyrna” and his brother Khidr Beg of mission prepared a memorial which on 5

Ephesus. The Turks had requested that the old March, 1348, they submitted to Clement VI. harbor fortress, which had belonged to them, They began with the request for a sanctum should be destroyed (but not the new Christian passagium against the Turks. Cantacuzenus fortifications of the lower town). Bartolommeo would contribute 15,000 to 20,000 men to a had brought the Turkish proposals for peace to full-scale crusade, or 4,000 to a smaller expediAvignon in January, 1348; one Ottaviano Zac- tion with some particular Turkish state as its caria, a kinsman of the late Martino, had objective, and in either case the emperor would apparently been instrumental in effecting a himself accompany the Byzantine contingent. peaceful approach to the Turks. On 20 January ‘They also repeated Cantacuzenus’s desire for a

Clement wrote to thank him for his efforts, synod to effect ecclesiastical union, but “as to urged him to persist in the negotiations, but how this synod should be formed, and where, warned him that the fortress must not be and to what end, we have nothing else in our dismantled.*% On 5 February Clement wrote instructions . . . except that our lord emperor Francesco Michiel, now advanced to full has ordered us to return to him as quickly as legatine authority, and Dieudonné de Gozon, we can in order that he may learn through us master of the Hospital, that although the of your Holiness’s precept and judgment confortress might have been destroyed when the cerning the [anti-Turkish] expeditions and Christians first took it, for it was not of much concerning the synod as well. . . .” Perhaps his use, its demolition now would be an offense to Holiness would be willing to send his own Christendom. Humbert, Edward of Beaujeu, ambassador back with them on their return to the doge of Venice, and others were all of this the Bosporus. Cantacuzenus required assisopinion.’” The truce was certainly desirable, for tance against his enemies, and his Holiness was

“we are exhausted by the heavy burdens of asked to write Stephen Dushan to give up the expense.” Wars threatened in Greece. Louis of Greek territory which he had occupied during Hungary had occupied Naples. The fortress the period of civil war between Cantacuzenus must remain standing, but after the truce the and the court party in Byzantium.’ Turks could use the port for commerce, “since We know nothing of the discussions which in some places which they hold, our people also took place at the Curia and in the upper receive the same [concession].” Clement hoped “robing room” of the papal palace, the Camera

for the restoration of peace between France Paramenti, where Clement usually granted auand England, which would ease his position diences. We do know, however, that there immeasurably. He was sending Bartolommeo were five Turks in Avignon at this time, back to the East immediately, so that Michiel probably envoys of some sort. On 6 March and Dieudonné might continue negotiations (1348) a papal courier named Thomas Niwith the Turks.1° Thus while Cantacuzenus cole was reimbursed for paying 10 shillings, wanted war with the Turks, his friend Umur 7 pence, for one night’s lodging in his hospice

for the Turks, and another courier Pierre

106 Déprez and Mollat, Clement VI: Lettres . . . interessant Gautier received 42 shillings, 6 pence, for three

les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 1, nos. 1563-64, pp. blankets and two loads of hay which he had

205—6. . purchased for the Turks.“° On 14 April the Agreement on retention of the fortress at Smyrna was

one of the few bonds between Humbert and Edward of }=—————— Beaujeu, who were soon at war with each other (Déprez, 1° Loenertz, Orient. Christ. pertod., XIX, 186-88.

Glénisson, and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres se rapportant 1° Carrying letters, bulls, citations, and messages was a la France, Il, fasc. 4, nos. 3793-94, 3813-14, 3874-75, only one of the many specialized functions of papal pp. 450 ff., and cf. Valbonnays, I, 346, 348). couriers, who acted as the chief purchasing agents of the 108 Déprez, II, fasc. 4, no. 3728, p. 437. Bartolommeo de’ Camera Apostolica (as in the present instance), served as Tomari had carried on negotiations “cum Zarabi Alti loci ushers at the court and even as police and jailers, delivered [ Altoluogo, Ephesus] et Marbasano Smirnarum superiorum summonses, had the task of overseeing the palace guards, detentoribus, Turkorum ducibus.” A well-known Hospital- attached papal bulls to church doors (publicatio ad valvas), ler named Dragonet de Joyeuse (de Gaudiosa) is named in and performed other assignments. As for the delivery of

the pope’s letter as conducting these negotiations with mail, the Camera frequently used the returning envoys of Bartolommeo. Cf. Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires princes, bishops, and others as well as various trustworthy

d’Orient, pp. 86 ff. persons leaving Avignon for their own homes. Papal

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 215 Camera paid out 900 florins to the members of Almost two years were to pass, however, Cantacuzenus’s embassy for the expenses of before Clement would send an embassy to the

their return journey: 300 to “John the Byzantine court,! and in the meantime the prothovestiarites,” which means to George rapid flow of events produced dramatic Spanopoulus; 200 to the lord Nicholas, the changes in the East, especially at Smyrna.

interpres maior; 200 to Frangois “de Pertuso,” Clement’s refusal (on 5 February, 1348, as we

the knight from Auvergne; 100 to Bishop have seen) to allow the demolition of the old

Oddino of Chios, who had shared Can- fortress commanding the harbor at Smyrna tacuzenus’s confidence and the mission. with doubtless led Umur Pasha to believe that it was

Bartholomew of Rome; and, finally, 100 to to be used as a base for further Latin attacks Bartholomew himself, who is sometimes called upon his territory. Thereafter he could not “de Urbe.”"? On the following day Clement take negotiations for a truce very seriously. He wrote John Cantacuzenus and John Palaeo- soon learned that John Cantacuzenus was prelogus, imperatores Grecorum illustres, that he paring an expedition against Stephen Dushan. had received Spanopoulus, Sigeros,and Francois Gregoras informs us that Cantacuzenus left “de Pertuxo,” who had brought him a chryso- Constantinople in mid-spring (uecovvrTos dn

bull, presumably the “litterae bulla aurea tov npos) in order to muster his forces at

munitae” recognizing the primacy and univer- Demotica, “and he summoned his friend Umur

sality of the Roman Church (referred to in the to come from Asia [Minor] with Turkish memorandum of October, 1347). He had dis- troops.” Desiring to respond to the appeal,

cussed the purpose of the Greek embassy with Umur collected a large force of foot and horse,

the cardinals, and would send his answer to but before setting out for Thrace and Constantinople by his own nuncios.!” Macedonia, he wished to destroy the fortress

ee which the Latins held at Smyrna (76 ev Xpipvy

couriers, curiously enough, carried few letters, which were ypovptov tav Aativwv), lest they ravage his often entrusted to couriers employed by the great Floren- Jands and commit every last outrage during his

tine banking houses (until the bank failures At U , the h the Lat; d Thereafter certain innkeepers in Avignon becameof the1343-1346). absence. mursbapproac atins made chief entrepreneurs of mail delivery, receiving letters from a Sortie from their walls, but were driven back

the Camera (and the Chancery) and assigning them for by the larger numbers of Turks. They made delivery to free-lance couriers, who finally found steady fast the gates of the fortress, “and fought from employment the inns, which became post to offices. the walls,” saysother Gregoras innkeepersat presented statements the The Camera every | : inrmhis| epic ; style, month or so, depending on the extent of their bill. They with far-ranging arrows” (rots €xnBodAots note could of course lodge couriers as well as dispatch them, and Bé\ect). One of them struck Umur and killed

their inns became clearing houses of news and rumor. him straightway; his followers carried off his Thus Piero di Gieri, an innkeeper from Scarperia (near body; and _ his troops withdrew from the asFlorence), became knownand to was the called Camera as Petrus de the It4 Latins N he would Lat; Id Cursoribus (Piero de’Corieri), magister Sault. ow notbe bedislodged dislodge

cursorum mercatorum Avenionensium, for whose career see Y. from Smyrna.

Renouard, “Comment les papes d’Avignon expédiaient leur Gregoras states that Cantacuzenus was doucourrier,” Revue historique, CLXXX (1937), 20-23, and ¢. bly distressed by the news of Umur Pasha’s in general Guillemain, La Cour pontificale d’Avignon (1962), death, for he had lost both the Turkish rein-

pp. 301-3, 579.couriers In Clement timeorcements, there were £ hich h. 44 and 60 papal (ibid.,VI’s p. 304). onbetween whic e had been he counting,

It is well to remember that letters often left Avignon a and the faithful friend, who had always served month or six weeks after the dates they bear. In cases of him well. He decided to give up the Serbian emergency professional (and sometimes papal) couriers expedition, according to Gregoras because he

were butcollected this was veryofexpensive, officials theassistance, Id lack Uan; ecause . d b hfe Cameraused, usually a sack mail going toand a given wou acof murs region before turning it over to an innkeeping postmaster ——————_—

such as Piero di Gieri. the Greek ambassadors to the Doge Andrea Dandolo, since 111 Loenertz, Orient. Christ. period., XIX, 188; Schafer, they were sailing home from Venice (ibid., no. 1629, p. Ausgaben (1914), p. 359, who gives exitus entries for both 6 216). March and 14 April. “Bartholomeus de Urbe” had received 3 Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant

300 florins from the Camera in 1343 to accompany a les pays autres que la France, I, fasc. 2 (1961), no. 2002, p. Byzantine embassy back to Constantinople and “pro 271, dated 31 May, 1349, and note no. 2233. exequendis certis negotiis” (Schafer, op. cit., p. 232). 44 Gregoras, XVI, 6, 1-2 (Bonn, II, 834—35); Ducas, chap. ‘? The text of the letter is given in Loenertz, op. cit., p. 7 (Bonn, pp. 29-30); Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin, pp. 227-29,

189, and in E. Déprez and G. Mollat, Clément VI: relying upon Gregoras, would place the death of Umur Lettres . . . interessant les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc.1 Pasha in May, 1348; Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires (1960), no. 1626, p. 216. On 26 April Clement commended _ d’Orient, pp. 105-6, would put it in June.

216 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT suffered an attack of nephritis about 21 June (castrum et locus Smirnarum) were saved from (7Ept Tas DEpwas Tov hriov rpovads), and so if ruin, and that no terms of a truce or peace Gregoras’s chronology is accurate, Umur Pasha included the demolition of the fortress, which was killed in May, 1348." He was succeeded in Clement said he would not tolerate.'!7 the emirate of Aydin (Smyrna) by his elder On the very next day (18 August, 1348), well brother Khidr Beg, who ruled some miles to before Clement’s letter could have left Avi-

the south in Ephesus, and who soon proved gnon, Khidr Beg as the new emir of Aydin more amenable than Umur to arranging a_ swore to abide by the preliminary terms of a

truce with the Latins. treaty, prepared in Latin and Greek texts, to which he put his sign manual in the presence of

Crusading leagues were hard to hold toGreekterms notary. Th ; . 4The had

been arranged

gether, and the Venetians, who were bearing by the Hospitailer Dragonet de Joyeuse, who heavy expenses in facto wnionis, were rather had collaborated with Bartolommeo de’ Tomari dissatisfied with the performance of their allies. in preparing the draft of the truce which July a ri was expressed in the penate jon? Clement had rejected more than seven months

uly; at the other members Of tie —before.8 Dragonet is described in the new

wague were rina themselves ‘ess L The treaty as the “ambassador and procurator” of mes were dangerous, an emice ferselt ~Dieudonné de Gozon, master of the Hospital, nee men ané ganeys. The opens . thei who are themselves said merely to be representmended, an € senate agreed, that tieir ing (habentes commissionem) the pope and the

Sim y Man q virtuous sand Ven; yb " the apostolic legate Francesco Michiel and

spun th lenge,a Gio, Gig Holy Se. Khidr Bog tated that he as sendingto ; is Own envoys cum plena commissione

the

three galleys which had previously left Venice pope, who might mae to or remove from the (or the Rast, saving mere, however, We oer treaty any articles he wished. Khidr swore upon

galleys in a qd di; en th at h thee the Koran to observe the draft of the treaty as must constantly ainnin © a ‘ho non” Th. it stood until his envoys could return from the

" . Curia Romana, also in advance duke and ;councillors of Creteand were to to seeaccept to it, eas . therefore, that these two armed galleys had whatever modifications the pope might choose thei, necessary complement of men, equip- to make in the text! First of all, among some ment. and supplies. The two Candjote calleys mmetee” articles, Khidr promised to grant the

were to stark. nard at Smvrna but ako members of the Christian league (called the ; 5 SEE nes sancta unio)—and others to whom they might sometimes to go to the city and island of concede the right—one-half the trade of Negroponte for the assurance and security of Ephesus (de Theslogo) and all his other ports tre Venetian colony there, ane this as often as and to treat honorably and well the Christian Ppo YP ee ge i. population in the fortress and lower town of The news of the Christian “victory” at Smvrna. He would vut all his ships and gall

Smyrna seems not to have been known in >™Y14: Tie W put all his ships and galleys

, ; time in dry dock, andaction. keep them there until the Venice at the of the Senate’s It F hi fF Avi in fact h apparently took a long time to reach Avignon. return OF fis envoys trom “Avignon; in tact ne agreed to burn or otherwise destroy them if the On 17 August, 1348, however, Clement VI hould ‘ch If h Cl wrote Archbishop Paulus of Smyrna and the pep shou hin ‘he - it, however, Clement

young Barnaba da Parma, “captain of the city,” "0" d grant me © boon (st forte sans pater acknowledging receipt of their letters trium- facet g? onan) hi not d wallew SChids Sead phantly announcing Umur Pasha’s death, of estroying the ships and galleys, Aiidr wou which he had already learned from a letter of S€€ to it that for the duration of the treaty they Dieudonné de Gozon, master of the Hospital. remamed unarmed (sine aliquo bharamento), It was joyous news, indeed, for which he 4? ‘ at his people refrained from piratical thanked heaven, but now they must see to it tacks upon Christians. He would apprehend that the fortress and lower town of Smyrna =——————

—— ; 117 Déprez and Mollat, VI: Lettres . . . intéressant 115 G , XVI, 6, 3 (B , II, 835). tClément la F , 1, fasc. 1, no. 1697, p. 229. 116 Arch. di Stato di Veneria, Misti, neg. 24, fol. 79°, “he Dépren, Glénisson, and *Mollat, Clément’ VI Lettres inadequately and inaccurately summarized in Thiriet, Ré- se rapportant a la France, HU, fasc. 4, no. 3728, p. 437,

gestes, I, no. 212, pp. 63-64. referred to above.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 217 and punish, to the fullest extent of his power, have been hard pressed indeed to accept such the pirates and corsairs of any Turkish emirate. terms, or perhaps he had certain reservations His own people would neither harbor corsairs about observing them.

nor furnish them with supplies, and he would On 26 September (1348) Clement wrote make full restitution for any Christian losses Hugh IV, king of Cyprus, commending

caused by such malefactors among his subjects, Philippe de Chambarlhac, the archbishop of who were also to aid shipwrecked Christians Nicosia, who was about to embark for his see. He and help salvage their cargoes. Neither he nor informed Hugh that he was awaiting further his subjects would assist in any way enemies of news of the Turkish negotiations from Michiel

the Christian league or renegade Christians and de Gozon as well as the Turkish envoys disobedient to the “sacrosanct mother Church who, Bartolommeo de’ Tomari had told him,

of Rome.” were being sent to Avignon. For the present he Khidr Beg promised to restore to the arch- could give Hugh no further news, but he had bishops of Smyrna and Ephesus all their discussed the matter with Philippe, who could churches, provide revenues for them, allow report what he had said.’”* Bartolommeo had preaching and the celebration of masses, and just come back from “Romania et Turquia,” see that they and the Christian communities and on 3 October he received 100 florins from received protection."® He would make his the Camera for the expenses of his return people honor their commitments to Christians, voyage.’”

protect western merchants, and maintain hon- The Turkish embassy was long in reaching est weights and measures. The members of the Avignon and long in leaving. Ottaviano ZacChristian league, Cypriotes, Venetians, and caria had accompanied the Turks, who were Hospitallers, were to have the right to maintain led by “Esedin Balaban.” According to the their own consilium and consules in his territory. exitus accounts, the Camera spent 299 florins

The consuls would administer justice to their for cloth to make clothes for the Turks,

own compatriots; in cases involving a Turk and _ probably so that they would be less conspicuous

a Christian, a consul and a Turkish judge in the streets of Avignon. Their expenses were

(nayppe, i.e. naip) should hear'the case together. reckoned at five florins a day for 117 days from

All galleys of the league could put into any port mid-March, 1349, to early July, which in Khidr’s emirate to “buy and sell” whatever amounted to 585 florins. The keeper of the was necessary for their crews, such as bread, tavern where they stayed received additional wine, meat, and other foodstuffs, without pay- sums for providing beds, cooking utensils, and

ing any sort of impost or duty. Khidr swore to other services. Various other charges were observe a previous treaty (or at least capitula et incurred on their behalf, and the cameral clerk

conventiones) which he had made with the indicates in his account that he would be glad Hospitallers, and he would return the bodies of to see them gone (e utinam recedant!). The the Latin Patriarch Henry d’Asti and the others pope ordered that 40 florins should be divided

(who had fallen in the ambuscade of 17 among them, and 80 more were spent on two

January, 1345) whenever the Christians were pieces of striped Florentine cloth as a gift for ready to claim them. One of the high contract- Khidr Beg, “Turkish lord of Altoluogo,” to ing parties might recover a slave who had_ which the pope added other gifts amounting to escaped into the domain of the other by the 480 florins. As of 8 July the total expenditures payment of fifteen florins.“° Khidr Beg must appear to have amounted to 1,466 florins, and on the tenth one Simone Piccati (Pichati), a 1% After the Turkish occupation of Ephesus and Smyrna Florentine interpreter, was given 100 florins to at the beginning of the fourteenth century, the Christian escort the Turks back home.?*4 communities (often consisting of numerous slaves) had an extremely hard time, as their pastors sometimes slandered ———-—————

one another, fought over the sparse revenues available for _ bk. Iv, no. 239, p. 162; and cf. Heyd, Hist. du commerce du

their support, and had to live entirely upon the uncertain Levant, I (1885, repr. 1967), 543. sufferance of the emirs (cf. in general Speros Vryonis, Jr., 121 Déprez and Mollat, Clement VI: Lettres . . . interessant The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process les pays autres que la France, I, fasc. 1, nos. 1716-18, p. 232. of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century, 122 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 386.

Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971, pp. 297-99, 316, 317, 123 Déprez and Mollat, Clement VI: Lettres . . . intéressant

326, 327-29, 332, 338, and esp. pp. 343-48). les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 2 (1961), no. 2024, p.

120 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I (1880, repr. 1965), no. 275. 168, pp. 313-17; Predelli, Regesti det Commem., II (1878), 124 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), p. 416. On 7 July, 1349,

218 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT While the Turks ate their rabbit stews, and Khidr again. In the meantime he had ordered, probably went sightseeing to Nimes, Arles, and _ with the full agreement of Esedin Balaban and

Orange, Clement had ample opportunity to Zaccaria, a suspension of all hostilities until study the preliminary text of the treaty (of 18 Christmas of 1350, and he urged Khidr to August, 1348). But the war between France refrain from any sort of attack upon the and England, the aftermath of the Black Death, Christians during this period. He was of course the tension between Venice and Genoa, and the directing the members of the Christian league

Hungarian invasion of the Neapolitan kingdom also to respect the truce, and the Florentine weighed more heavily on his mind than the interpreter Simone Piccati would be able to affairs of Smyrna. His liberality and extrava- inform him more fully about these matters.!?6 gance were beginning to cripple the Camera On 3 July Ottaviano Zaccaria was granted the Apostolica, and now he tried to recover funds “faculty” of trading for three years in partibus

which had already been assigned to the transmarinis, which in this context means with crusade. On 10 April, 1349, he wrote Dieu- the Moslems; he could trade in merchandise to donné de Gozon that over the last half- the value of 25,000 florins, but traffic in arms dozen years the Camera had paid the Hospital and other contraband was as usual forbid110,800 florins for the support of the four den.?” Ottaviano obviously hoped to find dipapal galleys in the Aegean. The Hospitallers’ plomacy more profitable than Martino Zaccaria accounts, however, which had just been audited had found warfare. Ten months later Clement in Avignon, showed that only 79,200 florins had grounds for believing that Ottaviano was had actually been expended on the galleys, more interested in advancing the interests of the leaving a balance of 31,500 florins (actually Turks than those of his fellow Christians.!”° 31,600!), which Clement now ordered returned __ For reasons that remain unclear Clement did to the Camera unless Dieudonné could show not write to Hugh IV until some ten and a half that additional sums had in fact been expended weeks later (on 13 September, 1349) when he

as stipendia for the galleys.’ asked him not to allow any of his subjects to Clement’s chief interest in arranging a favor- attack Khidr Beg. Hugh was to consult with his

able peace or truce with the Turks of Aydin council to determine whether in their opinion was undoubtedly his dwindling treasury. As the the truce should be accepted. or the war Turkish embassy under “Esedin Balaban” was continued. If they chose the latter course, they preparing to leave Avignon, and Ottaviano must decide where the money was coming from Zaccaria to return with them, Clement gave ad guerram prosequendam. Clement could prothem a letter dated 1 July (1349) for delivery to vide no further subsidy for the crusade; the Khidr Beg (nobili viro Chalabi, domino Altiloci). papal treasury was exhausted, owing to the He wrote that he had received Khidr’s envoys, almost unimaginable financial burdens to which

read his letters, and heard his oral messages. he had been subjected. Hugh was to send He had then conferred with the cardinals envoys to Avignon before May, 1350, in order concerning Khidr’s proposals, but before he to inform the Curia of Cypriote intentions.’

could confirm the articles of a truce, he would On 29 September Clement cautioned the Hoshave to consult both the king of Cyprus and the _pitallers to observe the truce.*° A week later doge of Venice, for they were members of the (on 5 October) Clement sent Hugh another league, although they had not been a party to letter, and wrote also to Andrea Dandolo, doge the previous negotiations. He was therefore of Venice, the remaining member of the Chrisrequesting the king and the doge to send _ tian league. He had already sent them a copy of

envoys to Avignon before the coming May the proposed truce, to which he had added (1350) in order to go over the texts of the articles with him, and thereafter he would write 126 Déprez and Mollat, Clement VI: Lettres . . . interessant

—__ les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 2 (1961), no. 2024, pp.

Piccati received a safe-conduct to go ad partes ultramarinas 275-76.

(Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2032, p. 277). 7 Déprez and Mollat, ibid., no. 2028, p. 276. #25 Déprez, Glénisson, and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres ** Deéprez and Mollat, ibid., no. 2189, p. 303, dated 1

se rapportant a la France, I, fasc. 4, no. 4130, pp. May, 1350.

532-33. Two weeks later (on 25 April) the Dauphin 129 Néprez and Mollat, zbid., no. 2060, p. 282.

Humbert was asked to come to Avignon, possibly to confer 130 Tbid., no. 2078, p. 285. The crusading tithe was still with the pope on this as well as other matters (zbid., no. _ being collected in the Greek islands (no. 2070, p. 284), but

4142, p. 536). it could not have amounted to much.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 219 certain items and from which he had removed _ seventh the Senate set about the election of an others, in accord with the right which Khidr envoy who, after commending the Republic to Beg had recognized (reservata nobis addendi et his Holiness with the usual formalities, was to minuendi . . . plenaria potestate). Now he sent describe to him the “miserable and weak condithem another copy of the truce in a form that _ tion of the city of Smyrna and of the Christians he was prepared to accept, with “many” such dwelling there as well as of the other Christians

addenda and deletions. In view of the coming in the islands and districts of Greece.” The jubilee year (1350) it had seemed appropriate perfidious Turks were planning the reoccupa-

to him and to almost all the cardinals to tion of Smyrna and the complete destruction of confirm the truce in the modified form. He Christianity. Their courage had grown, and directed Dandolo to refrain from attacks upon their strength returned, as soon as they had Aydin at least until December, 1350, for the seen the allied fleets withdraw from the region.

Turks would also observe the truce until that Smyrna had been acquired at the cost of time, and to send envoys to the Curia before Christian blood and treasure, and honor rethe coming May to decide whether the next quired that it be defended to the last. Such was step would be toward peace or war. Bartolom-_ the resolution passed in the Senate with only meo de’ Tomari was taking the papal letter to one dissenting vote, and such was to be the Venice; he could fill in the whole background Venetian answer to Clement and the other against which Clement was acting. If the Vene- members of the holy league.’** tians chose to continue the war, they must (like On 30 October (1349) the Senate turned to

Hugh and the Hospitallers) consider where Clement's letter of the fifth and Bertrand du the necessary money was coming from. Another Poujet’s of the tenth as well as to the report of crusading subsidy was beyond Clement’s re- Bartolommeo de’ Tomari, and accepted a text sources.!*! Bertrand du Poujet, cardinal bishop prepared by the sapientes to be sent to Avignon

of Ostia and Velletri and sometime legate as the doge’s answer. Professing the greatest in northern Italy, also wrote the doge, urging devotion to his Holiness, Andrea Dandolo was

him to send envoys to the Curia promptly, to write that Venice would obey him both in

and telling him that Bartolommeo was carrying sending envoys to the Curia within the preletters concerning the truce to Hugh and to the scribed time (May, 1350) and in observing the

Hospitallers.** postponement of naval or military action

After the arrival of Clement’s letter of 5 against the Turks (until Christmas, 1350) proOctober, the Venetian Senate met on Saturday, vided the latter, who were devoid of honesty, 24 October, and decided that the answer and observed the truce themselves. But Dandolo the dispatch of an envoy to the Curia were had already warned his Holiness that the ‘Turks matters of such importance that they should be were breaking the truce, “because they have

held over until the following Tuesday, the gonetheir out ships and they do a out every day to with twenty-seventh, when the Senate would convene and barks [with a view] the

“after the ninth hour” (about 4.A.M. in October!). occupation and destruction of the city of Absence from the meeting would be attended ————— by a fine of twenty soldi.“ On the twenty- dated 24 October, 1349: “Capta: Quoniam ista negotia que tractantur de mittendo ambaxatorem ad Curiam pro isto

———_—_—_———. facto Smirnarum sunt magna et ardua, et bonam et

131 Thid,, no. 2080, p. 285; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, solempnem deliberationem requirunt ut cogitari et deno. 172, pp. 345-46; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., 11, bk. _liberari valeat quid sit melius domino concedente, vadit

Iv, no. 295, p. 174. pars quod inducietur hoc negotium usque ad diem martis 132 Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 1, no. 173, pp. 346-47, proximam post nonam, qua die et hora vocetur hoc

dated 10 October, 1349, and Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., _ consilium sub pena soldorum viginti, et fiet sicut videbitur.”

II, bk. Iv, no. 297, p. 174, who incorrectly identifies the 134 Misti, Reg. 25, fo.. 60": “Et facta eidem [domino cardinal of Ostia as Pierre de Colombier. On Cardinal nostro pape] humili et solenti commendatione de nobis et Bertrand du Poujet, cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, I (1913, repr. communitate nostra exponere debeat . . . miserabilem et 1960), 15, 36, and above, Chapter 9, note 94. A memoran- debilem condicionem tam loci Smirnarum et Christianorum dum of allied, chiefly Venetian, concessions to Khidr Begin in eodem degentium quam aliorum Christicolarum inthe proposed treaty of 18 August, 1348, is given in sularum et partium Romanie et iniquum et sceleste proThomas, I, no. 169, p. 318, and Predelli, II, bk. 1v, no. 260, | positum quod habent perfidi Turchi ad occupacionem et p. 167. There seems to be no evidence of the alterations delecionem dicti loci et exterminium ac destructionem which Clement VI made in the treaty (cf. Gay, Le Pape totius fidei Christiane et.maximam audaciam ac vigorem

Clement VI et les affaires d’Orient, p. 90). quem sumpserunt postquam revocatas viderunt armatas 133 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 25, fol. 59%, sacratissime unionis. . . .”

220 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Smyrna and of the Christians dwelling cooler than Avignon, just across the Rhone, and there... .”*° On 17 November the Senate agreed toa pact extending the league for another informed a Byzantine envoy of the meeting ten years to protect their principals’ Levantine scheduled for the following May to decide possessions and to carry on war against the upon peace or war with the Turks, and left Turks. Cyprus would furnish two armed gallittle doubt that they preferred war as the only _ leys, and the Hospital and Venice each three, means of saving Greece from destruction.1® which were to serve under a papal legate, who

Clement VI wanted to retain the lower would preside over a council of war to be

fortress at Smyrna, as we have seen, for some composed of the captains of the various galleys. day it might serve as a focal point for assem- These galleys were to assemble at Negroponte bling crusaders who could extend the Latinhold in January of the coming year, and were not to on the Anatolian littoral. There was no hope, be used for commercial purposes. Violation of

however, of doing this for some time to come. the terms of the agreement would carry a France and England were intermittently at war, penalty of 10,000 florins, to be paid to the and Venice and Genoa were moving toward Camera Apostolica. The pope was to ratify the war themselves.**’ When the Venetian ambas- pact and to request the king of Cyprus, the

sadors came to Avignon, in answer to the papal master of the Hospital, and the doge of Venice summons, in April, 1350,'8° Clement found _ to do likewise.'*!

them (not surprisingly) ready to continue the Although the Venetian Senate had been anti-Turkish league, but they now desired the prepared to maintain three galleys as their “concurrence” of the Genoese in the enterprise, contribution to the league, they were unwilling and on 7 May Clement tried to get the Genoese __ to involve themselves in the defense of Smyrna. to join their rivals in a new undertaking against After all, three out of eight galleys were “much

the Turks.’ It was a vain effort. The breach more than the quarter” which they had

between Venice and Genoa had been widening hitherto contributed. On 7 August the Senate

for the preceding three or four months, to had passed a resolution to the effect that the Clement’s consternation, for it was clear that ambassadors should give the pope such “exwar between the two maritime republics would cuses” as seemed best for their stand on the

make the defense of Smyrna exceedingly question of Smyrna and return home.!”

difficult.’*° Nevertheless, when the ambassadors Caught between a recalcitrant Senate and a of Hugh IV and Dieudonné de Gozon arrived strong-minded pope, the ambassadors were in in Avignon, and discussions began in earnest, it a difficult situation. A few weeks later (on 31 seems clear that the peace which Khidr Beg August) they sent the Doge Andrea Dandolo a offered his Christian opponents was not ac- copy of the pact to which they had subscribed

cepted. twenty days before. Their discussions at the On 11 August (1350) the ambassadors gath- Curia had not gone smoothly. They had had to ered at Villeneuve, which they doubtless found explain to Cardinals Hugues Roger (the pope’s brother), Etienne Aubert (later Innocent VI),

183 Misti. Re 95 fol. 61 and Guy de Boulogne why Venice declined to 136 Misti, Reg, 25, fol. 65, and cf. the hasty summary in part lcipate in the “custody” of Smyrna. When

Thiriet, Régestes, I (1958), no. 231, p. 67. their position was reported to the pope, he 7 On Clement’s efforts to make peace between Venice

and Genoa, cf. Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2107, p.5_ =~

291, dated 24 November, 1349, and note no. 2269; and 141 Predelli, Regestt det Commem., II, bk. Iv, no. 352, p. Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., HU, bk. Iv, no. 303, p. 175. 184; Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres se rapportant a la France,

#8 On 18 March the Venetian ambassadors were prepar- III, fasc. 5 (1959), no. 4661, pp. 116-17 (cited hereing to leave for the Curia Romana for consultations “super after as Déprez, III, fasc. 5).

negotio unionis ... et treuguarum tractatarum cum 12 Misti, Reg. 26, fol. 42", dated 7 August, 1350: “Quia Zalabi domino Theologi” [i.e. Khidr Beg, lord of Ephesus]: tempus presens non patitur propter condiciones nostras Venice was willing to observe the truce, but claimed Khidr intromittere nos in custodia Smirnarum, vadit pars quod Beg was not doing so himself, and was aiming at the scribatur nostris ambaxatoribus quod tum quia numquam

reoccupation of Smyrna (Misti, Reg. 26, fols. 8 ff.). habuimus aliquam partem in Smirnis tum quia con-

8° Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2193, pp. 304—5. tribuimus unioni tres galeas de VIII. que sunt multo plus 1 Cf. Misti, Reg. 25, fol. 73", a letter of Andrea Dandolo quam quartum quod alias contribuebamus, et pro aliis to Clement, dated 8 January, 1350, in answer to a papal multis respectibus non videtur nobis ullo modo assumere letter of 24 November (summarized in Déprez and Mollat, aliquod onus in custodiam ipsarum, et propterea volumus I, fasc. 2, no. 2107, p. 291). Cf. Thiriet, Régestes, 1, no. 235, quod excusando nos cum hiis et aliis rationibus que sibi

p. 68. videbuntur . . . Venecias revertantur.”

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 221 became angry. The harassed ambassadors had_ grave danger of the faithful and the opproalso taken the opportunity to complain to the ‘brium of the Holy See; and the doge would non cardinals of the losses which Venetians were immerito be charged with the failure of the suffering at Genoese hands while the differ- crusade and the misfortunes which would ences at issue between the two states were being _ befall the faithful. He urged Dandolo to fulfill

aired before the pope, who (they reported to his obligation to furnish the three galleys, Dandolo) was much disturbed, and promised to which (being under papal protection) the make every effort to put an end to the alleged Genoese would certainly not attack. (If Clement Genoese aggression.’** Thereafter (on 11 Sep- believed this, Dandolo did not.) However, if tember), when the pope wrote Hugh IV of Venice would pay the necessary stipendia, three Cyprus, Dieudonné de Gozon, and Dandolo, non-Venetian galleys might be leased, which asking them to ratify the anti-Turkish pact, he would obviously have no fear of attack by the made a strong point with Dandolo of demand- Genoese."

ing that Venice contribute a fourth part of the | At the same time Clement wrote Dandolo funds necessary to protect Smyrna against that he was having 3,000 florins sent to Bar-

Khidr Beg.1*4 tolommeo Spiafamis, a papal banker and merIn May, 1350, the Venetians had been still chant of Lucca, to be turned over to the

willing to continue the offensive against the procurators of S. Mark, and asked the doge to Turks despite the mounting tension with see to the safe transmission of the funds to the

Genoa.’ The Republic’s ambassadors at the legate Raymond Saquet for the defense of Curia reported to the Senate the pope’s hopes Smyrna. He thanked Dandolo, who appears of preserving peace with Genoa,'* but it was no also to have contributed 3,000 florins for the use, and on 5 October the Senate informed a same purpose.’*” But if the Venetians would papal envoy that they had tolerated Genoese not send their galleys into Smyrniote waters, it affronts long enough. War was inevitable, and__ was all the more important that the Cypriotes Venice could not meet the pope’s expectations and Hospitallers should do so, for Raymond of assistance against the Turks.'*7 So it went Saquet had already arrived in the East, and from week to week. Now the Venetians would expected and needed their help.**°

not even provide the three galleys they had Dandolo apparently did not answer Clemagreed to in the “conventions and promises” ent’s letters of 13 January (1351) until 31 made in the doge’s name (on 11 August, 1350), March. He assured his Holiness that the Venefor which Clement chided Andrea Dandolo ina __tians desired with all their hearts to fulfill every

letter of 13 January, 1351. Dandolo had in- promise their ambassadors had made with formed Clement that Venetian galleys could respect to the anti-Turkish league. But war not engage safely in anti-Turkish operations with the treacherous Genoese presented a very because war now existed between his state and serious danger to Venice, as he had more than

Genoa. Clement replied that Venice was once informed his Holiness, and while Venice honor-bound to keep her word. Otherwise had always sought the well-being and augmentaKing Hugh of Cyprus and the Hospitallers tion of the faith, she must also look to her own would relax their own efforts; Raymond _ safety. The pope’s 3,000 florins were being sent Saquet, bishop of Thérouanne and now papal to Smyrna, as he had directed.’** Before Danlegate, would be left helpless in the East, to the dolo’s letter had reached Avignon, Clement

185. TT

ee had learned that Genoese galleys had landed 143 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., U, bk. 1v, no. 354, p. On the island of Naxos, and captured Janulli 444 Déprez and Mollat, Lettres . . . intéressant les pays 148 G. M. Thomas (and Riccardo Predelli), Diplomatarium autres que la France, 1, fasc. 2 (1961), nos. 2299-2300, pp. _-veneto-levantinum, II (1899, repr. 1965), no. 1, pp. 1-2, and 320-21; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no. 176, pp. 349-50; | Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2378, p. 332. Raymond Predelli, Regesti det Commem., 11, bk. tv, no. 356, p. 185. Saquet was finally made legate in the East on 26 June, 1350 8 Two months earlier, on 8 March, 1350, the Senate had (Déprez, III, fasc. 5, nos. 4587-88, p. 99).

considered the “iniurie, gravitates, molestie, lesiones, et 49 ‘Thomas, II, no. 2, pp. 2-3, dated 13 January, 1351; dampna que nobis intulerunt Ianuenses et inferre cotidie | Déprez and Mollat, Lettres . . . intéressant les pays autres que

non desistunt” (Misti, Reg. 26, fol. 4"), and note, ibid., fols. la France, 1, fasc. 2, no. 2379, pp. 332-33, with an 29", 30 ff., 42, et alibi, and Thiriet, Réegestes, I, nos. 242, inadequate summary, and note no. 2380, p. 333.

944-46, 248, 250. 150 Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2377, p. 332, also 46 Misti, Reg. 26, fol. 37°, dated 12 July, 1350. dated 13 January, 1351.

47 Thiriet, Regestes, 1, no. 250, p. 71. 51 Misti, Reg. 26, fol. 54”.

222 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sanudo, duke of the Archipelago (dux Agio- much as Genoa) preferred to remain at peace

pelagi), together with his family. The Genoese with the emirs for obvious commercial had seized some of his castles, plundered reasons.'*4

his possessions and those of his subjects, The Latin colony in Smyrna lived under and spread destruction throughout the island constant siege, and was probably demoralized. by fire. On 10 April, Clement demanded of the Clement directed the legate Raymond Saquet Genoese that they release Janulli and his family to institute an inquiry into the “enormous

and freely return his castles and lands to him. crimes” being attributed at the Curia to a Janulli had never done the Genoese any harm, certain Francis, who is referred to as the and he had already shown himself to be a archbishop of Smyrna!** (a nominee of the local

champion against the Turks. _, chapter?). The Christian league was falling The Genoese were certainly not lacking in apart. On 1 February, 1351, Clement wrote aggression, and Khidr Beg had been quick to Raymond Saquet again that the 3,000 florins make overtures to them. The Genoese response which he had sent as the Church’s share of the came in the form of an embassy, which was sent costs of defending Smyrna should be expended to Ephesus as well as to the Genoese colonies at to do so, but for the rest Raymond could decide

Chios, Pera, and Caffa. Two nobles went on the himself whether it seemed better to return mission, Oberto Gattilusio and Raffo Erminio; home or to remain in the East.156 Everything they went as “syndics” of the doge or governor was going wrong. No love was lost between of Genoa, Giovanni de’ Valenti; and their Venice and the Hospitallers, and on 15 May instructions are dated 26 May, 1351. They were Clement warned the master Dieudonné de

to go to Ephesus (ad Altum Locum), Gozon that he had heard the Hospitallers because the lord there, Ihalabi [Khidr Beg], as you might be aiding the Genoese in the maritime know, has been very well disposed, and has shown Warfare that was disrupting the Aegean world. the best will towards all Genoese: he has written a The Hospital was to remain absolutely neuood deal to us officially, offering his services for tral.!°’ As the plague ravaged Cyprus in the anything he could do for us. This is good, and we summer of 1351, Clement ordered the archwish that when . . . you get there, you take care to bishop of Nicosia and his suffragans to stop

good y ag piag § YP

enter his presence by making him the proper preaching the crusade, for the island kingdom salutation and act of ecordir t the pehait ane was surrounded by Moslems and it must not be at OF LNG COMMMANE, Accorag FO hae Custom © divested of warriors.5® The “crusade” had

those oriental lords, andtoward thank his good will ' d. and Cl ttoo lvwe ti and the love which he has shown us him and allfor COME€ tO an end, an ement was Orly

Genoese... . aware of the fact. On 8 September, 1351, Clement released the

Having paid their respects to Khidr Beg, the master and convent of the Hospital at Rhodes two syndics were then to arrange with the from their agreement to maintain three galleys Genoese consul and merchants at Ephesus to against the Turks, because the league had now prepare and send to nearby Chios a large failed (quia unio effectum non habuit), but they quantity of sea biscuits whenever the Chians were still required to pay 3,000 florins for the should request them.’ Considering the rap- defense of Smyrna. Hugh IV of Cyprus was prochement which thus existed between Khidr relieved of the obligation to pay 10,000 florins

Beg and the Genoese, it is small wonder that to which he was committed for the same Venice did not wish to allow her galleys to continue in the service of the Christian league 1s Heyd, I, 543-44, and Lemerle, L’Emirat d’Aydin against Khidr. It was better to deal with one (1957), pp. 233-34. enemy at a time, besides which Venice (quite as_ = ** Déprez, III, fasc. 5, no. 4855, p. 156, dated 13 January, 1351.

——_—_————— 158 Thid., no. 4865, p. 162.

152 Déprez and Mollat, I, fasc. 2, no. 2417, p. 337. Janulli 157 Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant or Giovanni I Sanudo was the duke of Naxos from 1341 to les pays autres que la France, 1, fasc. 2, no. 2426, p. 339. To 1362 (Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 480). the day he died, Clement continued his efforts to make 153 Angelo Sanguineti and Gerolamo Bertolotto, “Nuova peace between Venice and Genoa (ibid., nos. 2269, 2457,

Serie di documenti sulle relazioni di Genova coll’ impero 2466, 2511-14, 2518, 2589, 2598, 2605, 2669-71, and

bizantino,” in the Atti della Societa ligure di Storia Patria, Déprez, III, fasc. 5, nos. 5250-51, 5358, 5465). XXVIII (Genoa and Rome, 1896-1902), doc. XxIH, esp. 158 Déprez and Mollat, Clément VI: Lettres . . . intéressant pp. 550-51, and cf. Camillo Manfroni, “Le Relazioni fra les pays autres que la France, I, fasc. 2, no. 2496, p. 351, dated Genova, l’impero bizantino e i Turchi,” ibid., pp. 705 ff. 8 September, 1351.

CLEMENT VI AND HUMBERT OF VIENNOIS 223 purpose.’*® Clement wanted a final reckoning rest in a tomb of black and white marble and with Dieudonné de Gozon of some 32,000 alabaster. His recumbent figure in white marflorins which the Camera Apostolica had sent ble, the triple tiara on his head, palms apposed the Hospital for payments of stipendia to the in prayer, and little lions at his feet, still lies crews and men-at-arms on the papal galleys.‘ atop the black marble table of the sepulcher, And thereupon references to the crusade which was once surrounded by fifty-four small and the anti-Turkish league end abruptly in statues, mostly of his relatives, whom he had Clement’s correspondence, as he turned his made cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and rich attention to the affairs of Italy and his beloved magnates. The work on the tomb was done by France. He died on Thursday, 6 December, Pierre Roye and his helpers, and the costs are 1352, after recurrent illnesses. The following still on record in the exitus accounts of the spring, when the roads became passable, a Camera.'®! A strong pope, Clement has left the majestic funeral cortege set out from Avignon mark of his personality on the documents. He with five cardinals, eight archbishops, six had been determined to hold Smyrna, and he bishops, various abbots, and feudal lords, who did so. In fact the city remained in Christian accompanied the pope’s body by way of Le Puy hands until December, 1402, when the forces to the Benedictine abbey of Chaise Dieu, where of Timur the Lame took it from a Hospitaller he had spent his youth. The cortége, which cost garrison after a two weeks’ siege, a half-century 5,000 florins, arrived at the Chaise Dieu (Casa almost to the day after Clement’s death. Dez) on 8 April, 1353, and Clement was laid to 181 Schafer, Ausgaben (1914), pp. 286-87, 451-52, 467,

oo 481-82, 522, and cf. Pierre-Roger Gaussin, L’Abbaye de la 159 Déprez, Clément VI: Lettres se rapportant & la France, Chaise-Dieu (1043-1518), Paris, 1962, pp. 431-32. Count-

III, fasc. 5, nos. 5051-54, 5056, pp. 210-11. ing the large effigy of the pope, the tomb was an ensemble 100 Déprez, III, fasc. 5, no. 5060, p. 212, dated 13 of fifty-five statues (Schafer, op. cit., p. 452): “Summa

September, 1351. ymaginum computata ymagine pape: 55 ymagines.”

11. PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS, THE CRUSADE AND THE REVOLT OF CRETE (1352-1364) QO’ 16 DECEMBER, 1352, twenty-five peace between France and England?—and becardinals assembled in the papal palace tween Venice and Genoa.’ As always peace at Avignon to elect a successor to Clement VI. among the European powers was regarded (and

They were isolated with their attendants or quite rightly) as the necessary first step toward “conclavists” on the upper floor of the palace,in organizing an expedition against the Turks. the banqueting hall (magnum tinellum), whence Occasionally a knightly pilgrim made his way to they had easy access to the robing room (camera Jerusalem to see the Holy Sepulcher and the paramenti) on the south and to the guest rooms other sacred oratoria in the Holy Land,‘ but the in the old western or “conclave wing,” which war between Venice and Genoa made conditions Benedict XII had built. They voted in the little in the Levant increasingly insecure. The mariChapel of S. Martial, off the banqueting hall, time raids of Turks from the Anatolian emirates under the frescoes which Matteo Giovanetti also made every pilgrimage an extreme hazard, had painted in 1344-1345, and which are still such as only the most pious or the most foolhardy

well preserved today. The accommodations would dare undertake. were spacious and pleasant, but the conclave |§ Toward the end of Clement’s reign two endid not last long, for on 18 December the voys had appeared in Avignon as representatives cardinals elected the Limousin canonist Etienne of the clergy and people of the Byzantine city Aubert, cardinal-bishop of Ostia and Velletri, of Philadelphia in Asia Minor. They had apas Pope Innocent VI.1 The new pope added a_pealed to Clement for aid against the “incessant measure of austerity to the Curia, pursued the and inhuman” attacks of the Turks. The PhilaFraticelli with unrelenting severity, embarked delphians were said to be ready to turn over their upon the reform of the Dominicans, and threat- city and its fortifications to the Holy See and ened the Hospitallers with the loss of property forever to obey quoad temporalia the pope and and the formation of a new military order if the Latin Church. Clement had heard their plea they did not show much more fight against the with full compassion, we are told, but he had

Turks. taken to heart not only their temporal but also Innocent VI was to have a hard decade as pope their spiritual needs. The clergy and people of (1352-1362), and although his letters show Philadelphia should abjure their “ancient

him to have been dedicated to the war against schism” and return to the bosom of the Latin the Turks, he was distracted by the costly Church, as Innocent VI wrote them on 19 Janstruggle to reassert papal sovereignty over the uary, 1353, for only thus could they find grace states of the Church in Italy and (from 1357) and salvation. Innocent had summoned the two by the incursions of the “grand companies” (of envoys to come before him and the cardinals,

unemployed mercenaries) which harried and had asked them whether their mandate

Provence and threatened Avignon. He naturally included authority to deal with the basic probcontinued his predecessor’s efforts to make lems of schism, ecclesiastical union, and recognition of the primacy of the Latin Church. They 1 Etienne Baluze and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Vitae paparum =——_____—

Avenionensium, 4 vols., Paris, 1914-22, I, 309, 331, 343, and 2 Pierre Gasnault and M. H. Laurent, eds., Innocent VI: vol. II, pp. 434-41; Ludwig Mohler, ed., Die Einnahmen der Lettres secretes et curiales, I, fasc. 1 (Paris, 1959), nos. 17-19, Apostolischen Kammer unter Klemens VI., Paderborn, 1931, 83-84, 253, 272, 275, 284; vol. I, fasc. 2 (1960), nos. 336,

p. 315; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1352, nos. 21, 25-27, 436-40, 465-68; vol. Il, fasc. 3 (1962), nos. 730, 943, vol. VI (vol. XXV of Baronius-Raynaldus, Lucca, 1750), 945, 1026; and vol. III, fasc. 4 (1968), nos. 1389-91, pp. 564 ff.; Martin Souchon, Die Papstwahlen von Bonifaz 1394-95, 1397. VII. bis Urban VI. und die Entstehung des Schismas 1378, 3Ibid., I, fasc. 1, nos. 232-33, pp. 77-78, dated 22 Brunswick, 1888, pp. 55-66; and note especially the dis- April, 1353, and see also vol. I, fasc. 2, nos. 569-71, 577, cussion of the election of 1352 in Norman P. Zacour, 663, 668-69, 672; vol. III, fasc. 4, nos. 1454, 1456-57. Talleyrand: The Cardinal of Perigord (1301 —1364), Philadelphia, * Gasnault, II, fasc. 3, no. 1244, p. 205, dated 19 December,

1960, pp. 21-24 (Transactions of the American Philosophical 1354, papal letters of commendation for Robert de Lorry,

Society, n.s., vol. 50, pt. 7); see also G. Mollat, Les Papes a chamberlain of King John of France, to the king of d’ Avignon (1305-1378), 9th ed., Paris, 1949, pp. 97 ff. Cyprus and the master of the Hospital.

224

PIERRE ‘THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 225 replied that they had no such authority. Al- signedaremarkable (and well-known) chrysobull though Innocent and the cardinals were deeply binding himself to secure the obedience of the moved by the afflictions which the Philadel- Greek Church to the Holy See in return for phians were suffering at the hands of the Turks, military aid against the Turks. He asked Pope spiritual union with the Latin Church must pre- Innocent to put 5 galleys and 15 transports, 500 cede temporal aid from the Latin West. Innocent horse and 1,000 foot at his disposal for six therefore urged the Philadelphians to send back months, within which time he would make Latin to the Curia, with all possible speed, envoys Catholicism the official religion of Byzantium. “with full and sufficient mandate” to abjure the He would also promote Latin culture, especially schism and to recognize the Roman primacy. the Latin language, by establishing three Latin Then Innocent would send them help to the colleges where he would encourage the sons of fullest extent he could with the favor of God, who Greek notables to study.

had saved the Israelites by drowning Pharaoh As evidence of his good faith, John V proand his host in the Red Sea (Exodus, 14), and posed to send his second son Manuel to Avignon thus would the audacity of the Turks be checked, as a hostage, and he wanted the pope to send a their fury spent, and their iniquity suppressed.*> large army into the Levant, provide funds for So at any rate Innocent informed the clergy and warfare against the Turks, and make him compeople of Philadelphia, but surely the Holy See mander of the Christian forces to be deployed

had all it could do to hold on to Smyrna. in a great crusade. The promises and requests Overtures soon came from Constantinople _ set forth in the chrysobull of 1355 were made in

more striking than those which the Philadel- close consultation with Archbishop Paulus of phians had made. In March, 1354, the Ottoman Smyrna, who is named in the text, and who obTurks seized Callipolis (Gallipoli) after an earth- tained the further concession of permanent resi-

quake, and all Thrace lay open to their attack. dence in Constantinople for a papal legate, to On the following 22 November, as fear reigned whom the emperor would give both a palace

in Constantinople, John V Palaeologus drove and a church.’ John V would need milihis Turcophile rival John Cantacuzenus from tary assistance against the Turks more than

the throne into a monastery. John V owed his he realized at the time his chrysobull was comsuccess to the stalwart assistance of the Genoese posed, for on 20 December (1355) Stephen adventurer Francesco Gattilusio, who received Dushan died, and the rapid dissolution of the as his reward the hand of the young emperor’s Graeco-Serbian empire he had put together sister Maria Palaeologina and the island lordship meant that no Christian state was left in the of Lesbos. On 15 December, 1355, John V_ Balkans strong enough to stem the rising tide > Gasnault and Laurent, I, fasc. 1, no. 71, pp. 24-26; some of their earlier nomadic customs, preferring to reside Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1353, nos. 20-21, vol. VI(XXV, __ in tents rather than in houses and palaces. Ottoman domina-

Lucca, 1750), pp. 585-86, and cf. the remarks of Paul tion was, however, certainly causing the decline of “Hellenism Lemerle, L’Emirat d’ Aydin, Byzance et ’ Occident, Paris, 1957, in Asia Minor,” as Palamas’s account makes clear, and he

pp. 236-37. The two envoys from Philadelphia were found the city of Nicaea in sad decay. On this subject, Emanuel de Magula and Emanuel Theodorucanus, and as_ note also the work of Speros Vryonis, Jr., The Decline of usual the Apostolic Camera made provision for their Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor, Berkeley and Los Angeles, support while they were in Avignon (K. H. Schafer, Die 1971, referred to above, Chapter 10, note 119. Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter Benedikt XI., Klemens * Aug. Theiner and Fr. Miklosich, Monumenta spectantia

VI. und Innocenz VI. [1335-1362 ], Paderborn, 1914, p.483). ad unionem ecclesiarum graecae et romanae, Vienna, 1872, ® The Gattilusi were to rule in Lesbos from July, 1355, pp. 29-37; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1355, nos. 33-37,

to September, 1462 (Wm. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, vol. VI (Lucca, 1750), pp. 630-32; Oskar Halecki, Un Cambridge, 1921, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 313-49). Empereur de Byzance a Rome (1355-1375), Warsaw, 1930; A glimpse into Ottoman society and life at Orkhan’s court London, 1972, pp. 31-38; Joachim Smet, ed., The Life of in the year 1355 is provided by the hesychast theologian St. Peter Thomas by Philippe de Mezieres, Rome, 1954, pp. 201-3 Gregory Palamas’s own “epistle to the Thessalonians,” which (Textus et studia historica Carmelitana, vol. II). On attempts

G. G. Arnakis has made the subject of an interesting article: to effect the union of the Churches during the first half of “Gregory Palamas among the Turks and Documents of his the fourteenth century, cf. K. M. Setton, “The Byzantine ‘Captivity as Historical Sources,” Speculum, XXVI (1951), Background to the Italian Renaissance,” Proceedings of the 104-18, and note also his monograph on The First Ottomans: | American Philosophical Society, vol. 100 (1956), pp. 40—45, with A Contribution to the Problem of the Decline of Hellenism in Asia _ the literature cited, and on the archiepiscopal see of Smyrna,

Minor [in Greek], Athens, 1947. As late asthe mid-fourteenth see Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, I (1913,

century the Ottomans, who were actually very tolerant in repr. 1960), 456, and Giorgio Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in religious matters and generous in alms-giving, still preserved Oriente, I (Verona, 1973), 479-81, with refs.

226 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Ottoman expansion. But if Dushan had lived, “rebels” within his empire. Upon his conversion John would soon have been appealing to the _ to Catholicism the Church would come to John’s Holy See to aid him against Serbian aggression. aid with spiritual weapons, and would seek the

All his life, wherever he turned, he faced in- support of the Christian princes on his behalf.

soluble problems. But what a long letter could not say, nuncios John chose Archbishop Paulus and Nicholas could, and Innocent stated that he was sending

Sigeros, grand hetairiarch of the Byzantine the Carmelite Pierre Thomas, bishop of Patti court, as his envoys to take his “golden bull” (in Sicily), and the Dominican Guglielmo Conti, to Avignon. Ecclesiastics and courtiers were bishop of Sisopolis (Sizebolu in Thrace), as his usually not enthusiastic about the wintry seas; nuncios, and it was they of course who were to Paulus and Sigeros apparently delayed their de- take the pope’s letter to Constantinople.® Preparture until Easter; in any event they arrived sumably the two nuncios would discuss with the

in Avignon before the octave of Pentecost emperor his unrealistic promises of church

(12—19 June, 1356). Their little galley had come _ union, which he clearly could not keep, in return

up the Rhone, and landed them near the church _ for substantial assistance against the Turks, of S. Mary of the Miracles, near the “Campus which the pope clearly could not furnish. Floris” where, during the great plague of eight Pierre Thomas had become a familiar figure years before, bodies had been piled high when at the Curia Romana, a friend of Cardinal there was no room in the city cemeteries.® Talleyrand of Périgord. By now he was almost Innocent’s reply is dated 21 July (1356), famous in Europe and in the Balkans, having showing that John’s chrysobull and letters of just spent a useless year in Serbia trying to percredence for Paulus and Nicholas Sigeros re- suade Stephen Dushan to subject Serbian Orthoceived prompt attention at the Curia. The pope doxy to the authority of the Latin Church.’ acknowledged receipt of the litiere . . . aurea _Pierre’s appointment as nuncio to the Byzantine bulla tua et imperialis manus subscriptione munite, =——HW~___—

and commended John’s solemn expression of °I have used the handsomely written text in the Arch. devotion to the papacy, his expressed willing- Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 238, fols. 140”—142'; it may

66 . . Ai. , a ’ ’ —Z9,;

ness to receive legates and nuncios from Avi- ot be | round in Luke Wr seen, 1989) 197 ss.

gnon, and [that] you would make every effort and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1356, nos. 33-34, to the best of your ability to see that all the vol. VII (Lucca, 1752), pp. 17-19. Pierre Thomas was peoples under your imperial authority and sub- named bishop of Patti and Lipari by the bull Pastoralis ject to your jurisdiction, whether laity or.clergy, offic, “datum Avinione XV Kal. Decembr. anno secundo” of whatever condition, status, or dignity, should i? Novemmver, 1354], which may be found in Reg. Aven.

. . , fol. 75 (cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, 1, 384), and more legibly

be faithful, obedient, reverent, and devoted to in Reg. Vat. 225, fol. 57. Guglielmo Conti had been appointed

us and to our successors. . . .” Hec, princeps bishop of Sisopolis on 20 July (1356), the day before his inclite, tue conversionis initia, hec devotionis primor- assignment to the Constantinopolitan mission. Conti suc-

dia, hec firma fidei fundamenta! Innocent and the ceeded a certain Ambrosius, qu m paras ms diem caus cardinals were overjoyed to hear John's chryso- T. 188), Conte was long erroneously assumed to ae Fran. bull read [in consistory], and they exulted in ciscan, but was actually a Dominican (Girolamo Golubovich, John’s long-desired and expected return to Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente

ecclesiastical unity as well as in the promised _francescano, 111 [Quaracchi, 1919], 300). __ conversion of the vast multitude of his subjects. On 11 August (1356) Pierre Thomas received 500 florins Th ’s letter contains a good dealoftheolog- %°™ the Camera for the expenses of his mission to Conihe pope ag 8” stantinople (Schafer, Ausgaben [1914], p. 607), and he and ical and hortatory rhetoric, but he did take note Conti were also granted “procurations” of six gold florins of John’s appeal for aid against Turkish attacks a day (Reg. Vat. 238, fols. 130", 131"), which would amount to and against the audacity of the [Cantacuzenist] 72 turonenses in silver, according to the rate established by Benedict XII on 18 December, 1336, in the bull Vas elec-

——_—______——- tionis, which limited in detail the sums to be collected in

* Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, 1, 334, | procurations (Corpus iuris canonici, Extravagantes communes,

and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1356, no. 32, vol. VII lib. III, tit. 10, ed. E. L. Richter and Emil Friedberg, It (vol. XXVI of Baronius-Raynaldus, Lucca, 1752), p. 17. [Leipzig, 1879, repr. Graz, 1955], cols. 1280-—84). Nicholas Sigeros received gifts from the pope costing some 10Cf. Wadding, Annales Minorum, VIII (1932), 108 ff.;

286 florins, which were entered in the account of the Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome, pp. 22-27; Camera on 30 June, 1356 (Schafer, Ausgaben [1914], Philippe de Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 605—6, where Sigeros is called “Bayssaereartus”), and pp. 64-65, 67-70, 193-96; Frederick J. Boehlke, jr., on 18 July Paulus of Smyrna was paid 200 florins “for Pierre de Thomas, Scholar, Diplomat, and Crusader, Philadelphia, his expenses” (ibid.). 1966, pp. 83-100.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 227 court is first alluded to in two letters dated the fall of 1356 to the following spring, in a 14 July (1356) when Innocent granted him an futile effort to arrange peace.'® With the failure indulgence to confer holy orders in his diocese of negotiations and the expiration of another of Patti and in that of Messina, provided he _ truce, this time for about five months, the war did so in private ceremonies with noexcommuni- was resumed in April, 1357. It went badly for cated or interdicted persons present (tanuzs tamen the Venetians, who marshaled their resources

clausis, voce summissa, excommunicatis et interdictis and stopped their annual contribution of 3,000 exclusis), although Sicily was and had long been _ florins for the defense of Smyrna," although on under the interdict for what the Curia regarded 9 —————— as the Catalan island. (Arch. di See Collegio, arrived in venice on 20 September, oeusurpation hie di; of . .the rch. di Pierre Stato1356 di Venezia, Lettere segrete cop ed to ae his dlocese enner wr his sr ne [1354-1363], no. 69, fol. 21", a letter of the Doge Giovanni onstantinopie or on his return. “A second IN- Holfin to Pope Innocent VI, dated 16 November, 1356, dulgence allowed him to celebrate mass publicly publ. in Sime Ljubié, Listine 0 odnoiajih izmedju juinoga (alta voce) three times in Patti and Messina, with _ slavenstva i mletacke republike, in Monumenta spectantia his-

open doors the —2). ringing of bells, but all 301.2). moana v (Zagreb,agreed, 1875], ne. wit we : and . Pp. On eptember the Collegio Foe the cenive must be rigorously excluded one negative vote, to accept his mediation in the dispute with from ee Services athough interdicted persons Louis of Hungary. The next day the Collegio voted to make

were of course to be admitted. him gifts to the value of 100 ducats and, later on, to present

ve . . the same inducement as had been offered to Bongiovanni,

Innocent lost no time in alerting the Christian nm with one ducats si negocium pacis duxerit ad effectum, Vv ae vineee he Te onthe coming neer to acd omn bishop of Fermo (1349-1363), who had also been trying

h agains € ed .” or ‘to iJ uly { a t ‘ to make peace between Louis and the Venetians (Lett. segr. IV of Cyprus, the master and convent of the in MHSM, V, no. xLvul, p. 293).

cnancery prepared letters tor dispatch to riugnh = del Collegio, ibid., nos. 57-58, fol. 15°; Ljubi¢, Listine,

Hospitallers, and the governments of Venice and i se proposed that final adjudication of the issues at Genoa. Innocent joyfully informed them all that hd “ . — P Is. 15° 1G Ljubié, ean cel “ . NeBio. the searching light of true doctrine had il- pp. 293-95; Georgius [Gyérgy] Fejer, Codex diplomaticus lumined John’s decision to eschew the schismatic Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis, 11 tomes, Buda, 1829-44,

errors of the Greek past and to recognize the tom. IX, vol. 2 [1833], nos. ccxtm-ccxuiv, pp. 503-5, primacy of the Roman See. When he had ratified where the references to Petrus, episcopus Portuensis are a misthe fact of hi . n th £ reading of the texts for Pactensis). Papal letters pertinent 1¢ fact OF MS conversion Im the presence Of to Pierre Thomas’s mission to Hungary and Venice may be

Pierre Thomas or Guglielmo Conti, the re- found in Wadding, Annales Minorum, VIII (1932), 130 ff.; cipients of the papal letters must help protect Ljubic, MHSM, III (1872), nos. ccccLxxxix, cccexciv, him from the restless insanity of the infidels’ PP- 327-28, 329-30; and Fejer, Codex, IX-2, nos. CCXLU, aggression.” But since the Tnembers of the COXLV, Pp. 502-3, 505-6. Christi i vn th In Levant his letter ofto16 to the to above, ristian league in the seemed be November the doge had stated that pope, both thereferred king of Hungary and the having all they could do to defend Smyrna from Venetian government regarded Pierre Thomas’s continued

attacks being launched by the declining Ana- efforts as indispensable to the formulation of mutually tolian emirates, they were not likely to afford acceptable Pont he although Pierre “ already gravely Byzanttum much romans against the increas- But the Venetians found negotiations with the Hungarians ing power O e€ omans. extremely difficult (see the account in Ljubi¢é, MHSM, III, Pierre Thomas’s departure for Constanti- 361-68, which has also been published by Gusztav Wenzel,

° ° . . ou e delay in nis mission to Constantinople.

nople, however, as well as the prospect of his ¢4-, Magyar diplomacziai emlékek, in Monumenta Hungariae

celebrating mass in’ Pati, were both delayed fryer il (uae, 178), 40-01) hen when Innocent decided that, since Pierre would and on 98 March (1357), at the behest of the doge, his go east by way of Venice, he should also serve as_ councillors, and the heads of the Quarantia, the Senate nuncio to Venice and Hungary, for after an eight allowed Pierre, “who has labored much in our service, to years’ truce war had again broken out between 7" here Lin Venice] a ship wien he Chua * + 2 10 gO to them in their struggle for control of the Dalma- pope _ ne OMisti, R eg. 27, Col 5 Ist oubl in § woe tian coast. Pierre spent some six months, from canon or 96). eee de Méziéres, hye of St. Peter Thomas, p.

Ne » note . Pierre’s oarsmen and crew were to consist “ Reg. Aven. 133, fol. 246, “datum apud Villamnovam solely of non-Venetians although he might employ three Avinionensis dyocesis II Idus Iulii anno quarto.” Venetians to command and navigate the ship. He must have

# Reg. Aven. 238, fol. 142, “datum apud Villamnovam . . . sailed from Venice about the middle of April. XVI Kal. Augusti anno quarto;” Halecki, Un Empereur de R. Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, 11 (Venice, 1878),

Byzance @ Rome, pp. 54, 57, and piéces justificatives, no. 1, pp. _ bk. Vv, no. 241, p. 264, a letter of Innocent VI to the doge,

358-59. dated 20 June, 1357. On 15 July, 1357, the Doge Giovanni

228 TTHE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 2 August the Collegio voted to write the captain and die. At no time shall I depart from it, and thus of the Gulf to “send two of the galleys of Crete have I promised the said friar, the lord Pierre. In with the galleys of Romania for service in the _ his hands I have sworn it in the presence of many league against the Turks.”!® Yielding at last to bishops, and henceforth I shall keep the faith and Hungarian pressure, the Venetians gave uptheir fidelity to my lord, the supreme pontiff, as do the claims to Nona, Zara, Scardona, Sebenico, Trau, other PD mak m the foman wqurch, Now, however, Spalato, and Ragusa in accordance withtheterms an are. faithful to me and « ‘bmissive. and not

f they treaty of even Zara (of 18 February, 1358)'6 os ee?toane many oO Y> are lying in wait for a chance proceed and decades were to pass before the Venetians against me. But I will fulfill my obligation, and I could re-establish their position along theeastern —_ will stand firm with you if you send the aid I asked for,

shore of the Adriatic. and there will be no one to oppose us. I know that if

In any event Pierre Thomas probably reached _your legate comes with galleys and the aid I seek, the Bosporus toward the end of May, 1357, and _ all will submit and be loyal to you. . . .

he remained in the area of Constantinople for John recalled that the first Palaeologian several months, waiting upon John Vin hisarmy emperor, Michael VIII, had imposed union with encampment against the Turks and discussing Rome upon the Byzantine Church, and had rethe union of the Churches with the emperor mained in obedience to and in communion with and with various Byzantine intellectuals in the Rome until the day he died, “and I shall do so imperial palace. On 7 November, as Pierre was too with God’s help.” Since Pierre had brought

getting ready to return to Avignon, John an- him the papal blessing John had enjoyed some swered Innocent VI’s letter of 21 July of the pre- signal successes over his enemies, as he wrote

ceding year, acknowledging that (when Pierre Innocent, “and we believe that it has all hapfirst arrived) he had been in no position to pened because of your blessing, of which we make a public declaration of his faith, for he was __ entertain high hopes.” He was still willing to send

beset by too many difficulties. Now, however, his second son Manuel as a hostage to Avignon

he had done so: [as he had offered to do in his chrysobull of 15 Know, then, most holy father, that we have labored December, 1355], but Pierre had regarded it as and are still laboring with all the care and forethought inexpedient to do so at this time. Indeed, John of which we are capable to unite our Church to the stated that he wished himself to go to Avignon Holy Roman Church. With the advice and counse! o to show the pope the reverence he knew to be our nobles we have made our response to the said 15. due, There were of course limits to what one

friar, the Pierre that, wea letter, ld 1Dut b hn di d promised, we lord are anxious to be[Thomas], obedient, faithful, and just could as say in Johnhad ha irecte devoted to the Roman Church .. . , and I firmly Pierre to report more fully when he returned to pledge to hold in their entirety all the tenets of the Avignon. But do not be concerned about the Holy Roman Church, and in that faith I wish to live patriarch [the anti-Latin Callistus], for I shall

——— depose him and put in his place another whom I Dotin municipal authorities Bpalato to and their know toloyalty be loyal toto theVenice Holy Roman rau,addressed vainlytheseeking to recallof them : Church. .. .

(Fejer, Codex IX-2, Ao. CCCXX, pp. 647-49). _ Hoe mmend meh elf and my empire to your * Lettere segrete del Collegio (1354-1363), no. 97, fol. OMNESS. . . .

29": “Capta: Quod scribatur capitaneo nostro Culfi . ....§£——-—— .

quod . . . mittat duas de galeis Crete cum ipsis galeis king of Hungary the ducal titles of Dalmatia and Croatia Romanie pro serviciis unionis contra Turchos. . . .” (Fejer, ibid., pp. 656-57). 1° The relations between Louis of Hungary and the Vene- 'T This chrysobull (et aurea bulla est appensa) is known only tian government, together with the negotiations for peace, because Philippe de Méziéres included it in his Life’ of St. may be followed from July, 1356, to February, 1358, in Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 76-79. It appears to be authentic,

the Lettere segrete del Collegio (1354-1363), nos. 20-126, and Pierre may have given Méziéres the text, which is fols. 8'"—40", which are incompletely and somewhat carelessly written in the conversational Latin of the time. Since it published by Ljubié, Listine, in MHSM, V, nos. Xx111-xcvll, | purports to be a xpvadBovAdor, the original was presumably pp. 279-336. See Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. v, in Greek (¢f. Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome, p. 61,

nos. 135, 137, 175, 182, 212, 264, 270, 274: Philippe de note 2), and improperly refers to Pierre as a legate. As noted Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 70-74, by Halecki and Smet, this text is not to be found in Reg. Vat. 197-201; H. Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, 11 (Gotha, 62, a collection of letters and other documents illustrating 1920, repr. 1964), 215-18, 606; Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas, papal relations with the East (which I have used earlier in

pp. 107-28. The text of the treaty of Zara, which freed this volume, and which is described in Jules Gay, Le Pape

Ragusa from Venetian domination, may be found with Clément VI et les affaires d’ Orient [1342-1352], Paris, 1904,

attendant documents in Ljubi¢c, MHSM, III, nos. DxLI- PP. 8-10). Cf. Halecki, op cit., pp. 62-63, 67-68, and DXLIV, pp. 368-75 and ff., and in Fejer, Codex, IX-2 nos. Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas, pp. 147-50. ; CCCXXIV—CCCXXV, pp. 654-64. The doge gave up to the John V was only about nine years old when his father

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 229 From the shores of the Bosporus Pierre Churches.”® (This was of course about twenty Thomas sailed to the island kingdom of Cyprus. months before John VI’s fall from power). When Hugh IV heard of his arrival, he is said Although such union would be an obvious boon to have gone out to meet him to lead him into to the Curia’s anti-Turkish policy, it lay quite Nicosia with such honors as would have sufficed beyond the realm of achievement, and Cantafor a greater prelate than Pierre had yet become cuzenus’s sincerity was at least suspect. But the at this period in his career. After a period of Latins held fast to Smyrna, and on 28 Novemillness in Cyprus, Pierre went on the perilous ber (1353) Innocent warned King Pedro IV of pilgrimage to Palestine, where he visited the Aragon-Catalonia and the government of Genoa Holy Sepulcher and other sacred places, cele- to allow free and undisturbed passage to two brated mass at the Sepulcher, and preached to ships, loaded with provisions, which were being an assembly of Christians on Mount Zion despite sent to hard-pressed Smyrna at the expense of the comings and goings of Moslems, who “mur-__ the Holy See, Cyprus, the Hospital, and Venice.?!

mured” at his audacity. Thereafter he returned About a year and a half later we find Innocent to Cyprus, whence after a stay at the Carmelite trying to bring pressure to bear upon the Emhouse within the northwest walls of Famagusta peror Charles IV to contribute to the defense he set out on the long journey back to Avignon, of Smyrna.”?

probably in the fall of 1358, to report on his On 11 June, 1355, Innocent VI wrote King Greek mission to Innocent and the Curia and Hugh IV of Cyprus and Pierre de Corneillan, doubtless to tell them the extraordinary tale of the new master of the Hospital, that as much his pilgrimage to the scenes of Christ’s life and effort must be given to maintaining the Christian

death."® hold on Smyrna as the Turks were expending to seize the city. The defenders of Smyrna

The annual subventions, for the defense of were always hard pressed for supplies. Innocent Smyrna, of 3,000 gold florins a year _Were urged the master and the king quickly to send apparently being paid with some regularity by their annual contributions for the relief of the

the Holy See, Cyprus, the Hospital, and city, A similar letter was sent to Venice, where Venice.” On 1 April, 1353, Innocent had writ- only two months before the aged Doge Marino ten, urging King Hugh IV of Cyprus torender Falier had been executed for treason (on 17 appropriate assistance to the Byzantine Emperor April). Innocent also stated that Bishop Odo of John VI Cantacuzenus in his apparent intention Paphos in Cyprus had been instructed to send

to effect the much-desired union of the the papacy’s annual allotment of 3,000 florins

Andronicus III died in June, 1341, and thereafter he was to Pierre de Corneillan, who was to sen d the much under the influence of his Catholic mother, Anna of Money to Smyrna along with the Hospitallers Savoy, who in one way or another had long been interested in OWN contribution.”* Hugh IV replied that he

he uniondes of églises ne Churches “LaetQuestion prepared either union entre Me Grecs Latins . de . . was ,” Revue d’/his, _to send the 3,000 florins

totre ecclésiastique, XVII [1922], 40 ff.). Note the sad reflec- according mate four power eed Ve (of the tions of Méziéres, written more than thirty years later, on the urch an yprus, the rospital an enice) or

futile outcome of John’s being “reconciled to the Church of }§.———_—— Rome,” in G. W. Coopland, ed., Le Songe du vieil pélerin, © Ibid. , 1, fasc. 1, no. 215, pp. 72-73; note also vol. I, fasc. 2,

2 vols., Cambridge, 1969, I, 258-59. no. 610, pp. 202~3, a papal letter to Cantacuzenus, dated *® Philippe de Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, 27 October, 1353, and cf. nos. 694-95.

pp. 80-82; Golubovich, Bibl. bio-bibliografica, V (1927), 71 Ibid., 1, fasc. 2, no. 642, p. 215; George Hill, History of

77-80. Cyprus, I1 (Cambridge, 1948), 301. 8 Gasnault and Laurent, I, fasc. 1 (1959), no. 80, p. 28, #2 Gasnault, III, fasc. 4, no. 1494, p. 86, dated 7 May, 1355,

dated 24 January, 1353, referring to the Cypriote contribu- _ letters to Nicholas of Luxemburg, patriarch of Aquileia; tion; see also, zbid., nos. 86, 92-93, 94; vol. I, fasc. 2 (1960), John Ocko, bishop of Olmiitz in Moravia; Amestus de nos. 618-21, 642, 646, 689, 693; vol. II, fasc. 3 (1962), nos. Pardubiz, archbishop of Prague; Marquardt (Marchardus) 735, 1133, 1138, 1156, et alibi; and vol. III, fasc. 4 (1968), de Randeck, bishop of Augsburg; and Giovanni II, marquis

nos. 1630-32, 1788, all relating to financial or military of Montferrat. They were all to exhort Charles IV “ad assistance to Smyrna. As we shall see later on, however, succurrendum civitatem Smirnarum.” the Venetians claimed never to have promised annual con- 73 Gasnault, III, fasc. 4, nos. 1630-32, pp. 124-25. tributions of 3,000 florins (or in their case, ducats), and Dieudonné de Gozon, master of the Hospitallers, had

declared that they had made only one such payment (when died in December, 1353, and, as his successor, the Rhodian Raymond Saquet was papal legate in the East). Legacies were Convent had elected Pierre de Corneillan, to whom Innocollected and tithes were levied for the defense of Latin cent VI sent his congratulations on 27 March, 1354 (ibid., Christians against the Turks (bid., I, fasc. 2, nos. 643-47, _ II, fasc. 3, no. 848, p. 57, and cf. nos. 849-50, 857, 864-65,

and vol. II, fasc. 3, nos. 781-82). etc.).

230 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to maintain two Cypriote galleys each year as his The Hospitallers, then, must reconquer in contribution. Innocent VI replied on 26 October “Tyrchia” the lands which Turkish impiety had (1355) that he was writing to ask the master of cejzed and still held.25 the Hospital, as Hugh had apparently suggested, At length Heredia had returned to Avignon which of the alternatives would be the more use- with the news that Pierre de Corneillan had ful for the protection of Smyrna against Turkish yeceived the pope’s commands with all humility

attacks." and devotion, but he could not take such a step Since the dissolution of the Temple more than (as the transfer of the convent to “Turkey”) forty years before, the Hospitallers had been at without the aid and counsel of the priors and the center of crusading activity in the Levant. knights of the Order. He had therefore directed It was well to ask the advice of Pierre de Cor- that a “general congregation” be convened of neillan as master of the Hospital, but doing so the Hospitallers in Europe, which Innocent did not signify much confidence in the Order, now decreed should be held in Nimes or in which had many severe critics at the Curia. In Montpellier at the beginning of January, 1356. fact Innocent VI wrote Pierre a scorching letter Warning Corneillan that certain irresponsible on 14 October, 1355, reminding him that, Hospitallers at Rhodes were intimating that the when some months earlier Juan Fernandez de_ pope had actually not charged Heredia to deHeredia, castellan of Amposta and prior of liver a mandate to reform the Order and to reCastile and Leon, and two preceptors of the locate the convent, Innocent repeated his stern Hospital were leaving for Rhodes, he had injunctions with adequate moral exhortations.” stressed the bitterness which he (and of course Although Innocent’s efforts to maintain the the Curia) felt at the Hospitallers’ “pernicious maritime league against the Turks met with only

negligence and intolerable idleness.” slight success, his efforts were as sincere as they

The pope and the cardinals were well aware were persistent. He was deeply moved by the (according to the letter) that the Hospitallers tales of Turkish attacks which reached Avignon. had long failed to meet the noble requirements Opn ] April, 1356, he wrote Giovanni Gradenigo, of the Christi militia, which had rendered them hen the doge of Venice, that while the Venepleasing to God in the old days when they had tians and Genoese were at war, “the Turks redone their duty against enemies of the faith. newed their audacity, and ranging with hostile Now they were wallowing in pleasures which intent through the sea, they have inflicted demodesty forbade the pope to describe. Heredia, plorable hardships and abundant losses upon the whom the pope praised as zealous for the “good faithful, and they still continue to do so.” state” of the Hospital, and the two preceptors [nnocent insisted that [three] Venetian galleys

had conveyed to Rhodes the papal injunction (jn accordance with the pact of 11 August, for the complete reform of the Order. Inno- 1350, which had renewed the league for ten cent’s immediate predecessors (as he reminded years) should join [two] Cypriote and [three] Corneillan)—John XXII, Benedict XII, and Hospitaller galleys in the port of Smyrna on or

Clement VI—had all admonished the Hos- before the coming 1 July. He also demanded pitallers to exert their vires et virtutes against the dispatch to Avignon of Venetian envoys by the “abominable perfidy of the Turks” by in- 1 November, cum pleno ac sufficientt mandato, to vading the lands over which they tyrannized, reaffirm or modify the provisions of the league to the shame and peril of Christendom. The jn consultation with the envoys whom he was Hospitallers were to transfer their convent to summoning from Cyprus and the Hospital.?7

Turkish territory and to maintain it there.

Resources had been showered upon them, “not —_* Gasnault, III, fasc. 4, no. 1773, pp. 193-94; Sebastiano to rust in Rhodes,” but to use against the Turks. Pauli, ed., Codice diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gero-

Eastern Christians were clamoring for help. s¢/mitano, oggi di Malta, 2 vols., Lucca, 1733-37, fhe no. Europeans were excoriating the Hospitallers’ LXxIlI, pp. 91-93. Although the name of the castellan o fruitless inactivity. If they did not transfer the shortened to Heredia, it should perhaps be properly given entire convent from Rhodes to Asia Minor (in as Fernandez de Heredia. Turchiam), Innocent warned them that he in- _* Gasnault, IH, fasc. 4, no. 1773, pp. 194-95. The Curia’s

: . . , Amposta (and later master of the Hospital) is commonly

tended to found a new military order and endow dissatisfaction with the Hospitallers continued under InnoIt with the property which the Hospitallers had secrétes et curiales du pape Urbain V [1362-1370] se rapportant received from the spoliation of the Templars. 4 jg France, I, fasc. 1 [1902], nos. 573-81, p. 78, and cf. nos.

os . : cent’s successor Urban V (cf. Paul Lecacheux, ed., Lettres

——_—_____—— 600 ff.). 24 Gasnault, III, fasc. 4, nos. 1788, 1791, pp. 203, 205. 27 G M. Thomas and R. Predelli, eds., Diplomatarium

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 231 At Avignon in March, 1357, a commission of after his death; in the meantime he found in five cardinals met with the envoys of Cyprus, the Europe all the problems he could handle.

Hospital, and Venice, and on the twentieth of | Putting an end to the costly war between the month the envoys agreed to try to persuade France and England and to the Venetian contheir principals to renew the Clementine league _flicts with Genoa and Hungary was not the only against the Turks for five years. The Cypriotes, requirement for an offensive against the ‘Turks; Hospitallers, and Venetians were each to main- the restoration of papal authority over the states tain two armed galleys in eastern waters, cer- of the Church in Italy had also to be achieved tainly a modest flotilla, but the sex galee armate before the Camera Apostolica could make large were to be in continual service, under the com- financial commitments to the crusade. Shortly mand of a papal legate, a captain-general, and after his accession Innocent VI had named the a council of galley commanders. The six galleys formidable Gil de Albornoz, cardinal-priest of were to assemble at Smyrna on the feast of the S. Clemente, to the Italian legation (on 30 June, Nativity of the Virgin (8 September). But if the 1353). Albornoz was to go into northern Italy Hospital provided a third galley, Venice should ‘anquam pacis angelus, and to re-establish papal do so also, which would increase the fleet to supremacy in the March of Ancona, the Massa eight galleys, as provided for in the pact of 1350. ‘Trabaria, the district of Urbino, the Romagna, Nothing was put in writing concerning an annual the duchy of Spoleto, Sabina, the Patrimony of subsidy of 3,000 florins from any of the con- S. Peter in Tuscany, Campania, the Marittima, tracting parties for the defense of Smyrna, at “and the other adjacent areas and lands subject least not in this document. The various articles directly and indirectly to the Church.” Alof the tentative agreement were to be approved though the Visconti of Milan were the strongest by the pope, who would then write to Hugh IV OPponents of the papacy, the Ordelaffi of Forli of Cyprus, Roger des Pins, the new master of and the Manfredi of Faenza were also its bitter the Hospital, and Giovanni Dolfin, the new doge ©UCMICS- Innocent ordered the crusade to be

of Venice.23 preached against them.” Albornoz’s accomplish-

Considering Innocent’s attitude toward the “een of i 8 cillatio (1353-1357, aoa 1363), Hospitallers, one might suppose that he would Spite the vacation of the pope and’ the vagademand the third galley of them, but when the mark, aioe politics, forms att ooh oy oe he league was later formed, each of the participants foun ao h apters in the eventful history of the

contributed two galleys. Actually rather little Ov oce WT hed h bl hich d

would come of all this planning, although during voured his declinin Oran at an 1 diy . ved hin,

Innocent’s time a leader would emerge to launch ¢ t Fa; 5 Aft . the E ‘sch ct

at least one important attack upon the Ottoman i, the three-da - *battl o c P vies? foucht

Turks (at Lampsacus). ‘The Avignonese registers | 4 Mauper ered (on 17— 19 Se tember 13 56) for Innocent’s reign make clear the large extent 444 the capture of King John My of Franc e, a of his efforts on behalf of the crusade. But the 4, years’ truce was negotiated at Bordeaux and capture of Smyrna had taken place before he concluded under papal auspices on 23 March, became pope; the sack of Alexandria wouldcome 1357 31 qj immediately led to the dismissal

ee of mercenaries who, organized in “free compane t6 oe 26 Oe. Prodi’ Rew ae Coe repr. 10”) nies,” turned to plunder as their chief means of V, no. 153, p. 246; and for the pact of August, 1350, see livelihood. Repeated bulls of excommunication ibid., II, bk. Iv, no. 352, p. 184, and above; N. lorga, @d reprimendas insolentias failed to lessen the Philippe de Méziéres (1327-1405) et la croisade au XIV° brigands’ enthusiasm for murder, rape, robbery,

siécle, Paris, 1896, p. 100. . . and extortion.” Although they were known as Thomas and Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, “li Encles.” th few Enclish amone them

II, no. 19, pp. 35-37; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, gies, ere were Tew 2NBHS ong them,

bk. V, no. 225, p. 261, and cf. no. 228, p. 262. On 8 October, at least in the south of France.

1357, John V Palaeologus ane extendedTPEBA., for five ears the previous “truce” (o , ee N TédXevTaAia wi th the Veneta (rane ‘Miklosich an d Jos. Mile r, 193 pneu and Laurent, I, fasc. 2, nos. 352-432, pp. 1865, repr. Aalen, 1968], docs. XVI, XXIX, pp. 114-26), 199 of x6 Soy eeest sos fe II, bk. v, nos. 72, 109,

aec e tlustrantia, ienna, . Lope

which two years later would make Pierre Thomas's efforts to 31 Denifle La 7 se de Cent Ans et la désolation des

assist John against the Turks much easier, for Pierre wasto .,. ° , . 3

use the galleys of the league in a bold attack upon the Turkish églises . . . , II (Paris, 1899, repr. Brussels, 1965), 146-47.

stronghold of Lampsacus, on which see below. 5? Denifle, II, 179-88.

232 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In May, 1357, panic gripped Avignon as the Arnaud de Cervole’s plundering of Provence Gascon commander Arnaud de Cervole, arch- in 1357-1358 had caused Innocent VI to begin priest of Vélines (in the diocese of Périgueux), the great fortifications of Avignon, which were got ready to enter the county of Provence, sorely needed, for after the futile efforts to make which belonged of course to Queen Joanna of peace between France and England in the two Naples and her husband Louis of Taranto. For treaties of London (in January, 1358, and March, months Arnaud’s routiers pillaged the rich county 1359), the Dauphin Charles and the Black Prince

to the shores of the Mediterranean, nor did they reached an agreement at Brétigny in the region spare the papal Comtat-Venaissin. They laid of Beauce on 8 May, 1360. This agreement was siege to Aix-en-Provence, and the Aixois (like ratified the following October in a royal cerethe citizens of Marseille) destroyed their own mony at Calais. Peace was proclaimed, and more suburbs to prevent Arnaud’s men from securing mercenaries were thrown out of work. On the

lodgment in the convents, villas, and other night of 28-29 December, 1360, a large troop buildings outside the city walls. Having ex- of such freebooters called the Grand Company hausted the Provencal countryside, Arnaud (Magna Societas) seized the town of Pont S. withdrew into France in the spring of 1358; in Esprit in the diocese of Uzés, on the Rhone July he was in the dauphin’s company, prepared just north of Orange and Avignon. This was for service against Etienne Marcel and the still a most serious matter, because (as Innocent VI embattled burghers of Paris. After Marcel’s reminded all the townsmen of southern France) death Arnaud returned to Provence to collect a Pont S. Esprit was the point “through which ransom from the Provengaux, on whose behalf goods and most foodstuffs necessary and useful Innocent arranged for the payment of 1,000 to the Curia are brought down [to Avignon].”* gold florins. Arnaud then departed (in Septem- In aletter of 8 January, 1361, tothe archbishop ber) for the Nivernais where, as a royal lieu- of Narbonne and his suffragans, Innocent detenant for a year, he abused the citizens of clared a crusade against the miscreants who had Nevers in outrageous fashion, and lost his com- occupied Pont S. Esprit, promising the crumission. Semel barbarus, semper barbarus, but all saders the same indulgences as those accorded the same Arnaud ended up by marrying one of crusaders in the Holy Land.*® Money was raised

the richest heiresses in Burgundy. to gird the papal city with new walls,” and Arnaud might have made a good crusader, —__—

and (ironically enough) Amadeo VI, the Green _ of Milan, that one should negotiate with the free companies

Count of Savoy, was to enroll him and his mer- i” Italy “ut pergant ad passagium generale eisque detur cenaries for service in the Balkan crusade of subsidium per omnes Italicos:” it would be worth paying . the expenses of sending the free companies off on a crusade 1366-1367. Arnaud was killed, however, by to get them out of Italy (Lecacheux, Lettres secretes et curiales one of his own followers in the area between du pape Urbain V se rapportant @ la France, 1, fasc. 2 [Paris, Lyon and Macon (on 25 May, 1366), as he was’ 1906], no. 1037, p. 161, dated 25 June, 1364). This was all on his way to join Amadeo, who received the very welt but apparently few routiers could be induced to go news at Venice while he awaited him. The loss 35 See the register of letters, patent and close, compiled by of Arnaud and his mercenaries was a blow to the Florentine humanist and papal secretary Zanobi della Amadeo, and may have limited the scope of the Strada for the ninth year of Innocent VI (1361) in E. Savoyard crusade. But it was probably unrealis- I Pai ane Durand ens» 1 1068) nos anecdotorum, UC, as Denifle has suggested, to try £0 enlist 851—55, dated 17 January, 1361, to King fbn II of France, these gangs of ruffians for an expedition over- Duke Charles of Normandy (the “dauphin”), and the citiseas. There was no discipline among them, and zenry of southern France, and see also epp. XIX—XXIL, they had “less faith than the Turks.”34 XXVI-XXVIII, XXXII ~XXXIII, XXXV, XXXIX, LXXII, CIX—CX. Pont S. Esprit was taken “per nonnullas gentes nefarias, quae se

TT Magnam Societatem appellant” (ep. LXxI1, col. 910B); on the 33 Denifle, II, 186, 188-211, 251-52; Baluze and Mollat, name “Grand Company,” note Denifle, La Guerre de Cent Vitae paparum Avenionensium, I, 321-22, 336, 337, and vol. II, Ans, II, 209, 380, 390, and on the whole affair, ibid., H, pp. 461-63; and cf. Mollat, Les Papes d’ Avignon (1949), pp. 378-79, 385-98.

104-5. 36 Denifle, II, 395; Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, 1, 323, 340, 34 Denifle, I], 478-86, 490-91; R. Delachenal, ed., and vol. II, pp. 463-64.

Chronique des régnes de Jean II et de Charles V, 4 vols., Paris, 37 Marténe and Durand, II, epp. xxIx, CCXXVI—CCXXVII, 1910-20, II (1916), 18—19; and cf. Eugene L. Cox, The Green cols. 869, 1049-51, and cf. Denifle, I, 198, 386. On outlays Count of Savoy: Amadeus VI and Transalpine Savoy in the by the Camera Apostolica for the defense of Avignon and the Fourteenth Century, Princeton, 1967, pp. 188, 202-3, 205-8, Comtat-Venaissin during 1357-1358, see Schafer, Die Aus210. Urban V once proposed to Bernabé Visconti, the lord gaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter Benedikt XII., Klemens

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 233 Juan Fernandez de Heredia, on whom Innocent ecclesiastical and secular, to compose and conchiefly relied, was made governor of the Comtat- firm leagues and alliances, and to make peace Venaissin (on 9 May).3® About the end of March and enforce it by ecclesiastical censures,*’ and (1361), however, most of the invaders were of course the Latin hierarchy and clergy and the bought off for the considerable sum of 14,500 lay lords and officials in the Levant were duly gold florins. They went into Italy, presumably notified of his appointment.” over the picturesque Mont Genévre Pass,toserve | On the same day (11 May, 1359) Pierre, the with the Marquis Giovanni of Montferrat against Latin archbishops under his new legatine juristhe Milanese.*® The Avignonese could breathe diction (and their suffragans), the archbishop of

more easily for a while, and so could Innocent Genoa, and the bishop of Castello (Venice)

VI. were again addressed ther indenunciation letters ofcontaining furthe Turks, who invaded Pierre Thomas’s experience of conditions in Christian lands unceasingly, including the prov-

the eastern Mediterranean had made him an inces of the patriarchate of Constantinople, ardent advocate of the crusade, and after his put Christians to the sword, sold them like return to the Curia Innocent VI promptly saw a@nimatia bruta into an intolerable servitude, and in him a means of defending Smyrna against made them abjure the faith and trample under the Anatolian emirs and of advancing the Chris- foot the cross, the symbol of man’s redemption.

tian cause in the Levant. On 10 May, 1359, he The Latin hierarchy in the Levant, together transferred Pierre from the bishopric of Patti to with the archbishop of Genoa and his grace of the Moreote see of Coron,* and on the follow- Castello, received authority to preach the cruing day, by the bull Angit nos, he made him sade and to grant the usual indulgences to all apostolic legate in the East where, he declared, who took the cross with due devotion.* Among

the “monstrous fury” of the Turks kept the the numerous faculties accorded Pierre as he Christians under constant assault, especially in prepared for his eastern mission was that of sub-

Greece and in the city of Smyrna. The bull jecting to ecclesiastical censure those Christian defined Pierre’s jurisdiction as including the miscreants who traded with the Ottoman and kingdom of Cyprus, the archbishoprics of Crete, emirate Turks, and even made alliances with Smyrna, Patras, Athens, Thebes, Corinth, them, to the injury of their fellow Christians Rhodes, Naxos, Corfu, Durazzo, Lepanto, Neo- and in offense to divine majesty.* From the patras, and (since John Palaeologus had made his obeisance to the Holy See) the patriarchate of a Reg. Aven, 140, fols. 54'-55'; Reg. Vat. 234, fol. 2; Constantinople. Pierre was given full authority Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1359, no. 16, vol. VII (XXVI,

to deal with kings, princes, and other persons, Lucca, 1752), pp. 44-45.

# Reg. Aven. 140, fols. 55'-56"; Reg. Vat. 234, fols.

——_————_ 2-3". Pierre was entitled to procurations of six florins a VI. und Innocenz VI, (1914), pp. 681-82, 726-28, and during day, safe conduct (i.e. safe passage), and transportation

1360-1362, ibid., pp. 750-52, 792, 821-22. from ecclesiastics through whose lands and jurisdictions his

38 Marténe and Durand, II, epp. vil, XLVH, CXXVII, CLXIV- mission was to carry him, “eundo ad partes legationis CLXV, cols. 847-48, 883, 954-55, 995-97; C. Devic and _ predicte, vel redeundo de illis, diebus singulis in sex florenis J. Vaissete, Histoire générale de Languedoc, 16 vols., Toulouse, auri pro expensis suis necessariis et de securo conductu

1872-1905, IX, 722-24, with the notes added by A. necnon de evectionibus oportunis” (Reg. Aven. 141, fols.

Molinier (in 10 vols., Toulouse, 1840-46, VII, 225-26); 17’-—18', and cf. fols. 20’—21'). The galley commanders over-

Denifle, II, 260-62, 397, 398; Lecacheux, Lettres secrétes seas were admonished according to the usual formula “to et curiales du pape Urbain V se rapportant a la France, 1, fasc. deal with him honorably” (ibid., fol. 23”).

1 (1902), no. 596, p. 80, dated 4 September, 1363; and see in Legates and nuncios sometimes had difficulty collecting general Anthony Luttrell, “Juan Fernandez de Heredia at the living allowances to which they were entitled by their Avignon, 1351-1367,” in Studia Albornotiana, X1 (1972), letters of legation. Pierre seems to have had a fairly large

289-316. suite, including a tabellionatus officium of seven unmarried 3° Denifle, II, 398, and cf Mollat, Les Papes d’ Avignon, notaries (Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 17). On 10 July, 1364, Urban V

pp. 105-6, and Luttrell, in Studia Albornotiana, XI, 301. was going to grant Pierre the faculty of taking appropriate * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 140, fols. 97’-98'; action against ecclesiastics (and certain laymen) who had Reg. Vat. 234, fol. 28; Wadding, Annales Minorum, VIII declined or failed to pay the procurations authorized by (1932), 162; Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 99, 212; Philippe de Innocent VI for the duration of Pierre’s present legation Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet (1954), pp. 84, [1359-1362] (Reg. Vat. 251, fol. 315).

207, who provides in his notes and appendices the basic 43 Reg. Aven. 140, fols. 62’-63'; Reg. Vat. 234, fols. archival references for Pierre Thomas’s career. The see of 7'—8". Coron became vacant when Innocent VI transferred the in- ** Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 22, dated 12 May, 1359: “Et sicut cumbent, Lodovico Torriani, to the patriarchate of Aquileia. displicenter accepimus, non nulli fideles de partibus ipsis et

234 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT time of the first crusades there had been Moslem _ legate in the East.*° Pierre Thomas was replacing

and Christian traders in the Levant who had got him as legate, and Innocent VI now appointed along with one another quite as well as, and the hardy Florentine Hospitaller, Niccolo Benesometimes better than, with their coreligionists. detti, preceptor of the Order at Venosa, to Since Innocent apparently regarded John Vas __ take over Dolfin’s duties as papal vicar and caphaving embraced Catholicism at Pierre Thomas’s_ tain in Smyrna.*” In Benedetti’s commission hands (when the latter was bishop of Patti), Innocent stressed the Curia’s continuing anxiety Pierre was now to render him every assistance for the safety of Smyrna. Benedetti was to hold

he could for the defense of his shrunken realm the vicariate and captaincy for eight years, and for the recovery of his rights and lands during which time he was to take measures de “contra Turchos et alios infideles. . . ."4° The muranda et turribus munienda |civitate], and mainproblems caused by John’s “conversion” in 1357 tain at his command 150 Latin mercenaries and have been reconsidered in recent years, and we _ two galleys. In one way or another Innocent was shall not add to these discussions, but subsequent obviously going to arrange payment for the events were to show that the crusade being galleys, which were to fly the papal banner with organized in 1359 was intended not only to de-__ the crossed keys.*

fend Smyrna against the Anatolian emirs but Niccolo Benedetti was instructed to gird

also to assist Constantinople against the terrify- Smyrna with heavy, well-constructed walls within ing increase of Ottoman power. John V’s appeal _ the first seven years of his tenure, and he might to the papacy for aid in 1355 and the obeisance _ help defray the expenses of his office by sending he made to Catholicism two years later were not as often as he wished one ship and two galleys,

to prove wholly unavailing. loaded with merchandise but excluding iron,

The continuance of Latin domination in wood, and other naval contraband, to AlexanSmyrna for some fifteen years already seemed ria or any other territory belonging to the to contemporaries a remarkable achievement, soldan of Egypt. To help build the new forti-

and perhaps it was, but it was also evidence that —_—~—_

the emirates were declining. Since 1356 Orso, On 30 June, 1358, Innocent VI directed Orso to see to

Dolfin. archbishop of Crete and member of a dis- the collection of the annual subvention of 3,000 florins pro JONI, p ; ; custodia civitatis Smirnarum from Hugh IV of Cyprus, the tinguished Venetian family, had been serving as master of the Hospital, and the doge of Venice (Pauli, Codice

vicar and captain of Smyrna as well as papal diplomatico, I1 [1737], no. Lxxiv, pp. 93-94).

oo 8”, dated 11 May, 1359.

47 Reg. Aven. 140, fols. 63-64"; Reg. Vat. 234, fol.

etiam aliunde vitio avaritie et cupiditatis inducti ad partes seu 48 Reg. Aven. 140, fol. 60; Reg. Vat. 234, fol. 6, dated 11 terras et loca Turchorum infidelium . .. cummercimoniis May, 1359: “Dilecto filio Nicolao Benedicti preceptori domus et sine mercimoniis accedere et cum eis mercari seu negotiari Venusine Hospitalis Sancti Johannis Jerusolimitani vicario et, quod prae dolor deterius et nephandius est, cum eis con- _ et capitaneo civitatis Smirnarum pro nobis et Romana Ec-

federationes et ligas contrahere et inire ipsisque in pluribus clesia salutem, etc. Super universum gregem dominicum

auxilia et favores prestare . ..temere presumpserunt pastores quamquam immeriti disponente domino constituti

hactenus et presumunt. . . .” curis assiduis angimur et continua pulsamur instancia ut

45 Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 20°, dated 11 May, 1359, and cf. __ fideles Christicolas ab infidelium tueamur insultibus. . . . ibid., fol. 21%, with reference to “carissimus in Christo Auxilia et remedia multa pro defensione fidelium et exaltafilius noster Johannes Romeorum imperator et moderator _ tione fidei ac repressione infidelium predictorum duximus

illustris,” the use of the phrase indicating that, in the pope’s adhibenda ... , ac nostro et ipsarum ecclesie et fide eyes at least, John V had accepted Latin Catholicism at nomine custodiendam fideliter dictam civitatem Smirnarum Pierre’s hands, on which note Philippe de Méziéres, Life ac de centum et quinquaginta bonis et sufficientibus of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 75, 204, 207-8, and cf. M. __ stipendiariis latinis ad ipsius civitatis et de duabus galeis sub Viller, “La Question de lunion des églises,” Rev. d’hist. _nostris eciam et ipsius ecclesie nomine et vexillo ad earundem

ecclésiastique, XVIII (1922), 57-58, and Boehlke, Pierre de __civitatis et parcium custodiam continue tenendis per octo

Thomas (1966), pp. 149-50, as opposed to the opinion of | annos proxime futuros . . . te nostrum in ipsa civitate Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance 4 Rome (1930), p. 62, who vicarium ac ipsius civitatis necnon dictarum duarum regards the ceremony of 1357 as a gesture of John’s “bonne _—galearum capitaneum usque ad dictos octo annos, amoto volonté individuelle” and of “son obéissance a l'égard de _exinde quolibet alio vicario seu capitaneo eciam per nos et

l'Eglise catholique” rather than as an act of full conversion — sedem predictam ibidem hactenus deputato[i.e. Orso Dolfin], to Catholicism, which did not come until 1369 (¢bid., pp. _ auctoritate apostolica de fratrum nostrorum consilio facimus,

188 ff.). Méziéres, ed. cit., p. 75, had no doubt that “ipse —_ constituimus, et etiam ordinamus. . . .” imperator factus est verus Catholicus,” but it is possible 4 Reg. Aven. 140, fol. 56; Reg. Vat. 234, fol. 3:“. . . civithat the ceremony of 1357 meant something different to tatem infra primos septem annos undique bonis et grossis John from what it did to Pierre Thomas, whose view was of | muris anges et super eis turres construi facies. . . . Tibi

course that adopted by the Curia Romana. [poteris facere] duci per dictum tempus predictorum octo

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 235 fications at Smyrna as well as to help maintain was to be succeeded by “you, my son Francesco, the pope’s two galleys, Benedetti was to receive if you survive him and are available for the post, an annual subvention of 3,000 gold florins from otherwise [by] you, my son Pace. . . .”*? The

funds collected for the Camera by the apostolic second letter provided the three (or four?) nuncio Peter Damandi, archdeacon of Limassol, brothers with a still further inducement for and by those who might succeed him in the strenuous service on the Anatolian coast. Realiznunciature during the eight years of Benedetti’s ing that Niccolo would pursue the “repression vicariate at Smyrna. A papal letter of 25 May of the Turks” with all the more diligence if he (1359) directed Damandi to pay Benedetti could hope for some further reward, Innocent the sum specified, the money having been granted a Benedetti petition turned : ied to eet ces ne master ot tae that whatever fortresses, lands, and towns [loca] beospital, tor the custody of smyrna, and on longing to the Turks and other infidels . . . should the same day Innocent wrote Benedetti of the happen to be captured and acquired by you or by our instructions he had sent Damandi.® The high _ beloved sons Giovanni and Pace, citizens of Florence,

clergy and laity everywhere along the route to and your brothers . . . , with the counsel of our

Smyrna were advised of Benedetti’s appointment _ brethren [the cardinals] and by the authority of the

and were requested to receive him hospitably present letter we do concede and grant indulgence and to see that he and his suite enio ed full that, in our name and that of the Roman Church,

security at all times.®! Joy you as long as you live, and after your death your Among the flood of curial letters prepared brothers, may retain these [places], with all their by chancery clerks on 11 May (1359) two others rights and oP A ee on the for arictee ation mer ; he Benedetti : he Successors, and use on their own behalf the profits, concerning the benedetti appomtment to the incomes, and revenues, so long as you and your Smyrniote vicariate are of particular interest. brothers and their successors recognize these [holdIn one of them Innocent VI granted our be- ings] as grants from us and from the aforesaid loved sons Francesco Benedetti of Florence, of © Church.

the brethren of the Hospital of S. John of , .

Jerusalem, and Pace Benet his brther, aM He Sa tine Pope, owen informed citizen of Florence,” that if their brother Niccolo des’ Pins the ye tes of the Hosvital an d cee

should die within the eight-year term of his vanni Dolfin. the doge of Verice ’ of Pierre

vicariate or become otherwiseThomas’s incapacitated, he é >; 8 , ; appointment to the eastern legation. —_____— He also described Niccolo Benedetti’s responsiannorum quotienscumque et quandocumque volueris unam__ bilities as the new vicar and captain of Smyrna.

navem mercunonus oneratam, excepts ferro et lignaminibus Once more, as in various other letters, the

et aliis prohibitis, ad Alexandrie et alias partes et terras ultra- ‘ncluded th ‘arch fC tj marinas que per soldanum Babilonie detinentur ... ,” ety ‘alc ude th Spee fs. 0 ost the and note Reg. Aven. 140, fol. 57°: “. . . ut per tempus NOple along wi € city OF omyrna an e

octo annorum predictum, quotienscumque et quando- “provinces of Romania” among the areas to be cumque sibi Placuentt possit . G unam navem et quas defended against the Turks, who were striving

Bo rma sss eur et exinde recut “with all their might for the degradation of the

Niccold Benedetti’s responsibilities, including the necessity Maine of Christ and of the Catholic faith.” All to build new walls and towers at Smyrna, are also stressed were to assume their share of the burden in the in Reg. Aven. 140, fol. 57°, and Reg. Vat. 234, fols. 3”—4', forthcoming crusade,** and a month later (on 8 and in Reg. Aven. 141, fols. 22” 23", et alibi. In listing these responsibilities, “pro quibus faciendis,” Innocent wrote, “non

nulla pecuniaria et alia subsidia tibi eroganda providimus” i Ree ‘ven. ia Or oF and nce: Vat. 2 OS ade

(Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 22”, and cf. Reg. Aven. 140, fols. _ ANCg. “Aven. » TOL. 29. ince Giovanni Denedetir is de60°, 63"), the alia subsidia being chiefly the concessions to scribed merely as a civis Florentinus (tbid.), like Pace, me trade in Mamluk territories. Innocent must have gottoknow occurrence of his name is presumably not an error for Benedetti in March, 1357, when the latter represented the Francesco, who is identified as a frater Hospitalis Sancti master of the Hospital in Avignon in connection with the J ohannis Jerusolimitani (Reg. Aven. 140, fol. 57*).

renewal of the Clementine league against the Turks (Thomas 54Cf. Reg. Aven. 141, fols. 23’-24", dated 10 May, and Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, II,no.19,p.35, 1359. Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance & Rome, p. 70,

“Nicolaus de Benedicto, preceptor Venusii”). regards such references to the patriarchate of Con-

> Reg. Vat. 241, fols. 63°-64". stantinople as “of course to the Latin patriarchate,” which

5} Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 18", dated 11 May, 1359: the pope _ may be the case, but Innocent’s letter to Pierre Thomas wanted “[Benedictum] ipsum suosque familiares et nunctios of 11 May, 1359 (in Reg. Aven. 141, fol. 20), which in eundo, morando, et redeundo plena securitate gauderi.” Halecki apparently failed to note (and in which Innocent

236 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT June, 1359) the Venetian Senate voted to do so_ therefore, that no further funds were forthcompro honore nostro et pro salute et bono locorum nos- ing from Venice at this time to help hold Smyrna

trorum, for the honor of the state and the safety against what were alleged to be constant Turkish

of the Republic’s overseas possessions. The attacks.* Senate passed a resolution to order the duke and If Pierre and Benedetti were still in Venice in

council of Crete to keep in service for five years mid-July, they could not have reached the Anathe two Venetian galleys assigned to the “league _tolian coast before September. According to

against the Turks,” and since nothing could be Philippe de Méziéres, the legate’s admiring accomplished without money, according to the friend and biographer, Pierre brought together resolution, 2,000 ducats were to be sent to the the Venetian and Hospitaller galleys, and put

duke, and thereafter still larger sums must be into the threatened port of Smyrna, where provided, “namely by the convoy [muda] of Benedetti must have remained behind to take March and by the convoy of September, 4,000 command. Pierre then went on to Constantiducats are to be sent to him by each convoy.” nople, where he found John V hard pressed by At Pierre’s request a crew of oarsmen, then in the Turks, against whom he now threw into acshort supply in the East, and other essentials tion the crews and men-at-arms of the galleys. were also to be dispatched to Crete for employ- The engagement took place at Lampsacus on

ment on his galley.°° the Dardanelles. By dint of their strenuous

The Venetians had some reason to believe attacks (and the legate’s fervent prayers) the cruthey were carrying their full share of the burden. saders captured Lampsacus, pillaged and burned On 14 July (1359) the Senate approved allowing _ the place, and then decided to withdraw to their

the legate Pierre Thomas and his companion galleys on the shore. According to Philippe de Niccolo Benedetti the personal use of a state Méziéres, Pierre had with him on the expedigalley, but declined to make a further contri- tion fifty Hospitallers and many Venetians,

bution of 3,000 ducats for the defense of Genoese, English and Greeks. The Turks were Smyrna, claiming that they had only once given waiting in ambush for them, and when they such a sum, under conditions of urgent necessity, attacked, the sailors and many others dropped but that they had never promised to continue their standards and fled in sad disorder toward such payments. They already bore too great a_ the galleys. burden of expense.*® We can only assume, But the fearless legate, “with the knights of the Hospital and some few other westerners, resisted

a . the Turks face to face, [and] then the battle

referstotoaidJohn V Palaeologus astoaencourage Catholic), instructed b b Christi Pierre John against the Turks and ecaine worse, because Our ristians were very him in continued adherence to the Latin faith. Innocent few and the Turks innumerable.” Warding off

speaks of the “city of Smyrna and the provinces of Romania__ their attackers and attacking them in turn, the [which comprised the Latin patriarchate] and other lands Hospitallers and the few stalwarts who had reand places . . . as wellas the patriarchate of Constantinople mained with them gradually made their way to the

and its provinces in which the name of the Christian , religion is upheld” (ibid., fol. 23°). galleys, safe by the grace of God and the legate’s

55 Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 29, fol. 7°; blessing. Only seven of Pierre’s retinue were Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, app. v, p._ killed, bravely fighting the Turks, but many of 208. On 5 August (1359) Innocent VI wrote Niccolo the crews had lost their lives in flight. About Acciajuoli thanking him for offering “as promptly as three hundred Turks were killed, including their defense of Christ's name against the madness of the leader, “and thus God wanted to give his legate

willingly your person and your substance . . . for the ee . :

Turks ... in allegiance to us and to the Roman a victory in the capture of the fortress, to show Church. 2 GAC. Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques his courage and constancy in battle, and in the

sur la principauté frangaise de Morée et ses hautes baronnies, II (Paris, 1845], Florence: doc. xx, pp. 135-36). Zanob1_ = =—WW———

della Strada, papal secretary and humanist, whom the whom see above], Apostolice Sedis legatus, pro una vice Emperor Charles IV had crowned poet laureate four years solum dedimus ei pro serviciis et necessitate tunc im-

before, had informed Innocent of Niccold’s noble stance, but = minentibus ducatorum tria millia non ex debito vel promis-

the tone of the pope’s letter suggests that Niccold’s offer sione facta per nos sed ex sola liberalitate. . . .” Cf.

was not taken very seriously in Avignon. above, note 19.

56 Misti, Reg. 29, fol. 14%: “Super facto trium millium 57 Philippe de Méziéres does say, however, that “whatducatorum pro custodia Smirnarum dicatur quod numquam_~_ ever funds [Pierre Thomas] could get from Cyprus, promisimus solvere dicta tria millia ducatorum, sicut dicunt, Rhodes, and the states of Genoa and Venice he gloried

sed quando primo venit Venetias dominus episcopus in using [for the defense of Smyrna]” (Life of St. Peter Morinensis [Raymond Saquet, bishop of Thérouanne, on Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 89).

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 237 outcome of the battle to take vengeance upon of Cyprus (on 10 October, 1359),® Pierre be-

his enemies.”°® came ill, exhaustion fostered a persistent fever, If we can believe Méziéres, Pierre Thomas and he sailed from Rhodes to Cyprus; according almost wore himself out by his exertions. “By to Machaeras, he landed at Kyrenia on 8 Decem-

such works,” he tells us, ber, and soon provoked a riot, trying to force

Latin Catholicism upon the unwilling Cypriote that is by preaching, teaching, fighting, baptizing Greeks.” infidels, bringing schismatics back into the fold, and Pierre Thomas’s illness kept him in bed from extending God’s church, the lord legate was unre- Christmas until almost Easter (5 April, 1360),” mitting in his service, now at Smyrna, now off to whena rapid recovery enabled him to accede to Rhos: Constantinople, VYprus, the island of waete the request of Peter I of Lusignan, the eldest

and sometimes withHugh only one. did not spare him- ’ ; . Jerusalem. had He already seen to Peter's and * urkey, now with Many galleys, now wilh a teW, surviving son of Hugh IV, to crown him king of

self, putting to sea and making war, opportunely and . ki; £C 4N b otherwise, in winter as in summer, amid the perils of coronation as king of Uyprus (on 2 ovember,

the sea . . . , hostile men, and false friars—he bore 1358) in an effort to forestall the claims of a everything gladly, and labored so hard with God’s young grandson, also named Hugh, whose de-

help that during the period of his legation the termined mother Marie of Bourbon could be Turks generally lost ground. One of the more im- depended on to assert her son’s right to the portant princes, namely emir ofwhich Alto- throne. Thenever Lusignans received the ,crown uogo rey [Ephesus], paidthe tribute, he had —~,77—..~ ; , of done before to any legate or to any Christian, and Leontios Makhairas [Machaeras], Recital concerning the th fter he al h d the Christi a hi Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled ‘Chronicle’, ed. and trans. R. M. creatter ne always honored the Ubristians in DIS Dawkins, 2 vols., Oxford, 1932, I, bk. 1, par. 86, pp.

and. 76, 78, and René de Mas Latrie, ed., Chroniques d’Amadi et de Strambaldi, pt. I (Paris, 1891), 408.

If these facts are accurate, and the emir of —_ © Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 11, par. 101, pp.

Ephesus thus came to terms with hristian 88, 90, and cf. Amadi, Chronique, ed. Mas Latrie, pp. gue (ne was also concerned by the ongoing pp. 92-93, places the riot which Pierre caused (in the

les u (h | d + the GC ristia 409-10, but Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet,

SUCCESS of the Ottomans), the threat to Smyrna cathedral of Nicosia) after the coronation of Peter I as was obviously eased, and western merchantmen king of Jerusalem on Easter Sunday, 1360.

sailed more safely in the Aegean. 63 Mézieéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p- 90,

. . places the legate in Rhodes during the period of his

But with the Anglo-French conflict unre- illness, contrary to the account in Amadi and Machaeras. solved, conditions awry in the Neapolitan king- Francesco Amadi is a sixteenth-century compiler (on whom

dom, Catalan Sicily under the interdict, Vene- see the notice in the Diztonario biografico deg taliant, tian and Genoese hostilities unallaye d, the II [1960], 609), whose work is nevertheless of considerable Hungarians in an expansionist mood. and value. Machaeras had access to much first-hand informa-

§ ; - Xp , tion. See the introduction to Dawkins’s edition, esp. pp.

Germany just recovering from chaos, Innocent 15-16. Born about 1380, Machaeras was a native of Cyprus, VI and his hard-driving legate received no sup- secretary in 1401-1402 of the Cypriote feudatory Jean

port from the great powers. Toward the end of ‘a Nores ee, I, who ir V,was par. Sh fleet Pe ar of acques de Norés, in the of the Petergon I when 1359, however, Innocent again ordered the the latter took Adalia in 1361 (I, bk. I, par. 119, p.

crusade to be preached, planned to arm new 104, 6 aip Tlake re Nopes), and who after the king’s

galleys at his own expense, and imposed crusad- death in 1369 reluctantly threw in his lot with his murderers

ing tithes to help finance a renewed effort (1, bk. 1, par. 281, p. 268). In the present instance it against the Turks.© Pierre Thomas, on whom would be difficult (and not very important) to determine h de d ded f all. had the chronology of Méziéres is more accurate than tne crusade Cepende most whether of all, ha Ovelthat of Machaeras. The specificity with which Machaeras taxed his strength and spent all available dates Pierre Thomas's arrival in Cyprus (on 8 December, funds. Some time after the death of Hugh IV 1359) carries a certain conviction, but it must be observed that Méziéres is also an excellent source, and he informs

_— us that he wrote his life of Pierre Thomas during the 58 Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. Lenten season of 1366, immediately after Pierre’s death 84-86; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres (1896), pp. 140-41. (ed. Smet, pp. 184-85). 58 Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 86, St Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 1, par. 86, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1359, no. 17, vol. pp. 76, 78, and bk. ul, pars. 90, 104-8, pp. 80, 92-96;

VII (Lucca, 1752), p. 45. Mas Latrie, Chroniques d’Amadi et de Strambald:, pt. I (1891),

69 Reg. Vat. 244L, fol. 48°, dated 23 November, 1359, 408, 410, and pt. II (1893), 35-36; Mas Latrie, ed.,

cited by Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance &@ Rome, p. 73, Chronique de Vile de Chypre par Florio Bustron, in Mélanges

and by Smet in his edition of Méziéres, Life of St. Peter historiques, V (Paris, 1886), 257 (in the Collection de docu-

Thomas, p. 210. ments inédits sur l'histoire de France); and cf. Méziéres,

238 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Cyprus at Nicosia and that of Jerusalem at Fama-__leaders, and of course the fact of tranquillity

gusta, where in the beautiful cathedral of S. or upheaval in the Apostolic See itself all Nicholas on Easter Sunday, 1360, Pierre helped or impeded the large task of organizing

Thomas, “clad in pontificals, solemnly accom- even a small expedition to the Levant. But it is panied by all the clergy,” anointed Peter with hard to read the texts of 1359 without perceiving holy oil, consecrated him, and placed the crown that the spirit of the Clementine crusades was of Jerusalem upon his head “to the glory of God _ still strong. Like Clement before and Urban and his holy Church,” says Méziéres, “and the after him, Innocent VI was devoted to the cruexpansion of the faith and the destruction of sading ideal.

the enemies of the cross.”© Peter had long Doubtless conditions close at hand helped to been interested in the crusade, and some years’ keep the ideal close to Innocent’s heart, for if before his accession he had allegedly conceived the French and English would take the crusade the Order of the Sword (l’Ordre de l’Espée), seriously, they would have to make peace at whose members were to dedicate themselves to home, and if they enrolled the routiers in the

the recovery of the Holy Land.® service of piety overseas, the Provencal country-

From decade to decade and place to place the side would be a safer place to live in, the wine historian of this era is aware of social changes would continue to flow into the papal cellars, which manifested themselves in literature, siege grain into the bakeries, and building materials tactics, and cookery, dress, painting, and archi- into the hands of the Avignonese contractors. tecture, but the crusade went on with extraor- But however strong the desire to hurl local dinary continuity, the papal answer to the eter- trouble-makers against the distant Turks, the nal “eastern question.” The recurring formulae _ fact is that there were many curialists who (like of papal letters, however, as well as the standing Innocent and Pierre Thomas) worried about the epithets for abuse of the Turks, provide arather fate of their fellow Christians in the Levant. misleading sense of repetitiveness, for from decade to decade conditions of peace or war in Pierre Thomas probably left Cyprus during Europe, fear of the Turks, hostility to Egypt, the early summer of 1360. He visited his episavailability of resources, popular response to copal see of Coron, and spent some time in the crusading preachers, ability and personality of Morea.® By this time King Peter I of Cyprus

—_—____——. had already occupied the harbor town of Cory-

Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 94; Hill, History cus (Gorigos) in Cilician Armenia, on the of Cyprus, II (1948), 304, 308-10. Hugh IV's eldest southern coast of Asia Minor opposite the Cyprison Guy, half-brother of Peter I and father of the young

Hugh, “prince of Galilee,” had died in 1346. In September ote promontory of Cape Andreas . Corycus had of the following year Guy’s widow Marie of Bourbon Once been an important shipping center, but for

married Robert of Anjou, prince of Taranto and the years the emirate Turks had been pressing in Morea and Latin emperor of Constantinople, who pressed upon the despairing inhabitants, who had finally his step-son’s claims to the throne of Cyprus (Buchon, to Pettoffering him the. ©town Nouvelles Recherches historiques, 11 [1845], Florence: doc. senttenvoys reter, O1ering tow .(in XX, pp. 131-34). King John II of France also supported January, 1360). The enterprising young king

young Hugh’s claims. promptly sent the two Cypriote galleys of the

85 Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 91-92; Amadi, Smyrniote league to occupy the place (0 piyas p. 408; Strambaldi, p. 40; Florio Bustron, p. 258; Iorga, ’€7reupe KaTEpya THS Yuvpvyns . . .), and Latin Philippe de Méxieres, pp. 105-7. Of early fourteenth-century = Christendom had acquired another foothold on Gothic construction, the cathedral church of S. Nicholas . . 68 at Famagusta lost much of its upper story in the Turkish the Anatolian littoral. bombardment of 1571 (George Jeffery, A Description of the Innocent VI must have known for some Historic Monuments of Cyprus, Nicosia, 1918, pp. 116-25,and months of the presence of a Cypriote garrison Rupert Gunnis, Historic Cyprus, a Guide to uts Towns and jin Corycus when he wrote Pierre Thomas on Villages, Monasteries and Castles, London, 1936, pp. 90-95).

On the privileged status (and economic prosperity) of §———————

Famagusta, partly the consequence of its being the site 87 Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. of the Jerusalemite coronation, see Jean Richard, “La 94-95. Situation juridique de Famagouste dans le royaume des 88 Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 11, pars. 112-14, Lusignans,” IIpaxrixa tov mparov dSiebvovs KumpodoytKov pp. 98, 100, who says that Peter asked the pope’s perovvedpiov [Proceedings of the First International Congress of | mission for continued use of the galleys at Corycus.

Cypriote Studies], 11 (Nicosia, 1972), 221-29. See also the notes on the Greek text, in Dawkins, IJ, 86 Guillaume de Machaut, La Prise d’Alexandrie, ed. Louis 96-99; Amadi, pp. 410-11; Strambaldi, pp. 42-44; Florio de Mas Latrie, Geneva, 1877, vv. 333-490, pp. 11-16; — Bustron, p. 259; Guillaume de Machaut, La Prise d’Alexandrie,

lorga, Philippe de Méztéres, pp. 83-85. vv. 628-40, p. 20; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 111-14.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 239 12 October (1360) that the latter would be able | The Venetians seem to have remained faithful

ffectively t dite and tthe duties °° their commitment to the Christian league,

NORE CNY £0 EXEC ae ATTY Oo cae. despite recent charges to the contrary. On 26

incumbent upon you as you are provided by us for December. 1360. however. “by reason of the

this purpose with a larger authority to proceed in ~ SCCMVE h , ved ve y re ° 1

the areas in which you are the legate of the Apos- Tews We fave received trom Constantinop ¢ tolic See, in some of which besides the Turks there [where some Venetians had been killed],” and are known to be many other infidels such as Saracens 1n order that our position may be stronger and and other diverse [foes]—against all such infidels more secure in those areas,” the Senate voted we grant your fraternity the full and free faculty to instruct the duke and council of Crete to send [to proceed] in such fashion as shall seemtoyoumust three armed galleys (previously assigned to

justly and reasonably be done. patrol the Gulf) into the waters of Coron and

The meaning of this new “faculty” is un- Modon, where they should remain until March, clear, but Pierre Thomas had certainly requested 1361, and also ordered that the three galleys it. Its terms were vague enough to justify him of the Gulf should be joined by “those two galin a wide range of procedures, since he would be_!eys which according to the terms of the league the judge of what was iuste et racionabiliter We Must maintain against the Turks.” But since faciendum. Pierre was undoubtedly in close com- the latter two galleys required hasty arming, it

munication with Peter I, and had probably would seem that in the rather unnavigable authorized the initial use of the two “galleys

of Smyrna.” Something was being planned; we information to the Curia Romana. Also if the Senate had

do not know what. The Venetian duke and believed illness to be the cause of Pierre’s apparent incouncil of Crete were alert, but (like us) they activity, it is hard to believe that they would not have

were also mystified. Two days after a curial clerk !luded to his illness. ;

had prepared Innocent’s rather crvptic response ™ The Venetians were never popular in Constantinople P Pp yP p after the Fourth Crusade, for obvious reasons, and despite to Pierre's apparent request for the new faculty, the support they generally gave John V Palaeologus, the Venetian Senate convened (on 14 October, they frequently disagreed with his policies. Shortly before 1360), much exercised by the baffling news this time an old dispute had arisen again between Venice

which had just come from the Levant: and the imperial government as to the number of houses ° and vineyards which Venetian merchants and residents . . . The lord legate of the league against the Turks could own in Constantinople as well as to the land-tax, [Pierre Thomas], as is stated in a letter of the duke ‘f any, which they were to pay (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, and council of Crete. has abandoned the league Misti, Reg. 28, fols. 94°-96", docs. dated 14 and 19 March,

hich is th 1 ti € Christend Bu He h > 1359; Freddy Thiriet, Régestes des déliberations du Sénat de whic “C € Sa ith on 0 £ Fistendom. il e “d Venise concernant la Romanie, I [Paris, 1958], nos. 341-42, gone to Uyprus with one of our Cretan galleys and pp. 91-92). The issue was later settled for five years in with the two Cypriote galleys. He has [also] dis- the renewal of the quinquennial treaty between Venice

armed his own galley and the two galleys of the mas- and Byzantium on 13 March, 1363 (Thomas and Predelli, ter of the Hospital, only our single Cretan galley Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, I1[1899, repr. 1965], no. 53, being left in the service of the league, whence the pp. 88-89), at which time the Venetians were considering greatest losses and perils could result for Christians 2" alliance with Genoa and Byzantium (against the Otto[in the East], [and] which furthermore is expressly ™2? Turks) for protection of the Sea of Marmara and the

contrary to the agreement of the league and con- straits. John V had proposed the plan, but of course trary to the intenti £ the lord dt Venice and Genoa could not co-operate, and John appary . enon of mie ford’ pope and to our ently refused to give up Tenedos to the Venetians as the

own intention. .. . price of their alliance, on which note Thiriet, “Una Proposta The Senate. therefore. voted to inform Inno- di lega antiturca tra Venezia, Genova, e Bisanzio nel > ? : 1363,” Archivio storico italiano, CXUI (1955), 321-34. cent, the cardinals, and other appropriate per- On the long and often troublesome history of the sons of the legate’s actions and the perils to Palaeologian grants of commercial and other privileges which he had exposed the faithful in the eastern to the Venetians (including the difficulties of 1359-1362,

Mediterranean.” relating to Venetian ownership of property and payment : of the terraticum or land-tax), see the excellent article by ——————- Julian Chrysostomides, “Venetian Commercial Privileges 8 Reg. Aven. 144, fol. 563°. under the Palaeologi,” Studi veneziani, XII (1970), 267-

7 Misti, Reg. 29, fol. 90", and cf. Halecki, Un Empereur 356, with twenty documents from the Misti. The issuance de Byzance a Rome, p. 73, who quotes the first third or so of Venetian naturalization papers to gasmuli and Greeks, of this text in a footnote, and says that Pierre dismantled who wanted to be Venetian subjects in order to escape

the galleys because of his illness. But he had recovered, the buyer’s half of the Byzantine customs duties (or as we have seen, before April, 1360; the colonial govern- commercia, from which Venetians were entirely exempt), ment of Crete must have written to Venice about 1 September, was also a frequent cause of dispute between the Senate

since the Senate voted on 14 October to transmit their and the Byzantine government.

240 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT months of December and January the colonial according to Machaeras, Peter I gradually asgovernment of Crete had assumed the league sembled a fleet of about 119 vessels, large and would not be needing the two galleys.” small, of which 46 were from Cyprus. Machaeras Later on, to be sure, the Senate considered also says that Peter’s fleet included two papal using the two galleys of the league to “conduct” and four Hospitaller galleys. On 12 July, 1361, two Venetian envoys to Constantinople.” It is Peter held a muster of his naval armament not certain that they were so used, but in any at Famagusta. By now his objective was so widely event the Senate explicitly ordered that the two known to be Adalia (Satalia, Antalya on the galleys should be promptly “returned to the southern coast of Asia Minor, west of Corycus) service of the league.””* On 22 July, 1361, the that the emir of Tekke is alleged to have sent Savi agli Ordini proposed in the Senate that, if several embassies to Cyprus in an effort to disnecessary for greater security, the Republic’s suade him from the expedition. Adalia was the “two galleys of the league” should be ordered capital of Tekke, in the region of ancient Pamto join an armed convoy on its way to Con- _phylia. The emir’s embassies were all to no avail, stantinople. The Savi were persistent, and the however, for on Monday, 23 August,” the Cyprimotion was put to the Senate four times. It was ote forces made a landing at “Tetramila” near defeated every time,” and there is no evidence Adalia, and took the town on the following

that Venice removed her two galleys from the evening. A month later Peter returned to

service of the league during the critical summer Cyprus, landing at Kyrenia on 22 September of 1361, as Peter I of Cyprus extended his ac- (1361); he had left three armed galleys to guard

tivities in Asia Minor. Adalia, and the others were put in dry dock at It seems unlikely that the Cypriote “galleys of Famagusta. During the weeks that followed, the

Smyrna” were disarmed. At least Machaeras, emir of Tekke made three attempts to recover who had access to written sources “at the royal his capital, all unsuccessful. The conquest of court,””® indicates that they were kept in use at Adalia was a victory of no small importance,” Corycus long enough to require the pope’s per- and the fame of the young king of Cyprus mission.” It is conceivable that Peter I and spread into the remotest villages of Europe. Pierre Thomas were acting in collusion to con- Peter I had apparently faced a rather vague ceal their next move from the Venetians. The alliance of the Grand Karaman (the “Gran charges which the Senate leveled against Pierre Caramano” of the Italians), whose capital had may have been designed to elicit information been established at Konya since 1335, and the from Avignon, since presumably Pierre sent re- _emirs of Adalia, Alaya (Scandeloro), and Monovports of his crusading activities to the pope, if ———_——

not to the doge. *® Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. 11, par. 121, p. 106, says “on Some galleys were doubtless put in dry dock, te third day, oy i twenty-third of August” (co Y to be refitted for action the following year, for twenty-third fell on Monday. In his notes to Machaeras’s

—___.. text Dawkins, I, 14, observes that “the frequency with 72 Misti, Reg. 29, fol. 101°. which . . . not only the year and the month are given

3 Misti, Reg. 29, fols. 107", 108”, 109, 111", 113%, 114°. but also the day of the week, suggests a use of written 74 Misti, Reg. 29, fol. 114", dated 19 March, 1361: “Capta: sources.” The evidence seems to be pretty | strong that Quod ordinetur et mandetur capitaneo Culfi quod si due Machaeras used documentary data available “at the royal galee de Creta deputate ad servicia unionis venissent vel Court.” But I think that, given the date, he sometimes

venirent ad eum, debeat eas remittere ad servicia unionis, ‘tied to figure out the day of the week for himself. Et simile mandetur dictis duabus galeis,” which should Without Mas Latrie’s Trésor de chronologie, Grotefend’s modify somewhat the observations of Smet in his edition Zeitrechnung » OF Cappelli’s Cronologia, this would be a con-

of Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, pp. 210-11, and siderable task for any historian of my acquaintance, with Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas (1966), pp. 176-77, who follows the result “that out of the roughly hundred and fifty

him. cases, in about fifty the day of the month and the day of ™ Misti, Reg. 30, fol. 10". Smet and Boehlke, opp. citt., the week do not agree” (Dawkins, loc. cit.).

have both misunderstood the document, which lacks the | ™ Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, bk. 11, pars. 116-18,

cross in the left margin of the register (and so the motion PP- 102-12, and on Adalia, the ancient Attalia, see,

was never put into effect). ibid., Il, 101-3; Amadi, Chronique, ed. Mas Latrie, pp.

16 ; ; 411-12, who says that Peter had 106 vessels in his fleet, Cf. Recital, ed. Dawkins, bk. 1, par. 86, p. 76, and bk. including 46 galleys, “computando le quattro galie de Rhodi

I, par. 90, p. 80, nupa ypappevov, and especially Par. et Ia gallia che venne il legato” [but Pierre Thomas was 112, p. 98, Kadas 7d nv¥pav ypappévov eis THY aVAAY not on the expedition]. See also Strambaldi, pp. 45-49; THY pryariKny, “as I have found recorded at the royal fForio Bustron, pp. 259-60; Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandre,

OTT Ibid, I, bk. 11, par. 114, p. 100. 5 80 pp. 20-21; lorga, Philippe de Méxtéres, pp.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 24] gat, none of whom had moved to prevent his Philippe de Mézieres had witnessed the landing at Adalia. But now the emirs of Alaya_ legate’s pious heroism during the Cypriote and Monovgat recognized Peter’s overlordship, plague, and was straightway drawn to him besent him envoys with presents, offered to fly cause of his dedication to the crusade. Fed on the royal banner of Lusignan, and promised to chronicles relating to the Holy Land from his pay him tribute.®° Philippe de Mézieres tells early youth at Amiens in Picardy, Philippe us that the legate Pierre Thomas was overjoyed remained always a romantic, a visionary, and a when he learned of Peter’s “unheard-of victory.” crusader. He was often disappointed, but never He had apparently returned to Cyprus after his _ entirely disillusioned. The two princes he loved sojourn in the Morea, and now he hurried off the most, Andrew of Hungary, the husband of to Adalia (presumably in October, 1361) tocon- Joanna I of Naples, and Peter I of Lusignan, secrate churches and establish priests tocelebrate the adventurous king of Cyprus, were both mass. He encouraged the Cypriote garrison in murdered by traitors in their midst. During his their defense of the town, and bestowed upon declining years among the Celestines in Paris, them “many spiritual privileges.” Then he left Philippe “le vieil pélerin” was to contemplate for Cyprus, where he organized processions and __ the sadness of their lot and the divine chastisearranged for masses to be said in honor of Peter’s ment of unworthy crusaders who had hamstrung

victory over the Moslems, “and in wondrous their own efforts by avarice and vainglory,

fashion he aroused the king, the nobles, and incompetence and lack of discipline. But in 1361 even the [Greek] population of Cyprus to the Philippe was still young, thirty-four or thirtydestruction of the enemies of the faith.”®? five years of age, and full of dreams to help Some destruction of Christians also lay in the rewin the Holy Land from the Moslems. Shortly offing, for from the fall of 1361 to the late sum- after the taking of Adalia, Peter I made him mer of 1363 the plague ravaged the Mediter- chancellor of Cyprus, and immediately thereranean world (and spread northward), the worst after Philippe met the legate Pierre Thomas, visitation of the black death since 1348. The whom he came to love and admire beyond all mortality was high in Constantinople and the men, and whose life he described in “un trés Morea, Asia Minor and Syria, Rhodes and _ beau livre de propagande pour la croisade.”® Naples, where it terrified the inhabitants during Enthusiasm for the crusade ebbed and flowed the summer of 1363. It came to Cyprus too. from decade to decade, and now the tide was Méziéres has described Pierre Thomas’s tire- beginning to rise again. less efforts during the summer of 1362 in Nicosia From Nicosia on 15 June, 1362, Peter I, and Famagusta—he held masses, preached ser- Jerusalem et Cipri rex, addressed a rhetorical mons, and organized processions—to allay the letter to the Florentine government, appealing divine wrath by calling the church, the court, and the populace to repentance for their obvi- struck Cyprus (as it did other parts of the Levant) beous sins. In the seaport of Famagusta, fe ornax fore that date, on which note R. J. Loenertz, “Emmanuelis pestilentiae et mortalitatis, the stricken were dying Raul epistulae XII,” in ’Eaernpis rhs ‘Erapeias

a the rate of thirty or forty @ day, but one Bere Srosin, SAVE (80), pp ia day the appeals of the legate and the tears of Mélanges Eugene Tisserant, II, pt. 1 (Studi e testi, 232; the people were heard, “and from that pathetic Citta del Vaticano, 1964), 416-17. Loenertz also calls day in Famagusta and in all parts of the kingdom attention to Demetrius Cydones’ despairing references to of Cyprus the pestilence receded, owing to God’s_ the plague of 1361-1362 (Correspondance, 1 [1956], epp.

mercy and the legate’s prayers.”® aie pp. 145, 147—48). ut the ravages of the plague;in Cyprus were appar-

rs°° Machaeras, ently even greater in 1363, as we gather from Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 1, pars. 124— Recital, I, bk. 1, par. 66, p. 60, and bk. I, par. 135,

25, p. 108, and see the references in the preceding note pp. 118; Amadi, p. 412; and Strambaldi, p. 53. The register to Amadi, Strambaldi, and Florio Bustron.Onthe Turcoman or letter book of Pierre d’Ameil, archbishop of Naples principalities in Asia Minor, note Osman Turan, “Anatolia (1363-1365), in the Arch, Segr. Vaticano, Arm. LIII,

in the Period of the Seljuks and the Beyliks,” in P. M. tom. 9, provides much evidence for the plague in his Holt, A. K. S. Lambton, and B. Lewis, eds., The Cam- episcopal city during the summer of 1363 (on which

bridge History of Islam, 1 (1970), 251-53. of. K. M. Setton, in Speculum, XXVIII [1953], 651, 653, *! Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 96-97. 654-55, and Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenion-

* Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. ensium, I, 385, 396, 400: “Hoc anno [1363] fuit pestilentia 97-100. Since Pierre Thomas left Cyprus with Peter I gravissima quasi per omnes partes mundi.”).

on 24 October, 1362, as we shall see, to seek support orga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 109, 129-31, 345, for the crusade in Europe, the plague had obviously et passim.

242 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT for aid to help him recover the city of Jerusalem, to Venice, where it arrived on or about 5 Decem-

the Holy Sepulcher, the site of Calvary, and the ber. Peter was royally received by the young sacred places in the hands of the Saracens. The Doge Lorenzo Celsi, Petrarch’s friend, and was scenes of Christ’s life and death were subject lodged in the Palazzo Corner-Piscopia (now the to daily desecration and to constant attempts to Municipio) on the Grand Canal, just south of the destroy both Christians and their faith. Owing Rialto Bridge. The palace then belonged to to past as well as to present sins, God had Andrea Zane, the podesta of Treviso. The Senate allowed pestilence and war to reign, “nec . . . allowed Zane to leave his post and return home Terram Sanctam esse voluit in manibus chris- for two days and one night (hardly time enough tianis.” But Peter said that he had yearned from _for the ride from Treviso to Venice and back childhood [like Méziéres, who almost certainly again), obviously since the king wished percomposed the letter] to undertake the recovery _ sonally to thank his absent host.® of the Holy Land. God had made him seize upon Peter and the doge discussed the Turkish this project, which filled his heart, and to which _ peril,®® and the doge could tell him that shortly

he pledged the kingdom of Cyprus and his _ before his arrival the Senate had voted to arm knights, along with all who would join him in _ twelve galleys, six in Venice and six in Crete, the enterprise. The kingdom of Jerusalem was “ad custodiam Culfi et Romanie.”®’ Peter re-

his by the natural law of inheritance. ceived the assurance of ships and supplies for the Peter would atone for his sins by striving for crusade, but he was to keep secret the Venetian the territorial increase of the Christian faith, pledge of assistance.** The Senate was just on notwithstanding the great costs in men and re-_ the point of sending ambassadors to Avignon, sources which he had incurred in the capture of and“. . . the lord king of Cyprus urgently reAdalia (Satalia), “which God has conferred upon quests, both for his honor and for the progress us in a miracle, and we must not keep secret the of the business for which he is come,” that they fact that it was a miracle, for it has remade our should attend him, and prepare the way for his desire, our will, and our objective. . . .” Peter arrival at the Curia, as a mark of the bonds therefore appealed to the Florentines, all and which now linked Venice to Cyprus. The Senate singly each according to his means, to help him agreed to have their ambassadors do as the king regain the Jerusalemite heritage, the land where wished.” Peter left Venice on 2 January, 1363,

Christ had redeemed the fallen nature of man- —

kind by the shedding of his own blood. In 85 Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. Il, pars. 129-31, pp. 112-16; order that everyone might have adequate time Amadi, p. 412; Strambaldi, p- 50; and ¢f. Florio Bustron, “ad veniendum nobiscum in servitio sancto Dei.” PP: 260-61, who gives no date; Méziéres, Life of St.

ad Vere s se 0 O » Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 102-4; lorga, Philippe de

Peter set 1 March, 1364, as the date for the Méziéres, pp. 142-47; Louis de Mas Latrie, Hist. de crusaders to assemble. His familiar, Sylvester ile de Chypre, 11 (Paris, 1852), 239-41, note, traces Peter

Bolonchini, bearer of this letter to Florence, 1's itinerary both during his long sojourn in Europe would inform the Signoria as to the details.** from December, 1362, to June, 1365) and during the According to the chroniclers, Peter I sailed 1368 until the following September). On 10 December, from Paphos on Monday, 24 October, 1362, 1362, the Venetian Senate voted “quod concedatur nobili with a retinue of Cypriote knights. The legate viro Ser Andree Zane, potestati nostro Tarvisii, quod Pierre Thomas and the chancellor Philippe de possit venire Venetias per duos dies, non hospicando nisi Méziéres sailed with:him, and the latter says Zane una noctewas extra terram” (Misti, Reg. 30,by fol.the 122°).Corner, : The Palazzo later acquired they went to seek in the West assistance of the and has long been known as the Palazzo Corner-Piscopia kings and the Emperor Charles IV, for Peter from the family’s rich sugar plantation at Episkopi, west knew well that he lacked “sufficient force of men of ness! her Cyprus. Among the escutcheons on he and arms to take the Holy Land. Stopping off commonly ‘called the Palazzo Loredan, from the family briefly at Rhodes, the king’s small fleet went on which acquired it in the eighteenth century (and held

. . . shorter period he later spent in Italy (from early in

ee it until 1816), it forms with the adjoining Palazzo Farsetti * Giuseppe Miiller, ed., Documenti sulle relazioni delle the center of the municipal government of Venice (¢. citta toscane coll’ Oriente cristiano e coi Turchi, Florence, Giulio Lorenzetti, Venice and its Lagoons, Rome, 1961,

1879, pt. I, doc. xxx, pp. 119, 474. On 15 September PP- 94-96). (1362) Peter wrote Niccoldé Acciajuoli, grand seneschal of 86 Torga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 148-49.

the kingdom of Naples, of his determination to go on 87 Misti, Reg. 30, fol. 119%, dated 30 November, 1362. the crusade, and thanked him for his “magnificent offer 88 Cf. Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. of galleys” (Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, IL 103, and lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 148-49.

[1845], Florence: doc. xx1, pp. 134-35). 8 Misti, Reg. 30, fol. 1247, dated 31 December, 1362.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 243 and with the permission of the Maggior Con- of Verona, the Carraresi of Padua, and others, siglio the doge accompanied him to some point informing them of the lugubrious fact of Inno-

beyond Mestre and Marghera.” cent VI’s death and directing them to preserve

Peter I went on to Padua, Vicenza, and Verona, the states, properties, and rights of the Roman arriving at Milan on 21] January (1363). He re- Church.® After the novena of mourning the mained for some days with Bernabo Visconti cardinals entered the conclave in the papal (who promised him aid), and then continued palace at Avignon on 22 September; on the his journey through Pavia, Voghera, and Tor- twenty-eighth they elected the abbot of S. Victor tona. He reached Genoa in early February, and of Marseille, Guillaume de Grimoard, who was was still there on 5 March, when he renewed then serving as nuncio in the kingdom of Naples, the extraterritorial rights and trading privileges whence he was hastily recalled to Avignon. He which his predecessor Henry I had granted the arrived on 31 October, and on 6 November his Genoese (on 10 June, 1232). Among the wit- coronation was held in the palace.9* He took nesses we find the name of “Philippus de May-_ the name Urban V, and announced his elevazeriis, regni Chipri cancellarius.”*' Pierre tion to the world on 7 November.®%5 Thomas had already left for the Curia Romana, The legate Pierre Thomas was among the but Peter wanted to be sure the coast was clear recipients of the announcement. Urban asked before venturing into Avignon, where curial him “to support our frailness by your devout sentiment still appeared to be rather in favor of _ prayers to the All Highest,” and to continue to his young nephew Hugh, the prince of Galilee, assume and discharge the responsibilities of his who showed no signs of relaxing his claims to legatine office.*%* Twelve days later, following

the kingdom of Cyprus. in the footsteps of his two predecessors, who

The pope who awaited Peter at Avignon was had imposed a tithe on the kingdom of Cyprus

not, however, Innocent VI. Of uncertain health “for the suppression of the Turks,” Urban and a pacific disposition, he had suffered from directed the archbishop of Nicosia and his the frustrations of a turbulent reign. His hopes suffragans to pay the crusading tithe for and plans for the crusade had come to nothing, another three years for the defense of Smyrna but Smyrna still remained in Christian hands against the Turks.*” when he died on 12 September, 1362. He was Scarcely another ten days had passed when

interred at the Chartreuse which he had built Urban wrote King Peter I of Cyprus (on 29 at Villeneuve, across the river from Avignon, November, 1362), as the latter was sailing up and visitors to Villeneuve may still see his the Adriatic toward Venice. The letter was, handsome Gothic tomb in the partially restored convent, where he had found brief periods of °° A. Theiner, ed., Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis repose, and where he wished to be buried.®” S. Sedis, II (Rome, 1862, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1964), no. CCCLXVI, pp. 402-3, “datum Avinione XVIII Kalendas

On 14 September, 1362, the Sacred College lescheux fase Lp 1 note 1 eighteenth, as stated in addressed letters to Cardinal Gil de Albornoz, ® Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, I, 349-50, 383-84, 394-95, legate of the Apostolic See in Italy, the citizens 398-99; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1362, nos. 2-7, of Bologna, the Estensi of Ferrara, the Scaligeri vol. VII (XXVI, Lucca, 1752), pp. 64-68; Souchon, Die Papstwahlen von Bonifaz VII, bis Urban VI. (1888),

—_—_—__—_———_ pp. 66—73; Mollat, Les Papes d’ Avignon (1949), pp. 109-10. The ambassadors were later instructed to leave for Avignon °° Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1 (1902), nos. 1—102, pp. 1-9;

not later than 3 February, 1363 (ibid., fol. 128"). Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, II, no. CCCLXVU, p. 403; °° Mas Latrie, Hist. de l'ile de Chypre, I1, doc. 111, p. 247. Wadding, Annales Minorum, VIII (1932), 177-80.

In the “coronation oath” (promissio) a doge undertook °° Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 5, p. 3, summarizing Reg. not to leave the ducatus Venetiarum without the express Vat. 245, fol. 5.

permission of the Maggior Consiglio. 7 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 113, p. 11, dated 19 Novem*! Torga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 150-52; Mas Latrie, ber, 1362. Some ten or eleven weeks later, however,

Hist.' de Vile de Chypre, I, 51-56, 248-49; Reinhold since agents of the papal legate Pierre Thomas had Rohricht, Regesta regni hierosolymitani, Innsbruck, 1893, no. _ been illegally “preaching the word of the cross against

1037, p. 271 (on the Cypriote concession of 1232); Hill, the Turks” in the Neapolitan kingdom, where Pierre had

History of Cyprus, II (1948), 118-19, 325. been given no legatine authority, Urban ordered Cardinal ® Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, I, 328, 329-30, 334, 342, Albornoz to put a stop to their activities and to apply and vol. II, pp. 485-86, 487-88; Eugéne Déprez, “Les the funds they had collected for the crusade to the deFuneérailles de Clément VI et d’Innocent VI d’aprés les fense of the states of the church in Italy (ibid., no. 197,

comptes de la cour pontificale,” Mélanges d’archéologie et p. 23, dated 2 February, 1363, and note Boehlke, Pierre

adhistoire, XX (1900), 241-44, 248—50. de Thomas, pp. 177-78).

244 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT presumably, delivered to him at the Palazzo On the same day (29 November, 1362) Urban Zane near the Rialto. Urban stated that am- wrote also to Peter I’s brother John, prince of bassadors of Marie of Bourbon, now the titular Antioch, and to the legate Pierre ‘Thomas, asking Latin empress of Constantinople, and her son _ them both to intercede with Peter on Hugh of Hugh, the prince of Galilee, had recently come _Galilee’s behalf. In the letter to Pierre Thomas,

to the Curia Romana. They had presented Urban states it to be his understanding that

“certain petitions, of which we transmit here- in the discharge of his legatine duties Pierre with the contents to your royal Serenity,” re- found himself frequently in the king’s comlating to Hugh’s claims to the Cypriote throne. _ pany.*® The transmission of mail being what it

His Holiness, to whom despite his unworthi- was at the time, Peter and the legate could

ness (the letter reads) God had entrusted the hardly have received the papal letters before the care of all Christians, was most anxious that middle of December, if indeed so soon, and they the faithful should live at peace with one an- doubtless conferred on the question of Peter’s reother, especially those of high estate who were _ sponse. Pierre Thomas would soon be leaving for

linked by blood and were exposed to the peril Avignon. He would offer the pope suitable exof ‘Turkish attack. He urged Peter for his own _ planations of the points at issue in the contested honor to deal in fair and kindly fashion with — succession, and possibly he agreed to apprise his relatives, Marie and Hugh, and to discharge _ Peter of the pope’s reaction. Actually there was his obligations to them with a generosity be- little that Urban could do about the Cypriote fitting a king, for “with the said Hugh, whoisthe matter. It was almost inconceivable that he bone of your bones and the flesh of your flesh, should take a stand against Peter, for that would and whom you should look uponas your son, you obviously put the crusade hopelessly in jeopshould take care to deal piously and benevolently —ardy.

to satisfy the debt of blood and pay heed to your Pierre Thomas was well received at the Curia own honor and peace of mind.” Urban offered Romana, where he knew some of the cardinals, his SEFVICES aS mediator, and added somewhat especially Elias Talleyrand of Périgord. Everyinsistently, “And since, as we have heard, our one was interested in the details of his legatine

predecessor Pope Innocent VI of happy mission, “and just as Paul brought the name of memory wrote you tactfully of these matters a_ Christ before the kings and princes,” says

long time ago, and your Highness has sent him Philippe de Méziéres, “so the legate glorified no answer—which we find so hard to believe— King [Peter’s] name before the pope, the it becomes your royal prudence to delay no cardinals, and princes, and announced his plans longer in sending us a sincere and reasonable for the crusade.” If Peter I was making history,

response.”* so was Pierre Thomas, and on 6 March (1363) We Arch. Seer. Vati Ree. Vat. 945. fols. 1617" Urban V transferred him from the episcopal Mdatem MEK Decumbei to's.Decembris 10"-17> see of Coron to the archiepiscopacy of Crete.'™ atumAvinere Avinione III 245, Kal. anno primo,” with .. a brief summary in Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 119, p. King John U of F France was then at the Curia, 12. According to Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, having arrived in Avignon on 20 November bk. 1, pars. 105-8, 129, 131, pp. 92-96, 112-14, Hugh (1362); he was residing at Villeneuve, across of Galilee’s claim against Cyprus was settled for 50,000 the Rhone, in the (summer) residence of ClemCypriote aspers (v' xiddes aompa tins Kizpov). The 101 Cypriote asper was the “white bezant” (ovéutop.a aompovr); ent VI.'™ Everyone was eager to see the young in one passage Machaeras, op. cit., I, bk. 1, par. 9, p. 8,

says that four white bezants were worth one ducat, wv. sp, , but the weight and value of the coin are variously given Reg. Vat. 245, fol. 17, with brief notices in Lecacheux, (ibid., 11, 46-47). Silver coins called “aspers” were widely 1. fasc. 1, nos. 120-21, pp. 12-13. used in the Levant in both Christian and Moslem centers 100 Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet (1954), of trade (cf. Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La Pratica della pp. 104-5; Reg. Aven. 155, fols. 33’-34"; Eubel, I, 215. mercatura, ed. Allan Evans, Cambridge, Mass., 1936, passim). The Cretans and clergy and the vassals of the Cretan

On 28 June, 1360, at the end of a letter of rather Church were notified of Pierre’s translation to their island belated consolation to Peter I on the death of his father see; the previous incumbent Orso Dolfin had become Hugh IV, Innocent VI had alluded to Prince Hugh of patriarch of Grado in November, 1361 (Eubel, Hierarchia, Galilee’s rights to the throne (see the text in Raynaldus, I, 266), on which note D. Rattinger, “Der Liber Provisionum

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1360, nos. 13-14). Innocent had _ praelatorum Urbani V,” in the Historisches Jahrbuch der feared that the dispute over the succession might lead to Gérres-Gesellschaft, XV (Munich, 1894), 58, 64.

civil war in Cyprus, and on 24 May he had already 1 Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, I, written Peter, asking for fuller information concerning his 384, 395, 399. John II had left Paris, to travel south by own right of succession (ibid., nos. 15-16). These are the _ easy stages, in August, 1362, not 1363, as stated by Iorga,

letters which Peter did not answer. : Philippe de Méziéres, p. 160.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 245 king of Cyprus, who remained at Genoa until dioceses of Crete, Corfu, and Rhodes to assist he received an assuring letter from Pierre the king of Cyprus, qui est ad presens apud Sedem Thomas; then he took to the road, and reached Apostolicam constitutus.'®°

Avignon on Wednesday of Holy Week, 29 March The Turks were on the move, and may have (1363); “and there he was piously and lovingly occupied Adrianople as early as January, 1361.

received by the pope, the king of France, and The emirs of Asia Minor were still sending the cardinals.” Two days later, on the thirty- _ piratical expeditions into the Aegean. It was time

first, the Friday before Easter, Urban celebrated for a crusade. King Peter I of Cyprus spent mass, and with his own hands bestowed the some thirty months in Europe, of which he crusader’s cross upon John II, Peter I, Cardinal passed about seventeen in travel from England Talleyrand of Périgord, “and a host of barons to Poland, seeking assistance for the expedition

and nobles.”!? he planned. His fellow monarchs welcomed him Pope Urban named John II “rector and cap- everywhere with great feasts and abundant

tain-general” of the expedition, and designated honors, but they gave him little help. Peter had

Cardinal Talleyrand as the legate to go with arrived in Avignon, as we have seen, on 29 him. At the same time Urban informed Arch- March (1363); he remained in the area until 31 bishop Roger le Fort of Bourges and the bishops May,'® and the Curia took a great interest in of Mende and S. Flour that he was giving Johna__his affairs. Taking leave of his admirers in Avi-

tithe to be levied in France together with unassigned and unspent gifts, fines, legacies, 15 Reg. Aven. 155, fols. 241¥-242", and Reg. Vat. 261, penances, and the like of the past twelve years fol. 6", “datum Avinione II Kal. Aprilis pontificatus nostri and similar subsidia for the next six “to help with anne primo” £ ; March, 1363), and note Boehlke, Pierre me ee ach liens of the projected +h, peeition. 106 Torga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 158-59 (where the date

” . st1 omas, p. .

© rrench Mcrarciy was to gat ert ca otte should be 1363), 172 ff. We have observed that Peter

funds every six months and remit them in gold to arrived in Venice from the East on 5 December, 1362, the Curia within two months of each collection, on which ef. Iorga, op. cit., p. 147, where the date 1361 and rather elaborate precautions were supposed is also wrong, and the tale of Peter’s falling into the water . . with the collapse of a Venetian bridge should be referred to be taken to see that this financial harvest to his return to Venice (on 11 November, 1364), whence was expended solely on the crusade. Papal let- he sailed on 27 June, 1365, for the island of Rhodes ters went out to most of the important princes and the epic adventure of the Alexandria Crusade (ibid., and prelates of Christendom, announcing the pp. 199-200, 277; Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas, pp. 205,

crusade (which was to set out on 1 March, 256, 268; and Hill, History of Cyprus, I, 324-29). John 1365 h d ht €| indul IICof France Avignon to return to Paris(Baluze on 9 ), sr. anting crusaders © Usual In ubhad Mayleft (1363); Peter departed on the thirty-first gences, and taking their possessions under the and Mollat, Vitae, I, 384-85, 396, 400). With reference protection of the Holy See.’ Thieves and to Peter’s presence in Avignon and Montpellier, we may usurers in a penitent mood could secure nore that f Apr (1363) the Camera Aposto ica paid . ; Paar ree florins for theabsolurepair of on some jewelery which Urban tion for their _ansgressions by contributing gave him (K. H. Schafer, ed., Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen their male acquisita to the crusading coffers, Kammer unter den Papsten Urban V. und Gregor XI. [1362-

and a like concession was extended to the arch- 1378], Paderborn, 1937, p. 12), and on 10 June the

Camera paid a papal sergeant-at-arms 51 florins “for ex-

————_- penses at Pont-de-Sorgues on behalf of the king of Cyprus 102 Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 105; and his retinue when he left the Curia” (ibid., p. 13).

Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, I, 352-53, 396, 400, and vol. We should also note that Iréne Beldiceanu-Steinherr,

II, p. 499; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 165-66. “La Conquéte d’Andrinople par les Turcs... ,” in

3 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 346-47, pp. 40-41, dated Travaux et mémoires, I (Paris, 1965), 439-61, esp. pp. 31 March, 1363, and note no. 868, pp. 129-30, also 452-58, 461, has sought to show by the rationalization dated 31 March one year later; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., of confused sources that the first Turkish occupation of ad ann. 1363, nos. 14-22, vol. VII, pp. 85-90; Baluze Adrianople was achieved by non-Ottoman forces between and Mollat, Vitae, I, 352-53, 384-85, 396, 400; on 1365 and 1369, and that the Ottomans did not take over Talleyrand, see, zbid., I1, 272 ff., and Norman P. Zacour, the city until about 1377. She dismisses, without quoting, Talleyrand: The Cardinal of Périgord, Philadelphia, 1960; the important testimony of Gian Giacomo Caroldo, secretary Delachenal, Chronique des régnes de Jean II et de Charles V, of the Council of Ten in Venice at the beginning of the I (1910), 337, 339; Kervyn de Lettenhove, ed., @uvres de sixteenth century. Caroldo, however, was a great reader Frotssart: Chroniques, XVII (Brussels, 1872), p. 401; Maurice of Venetian archival documents, some of which were

Prou, Etude sur les relations politiques du pape Urbain V _ destroyed by fire in the 1570's, and he informs us that avec les rows de France Jean IH et Charles V (1362-1370), the Turks occupied Adrianople early in the year 1361. Paris, 1888, pp. 23-28; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. These Turks were quite possibly from one of the emirates,

158-62, 165-70; Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas, pp. 211-16. l.e., not Ottomans, and may have been established in

1 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 344-45, p. 40. Thrace for some time.

246 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT gnon, he went north into France, the Rhineland, return any longer, and may God help make it a back to France and Normandy. He spent Novem- fruitful return.”

ber, 1363, in England, where he enjoyed the Conditions in France and Italy impeded feasts at Westminster and a great tournament mobilization of the large forces which Urban at Smithfield,’’’ but Urban V thought that he had envisaged, but he made every effort to prewas tarrying too long. On 28 November he sent pare the way for an expedition to the East. He

Peter a letter of remonstrance (apparently tried to reconcile Charles the Bad of Navarre

still unpublished), reminding him that when he_ with his royal relatives of France and of Aragon-

was at Avignon he had admonished him to pay Catalonia to help further the “work of piety

the visits he wanted to make to the various overseas.” The raids of the unemployed

kings and princes as quickly as possible, and then routiers were a terrible problem in southern return to Cyprus, which lay at the very mouth of France, and papal funds were disappearing in peril. Now Urban had been informed that the the costly struggle against Bernab6 Visconti

Turks were planning an attack upon Peter’s in northern Italy. John II and Peter I sent

kingdom, and had laid siege to Adalia (Antalya), envoys in an attempt to make peace. Peter was

which Peter had taken by assault in August, represented by his chancellor Méziéres and by 1361, “and we pray that you not delay your the ubiquitous Pierre Thomas. As Urban wrote

—______ Cardinal Gil de Albornoz in Italy (on 1 May, Caroldo says that the news of the Turkish seizure of 1363),

Adrianople reached Venice on 14 March, 1361 (and it had ; ;

probably taken seven or eight weeks to do so): “Venne - - -The illustrious kings, John of France and Peter nova a Venetia alli 14 marzo 1361 come Turchi facevano of Cyprus, who panting like boxers of Christ for the per mare molti danni contra i lochi dell’ imperator Joanne recovery of the Holy Land have promised with their Paleologo et legni de mercatanti venetiani, et per terra’ hands in ours to sail overseas within a set time, are gia havevano preso Calipoli [at the beginning of March, pow sending certain ambassadors—both to hasten 1354] e Andrinopoli [in January, 13617] ...” (Bibl. their expedition and to bring peace and quiet to the Nazionale Marciana, MS. Ital., Cl. VII, no. 128a [8639], Roman Church and to Lombardy—to that perfidious

fol. 286", J. Loenertz, “Etudes sur lesofchroniques . ty: , . wn coe cited ade . by Ss R. Bernabo Visconti, the enemy God and of his; Holy

bréves byzantines,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXIV hurch ad he said bd. if th [1958], 156-62, who tries to show that a group of Byzan- Church, to try to induce the said Bernabo, if they can,

tine “short chronicles” confirms Caroldo’s date and assigns = ——___ the [Ottoman] seizure of Adrianople to Murad I before 108 Reg. Vat. 246, fols. 13"—14', by original enumeration: his victory over the Serbs in the battle of Cernomen —“Carissimo in Christo filio Petro Regi Cipri illustri salutem, on the Maritsa on 26 September, 1371). The last word — etc, Dudum considerantes attente multa magnaque pericula has not been said on the battle of Cernomen, however, que ob tue serenitatis a tuo regno et ultramarinis partibus at which Murad was probably not present (see the inter- absenciam diuturnam possent eisdem regno et partibus esting Ottoman texts discussed by Mrs. Beldiceanu, “La _ pyobabiliter evenire, serenitatem eandem tunc apud sedem

Conquéte d’ Andrinople,” pp. 450-51). i apostolicam existentem fuimus exhortati paternis affectibus

If the Turks who took Adrianople at the beginning yt visitatis regibus et principibus quos decreveras visitandos of 1361 (according to Caroldo) were in fact Ottomans, quam cito commode posses ad dictum tuum regnum inter they presumably lost the city in the early 1360's during — fauces hostium fidei constitutum remeare curares. Nuper Murad’s struggle with his brothers over the succession to. aytem_intellecto quod perfidi Turchi dictum regnum their father Orkhan. In any event a poem composed by conantur offendere et circa civitatem tuam Sataliensem the contemporary John Katakalon seems to make it clear tenent exercitum numerosum propter que magis oportet that the Byzantines had reoccupied Adrianople before quod ad illas partes celeriter revertaris, excellenciam regiam Christmas of 1366, on which ¢. E. A. Zachariadou, _ hortamur attencius et precamur quatinus regressum tuum The Conquest of Adrianople by the Turks,” Studi veneziani, deo auxiliante felicem ad dictas partes ulterius non retardes.

XIT (1970), 211-17, who agrees with Mrs. Beldiceanu Nog enim litteras apostolicas super subsidiis que tibi conthat the Turks first took the city about 1369, but pays cessimus, quantum potest fieri, facimus expediri prout

no attention to the evidence in Caroldo. venerabilis frater noster Antonius episcopus Melfiensis

In their westward expansion through Thrace the Otto- confessor tuus lator presentium qui expeditionem litterarum mans - took Serres (Serrai) in 1383. See the discussion ipsarum et alia que sibi commisit regia celsitudo diligenter by Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr, “La Prise de Serres et le prosecutus extitit tue magnitudini referet oraculo vive vocis.

firman de 1372 en faveur du monastére de Saint-Jean- Datum Avinione III] Kal. Decembris anno secundo.” Prodrome,” in Acta historica [published by the Societas Cf., ibid., fol. 208, letter of Urban V to Peter dated academica dacoromana in Munich], IV (1965), 15-24. at Avignon on 3 June, 1364 (misdated in lorga, Philippe Mrs. Beldiceanu throws doubt on the authenticity of the 4g, Méziéres, pp. 203-4), and fol. 241", letter dated 30 firman, which has been used as evidence to suggest an June, noted in Lecacheux, Lettres secrétes et curiales, I, earlier occupation of Serres, and claims that the (lost) fase. 9 (1906), no. 1051, pp. 163-64. original could not in any event antedate the Turkish 109 Tecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 354, p. 42, dated 15

occupation of Serres in 1383. April, 1363, and lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, p. 169, with 107 Torga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 173-82. the wrong date.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 247 freely to give back to the Roman Church all the of Smyrna for ten years, and arranged that he castles which he holds in the Bolognese as well as the be paid 6,000 florins a year “for stipends for

castle of Lugo. . . ./™ himself and his servitors.” The master of the Although John II’s envoys failed in their ef- Hosp was io be responsive for half the sum,

fort, Pierre Thomas succeeded in bringing the oll the nC eacon of Limasso he € papa Visconti to terms, according to the eyewitness ae ined he PE at Lik to see to the payment

account of Méziéres,!"! which seems to be borne ©! the other half." Like his two predecessors out by the chronicles of Bologna." Peace was Urban was determined to hold on to Smyrna. announced on 20 January, 1364, but final settle- It would require all Raccanelli’s competence ment did not come until 13 March, and for his © Maintain law and order in threatened Smyrna,

withdrawal from the Bolognese, Bernabo Vis- where Cheon hovit, or raed openly cual

conti was to receive from the Holy See 500,000 enge 1 € authority of the papal vicar Pietro florins “of good gold and just weight,” to be paid patice | of Fano. Pietro hari a Cone xy over a period of eight years in annual installments oy cr (conversus ), as am viet] “ai u ement hi of 62,500 florins." The wisdom of the agreement qu neni? » and’ was quietly he atin £ . h

may be debatable, but at the time it seemed like nT provi iL Meet Mock in ¢ een ait ¢ a necessary first step toward getting the crusade 2M harassing the locai Moslems. ‘he ‘sons o

under way iniquity” broke down the doors of the houses Whatever the distractions at the Curia, and occupied by Pietro and his retainers, and carried whatever the problems in Italy, Urban V kept his off Brae. wine; and food as wer as beds, ores,

mind upon the East. On 12 May, 1363, he ap- 1363 3 “ban. an oh cr Lhe sn F Roce

y ; ISnOp a)

pointed the Genoese Pietro Raccanelli captain (1963) Urban wrote the archbishops of Rhodes and Smyrna and the bishop of Chios to give the

a ¢Lecacheux, offenders public warning in the churches to reI, fasc. 1, no. 387, p. 53. On the ravages of turn the stolen goods within a given time or give

the routiers, see in general Denifle, La Guerre de Cent full satisfaction for the; | f heb f war with the Visconti, note the letter which Urban wrote €XCOMMunication.

Ans, I (1899, repr. 1965), 382-443. As for the costs of ull satis action ore eir value or face the ban o

Louis the Great of Hungary and Casimir II of Poland Two weeks after Raccanelli’s appointment, as

tion of a three years’ tithe which he had impos Oo wee ; their kingdoms because of the heavy burden of expense was another spurt of activity in the apostolic (on 27 June, 1363), asin ea e hed imposed upon Peter I was preparing to leave Avignon, there under which the Church was laboring “especially on account palace, and clerks prepared letters for dispatch

of Bernabé Visconti” (Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 505-6, to the Emperor Charles IV, Edward III of p.- 67, and cf. nos. 508-12, 535, 547, et alibi). Bernabo England, John of Bohemia, the dukes of Luxemfinally accepted peace with the Holy See on 20 January, burg, Austria, Saxony, and Bavaria, the nobles 1364, and month later expressed satisfaction inLorraine, the weand d .thed doges the do £ Milanese lord’sareconciliation withUrban the Church (ibid., no. OF VerMmany an 823, p. 120, dated 20 February, and cf. nos. 826, 846, and Venice and Genoa, exhorting them all to get 982). Although Bernabo held almost a dozen important fortresses in the Bolognese until peace was made, the ——-————

city of Bologna itself was in Albornoz’s hands. 114 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 458-61, pp. 60-61. Pietro "1 Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 107-110. Raccanelli or Recanelli was probably the outstanding Following the traditional account, Mollat, Les Papes d’Avi- mahonese of Chios. He was already captain of Smyrna gnon (1949), pp. 233-38, believes that it was a great mis- when on 25 October, 1361, the Venetian Senate rejected

take for Urban V to make peace with Bernabo Visconti, the proposal for his marriage with Fiorenza Sanudo, because Cardinal Albornoz had him on the run, to which heiress of Duke Giovanni I of the Archipelago (Arch. point of view Smet, op. cit., pp. 213-17, takes interesting di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 30, fols. 30°-31"). Naxos exception. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 206-28, sketches was not to fall to a Genoese, if the Venetians could the background of events, and gives Méziéres most of the help it, nor for that matter to a Florentine: A year

credit for the peace of 1363-1364. later, on 27 December, 1362, by which time Duke Giovanni

‘? Albano Sorbelli, ed., Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, was dead, the Senate also put a stop to the efforts of in the new Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. HL (1916- Giovanni Acciajuoli, archbishop of Patras (Eubel, Hierarchia, 39), pp. 162-63, where the author of “Cronaca A” states I, 394), to marry Fiorenza to his brother Nerio, who was

that the French and Cypriote envoys were sent by their to become the duke of Athens in later years (Misti,

lords “perché voleano fare lo passazo al Sepolcro,” and, Reg. 30, fols. 122”—123%). ibid., pp. 179-83. The Cron. Villola says of Pierre Thomas ™5 Michel Hayez et al., eds., Urbain V (1362-1370), “ché lla soa persona molto valse a far questa paxe,” Lettres communes, II, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1965), no. 5784, p.

but then adds “e grande afano ne duro.” 107, and on Pietro da Fano, note Schafer, Ausgaben 8 Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, 11, doc. CCCLXXXVII, pp. (1914), pp. 526, 570, and see especially Wadding, Annales 412-13. Minorum, VIII (1932), 8, 66, 102-3, 124, 194, 233.

248 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ready for the passagium generale which was to set the forces going overseas. The members of the

out for the Holy Land in less than two years free companies had the most dreadful need of (on 1 March, 1365). The king of France was to absolution, and so they should respond promptly be captain-general of the expedition, they were to his call to arms “in a spirit of devotion and all told, and the king of Cyprus would go also, union” to expiate the crimes they had committed and so would many other nobles, for they had all _ against God, ecclesiastics, and the innocent. They taken the cross and had given their solemn word _ were skilled in the exercise of arms, and should to fight the infidels overseas.'® But as Urban _ seek forgiveness in a service acceptable to God. wrote the Doge Lorenzo Celsi, the king of Cyprus They could acquire and possess the Holy Land

was going before the general expedition of all forever, and so in this life they might seize the the crusaders. He would be the “magnificent wealth of the enemies of Christendom, and by

precursor.”1!7 mending their ways also earn eternal wealth in The mercenary companies in the Midi re-_ the life to come. Urban thus summoned them mained a danger and an exasperation to the to have a care for their own salvation, to cease

Curia, and on 25 May (1363) Urban V addressed _ pillaging Christians, and to help win back the an appeal to them also, “to the captains and land of the Savior’s birth. He also informed them all the personnel of whatsoever companies have _ that he was sending the Augustinian friar Nicole established themselves in the kingdom of France de Brohom to go among them, instruct them and in neighboring regions.” He reminded them further, and grant absolution to those who took that “both the perfidious Saracens and those _ the cross.1"8 cruel pagans commonly called Turks, who live Perhaps Nicole de Brohom’s task was not as

in the East close to Christian peoples ..., absurdly difficult as it might at first seem, for have invaded the lands of the faithful with Peter’s appearance in the south of France had

such force and audacity that none or fewcan re- aroused widespread interest. He was famous, an sist them.” The Turks had overrun Christian object of universal admiration, and some routiers Armenia. They had occupied various provinces, had apparently expressed the desire to serve with islands, cities, and castles, profaned sanctuaries, him in the East. Since, when he was leaving Avislaughtered Christians, enslaved them, and put gnon, Peter seemed to be eager to get started them on the block for sale as though they were on the crusade (and John II could not set out cattle. But now these infidels had themselves before the scheduled date), Pope Urban granted been weakened by plague and internecine dis- the impatient Cypriote the right to enroll in his cord, and ever since Peter, the illustrious king service and send into the Levant 200 French of Cyprus, had taken from them the seaport of nobles, 2,000 horse, and 6,000 foot “from other “Satalia” (Adalia), terror had descended upon parts of the world,” as well as routiers from the them. Peter had not shunned the perils of long free companies and any other recruits he could

journeys to the centers of authority in Europeto gather from the ecclesiastical provinces of explain to the pope and the princes that now Aquileia, Grado, and Salzburg, the kingdoms of the power of the infidels could at long last be Hungary and Cyprus, the areas of Sicily, Dalcrushed. The Holy Land could be recovered. matia, and Greece.’? With the slackening of Pierre Thomas, the archbishop of Crete and military employment in Italy during the coming eastern legate of the Apostolic See, had affirmed months, especially after Bernabo Visconti made

the accuracy of the Cypriote king’s assessment peace with the pope, English mercenaries in of conditions in the Levant. Urban had therefore the peninsula also requested and received full proclaimed the crusade. The usual indulgence assurance of the crusading indulgence for any and privilege would be accorded to all whojoined and all of their company who would be willing to cross the sea and fight “for the recovery of 116 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 476-85, pp. 62-63, dated the Holy Land.””° 25 May, 1363. A letter was also addressed to Louis §=£———————

the Great of Hungary, enlisting his support for the cru- 118 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 487, pp. 63-64, and on

sade (ibid., no. 486). Nicole de Brohom, cf. Schafer, Ausgaben (1937), pp. 19,

17 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1363, no. 23, vol. 71, 141. VII, p. 90; lIorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 170-71; and 19 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, nos. 488-89, p. 65, dated 25 note Reg. Aven. 155, fol. 241%, dated 31 March, 1363, May, 1363. where Peter I is alluded to as “precursor intrepidus;” 120 Thid., 1, fasc. 1, nos. 891-92, 898-99, pp. 134-35, Méziéres applies the word precursor to Peter as a ttle 137, dated 17 and 20 April, 1364; Iorga, Philippe de

(Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 106). Mézieres, pp. 269-70.

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 249 Hopes for the crusade were still rising at the island of Crete.’* Although the colonial policy Curia when the news reached Avignon of King of Venice was as a whole just and humane, it John’s unexpected death in England (on 8 April, | was also unyielding and exploitive. As the years

1364), and in a letter of condolence to his son passed, Venetian feudatories and Greek arand successor Charles V, Urban lamented the chontes tended to draw together and pursue terrible loss of his leadership.’24 Although _ their local interests, sometimes in opposition to Charles lacked a crusading mentality, plans for the home government. Crete was far from the expedition continued, and indulgences were Venice; it took a galley a month to make the extended,!2? but now more than ever Urban saw __ trip. The serious disaffection of both Venetian that everything depended on the young king of colonists and Greek proprietors was shown by Cyprus, who had attended John’s funeralinearly uprisings in 1332 and 1342,° an ominous preMay at Paris and S. Denis and Charles’s corona- _lude to the great revolt of 1363, when indigna-

tion at Rheims about two weeks later.!22 tion and violence followed the imposition of a new tax to make repairs in the harbor of Candia.

In the meantime a spectacular event had oc- The Venetian families of Gradenigo, Venier, curred which threatened Peter I’s hopes and and Grimaldi, names long honored on the laplans for the crusade. In early August, 1363, goon, joined with the Calergi in defiance of a serious revolt broke out in the Venetian Leonardo Dandolo, duke of Candia, who insisted

—_—______ ‘ 126 1 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1, no. 924, p. 141, dated 30 upon collection of the unpop ular levy.

April, 1364: “O quantus meror Christiani exercitus ad =——————

recuperationem Terre Sancte profecturi de proximo, 124 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Collegio, Lettere Segrete cernentis se ducis tam providi tamque strenui amisisse (1363-1366), fols. 20° ff., documents relating to the

ducatum!” rebellio commissa per nostros nobiles et universitatem Candide

122 Ibid., 1, fasc. 2 (1906), no. 1033, p. 161. et aliorum locorum (from the commission of the Venetian

13 lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 186-89. Peter I em- “ambassadors and provveditori” to be sent to Crete, dated

barked thereafter on his long tour of eastern Europe, 12 September, 1363): this register, the Liber secretorum soliciting men and money for the crusade. He went to [Collegii], which remains the major source of our informaGermany, Bohemia, and Poland, where in Cracow (in late tion concerning the Cretan revolt, was once the possession

September, 1364) he found not only Casimir III but also of the Florentine senator, Marchese Gino Capponi, in Louis the Great of Hungary; thereafter he went to Aus- whose library it was used by Louis de Mas Latrie; on tria, and through Carinthia back to Venice, where he 19 December, 1874, Capponi presented the volume to the arrived on 11 November, and where he spent more than Archivio di Stato in Venice, where J. Jegerlehner employed seven months. Once more he stayed at the Ca Corner- it for his article on “Der Aufstand der kandiotischen Piscopia. It was upon this occasion that the bridge broke _Ritterschaft gegen das Mutterland Venedig, 1363-65,” under the weight of the crowd which had gathered to Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XU (1903), 78-125. greet him, and Peter emerged from the water with the The caution and rigidity with which almost every detail reflection that now he had become a Venetian (ibid., of life was regulated by Venetian officials in the Cretan pp. 147, 200). On 22 June, 1365, honorary citizenship colony is illustrated by the documents published in Ernst was bestowed upon his chancellor Méziéres in the name _ Gerland, Das Archiv des Herzogs von Kandia im Kéniglichen

of the Doge Lorenzo Celsi (Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., Staatsarchiv zu Venedig, Strassburg, 1899, pp. 44-62,

III [1883], bk. vu, no. 217, p. 41, and Mas Latrie, 66-82 (docs. mostly before the year 1360). Gerland also Hist. de Vile de Chypre, U1 [1852], 272-73). ) provides us with an analysis of the material in the Archivio Peter sailed from Venice on the morning of 27 June del Duca di Candia in Venice. Documents more rele(. . . rex Cipri, qui hodie mane recessit de Veneciis), as the vant for our present purpose may be found in Thomas doge informed the captain of the Gulf, who was to keep and Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, HU (1899,

a close watch on his movements (Mas Latrie, op. cit., repr. 1965), 391-428. On the economic and social backIII [Paris, 1855], 751-52). Peter had sent Urban V word ground, see J. Jegerlehner, “Beitrage zur Verwaltungsof his departure from Venice “cum copiosa comitiva pro geschichte Kandias im XIV. Jahrhundert,” Byz. Zeitschr., Christi servitio bellatorum,” and on 19 July Urban wrote XIII (1904), 435-79. There is of course an account of to wish him godspeed (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. the Cretan revolt in the old (but almost classic) work 1365, no. 18, vol. VII, pp. 119-20). After landing at of Samuele Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, 10 vols., Candia on the island of Crete and spending two months Venice, 1853-61, III, 217-27. at Rhodes, where the Cypriote fleet was assembled, Peter 125 Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII (Milan,

set sail on 28 September for the Gulf of Adalia, and 1733), col. 607; Andrea Navagero, Storia veneziana, in quickly thereafter (on 5-6 October) for Egypt, where on RISS, XXIII (Milan, 1733), cols. 1025, 1031; F. Thiriet, 10 October, 1365, he took Alexandria by storm. Guillaume “Sui Dissidi sorti tra il Comune di Venezia e i suoi de Machaut, La Prise d’ Alexandrie, ed. Mas Latrie (1877), feudatari di Creta nel Trecento,” Archivio storico italiano,

vv. 839-1691, pp. 26-52, has traced Peter’s itinerary, CXIV (1956), 699-712. with all the feasts and jousts along the way, from the 6 Raffain Caresini, Chronica, ad ann. 1363, ed. Ester coronation of Charles V to the two months’ sojourn on _ Pastorello, in the new Muratori, RISS, XII, pt. 2 (Bologna, Rhodes, on which see Ilorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 1922), 13-14; Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII,

189-201. col. 656; Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII,

250 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The rebels attacked the ducal palace in Can- Queen Eleonora of Cyprus, Prince John of Antidia, imprisoning the courageous Dandolo, who och (the regent of Cyprus during his brother almost lost his life in the tumult. Venetian Peter’s absence), John V Palaeologus, and Anofficials were killed, imprisoned, or expelled drea Querini, Venetian bailie in Constantinople. from the island. A prominent feudatory, Marco On 11 October they also wrote to Louis the Great Gradenigo “the Elder,” was made “governor and of Hungary and Peter I of Cyprus, and thererector of Crete” (gubernator et rector Crete), and after to Joanna I of Naples, the Latin Emperor four colonists were appointed as an executive Robert, duke of Taranto and Achaea, and the council to assist him in his duties. The rebels legate Pierre Thomas. They sent an envoy to formed an army by releasing from prison crimi- Genoa.’”° All recipients of the Venetian letters nals and debtors who were willing to exchange _ sent back reassuring replies, even the Genoese,!°

six months’ military service for a pardon. The and on 15 October Pope Urban V wrote in new government admitted Greeks to the grand paternal remonstrance to the rebels at Candia. council of the island and to the council of feuda- He reminded them that they were by origin, tories. S. Mark was deposed from his patronage culture, and privilege “in large part Venetian,” of Crete, whose inhabitants now replaced him and that they needed the motherland to defend with their own countryman S. Titus. Restrictions them against schismatics and Moslems. If their were removed from the ordination of Greek rebellion should upset the crusade for the repriests, and there were those who would have covery of the Holy Land, on which the pope had substituted the Greek for the Latin rite in the _ set his heart, the universal Church would suffer cathedral church at Candia,’”’ whose archbishop

was of course none other than Pierre Thomas

1 29 Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fols.

who was then busy (as we have seen) with papal 3 1%—33". Genoa was close at hand, and required watching, affairs at Avignon and in Italy. Although the “et etiam super dicto facto misimus Ianuam unum nuntium

Greeks and Latins got along badly together, nostrum...” (bid., fol. 32°), and cf. Jegerlehner,

and the Calergi looked toward the eventual “Aufstand,” Byz. Zeitschr., XH, 111—12, who finds the word liquidation of the Latin establishment in Crete, “"™ im this text “unleserlich.” Incidentally, the envoy sent

7 . d hostility b he alli > to Genoa was none other than Raffain Caresini, later

U € tension and hostility between the allies §4Ve chancellor of Venice (Lettere segrete, fol. 38"). Caresini’s little comfort to the statesmen of the Republic.’ — name figures prominently in the diplomatic documents The Cretan revolt was known in Venice by 10 __ from about the middle of the 1340's.

September (1363), and the government suc- The doge and his councillors had learned of the upded . kh ‘n isolating th bels from rising “through the report of the skipper of an Anconitan

ceeded’ Very quickly In Isolating the rebess 1r0 vessel, who returned [recessit] from Candia on 10 Septemthe rest of Christendom, although adventurous ber, as well as through letters from the castellans of Coron Catalans were soon reported in various parts of and Modonand our bailie and captain of Negroponte . . . ” the island. On 8 October the doge and his coun- (Lettere segrete, fol. 29°, dated 9 October, 1363, and cillors wrote letters to the master of Rhodes, on 12 September). The doge and his councillors had also

: addressed to the provveditori of Crete who were appointed

————_——_—. learned “that in the area of Coron and Modon or Negrocols. 1045E-47; Iorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 229-30; ponte there is a certain George Scordilli, called ‘Cazaand see in general Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, 11 mumiri Grecus, who is a noble and powerful, and sending (1920, repr. 1964), 220-23, 607. Among the ten most him to the island [of Crete] might be a great boon to our prominent rebels condemned to death, for whom the interests, and therefore we inform you that we should Venetian government declared that no pardon was possible, think it expedient to have him thoroughly investigated, three bore the name Gradenigo and two Venier (Lettere and when you have the report concerning him, if it still segrete del Collegio [1363-1366], fol. 61°; Jegerlehner, seems useful to you, to send him to persuade the other Greeks “Der Aufstand der kandiotischen Ritterschaft,” Byz. Zeitschr., and look to our honor and the confusion of our ene-

XII, 89, 122). mies...” (ibid., fols. 30°-30°, where the text which 27 Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” Byz. Zeitschr., XII, 85, 101- Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” p. 110, finds “unleserlich,” is as

7, from the quaternt bannorum, which were studied by follows: “. . . et propterea informamus vos quod utille Lorenzo de Monacis (chancellor of Crete from 1388 to putaremus quod faceretis de ipso persentiri et habita de eo 1429), Chronicon, ed. Flam. Cornelius, Venice, 1758, pp. noticia,” etc.). 174-75 ff., and note Gerland, Das Archiv des Herzogs 8° As the Venetian government informed the castellans von Kandia, pp. 3, 18, 31 ff. (on the registers of the of Coron and Modon and the captain-general of the sea on banna), 43. The Republic’s ecclesiastical policy in Crete is 24 and 25 November (Lettere segrete del Collegio [1363-—

sketched in Giorgio Fedalto, “Le Sénat vénitien et les 1366], fols. 39’-40%, and Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” pp. églises chrétiennes de Créte au XIV® siécle,” Hpaxtuxa 88, 114-15). For the letter of the doge of Genoa,

I’ Ave6vous Kpnrodoytxov Xvvedpiov, Il (Athens, 1973), Gabriele Adorno, see Thomas and Predelli, Diplomatarium 94-101. veneto-levantinum, II, 392, dated 9 November, and in

#28 Sanudo, op. cit., cols. 656-57; Navagero, op. cit., general note Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vu, col. 1047C. nos. 98, 101-5, 110-14. -

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 251 a grave misfortune. Therefore he admonished out from Venice the following March. Once and exhorted them to make peace with the Vene- again, therefore, on 29 November, the doge tians, like faithful citizens and devoted sons of wrote him of the unsettling effect the sudden

the Republic."** news of the Cretan revolt had had on Venetian

In writing to Peter I of Cyprus on 11 October, plans to contribute to the success of the crusade. the doge and his councillors (in the Collegio) had The Republic must now concentrate upon the already indicated that, unless a quick victory recovery of the island. A fleet and an army were could be assured, the Cretan rebellion might being putin readiness. So many ships, armed and prove a grave impediment to his plans for the unarmed, were needed for the transport of men, crusade.” Peter answered from London on 24 supplies, and equipment that the doge did not November (1363), expressing his willingness to see “how our ships alone can suffice for these come to Venice as quickly as he could manage, expeditions.” But his government hoped for and “with the select band of noble warriors whom quick success in Crete, after which Peter would we have gathered from diverse regions” to join find the Venetians prompt and willing to do with a Venetian force for the quick suppression whatever they possibly could to assist the crusadof the Cretans’ “mad temerity.” At the same time ing cause." Peter wrote his wife Eleonora and his brother The crusade would need Venetian galleys and John that the Cypriotes were not only to give the transports, and Urban V was not at all mis-

Cretans no aid, but they were to break off all taken in his fears. The Cretan rebellion did relations with them, commercial and otherwise, threaten the “general passage” against the

until the rebellion had ended.’ Moslems. On 17 December (1363) the doge and

Peter had already informed the doge, in a_his councillors wrote Urban that, notwithstandletter dated at Calais on 20 October, of his ing the fact they had always treated the Venetian success in recruiting crusaders from among the feudatories in Crete “as brothers and sons, French and German nobles. He wanted to set born of the same parents and patria, enjoying with us the same honors and dignities,” the said 31 Reg. Vat. 245, fol. 273: “Dilectis filiis populo civitatis feudatories had revolted. Odious as this patri-

Candiensis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem: .. . cidal rebellion was, the Venetian government Cum itaque noviter ex relatione multorum percepimus was no less disturbed because it was a serious inter dilectos filios nobilem virum ducem et commune gbgstacle to organizing the overseas expedition Venetiarum vos, qui ab eis pro magna proutet 4oainst the Moslems, for which the pope had audivimus, etoriginem suscepistis ac inparte, civilitate privilegiis te censebamini Veneti et soletis cum eis unanimiter in om- Made such promising plans. But now the Venenibus convenire, ortam esse discordiam. ... Nosse titans had to prepare powerful naval and land quippe debet vestra discretio quanta mala possint vobis forces to secure the recovery of Crete, and could carentibus defensione magnifica Venetorum a finitimis jy no wise furnish subsidies fof money and ships] scismaticis et infidelibus huiusmodi durante discordia : . evenire, quin immo eos qui vos solebant protegere as they had wished and intended to do. They offensores procul dubio sentiretis. ... Ad hoc tamen hoped for a swift victory in Crete, however, adicitur vehementis doloris aculeus de generali provenientis and the pious sons of S. Mark were still anxious

incommodo quod ex vestra si €x pro €a turbaretur to work or forvt: the exaltation and extension of the enerale passagium per discord, nos dudum recuperatione Terre Sancte indlictum, ad quod prospere dirigendum totis Christian faith in the Levant.'

mentis anelamus. affectibus, universali ecclesie sequi ~~

posset. Quapropter universitatem vestram monemus et ‘* Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 42°, hortamur in domino per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes which was published with a few slips in transcription quatinus unitatem et pacem cum eisdem Venetis ... by Mas Latrie, III, 743. sicut fideles concives et devoti filii celeriter reformetis. . . . 5 Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 46": Datum Avinione id. Octobris anno primo.” On the same “. . . Et quamvis ipsa rebellio ex natura rei infesta nobis day Urban wrote the Doge Lorenzo Celsi, lamenting the et gravis existat, non minus tamen nos turbat impediuprising in Crete as an obstacle to the generale passagium mentum notabile quod exinde proventurum cognoscimus against the Moslems and urging him to overcome the _ ultramarino passagio per vestram Sanctitatem instituto. . . . Cretan rebels “by clemency and kindness,” benignitatis Intenti ad recuperationem ipsius [insule Crete] pro qua mansuetudine (ibid., fols. 273’—274'). Lecacheux, I, fasc. potentes exercitus maritimum et terrestrem parari fecimus, 1, nos. 663-64, does not give the text of these letters. exhibere nequaquam poterimus illa subsidia que singulariter

‘2 Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fols. optabamus passagio supradicto. . . .”

32” —-33', and Mas Latrie, Hist. de lle de Chypre, III, 742, On 5 December, 1363, Urban V again reminded Louis

with various unindicated deletions. the Great of Peter I’s hopes for Hungarian assistance in

'83 Mas Latrie, II, 250-52; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., the expedition which would try to recover the Holy Land

III, bk. vu, nos. 110-11, p. 23; Thomas and Predelli, the following spring (Wenzel, Magyar diplomacziai

Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, II, no. 56, pp. 96-97. emlékek, in Monumenta Hungariae historica, Acta extera, 1

252 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Meanwhile in Crete the insurgents had rejected king of Cyprus as well as your own dated at Bologna

Venetian offers to discuss their grievances, and on 24 January . . . , and having noted the tenor of had suggested no conditions of their own as your letter, we see quite clearly that you have expossible bases upon which to restore peace and tended yourself beyond the authority of your comreturn the colony to its former allegiance. On svailabl in giving them a full statement of [our 10 January (1364) the doge issued a commission and able] galleys, horse-transports, ships, and £255»

to one Angelo Michiel to go to Turkey to pur- and you “ave even revealed fo them the actions . i6 taken on the commissions of the provveditori whom chase supplies. Nevertheless, the Venetians we have sent to Crete both as to the justice to be now empowered their notary Desiderio Lucio to done [there] and other matters which had all been confer with Pierre Thomas and Philippe de _ ordered to be held in confidence. . . .1°8 Méziéres (at the latters’ request) concerning the eastward transport of the Cypriote king’s On 29 January (1364) the doge and members crusaders. On 24 January Pierre and Philippe of the Collegio wrote Peter I that they had enwrote the doge from Bologna that they expected gaged a land army of 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot, to have about 1,000 crusaders (equites de genttbus and had the transports ready to take them all passagit) ready to sail from Venice by the middle to Crete, but they were prepared to wait until of March. Their letter was quickly delivered,and the middle of March before setting out. If on the twenty-eighth the doge replied that his Amadeo VI, count of Savoy, and any other crugovernment was prepared to take this contin- saders arrived in Venice before that date “in gent to Crete “for the recovery of our island, sufficient number with arms, horses, and equipso essential to the aforesaid crusade,andnomore ment,” the Venetians were prepared to take [than a thousand], because at present we do not them to Crete, provided they would assist (achave ships ready for a larger number.” But the cording to the plan advanced by Pierre Thomas Cretan matter brooked no delay, and the doge and Philippe de Méziéres) in suppressing the wanted Pierre and Philippe to come to Venice as_Candiote revolt. “After that, which we hope will

soon as possible to discuss the problem they be accomplished swiftly and easily, we shall

all faced.'87 arrange to transport them to Cyprus or anyThe Venetian notary Desiderio had, there- where else they may wish, for the aforesaid

fore, agreed that, if the crusaders would stop off crusade [passagium]. . . .” Thereafter the same

at Crete long enough to help the Republic put arrangements would be made for Peter and down the Candiote rebellion, their transporta- others, “and thus in the same way, and once for tion would be provided to some further destina- all, both your business and ours would get tion in the Levant. The Collegio was shocked by done.”?!**

the notary’s indiscretion, and on 28 January the Pierre Thomas and Philippe de Méziéres came

doge wrote him: to Venice in early February (1364), as requested We have received and considered the letter of the lord by the doge, but now they wanted the Signoria to

archbishop of Crete and of the chancellor of the lord C@!Ty 2,000 horse into the Levant, and apparently had to withdraw their offer to subdue [1875], no. 439, pp. 599-600), and on the following day “He candlote rebe’s on the way. Philippe had he asked the Doge Lorenzo Celsi to keep in mind the receive a etter rom Peter I, written manu sua Venetian commitment to the crusade (Reg. Vat. 246, propria, which had shaken him badly and sent fol. 34), informing him that he was sending Pierre Thomas him running to Pierre Thomas for advice.'*

toredelli, help arrange (bid., rols. 98) 0II,10. January, Peter now wanted passage for 2,000 horse (alDipl. peace veneto-levantinum, On ,

1364, Urban replied to the (above) letter of 17 December though the doge had stated flatly on 28 January from the doge, to the effect that he expected a solution that Venice could only transport a thousand at to be found to the Candiote crisis in the efforts of Pierre the most), and it would appear that he was no Thomas, and “speramus igitur in Deo, cuius negotium in longer ready to spend on the island of Crete

Prefato | Passagio agnur Ne vat Predelli, Dipl, the time necessary to help subdue the rebels. IL 99). On Pierre Thomas’s efforts to see that the rebellion P hilipp e has described the discussions, which in Crete should not divert the Venetians from their com- §——-———-mitment to the crusade, see Smet, in his edition of Mézieéres, 138 Lettere segrete, fol. 64’.

Life of St. Peter Thomas (1954), pp. 218-21. 139 Lettere segrete, fol. 60%. Selections from this letter 136 Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fols. 57°, have been published by Mas Latrie, III, 744—45, and by 94"; Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” Byz. Zeitschr., XII, 90, 118. Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” p. 119, with the wrong date (19 137 Lettere segrete, fol. 64’, partially published in Mas for 29 January).

Latrie, Hist. de Pile de Chypre, III, 745, note. 140 Fife of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 115.

PIERRE ‘THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 253 lasted ten days, between Pierre Thomas and the _ the Cretan revolt had made it impossible for the

four Venetian savi assigned to deal with the Venetians to furnish the galleys they had prommatter, but finally Peter I’s emissaries got what ised. In any event the count of Savoy and many

they wanted.'*? other lords would not be ready to sail until

On 22 February the doge addressed a letter to August, by which time the Cretan revolt should Peter to inform him that “for the reverence due _ be over, and a fleet should be available for the God and the Apostolic See and for the singular crusade.‘ Peter’s letter was still unknown to his respect and love we have for you, we are happy chancellor Méziéres when on 26 March the to grant your request without any regard for our latter wrote the count of Savoy from the Visconti

own well-known needs. . . .” Venetian ships court at Milan. Méziéres had heard that the would pick up 1,000 men with their horses, Savoyard departure had been postponed until arms, and supplies in the area of Otranto before September (de quo multum doleo in visceribus cordis).

the middle of June (three months later than He inquired as to Amadeo’s intentions now, and Peter’s request) and transfer them without reproached him for this unpardonable delay in charge to the lands of the infidel. As for the fulfilling his promise to set out on the crusade other thousand, they could rent Venetian ships at the time agreed upon, for knights were defor their conveyance to the East, in which con- scending upon Venice from all sides to follow the nection the government would give them advice king of Cyprus to the Holy Land.“* Urban V was and would secure them every possible advantage. doing his best, by letter after letter, to remove the

Peter might also arm three or four galleys for English freebooters from Italy in order to emhis own passage and that of the barons who ploy their arms on an expedition against the

would be going with him.!” Moslems in the Holy Land. At.the same time

The Venetians were astonished by their own he was trying to speed the eastward passage generosity. Highly pleased with his countrymen, of Thomas Beauchamp (d. 1369), earl of Warthe Doge Lorenzo Celsi described the Venetian wick, the wealthy William de la Pole, lord of

sojourn of Pierre Thomas and Philippe de Castle Ashby, Thomas de Ufford, son of the earl Méziéres in a long letter of 26 February to Urban V:“. . . Those laudable men—and trul

lau ae and worth « of cat commen dation 4 Predelli, Regesti det Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 131, p. 27.

, y gr e The date of Peter I’s letter has been troublesome.

throughout the world, who have labored so fer- Mas Latrie, Il, 252-53, note, refers to it as “datée seulevently for this pious cause, and do not cease ment du 27 fév. et écrite probablement de Paris en 1364.” to labor indefatigably for it—they have de- Iorga, Philippe de Mézieres, p. 240, dates it 16 February, scribed to us the zeal your Holiness has for and states that “la lettre était datée de Paris probablement, di ‘th thi d _ », et non de Padoue” [as Predelli, loc. cit., suggests]. Iorga proceeding bide this sacre expedition. * : + also states that it is dated 12 February in the Historia de In the pope’s name as well as in Peter’s they Venetia finoal 1382 by Gian Giacomo Caroldo, secretary of the had asked for the shipping to carry 2,000 horse Council of Ten and early sixteenth-century chronicler into the Levant. The Venetians had been in a ° Venice @. Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, II, 547),

uandarv: the island of Crete still ‘ted but Mas Latrie, III, 747, note, quotes Caroldo as giving

q ary, tie island of Uretle still awaited TECOn- the date 16 February, and so it appears in the extract of quest, but the claims of the crusaders were the pertinent passage from Caroldo, given by Mas Latrie in pressing. The Venetians would grant more than his “Nouvelles Preuves de l’histoire de Chypre,” Biblio-

. ‘ “pe the problem.

2,000 men eastward, half of them with no charge Pp 220, note 18, and Boehlke, p. 245, note 32, both allude to at all for their _Ppassage (gratis absque scilicet There has been no need for this confusion, however, for solutione nabuli alicuius). The world should ob- _ the date is fixed as 17 February and the place as Paris by a

serve and emulate this example." letter from the doge and members of the Collegio to their On 17 February, however. Peter I sent word captain-general of the sea and provveditori in Crete

£rom Paris that h Yo - “. . . de oblatione facta per nos domino regi Cipri circa Paris that he realized to his great regrethow factum passagii et de novis que habemus de ipso domino

ee rege: nunc autem vobis denotamus quod nuper habuimus

141 Tbid., pp. 115-17; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. litteras ab ipso domino rege datas Parisius XVII Februarii 235-39. per quas co[l]legimus ipsum non esse futurum Veneciis

‘2 Lettere segrete, fol. 71”; Mas Latrie, III, 745-46. usque ad mensem Augusti proximi . . .” (Lettere segrete, 143 Lettere segrete, fol. 72°; Mas Latrie, III, 746-47, fol. 90°, dated 26 April, 1364). in part; and cf. the letter of Pierre Thomas and Méziéres to 5 Torga, “Une Collection de lettres de Philippe de the king of Hungary, written in early March, 1364 (Wenzel, Maiziéres: Notice sur le MS. 499 de la Bibliothéque de Magyar diplomacziai emlékek, in Monumenta Hungariae | Arsenal [Paris],” in Revue historique XLIX (1892), 309-10, historica, Acta extera, 11 [1875], no. 444, pp. 608-9). and Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 241-42.

254 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Suffolk, and two powerful French nobles who Dalmatia, and beyond the Alps,!® to the

had also taken the cross.'*° northern coast of Crete, where on 6—7 May they No one knew better than the doge and his_ disembarked at Fraschia, about a half-dozen

councillors how difficult it was to organize cru- miles or so from Candia.'*!

sading expeditions. Within the past three Meanwhile the uneasy alliance between the centuries the Venetians had helped transport a Greeks and Latins, always subject to hostility good many of them into Levantine waters; they engendered by the ethnic and religious differwere ready to take Peter I and Amadeo VI east- ences between them, had given way to dissenward, but they were neither surprised nor dis- sion which had made much easier the task of dal appointed by the postponement of the crusade. Verme’s troops. The native Greeks and arThey could now set about the subjugation of chontes, incited by Zanachi Calergi, who aspired Crete with fewer distractions. At the beginning to hegemony over the entire island, had attacked of February, 1364, the notary Raffain Caresini, Latin settlements, and killed a good many of acting for the doge and commune of Venice, the Venetian rebels, Corneri, Gritti, and Venieri. had made a contract at Milan with Petrarch’s An attempt to assassinate the insurgent Duke friend, the Veronese condottiere Lucchino dal Marco Gradenigo the Elder failed, and the chief Verme, who agreed to assume command of the conspirator was summarily dealt with by Republic’s land forces. Dal Verme’s expedition defenestration. But since all Venetian overtures against Crete was supposed to set out about the had been rejected, and some of the rebels were middle of March.'*’ He is said to have arrived making appeals to Genoa, dal Verme’s troops in Venice on the third of the month, and at a_ went into action, of which little was needed, ceremony in the ducal palace on the twenty- for after some initial bloodshed Candia sureighth he took the oath of office ad evangelia rendered on 10 May, and Retimo and Canea sancta Dei, whereupon he received his com- soon followed suit.’” mission and the banner of the Evangelist from The duke of Crete, Leonardo Dandolo, was the hands of the Doge Lorenzo Celsi.'** There- released from prison. Gradenigo the Elder was after events moved swiftly. After a grand review beheaded in the public square of Candia, and of the troops, the fleet sailed from Venice on the Republic showed no mercy to the other 10 April, 1364, under the orders of Domenico leaders of the revolt, placing a price on their Michiel of Santa Fosca, who had been raised heads, many of which were delivered, for the to the rank of captain-general of the sea.'*° rewards posted, as gory bundles to the authoriIt carried the 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot who ties by the peasants, who in Crete have al-

had been recruited in the Veneto, Tuscany, ways been good at this game. Some of the

lesser rebels were exiled. The Venetian

46 Wm. H. Bliss and J. A. Twemlow, eds., Calendar of government confiscated the property of the Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and =——_——_— Ireland, 1V (London, 1902), 8—11, letters dated from 13 April 459 Tettere segrete, fol. 42”, and cf. Jegerlehner, “Auf-

to 30 June, 1364. stand,” p. 90; Predelli, Regesti det Commem., III, bk. vu, 47Tettere segrete, fols. 66’-69", 71’, and Predelli, no. 125, p. 25; Ljubié, Listine, in Monumenta spectantia

Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 129, pp. 26-27; historiam slavorum meridionalium, IV (Zagreb, 1874), nos.

Thomas and Predelli, Dipl. veneto-levantinum, I, 395-97. CVII-CXI, pp. 59-64; Wenzel, Magyar diplomacziai 148 1 ettere segrete, fols. 79’-80"; Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” emilékek, in MHH, Acta extera, 11, no. 442, pp. 602—7, and

p-. 125. esp. no. 445, p. 610, a letter to the ban of Dalmatia and

149 Lettere segrete, fols. 35”-36', 36", 37%, 39°, 40 (re- Croatia, dated 29 April, 1364: “. . . Misimus enim cum lating to Michiel), 84 ff. As for the size of the fleet, Raffain dictis navigiis [contra Cretenses missis] soldatos equestres Caresini, Chronica, in RISS, XII, pt. 2 (1922), 15, says that et pedestres diversarum et plurium nationum, sicut sunt it contained “many galleys and nine horse-transports open Alemani, Anglici, Hungari, Sclavi, Italici, et Ultramonat the stern,” but on 10 March, 1364, the doge and members tani. . . .” Some of these motley forces had landed (and of the Collegio wrote the bailie and councillors of Negro- plundered) in the area of Zara.

ponte, “. . . Ad recuperationem insule nostre Crete et 151 Sanudo, op. cit., cols. 657-58; Navagero, op cit., cols. extermin[iJum rebellium nostrorum ad partes illas mittimus 1047-48; lorga, Philippe de Mézieres, p. 251.

potentem exercitum maritimum et ter[rlestrem, viz. mille 52 Caresini, Chronica, in RISS, XII, pt. 2 (1922), 15; equitum et II m. peditum electorum, pro quibus trans- Jegerlehner, “Aufstand,” pp. 93~94; Iorga, Philippe de ducendis cum hedificiis et aliis oportunis parari fecimus et Méziéres, pp. 251-52. In 1365 the duke and council of armari XX usserios [horse-transports] et VIII magnas Crete ordained that victory celebrations should be held every naves . . .” (Lettere segrete, fol. 76”, and note fol. 86’). year in Candia on 10 May, with a religious procession and On 2 April they considered the possible necessity of adding horse racing, “. . . ipsa die post prandium ordinetur small vessels (griparie et alie naves minute) for use in putting quoddam pallium, ad quod curratur cum equis.. .”

men ashore (ibid., fol. 84°). (Gerland, Das Archiv des Herzogs von Kandia, pp. 119-20).

PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 255 Gradenigo and Venier families, who continued ing the victory was sent to the Venetian bailie the struggle with the Calergi under the leader-_ in Constantinople. He was to present it to the ship of Tito Venier. On 10 August they declared Emperor John V." their fealty to the Byzantine Emperor John V, Couriers carried the news in all directions, and whom they must have embarrassed by the ges- the doge received messages of congratulation

ture, and announced themselves the champions from Urban V and his brother Anglic de

of Greek Orthodoxy against Latin Catholicism. Grimoard, then bishop of Avignon; Cardinals

They withdrew into the mountains and laid Androin de la Roche and Gil de Albornoz, waste most of the island in guerrilla warfare. apostolic legates in Italy; Louis the Great of

The Cretan revolt was not entirely stamped Hungary; Joanna of Naples; Robert of Taranto, out until the reign of the Doge Marco Corner prince of Achaea and titular Latin emperor of (Cornaro), who succeeded Lorenzo Celsi in Constantinople; and the Holy Roman Emperor July, 1365, when the remaining leaders were Charles 1V.*°’ The pope had received the news of finally executed (in April, 1366), and the island the Venetian suppression of the revolt “cum restored to the unpopular sovereignty of the immensa letitia cordis,” and urged the doge and Serenissima for three more uneasy centuries.’ —_ his people now to show their gratitude to God by The victory over the Cretan insurgents became increasing the support which they had already known in Venice on 4 June, 1364, when at mid- promised for the crusade.’** In the meantime,

day Petrarch stood with his good friend Bar- on 16 June, the Maggior Consiglio voted dal tolommeo de’ Papazzurri, archbishop of Patras Verme a lifetime pension of 1,000 gold ducats a (1363-1365), at the window of his house in _year.’*® He arrived with his staff on the twentyVenice, very likely, as Sanudo says, the Palazzo fifth, and the Venetians gave themselves over to Molina (now marked by a plaque) on the Riva prolonged celebration. degli Schiavoni, looking out over the Bacino.’* Petrarch has described the celebrations in a Suddenly he saw, coming into the harbor, the letter as well known to Sanudo as to Romanin garland-draped galley which was bringing home (Epistolae Seniles, IV, 3, dated 10 August,

the news that the lion banner of S. Mark was 1364):'°

ong Oe 9 Over the di imp Olney jortress he The most august city of the Venetians is today the Colle, On 12 June the doge and members of the home both of liberty and of peace and justice, sole ole glo approved the text of a congr atulatory refuge of the honorable, sole port which the ships of letter to Lucchino dal Verme, and a similar those who wish to live an upright life seek when they letter of appreciation was to go to Domenico have been shaken by the ubiquitous storms of tyranny Michiel. On the thirteenth a letter announc- and war, city rich in gold but richer in fame, strong in her possessions but stronger in valor, built upon ‘53 Caresini, Chronica, in RISS, XII, pt. 2 (1922), 15-17; _———————_

Predelli, Regesti det Commem., III, bk. vil, nos. 168-75, contra rebelles et proditores nostros Crete et de recuper177—78, 182-85, 188, 190-93; Thomas and Predelli, atione civitatis nostre Candide inter cetera continentes leto Dipl. veneto-levantinum, II, 401 ff.; Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, animo suscepimus. . . .” Much the same letter went to in RISS XXII (1733), cols. 658-60, 663; Navagero, Storia Michiel. The letters were sent in duplicate (replicate per veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, cols. 1047-50; Jegerlehner, barcham), to be certain of their reaching dal Verme and “Aufstand,” pp. 94-97; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. Michiel. 252—53. Since some of the Cretan rebels had fled to the 156 Lettere segrete, fol. 99”. island of Rhodes, the doge and members of the Collegio 157 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, nos. 155, wrote the new master of the Hospital, Raymond Bérenger, 159, 160-64, 198; Ljubié, Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. on 17 October, 1365, that his predecessor Roger des Pins CxxIv, p. 73; Wenzel, Magyar diplomacziai emlékek, in (d. 28 May, 1365) would not tolerate their presence on the MHH, Acta extera, II, no. 453, p. 616, letter of Louis the island, and they requested Raymond also to forbid them Great, dated 26 June, 1364; and see especially Thomas and refuge and residence in any area subject to the Hospitallers Predelli, Dipl. veneto-levantinum, I1, 397-400.

(Lettere segrete, fol. 171°). 158 T ecacheux, I, fasc. 2 (1906), no. 1045, p. 163; text in a Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, 659C: “Di questi trionfi Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1364, no. 9, vol. VII (Lucca,

fatti in Venezia per la ricuperazione dell’ Isola di Creta, 1752), p. 97, and in Thomas and Predelli, Dipl. venetosi truova un’ epistola di Messer Francesco Petrarca poeta, levantinum, II, no. 61, p. 104. il quale era in Venezia, e stava in Casa da Molino delle 159 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vu, no. 158, p. 31; due Torri sopra Canalgrande a San Giovanni Bragola, dove the text may be found in Sp. M. Theotokes, ’Avopacets al presente é fatta parte del Monastero di San Sepolcro.” Meifovos YvpBovdrjiov Bevetias, Athens, 1933, Liber ms Lettere segrete, fol. 98°: “Receptis novis de felici Novella, no. 10, p. 142 (Myynpeia ris EAANVUKIS ioTopias, victoria habita de insula Crete: Domino Luchino de _ vol. I, pt. 2). Verme. . . . Nobilitatis vestre litteras et provisorum 7 Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, III (1855), nostrorum felices progressus nostros et gentium nostrarum 225-26.

256 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a solid foundation of marble, but set upon the even the water with zest [as they rowed]; the young men more solid foundation of civil concord, girt about with were crowned with garlands, and their faces were the salt sea, but securer in the salt of her wisdom. gladsome; with standards raised on high from the You should not believe that Venice was exalted and _ prow of the ship they saluted the city, victorious, but joyous over the recovery of the island of Crete, which, _ still without knowledge of the fact. Already the watch-

however prodigious the feat might appear because of man in the highest tower had given the signal, and the island’s ancient renown, is still a small achieve- had announced the coming of a ship from afar, and so ment for these prodigious spirits. All things, although a crowd had gathered from all the city, down by the they may appear very great, are small in compari- shore, not because of anyone’s command, but merely son with enduring courage. The outcome has been as_from the desire to learn what all this meant. it should be, of course, but Venice exults not in her When at length the ship had got nearer, and every-

own victory but in that of justice. For why was it a thing came into view, we observed the enemy’s great achievement for a bold and powerful people, standards hanging from the stern, and there no longer with such a doge and with such commanders on land remained any doubt but that the ship was the mesand on sea, to have conquered these poor unequipped _ senger of victory. Not yet, however, did we hope for little Greeks [inermes Graeculi] and to have overcome _ victory in the war, but in some battle or other, or some

the wickedness of deserters? The great achievement city captured, and our spirits did not seize upon the is that even now in our time fraud yields so quickly meaning of all this. But when the messengers had to fortitude, and vices succumb to virtues, and God landed and had spoken in the Council, there was still cares and has regard for the affairs of men. . . .'*' joy beyond all hope and expectation. The enemy had It would take a long time to describe in words the _ been beaten, cut to pieces, captured, and put to flight; whole course of their solemn celebration, and my busy our citizens had been released from their chains; the and humble pen is not up to it. Hear a summary of [island] cities had returned to their obedience; the what happened. When on 4 June of this year 1364, yoke had been reimposed upon Crete; our victorious at about noontime [hora ferme diei sexta] ,°2 1 happened arms had been laid down; at last the war was over withto be standing at my window, looking out upon the _ out slaughter, and peace had been gained with glory.

high sea, and there was with me he who was my When he had learned these things, the Doge Lorenzo brother once, but is now my most beloved father, the _ Celsi, a man (unless perchance my love of him deceives

archbishop of Patras, who, intending to go in early me) of real greatness of mind and suavity of manner, autumn to his see, is spending this summer here in and above all notable for his singular piety and love

my—rather in his own—house, because by the of country, knowing that nothing was properly,

goodness of fortune our affection for each other has nothing happily, done unless it drew its inspiration remained unchanged, suddenly one of the long ships from religious observance, turned to praise of God which they call galleys, decked out in a garland of and to expressions of thanksgiving with the entire green branches, entered the mouth of the harbor, — people. under oars, interrupting our conversation by the Throughout all the city but especially in the basilica unexpected sight which it afforded. Instantly we ofS. Mark the Evangelist—and in my opinion nothing began to assume that the ship was bringing some more beautiful than this church has anywhere been good news. The sails were trimmed; the sailors struck — built—it is as much as can be built by man for God—

sacred celebrations and a splendid procession were ‘6! Petrarch’s apostrophe to Venice should be compared held before and around the church [in the Piazza with Pope Pius II’s scathing denunciation a century later,in S$. Marco], where not only the people and all the the Commentarii, XI, ed. Giuseppe Cugnoni, Aeneae Siluii clergy were present, but foreign prelates also, whom Piccolomini Senensis qui postea fuit Pius II Pont. Max. opera some chance or curiosity or the common devotion held

inedita ..., in the Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincet, in the square... . CCLXXX (1882-83), 3rd ser., Memorie della classe di

scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, VIII (Rome, 1883), Petrarch goes on to describe the games, races, 541-43, and ¢f. the translation by Florence A. Gragg, and jousts held in the Piazza, which despite the ee mmentaries of Pius IT, in Smith College Studies in History, Heat of the afternoon were witnessed by a vast omitted from the Frankfurt edition of 1614, at p. 299). throng of men and women, young and old, rich 18 Petrarch is obviously reckoning time according to the and poor. The doge himself occupied the stand old fashion, which divided day and night into two sets of over the central portal of the church, “the place twelve hours, the length of which varied with the season. | here those four gilded bronze horses stand, of the Italians usually divided the “day” into twenty-four ancient and marvelous workmanship. . Petrarch hours, the first hour beginning between 9 and 10 p.m. in had been invited to attend the festivities, which June and July (and between 5 and 6 P.M. in December he did; he was seated at the doge’s right, but and January), a fact which should always: be kept in mind two days of watching such spectacles were nater reading the diplomatic correspondence gh for in him. He.excused years until after the end offrom thePetrarch’s period enou covered the ode . .himself, and re-

(1957), 743-46 (these passages being almost entirely .

From the middle of the fourteenth century, however, . 49

present work (see B. M. Lersch, Einleitung in die Chronologie, turned to his literary pursuits, which he modestly

2 vols., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1899, I, 8—10). describes as being “known to everyone” (occupatio

) PIERRE THOMAS AND PETER I OF CYPRUS 257 nulli incognita).“°* At any rate the Venetian victory over the Cretan rebels was soon “known 183 Qbera Francisci Petrarchae Florentini, 2 vols., Basel, to everyone, at least to everyone In the capitals 1554, II, 864-67, dated “Venetiis IIII Idus Augusti.” of Christendom.

12. THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA AND THE RESTORATION OF PEACE WITH EGYPT (1365-1370) T HECrete, fall ofwhich Candia the reduction Patras,inand Corinth; Athens, wasand proceeding well, of ob-Lepanto, and Neopatras Catalan territory; the Thebes, islands viously freed Venetian galleys and transports of Corfu, Naxos, Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus; for service in the coming crusade. The time Pera in Constantinople; Caffa on the Black Sea;

had come to ask the Doge Lorenzo Celsi to and elsewhere.” By this time no one at the repeat the extraordinary offer he had made in Curia Romana could doubt either the sincerity February, 1364, at the height of the Candiote of Urban’s decision or the intensity of Pierre crisis, to carry into the Levant half a crusading ‘Thomas’s desire to launch an effective crusade

expedition of 2,000 men with their horses, against the infidel. arms, and supplies at the Republic’s own ex- The prospect of a large-scale expedition pense. On 5 July (1364) the indefatigable against the Turks, if it was to be against the Pierre Thomas was appointed to the Latin Turks, should have been more exciting in patriarchate of Constantinople, which for the —____ past half-century had brought with it the ?Reg. Aven. 156, fols. 45'-46', 52; Reg. Vat. 253,

revenues and jurisdiction of the bishopric of fols. 27, 31" 32 Reg. Vat. 246, fols. 271° 276%; Paul r 1 Li 1 ecacheux, ed., Lettres secretes et curtates du pape Urbain me oponte bee Peter I of oy tio: ere (1362-1370) se rapportant a la France, 1, fasc. 2 (1906), no. omas was DEcOomIng a person cation O ; € 1080, pp. 169-70; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1364, no. crusade, and the reason for his new appoint- 94, vol. VII (vol. XXVI of Baronius-Raynaldus, Lucca,

ment was soon made clear. 1752), pp. 106-7, gives a partial text of the bull of 10 July; Although CardinalRome, Talleyrand, of Périgord hulippeF. de Moreres, life of St roe cd Joachim ; met, pp. 117-19; J. Boehlke, Jr.,nePierre de

had died six months before (on 17 January), no Thomas, Scholar, Diplomat, and Crusader, Philadelphia, 1966,

nomination ad yet been made to the crusading pp. 248-51. The faculties and privileges granted Pierre legation. Urban V may have felt that there Thomas are delineated in Reg. Aven. 156, fols. 46” ff.; was little need for an eastern legate until nee faven. 157, ay ff.; I,Reg. 246, fols.p.278" ff., ' ff. (inols. Lecacheux, fasc. vat. 2, nos. 1081-84, 170); Reg. te Cretan war qd P; over, Dut now; Tall 10 Vat, 253, fols. 28-29", 30°34"; and Reg. Vat. 261, fols.

Ju y> € appointe lerre omas aS 1alicy- sé" ff. He was allowed eight notaries on his staff, octo rand’s successor. P eter I of Cyprus was lauded in clerici non coniugati nec in sacris ordinibus constituti, who were

the bull of appointment as the “athlete of each to take an oath of fealty to the Holy See (Reg. Aven.

Christ and intrepid precursor” of the crusade, 1S? on Vy bea decided sat Pierre Th hb

and the coming 1 March (1365) was fixed as the roan ¥ adlegation decided’ to appoint terre nomas to te crusading as early as May (1364), for the original date of departure for those who had already archival text of the bull of nomination was first addressed taken the cross and for those who were still to Pierre as archbishop of Crete and bore the date XVI to do so. Urban lavished praise upon Pierre Kal. Junii (17 May). This date was changed thereafter Thomas as a man “very much after our own to VI Idus Julii (10 July) when Pierre is addressed as

heart” (utisecun d , )wnt d Pierr of =Constantinople Aven. 156, fols. 45°,Aven. 46 . ulique cor nospatriarch rum), ant CITe and ff., with similar(Reg. alterations of date and title in Reg. received the extensive faculties sometimes ac- 157, fols. 111"-112"). As Boehlke suggests, apparently Urban

corded crusading legates in the East. He could had appointed Pierre to the legatine mission before he authorize preachers to seek recruits for the decided to make him patriarch of Constantinople. 4 passagium by granting the usual indulgences over Although Pierre’s appointment as patriarch is dated 5

. . . er . July, papal letters dated 30 June are given in Reg. Vat.

wide areas, including Salzburg in Austria; Gran 946, fols. 241"-242" (f. Lecacheux, I, fasc. 2, nos. 1051-53,

in Hungary; Grado and Aquileia in Friuli; pp. 163-64), addressed to Peter I of Cyprus, the Doge Capo d’Istria and: ‘the chiefNamed cities in Dalmatia; Celsi, \rwas of Savoy, Thomas of [mis- 1... William]Lorenzo of Warwick, theVI master andEarl Hospital S. Palermo, Messina, and Monreale in Sicily; John, the Doge Gabriele Adorno and commune of Genoa,

and the podesta and commune of Pera, notifying them of 1 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 156, fol. 120; C. the appointment of “venerabilis frater noster Petrus patriarcha Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, 1 (1913, repr. 1960), | Constantinopolitanus, Apostolice Sedis legatus, ... in

206. On the same date Pierre Thomas also received his favorem et fulcimentum generalis passagii. . . .” Pierre’s former see of Coron in commendam (Reg. Aven. 156, fol. new dignity entitled him to procurations of ten gold 103, and cf. Eubel, I, 212, and D. Rattinger, “Der Liber florins a day (Reg. Vat. 246, fols. 274°, 275°, et alibi), on Provisionum praelatorum Urbani V,” in- Hist. Jahrbuch d. which fact Méziéres, loc. cit., comments with obvious

Gorres-Gesellschaft, XV [1894], 64, 66-67). satisfaction. 258

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 259 Constantinople than in the West, but the learned letter from John V in which the latter offered Demetrius Cydones was not unduly moved ashe _ with “liberal magnificence” to assist in the sat down to write a long-delayed letter to his recovery of the Holy Land. Michele Malaspina, a friend Simon Atumano, the Greek bishop of Genoese, had brought the imperial letter to the Gerace in southern Italy. Simon had written Curia, and had dilated orally upon the emperor’s Cydones from Avignon, giving him the recent offer. Michele was now prepared to take the

news and telling him of his own expected papal answer back to Constantinople: Urban translation from the see of Gerace to that of merely asked John to give his support to the

Cassano. Cydones now answered that Simon’s crusaders when they should reach his lands, and elevation was evidence of Pope Urban’s good said that he prayed for the Greeks’ liberation judgment, and that Simon’s successes did honor from Turkish attacks. He did not fail to urge to all Greeks. Simon had also suggested, how- upon John the schismatic Greeks’ return to the

ever, that another embassy be sent from Con- Apostolic Church, but he also stated that he stantinople to the West to appeal for aid against would commend both John and his subjects to

the Turks. the papal legate [Pierre Thomas] and to the

But alas, Cydones replied, our appeals to the captain-general of the crusading forces, upon Latins have become proverbial for their futility. whose appointment he had not yet decided.* One might as well expect the antipodes to help Cydones was almost wrong about the crusade,

us as to wait for the Franks to do so. It for two great expeditions were actually in the had come to such a pass that even the Turks offing. The first would strike at the Moslems in now asked with derision “whether anyone had _ Egypt; the second would rescue John V himself further word of the crusade” (et tis te A€éyeew from an embarrassing predicament; but it is true €xou wept Tov 7aocayiov). Another embassy _ that neither would impede the westward advance to the West seemed quite useless. After all, one of the Ottoman Turks.

could hardly forget the promised galleys of The first of these two expeditions owed its Paulus of Smyrna and, later on, those of the origin and its so-called success quite as much to

legate [Pierre Thomas], and papal efforts the efforts of Peter I of Cyprus and _ his had produced nothing more than a mass of chancellor Philippe de Méziéres as to the pope

letters and pompous diplomatic exchanges. and his remarkable legate. But Philippe’s Just look at what the king of Cyprus was getting laudatory biography of Pierre Thomas as well

for all his trouble. He had not sought aid by as the surviving documents inevitably fasten sending ambassadors to the West—he had gone much of our attention on the Carmelite teacher

in person to appeal to his co-religionists and and preacher, who now stood at the pinnacle fellow Latins. Apparently he assumed that he at of his career. Master of sacred theology of least would not fail to get what he needed. the University of Paris, papal envoy to Milan But now he ran the risk of returning to and Naples, Serbiaand Hungary, Venice, Genoa, Cyprus disappointed in his hopes, having gained and Constantinople, humble pilgrim to Jerunothing from his long venture abroad except the salem, legate a latere in the East, Pierre reputation of being “a romantic spendthrift” Thomas was one of the most distinguished (avad@TiKds Tis Kat jLeyaddosvxos). His ab- churchmen and devout crusaders of the foursence in Europe had been so far from frighten- teenth century. Born a peasant’s son in the ing his enemies as to encourage them, for all county of Périgord, he had become a trusted the money he had been spending abroad might and skillful diplomat. Intelligence, integrity, and have been used to call others into the field to personality had carried him far, and he spent the

oppose them.° last dozen years of his life dealing with popes

If Cydones was no longer interested in the and emperors, princes and doges, cardinals, crusade, his emperor was, and on 16 October, bishops, statesmen, and soldiers. As we have 1364, Pope Urban acknowledged receipt of a seen, he crowned Peter I king of Jerusalem in the cathedral of Famagusta on Easter Sunday

—_— . of dones, 1360. From his first appointment in 1359 to FR. I. a, ed., Correspondance, I.. Ci ic Ae Vatene eee 6), bk A ep 93, po. 12 oon (Stu die legatine authority, he had worked ceaselessly for testi, no. 186). It is clearly this passage which led Loenertz the crusade which Peter I had dreamed of, and

to date this letter to the summer of 1364. The text may also =———————-

be found, with a French translation, in Giuseppe Cammelli’s 4 Lecacheux, I, fasc. 2, no. 1305, p. 211, andcf. no. 1703, p.

edition of Cydones’ letters, Paris, 1930, ep. 13, pp. 31-32. 292.

260 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT John II of France had promised to lead, a Thomas and the royal physician Guido da crusade which should either push back the Turks Bagnolo di Reggio as his envoys to seek peace

or recover the Holy Land. Everyone knew that with the Genoese. He was of course afraid peace among the Latin states was essential tothe lest war should force him to set aside the

crusade, and the ever-ready Pierre Thomas, crusading plans he cherished as his chief

along with his admiring friend Méziéres, had ambition, “indeed almost driven,” says the docuplayed an important part in bringing Bernabo ment, “by the visceral, fervent, and passionate

Visconti to terms with the Holy See. desire which he has, to embark upon and carry Now, as Pierre Thomas traveled from through . . . the holy expedition. .. .”7 All

Avignon to Venice in July, 1364 (he went by through the winter of 1364—1365 the critical way of Milan and Bologna),* his hopes for the question of peace or war, crusade or no crusade,

crusade were clouded by the threat of war be- remained unanswered, and on 20 February tween Cyprus and Genoa. Bloodshed among Urban V addressed a letter to Pierre ‘Thomas, Genoese and Cypriote sailors in the harbor of “directing that you go to the city of Genoa Famagusta had soon involved the officials of both without delay, and on our behalf work diligently

peoples, and the Genoese government seemed for the said peace in accord with the prudence

likely to make the most of this opportunity to which God has given you. . . .”* -

settle some old scores with the Latin Cypriotes. _ At length Pierre Thomas and the physician Urban V worked strenuously to maintain peace Guido da Reggio did succeed in reaching an in the Mediterranean, and inevitably Pierre agreement with the almost intractable Genoese Thomas’s presence in northern Italy and his on 18 April, on terms quite unfavorable to Peter well-known diplomatic talents cast him yet again I, who among other sweeping concessions had

in the familiar role of peacemaker. again to renew the old Cypriote-Genoese treaty

Peter I of Cyprus had finally returned to of June, 1232 (by which his ancestor Henry I Venice from his European travels on 11 had granted the Genoese extensive extraterNovember (1364),® and by a deed of procura- _ritorial rights).° The Doge Gabriele Adorno and

tion, given on -28 January (1365) in his bed- —--———— .

chamber at the Palazzo Corner-Piscopia ’on the ie turtum retpublicae cols. Bement (Turin, rnc Chartae, no. CCXXXVIII, - in"ithe Historiae Grand Canal, he named the papal legate Pierre patriae monumenta, IX); Carlo Pagano, Delle Imprese e del

dominio dei genovesi nella Grecia, Genoa, 1852, pp. 295~—98;

>See Smet’s edition of Philippe de Mézieres, Life of with a highly abridged text in Mas Latrie, Hist. de Vile de

St. Peter Thomas, p. 119, note 34. Chypre, II (Paris, 1852), 253-54. The text of Peter I’s act of

6 Guillaume de Machaut, La Prise d’ Alexandrie, ed. Louis _ procuration is preserved in the Genoese-Cypriote treaty of 18

de Mas Latrie, Geneva, 1877, vv. 1536-53, pp. 47-48, 294, April, 1365, on which see below.

and cf. N. lorga, Philippe de Mézieres (1327-1405) et la 8 Reg. Vat. 247, fol. 51", with letters of the same date to croisade au XIV® siecle, Paris, 1896, pp. 199-200, 255, 259. Peter I and to Gabriele Adorno, doge of Genoa (ibid., fols.

On 26 October (1364), as Peter I moved south through 50%-52"), a

Friuli (he was coming from Vienna), the Collegio had voted *Liber iurium reipublicae genuensis, Il, cols. 732-43;

that ten nobles with two servants each should wait upon him Pagano, Delle Imprese . . . dei genovesi, pp. 294-307 (with

at Conegliano, and the rectors of Conegliano, Treviso, the treaty of 10 June, 1232, ibid., pp. 243-46); Mas and Mestre were each authorized to spend up to 300 Latrie, II, 254—66 (with the treaty of 1232, pp. 51-56), and pounds to do him “omnes civilitates et honores.” The doge ¢f., tbid., IIT (1855), 747-49, from Arch. di Stato di Venezia, was to go as far as S. Secondo in the Bucentauro and conduct _Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 133, dated 24

the king along the Grand Canal to the Corner palace near December, 1364, on Venetian efforts to make peace be-

the Rialto (Mas Latrie, “Nouvelles Preuves de lhistoire de tween Genoa and Cyprus.

Chypre,” Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Chartes, XXXIV [1873], Numerous papal letters as well as various other sources

73-74). This text may now be found reprinted with Mas make clear the seriousness of the strife and bloodshed in

Latrie’s Histoire de l’ ile de Chypre, 3 vols., Paris, 1852-61, Cyprus during the spring and summer of 1364, which al-

repr. Famagusta: Editions ’Oiseau, 1970, in the com- most led to war between the Genoese and the Latin panion volume of Nouvelles Preuves-Documents Nouveaux Cypriotes, orte dudum discordie inter dilectos filios officiales et

(1970), pp. 65-66. incolas regni tui { Petri] ex una et cives Ianuenses ex altera Upon his arrival in Venice, Peter I requested that an- parte ... (Reg. Vat. 247, fols. 50” ff., 67 ff.; Reg.

other tournament be held to celebrate the Republic’s Vat. 246, fols. 219 ff.; Lecacheux, I, fasc. 1[1902], no. 1027, victory in Crete, and it was of course on this occasion and fasc. 2 [1906], nos. 1034-35, 1102, 1602, 1609, 1619, that he jousted with Lucchino dal Verme’s young son inthe 1649-50, 1681, presumably 1700, and finally 1724, dated 26 Piazza San Marco (Iorga, op. cit., pp. 259-60), not as part of April, 1365, in which Urban V congratulates Peter I on the the festivities witnessed by Petrarch in June, as erroneously concordia reformata now obtaining between him and the

stated by J. Jegerlehner, “Der Aufstand der kandiotischen Genoese).

Ritterschaft gegen das Mutterland Venedig, 1363-65,” On the origin and course of strife, see L. Machaeras, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XII (1903), 95. Recital concerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled ‘Chronicle’,

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 261 the Anziani should have been pleased, and Pierre lay not in a multitude of people, that courage

Thomas and Guido da Reggio had at least came from heaven, . . . that God would aid the satisfaction of informing the king, upon their the few on the crusade. . . .” But the trouble

return to Venice, that the Genoese would with Genoa now entered its critical phase, provide three armed galleys to serve in the and there were months of further delay. At Cypriote crusade. They also reported that the length, however,

Genoese government was going to ask the pope i, to appoint the king captain of the whole enter- the detractors of the crusade, seeing the king's prise. Ina letter of 16 May Peter thanked Adorno Preparations and the legate’s firm resolve, were con-

oa council, ra foundedhis andamici becamecarissimi, quiet for a while: and the Genoese for vsnews ee ;flew to th i] il as for th | that he b the Christian princes, inciting them to God’s own war,

© ia cys as well as tor the proposal that he be byt they continued to slumber as though drunk with made captain of the crusade, stating that he was wine; caring not a whit for the expedition, they gave also sending envoys to the Avignonese Curia to no help; and they moved not a foot to join the king’s

make the same request.’° crusade, which was now beginning, and which the Peter I had reached the lagoon three months supreme pontiff had proclaimed to the world.”

later than he had written the doge would be , the case. In the meantime crusaders of high Through May, 1365, Peter I, Pierre Thomas,

estate had gathered in Venice, as Méziéres and Philippe de Mézieres worked hard to cominforms us, “in sufficiently large numbers,” plete arrangements for the dispatch of the fleet and the Venetians were still prepared to stand from Venice, where French, English, and by their promise to supply transport at half German crusaders had doubtless been conprice. When the king did not appear in August, Spicuous for some weeks on sightseeing tours however, Pierre Thomas and Méziéres saw that of the churches and palaces in the fabulous the wine from the crusading vineyard, which City. About the first week in June, Peter sent Pierre had planted with such labor, was turning @head to Rhodes, according to Mezieres, “many

into vinegar, “and the aforesaid nobles, waiting Ships laden with armed men and about 500 at Venice for the expedition to start, began to horses.” Although the rank and file of the doubt that the king would come, and they de- crusaders certainly did not know that their obparted in despair, abandoning the expedition.” jective was to be Alexandria in Egypt, and in the The Venetian government regarded itself as re- weeks to come both the Genoese and Venetians leased from its obligation (and justly so, adds Were to keep the movements of Peter’s fleet Méziéres); the merchants who traded in the under constant surveillance,’* one wonders

Levant rejoiced and mocked at the crusade. —____When the king finally returned empty-handed 11 Meézieres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 119-24.

from his peregrinations through the courts Of In answer to complaints which Urban V had made to the Europe, he was thoroughly disheartened. Pierre Venetian notary Raffain Caresini, who was then at the Curia Thomas, who derived strength from adversity in Avignon, with respect to the silence the Republic seemed to

console d himaand d him t t tron ” be maintaining “super facto unionis contra Turchos,” the urge m to put a strong doge and members of the Collegio returned the protest that hand to the plow and not look back. Peter “complacuimus domino regi Cipri pro transitu suo et rallied his few followers in Venice, and the _plurium nobilium qui secum transfretarent de pluribus

apparently convinced him “that victory galeis et navigiis secundum promissionem per nos olim sib alegate factam pro reverentia Sanctitatis sue” (Lettere segrete, ed. and trans. R. M. Dawkins, 2 vols., Oxford, 1932, I, bk. fol. 151°, dated 27 May, 1365). This text sheds doubt on Il, pars. 145-49, 153-56, pp. 126 ff.; René de Mas Latrie, Méziéres’s statement that Peter I now gathered his foled., Chroniques d’Amadi et de Strambaldi, pt. 1 (Paris, 1891), lowers “in expensis suis et sine adiutorio alicuius principis 413-14, and esp. pt. II (1893), 56-58, 60-62; Mas Latrie, vel communitatis Christianorum” (op. cit., p. 124).

ed., Chronique de Tile de Chypre par Florio Bustron, in 2 lorga, Philippe de Mézieres, pp. 266-67, 277-78; Mélanges historiques, V (Paris, 1886), 261-62; lorga, Philippe Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas, p. 273. On 26 June, the day de Méziéres, pp. 255-66; Smet’s edition of Méziéres, Life of St. before Peter’s own departure, the doge and Collegio wrote

Peter Thomas, pp. 122-23, 222-24; and Boehlke, Pierre de Niccolo Polani, commander of a galley in the Gulf, Thomas, pp. 258-66. In May, 1373, the Cypriotes gave “Significamus vobis pro informatione vestra quod per nos et

Adalia back to the Turks for fear the Genoese might take nostra consilia minus, Rogatorum [the Senate], et XL it! (Machaeras, I, bk. 11, pars. 366-69, pp. 344-48, and [the Quarantia] et additionis [the Giunta] captum est et sic Amadi, pp. 441-42; Strambaldi, pp. 147-49; Florio Bustron, mandamus capitaneo nostro Culphy quod tres ex galeis

p-10 296). Culphy, de quarum numero esse debet galea vestra, asTiber iurium, I, col. 744; Pagano, Delle Imprese, pp. sotientur [= associent, follow] dominum regem Cipri 293-94; Mas Latrie, II, 266-67; Iorga, Philippe de usque ad insulam suam Cipri vel usque Rodum vel usque

Meézieres, p. 266. Sataliam. . . .” (Lettere segrete del Collegio [1363-

262 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT whether Urban V did not know that Alexandria sion to send six “ships” (naves) to trade in was to be the crusaders’ target. Nevertheless,on Alexandria. But although the round ship carried the following 25 August, Urban conceded the a much larger cargo than the galley, the Senate

Venetians a “grace” to send six ships (naves) reminded their agent in Avignon, the notary with commercial cargoes (excluding arms, Desiderio Lucio, that for security on the distant metals, and the usual contraband) to Alexandria Levantine run the Republic really needed a and the other lands of the soldan of Egypt." license to send galleys. Desiderio was therefore But when the captain of the galleys of the to solicit the aid of the bishop of Avignon and (annual) Alexandrian run reached Candia, he the archbishop of Toulouse and ask the pope was to consult the duke and council of Crete and for permission to send galleys to Egypt instead the provveditort (and if necessary to summon the _ of “ships.” He was to try to persuade the pope to two Venetian consuls then in Alexandria) to see substitute six galleys for each ship (or to get as whether it was safe to go on to Egypt, “because at_ many galleys as he could) and to have new present no certain news has been forthcoming letters of grace issued to that effect, expending about the intention and decision of the lord king whatever sum seemed necessary to secure the of Cyprus.”"* Assuming that the Alexandrian Republic’s request.1® Desiderio enjoyed only galleys might be able to proceed to their destina- moderate success, for when the new grace was tion, the council (collegium) of Venetians in the forthcoming on 23 September (1365), Urban Mamluk port was authorized to submit disputes had limited it to eight galleys.!7 It would be between Venetians and Egyptians to a Moslem interesting to know whether or not Urban was

judge or cadi or to some other local authority.” aware of Peter I’s “intention and decision” The Senate was duly grateful for papal permis- when he granted this license to trade in

, fol. : Follow Pe , ‘ oe Alexandria.

1366], fol. 158"): Follow Peter wherever he goes, to If the Venetians did not know the destination Cyprus, Rhodes, or Adalia. See also, ibid., fols. 154", 154’, of the crusading fleet, and it aa clear that 155", 157", 159”, letters dated 26-27 June, to the captain of they did not, they probably entertained an acthe Gulf, and to the duke, councillors, and provveditori Curate suspicion. Five years later (in 1370), after of Crete, three of these letters being given, with an oc- Peter’s death, the statement was made in the Wile de Chopre, IIL ane aysreading, in Mas Latnie, Hist 4 Senate that he had failed to keep a promise 13 R. Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriali, III (Venice, 1883), which he had allegedly made before Setting

bk. vil, no. 227, p. 42. On 4 September (1365) the Venetian out, “not to go into Alexandria” until after Senate commended their notary Desiderio Lucio, who was_ the month of October (1365).18

then in Avignon, for his part in procuring the “grace” §5—H4H

(dated 25 August, but granted by Urban V a week or so 16 Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 111%, dated 4 September, 1365: earlier): Desiderio was to request an audience with the “. . . quod gratia dictarum sex navium permuttetur et pope, “et eidem exponas qualiter nuper intellecta per transferratur nobis in galeis, procurando obtinere quem litteras tuas [datas Avinione 17, 20, 21 et 22 mensis Augusti] maiorem numerum galearum poteris et faciendo totum

inter cetera de liberali gratia sex navium per Sanctitatem posse tuum quod ad minus quelibet navis permuttetur in suam nobis concessa maximam consolationem recepimus” _ sex galeis, ut alias factum fuit.” (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 111%). 17 Predelli, Regesti det Commem., III, bk. v0, no. 234, p. 43.

On 28 August, before news of this grace had reached Annotations were later added to this document, recording Venice, the Senate had voted that, since the date set for that three galleys were sent to Beirut on 8 September, the departure of the “galleys of Cyprus and Alexandria” 1366 (not 1365, as stated by lorga, Philippe de Mézires, pp.

(two different fleets) had already been postponed from 277-78, note), and five more to Alexandria in 1371, thus Thursday, 4 September, to Saturday, the sixth, the galleys making up the eight galleys allowed by the pope in this must leave not later than Sunday night, the seventh, after _ particular grace. which every galley would incur a penalty of 30 ducats a day 18 Misti, Reg. 33, fols. 77", 119%, dated 29 September, 1370 for each day’s delay, and there was to be no further post- (die penultimo Septembris), and 20 June, 1371, refs. from Mas

ponement of the date of departure (Misti, Reg. 31, Latrie, “Nouvelles Preuves,” Bibl. de Ecole des Chartes,

fols. 110%, 111%). On 4 September the Senate also voted to XXXIV, 78-80: “Cum nobilis vir Ser Andreas Venerio, olim impose suitable penalties upon Venetian merchants whotried consul noster in Alexandria, et aliqui alii nostri nobiles et.

to defraud the Mamluk authorities of customs duties _ fideles tempore quo dominus rex Cipri cepit Alexandriam and other commercial levies (ibid., fol. 111"). The Veneto- — fuerint deraubati et damnificati per gentem armate domini

Cretan merchant Emmanuele Piloti (born about 1371) regis predicti,” the Venetian Senate voted to seek an acknowledges having cheated the Egyptian customs (Pierre- indemnity (from the prince of Antioch and the queen of Herman Dopp, ed., Traité d’ Emmanuel Piloti sur le Passage | Cyprus) which Andrea Venier and the others had long been

en Terre Sainte [1420], Louvain and Paris, 1958, pp. seeking, “specialiter attento quod dominus rex non servavit

xx, 181). promissionem nobis per eum factam de non eundo in * Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 112°. Alexandriam usque per totum mensis Octobris tunc temporis” (fol. 15 Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 112”. 77).

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 263 On 25 June, as Peter I, the papal legate, crusade), “demanding of us 9,000 ducats as the and the Cypriote chancellor were about to set balance of payment for the first grace.”

out for the Levant, the doge of Venice and The Collegio would not accede to his request, members of the Collegio had urgent cause to and wrote Caresini that they were prepared to write their notary Raffain Caresini, who was submit the case to Urban V, which was quite then on a mission to the Curia Romana at agreeable to the viscount. The latter then calmly Avignon. Their letter throws some light on presented the vicar of the bishop of Castello the shady background of Italian trade with (Venice) with an order to serve a summons upon the Moslem states. On 13 July, 1352, five the Venetian government, requiring that within months before he died, Pope Clement VI, whose forty-five days the Republic send a representanepotism was on the grand scale in keeping tive to appear in Avignon before the court of the

with his character, had granted his nephew curial judge or auditor, in whose name the citaGuillaume Roger de Beaufort, viscount of tion had been issued. But since this was the Turenne, and the latter’s wife Eleanor the first intimation the Venetians had received that “faculty” or “grace” of sending overseas ten a case might be pending against them at the ships (naves vel coquae) and thirty galleys laden Curia, the Collegio was indignant, and directed

with whatever merchandise they chose, except- Caresini to remonstrate with the pope, his ing of course the usual prohibita or contra- brother Anglic de Grimoard, bishop of Avignon, band. The Venetians had purchased these Geoffroy de Veyrols, archbishop of Toulouse, rights from a certain Etienne de Batuto,acanon and any other members of the Curia who might of Agen and an agent of the Roger family;? seem appropriate, to halt action in the auditor’s they wanted the “grace” to send the ten ships court. Since both Guillaume Roger and the and thirty galleys to the profitable lands of the Venetians had agreed to the pope’s direct Mamluks (ad terras soldani), especially Alexandria. adjudication of the case, neither this auditor The Republic had agreed to pay the surprising nor any other should interfere henceforth or

sum of 12,000 ducats in installments, and had seek to introduce gratuitous complications.

already paid 3,000 when Innocent VI had re- The Collegio sent Caresini a copy of the voked “this and all other such graces.” Sub- original Venetian purchase of the grace and the sequently the “lords of Tulle and Beaufort,” auditor’s letter of citation, and directed him to presumably Laurent d’ Albiars, bishop of Tulle, “maintain our rights and make such claims as and Pierre Roger, known as the cardinal of shall seem best to you, and take care that the Beaufort, had written the Venetian govern- lord pope put an end to this business with the ment, requesting payment of the balance due. least possible loss to our state.””° Caresini, being at the Curia, had conveyed the Signoria’s answer to their lordships: the Vene- Peter I sailed from Venice with two galleys tians could hardly be held accountable for such on the morning of 27 June, 1365, and within

a debt, and in fact they had suffered a serious a few hours of his departure the doge and

loss since they had sent out on the eastern trade

only SIX galleys (and no ships), under the rights 20 Clement VI’s grant of the unusually generous commerwhich they had purchased. In recompense, how- cial “faculty” to his nephew Guillaume Roger and the ever, for the cancellation of the “faculty” for latter’s wife Eleanor is recorded in Reg. Vat. 146, fol. 34, trade in the Levant, the lords of Tulle and with a summary in Déprez and Mollat, III, fasc. 5 (1959), Beaufort had secured from Innocent VI another 7°: 5359, p. 282, dated 13 July, 1352. The text of the. ‘6s y . . Venetian government’s letter to Raffain Caresini, dated 25 grace of four ships (naves) for the viscount June, 1365, may be found in Lettere segrete del Collegio, and viscountess of Turenne, and had been {fo}, 156, and is published in Mas Latrie, III, 749-50. On negotiating with Caresini for the sale of the new 22 June, 1357, Guillaume Roger had ceded the faculty to grace while giving him a quittance for the re- Etienne de Batuto “in recompense for his services and under mainder due on the first one. The facts were title of a donation” (Predelli, Regesti det Commem., II, bk. said to be well known to both sides. Now, subsequent negotiations for sale of the faculty. (Etienne however, Guillaume Roger, the viscount, had was a chamberlain of Pierre Roger, cardinal of Beaufort, come to Venice himself (he was going on the later Pope Gregory XI.) The Venetians had acquired the

. . VI, no. 8, p. 277), a formula for relieving Guillaume of

faculty from Etienne in 1359, as shown by the documents oo9Cf.summarized in Predelli, Regesti, III, bk. vi, nos. 109, 126, E. Déprez and G. Mollat, eds., Clement VI 157, pp. 297-98, 301, 305, and cf. W. Heyd, Histoire du com(1342-1352): Lettres se rapportant a la France, Ill, fasc. merce du Levant au moyen-age, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II (1886,

5 (Paris, 1959), nos. 5338, 5346, 5392, pp. 279 ff. repr. 1967), 47.

264 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT members of the Collegio wrote the captain of absolving sinners, visiting the sick, distributing the Gulf and the colonial government of Crete, crusaders’ crosses, reconciling adversaries in the ordering them to watch his every move and re- _ king’s council, and settling disputes between the

port back constantly on the places he landed - sailors and the local inhabitants. He won the at and on his apparent intentions.” On 3 July affection of the entire host at Rhodes, “and they also wrote Jacopo Bragadin and his fellow he who could kiss his hand or had received commissioners ( provvediior:) in Crete that in the his benediction, accounted himself safe from

event Peter attacked every peril that day.” Men-at-arms who had not some place or places in Turkey . . . with which we said confession for ten or twenty years now have pacts, . . . you will send at once to the Turkish C#™€ to the legate to unburden themselves of lord or lords in question such reassuring messages as @ccumulated sins. But Méziéres acknowledges

may seem best to you, to excuse us and to give itto that most of the motley forces gathered at be understood that this is not [being done] with our Rhodes had not come with the lofty ideals approval or knowledge, and. . . like words may also of true crusaders, but rather with the desire be addressed to the Turks who are in our service at for glory, gain, or royal favor.”*

Crete... . Rhodes was the scene of a formidable array. Philippe de Méziéres says that Peter I paid Machaeras states that Peter I had sixteen galleys

from his own resources all the costs of the ready for action, and they were soon joined ships, sailors, and 600 men-at-arms, now sailing y three more from Genoa. He also says that down the Adriatic, with the exception of a single J° in Pal busignan had assembled 108 vessels, galley which the Signoria of Venice had placed !™Cluding 33 horse transports (which he calls

at his disposal. Favorable winds carried him, %@7€s), ten merchantmen (kapaBia), and along with Pierre Thomas and Méziéres him- ‘WENty other craft “which they gall doves self, swiftly to Rhodes, where he received a (kau €repa Ta éyouv TEptoTipla). Counting royal welcome from Raymond Bérenger, thenew tnese the four Rodin galleys, “and the

, : . “s 25 Ate

master of the Hospitallers. Some months before, ™2"Y 4'terent merchantmen,” Machaeras puts he had written his brother John of Lusignan, the grand total of Peter’s armada at 165 vessels

prince of Antioch and regent of Cyprus during (appeva). (Accor ong to Méziéres, our best

his absence, to send the “army of his kingdom” ‘S°UFCEe tor the crusade, to Rhodes, taking care that Cyprus should re- among the galleys, horse transports, packets, ships,

main well protected. Méziéres informs us that and other vessels [Peter I] had with him about in due time (on 25 August according to one hundred at his own expense, except for the four

Machaeras) sixty ships arrived in the two harbors _——————

at Rhodes, galleys, horse transports, and other ™ Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet (1954), pp. 124-25. vessels. Bérenger added four galleys (or 169 Aitrough Machacras, Dawkins, for 1 PkaM, Par. . »horse p. , uses the word oartia, Recital, saettia,ed.“arrow,” horse transports) and a hundred Hosp itallers to the transport (as does Strambaldi, p. 65), it usually denotes “an host. Processions were organized, solemn masses _yncovered swift rowing vessel, used because of its speed

celebrated. for scouting” (Dawkins, IT, 104), like the popularfusta, along, Pierre Thomas was everywhere, preaching, narrow, fast, light galley with about two dozen oarsmen.

Actually the colomba of the later middle ages was apee parently not a “dove,” columba, 7reprorep&, but a “keel,” and 7! Lettere segrete, fol. 155°, letters dated 27 June to the hence by metonymy is used for a vessel, on which of. captain of the Gulf (text in Mas Latrie, III, 752) and to the Dawkins, II, 113, and see especially Henry and Renée duke, councillors, and provveditori in Crete: “Quiaoptamus Kahane, “Italo-Byzantine Etymologies,” "Evernpis ‘Eratppro omni bono respectu scire continuo progressus domini _ eias Bulavriwwav Yaovdav, XXIII (1953), 280-82. The vari-

regis Cipri, qui hodie mane recessit de Veneciis. ...” | ous types of naval transport used in the Mediterranean durPeter had thus been at sea for three weeks when on 19 __ing this period (galleys, fuste, naves, taridae, saettiae| = sagittae], July (1365) Urban V congratulated him upon his departure _barcae, ligna, panfili, cogs, and “squiffes”) are described in

from Venice with a “numerous band of warriors in C.-E. Dufourcg, L’ Espagne catalane et le Maghrib aux XIII et Christ’s service.” The holy war against the infidel was to be XIV siécles, Paris, 1966, pp. 36—47 and ff. fought courageously with the companions and crusaders he ° Recital, 1, bk. H, par. 167, p. 150. The sixteenth-century

had brought together from various Christian nations (Paul _chroniclers Francesco Amadi, in René de Mas Latrie’s Lecacheux and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Lettres secretes et edition (1891), p. 414, and Florio Bustron, ed. Mas Latrie, in curiales du pape Urbain V [1362-1370] se rapportant a la _ the Mélanges historiques, V (1886), 262, also give the grand France, I, fasc. 3 [Paris, n.d.], no. 1887, p. 329). total of the armada as 165 vessels, their texts being almost 2 Lettere segrete, fol. 159’, published in Mas Latrie, III, | word for word the same, “. . . era de galee 33, fuste 6, nave 752-53. The reference is doubtless to the Anatolian 9, barchi 13, vasselli da condur cavalli 11, et altri navigli 20,

emirates. che feceno la somma de vele 92: et feceno armar a Rhodi

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 265 horse transports and a few other craft belonging to the expedition, and in any event he sent a the Hospital, in which vessels there were about a contingent of troops, doubtless at his own thousand armed nobles. . . . The king’s whole army expense. Guy d’Ibelin, bishop of Limassol amounted to about 10,000 fighting men and about (Nemosia), also sent troops, and very likely he

1,400 horses. too should be numbered among the crusaders.”

In any event Peter’s preparations were suf- Later on, shortly after the return of the fleet ficient to lead the emirs of Ephesus (Altoluogo) to Cyprus, Raymond de la Pradele was to and Miletus (Palatia) to send envoys to Rhodes Officiate at the funeral of Pierre Thomas at to seek assurance that the Cypriote crusade was Famagusta in January, 1366. not going to be directed against their states. The emirs offered to pay tribute andtorecognize =» Cf. Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. U, par. 163, p. 146, lines

Peter’s nominal suzerainty over them.”” 24-96, and see in general Jean Richard, “Un Evéque

If we cannot determine the number of Peter’s d'’Orient latin au XIV° siécle: Guy d’ Ibelin, O.P., évéque de

. : ° . Limassol, et I’ inventaire de ses biens,” Bulletin de cor-

men and the size of ns leet, we der identi’ a respondance hellénique, LXX1V (1950), 98-133; M. H. Laurent good many of his tellow crusaders, fn tact and J. Richard, “La Bibliotheque d’un évéque dominicain de Machaeras and Iorga have done so for us.”8 Chypre en 1367,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XXI Among some fifty names, and many of them (1951), 447-54. Guy had crowned Peter king of Cyprus in are only names, we should mention once more the cathedral of Nicosia in Novernber, 1358 (Strambaldi, p. Guillaume Roger, viscount of Turenne, who had helliniue, LXXIV, 101-2). His successor Aymar de Lavont,

: ° 6). He died on 29 March, 1367 (Richard, Bull. corr.

sold the Venetians the papal Brace for precentor of the church of Toulon, was named on the trading with the Mamluks, and who in the hour following 18 August (according to Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 367, of peril and crisis would advocate the abandon- although his actual appointment to the see appears to have

ing of captured Alexandria.”® We should not been on the sixteenth).

fail to note the allegedly sage and valiant During the period of vacancy and Aymar’s presumed : Beaty Sagi absence from Limassol (from 1 April, 1367, to 31 March, knight Jean de Reims—il aimme armes et 1368) financial accounts, which are still extant (Arch.

amours—who later furnished the admiring Segr. Vaticano, Instrumenta Miscellanea, Reg. 2468), were Machaut with a full account of the crusade.2® kept by the Greek scribe Theodore Kontostephanos for

. . the capitular vicar Bernard Anselme. These accounts of

John Lasca ris Calopherus, a Byzantine notable receipts and expenditures (of the cathedral church of and a friend of Peter I, was also aMmOng Limassol) have been published with an illuminating introducthose who took part in the sack of Alexandria. tion by Jean Richard, Chypre sous les Lusignans: Documents

Calopherus, who had been converted to chypriotes des Archives du Vatican, Paris, 1962, pp. 61-110

‘ci (Bibliothéque archéologique et historique de |’ Institut

Catholicism by Herre vom’, jooms large nine frangais d’archéologie de Beyrouth, vol. LX XIII): In Cyprus

. ourte century as a Hn the tithe was collected from the spoils of war as well as

between Latin Europe and the Greek East. from the revenues of feudal lordships, and was paid to the

Raymond de la Pradéle, archbishop of Nicosia cathedral church of the diocese. The crown lands were not (Levcosia) from 1361 to 1376, may have gone on ¢xempt, and were at least as large as all feudal holdings

put together. Peter I drew 100,000 bezants every year from

OO the diocese of Limassol alone, his brother John of Antioch

anchoraaltre galee et navigli per accompagnar l’armatadelre and his nephew Hugh of Galilee each about 20,000; fiefs fino la somma de vele, tra picole e grande, 165” (Bustron). paying 100 to 500 bezants in tithes, and so yielding 1,000 Cf. Diomede Strambaldi, also ed. Mas Latrie (1893), pp. 65, to 5,000 bezants a year, were not uncommon, and attest

67, who has recorded the same total. to the relative wealth of the Cypriote nobility, on which 26 Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 127-28. contemporaries and the later chroniclers often dilate. Never27 Ibid., p. 127; Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. 0, par. 166, p. theless, it is clear that the Cypriotes could hardly afford 148, and vol. II, pp. 113-14; Strambaldi, p. 66; lorga, the crusade on which they were embarking.

Philippe de Meézieres, p. 281. 33 Before Raymond de la Pradele, the well-known Philippe

28 Recital, I, bk. I, pars. 163, 167, pp. 146, 148, 150; de Chambarlhac had held the see of Nicosia for almost

Iorga, Philippe de Mézeres, pp. 278-80, 282, 285; and cf. _ twenty years, from 1342 to 1360 (¢f. John L. La Monte, “A

Strambaldi, pp. 67, 68. Register of the Cartulary of the Cathedral of Santa Sophia 28 Guillaume de Machaut, La Prise d’ Alexandrie, ed. L. de _ of Nicosia,” Byzantion, V[1929-30], nos. 110-16, 118-26, pp.

Mas Latrie (1877), vv. 3322-77, pp. 101-2. 483 ff.). On 21 July, 1360, Philippe was transferred by 3° Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 5902-43, pp. 179-80. Innocent VI to the archbishopric of Bordeaux (Eubel, I, 31 Oskar Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome _ 150), but died in June of the following year before he

(1355-1375), Warsaw, 1930, repr. London, 1972, pp. 91 ff., | could take up his new duties (Louis de Mas Latrie, “Histoire

101-3, 272 ff.; David Jacoby, “Jean Lascaris Calophéros, des archevéques latins de l'ile de Chypre,” Archives de Chypre et la Morée,” Revue des études byzantines, XXV1 (1968), 1 Orient latin, II Paris, 1884, repr. Brussels, 1964], 267-72). 189—228; and Ambrosius K. Eszer, Das abenteuerliche Leben Raymond was named archbishop of Nicosia on 29 January, des Johannes Laskaris Kalopheros, Wiesbaden, 1969, pp. 32—37, 1361, as Philippe’s immediate successor (Eubel, I, 365), and

125. there was thus no intervening occupant of the see, as Mas

266 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT According to Machaeras, the legate Pierre plans to the royal council. Philippe de Méziéres

Thomas had announced in Rhodes that the says that he now proposed to attack the crusaders were going to Syria, which was “soldan of Babylon [Cairo], who held the

sad news for the merchants of Famagusta, for holy city of Jerusalem and his heritage,” the as usual they had purchased many things in Latin kingdom of the crusaders of old. He would

Syria, and saw no easy way to obtain delivery strike “at the head and not at the tail.” before the expedition set out.*4 This was pre- Alexandria was to be the target. It was one of sumably an attempt to mislead the government the chief commercial stations in the Levant and

of the boy ruler of Egypt, al-Ashraf Nasir- the source of much revenue to the Mamluk

ad-Din Sha‘ban (1363-1376), and if the watch- rulers of Egypt. Guillaume de Machaut inful Venetians were also deceived, so much the forms us that Percival of Cologne, Peter’s better. Egypt was ripe for attack, Alexandria for chamberlain, who had been a prisoner in plucking. Over the years successful wars against Alexandria,°° and knew the city well, had adthe Mongols of Persia and profitable campaigns _ vised his master:

against the kings of Cilician Armenia had ;

helped enrich the acquisitive Mamluk emirs, who Que vous usez de mon conseil

had finally fallen under of the re- la t que Zaciez vos voiles tendre y ta € Yo € the re sway Droit vers cité d’Alixandre.®”

markable soldan an-Nasir Nasir-ad-Din Muham-

mad. An-Nasir’s third reign (he was twice At the beginning of October (1365) Peter was

deposed) witnessed the height of medieval ready to embark. He had waited for the

Egyptian culture (1310-1341). An-Nasir pre- autumnal overflow of the Nile, which would ferred diplomacy to war and (for the most part) impede the emirs’ efforts to send reinforceJustice to rapacity; he enjoyed the company of ments to Alexandria. As the hour of departure learned men and the breeding of fleet horses; grew near, Pierre Thomas mounted the high he built beautiful mosques, fine palaces, and stern of the king’s galley, where he could be public works. But chaos returned to Egypt when seen by all the host. With the king standing he died, and in the next forty-two years twelve beside him, all eyes upon him, the legate blessed of his descendants followed him on the throne, the soldiery and the sea that was to bear them

eight sons, two grandsons, and two great- oy their mission. A banner with the red lion grandsons. Sha'ban was a grandson, about of Jusignan was raised over the royal galley, eleven years old in 1365. Although his reign was trumpets blared, and thousands of voices re-

to be longer than that of any other of an- sounded to heaven, crying Vivat, vivat Petrus! Nasir’s descendants, he was a puppet in the and Contra Saracenos infideles! “Up to now the

hands of the grasping emir Yelbogha al- army did not know where the king planned to

Khassiki, who could see no need of an extensive go,” says Méziéres, “whether to Turkey or Syria

coastal defense, for the last effort to invade or Egypt.” The fleet sailed from the twin Egypt by sea had been that of Louis IXofFrance arbors at Rhodes on Saturday, 4 October,

more than a century before. and rounding Castelrosso made straight for the At some point during the naval rendezvous at small island of Crambusa, near Cape Kelidonya

Rhodes, however, Peter I finally revealed his at the western approach to the Gulf of

Adalia. There the sailors took on fresh water, Latrie, AOL, II, 272-74, and Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas Nd the soldiers apparently spent the night of (1966), p. 301, note 16, considered possible, believing that the fourth on the island. The next mornimg Raymond first appeared in the sources as archbishop of the king promptly put to sea again, sailing Nicosia in connection with Pierre Thomas's funeral. due south. When the fleet was well away from a. Macaaerss, Recital, TPApaTa I, bk. 1. pars. p. 150: shore, Peter publicly announced destina. - Ob& TOAAG TA169-70, ELXAV AyoPATpPEVa Ets THY . e . 4 ”his pies “ Lupiav, Kat Sév Hrov pwddos va onKwOovv evKora.” Cf. tion. “Then all rejoiced, says Mezieres, and

Strambaldi, p. 67. raised their voices, shouting Alexandria!, assum-

5 On an-Nasir’s third reign, see the almost classic account of Gustav Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, 1V: Gesch. d. Ab- -——-———— basidenchalifats in Agypten, Stuttgart, 1860, pp. 299 ff., whose 36 Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 1998-2000, p. 61. The customs

treatment of Sha‘ban’s reign and of Peter I’s Alexandria duties of Alexandria were said to be 40,000 florins a month crusade is much less satisfactory, ibid., pp. 510 ff. (and on (lorga, Philippe de Mézieres, p. 297). this work, note D. M. Dunlop, “Some Remarks on Weil’s 37 Prise d’Alexandrie, vv. 2041-43, p. 62. Percival of Cologne

History of the Caliphs,” in B. Lewis and P. M. Holt, was said to be Peter’s most trusted counselor (ibid., vv.

eds., Historians of the Middle East, London, 1962, pp. 315-29). 1973-74, p. 60). He was a Poitevin.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 267 ing the city was already taken, as though it were that on that day Alexandria would be taken

some little castle or town.”*® and destroyed.*

Guillaume de Machaut reports, however, that The Saracens gathered along the shore,

when trumpeters gathered the fleet together to astonished and fearful at the sight of the fleet. hear the king’s announcement at sea, most of When first sighted, the galleys and transports the crusaders were dismayed. Alexandria wastoo had been mistaken for Venetian merchantmen, strong a city; no one could take it; the “emir” which usually came to Alexandria about this could mobilize 500,000 men in an hour! The time. Remaining well offshore, the Christians king had been badly advised; they would be out- dropped anchor after entering the western or numbered a hundred to four; but if they had to Old Harbor, which was separated from the New die in Alexandria, at least they would win God’s_ Harbor (on the east) by a promontory leading favor in doing so.*? Northerly winds helped north to Pharos Island. They had come most carry them from the Gulf of Adaliatothe mouths opportunely. The recently appointed governor

of the Nile, and although the galleys and (walt) of the city was absent on a pilgrimage transports became separated along the way, to Mecca, and only a small garrison, with no “God miraculously brought the whole army to- Mamluks among them, was manning the massive

gether in the [Old] Harbor of Alexandria in fortifications. The rising waters of the Nile the early morning of the fourth day after would hinder the dispatch of troops from the

leaving land.” It was Thursday, 9 October, jour capital city of Cairo.

de la feste St. Denis," an auspicious day for The king and his council decided not to land French crusaders. It was also King Peter's immediately. A quiet night on shipboard would

thirty-sixth birthday.” better prepare the crusaders for action on the morrow. “Then all that day and night the

Alexandria was a familiar sight to many of Saracens fortified the city,” says Méziéres, “and the adventurers and oarsmen in the galleys. It added beyond reckoning to their army along was said to be a beautiful city and the strongest the shore. They seemed hardly worried about fortress in the Mamluk domains, but the walls OUT forces, and with trumpets, standards raised were in a state of some decay. Sandy beaches aloft, and numberless torches on the shore of reached up to the white-stone houses built amid the harbor they kept a careful watch upon us

the palm groves outside the walls. Every day through the whole night. the narrow streets were thronged with pic- When morning came on Friday, 10 October, turesque crowds, Moslems in white turbans, COMUNnues Mezicres, the sun shone brightly on

Jews in yellow, Christians in blue headgear, ‘he shields, arms, and galleys of the Christian merchants and travelers from every part of host “to the terror of the enemies of the cross. Europe and Asia. King Peter’s chamberlain, But actually many of the inhabitants came out Percival of Cologne, had told him that Alexandria from the city, marveling at the:naval apparition

was so large a city that one saw there “a under their wal, There were the usual vendors hundred thousand people in one place,” but W!th wares at a bargain. Few of them seemed that the inhabitants were unwarlike, and would shead of the le rar of the danger which lay flee like goats at the first clash of arms. * coh Present d mem ers of tne ert alot anc a Friday would be the day to attack, for there was PONE COFPS OF Heduins spreac out along the

a prophecy widely believed among the Moslems ——————— *8 Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2012—39, pp. 61-62, and cf. lorga, Philippe de Meézieres, pp. 286 ff.

OO “4 Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 130-31, and see the * Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 127-29. Machaut, valuable article by Paul Kahle, “Die Katastrophe des

Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2084 ff., p. 64, inaccurately places the mittelalterlichen Alexandria,” in the Mémoires de l'Institut

departure of the fleet on Monday, 28 September, which francais darchéologie orientale du Caire, LXVIII (Cairo, date fell on Sunday in 1365. On Crambusa, note also 1935-40), Mélanges Maspero, III, 137-54, esp. pp. 144-45. Machaeras, Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 0, par. 171, p. 150, In the description of the capture and loss of Alexandria,

and.vol. II, pp. 115-16. which Pierre Thomas prepared for Pope Urban V and the %° Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2110-41, pp. 64—65. Emperor Charles IV after the Christian withdrawal from the Mézieres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, p. 129. city, he refers to the “quiete indicta a meridie circa usque ad

** Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2192-95, p.67; Machaeras, Recital, _ tertiam alterius diei sequentis,” i.e. the rest prescribed for the I, bk. 0, par. 171, p. 150; Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, army fromnoontime of 9 October until about 9:00 A.M. on the ed. Smet, p. 130: “Erat autem dies Iovis et hora quasi sexta.” tenth, when the attack began (Méziéres included this letter

” Cf. Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 130-36, p. 5. in his Life of St. Peter Thomas, p. 135).

268 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Shoreline to defend the city against the at- showed no fear of Christian missiles, and covertack which seemed in the offing. They had arms ing themselves with their shields, they waded

but no armor, and were hoping to prevent breast-high into the water to oppose the in-

the enemy from landing with arrows, javelins, vaders. and swords. The acting governor, a certain According to an-Nuwairi, a group of MorocJanghara, who had come to Alexandria only can volunteers tried to prevent the crusaders four months before, yielded to the insistence from landing by hurling naphtha firebrands at of those who owned property outside the walls the approaching galleys, but they received so which they were anxious to protect. It would little and such late support from the shore that have been better to gather all available man-_ the few brands they could throw apparently fell

power within the city to defend the walls and wide of the mark, and Méziéres does not

gates.*° mention them. The Saracens’ resistance was such

King Peter and his council had decided to that it took almost an hour to effect a landing. begin landing operations at the hour of tierce. As they began to draw back, however, the Pierre Thomas gave the armed multitude his’ Christian infantrymen poured from the galleys, blessing, and urged them “courageously to fight and mounted men-at-arms rode out from the

God's battle, because today the gates of paradise lowered sterns of the horse transports. Méziéres are open!” A royal trumpeter gave the signal. says that “the Saracens turned their backs and Slowly the galleys and other ships began to move fled toward the city, but our men went after

toward the crowded shore in a set order. them, and cutting them down, pursued them to

Saracen archers were waiting for them, and shot the very gate[s].”46 Machaut informs us that, in

arrows into the masses of men on deck “like these first encounters, the 8,000 men in the

rain upon the earth.” But the galleys continued Cypriote army killed so many Saracens that the their approach, and the sailors began to throw sea was awash with blood,*” and an-Nuwairi out gangplanks for landing. The Saracens also attests to the large loss of Moslem life before the gates were closed.*® 45 Kahle, “Die Katastrophe,” Mélanges Maspero, III, The Saracens within the city promptly manned 144-46; A. S. Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle the seaside walls, but the crusaders lit fires Ages, London, 1938, pp. 353—54. Both Kahle and Atyahave against the iron-bound, heavy-timbered gates,

based accounts on that writer d Mézie he htheh Nuwairi,their who lived in Alexandria and of fledthe fromArabic the city and (saysanezi€eres) within ith the hour

at the time of the Christian attack. An-Nuwairi had first Saracens, assailed by God, left the walls and settled in Alexandria in 1337. He began his long, digres- towers, and their courage failing, they aban-

sive work on the capture of the city at the beginning doned the city and fled toward Babylon of the year 1366, about four months after the event, . ’ oe . and finished it during the spring of 1374. See also Et. aie Christian standards were soon flying

Combe, “Le Texte de Nuwairi sur |’ attaque d’ Alexandrie rom the ramparts, and the king, the legate, and par Pierre I de Lusignan,” in the Bulletin of the Faculty of the whole army could enter, cruce praecedente, Arts, Farouk I University, II (Alexandria, 1946), 99-110. through the burned-out gates. “The great city

The old but still useful dissertation of Is. Jos. H. Paul of Alexandria was [thus] captured by the

Herzsohn, Der Uberfall Alexandrien’s durch Peter I, Konig Christi ith divi ist t about th

von Jerusalem und Cypern, Bonn, 1886, is also based on AEISUANS, W vine assistance, at abou e an-Nuwairl. The Arabic text of an-Nuwairl is now ninth hour, on F riday, the tenth day of October available to those who can use it, in Etienne Combe (d._ in the year sixty-five.” 49

1962) and A. S. Atiya, eds., Kitabu’l Ilmam by Muhammad B. . her

Qasim al-Nuwairy, 6 vols., Hyderabad, India, 1968-73 (in Guillaume de Machaut, however, has a rathe the Da’iratu’l Ma‘arif il-Osmania Publications, new series, no. §=——-——————

TX—xIl). 46 Tife of St. Peter Thomas, pp. 131-32. Shortly after 1350 the Westphalian priest Ludolf of 47 Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2426-83, 2518 ff., pp. 74-77;

Sudheim (of the diocese of Paderborn), who had visited Kahle, Mélanges Maspero, III, 146, describes the use of the Alexandria during the course of his pilgrimage to the Holy _ naphtha firebrands. As the crusaders were landing in the Old

Land (1336-1341), described Alexandria as “prima civitas Harbor, the admiral of the Hospital, Ferlino d’ Airasca, Aegypti maritima et una de melioribus civitatibus sol- landed in the New Harbor with the members of his Order, dani. . . . Haec civitas est pulcherrima et fortissima tur- and attacked the Saracens from the east (@ senestre), thus ribus excelsis et muris inexpugnabilibus munita. . . .Inhac _ taking them in the rear (Machaut, op. cit., vv. 2499-2527, civitate soldanus milites habet stipendiarios et satellites, pp. 76-77). On the office of admiral among the Hospitallers, civitatem et portum custodientes. . . . Haeccivitas humano note Berthold Waldstein-Wartenberg, Rechtsgeschichte des visui inex pugnabilis videtur et tamen faciliter esset capienda. Malteserordens, Vienna, 1969, pp. 118-119.

De quo mihi plus dicere non est cura .. .” (De itinere *° Atiya, Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 355-56. _

terrae sanctae liber, ed. Ferdinand Deycks in the Bibliothek des *9 Life of St. Peter Thomas, p. 132, and note Machaut, Prise

litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, XXV [1851], 35-36). d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3143-47, pp. 95-96.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 269 different story to tell in his prolix fashion. knighthood. “Then they replied all together, ‘We When King Peter contemplated the locked gates say what seems best to us. Sire, go wherever and the arbalesters on the high walls, he had his you please. No one of us will desert you, for trumpeter sound a retreat. He ordered his tired our honor and our lives are yours, whether we

men to rest, and to lead the remaining horses_ live or die!’” Peter’s heart rejoiced at the from the transports. When this had been done, _ response, and he had a crier proclaim through-

some of the knights gathered around him. out the host that he was going to attack the

Greeting them in friendly fashion, Peter ob- city. He offered 1,000 florins to the first person served that they must all consider how to take to mount the walls, 500 to the second, and 300

the city: to the third; then he summoned his chamber-

einnement il nous faut . “

Car certe; ; lain, Percival of Cologne, who knew the city,

Avoir conseil par quele guise and who had said that one gate was “less than

Ceste grant cité sera prise. the others,” and that this was the place for an

assault in force. Percival identified the weak spot The knights were discouraged. The city could jn the circuit of the walls as the “Customshouse

not be ,taken either by assault or by siege, Gate” (c’est la Porte de ’ Audouanne), through and they could never undermine the walls or which all merchandise passed into the city.

starve out the defenders. The Christians faced Peter then summoned his constable, “who was 2 destruction, for the enemy outnumbered them notable person,” and his two marshals. He told “bien mille contre un.” Such was the common them that the attack would begin at once, and view. Peter summoned his council to pursue the that Percival would take them to the gate. A brief subject at a higher level of wisdom; it would be hour sufficed for a trumpeter to assemble the shameful, he told them, to withdraw without army at the Customshouse Gate on the eastern taking the city or at least assailing the Moslems. end of the north wall, and the assault was He asked for advice that would do honor to God about to begin. and no dishonor to the Christian host. When the In the meantime the emir Janghara, after the sages had heard him through and weighed his _ vain attempt to stop the Christians from landing, words, an admiral (un amiraut) was the first had witnessed the Moslem flight toward the city to speak: “Sire, you can clearly see that this gates from his position on the peninsula called city 1s too strong. . . . The walls were high and Pharos Island. He was wounded by an arrow, and thick, the solid towers well supplied with was almost cut off from the city by the Christian artillery (bonnes tours. . . bien garnies d’ ariillerie). surge toward the gates, but riding and wading The Saracens on the walls were clever and watch- with his followers through the water, he sucful; they had plenty of stones and the mangonels ceeded somehow in re-entering the city through to hurl them. Under these conditions, “each the Necropolis Gate (Bab al-Khaukhah), the only of them will be worth ten of your people.” gate in the west wall. He hastened to the nearby Furthermore, all the way from Alexandria to treasury, and had all the gold and silver packed Cairo and even to Jerusalem, according to the for speedy shipment through one of the southern

eloquent admiral, there was not a cottage, land gates to Cairo. The Alexandrian police house, or fortress in which the Christians might rounded up some fifty Latins, consular officials take refuge if need be. “Sire, by our loyalty,” and merchants (including the Venetian consul said the council in unison, “he is telling you the Andrea Venier), and sent them off as hostages

simple truth.”°! through a landward gate toward the town of But Peter was confident that God would re- Damanhir. They executed one obstreperous ward their efforts in the Christian cause. He Latin pour encourager les autres. By this time the asked them merely to show the gallantry of Christians had reached the north wall, and had 5° Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2538 ff., 2995-97, pp. 77-79. *? Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2598-2805, pp. 79-85. On the

Machaut says that there were more than 20,000 Saracens location of the seven gates of Alexandria, see Kahle, manning the walls in defense of the city. Melanges Maspero, UI, 142—43, and Atiya, Crusade in the Later 5t The admiral in question was presumably the Hospitaller Middle Ages, p. 352, note 3. The Customs Building was Ferlino d’ Airasca, since Pierre Thomas later held him up’ within the north wall of the city, between the Sea Gate

to opprobrium for refusing to attempt the defense of (Bab al-Bahr, Porta Maris) and the Divan Gate (Bab adAlexandria after its capture (Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Diwan). The French called the latter gate the Porte de la Thomas, pp. 138-39, and cf. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. Douane, both because it was near the customs offices and

294, 301). because diwan sounded to them like douane.

270 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tried to burn down the Sea Gate (Bab al- ransacked the goldsmiths’ shops, and seized the Bahr) by rolling barrels of fuel up to the gate goods of merchants from Cairo and Damascus, and lighting them. Their opponents on the wall which they found all packed and ready for exdrove them off, and the Christians moved port; they carried off the bolts of fine silk which

farther east, where they found a place which Persian and other merchants had brought to lacked defenders, and where there was no moat Alexandria, and robbed private houses of jewels,

to prevent their climbing the wall. Thus, ac- ornaments, copper ware, and even beds. The cording to an-Nuwairi, they found the vulner- fires they set spread through wide areas, able area at the Bab ad-Diwan, which the consuming public markets, Moslem schools, and French knew as the Porte de la Douane or the embroidery works, and reaching into every Customshouse Gate, and to which Machaut says_ street, alley, and square in the city. Oil, that Percival of Cologne had directed them. honey, and tallow ran in the streets littered The crusaders burned down the Customs-_ with broken glass and earthenware. In ignorance

house Gate with apparently nointerference from or senseless fury they set the torch to the the Moslems. They forced an entry through fondachi of the Catalans, Genoese, and Marthe burning gate, and climbed the walls with _ seillais, but to an-Nuwairi’s satisfaction they scaling ladders. There were no members of failed to find the Moslem armory, which was the garrison at this point, because the chief stocked with weapons. The pious crusaders clerk and the inspector of the government killed Moslems everywhere they found them, office or Divan had barred the gate (and ap- even in the mosques, where many had apparently locked the inner portals leading to the parently sought refuge. They destroyed what customs area) to prevent merchants from using they could not carry off, and stores of hazelnuts

it to evade payment of customs duties. By so and lesser wares went up in smoke, as did doing they seem to have blocked the inner whatever else the marauders could not put approaches to the towers flanking the Customs- aboard their overladen vessels, of which (says

house Gate. Quick access to these towers was an-Nuwairi) there were more than seventy. clearly impossible from the rest of the wall, an Mosques and other buildings were set on fire obvious defect in the defense system which within the walls, and the palaces and tombs on Percival of Cologne may well have observed Pharos Island were demolished. Dead bodies were

during the period of his imprisonment in left behind to rot in the baths and markets, and Alexandria. In any event treachery was sus- the streets were strewn with the carcasses of pected and, later on, the governor of the city animals. Spices were left piled up on the shore, executed the chief clerk, who was rumored to _ because the galleys and transports could hold no have been in contact with the king of Cyprus. —_- more. Precious goods were thrown overboard as

When the Moslems saw the enemy on the wall the vessels sank too low in the water for safe and streaming through the broken, burning navigation. An-Nuwairi says that, if the Franks Customshouse Gate, they took to flight through had not burned down two of the three landthe three landward gates in the south and east ward gates, they might have remained masters

walls of the city. Crosses and Christian of the city, and the Moslems would have been standards were set up on the battlements, and hard put to expel them.* If Allah had not the crusaders began to plunder the city. An- abandoned his people, he had certainly chastised

Nuwair1 has left us a heartrending tale of

P ul ase The invaders broke into. warehouses, 53 For summaries of an-Nuwairi’s account of the destrucprivate homes, and hosp ices, and piled their loot tion of Alexandria, see Kahle, Mélanges Maspero, III, 147-— on camels, mules, and horses. They slew all 53, and Atiya, Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 358-67. who tried to hide, crippled beasts of burden Machaut, in his description of La Prise d’ Alexandrie, wv.

they did not need, shattered lamps in the 2806 ff., pp. 85 ff., says that the crusaders killed 20,000 mosques, and seized a large number of terrified Saracens (v. 2952, p. 90). Although he provides us with

. correct dates for the siege and capture of the city, Machaeras,

prisoners. Recital, ed. Dawkins (1932), I, bk. 1, pars. 171-72, pp. 150, The crusaders ran a riot of destruction from 152, has little to add to our other sources, and er-

Friday afternoon until the next day, 11 October, roneously states that the crusaders remained in the city for

plundering and setting fire to the booths of ga)thnec dave. Amadi pp: 14°18; cama, pp the money-changers and to the shops of the closer ’ witness of these grim events than ‘an-Nuwairi, dealers in rich fabrics, old clothes, wax candles, has almost nothing to say about the complete ruination of

glass decanters, and pots and pans. They Alexandria.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 271 them. There had never been so greataslaughter, Alexandria, but still on Saturday the eleventh,

says Machaut, since the time of Pharaoh.” Peter convoked a council, to which he sum-

Since King Peter had hoped to hold Alexandria moned as a bridgehead for a possible attack on Cairo and as a landing stage for the reconquest of all manner of folk, men-at-arms, valets, and sergeants, Jerusalem, the reckless burning of the two who were all to assemble in a place long and wide, landward gates was a grave setback to his plans. Which Hes between the city and the sea, for I

: 8 8 Pforce knowfrom not how otherwise topresumably call it. [The arplace A Cairo would ; . Prelief y was the peninsula called Pharos Island.] The king

rive sooner than the gates could be replaced. appeared amongst his people, and wished to have Peter had, therefore, to destroy a bridge over their counsel, how he should maintain his position, the great canal which connected Alexandria with and how one could hold the town.

the Nile at Fuwah. The bridge was the chief

link between the embankment road from Cairo Their answer was quickly forthcoming, for by S.

and the burned-out gates. On the late after- Peter the Martyr they all wanted to depart. noon of Friday, 10 October, Peter sallied forth Guillaume Roger, the viscount of Turenne, ap-

with a company of forty men to remove the pointed himself their spokesman, and rose to bridge, but according to Machaut he almost speak; a nephew of Clement VI and one of the fell into the midst of some “hundreds, even richest lords in southern France, he could thousands” of Saracens, who were apparently always command a hearing. He said they did guarding the bridge in expectation of reinforce- not have a twentieth, not even a hundredth, ments from Cairo. Fearing to be cut off from his of the men necessary to defend the towers, walls, own forces, Peter turned in hasty retreat toward and battlements. There were five hundred points the refuge of the city walls. Machaut says that at which the Saracens could enter the city. The

he had to fight his way out of the perilous Christians lacked supplies, and had no way to encounter, and killed more than a hundred get them. The Saracens could put five hundred

Saracens in doing so. times 500,000 men into the field “against the few That night the king was exhausted, “for he we are... ,” and he concluded: “Now just

had battled much that day and much travailed.” consider what will happen when the soldan He chose a chamber in a well-fortified tower, comes riding in—we'll all be taken in a ratbut there was little time for sleep, because trap, so that in no wise, Sire, do I advise remainsomehow under the cover of darkness a large ing. Let us all depart, for truly the hour is at body of Saracens got into the city by one of the hand!” Most of the host agreed with him, burned-out landward gates. Machaut identifies especially the non-French crusaders; there was

their place of entry as “S. Mark’s Gate,” no need of further talk, they said, for they

otherwise known as “Pepper Gate” (la Porte could not hold the city, and they did not want to dou Poivre). Again Peter was in the saddle, as_ do so. day was dawning on Saturday, 11 October, at In vain did Peter give a long reply. It was a

the head of fifty or sixty hommes d’ armes to thousand times harder to take a city than to meet (says the exuberant Machaut) a full 10,000 defend it; they had abundant arms and ample Saracens. Divine aid made up for the disparity of food, and could get more from Cyprus. Help

numbers, and after the clash of arms Peter would also come from Constantinople and pursued the Saracens along Pepper Street and Rhodes; men of honor would respond to their out the gate through which they had entered. call from everywhere in Christendom. Pierre

Like a huntsman he chased them into the Thomas, le bon patriarche, preached to the

countryside to the south of the city, almost as same effect, or rather to no effect, although far perhaps as their well-guarded bridge.®** It he grieved and wept and cried out to heaven went without saying, however, that the Saracens that they must remain in Alexandria for God’s

would do their utmost to recover the port own honor, the needs of Christendom, and the

which for almost half a century had provided recovery of Jerusalem. Méziéres added his own them with one of their chief sources of revenue. fervent plea to those of the king and the legate.

After the expulsion of the enemy from He offered himself to defend the most vulnerable tower with fifty hands from the ships and

” % Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2978-79, p. 91. forty of his companions in arms. Already on 53 Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 2980-3111, pp. 91-94. the Friday evening of the apparent conquest, the 56 Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3148-3273, pp. 96-99. king had summoned Méziéres to his hostel in the

272 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Customs House, and offered him one-third of remained strong among the soldans and the

the city as the center and support for the emirs for more than sixty years, until it was knightly order he had dreamed of creating, finally satisfied by the Egyptian attack upon the Chevalerie de la Passion, which should Cyprus in 1425 and the near conquest of the

have as its chief mission the recovery and _ island in 1426, when King Janus of Lusignan defense of the Holy Land. It was all to no was captured and carried off to eight months’ avail. So many crusaders had returned to their imprisonment in Cairo.*! One of the chief

loot-laden ships that the Saracens were soon _ results of the crusaders’ destruction of Alexandria re-entering the city, and the reluctant king, his was the eventual destruction of the crusaders’

chancellor, and the legate had no alternative own kingdom of Cyprus.

but to follow them.*”

After almost a week of savage plundering, According to Philippe de Méziéres, the stormthe Christians set sail from Alexandria on_ tossed voyage of the Christian fleet to Cyprus Thursday, 16 October, 1365, as an-Nuwairi was so terrifying that the crusaders wished they indicates, “eight days” after their arrival. They had remained to do God’s work in Alexandria. carried off 5,000 prisoners to sell or give away as_ But they finally landed safely at Limassol on

slaves. The soldan himself is said to have tocome __ the southern coast of the island, and the galleys

to Alexandria, and his government to have continued on around Cape Greco to Famagusta ordered the rebuilding of the ruined city. The to unload the booty.” King Peter and Pierre Copts and Christian merchants in Egypt were Thomas went to Nicosia, where the legate had required to raise large sums to help ransom the the king and the army give thanks to God by captives in Christian hands. The soldan’s govern- organizing a procession and celebrating their ment imprisoned outstanding Christian subjects, victory over the Saracens. Pierre preached remany of whom lost their property by confisca- assurance to the Cypriotes for the war which tion.** But the sack of Alexandria had been so had thus begun with the soldan and for the utterly, ruthlessly destructive that the area within crusade upon which they seemed now to have the walls was never restored, and the city did embarked. After a meeting of the royal council,

not begin to recover its erstwhile commercial Peter asked the legate to return to the Curia importance until well into the nineteenth Romana, inform the pope of what had been ac-

century.°? complished, and seek further aid, which Pierre In some ways, perhaps, there were fewer Thomas agreed to do, and bidding the king regrets in Cairo after the withdrawal of the farewell, he left for Famagusta, whence he Christian fleet than one might think. If the planned to sail for Avignon. Soon after his

ruination of Alexandria as acenter for Levantine arrival he found that “avaricious merchants commerce meant fewer foreigners in Egypt, the wanted to go to Alexandria, and proposed to foreigners were an annoyance to the emirs, the make their own peace with the soldan.” Pierre Mamluks, and the army, which drew substantial forbade traffic with the infidel under sentence of

revenue from the land-taxes, the alum and excommunication. A certain Venetian, however,

natron mines, a debased coinage, imposts on who cared little for the ban, set sail for

Jews and Christians, and (whenthe chancecame) Alexandria in a galley, but ran into such from plunder.™ But the desire for vengeance perils at sea that he turned back to Cyprus,

; suffered shipwreck, lost the galley and all he had,

*7 Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3286-3610, pp. 100- and barely escaped with his life, “and even to 109; Méziéres, Life of St. Peter Thomas, ed. Smet (1954), pp. this day,” says Méziéres, “while the aforesaid 133-34, 138; Iorga, Philippe de Mézieres, pp. 299-301, and ban is still in effect, more and more ships from

on the of the Passion, ibid., 453-59, 490 ff.Order everywhere have set outpp. for347-51, Alexandria on. com-

in the er es, . —69, . e S : ”

. 58 Cf, Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3798~3809, p.115. mercial ventures, and almost all have en-

Tee Manges Maspero 38 Stn ve anya, Crusade countered dangers, and one merchant, who got

which Pierre Thomas intencied for Urban V (see below), he through sately, was seized by the Saracens. ,

says that the crusaders withdrew from Alexandria “on the It. was probably during Pierre ‘Thomas's sixth day,” which would agree with an-Nuwairi’s state- residence in Famagusta that he prepared an ment if Pierre is counting not from the day of the assault (10 October) but from the first day of occupation (Méziéres, .=—————-

Life of St. Peter Thomas, p. 139). 5t George Hill, History of Cyprus, 11 (Cambridge, 1948), 6 On the chief sources of income to the Egyptian state, 467-93.

see S. Lane-Poole, Egypi in the Middle Ages, London, 1925, 2 Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. 1, par. 173, p. 154.

pp. 303-4, note. 3 Life of St. Peter Thomas, pp. 134-35, 140-41.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 273 open letter or address to Pope Urban V and the and deliver us. Deliver that holy city of Emperor Charles IV concerning the Alexandria Jerusalem!”™

crusade, which had not been “our battle but Pierre Thomas did not long survive the God’s, and this is more wondrous than all Composition of this address, and from the wonders, and the story will be told forever. . . , @bandonment of Alexandria until the day he because the fighting lasted hardly an hour, and died, according to the chancellor Mézieres, his no one of our men died in the battle al. USU@! Joyfulmess gave way to melancholy. As he

though th 1 ; ble. and un. 8° ready to leave Famagusta for Avignon, BR me Walls were mexpugnanle, a Pierre threw himself into the onerous solemnities

armed were the first to climb mass them.” ; :; ;in; , . men of Christmastide, celebrating almost

Alexandria had fallen to the Christian host by 4 terminably. On Christmas eve he tramped miracle, a city as populous as Paris, as attractive through the mud from the Carmelite convent,

as Venice, as well planned as Genoa, rich, where he was staying, to the cathedral church delightful, fertile, a center for merchants as for of S. Nicholas to celebrate matins. His condi-

all mankind, the very queen of Egypt, and tion had been weakened by prolonged fasts Alexandria might have become the eastern gate- and vigils, and he caught cold, for he wore way of Christendom if only the crusaders had the same light clothing in winter as in summer. held it. Pierre Thomas’s lament was designed for On Saturday, 27 December, he went barefooted presentation in public (nunc materiam deduco through the mud from the Carmelite church to

gemitus in publicum); his turgid style and g_ Mary of Cana outside the city, and standing biblical quotations would have been well received yydis pedibus upon the cold stone floor, he at the Curia Romana, where he probably hoped officiated at yet another solemn mass. There

to read his text. were more masses on Sunday and Monday; on _ Wickedness had divided those whom God had Tuesday, the thirtieth, he was in the throes of

joined together to take the city, according to a high fever; on Wednesday Méziéres came Pierre Thomas, and contention had arisen from Nicosia with the king’s physician. among the princes. The English had withdrawn Pierre Thomas seemed to be better, and first, having conspired with a prince, whose Méziéres remained with him until Saturday,

name Pierre forebore to mention [Guillaume 3 January (1366), when he insisted that Roger] because of his parentage and his evil Méziéres return to the royal court at Nicosia intent. Some French, more Germans, and all the to complete arrangements for their long journey

Italians had cried out against him, and it was to Avignon, for the legate and the chancellor at this point that Philippe de Méziéres had of- were going to the Curia together. On Sunday fered to defend the tower most exposed to attack. Pierre said confession for the last time, received But there was wholesale desertion in the ranks the viaticum, and dictated his will to a notary. of the crusaders, who had angered God by their His condition was getting worse, and on Monday,

lack of faith in the divine power, and the the fifth, he received extreme unction at the

admiral of the Hospital, to his lasting disgrace, hands of Simon, the bishop of Laodicea, who

was to be found among these miscreants. had been one of the Cypriote envoys to the

They had witnessed miracles in the voyage to Curia in August, 1350. Méziéres hastened

Alexandria, the flight of the Moslems, and the _ back to Famagusta, and arrived in time to witness

capture of the city without opposition, but they Pierre Thomas’s death on the evening of had lacked faith, sufficient numbers, and sup- Epiphany, 6 January. The Franciscan Juan port from the West. Pierre appealed for a re- Carmesson, provincial of his order in the Holy newal of the crusade, and implored the pope to Land, preached the funeral sermon, and being “exhort the people, grant indulgences, expend suddenly overcome by the Holy Spirit (as he the treasure of the Church,” and he looked for later said), he astonished his auditors by calling help from the emperor, whom rumor declared to be rich, “to whom God has siven more “4 Méziéres has incorporated the address in his Life of St. wisdom than to Solomon, more power than to Peter Thomas, ed. Smet, pp. 135-41. He refers to it as an Pharaoh.” The Venetians and Genoese would _ epistola (ibid., p. 142).

provide ships, the papacy indulgences, the 65 On the anti-Turkish pact of 11 August, 1350, note people devotion, the clergy prayers and fasting, 302, ». 18f°on d sce above ‘390. enice, 1878), bk. Iv, no. and thus all Christendom would make its con- — Fife of St. Peter Thomas, pp. 142-54; Boehlke, Pierre de tribution. “Show thy power, O lord, and come Thomas (1966), pp. 295-307.

274 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pierre Thomas a saint throughout his sermon,®*’ Venier and Giovanni Foscarini, were sent to the and although Pierre has never been canonized, Curia Romana to win for the Republic conceshis fellow Carmelites have for centuries vener- sions which the pope seemed unwilling to give.

ated him as indeed a saint. Some months later, on 6 June, the doge and The Alexandria crusade had thrilled Europe Collegio wrote Venier and Foscarini that the

with the news, known in Avignon by the two envoys to Egypt had informed the home

beginning of December (1365),® of a success government that they had negotiated a treaty

against the infidel almost equaling the first (concordium) with the soldan. Venier and capture of Jerusalem in its audacity and _ Foscarini were to give this news to the pope carnage. The satisfaction was short-lived, how- and the cardinals, and “now [wrote the Collegio]

ever, as eastern Christians began to feel the you must make every effort to secure your weight of Moslem anger. The disruption of trade dismissal and our objective, which is that we may with Egypt created a shortage of spices, which _ be licensed to sail to Alexandria and the other

cost more and more in the western markets.” lands subject to the soldan, as the situation of But the soldan’s government sent an emissary to our state requires.” After arranging the new Venice, as Pope Urban V protested to the Doge __ treaty with the soldan’s government, Bembo and Marco Corner (on 25 January, 1366), to mislead Soranzo had gone straightway to Cyprus to try to

the servants of Christ by dangling before make peace between the soldan and Peter I. them “titbits of filthy lucre” (esca mundani Venier and Foscarini were authorized to tell

lucri). The Egyptians sent a similar mission to the pope and the cardinals that Venice had no Genoa, and of course in Urban’s opinion their doubt such a peace would be made, because proposals, obviously for peace and the resump- __ the soldan wanted it. Peace therefore depended

tion of trade, could only be detrimental to upon Peter. The Hospitallers were said to be

the king of Cyprus and to those who were ex- quite agreeable to settling their differences with

pected to go on another expedition. Urban the Egyptians. The Curia was also to be intherefore forbade the Venetians (and the formed that the new pact which Bembo and Genoese) to negotiate with the Egyptian envoys Soranzo had made in Cairo contained only without prior consultation with and the express the usual commercial statement of duties, tolls, permission of the Holy See, “especially while the and the like.”

unfinished business of the crusade is still Venier and Foscarini were having their dif-

pending.””° ficulties in Avignon. Their request for a papal On 29 January, a week before the pope’s license to trade with Egypt had been blocked letter reached the lagoon, a letter patent of credit by a letter, apparently just received at the and credence had been issued by the doge and Curia, from Guido da Bagnolo di Reggio, the Collegio to Francesco Bembo and Pietro onetime physician to Peter I of Cyprus. Others

Soranzo, who were setting out for the soldan’s had also written such letters (obviously unfavorcourt in Cairo.”1 Two other ambassadors, Marino able to Venice), and again Urban V forbade

ee87 Méziéres, the Republic either to make or to observe any Life of St. Peter Thomas, pp. 156-57. peace with the soldan without express permission 6 Cf. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 304-5. from the Holy See. The Collegio wanted fuller 69 Thos. Hist. ortiannicarum anglicana, ed. H. T. Riley, ad information concerning ann. » InWalsingham, tne éerum .. . Sscripiores, ' 1 1 the charges obviously

XXVITI-1 (1863, repr. 1965), 301-2: “Omnia vero vener, being rade against Venice so that proper steps

specierum transmarinarum diu post haec [i.e. the events cou € taken to answer them. . . ?

attending the sack of Alexandria] et rariora et cariora the doge and Collegio persisted in their effuere. . . .” Even England was enriched by the spoils of forts to secure the papal license and to arbrought back cloths of gold’ and silk brocades as well as T2nSe @ treaty of peace between Egypt and exotic gems. In this portion of his chronicle Walsingham’s Cyprus although, as they wrote Venier and text is identical with that of the “Monachus S. Albani,” §————— ibid., LXIV (1874, repr. 1965), 56-57. Cf. Heyd, Hist. du 7 Lettere segrete, fol. 185”; Mas Latrie, III, 754-55. The

commerce du Levant, 11 (1886, repr. 1967), 52-53. government of the young soldan, al-Ashraf Nasir-ad-Din 7 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, no. 12, vol. VII Sha‘ban, had assured the doge that Bembo and Soranzo (1752), pp. 134-35; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III would be well received in Cairo, and that Venetian

(1883), bk. vul, nos. 251-52, p. 45. merchants would be free to come and go in all Egypt

71Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 182", (Predelli, Regests det Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 268, p. 48, published in Mas Latrie, Hist. de l'tle de Chypre, III (1855), and Heyd, IT, 53).

753, and cf. Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3818-97, pp. 8 Mas Latrie, III, 755-56, a letter dated 14 June, 1366,

116-18. “ambaxatoribus nostris in Curia Romana.”

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 275 Foscarini again on 25 June, the whole matter with Cypriote raids upon the coasts of Syria and now rested with the king of Cyprus.” Machaeras_ even of Egypt. In the meantime, as early as 1 states that the Venetians had spread a rumor March, 1366, Raymond Bérenger, the master of in the West that peace had been made between Rhodes, had alerted the Hospitallers in Rodez in

the soldan and the king, which ended the plans southern France that as a result of the

of the European princes to come to the king’s Alexandrian expedition the soldan of Cairo was assistance,’> but of course Peter had already multa furia indignatus against Levantine Christenseen how little help he was likely to get from dom and especially against Cyprus and Rhodes. Europe. Upon his return from Alexandria he ‘The soldan was seeking no less than the “comhad dismissed (in November, 1365) the foreign plete destruction and desolation” of all eastern

knights who had helped him take the city, Christians. He had sent envoys twice to all the and had rewarded them with gifts of “gold, Turkish emirs, requesting them to prohibit the silver, vessels, jewels, silk cloth, and fresh export of foodstuffs to Cyprus and Rhodes and horses.””® Peter was now ready for peace, to form a Moslem union with him against the at least if he could have it on favorable terms. —_ Latin Christians “and especially those of Cyprus

With the Venetians as mediators, there were and Rhodes.” exchanges of embassies and presents between The soldan wanted more galleys and ships Cairo and Cyprus. At the request of the soldan’s_ for which he would pay all the costs, and he government, Peter released most of the Saracen would give the emirs the receipts from the

captives still held on his island. When the commercial tolls in his ports. His wealth was soldan had gained everything he could by negoti- legendary, and the eastern outposts of Latin ation, however, he suddenly became affronted, Christendom faced the gravest danger unless according to Machaeras, because the Cypriote God intervened to help them and the pope and

envoys sent to Cairo were not of sufficient the princes in Europe put forth a strong arm rank for him to receive them without loss of to protect them. The soldan was known for dignity. He declined to make peace. Peter saw _ certain to be building a hundred galleys of his that he had been hoodwinked, and senta French own with which, in alliance with the Turks, he

knight to Constantinople to inform Count planned to attack Cyprus and Rhodes when the Amadeo VI of Savoy, who was then in the midst spring came. A large number of Turkish of his so-called crusade, of the Saracens’ mariners were said already to have responded

double-dealing. He urged Amadeo to join the to his call. They were to help man _ the

Cypriotes in another attack upon the Mamluk Egyptian galleys. Bérenger therefore directed domains. The count replied, however, that “I the prior of La Selve (in the region of Rodez) was indeed ready to come, but the Venetians to arm two galleys at Marseille in which the told me that peace was being made, and there marshal of the Order, then Dragonet de Montwas nothing for me to do: I came here to help dragon, should set sail for Rhodes as soon as my cousin [the Byzantine Emperor John V] and __ possible with sixty knights. Another forty were

I cannot leave him.””” being summoned to sail from Venice. Bérenger

After this, for almost five years, exchanges of was thus calling a large proportion of the embassies between Cyprus and Egypt alternated Hospitallers in France and northern Italy to

come to the defense of their island stronghold.”

4 Mas Latrie, III, 756-57. Machaut is well informed con- According to Machaut, the Turkish emirs put cerning the mission of the Venetian envoys to Cairo as well together a grant navire to help the soldan of as their success in persuading Peter I to make peace with Cairo, but by a fortunate chance the Cypriote Egypt, although he had prepared a fleet for an attack upon Syria. He sent the fleet to harry the southern coast of Asia] |§©=———————

Minor, attacking the Turkish emirates, and looked forward 78 Paul Riant, “Six Lettres relatives aux croisades,” Archives

to a favorable peace with the soldan (Prise d’ Alexandrie, de U’ Orient latin, 1 (1881, repr. 1964), 391-92. On the

vv. 3818-4023, pp. 116-22). Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. u, marshal of the Hospital, see Waldstein-Wartenberg, pars. 176-80, pp. 156-60, gives much the same account. Rechtsgeschichte d. Malteserordens (1969), esp. pp. 117-18.

® Recital, I, bk. 1, pars. 175, 183, pp. 156, 162. Three weeks later, on 20 March, 1366 (more florentino

6 Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 3644—66, pp. 110-11. 1365), Bérenger directed the procurator-general of the ” Recital, 1, bk. 1, pars. 181-86, pp. 160-66; the transla- Order to collect the “dues” (responsiones) and all arrears

tion is by Dawkins (ibid., p. 167); and cf. Amadi, p. 415; thereof from every Hospitaller of whatsoever rank or Strambaldi, p. 72; and Florio Bustron, p. 263. On the condition, because of the “perilous necessity” of selffutility of the negotiations for peace between Cyprus and defense against the soldanus Babiloniae (Sebastiano Pauli, ed., Egypt, note Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 4036 ff., pp. Codice diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gerosolimitano, oggi

122 ff. di Malta, 2 vols., Lucca, 1733-37, I, no. LXxvi, pp. 95-96).

276 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT admiral Jean de Monstry met the armada at the Hospitallers. The bishop of Castello (Venice) sea, and destroyed or scattered all their “galiots, was of course instructed to publish the bull of

which are little galleys.”” suspension in his diocese.®?

Unless a galley was immediately available for War and the papal prohibitions cut severely the dispatch of letters, even the most urgent into the profits of the Levantine trade. On 22 correspondence might reach its destination far January, 1367, Urban authorized the Venetians later than the usual assessments of distance and to send two galleys to Mamluk territories to

time might suggest. It is hard to believe that bring home the citizens and subjects of the the news of a coming Mamluk offensive con- Republic who were being held captive in viola-

tained in Bérenger’s letter of 1 March could tion of the treaties which the Venetians were have been known in Avignon when on 23 June = supposed to have with the Egyptian governthe Venetian envoys Venier and Foscarini re- ment. The galleys departed for the East on 18 ceived a papal bull granting the Republic the February, with Francesco Bembo and Domenico

night to send four sips and eight ganeys 0 Michiel aboard as envoys to the soldan,® but tra d chi the anes © the soldan o "egypt ds little came of their mission for some time. (or funds) i 84. st ‘Ven rn ns and exdedine Until peace was made in 1370 between Cyprus 1 ‘ Kf dewche timber i" or wins The and Egypt (as we shall see), commercial trips

al contraband such as er, Ton, to Syria as well as to the Nile were not without

Republic was to make no treaty other under; to have . anger, although theorVenetians seem taking harmful either to the church or to the , ; crusade. and the pove released both the been more acceptable in Cairo than any other . _ POP vs Europeans. On 17 May, 1367, Urban; .Vvas conceded Venetian state and its citizens from any political ; ; ., the Republic another license, this time to send commitment which might have been made with twelve galleys and four ships under the usual

the soldan’s government.®® The Senate, being restri nan , Al drj P d other Mamluk

well informed on eastern affairs, tried to put ‘ no re - 367 at | ma fy - ct l 0

the license of 23 June into immediate effect, POTS: ane in F at least Ml © Ba da and one and barely a month later (on 24 July) voted to ae folla sent. Sour saad ~ cys an a. eee have a town crier announce from the Rialto steps “€ to#owing wee lat de ere trad * less a that whoever wished to put a “ship, cog, or other a amount of Clandestine trade, but even vessel” in the coming voyages to Cyprus, Syria, @fter 1370 the spice trade lagged badly, aland Egypt (to bring back cotton on the return) though at least one galley and a cog were sent should register at the Curia within three days.*!_ to Alexandria in 1371, four galleys and a cog in

There was need of haste, for the following 1372, three cogs in 1373, and four more galleys month envoys from Peter I of Cyprus appeared in 1377. in Avignon, and asked Urban to suspend the Spices were in short supply, as the monks of commercial grace he had granted Venice, which S. Albans tell us, but the shortage of cotton he did (on 17 August, 1366), because of the war was no less keenly felt. On 22 June, 1367, it which then existed between the Saracens and the was stated in the Venetian Senate that the city Cypriotes and their Rhodian allies. In Urban’s_ faced a complete lack of cotton, “which is of so view this was a holy war, a crusading enter- great necessity for the well-being of this state.” prise, but he asked the Doge Marco Corner to The decision was therefore taken to send, within continue his efforts to secure from the soldan one month, a cog of sufficient size directly to a peace or truce advantageous to the king and Alexandria in order to relieve this shortage, if

oe possible, and to take immediate advantage of the 00reaeul, pe are: NN ane pe.det 967Commem., v.47 last grace by »Urban 4végesit ’ .granted VII, no. Pp. .V.. .But of course the

On 2 July the Senate was prepared to send four new ship was not to be sent into Mamluk waters galleys, then in the Arsenal, “on the voyage to Alexandria” unless assurance came from the Venetian envoys (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 141°

bis and ff.). —__—_—-

$1 Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 3%: “. . . Vadit pars in bona gracia 8 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, nos. 273-74,

quod cridetur in scalis Rivoalti quod quicumque vult pp. 48-49, both bulls dated 17 August, 1366.

ponere navem, cocham, vel aliud navigium ad viagium Cipri 83 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vii, no. 319, pp.

et Sorie et Egypti pro eundo ad levandum et caricandumde 55-56. Two more galleys were sent for the same purpose gothono pro conducendo illud Venecias debeat facere se on 2 June, 1368 (ibid., no. 421, p. 71).

imos. .. .” pp. 47-48, 61.

scribi ad curiam maiorem usque ad tres dies prox- * Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, nos. 267, 351,

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 277 in Cairo that an entente had been reached be- ships, hire men, and buy arms? Envoys of Peter I

tween them and the soldan’s government.” were then at the Curia Romana, and as they In the meantime the Venetians wished to steer were getting ready to return to Cyprus, Urban clear of the war in the eastern Mediterranean. gave thema letter (dated 23 October) to take back

On 22 and 25 August, 1366, the Senate voted to the king. The pope lamented that he could not to allow the transport of arms and horses not send Peter the substantial assistance he had

to Cyprus in ships of the Republic, and in- sought, structed their bailie on the island to forbid

any citizen or subject of the Republic to serve for we know, my dearest son, that you proceeded

in the armada which Peter I was assumed to be ™agnificently against the Saracens, impious enemies

preparing against the Mamluks. At the same of our sacred faith, with heavy expense to yourself time, however, they authorized the expenditure 274 Petil to your own person. Enheartened by the

£6 60 d f 4 h F fal Pp for th grace of our Savior, whose cause you embraced, like

oro ucats tor the purchase of falcons tor the 4 strong lion and a fearless athlete, you launched emir Yelbogha, who was a great huntsman and an attack upon the Saracen multitude, and although

the power behind the soldan’s uncertain you gained over them a victory, in which your

throne. On 15 October (1366) Pope Urban courage exceeded your strength, you could not hold protested indignantly to the doge and commune the city of Alexandria . . . because of insuperable

of Venice against the Senate’s deplorable obstacles. . . . decrees, which would increase immeasurably the

difficulties of transporting men, arms, timber, _ Urban acknowledged that Peter deserved all horses, food, fodder, and other essentials to the the more aid since his kingdom had now been

embattled defenders of the faith on the Placed in greater jeopardy than ever before.

threatened islands of Cyprus and Rhodes.®7 But as the Cypriote envoys had been told at the But if the Venetian government relented, Curia, the terrible scourge of the free compawhere were the subsidies coming from to lease M5 and the prevalence of war In Europe were draining the resources of Christendom. Neither

——_—— the clergy nor the laity could provide Peter * Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 56", dated 22 June, 1367: “Capta: with the subsidies which everyone knew he Quia in totum gothon! in Venecits qui sunt ane At this time necess1 prodeffecerunt Dono 1Suus terre, ul notumM est,needed. et superinae . 9too ° the commotion and necessario expediat providere, vadit pars quod in bona expense of the Curia 8 projected return to Rome gracia deputetur ad viagium Alexandrie una cocha, que WE€TC€ beginning to weigh on the pope’s mind, and sufficientior videbitur isti consilio, et debeat recedere de he saw no alternative to an “honorable and Veneciis usque diem XXII mensis Iulii proximi ad longius, otherwise suitable peace or truce with the soldan” et vadat directe in Alexandriam, et sit dicta cocha de to remove Cyprus and Rhodes from the danger

numero nobis sed concessarum per dominum h hexposed. d b d He H ha hd papam [on navium 17 May, asnuper noted above], tamen non to which they seemed hi to be

recedat de Veneciis nisi primo habitis novis a nostris suspended the licenses (gratiae) to trade in the ambaxatoribus qui iverunt ad soldanum de concordio facto lands of the Saracens, which he had granted inter nos et soldanum predictum.” On the Alexandrian before the arrival of the Cvpriote envovs. The

trade (and the perils thereof), note, ibid., fols. 70°, 71‘, . ‘ YP »y ; gor 83° fF. 99°. 130". 131" ff. 138”. 139. Venetians and Genoese, “whom we love sincerely,

® Misti, Reg. 32, fols. 5’-6', published in Mas Latrie, I] @nd whose services we shall soon need,” were (1852), 285-86, with incorrect folio reference, and ¢f. aggrieved, but the suspension would remain in longa: Philippe de Méziéres (1896), p. 327. The papal force as long as the pope thought necessary. In prohibition of 17 August was not yet known in Venice the meantime, Urban said, he had issued an when the twenty-fifth the galleys Senatetowas planning the disthetor West £ i ‘d patch ofonthe four ships and some Alexandria appeal in thelin West mi itary aldfjror Cyprus, (ibid., fol. 6’, not in Mas Latrie): “Capta quod committatur and he would grant the crusading indulgence to

capitaneo galearum Alexandrie quod applicato ipso in all who went or sent others to fight the

e, nouncando ei de aaventu °

paribus Alexandriesatim mitre debeatunumsuficientem Moslems on Peter's behalf.® galearum nostrarum et consulis nostri ad dictas partes . . . ,” Peter Was outraged by the stand the Venetians and every effort was to be made to have Yelbogha issue WETC taking, and on 23 November (1366) he orders that Venetians and their goods were to be welltreated wrote the Doge Marco Corner in almost oe protected m rarrert Damascus, Beirut, and Tripoli. violent remonstrance against the edict prohibit87 Mas Latrie, II, 288-89, misdates the papal letter 1367; Ing the use of Venetian shipping to carry men

+, wid., fols. 8”, 10’, 11, 12%, 13°. : . ; .

it should be 1366, as in Predelli, Regesti det Commem., 11, _—————

bk. vu, no. 296, p. 51. Cf. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 88 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, no. 13, vol. VII

338-39, and Hill, History of Cyprus, II (1948), 342. (1752), p. 135.

278 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and arms to Cyprus. On one occasion the soldan’s government renewed negotiations for Venetians had even forced ashore a ship peace, to which Peter responded favorably since loaded with arms which Cypriote agents had _he was being pressed by the Venetians, Genoese,

purchased for his use in the war against the and Catalans, but Cairo was in a turmoil. YelMoslems. To impede his efforts to export arms bogha had been killed by a cabal of Mamluk

and transport men to his island kingdom, the emirs in December, 1366, and protracted Venetian government had also used the pretext negotiations for peace again came to nothing.”!

that they did not know who the king’s legal — Peter I had become a legend in Europe as representative in their city was, although mem- well as in the Levant. In a well-known letter bers of their own Council had stood in the very of 20 July, 1367 (Sen. vim, 8), Petrarch heaps presence of the late doge, Lorenzo Celsi, when praise on him for the conquest of Alexandria, with the latter’s consent Peter had appointed as_ which might have redounded to the advantage

his representative his friend Federico Corner (in and expansion of Christianity if as much whose palace on the Grand Canal he was then enterprise had been shown in holding the city staying). ‘The irate king saw in the offensive as in taking it. Report had it, however, that edict evidence of Venetian rancor and vindictive- the failure was not Peter’s, but that of his forces,

ness, the reaction of tradesmen to the papal which being composed of northerners (transalabrogation of their license to trade with Egypt _pini) were better at starting things than finishing

and Syria. He could not reconcile their present them. They had deserted him in the very attitude with the celebrations they had held in midst of his extraordinary venture, and had his honor when he was in Venice, and frankly followed him not from piety but from cupidity.

alluded to the edict as appeasement of the Having collected their spoils, they had abansoldan, to the detriment of Christianity and the doned Alexandria; leaving him powerless to fulcrusade, so that Venetian galleys might ply the seas In safety as the merchants sought profit Mas Latrie (1893), p. 76, both put Peter’s departure on

among the Moslems. He was delaying his own 17 January, which did fall on a Sunday. Machaut, Prise departure from Famagusta with a fleet so that @ Alexandrie, vv. 4332-37, p. 131, says that Peter was ill and

: : confined to his chamber through almost all the month of

veneuan gaeys then in Namiux Means shoud November, 1366. Amadi, Chronique, ed. Mas Latrie (1891),

sulter neither harm nor loss. but he certainly |, 415-16, states that Peter’s fleet numbered 116 sail, hoped that the Venetians would soon revoke videlicet galie LVI, nave et altri naviglt LX (the same figures

the scandalous edict, return to the noble path as Machaeras gives), but dates Peter's embarkation at f their crusading fathers, and help him with Famagusta on 6 June (1366), as does Florio Bustron, chic © d 3 t 5 in the Hol lend “which Chronique de l'tle de Chypre, ed. Mas Latrie (1886), pp. 263-64,

saps ana men to rewl sso. y ? who provides Peter with “una bellissima et potente armata de

the Christians used to hold. galee 56, nave, fuste, et altri navigli 60, che in tutto furono 126”(!). On the figures in Machaeras, note Dawkins,

Machaeras reports that. after futile efforts [1in 119-20, and on the discovery by E. Kriaras of a third . ‘ MS. of Machaeras the Biblioteca Classense in Ravenna to make peace with Egypt, Peter I had gathered (Cod. 187), see Franz Délger, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, at Famagusta by late November, 1366, a fleet xzrx (1956), 451. of 116 sail, including 56 galleys, of which the —»! Machaeras, Recital, 1, bk. 1, pars. 192-93, 196-205, master of the Hospital had contributed four. pp. 172, 174, 176-78. Peter’s enthusiasm for peace had Peter apparently sailed on Sunday, 17 January apparently been rather limited since, according to a letter of (1367), with the intention of raidin g the Syrian Philippe de Méziéres, he had demanded of the Egyptians (in fi but June, 1366) the heritage, return ofthe theliberation kingdomofofChristian Jerusalem as his coast. A storm scattereddthe the eet, butthe theGGascon Yusignan captives

knight Florimont de Lesparre and the com- and the restoration of their goods, the expulsion of his manders of fourteen other galleys landed at enemies from Mamluk territories, and the exemption of

: : 5 90 Cypriote merchants and their agents from all customs

Tripoli (Tarabulus), and sacked the town.” The duties (lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 321-22, and “Une

——_—__—__————— Collection de lettres de Philippe de Maiziéres,” Revue 8° Mas Latrie, II, 286-88. Parts of the Latin text defy historique, XLIX [1892], 49-51, and cf. Machaut, Prise

translation. d’ Alexandrie, vv. 4141 ff., pp. 125 ff.; Hull, Hastory of Cyprus,

® Recital, ed. Dawkins (1932), I, bk. 1, pars. 189-91, pp. II, 339-40). 168-72. The best MS. of Machaeras’s Cypriote Greek text On the Cairenes’ pretense of making peace to gain time

(in Venice, in the Bibl. Nazionale Maraciana, Class. VII, cod. for the preparation of their fleet, and on Yelbogha’s death,

XVI, fol. 69") reads to the effect that Peter sailed on see Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, IV (1860), 517-18, 542;

Sunday, 7 January, but in 1367 this date fellona Thursday. Herzsohn, Der Uberfall Alexandrien’s (1886), pp. 43-44; The second MS. of Machaeras (at Oxford, in the Bodleian, orga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 361-62; Machaut, vv. 6097 ff., Selden Supra 14) and Strambaldi, Chronique, ed. René de_ pp. 185 ff.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 279 fill his reverent vow, they had gratified theirown _king’s chief purpose in coming to the Curia

lowly desire for gain. was to seek assistance for his crusading But if Peter had been frustrated at the mouths activities.

of the Nile, he still had a wide scope for Peter appears to have received the usual his crusading zeal. In late September (1367) he promises from the European princes, and now

led another raid on Tripoli. The Cypriotes his erstwhile enemy Florimont urged the pope pillaged the place once more, but were almost as well as the princes to support the crusade. destroyed in a Saracen ambush as they made From Rome Peter went on to Siena, where he their way in disorder from the town back to made a royal entrance in early June (1368). His their galleys about a mile away in the harbor. next stop was Pisa, where he arrived on 14 Thereafter the fleet went on to Tortosa June, and remained three days as the honored

(Tartus), sacked the Moslem settlement, and guest of the commune. He was féted in

ravaged the countryside. Here they burned piles Lucca, and by way of Pistoia and Prato he of oars and stores of pitch and tow, which were made his way to Florence, where jousts were intended for some of the soldan’s hundred gal- held in his honor. At Bologna he met the leys (mentioned in Bérenger’s letter), and tossed French chronicler Jean Froissart, and consulted

nails and quantities of iron into the sea. Next with the pope’s brother Anglic de Grimoard, they burned Valania (Baniyas), but could not cardinal-bishop of Albano, who had been apland at Laodicea (Latakia, al-Ladhiqiyah) be- pointed vicar-general of the papal states some cause of a storm. They continued north to Ayas, months before.** Leaving Bologna on 10 July, which the Italians knew as Ajazzo or Lajazzo, Peter proceeded to Ferrara, where he expected

on the Gulf of Alexandretta, “and killed many to meet the Emperor Charles IV, whom he Saracens,” but decided not to storm the well- found at Mantua, and may have accompanied defended inland castle. On 5 October the fleet back to Ferrara and Modena, where the imperial returned to Famagusta; it had been a busy week. entourage arrived on 4 August.® He was on his Still allegedly incensed at the unwillingness of way to Venice, where we shall find him presently,

the Egyptian government to make peace, Peter and whence he planned to sail for Cyprus. made Famagusta a center for privateers, two of Meanwhile Venice, Genoa, and other Italian whom promptly raided Sidon (Saida’), where states had been pressing for peace at the they seized three merchantmen, and captured

another Saracen vessel on their way back to ——__—

Cyprus, “to the glory of the Holy Cross.’ 22 to meet Florimont in a duel, which would be a derogaKing Peter believed that the Turks stalemate(Lecacheux in the tion of royal dignity and a source of satisfaction to the . Saracens and and Mollat, Lettres secrétes et

East, which was almost as bad for the merchants curiales, I, fasc. 3, no. 2567, p. 450). The quarrel between of Famagusta as for the Venetians and Genoese, Peter and Florimont looms large in the chroniclers (Machaut,

could be broken only by another large-scale Prise d’ Alexandre, vv. 7380-7985, PP- nen wah an ox expedition against Mamluk Egypt. After some peciral, 1, bk. 1, par. 206, p. 188, and Il, 122-23; Amadi, difficulty in raising the necessary money, he pp. 417, 418; Strambaldi, pp. 85-87; and Florio Bustron, set out from Paphos toward the end of the pp. 266-67). Peter arrived in Rome in March, 1368 (E. year 1367, and after a stop at Rhodes, he went Baluze and ravens eds., Vitae Sapam Avenionensium, 4 on to Naples, where Joanna I entertained him = _V0!S., Faris, ~ Aes ©, 900, JOY), and was sul’ there on for several days. Thence he proceeded to Rome, a des) oP 3 03.8) Hist. de Vile de Chypre, U, 241, note, to which: Urban V and the Curia had returned 4 Aug. Theiner, ed., Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis in mid-October. He wanted to meet the chal- _ S. Sedis, II (1862, repr. 1964), doc. CCCCXxxXI, pp. 450-52,

lenge and the charges of Florimont de Lesparre, gated of November, sou wecacheux aes toes who had clashed with him the preceding sum- 95.39" 31 ong "59, 9618, 9659 ff. 2701, 2713 -14,and 2719.

mer. At the Curia, Peter and Florimont were Anglic succeeded the rather incompetent Androin de la reconciled (on Peter’s terms),** but of course the Roche. * On Peter’s itinerary in Italy, see Iorga, Philippe de

——________— Mézieéres, pp. 370-79, with refs., and cf. Machaeras, I, bk.

Recital, I, bk. 1, pars. 210-13, pp. 190-94, and cf. II, _ 1, par. 217, p. 198, who says that Peter also went to Milan, 123-25; Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 6748-7161, pp. and helped restore peace between the pope and Bernabo 205-17; Amadi, pp. 417-18; Strambaldi, pp. 84-85; and _— Visconti (cf. Amadi, p. 418; Strambaldi, p. 87; and Florio Florio Bustron, pp. 265-66; lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. | Bustron, p. 267); Mas Latrie, II, 313, who gives an extract

364-69; Hill, History of Cyprus, 11, 352-54. from the chronicle of Marchionne di Coppo Stefani *8On 4 December, 1367, Urban had forbidden Peter _ relating to Peter’s visit to Florence.

280 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Curia,* and since the pope saw no prospect import duties for all true Cypriote subjects of financing an anti-Mamluk or an anti-Turkish throughout Mamluk territories. He wanted expedition,*” owing to the discord in Europe, guarantees of surety for men and goods in Peter agreed to put no obstacle in the path of the _ cases of shipwreck, and agreed that the penalties

peacemakers.*° for attempting to defraud either the Cypriote In the meantime Genoese privateers had or Saracen customs should be the same (us

captured a merchantman from Tripoli (on the duplum comercii solvere). Fares and freight rates Barbary coast) as it tried to leave the harbor of between Cyprus and Mamluk territories were to

Alexandria, and brought it with all its cargo be the same for Christians and Saracens

into Famagusta (on I April, 1368). A Cypriote except when established by prior contract. raiding party descended upon Sarepta (Sara- Dishonest brokers, Saracen and Christian alike, fand), on the Palestinian coast between Acre and who defrauded their principals of money or Caesarea; they pillaged the town, and carried goods, would expose their own property to off all the inhabitants into the usual servitude confiscation and sale to satisfy the claims of (on Easter Sunday, 9 April). Machaeras states their creditors. Turks at war with Cyprus that the soldan’s government now tried to repay were not to be revictualed or harbored in the Cypriotes in kind, and sent out “two galleys Mamluk territories, and Peter would not hencefrom Morocco” (8 Kd&tepya poypanitika)— forth allow corsairs and privateers (adapides) the Strambaldi says they were from “Arabi’—to use of Cypriote ports for their activities against attack the coast of Peter’s kingdom; they the soldan’s subjects. Peter’s relatives, “familiars,” captured a Venetian ship, and hauled her off and servitors, when carrying royal visas, were to with crew and cargo to Alexandria. The Genoese be allowed free access to the holy places in then seized a richly laden Saracen ship outside Palestine. A tribunal of Venetians, Genoese,

the harbor of Damietta, and brought her into and Catalans was to settle differences which Famagusta,’ where slaves and merchandise might arise between Peter and the soldan, and

were doubtless selling at high prices. if settlement should prove impossible, the ag-

But if prices were high, it was obvious that grieved party was to declare the abrogation of privateering and war were destructive of trade. the peace and allow a year to pass, inciptendo The chroniclers say that, standing in the papal de diffidacionis, before making war upon the

presence, Peter authorized the Venetians and other, who was in his turn to wait a year bethe Genoese, who had sent envoys to him in fore attacking his opponent. ‘The Hospitallers Rome, to arrange peace with the soldan of were to be included in the peace, and Philippe Egypt, and he was still in the city on 19 and de Méziéres and Guido da Bagnolo di Reggio 20 May when he declared that he would ob- were among the witnesses to the royal letters serve inviolably such a peace (concordia) “pro- patent which set forth the king’s terms."

vided the said soldan shall also have been At the same time (20 May, 1368) Peter willing to observe it.” But Peter demanded extra- issued another letter patent in which he stated

territorial rights and a reduction in export and that at the behest of Pope Urban V he was

accepting Venetian and Genoese mediation to

°6Cf, Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 7266-82, p. 221; arrange a “concord” between Cyprus and Egypt. Amadi, p. 419; Strambaldi, p. 87; Florio Bustron, p. 267. It was to be clearly understood, however, that

*” Always anxious to pursue the unfinished business of this peace was in no way to constitute a church union with the Byzantine Emperor John V, Urban derogation or renunciation of his rights to the had written him from on 25and January, 1366, offering kinedem, £ "willc hichehe ; ded fully full to form a coalition of the Avignon kings of Cyprus Hungary— ingcom oO Jerusa intended together with Amadeo VI of Savoy, who would soon be [0 Maintain. Captives were to be released both

going east “with a large band of nobles”—to proceed in Egypt and in Cyprus. Fifty Cypriotes,

Soe a tte eeretae tdentified by royal leters as the kings familiar, Byzantine Church “ad obedientiam et unitatem Sanctae WS, to be allowed each year to make the

Romanae Ecclesiae” (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, pilgr image to the Holy Land without payment of

nos. 1-2, vol. VII [1752], p. 129). tribute or any other impediment.

. —21. TT

oo Machaut, Prise 4 (ilexandrie, woe PP ae Peter wished to be compensated for the Strambaldi, >. 87: Mechaut, Prise a Alexandvie. vv. 7244-65, expenses of his recent campaigns against Poe Machacras, I, bk. 1, pars. 219-222, pp. 200, 202; 101 Mas Latrie, II, 291-302, with a summary of the text in

Strambaldi, pp. 87-88. Predelli, Regesti det Commem., 111, bk. vil, no. 425, p. 72.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 281 Mamluk Syria, since he had been obliged to Republic.* On 17 August the Senate allowed go to war after the soldan had refused to him to purchase 2,000 stellae remorum from the ratify the treaty of peace which he had him- Arsenal as well as 1,500 ducats’ worth of arms self requested. Cypriote consuls, with the usual to send back to Cyprus. Given the heat and consular rights, were to be granted residence in humidity of August, Peter preferred Treviso to

all Mamluk ports and trading centers, and the Grand Canal, and on the twenty-first the Cypriote merchants who had paid their tax Senate instructed the podesta and captain of (drictum) were to be allowed to store their ‘Treviso and the rectors of Ceneda to receive merchandise in their houses and to sell to him with appropriate honors. The Republic also whom and when they chose. Among other agreed to allow him to sail from the lagoon “in commercial stipulations, Peter wanted aCypriote our ships and in his own” with a suite of 300 khan or fondaco to be built in Alexandria as a__ persons, provided he did so before the end of “common habitation” for his subjects. Some of September.’

his other requirements for peace had already Peter sailed from Venice on 23 September,’ been outlined in his public letter of 19 May, and Machaut indicates that he returned home and Peter now granted the Venetian and _ with the intention of renewing the war with the Genoese envoys, who were going to represent Saracens and with the expectation of claiming him in Cairo, some leeway in dealing with the the crown of the “bon royaume d’ Ermenie,” soldan’s government, but they were not tocom- for the Armenians had just elected him their mit him to any compromise or convention he king.’®’ But Peter never got to Armenia, because had not specified his willingness to undertake. on a Wednesday morning before daybreak, 17

Also if the envoys found that his brother John, January, 1369, he was murdered in his bedprince of Antioch and then regent in Cyprus, chamber by a trio of disaffected Cypriote had already begun negotiations for a settlement barons.'® with the soldan’s government, they were to assist and in no way to hinder the achievement ofsome _ 1 Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 136", dated 27 July, 1368: “Capta:

advantage for Cyprus. Mézieres and Guido Cum nuper comparuerit coram dominio quidam nuntius

da Bagnolo witnessed this document too, which domini regis Cipri cum litteris credulitatis inter alia requirens

like the public letter of the previous day quod iuxta formam pactorum possit extrahi facere de

, . . 7; 102 Wenectis equos CCL pro opportunitate sue insule, vadit pars

received the impression of the king’s great seal." quod concedatur. . . .”

The Genoese chose Cassano Cigalla as their 15 Misti, Reg. 32, fols. 139°-140', published in Mas envoy to Cairo, and the Venetians, Niccolo Latrie, II, 312. On 29 August, 1368, the Senate allowed Giustinian. Peter wrote his brother John to be [eter to arm his galley in Venice, “quia complaceatur prepared to set free the Saracen captives (then domino regi Cipri quod ari armari facere hic in Veneciis imprisoned at Kyrenia) when Cigalla and societate cum galeis nostris. . .” (ibid., fol. 142").

I : . . galeam suam cum qua vult redire in Ciprum eundo in

Giustinian should request their release. Accord- —' Iorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 381 and 383, note 2. ing to Machaeras, the envoys broke their voyage __*”’ Prise d’ Alexandrie, wv. 7314-57, 7936-55, pp. 222-24,

at Rhodes, and sailed from the Hospitaller 245-46 (Machaut, v. 7353, erroneously states that Peter . . left Venice on 28 September), and cf. Mas Latrie, II, 241,

stronghold on 25 June (1368), making directly note, 310~—11. Peter presumably learned of the failure of the for Alexandria, where emirs hostile to the idea of negotiations for peace with Egypt in the course of his return peace with Cyprus succeeded in frustrating their voyage to Cyprus (¢f. Hill, History of Cyprus, II, 359-60).

. . . ; -—47, . , ; S 1

mission, to Peter’s extreme annoyance.!% 4 P oe rau 0 nes. note Machaeras, ok Mt pars. Peter was going home. His stay in Italy had sojourn in Italy in 1368, see lorga, Philippe de Méziores pp.

been useless. At the end of July or the beginning = 369_81. ,

of August he had gone to Venice, where on 27 ~—'* Machaut, Prise d’ Alexandrie, vv. 8592-8769, pp.

July the Senate had granted him permission to 266-71; Amadh, PP.Coopland, on rambald, PP. . . orio Bustron, , —76; G. W. ed.,mets Le export 250 horses to Cyprus in ships of the coo a, vicil polerin [de Philippe de Métresl, 2 vols

————————_ Cambridge, 1969, I, 259; Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum

102 Mas Latrie, II, 302-8; Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, Avenionensium, 1, 371, 390; Mas Latrie, II, 332-45;

bk. vu, no. 426, p. 72. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 385-91, 394-95, note 5; 103 Machaeras, Recital, I, bk. 11, pars. 223-30, pp. 204-12; Hill, History of Cyprus, 11, 360-68. When he got back home,

Amadi, p. 419; Strambaldi, pp. 89-92; Florio Bustron, pp. Peter seems to have deviated into paranoia. One act of 267-68; Peter’s letter to John of Lusignan is given in — senseless tyranny and cruelty led to another, and finally to Mas Latrie, II, 308, dated 20 May, 1368, and summarized his violent death, as described at length by Machaeras, in Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. vil, no. 434, p. Recital, ed. Dawkins, I, bk. 11, pars. 259-81, pp. 238-68, and

73, where it is misdated 20 June. Ii, 137-38, and on the personal, financial, and juridical

282 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The death of the Christian champion, who was_ destructive, and somewhat frustrating weeks.!°

succeeded by his young son Peter II, was In the meantime the difficulties they had

naturally no inducement to the Egyptian govern- encountered in trying to arrange a peace had ment to make peace with Cyprus. When the led the Genoese and Venetian tradesmen to take Genoese envoy Cassano Cigalla reported to the an aggressive stance against the slippery govern-

new king’s uncle John, prince of Antioch and ment in Cairo. On 2 July, 1369, the Doge still regent of Cyprus, the failure to reach an Gabriele Adorno and the Anziani of Genoa

accord, John licensed privateers again to preyon appointed commissioners to discuss their comMoslem shipping going into Mamluk ports, and mon problem with the Doge Andrea Contarini more plunder was unloaded on the spacious and the commune of Venice.!"! On the twentydocks of Famagusta. John also armed four gal- sixth Urban V, who was then at Montefiascone, leys, which attempted a raid on Sidon (Saida’) promulgated a bull authorizing the two doges to

on 5 June, 1369, but after a day-long encounter form an alliance and make war against the with the Saracens, the Cypriotes were diverted soldan of “Babylon,” who had seized at from their objective by astorm. They wentonto Alexandria and in Syria citizens of the republics Beirut (Bairat), where they were dissuaded from and their goods as well as pilgrims of other namaking an attack by the two defense towers tions and their possessions.!"2 On the following which then stood like sentinels at the entrance day, the twenty-seventh, Urban issued another

to the harbor. bull, ad futuram rei memoriam, forbidding all

Continuing northward, they effected landings Christians to trade with the Saracens and anat Botron (al-Batrtn) and Tortosa (Tarts), and _nulling all “graces” which had been granted for

pillaged both places. They laid waste the coast- such trade. Those who violated the papal

land as far as Laodicea (al-Ladhigiyah), prohibitions exposed themselves to excomwhere once more strong defense towers ren- munication and their ships and goods to dered them averse to the dangers of an as- confiscation, to the advantage of any naval sault. On Sunday, 17 June, they hove in sight huntsmen who might seize them. Urban also of Lajazzo (Ayas) in Armenia, which escaped granted the plenary indulgence accorded to depredation, says Machaeras, “because of the crusaders to all who with a contrite heart should large garrison it had” (6ua tov woddvY AGOV TOV join the expedition.’

eixev). They spent three days at Port de Palli, At Montefiascone, on 28 July (1369), the

about ten miles southwest of Lajazzo,’°? and Veneto-Genoese alliance was solemnized in the then went on to Adalia (Antalya), where the convent of the Friars Minor under the watchful galleys were recaulked with pitch, which they eyes of Cardinal Marco da Viterbo. It was to got from nearby Gorigos. Presently they set last until Christmas, 1370, and each of the parties out for Alexandria, where on 9 or 10 July they was to furnish two armed galleys, which were to penetrated the harbor defenses. The Mamluks | sail from their home ports for Rhodes the followstill declined to discuss peace, and the Cypriotes ing month. When the squadron was united, the suffered severe casualties in a vain effort to seize command was to alternate each day between a a large Moroccan merchantman (weyaAn vaBa Venetian and a Genoese captain. The galleys pLaypamituxn) in the Old Harbor. Bypassing were to make for Alexandrian waters, where they Rosetta, the Cypriotes returned to Sidon, where were to remain until the end of November,

they landed again (on 19 July), defeating an seizing whatever subjects of the soldan and attempt of the garrison to ward them off, but Saracen property they could. If the Saracens were driven back to their galleys once more bya _ decided to free the Venetian and Genoese storm. They sailed on to Beirut, and then captives and to restore their goods, the captains

northwest to Famagusta, where they cast could act as seemed expedient, but neither anchor on 22 July, after seven adventurous, party was to negotiate a separate peace with

grievances of the Cypriote barons against Peter, see Jean 110 Machaeras, I, bk. m1, pars. 284-88, pp. 272-76; Richard, “La Révolution de 1369 dans le royaume de Amadi, p. 427; Strambaldi, pp. 115-16; Florio Bustron, p. Chypre,” Bibliothéque de l’ Ecole des Chartes, CX (1952), 108-23. = 277.

109 On the location of Port de Palli, Port de Paus, Portus 111 Predelli, Regesti det Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 506, pp. Pallorum, see E. G. Rey, “Les Périples des cétes de Syrie et 82-83. de la Petite Arménie,” Archives de I’ Orient latin, I1 (1884, 112 Thid., II, bk. vu, no. 509, p. 83.

repr. 1964), 348-49, with map at p. 329. 113 Thid., no. 510, p. 83.

THE SACK OF ALEXANDRIA 283 Cairo, and until a general peace was established, agreed to, in earnest and with lawful authority,

neither party would trade with the soldan’s says Machaeras, without evil intent or desubjects nor allow other Christians to do so. ception.”

The campaign of 1370 was to last from 1 May to Although the text of this treaty seems not to be

30 November, and provision was made for the extant, its general contents may perhaps be division of the captives and booty which the gathered from Peter I’s letters patent of May, galleys were expected to take. Both partiesbound 1368, but the Mamluks had no intention of themselves to payment of a penalty of 20,000 yielding to the dead king’s sweeping demands. gold florins for failure to abide by the articles The Hospitallers were of course included in the of this convention."4* On 29 July the pope treaty, certain provisions of which may also be directed Raymond Bérenger, master of the inferred from the charge given to Raymond de Hospital, and invited John of Lusignan, regent Lescure, the prior of ‘Toulouse, in November, of Cyprus, to join the alliance against the 1403, when he went to Cairo to secure ratificaSaracens.’ Venetian galleys were of course to tion of another accord with the Mamluks, which continue their commercial runs to Crete and_ was first of all to establish the fact “that the Cyprus." On 31 August the goods of Egyptian peace which was made after the taking of and Syrian subjects of the soldan were se- Alexandria should be maintained and observed

questered to the extent that the Venetian for all free peoples, as is contained in the government had access to them.""” articles which were then composed.” Among Little or nothing came of the Veneto-Genoese _ these articles were apparently stipulations pro-

alliance. The rival republics were not likely to viding for three months’ notice (not a year) collaborate very seriously in making war on the _ before the resumption of hostilities, the restora-

Mamluks, with whom they wanted to resume tion of the Latin consulates in Mamluk tertheir commercial ties. The Venetians and ‘itories, the right of Christian pilgrims to go to Genoese, therefore, as well as the Cypriotes the Holy Sepulcher and to the monastery of S. and Hospitallers, renewed their efforts—tantas Catherine in the valley below Mount Sinai, and

componere lites—to reach an understanding with _ the establishment of customs duties at fixed rates,

the soldan’s government in Cairo. There were which doubtless varied from Alexandria to long delays and further bickering. Urban V,how- Damascus.”® After five years of warfare and ever, was preoccupied with the affairs of Italy piracy, Latin trade was resumed in the Mamluk

and with his vain attempt to re-establish the ports of Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, but the papacy in Rome. No one could see another memory of the sack of Alexandria was not to be crusade on the horizon. Machaeras states that, forgotten or forgiven. when a Latin mission went to Cairo in August, The chancellor Philippe de Méziéres had 1370, the soldan first learned that Peter I was played no part in the negotiations which led to dead, and that the Cypriotes could expect no peace between Cyprus and Egypt, and which further help from Europe, “and he felt pity for destroyed his hopes for a great crusade to crush us [kai éomdayxviorny pas], and wanted to the Mamluks and regain the Holy Land. He was conclude the peace,”14® which would seem to be 1 Venice when he first learned of Peter I’s one of the least likely assertions in his entire death, and he neither desired nor dared to return chronicle. But the Mamluk government, then rent by internal discord, had doubtless suffered 19 Recital, 1, bk. 1, pars. 290-309, pp. 278-96; Amadi, enough from Cypriote raids, and so in the fall of pp. 428-29; Strambaldi, pp. 117-25; Florio Bustron, pp. 1370 the soldan of Egypt swore on the Koran, 277-80: Mas Tatrie, ior 50 jorge, Poiibbe de Méziéres,

. . —402; Hill, History o , Il, —76.

ae ee ence thee hel at lene lopath, __MPauli, Codice diplomatico del Scro Miliare Ordine

Gerosolimitano, II (1737), no. Lxxxvi, pp. 108-10: “Et primierement que la paix, qui fu faicte apres la prince

————— d’Alixandre, soit gardee et observee a toutes generacions 14 Ibid., no. 512, p. 84, and note nos. 513, 517-21. francx, selon quelle est contenue es chapitres qui en

5 Tbid., nos. 514-15, p. 85. furent feit” (p. 108). Pilgrims were still to pay the same drois 16 Misti, Reg. 33, fols. 28%, 30°. as they had paid “avant la prise d’ Alixandre” (for the 17 Misti, Reg. 33, fol. 30°. amounts, see, ibid., p. 109). Note Mas Latrie, II, 348-49; Hill, 18 Recital, I, bk. 11, par. 303, p. 288, but Strambaldi, History of Cyprus, 11, 376; and on Lescure, J. Delaville

pace.” 1886, I, 505-6.

p. 122, says that the soldan “non ha volesto finir la Le Roulx, La France en Orient au XIV® siecle, Paris,

284 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to the court where accomplices in the king’s This fragment of the true cross was to figure murder were daily to be seen. Méziéres seems prominently in religious processions throughout to have remained on the lagoon during the years the following century, and is still preserved at 1369-1370, turning his attention from the | the Scuola in a silver reliquary (in a recess over worldly disappointment of his past to the thealtar) inthe Hall of the Cross. In the years just spiritual discipline upon which he would build _ before and after 1500 some of the chief Venetian

his future. Having enjoyed the hospitality of artists of the time—Gentile Bellini, Vittore the Confraternity or Scuola of S. Giovanni Carpaccio, Giovanni Mansueti, and Lazzaro Evangelista (one of the six Scuole Grandi in Bastiani— painted enormous canvases for the Venice), whose church, guild hall, and hospice Scuola, depicting the miracles which the relic were near the Frari in Venice, Méziéres gave had performed in Venice. After the establishthe confraternity a tiny piece of the true cross. ment of the Accademia in the complex of He had acquired it as a legacy from the revered buildings at S. Maria della Carita (in the early Pierre Thomas, who had carried it in a jeweled nineteenth century), all these canvases were processional cross during the attack upon finally removed to the Academy Gallery, includAlexandria. Pierre had received the precious ing Bastiani’s painting of the ceremony in which fragment from a delegation of Syrian Christians Philippe de-Méziéres gave the Venetians his in 1360. Now, in a solemn ceremony in the’ chief treasure. Recently cleaned and restored, Church of S. Giovanni Evangelista after masson these paintings hang together in a special room

23 December, 1370, Méziéres removed his (built for them in 1940), but among the many mantle, bared his head, and fell to his knees thousands who see them every year, there are before a “copious multitude of people,” as he few for whom the name of Philippe de Méziéres presented the fragment to Andrea Vendramin, can have much meaning. guardian of the Scuola, and to the officials and fratelli who stood by. Méziéres swore that imo 5. Glavanni ostolo ed sta ant aninacot he firmly believed his gift to be “del legno glorioso ; stovannt apostoto e evange wta, con aicunt miraco t

medemo sopra il qual in croce ha patito Jesu ‘le santsina cnce ch ener nlla seule grads ti det

Signor nostro. Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 393-94, 402-3; Boehlke, Pierre de

—____ Thomas (1966), pp. 280, 301-2. There is a brief history of 121 The text of a notarized, eyewitness account of the the church and its artistic treasures by G. M. Urbani de ceremony is given by Louis de Mas Latrie, “Nouvelles Gheltof, Guida storico-artistica della Scuola di S. Giovanni Preuves de l’histoire de Chypre,” Bibliotheque de Ecole des Evangelista in Venezia, Venice, 1895, 72 pp., with eight Charities, XXXIV (1873), 75-76, note, from the Vita del documents.

13. THE CRUSADE OF AMADEO VI OF SAVOY, JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS IN ROME AND VENICE (1366-1371) A 1iHOUGH the Christian occupation of He was in Avignon in January, 1364, when he Smyrna (in 1344) and that of Adalia (in joined a league (colligatio) with the count of 1361) caused excitement in the chanceries of Valentinois, the seneschal of Provence and Europe, the sack of Alexandria was to remain Forcalquier, the governor of Dauphiné, and the the crusading event of the century. We have al- papal rector of the Comtat-Venaissin for deready had occasion to note the deferred plans of fense against the ravaging free companies.’ Amadeo VI, the Green Count of Savoy, to lead It is almost certain that this was the time when he an expedition against the Saracens or the Turks. took the cross,> and founded the crusading Since the chroniclers and papal biographers do Order of the Collar, “an order of fifteen knights not mention his presence at the Curia on Good in honor of the fifteen joys of Our Lady.”®

Friday, 31 March, 1363—-when John II of In any event, by the bulls of the following 1 France and Peter I of Cyprus both received the April Urban V granted Amadeo all the hitherto signum crucis at Urban V’s hands'—Iorga was led unspent legacies, gifts, confiscations, fines, and

to doubt Amadeo’s participation in the pa- penances which had been bequeathed, given, geantry which attended the two kings’ sojourn assigned, or levied pro dicto passagio et Terre in Avignon.” The documents justify lorga’s mis- Sancte subsidio in the county of Savoy and its givings, but we know that Amadeo took the cross dependencies for the preceding twelve years at Avignon some time before 1 April, 1364.2 and for the next six. Certain unassigned funds

rae . were also to be applied to the crusade. When Cf. Etienne Baluze and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Vitae restitution could not be made of the profits of paparum Avenionensium, Paris, 1914-22, I, 352-53, hefacquisia, : dal / suc -h 384, 396, 400; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,4advols., ann. 1363, nos. usury, the t, rapine, and alia male 14-18, vol. VII (Lucca, 1752), pp. 85-88; and above, p. 245a. ill-gotten gains were to be used for the next six *N. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres (1327-1405) et la croisade years to help finance the expedition against the

oulx, La France en Orient au © siecle, Paris, JL .

re x I sec mone ne P- roe contrary 0 J. Delawue Saracens, who had seized and still held the Holy 120, 141 (followed by A. S. Atiya, The Crusade in the Lar Land. Repentant usurers and thieves, who Middle Ages, London, 1938, pp. 332, note, 381), who asserts Gropped into Amadeo’s crusading coffers the that Amadeo took the cross in the ceremony on Good funds which could not be returned to those Friday of 1363. Pietro Datta, Spedizione in Oriente di Amedeo whom they had victimized, might be given VI conte di Savoia, provata con inediti documenti, Turin, 1826, absolution. Amadeo was also to receive a tithe

pp. 11-12, deduced Amadeo’s presence in Avignon from a £ all church in th £S

bull which he misdated 1 April, 1363, and thus misled De- ©! 2/4 Church revenues in the county of savoy laville Le Roulx (see the following note). Amadeo was, tobe for the next six years, excepting those of the sure, in Avignon at the beginning of the French king’s visit cardinals, the Hospitallers and members of other to roan. Vi he arrived about 2 December, 1362, but left military orders, and priests who, having obtained tieth (see Jean Cordey, Les Comtes de Savoie et, les rois de the necessary license, were themselves somes on France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans [1329-1391], Paris, the crusade. One-half the tithe in a given year 1911, pp. 166—70 [Bibliothéque de I’ Ecole des hautes was to be collected on the feast of the Purifiétudes, no. 189]). There is no evidence, however, that

en or voy, where ne arrived on e twen- ° *

Amadeo took the crusading vow in December, 1362. a .

3 Seven bulls dated 1 April, 1364 (not 1363), granting * Maurice Prou, Etude sur les relations politiques du pape Amadeo a princely range of crusading concessions, have Urbain V avec les rois de France Jean I et Charles V (1362been published in apparently good texts by F. E. Bollati 1370), Paris, 1888, pp. 34—35 with docs. XXVII-XXVIII, pp. di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni della spedizione in Oriente di 110-11; cf. Paul Lecacheux, ed., Lettres secrétes et curiales Amedeo VI (il Conte Verde), Turin, 1900, docs. vI-xul, pp. du pape Urbain V (1362-1370) se rapportant a la France, I, 344-67 (Biblioteca storica italiana, VI): “Cum tu in dicto fasc. 1 (1902), no. 847, pp. 124-25, and Eugene L. Cox, passagio [ad Terram Sanctam et partes infidelium Orientis] | The Green Count of Savoy: Amadeus VI and Transalpine Savoy

vel ante cum tua potentia transfretare disponas, prout hoc in the Fourteenth Century, Princeton, 1967, pp. 179-80. apud Apostolicam Sedem corporaliter iuravisti et recepisti venera- 5 See Dino Muratore, “La Nascita e il battesimo del primo-

bile signum crucis . . .” (doc. v1, p. 344, and cf. docs. vu, genito di Gian Galeazzo Visconti e la politica viscontea Ix, X, pp. 349, 354-55, 358). This work is hereafter cited as nella primavera del 1366,” Archivio storico lombardo, 4th ser.,

Bollati di Saint-Pierre, I/lustrazioni. The bulls in question IV (Milan, 1905), 264. are all dated at Avignon Kalendis Aprilis, pontificatus nostri § Jean Servion, Chroniques de Savoye, in-the Monumenta anno secundo (i.e. 1364), but unfortunately Bollati di Saint- _historiae patriae (hereafter abbreviated MHP), III, Scriptores, Pierre has misdated them alla year too early: Datta, Spedizione 1 (Turin, 1840), cols. 294-96, “. . . ung ordre de quinze in Oriente, pp. 225-42, had already made the same mis- _ chivalliers en lonnour des quinze ioyez de Notre Dame,” and

take. see Cox, Green Count of Savoy, pp. 180-86, 371-72. 285

286 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cation of the Virgin (usually 2 February), and with a council, to which Amadeo named seven the other half on the feast of the Assumption members, of whom two or three should always

(15 August).’ be with her when she made decisions."

King John II of France had made it clear Although the bulls of 1 April, 1364, had

that he could not set out for the East be- emphasized that Amadeo was going on a crusade

fore the date established for the departure of the _ to help recover the Holy Land’ (in concert with

main body of crusaders (1 March, 1365), butthe Peter I of Cyprus), some doubt was now expope expected Amadeo as well as Peter I of pressed at the Curia Romana as well as at the Cyprus to do so (ante dictum terminum).° Since court of Savoy as to where Amadeo should Aniadeo needed the funds provided forin these really go. A crusade against the Saracens in F s to organize his expedition, the episcopacy Egypt and Syria would require extensive trans-

ot pavoy anc beyond was civected to proceed port which neither the Venetians nor the fn the collection ¥ he fe pgacies, gifts, Genoese would supply. The Alexandria crusade aa a eectition an V fe 1 , or the use of the had already done more than enough damage to

Hol ae on and tor the recovery of the their trade in cotton, silk, spices, and other On 31 iy. 1365. the A lice C 4 imports from the Levant. But the Turks of the

one Gi Jey Bartel * § posto - 4 sand sibee Anatolian emirates were a constant threat to smith wh i din ‘Axio MIB He 7 * O9 « Nidi western shipping and to the Latin states in 7 mer ¢ oth Id. ver. HOTINS, 44 SOM d Greece, including Negroponte and the Venetian

sn ok ae he Nee , abet Pros een an ¢ lordships in the Aegean. Smyrna was still in th den 'P hich U be ov e PA eee Of Latin hands, and needed protection. The poor

L © S S, nda w 93 M. “h 365. Bar oh Byzantines had been reduced to such despair by

had - © as ay ( 4 arch) 18 0 Hort he Ottoman aggression that perhaps they would S jard ye Flore, on ancch o ted ° "8 now return to the warm bosom of the Latin

Alor; ar 1 ° m0 Tr, WwW 1 4 amounte ; 4 Church if they were rescued from their plight Amadeo’s pproachin © ae ‘ce t 5 Ch sender by the crusade. Amadeo had been spending the as a crusa ac ran the le s . ce da h msten ood ecclesiastical tithes for almost two years. Al-

to set out “ evant, am tthe ae are@ though his preparations had been extensive, his

Out overseas . . . against the oaracens, — forces would hardly be adequate for the recovery Turks, and other infidels,” appointed his ; P of the Holy Land. One must he employ them, howwife Bonne de Bourbon as “governess and ad-

1s 9 . . of; ever, somewhere, somehow for the good of ministrator” his domains. She was to receive .. , Latin Christendom. all the revenues of the county of Savoy and its Louis the Great of H had been talkin dependencies, wherein until his return she b tt th © ‘ead ° f eee th A ty 0 ae

would maintain justice and tranquillity. As usual BOO ae Urba ard d ore ‘ d to bmn i under such circumstances, Bonne was to rule ever since wroan ad appealec’ 0

a7Bollati May, 1363. Louis wanted to see a powerful di Saint-Pierre, Ilustrazioni, docs. vi-vu, 1x, thrust push the Turks from the Balkans back

xr PP.,344 ff.VII, 351-52, f. d 361 Asia Minor, spent the 1364doc. pp.and —52, andinto cf. doc. XI, p. and . : ration forwinter such of a cam-

9 Ibid., docs. VIMI-IX, XII-XIH, pp. 351 ff., 365 ff., doc. xIt 1365 "T apparent M3 ee “he V ° . | d being dated 5 May, 1364..These bulls were addressed to paign. in January, »t e Venetians carne

the archbishops of Lyon and Tarentaise and the bishops of that ten galleys were being armed for him in Macon, S. Jean de Maurienne, Grenoble, Belley, Geneva, Provence, and that he had issued a call to arms in Lausanne, Sion (Sitten), Aosta, Ivrea, and Turin. Charles Zara and elsewhere in Dalmatia. The Senate beIV had made Amadeo the imperial vicar over such of

these dioceses as were not in Savoyard territory (Dela- ———————

ville Le Roulx, France en Orient, I, 142). On 30 June, 1364, 11The legal instruments giving Bonne the potestas Urban urged Amadeo to pursue “diligently” his plans for —regiminis may be found in Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illuthe crusade (Paul Lecacheux, Lettres secrétes et curiales, 1, strazioni, docs. 1-u, pp. 329-35. Bollati di Saint-Pierre

fasc. 2 [1906], no. 1053, p. 164). has published in this volume the financial accounts of

10K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer Amadeo’s expedition, kept by the careful clerk Antoine

unter den Papsten Urban V. und Gregor XI. (1362-1378), Barbier from 12 June, 1366, to 22 January, 1368, Paderborn, 1937, p. 126. Bartoli also received five florins “videlicet de uno anno integro et triginta duabus septimanis.”

for making a beaker (picherius) for the pope’s bedchamber. 2Cf. Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, doc. X, p. Urban sent special couriers to Amadeo on 3 October, 1363, 357: “. . . ad recuperationem Terre Sancte . . . verbum on the same date in 1364, and on 5 August, 1365, the last crucis mandavimus predicari omnibus transfretaturis in courier carrying with him a “certain bull” (ibid., pp. 16, 69, [generali] passagio, indulgentiam et privilegia . . . auc-

107). toritate apostolica concedentes. . . .”

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 287 came apprehensive.”* Louis soon announced his The Alexandria crusade had stirred the intention, however, of proceeding against imagination of Europe, and the exploits of the Ladislaus, the voivode of Wallachia, who had_ king of Cyprus excited emulation. The proparevolted against his suzerainty; but Ladislaus, ganda of crusading preachers had its effect, and terrified by the extent of the new Hungarian bourgeois and peasants alike wanted their rulers

armament, mended his manners; and in the too to strike a blow for the cross. Louis the spring of 1365 Louis marched against western Great of Hungary appeared to be serious in his Bulgaria, took Vidin by storm, and brought back plans for a crusade. He sent two envoys to

with him to Hungary the Bulgarian prince Venice to help arrange for the naval transport Sracimir as a prisoner.’* During the winter of of some of his troops. On 10 March, 1366, 1365-1366 Louis continued his offensive Leonardo Dandolo, son of the late Doge Andrea, against the western Bulgarians, but when the was commissioned to go as the Republic’s represpring came, he appeared to be ready to turn sentative to Louis to discuss the matter. Louis’s his arms against the Turks,> presumably in two envoys had assured the Doge Marco Corner

co-operation with Amadeo of Savoy. and the Collegio of the friendship of their king,

In a letter dated 25 January, 1366, to which who had Just issued orders in all his domains we have already alluded, Pope Urban made what “that the citizens and merchants of Venice he regarded as an attractive proposal to the should be well and favorably treated.” Dandolo Byzantine Emperor John V Palaeologus. If the Was to thank his Majesty for this gesture of amity.

latter was now ready to fulfill the intention, The Hungarians had then requested perwhich he had long professed, of delivering his Mission to arm, at their king’s expense, from people from schism, the Curia Romana would two to five galleys in the Arsenal at Venice,

form an alliance of Louis of Hungary, Peter of saying that it was his Majesty’s intention to go perCyprus, and Amadeo of Savoy, “your cousin” sonally with a great army by land and sea to the aid of (consanguineus tuus), to exalt the Latin faith in the empire of Romania against the Turks, and that the Levant and to subdue the obdurate hostility this was at the request and the desire of the lord of the impious Saracens and the abominable emperor of Constantinople: furthermore his said Turks, “your chief enemies.” John was not much ambassadors have asserted that the intention of the concerned with the Saracens. The Ottoman [0rd king, having considered the state of Christendom, Turks,, however, almost at his doorstep was very by no means go into the areas of Syria and ? .,+* were Egypt because of the greatto [commercial] losses Amadeo was going east, the pope wrote, with a which would follow therefrom forall the world . . . , large force of nobles, and his expedition would and they have ended by affirming that his royal give the Greeks the opportunity of achieving the Majesty’s intention was to keep the said galleys in security of their state as well as the salvation of _ readiness in the waters of Adalia and at the mouth

their souls.!® {of the Gulf] to prevent the Turks from descending [upon] Greece [and retreating therefrom] into

8 Sime Ljubi¢, Listine, in Monumenta spectantia historiam Turkey.

CXXXII, pp. 76-77. d to offer him “t th to fi

Slavorum meridionalium, IV (Zagreb, 1874), nos. CXxxH— Dandolo could inform the king that Venice was 14S. Steinherz, “Die Beziehungen Ludwigs I. von Ungarn prepared to olter him two or three or up to tive zu Karl IV. (1358-1373),” Mitteilungen des Instituts fir galleys, to be armed entirely at our expense, for Gsterreichische Geschichtsforschung, IX (Innsbruck, 1888), the period of six months, as requested on his

Thay 567 royal Majesty’s behalf.” Dandolo was to remind © Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, nos. 1-2, vol. vir. the king that the Venetians were at peace with

(1752), p. 129. John V’s father, Andronicus III (1328- the emperor of Constantinople, and enjoyed 1341), had married Amadeo’s aunt Jeanne of Savoy, certain rights and jurisdiction, pacts and franknown as Anna Palaeologina, on whose influence in the Byzantine empire, see Ursula V. Bosch, Kaiser Andronikos §—————— II. Palaiologos, Amsterdam, 1965. Although Cox, Green Urbain V se rapportant 4 la France, 1, fasc. 3 [Paris, n.d.], no. Count of Savoy, pp. 206-7, states that on 6 January, 1366, 2105, pp. 368-69). Datta, Spedizione in Oriente, p. 21, alludes Urban, giving up hope of seeing a large-scale crusade set forth to a bull of 27 January, 1365, revoking all the ecclesiastical to the East, revoked the bulls (of April, 1364) granting concessions made to Amadeo, which led Delaville Le Roulx,

the sexennial tithe to Amadeo, on the twenty-seventh France en Orient, I, 141, to assume that Amadeo persisted Urban directed the episcopate of Savoy to collect and pay in his plans for the eastern expedition without such Amadeo the tthe to help finance the passagium generale he financial assistance, but the grant of tithes was clearly in and his troops were about to undertake (Paul Lecacheux effect on 27 January, 1366 (and Delaville Le Roulkx, op. cit., and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Lettres secrétes et curiales du pape proceeds to contradict himself on p. 144).

288 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT chises in the empire, and that they were also at north on the Danube and by land all the way to peace with the emirs of Miletus and Ephesus the Hungarian capital." (cum dominis Palacie et Teologt). The king should In a long letter of 1 July, 1366, Pope Urban of course bear in mind that Venice would need _ told the Emperor John of the reception at the ample notice in advance in order to prepare the Curia of the Byzantine envoy George “Magnigalleys for such time as his Majesty might re- cartes” (Manicaites), the imperial chancellor, and

quire them.” of the Hungarian envoy Stephen de Insula, That the doge should find it necessary to re- bishop of Neutra (Nyitra, now Nitra), a sufframind Louis that Venice was at peace with the gan of the see of Gran (Esztergom). They had Turkish emirates of Miletus and Ephesus, is reported, as Urban informed John,

quite understandable. But why remind him

that Venice was at peace with Byzantium, and how you have personally visited King [Louis] in his did not wish to see any disruption or diminu- “ity of Buda with fraternal affection, and how with tion of her special privileges in the empire? mutual good will and application you have [both] Apparently the Venetian government suspected discussed your reconciliation and that of your people

te . with the Roman Church, mother and and mistress of. all Louis’s intentions on the Bosporus, someone . n the S h b d that. if th the faithful . . . , and you have solemnly promised

in the senate must Have observe at, Ut Une the king, and confirmed with an oath, that you and poor Greeks were going to have the Hungarians your sons, the noble Manuel and Michael, would as allies, they would not need the Turks as accept, discharge, and fulfill all [the dictates] which we

enemies. might impose upon you and your sons, for the honor As the Ottoman Turks moved about on the | of the Roman Church and the increase of the Catholic western side of the Bosporus, fear had taken _ faith.

hold of the Byzantine court, and the Emperor . oo, John V went vo Buda, where he venewed his he Christian world would rejoice in the Greeks’ oath to accept Latin Catholicism for two of his Teturn to the fold. .

sons as well as for himself. He promised obe- Urban sent the emperor the fider formula to dience to Rome in return for defense against which the Greeks were to subscribe, and inthe Turks. It was the first time a ruling emperor formed King Louis that he had done so, for he of Byzantium had gone into a foreign land as a wanted the king to see to it that the Greeks

suppliant in search of military aid for his made a full profession of Catholic faith and a people and (as one must have said in Avignon) Proper abjuration of their long-standing schism. in search of their spiritual salvation as well. In an When he gave the chancellor George leave to

address of June or July, 1366, in which he ‘Teturn to the emperor, Urban dispatched two urged his countrymen gratefully to accept the Uncios of his own to the king and (if the latter aid of the Latins against the Turks, Demetrius 2PProved) to the emperor. The nuncios were Cydones (himself a Aatwvogpwv and convert to Guillaume de Noellet, a doctor of both laws Catholicism) has described the hardships of the 294 curial auditor causarum, and the Augustinian emperor’s long journey to Hungary “in the dead friar Rudolph of Citta di Castello, a professor of winter.” John had left Constantinople with a of theology. They would give both the Hunsmall retinue, probably in January (1366), sailed 84ians and the Greeks whatever explanations along the western shores of the Black Sea to the might be needed, and would see to the observmouths of the Danube, then up the Danube, @C of all legal and religious details.

skirting northern Bulgaria, through Vidin, and _ —_——_—_——— 1® Dem. Cydones, Oratio pro subsidio Latinorum, in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Lettere segrete del Collegio Patrologia graeca, vol. 154 (Paris, 1866), cols. 1000-1, on

(1363-1366), fols. 176’—177', with a faulty transcription in which note Const. Jiretek, in his review of the first volume of Gusztav Wenzel, ed., Magyar diplomacziai emlékek, in Monu- N. lorga’s Osmanisches Reich, in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift,

menta Hungariae historica, Acta extera, II (Budapest, 1875), XVIII (1909), 583.

no. 479, pp. 643-45. The Hungarian envoys informed #9 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl. ad ann. 1366, nos. 4—9, vol. VII the doge and Collegio “quod intentio sue regie Maiestatis (1752), pp. 130-32; Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, HU, no. 484, erat habere dictas galeas in mari paratas ad partes Satalie pp. 650—51. Cf. Urban’s letter of 1 July to Louis the Great

et ad bucham ad turbandum quod Turchi non possent of Hungary in Aug. Theiner, ed., Vetera monumenta historica descendere de parcibus Grecie supra Turchiam.” Cf. lorga, Hungariam sacram illustrantia, 2 vols., Rome, 1859-60, II, Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 330-31. On 28 February (1366) no. CXL, pp. 73—74. Noellet’s safe-conduct is dated 23 July,

the Senate had authorized Dandolo to borrow money, if 1366 (Lecacheux and Mollat, I, fasc. 3, nos. 2337-38, p. he should find it necessary, to defray the expenses of 408); he was also being sent to the Emperor Charles IV his embassy to the Hungarian court (Misti, Reg. 31, fol.131"). —_ (zbid., no. 2328, p. 406).

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 289 By a bull of the same date (1 July) addressed the Signoria on 24 July (1366), thanking them to the archbishops of Gran, Kalocsa, Zara, for their generous offer of the two to five galleys.

Spalato, and Ragusa, and their suffragans, He said that he would let them know in due Urban directed the Hungarian clergy to time when and where the galleys should be sent preach the crusade, pin the cross on the shoul- for his use.”* He would also let them know, ders of those who were going to be useful, and presumably, how many galleys he wanted.

grant the crusaders who accompanied King At this point (on 22 June) Urban V wrote Louis the plena suorum peccaminum venia. As Louisa rather strange (and highly controverted)

usual, the indulgence was extended to those letter to the effect that, although the negotium who by their gifts of money made it possible defensionis Grecorum should be undertaken to for others to take the field against the Turks. assure the return of the Greeks to union with the Strong boxes (truncz) with three locks were to be Church of Rome, it should be done prudently placed in all cathedral, collegiate, and parochial and with due reflection. After all, the Greeks

churches; the faithful were to be urged to werea deceitful and slippery people, as many an deposit their “alms” in these boxes to the extent old church chronicle would reveal, and very that God should inspire them for the remis- likely they were now taking their apparent sion of their sins. Three locks required three steps toward union less of their own free will and keys, and (as usual) the bishop was tokeepone;a devotion than from sheer military necessity, prelate or priest, the second; and a layman of since Louis stood ready to help them against the proven character, the third. Once a week a mass Turks when they renounced the schism. One was to be said in all churches in Hungary “for must employ caution in dealing with them. If the safety of the king and for the success of this Louis had in fact promised the emperor or his sacred enterprise.”*° At the same time Urban emissaries to assist them within a certain speciaddressed a crusading bull to Louis, at the latter’s fied time, Urban now “suspended” his promise own request (nobisque humiliter supplicasti), m for one year, although “in the meantime you which he inveighed against the impious Turks, may aid them with some armed force or other, whose madness had grown with their increasing if it should seem worthwhile to you.”

attacks upon the faithful Christians who re- ‘The pope’s letter is hard to explain, and stands mained steadfast in their devotion to the Latin out in strong contrast to his efforts to promote Church (fideles... in unitate Eccleste persis- the crusade, especially since John V and his sons tentes). Urban granted Louis and his followers had renewed their oaths to accept Catholicism. the full indulgence received by crusaders who But it is well known that Louis and John did went overseas to fight for the recovery of the not get along well in their meetings at Buda, and Holy Land,” but he saw the Hungarian expedi- Halecki has suggested that Louis himself may tion primarily as a means of protecting Catholics have asked for this “suspension” of a year, and in the Latin states in Greece and the islands, the papal text may in fact reflect the terms in who had indeed remained steadfast in the faith which Louis made the request. The pope’s of their fathers for a century and a half. If the answer to a petition often rehearses the words of Greeks derived some benefit from Louis’s ef- the petitioner.2* Halecki’s theory is almost forts, so much the better; though unfortunately convincing. they were schismatics, they were at least ChrisHans. But for military operations to be con- 22 Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, II, no. 483, p. 650; Ljubié, ducted directly to their advantage, they must Listine, in Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum merireturn to the protective embrace of Latin dionalium, IV, no. cxLix, pp. 86-87; R. Predelli, Regesti dei

Catholicism. Commemoriali, III (Venice, 1883), bk. vil, no. 263, p. 47.

When Leonardo Dandolo had fulfilled his 3 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, no. 3, vol. VII mission, Louis wrote the doge on 20 June and (1752) .P. 130: Theiner, Mowmenta Hungarae saaae, gente succurras si tibi expediens videatur.” Walter Norden,

———— Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903, repr. New York, ?° 'Theiner, Monumenta Hungariae sacrae, II, no. CXLVI, pp. 1958, pp. 704-5, note, finds this letter characteristic of 76-79. the papal policy of not trying to aid the schismatics against 71 Theiner, Monumenta Hungariae sacrae, 1, no. CXLu, the infidels. pp. 74-75; Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, 11, no. 482, pp. 74 Cf. Oskar Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome 648-50; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1366, no. 10, vol. (1355-1375), Warsaw, 1930, pp. 129-32. It appears that VII (1752), pp. 132-33. These two texts are replete with Louis and his zealous mother Elizabeth of Poland had inthe recurring formulae employed in crusading bulls. sisted that John and his suite receive a second baptism,

290 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Through the summer of 1366, however, Louis by way of Segna (Senj) in the northeastern gave every indication of continuing with his corner of the Adriatic. On 9 February, 1367, plans and preparations for the crusade. On 20 the Republic had reluctantly given Francesco September he repeated his thanks to his amici permission to transport his men “through our

carissimi, the Venetians, for their offer of “two, waters and to rent our ships at his own expense three, or up to five galleys armed wholly at your as far as Segna.”** Francesco, the friend of expense for a period of six months against the Petrarch, had been the first of the Carraresi to Turks.” But when Louis considered the trials abandon the alliance of his house with Venice.

and burdens which the Venetians bore every He had thrown in his lot with Hungary, and day as well as their pacts with the Turks of turned against the Republic in the war for Miletus and Ephesus, he did not want to involve Dalmatia. The Venetians hated him, and usually

them, he said, in the crusade any more than assumed that no good could come of any enterwas essential. He asked to be supplied with the prise with which he was connected. finished hulls (corpora) of five galleys and with —_—_]_ouis continued to play the part of a crusader,

the necessary armaments and oars; he would and in December, 1366, we find him negotiating equip them and provide the crews and other with Ragusa to acquire a galley “to serve in the Pattee at his own expense.” In this way the expedition going to Constantinople.”?® When he fin s wou'd presumably have no way of identi- had first begun talk of the crusade, he may have reas i e source of ie galleys, and ros the thought of assisting the Greeks against the Turks aint lan emirs would have no cause for com- (for an appropriate price). Having arranged DR oe abn Venice. With no Venetians aboard, for the loan of the two Venetian galleys—withHun sian ic woud be hard Pal to keep the out the impediment of Venetian crews— Louis

Th Ven Gan © el; cr surver friendl b finally wrote the doge that he no longer wanted Louis’s pro ceal re arr ed furthe scot; My ul to use the galleys against the Turks on behalf

; PYOP vod. er negoulaton, a8 of the Byzantine emperor. The well-informed

is clear to the Giangiacomo Doge Marco oi onicler Giang; Carold of C f 6-7from D b his A: letters chronicler Caroldo, secretary

orner oO the jp.o¢ ‘1 of Ten in th lv sj h following & ecember Marchthey they(1366).° had £ By e Council of Ten ollowing arch hadled settled for two , ;in the early sixteenth cen-

; , ury, summarizes the sequel for us:

galleys with the appropriate arms and equipment.?7 Louis was at least as slippery as the His Majesty [now] had the intention of making war

Greeks with whom he had become disaffected, on the king of Serbia and the emperor of Bulgaria and the Venetians had probably reduced their and perhaps on the emperor of Constantinople, offer to two galleys, because he had applied to since he [John V] was unwilling to observe the pacts his friend Francesco da Carrara for 300 foot- Which he ¢ had with him—which lemperor] did soldiers, whom he wished to have enter Hungary °t.cease trom conspiring against his roya’ Slajesty; having engaged in many intrigues. He [Louis]

TT would, therefore, be very grateful for the accommointo the Roman Church, before receiving any aid from dation of the galleys, to be armed at his own expense. Hungary. The demand was unacceptable to the Greeks; Reply was made to his Majesty that the Venetian it was also contrary to the canons of both Churches. See Republic had agreements with the emperor of Conthe important study by Jean Meyendorff, “Projets de .santinople, confirmed by an oath, and that the king of

concile oecuménique en 1367: Un Dialogue inédit entre Rasc; Serb; V . . ‘th wh

Jean Cantacuzéne et le légat Paul,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, ascla or Serbia was a Venetian citizen, with whom XIV (1960), 149-77, esp. pp. 154-55, 166, 173. The [the Republic] had pacts and the obligation of dealing Hungarians, says Meyendorff, were “more papist than with him as a friend. And they also had a peace with the pope.” They were also somewhat irascible as a result the emperor of the Bulgarians, whose country Veneof their resentment of the Bogomiles, who lived in Slavic tian merchants frequented and [in which] they traded (and some even in Byzantine) territory, on which note P. securely. For that reason, might it please his Majesty Wirth, “Die Haltung Kaiser Johannes’ V. bei den Verhandlungen mit Kénig Ludwig I. von Ungarn zu Buda im =———————

Jahre 1366,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LVI (1963), 271-72. 28 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 32°. 25 Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, 11, no. 485, pp. 651-52; The document is dated “1366, die VIIII Febr.” (more Ljubié, Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. cL, p. 88; Predelli, Regesti veneto), i.e. 1367, and is correctly given in Ljubi¢, Listine, in

dei Commem., UI, bk. vu, no. 284, p. 50. MHSM, IV, no. CLVI, p. 90, contrary to Halecki, Un Em26 Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, I1, nos. 486-88, pp. 652-53; pereur de Byzance & Rome, p. 133, note 3. The incorrect

Ljubi¢, Listine, in MHSM, IV, nos. CLII-CLV, pp. 88-89; date given in Latin at the beginning of the document in Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, nos. 311-13, p. 54. Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, II, no. 490, p. 654, was made 27 Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, II, no. 492, p. 655; Ljubié, up by the editor, and is no part of the original text. Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. CLvu, p. 90; Predelli, Regesti det 29 Monumenta Ragusina, IV, ed. Jos. Gelcich (in MHSM,

Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 337, p. 59. XXVIII [Zagreb, 1896]), p. 75.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 291

8 Bary “mp 3 p

to excuse the Republic. From this discord between Amadeo had apparently already asked the the king of Hungary and the emperor of Constan- Venetian government for permission to lease tinople . . . the Turk then seized the fine oppor- five galleys and two fuste, “and he offered,” says

tunity to increase his strength and to extend his Caroldo, “once his expedition to assist the

forces into Europe. emperor [John V] had been launched, to place all Such was the result of Louis the Great’s advocacy ts forces at the service of the Venetian Siof acrusade to sweep the Turks from the Balkan gnoria.” Although neither the Deliberazion

peninsula. miste of the Senate Collegio nor the Lettere segrete of the confirm this statement, Caroldo knew In the meantime Amadeo VI, the Green the documents in the archives of his time. Since,

Count of Savoy, had been going on with his own however, Venetian envoys both in Cairo and in plans for the crusade. He left the castle of Le Avignon were trying to effect the resumption of

Bourget (near Chambéry), his favorite resi- trade with Alexandria, the Republic was taking dence, on 8 February (1366) to cross the Alps; no chances, and politely declined Amadeo S he wanted to settle his affairs in Piedmont, seek Tequest. Pope Urban remonstrated with Venice

financial aid from Galeazzo II Visconti and 1 @ forceful letter of 31 March (1366), by

galleys from Genoa and Venice for his expedi- Which time the government had already retion, and try at the pope’s behest and in his own _ ented, especially under pressure from the Visinterests to make peace between Galeazzo’s ob- COnU. But on o Apr Amadeo ‘his opigce to

streperous brother Bernabd and the shaky Promise in writing that during ‘is expedition

government of Genoa. Amadeo arrived at Susa © the Holy Land he would not molest anyone on 13 February by way of the Mont Cenis Pass; Syrian waters or allow his men to do so without on the fifteenth he was at Rivoli, then the seat of the consent of the Republic, and on this condi-

the Savoyard governor of Piedmont. On the tion the Venetians allowed him to lease two

twenty-sixth he was at Milan, where he remained galleys,’ one of which was to be commanded by

some days with Bernabo, who entertained him, the Venetian Saracin Dandolo and the other, but had little interest in his proposals for peace. according to Romanin, by the celebrated LucWhile still at Milan, Amadeo learned that his Chino dal Verme.™ Although his name occurs

fourteen-year-ol h

V;isconu, e mf °“conte a. Vice > th Gian caeazzZ0 32 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. .Vat. 248, fols. 67”—68': di Virtu, the son of GaleazzO —“Nilectis filiis nobili viro Marco Cornario duci ac consilio et II, had become the father of a boy, and he comuni Venetiarum salutem, etc.: . . . sane dilectus filius hastened to Pavia on or before 9 March to offer Amedeus comes Sabaudie nobis significare curavit quod his congratulations and to seek money and arms Ipset et nonnulli noes et potentes eius sori volentes ad . vs efensionem sacre fidei impugnationem ultramarinorum

for the coming expedition. The baby had been infidelium transfretare ad terram vestram consueta born on 4 March; his mother was Isabelle of Christianorum fiducia recurrentes a vobis petita pro transValois, not yet eighteen, the sister of Charles V of _ fretando navigia, licet habeatis eadem et ipsi pro hiis iuste

France. At Pavia Amadeo was very much at __ satisfacere sint parati, ex eo non vultis eis concedere quia home. for his own sister Blanche of Savov was Um hostem dei et fidei prelibate . . . , soldanum videlicet ’ 5 y 3; Babilonie ob quedam commercia que in terris quas idem Galeazzo II's wife, now a grandmother at thirty. soldanus detinet quasque per ipsos nobiles putatis invadi

————— pro tempore, sicut iam in similibus contigit, quidam con30 The text of the relevant passage in Caroldo’s chronicle _ cives vestri exercere proponunt non intenditis provocare

is given by Steinherz, Mitt. d. Inst. f. dsterreich. Geschichts- .. . ,” which fact, if true, Urban assails as an offense forschung, 1X (1888), 568, note, from the Vienna MS. 6153, to divine majesty and as a derogation of the faith: the fol. 264, and cited by Norden, Papsttum u. Byzanz, pp. infamy of the alleged Venetian attitude would spread 699—700, note, from the Paris MS. Ital. 320, fol. 266". Cf. throughout the world, and he urges the Venetian governHalecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome, pp. 133-34. ment not to allow such a blot to stain “the clarity of their 31 PD), Muratore, “La Nascita e il battesimo del primogenito good name,” but to follow in the footsteps of their foredi Gian Galeazzo Visconti,” Arch. stor. lombardo, IV (1905), bears, who carried crusaders overseas and brought them 261-69. Isabelle was born in October, 1348, Gian Galeazzo back home again, and thus to make the necessary transin October, 1351. They had three sons, all of whom died in port available to Amadeo and his followers. Cf. lorga, boyhood—Gian Galeazzo (1366-—1376?), Azzone (1368- Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 332-33, who also quotes the line

1381), and Carlo (b. 1372), who predeceased his elder from Caroldo.

brother (ibid., IV, 283-84). A fourth child, Valentina 33 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vil, no. 258, p. 46. (b. 1370), eventually married Louis I of Orléans-Valois, After Amadeo’s return from the East, the written promise and ultimately bequeathed her claim to the Visconti was returned to him as a gesture of courtesy by order of the

duchy of Milan to her grandson Louis XII of France doge on 13 August, 1367. and to the latter’s successor Francis I, both of whom will 3* Misti, Reg. 31, fol. 139%, doc. dated 6 June, 1366;

command our attention later on in this work. Samuele Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, III

292 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT elsewhere in connection with Amadeo, Lucchino affairs of southern Piedmont, where Joanna

did not go on the Savoyard expedition.* of Naples still had rather extensive, almost unConsidering the Mamluk domination of Syria, _ protected lands, which were exciting the cupidity

Palestine, and Egypt, it would be hard to lead of the Visconti. Leaving Rivoli with a large an expedition to the Holy Land without mo- retinue on the nineteenth, Amadeo arrived back lesting anyone on the Syrian coast, but well be- in Pavia in good time for the baptism on the feast fore 27 May, 1366, Amadeo knew that he was __ of Pentecost (24 May) of the young Gian Gale-

not going to the Holy Land. He was going to azzo’s first-born son, who now received his Constantinople to assist his cousin, the Emperor father’s name. At the end of the three days’ John V, as is made fully clear by the contract of celebration (on the twenty-seventh and twenty-

that date, whereby Florimont de Lesparre eighth) Amadeo made some final preparations bound himself to serve on the expedition for his journey overseas, enrolling in his seroutre la mer” with thirty men-at-arms for a yice Hugh and Louis of Chalon, Florimont de

y Lesparre, Jean de Montfaucon, and others. ear.*6

han any event Amadeo had to look elsewhere Galeazzo, apparently in an exuberant mood, now than Venice for more galleys. His disappoint- produced a further loan of 20,000 florins, and ment was tempered by Gareazz0 Il’s “gracious provided Amadeo with twenty-five men-at-arms,

aan ig ase concen of 9,600 florins on 6 Jargely German, together with their squires and aki 2 tal f 1 9.200 “for thehall “gnc” servitors, as well as athe troop of Italian making a tota oni’) florins, orins, tor one 0 (light infantry) under command of brigant: sixteen

four galleys,” to which on theAmadeo’s fourteenth Gale- gave « 9him et , constables.” sister Blanche azzo added another 10,000 florins as an outwe . 39 ; C37 é , anBefore additional 4,000 florins. right gift.*” leaving Chambéry, Af . nal accounting wasAmadeo to show that Galeazzo’s had collected 10,000 florins from two bankers __. of Lyon by farming out to them for two years ®' fts and loans to Amadeo totaled 85,000

y Y 8 ce ae Yee florins, an indication of his generosity as well

the right to collect theaaa ecclesiastical tithes ; We have already noted that as ... aS Of hiswhich wealth. the pope had granted him “in subsidium viagii

sui At thatArch. rate thestor. sexennial —_ . . ultra . . ®mare.” Muratore, lombardo,

IV, 269-73, 277-78,

tithes would yield. him 30,000 florins, and the who cites texts from the Tesoreria generale di Savoia, in bankers were not likely to lose anything on their the Arch. Cam. di Torino, Rotolo 65, fol. 11. The funds

investment.*8 from Blanche were forthcoming on 27 May (1366), and also

In late April Amadeo returned briefly to his “ex dono per ipsum dominum Galeaz facto domino own domains apparently to muster further sup- [Amadeo] gratiose, xx m. flor. bloni] plonderis],” which f h d 1 deal with quite understandably led Amadeo’s accountant Antoine port tor the crusade as well as to deal with Barbier to mistake Galeazzo’s loan for a gift, and correction other problems. He saw his wife Bonne at S. Jean was made by Amadeo himself after his return to Pavia de Maurienne from 5 to 8 May, after which he from the East (in a statement of 22 September, 1367):

went to Rivoli, where he remained until the ey . et in ipso computo [ Anthonii Barberii] continetur . th. deeply i lvedinvolved in the troubled quod ipsos viginti recepit ipse Anthonius nineteenth, deeply in € trouble a carissimo fratremillia nostroflorenorum domino Galeaz Vicecomite Medio-

———lani dono, actamen non fuerit dono sed mutuo nobis (Venice, 1855), 232. Saracin appears as “Seracenus Dan- facto per ipsum, licet idem Anthonius ipsos ex dono credidelos” in Antoine Barbier’s financial accounts of the expedi- _disset processisse” (Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, no. tion, and is described as “capitaneus galee domini[Amadei]” Lxxxxvut, p. 21, and ¢f. no. 44, p. 34).

(Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, nos. 175, 850, pp. 53, In his edition of Antoine Barbier’s accounts Bollati di 191-92). Heisa well-known figure in (later) Venetian affairs. Saint-Pierre has denoted Amadeo’s receipts in Roman 3° The fifteenth-century chronicler Jean Servion, fol- numerals and his expenditures in Arabic numerals. Conlowing his predecessor Cabaret, states in his Chroniques de cerning Galeazzo’s constables and briganti, see; ibid., nos. Savoye, in MHP, III, Scriptores, 1, col. 301d, that Galeazzo II 63, 98, 159, 211, 434, 501, 649-50, 724, et alibi. Galeazzo Visconti gave Amadeo “pour le servir en son voyage messire paid the twenty-five men-at-arms (gentes armorum) for the

Lucquin de Vermes capitayne de cent hommes darmes first six months of their service with Amadeo (from 1

deslite,” which Muratore, Arch. stor. lombardo, IV (1905), June to 1 December, 1366); thereafter Amadeo had to pay

278, note 3, shows is an error or alteration which Servion them for the remaining nine months of the expedition

has introduced into the text of Cabaret. (until 1 September, 1367), by which time there were twenty-

36 Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, doc. 111, pp. 336-37, two left (ibid., no. 879, pp. 195-96). Hereafter Bollati di where the emperor of Constantinople is referred to twice. —_ Saint-Pierre’s Illustrazioni will be cited simply as Barbier’s

37 For the sources, see Muratore, Arch. stor. lombardo, IV, accounts. Incidentally, names of the 16 constables, 72

270 and note 3. briganti, 28 crossbowmen, and 44 men-at-arms and archers 38 Cf. Datta, Spedizione in Oriente (1826), p. 43 and doc. are given in the accounts (nos. 434-36).

v-1, p. 256, dated 4 February, 1366. 4 Barbier’s accounts, no. LXXXXVIII, pp. 20-21.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 293 Amadeo now received the discouraging news of eighteenth, being lodged in the palace which the death on 25 May of Arnaud de Cervole, the the Republic had reluctantly given to Francesco robust freebooter, who was to join him with his da Carrara, next to the church of S. Polo.* bands of routiers.*1 The expedition thus lost some In Venice it was possible for Amadeo to conhundreds of hardened mercenaries, to whom centrate upon the organization of the crusade

warfare had become a profitable way of life. without the manifold distractions he had enAmadeo’s disappointment, however, may have countered at Galeazzo’s court in Pavia, although

been tinged with some relief, for there was no now the great nobles who were going overdiscipline among them, and they would probably _ seas clustered around him with their problems.

have plundered his vulnerable Byzantine allies More than a hundred “nobles” and free-lance with more alacrity than they would the Turks captains are known by name, who put themand Bulgarians whom Amadeo was going to selves under obligation to go on the expedition,

encounter. and more than a score of prominent barons, On Monday, 1 June (1366), Amadeo took Amadeo’s friends and vassals, had finally

leave of Galeazzo II and Blanche, and departed gathered in Venice, a dozen of them members of

for Venice. His nephew Gian Galeazzo, “il the Order of the Collar. They included Etienne conte di Virtt,” had planned for weeks to see de la Baume, lord of S. Denis in Bugey and of him off for the East, and now did so to express Chavannes in Franche-Comté, who as Amadeo’s

his gratitude to him and to do him honor. admiral figures prominently in Antoine BarAmadeo was accompanied by a good many men- _bier’s accounts; Jean de Vienne, later admiral of at-arms, and everyone knew that Gian Galeazzo, France (1373), who was to lose his life at Nicop-

who never tried to conceal his physical timidity, olis on the last crusade of the century; Hugues

would be escorted by a large armed retinue. (Hugh) de Chalon-sur-Sa6ne, lord of Arlay,

At the beginning of the second week in May the whose younger brother Louis was to die on the apprehensive doge and Collegio had commis- crusade; Aymar de Clermont, lord of Hauterive

sioned one Andrea de Oltedo to go as envoy to in Dauphiné; Gaspard de Montmayeur, the the counts of Savoy and Virti. Andrea was to eleventh, and Richard Musard, the fifteenth explain that the Venetian government desired knight of the Collar; and three other notables

to do all honor to them both, but was also from the region between the Doubs and the

anxious to avoid the disputes and disturbances Isére—Jean de S. Amour of Coligny, Jean de which could arise with and among the troopers Grolée of Virieu, and Guillaume de Chalawho would be coming with them, who spoke a mont of Meximieux and Montanay. There were variety of languages, and who were so different others, too, who presumably aspired to crusadfrom the Venetians. The counts of Savoy and_ ing fame, such as Guillaume de Grandson of Virtt. were therefore requested to limit the S. Croix in Burgundy, the seventh, and Roland forces coming to Venice to 500 persons of good de Vaissy from the Bourbonnais, the ninth repute.” Amadeo, Gian Galeazzo, and their knight of the Collar, while from the more distroopers apparently arrived in Venice on the tant Bordelais came the valorous but hot-temevening of 7 June and the morning of the pered Florimont de Lesparre, whose crusading eighth; Amadeo remained in the city until the ardor Peter I of Cyprus had kindled when in 1364 he had visited the Black Prince in Les-

41 See above, Chapter 11, p. 232a. parre’s native Gascony.“ “2 Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 185°, ——————— dated on or after 9 May, 1366: “Andrea, vadas ad magnificos 43 Muratore, Arch. stor. lombardo, IV, 280, and note espedominos comitem Sabaudie et comitem Virtutum, et cuilibet cially Barbier’s accounts recording the payment “pro hos-

eorum decenter salutato expones parte nostra quod nos telagiis plurium militum, scutifferorum et officiariorum considerantes adventum suum in proximo futuro Venecias domini famadeil, undecim dierum quibus dominus stetit et cupientes ipsos toto nostro posse honorare, sicut convenit, apud Venecias, finitorum die XVIII mensis Junii” (no. 191, et removere omnia scandala et brigas que possent occurrere _p. 55). On the palace at S. Polo, cf. Romanin, Storia doc. di

propter gentes que secum venient que sunt diversarum Venezia, III, 206—7, and see Barbier, no. 916, p. 205. linguarum et non conformant se ad mores populi nostri “4 Cf. Servion, Chroniques, in MHP, III, Scriptores, 1, cols.

....” Since other unknown persons might also enter 302-3; Datta, Spedizione in Oriente, pp. 47-50, 256-59; Venice under the guise of the two counts’ retinue and Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, I, 145-47; lIorga, troopers, the doge and Collegio requested “quod provi- Philippe de Méziéres, pp. 333-34; Atiya, Crusade in the Later deant et faciant quod non veniant Venecias cum eis ultra Middle Ages, pp. 384-85; Cox, Green Count of Savoy, pp. 181, quingentas [V.°] personas inter utrumque que sint persone 207-8, 211. Roland de Vaissy was killed in the assault on

bone conditionis et vite. . . .” Gallipoli (cf. Barbier’s accounts, nos. 202, 255, 396), as we

294 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Aimon [III] of Geneva also went on the cru- galley, and accompanied the expedition to sade, the son of old Count Amadeo III and the Constantinople.** Without recounting Amadeo’s

brother of Robert of Geneva, later anti-Pope other sources of funds, we may note that the Clement VII. Aimon was well known in curial Byzantine Emperor John V later promised, and circles in Avignon, for less than three years be- largely paid, some 15,000 florins toward the ex-

fore this he had been the center of a diplo- penses of maintaining the leased galleys and matic storm. In 1363-1364 his powerful uncle, meeting the wages of their crews.*®

Cardinal Guy de Boulogne, had tried to secure The Savoyard fleet appears to have been for him the hand of the rich young Duchess larger than has hitherto been suggested. Ama-

Joanna of Durazzo, but Guy’s plans had foun- deo’s regulations “sur le gouvernement d’ aler dered on the opposition of Cardinal Talleyrand — sur la mer,” composed before his departure from

of Périgord, his rival in the Sacred College, and Venice, contain a list of some fifteen galleys, on that of Queen Joanna of Naples, who wanted __ identifying their (noble) commanders, and prethe duchess to marry Frederick III of Sicily as scribing the order in which they were to sail.*° part of a grand design for peace between Naples When the Venetians had become certain, how-

and the island kingdom of the Catalans.” ever, that Amadeo was not venturing into Aimon was on the crusade when his father died Syrian waters, they allowed him to lease addi(on 18 January, 1367), and so he became the tional galleys as well as transports, and at least twelfth count of Geneva, but he barely survived ten Venetians are identifiable as skippers or the expedition, and died himself soon after his patroni thereof, which probably (but not neces-

return from the East. _ _ sarily) means that the galleys and transports were

It is difficult to determine very closely the size of Venetian registry.*! Of these ten, eight are

of Amadeo’s seaborne army, which finally ——_—

proved to be an impressive and costly array of _ “ Barbier’s accounts, nos. L, Lxxxxvul, 227, 802, 811,

multilingual forces. As Pope Urban had in- 892-94. ; f,ormie d Charles V france of F 9 1365 49 Barbier’s nos. also XL, to XLVII-XLIX, 10, 11. The ares of on June, » Genoeseaccounts, at Pera were loan Amadeopp. considerable

the western Emperor Charles had promised to — sums (ibid., nos. 11 ff.). contribute to the naval transport of a crusade 50 Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, doc. v, pp. 340-41, “one half of all the revenues of his kingdom of and uh oo 3 Ue Chron. we Saoye, in ied vy ponbtores I, Bohemia . . . for the next three years.”47 But 608: 70*79° - nat Amadeo s Beet consisted rycen Baeys

h “aye . is repeated by most modern writers, on which ¢f. Datta,

the emperor was always more willing to promise — spedizione in Oriente (1826), pp. 60-61; Delaville Le Roulx,

funds than to provide them, and he appears to France en Orient (1886), 1, 147-48; lIorga, Philippe de have given Amadeo no financial assistance at all. Méziéres (1896), p. 334 and note 9; Atiya, Crusade in the Besides the money advanced by Galeazzo Vis- Later Middle Ages (1938), pp. 385-86; Cox, Green Count of conti, who shared with Amadeo the costs of four 52227 (1967), p. 21). » WNO shared WI adeo the costs of tou 51 The Venetian patroni are as follows: Bartolommeo Bon galleys, the Venetian merchant and financier (in Barbier’s accounts, no. 180), Giovanni di Conte (nos.

Federico Corner, the friend of the king of 129, 216, 260, 424, 594, 695-96, 867, 899, 900-1), Saracin Cyprus, loaned large to help meet the ex- 176) Ny (nos, 7, B50), Donato see 98, Mo essums . , Niccol6 Marini called “Casso” orprobably “Tasso” (nos. penses of the expedition. Corner also provided a 941, 259, 425, 596, 697, 887-88), Giuliano Neri or Negri

——_——— (nos. 257, 426, 595, 698, 836-37), Marino Soverani (nos. shall see, and so was the lord of S. Amour (zbid., no. 255). 212, 427, 597, 699, 838-39), Giovanni Davidor (nos. 159, Amadeo saw to it that they were both buried withappropriate 267), “Dardibon” [Dardi Bon] (nos. 63, 219, 258, 838-39),

ceremony at Pera (no. 255). whose galley carried Galeazzo Visconti’s constables east, 45 Kenneth M. Setton, “Archbishop Pierre d’Ameil in and Francesco di Cola (nos. 261, 264, 428, 598, 700, 902),

Naples and the Affair of Aimon III of Geneva (1363-—1364),” who commanded Federico Corner’s galley (nos. LXXXXVII, Speculum, XXVIII (1953), 643-91, with a sketch of Aimon’s 227, 892-93).

career on p. 646, note. Aimon never got the spirited Although the accounts list as patroni galearum both

heiress of Durazzo, who had fallen in love with him “at Giuliano Neri (no. 426) and Niccolo Marini, who carried

first sight” [primo aspectu] (ibid., p. 665). Galeazzo’s briganti east (nos. 98, 425), they seem to have 46 Dino Muratore, “Aimon III, comte de Genevois: Sa been merely skippers of transports (conductae), on which Participation 4 l’expédition du Comte Vert en Orient, son _ note also no. 131 and esp. no. 300. In fact Neri carried testament, sa mort,” in the Revue savoisienne, XLVII part of Amadeo’s kitchen and dining facilities (no. 257).

(Annecy, 1906), 137-45, 208-17. Incidentally, in 1363 Some of Amadeo’s translators (truchimandi) were also Aimon’s sister Blanche had married Hugh of Chalon, one ‘Venetian (nos. 333, 359, 374, etc., 880-81).

of the more prominent members of the expedition. If Amadeo armed four galleys at Venice, for which 47 Lecacheux, Lettres secrétes et curiales, I, fasc. 2 (1906), no. | Galeazzo Visconti had paid half, he was apparently able 1822, pp. 315-16; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1365, nos. _ to lease four more rather than just the two official galleys

1-2, vol. VII (1752), p. 110. which the Venetian government had at first allowed. Saracin

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 295 consistently described as patroni galearum. Since and kept the financial records, which were the expedition was being undertaken, moreover, written up by a ship’s scribe.

for the defense of Constantinople and for the If Amadeo had twenty galleys, and if his union of the Churches,* it would obviously con- nobles and skippers accepted the advice given tribute to the safety of the Genoese colony at by the Venetians to prospective crusaders during

Pera, and Amadeo’s fleet contained eleven the preceding generation—that each galley Genoese patroni galearum.= There were three should carry 200 men, including knights, galleys from Marseille, whose skippers are fre- Squires, rowers, and others**—the total obquently referred to as receiving payments for viously would amount to 4,000 men, not count-

service and for their crews.™4 ing the rowers and other crewmen aboard

All told, then, and disregarding the lesser the supply ships and transports. Guillaume de officers in charge of transports and other vessels Machaut puts 25 knights a galey: pat Ama, (conductae, naves, ligna, panfilt), eight Venetians, “ny hts” G to have ha 5g a rn at It han eleven Genoese, and three Marseillais would ap- nights’ or men-at-arms,” ana he would have pear each to have been in charge of a galley on §=——————_ the Savoyard expedition. This would mean a 55 The duties of the patronus were defined by the Venetian

: Senate at the beginning of the century (and recorded in

total of wey tae galleys. mowing tor the the Misti, Reg. 1, fol. 163%, doc. dated 18 August, 1302: replacement of two patront, it seems not un- “[Capta] quod unicuique istarum galearum que armantur reasonable to settle for twenty galleys. Most per Commune constituatur unus patronus qui debeat Venetian galleys were built in the Arsenal and elligi inter XL [the Quarantia] per scrutinium wae) See owned by the state. There was only one patronus in general the collected papers of Frederic C. Lane, Venice

ll H d f th and History, Baltimore, 1966, passim.

on a galley. Fle was master an manager 0 C © 6 Cf. above, Chapter 9, pp. 179a, 184a. In Pera

vessel, but at sea he was subject to a “captain” the Venetian skipper Giovanni di Conte bought a new (capitaneus), who had charge of the crew, and galley, in which Amadeo finally returned to Venice

. ‘ . . the 224 mariners aboard this galley from 5 May to 31 July,

was responsible for discipline. The patronus, who after the conclusion of his “crusade,” and for the wages of 1S usually called the skipper in this work, saw 1367, Amadeo paid 2,000 gold ducats (Barbier’s accounts,

to the selection and loading of cargo (under no. 696, pp. 164-65). When Conte bought the new galley, stringent rules established by the government), e apparently put Nicoletto Bon in charge of his former galley, and for the wages of the 63 mariners aboard, Amadeo paid 447% gold ducats for the period from 12 TT May to 21 July, 1367 (ibid., no. 695, p. 164). Dandolo commanded the two latter galleys, conceded and For roughly the same period Niccolé Marini was paid possibly paid for by the state, with which the Senate was for a crew of 51 mariners (no. 697), Giuliano Neri for a crew concerned on 20 and 24 July and 25 August, 1366 (Misti, of 71 (no. 698), Marino Soverani for a crew of 107 (No. 699), Reg. 32, fols. 1’, 2’, 8'): Dandolo was to keep in touch with and Francesco di Cola for a crew of 101 (no. 700). Barbier other Venetian galleys in Romania, “quia utile et necessarium _ has recorded payments too numerous to mention (cf. nos.

est propter maxima dubia et pericula que habentur et 257 ff.). Since members of the various crews signed on at scribit Ser Saracenus Dandulo de galeis ianuensibus et different times, they were paid at different intervals, and so provincialibus et aliis que iverunt ad soldum comitis it is hard to'tell from the payments the precise number of

Sabaudie. . . .” mariners aboard each galley and transport. 2 Cf. Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, 57 Ta Prise d’ Alexandrie, ed. Louis de Mas Latrie, Geneva, I (1914), 358-59, 364, 387, 388. 1877, vv. 4602-4, p. 139, a text to which undue significance

53 Barbier’s accounts identify and furnish us with data is attached by Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, 1, 147-48, concerning the following Genoese in charge of galleys: and by Atiya, Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, p. 385, note 9. Giovanni di Magnari, captain of the Genoese galleys (nos. 58 An enrollment list apparently dated 5 February, 1366,

LIx, 190, 354, 720), Martino di Campofregoso (no. 365), provides us with the names of 14 nobles who were to be Simondo Carmayn or Carmeyn (nos. 552, 703), Paolo accompanied by 73 “knights” or men-at-arms (equites) as Iusticier (nos. 281, 295), Ettore Vincenti (nos. 229-30, 243, well as with the names of some 77 nobles and free-lance 271-72, 280, 295, 311, 346), Marco di Canava (nos. 230, captains, each of whom was to recruit and command 10 284, 295, 354), Paolo di Banca (nos. 230, 243), Lanfranco men-at-arms, together with the names of 2 other knights Pansa (nos. 230, 243, 282, 343, 354), Ottobono diGroppoor who are listed separately (as given in Datta, Spedizione in Greppo (nos. 243, 283, 295, 344, 351), Isnardo di Gaico Oriente, doc. v, 2-3, pp. 256-59). This would have pro(nos. 286, 314, 354), and Domenico Veyrol (nos. 353-56, duced a total of some 936 nobles and men-at-arms. 423, 468, et alibi). Donzano Donzani, who appears as a There is no way of knowing, however, how many squires, patronus galee (no. 311), may have been a replacement. varlets, and other attendants were to go with each man-at54 Barbier’s accounts, nos. XIX-XXII, 157, 214, 298, 312, arms, but in the first list of 14 nobles appear the names 384-85, 396-99, 599-602, 701-2. The three skippers of the brothers Hugh and Louis of Chalon, who on the from Marseille were Jean Casse, Martin Geyme, and Ray- following 27 May agreed to serve Amadeo for a year with 40

mond Bonzan, the last of whom died on the expedition knights and squires: “. . . nous servirons loielmant ...a

(ibid., no. 701). compagnie de quarante gentil hommes que chivalers que

296 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT had to carry about fifty of them in a galley. for eighteen cubits (brachia) of green cloth, Men-at-arms, however, much preferred horse- which Amadeo’s tailor purchased at 14 florins a transports when they were available, and we _cubit, to make the Green Count a mantle, hose,

know that the sire de Basset did travel east ina and hood, with an extra charge for cutting transport.®® Horse-transports had a ramp at the _ the material to a pattern provided by the tailor.

stern which could be let down upon landing, Later on five cubits of green cloth were purand mounted men could ride off fully armed chased to clothe a page, and other vestments and ready for action. Horses fared badly on were acquired for Amadeo himself. There were galleys, and it was very hard to unload them in frequent rentals of gondolas to get about the city

an emergency; horsemen liked tokeepaneyeon (bargae ... pro eundo per civitatem), and their saddles as well as their animals, and they everywhere Amadeo and his suite went they were more at ease in the ampler space usually found things they needed or wanted. available on transports. Crowding was at best Sometimes Amadeo did the buying, but mostly the lot of those who traveled by sea, and Ama- aides did it for him. They bought tons of provideo’s expedition made its way eastward by easy sions, and Amadeo’s physician Guy Albin loaded

stages with long stops. up on medicines and unguents at the apothecary Amadeo spent eleven days in Venice (8-18 shop of Pietro de Colona, all for his lord-

June, 1366) sightseeing and shopping. The first ship’s galley. Aides bought paper and ink and expenditure in Antoine Barbier’s accounts was 42 large leather portfolio (maleta) for Amadeo’s correspondence, mattresses, bed linen, pillows,

———— . cushions, tables, and glassware, including two 563-68) par un ant tout antier . . .” (Datta, doc. Vill, pp. glass water-clocks and a leather box in which to Of these 936 nobles and men-at-arms there is no evidence send them off to Countess Bonne at Chamthat most of the latter were anyone’s “vassals,” as Cox, béry. They paid a florin for turnspits (pro quiGreen Count of Savoy, p. 208, note 12, seems to think. Flori- busdam rutissieurs) for the kitchen on Amadeo’s

mont de Lesparre also agreed to serve “a compaignie de galley and took on board an abundance of trente gentiz hommes outre la mer per un ant tout entier,” « : ” os : : °

and of course Lesparre’s knights would be accompanied Malmsey wine, which was always plentiful me by squires (Bollati di Saint-Pierre, Illustrazioni, doc. 11, pp. Venice. Amadeo took the opportunity to have 336-37). But when the day of fulfillment arrived, military various items repaired by Venetian craftsmen, contracts were subject to the vagaries of circumstance, and including two silver candelabra and a pair of (where they can be checked) the final figures are rarely in (offers (bugiae), in which he sometimes kept 58 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 75, 93, 110-11, 131, 215: money, an . € purchased another money chest,

close accord with those of the contracts. Fh, ’ hased h h P

“.. . conducta in qua vadit dominus de Basset... .” a0 archa, which may have caught his fancy. The

Horse-transports, as we have seen, were called huisseria, armorer Aimoneto made a silk standard twelve usseri, usseriae, etc., huisters, huissiers in French, but Ido not feet long for his galley. He also made a great

recall Barbier’s use of this word. Aimon Ill of Geneva banner and twelve other large and sixty small

traveled at least part of the way east in a transport (zbid., no. b ¢ d silk fr; h 226). Although Amadeo and most of the nobles went D4NETs, tour pennons, and sux iringe enoug to

eastward and returned in the galleys, many of the men-at- bind the standard and all the banners, and proarms undoubtedly traveled in the transports. In this con- vided the lance-poles necessary to fly them in the

1389, to the young King Charles VI of France, upon .

nection note Philippe de Méziéres’s advice, written in 1388— preeze as Amadeo’s galley sailed into and out of

whom he urged leadership of a great crusade: ports along the way. Another armorer Piero “In fact, I recommend you to have as few galleys as Tuare was paid for making another twenty great possible on account of their cost. Nowadays an armed banners (viginti banderiae magnae), presumably galley costs fourteen or fifteen hundred florins per month, gone for each of his twenty galleys, and seventy though the Old Pilgrim has seen the day when such a galley siyai]_ banners.6! Amadeo made the usual cost onlya 500 [butaingalley fact the Pilgrim did ds ofOthe 11 h € went to see such day].florins Moreover, can Old usually carry never only TOUNCS thechurches. churches. On On June twenty-five men-at-arms and thirty or forty crossbowmen. S. Marco, where he gave a florin to the poor A medium-sized ship [ nef, navis] takes one to two hundred and another to the custodian of the campanile, soldiers and eighty or one hundred horses and any number who unlocked the door to allow him and his of archers, and the total cost will not be more than three or }

four hundred florins. —_—__—__—_——

“I don’t say that armed galleys should not be employed make immense profits out of the hire of galleys” (Le

to carry your Majesty or for the use of other great persons. Songe du vieil pélerin, ed. G. W. Coopland, 2 vols., Cambridge,

They have their uses, too, in making landings for purposes 1969, II, 101, 436).

of rest and recreation and exercise much easier, but in © Barbier’s accounts, no. 1, p. 27. general it is best to use as few as possible. And in this 6! For the banners, see Barbier’s accounts, nos. 47—48, pp. business of shipping, don’t trust seafaring people. They 34-35, and nos. 269-70, pp. 75-79.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 297 companions to climb to the bell-tower to enjoy ever, Amadeo encountered a serious matter, the view from its height.” On the same day he and he took the time to settle (for a little while went to S. Lucia, where he left another florin be- at least) the dispute between his wife’s aunt

hind, and to S. Antonio, which meant still Marie of Bourbon, who still maintained her another florin. On the thirteenth he went to S.__ pretensions to the principality of Achaea, and Giorgio Maggiore, where he kissed the relics, Angelo Acciajuoli, archbishop of Patras (1365-

and presented three florins to the Benedic- 1367), who supported the Angevin-Tarentine

tines. claims to Achaea. Marie of Bourbon had been

On 19 June (1366) Amadeo’s aides hired a married, as we have seen, to the titular Latin launch for 14 solidi Venetian, and moved his Emperor Robert, who had died in September, money chests from the city to S. Niccolo di 1364. Robert had of course also been prince of Lido.“ Amadeo had apparently preceded his Achaea, and Marie was now trying to vindiportable treasury to the Lido, having gone cate on behalf of her son (by a previous marriage) aboard his galley to resounding cries of Viva Hugh of Lusignan, titular prince of Galilee, her Savoia! Thereafter the financial accounts of the alleged rights to the principality against the expedition record his progress to Gallipoli. On legitimist claims of Robert’s younger brother 23 June he was at Pola in southern Istria, where Philip [II] of Anjou-Taranto, who styled himhe added to the armament on Giovanni di self prince of Achaea as well as Latin emperor. Conte’s galley, and from the Istrian peninsula The forces of Archbishop Angelo had both he sent messengers to Bohemia, Hungary, and Marie and her son Hugh under siege in PortConstantinople. Then he began to sail down’ de-Jonc (Old Navarino) when Amadeo arrived the eastern coast of the Adriatic, and after an on the scene, and he negotiated the end of the apparent stop at Zara, he arrived on | July at siege but not the end of the contest, for Hugh Ragusa, where he was well received, and where _ still hoped to find in the Morea the future he he rented a small vessel to take a letter tothedoge had lost in Cyprus.®

of Venice. He seems to have put into port at Durazzo, and reached Corfu on 6 July. By the At Coron Amadeo’s flotilla was joined by the seventeenth he had reached the Venetian sta- galleys which had come from Genoa and Martion at Modon, and on the nineteenth he was be- _ seille,67 and the enlarged fleet sailed from the hind the high walls of Coron. While at Coron he Gulf of Coron, around Cape Matapan and past

made amends of two florins for damage which the island of Cerigo (the ancient Cythera), his soldiers did in the vineyard of one Ioannines heading for the Euboeote port of Negroponte. Amoyrons, and paid a local clerk named Miche- On 298 July Amadeo stopped for some reason leto Fosco 15 florins for the more extensive damage done to his vineyards. He also made a “we Alfmed Morel-Fatio. ed.. Libro det fech .

: : : red Morel-Fatio, ed., Libro de los fechos et conquistas

gt to the Franciscans, and paid tor amage del principado de la Morea, Geneva, 1885, pars. 690-700, pp. one to C cir convent, where he staye UTIN§ 152-54; Servion, Chroniques de Savoye, im MHP, III, Scriphis sojourn in Coron, to the tune of 25 florins, sores, 1, 303-4, whence the confusion in Datta, Spedizione and gave 5 florins’ alms to the local hospital. — in Oriente, pp. 89-92; but see Wm. Miller, The Latins in

In the region of Modon and Coron, how- the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 287-89; Jean Longnon, L’ Empire latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Moree,

—_—_— Paris, 1949, pp. 329-31; Antoine Bon, La Morée franque, ® Ibid., no. 19, p. 29: “. . . dominus [Amadeus] dedit Paris, 1969, I, 247—50. Marie was the daughter of Louis I, dicta die [XI Junii] custodienti clavem campanilis Sancti first duke of Bourbon (d. 1342); Amadeo’s wife Bonne was

Marci unum florenum.” the daughter of Marie’s eldest brother, Pierre 1 of Bourbon

® Barbier’s accounts, nos. 1-61, pp. 27-37, cover (d. 1356). On 21 July (1366) Amadeo gave 100 florins to Amadeo’s expenditures from 10 to 20 June. The earliest Guillaume de Tanlay, “captain of the castle of Jonc” dated entry is the tenth (no. 16), but others presumably (Barbier’s accounts, no. 115, p. 44). Tanlay was Marie’s

go back to the eighth. castellan at Port-de-Jonc, and he had held the castle for her.

“ Barbier’s accounts, no. 56, p. 36: “. . . pro locagio Later, on 14 August, Amadeo distributed six florins among unius bargete, super qua portata fuit financia domini the mariners on his galley, “because they had landed men[Amadei] de Veneciis apud Sanctum Nycolaum. . . .” at-arms on the shore before the castle of Jonc” (zbid., no. °° Barbier’s accounts, nos. 62 (Pola), 73 (dispatch of 150, p. 49). On Hugh of Lusignan and Peter I of Cyprus, messengers to Bohemia, Hungary, and Constantinople), see above, pp. 243a, 244. 75-81 (Aragussa, Ragusa), 82 (payment of small loans con- 87 Cf. Servion, Chron., in MHP, Ill, Scriptores, 1, 303: tracted to make gifts at Jarra, Zara?, et cuidam buffoni ducisde “. .. ou ilz trovarent l'armee qui venoit de Genes, et Durat, Durazzo), 83 (Turfont should doubtless be Curfout, Yarmee de Marseillie et l'armee d’Ayguesmortes,” which Corfu, as transcribed by Datta, Spedizione in Oriente, doc. may mean that one of the three Marseillais galleys was XIV, 4, p. 186), 105 (Modon), 106 (Coron), 108, 112, 114. from Aigues-Mortes.

298 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT at the island of S. Giorgio d’ Arbora,® the an- twenty years), and made for the island of Lescient Belbina at the entrance to the Saronic Gulf, bos, where Francesco Gattilusio, “lord of Mytibut proximity to Athens did not draw him into lene” (dominus de Matelin), awaited the crusade.

the Catalan port of Piraeus. Besides, as we Amadeo gave Francesco’s minstrels a florin, and shall see in a later chapter, the Catalans and on 21 August he paid a tenant of the lord of Venetians had been getting along very badly of Mytilene three florins for taking a letter to Montlate. But he did put in at Cape Colonna (in portu. mayeur at Gallipoli, doubtless telling him of his

Colompnarum), the ancient Sunium, and had arrival at Lesbos and informing him of the reached the well-walled port of Negroponte fleet’s departure for Gallipoli.” before 2 August.°* Amadeo spent about two Amadeo sailed up the Dardanelles on the same weeks at Negroponte, where he changed money day (21 August), and according to the Savoyard at the rate of 70 solidi to the ducat,” and his_ chroniclers, Paulus, the Latin patriarch of Conphysician Guy Albin spent 57 pounds, 4 solidi stantinople, now came out in a galley to meet Venetian for rose sugar, rose water, oil of roses him.”© Amadeo was delighted to see him, for and oil of violets, lemon and rose-and-violet Paulus was well informed on conditions in Consyrups, soft soap, lozenges and medicines, collyr-__ stantinople, and had had a long experience in

ium for the eyes, and terebinth for some pur- the Levant. Amadeo asked him for news of the pose or other.”’ While the fleet was at Negro- emperor, “le quel ly dist quil estoit encores ponte, Amadeo gave two florins to some men’ emprison”: the emperor was still “imprisoned.” from Thebes, the capital of the Catalan duchy of He asked for news of Louis the Great of HunAthens, who brought him foodstuffs, presum- gary, “et ly dist quil nen savoit nulles nouvelles”: ably as a gift from the Theban municipality.” there was no news of Louis. “In God’s name,” Apparently all his galleys had not yet arrived, said the count, “the king of Hungary offered to because on 8 August he gave 10 solidi toa varlet come by land in full force, and on his word who had gone overland to meet two galleys I have come, but come or not, we shall not fail which he was expecting, and later (on 18 Sep- to seek encounter with the infidels and enemies tember, by which time he was in Constantinople) of Christendom and of the emperor.”” he reimbursed the unnamed skipper of a Gen- Disappointed but undaunted, Amadeo landed oese galley to the extent of 20 florins for ex- his forces on the north shore of the Dardanelles, penses which the latter said he had incurred in and promptly began an attack upon the Turkish waiting four days at Nauplia for Amadeo’s garrison at Gallipoli. The Turks had occupied “other galleys,” presumably the two the varlet the town a dozen years before (in 1354),” their

had gone to meet.” first beachhead on the European continent, but

On 15 August Amadeo ordered that an ac- their garrison seems to have been inadequate countable advance of 100 florins be given to for its defense against a host as large as they Gaspard de Montmayeur, whom he sent ahead __ were now called upon to meet. Their resistance

on a scouting mission to Turkish-held Gallip- was fierce. The Savoyards drove them back, oli.“ Shortly thereafter the fleet raised anchor, however, “et prindrent corage pour ce bon comand rowers propelled the galleys slowly from the mencement.” Thereupon Amadeo “laid siege to haven of Negroponte, with banners, standards,

and pennons flying from the mastheads and 5 Ibid., nos. 154-55. yard-arms, “tellement que cestoit belle et riche —_* Paulus had succeeded Pierre Thomas in the Latin chose a veoir.” They skirted the island of Euboea patriarchate on 17 April, 1366 (Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia (probably to the south to sail by Chios, which catholica medit aevi, I (1913, repr. 1960], 206). He had prehad been in the hands of the Genoese for viously been archbishop of Smyrna and of Thebes; on his career, see Setton, “The Byzantine Background to the

——__—_ Italian Renaissance,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical 88 Barbier’s accounts, no. 121: “. . . dicta die [28 July] in Society, vol. 100 (1956), pp. 45-47. Paulus collaborated

portu Sancti Georgii de Arbore. . . .” closely with Amadeo throughout the crusade, on which note

69 Ibid., no. 123. Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome (1930), pp. 141-43, Ibid., nos. 151, 220. 146, and Barbier’s accounts, nos. LXXxXxXI, 388, 392, esp. 500,

" Ibid., no. 221. 1063-64. The patriarch in question was obviously not the

72 Ibid., no. 234: “. .. dedit dominus [Amadeus] Byzantine patriarch, Philotheus Coccinus (1364-1376). quibusdam hominibus d’Estives, qui sibi apportaverunt ™ Servion, Chron., col. 305. quedam victualia ex parte comunitatis dicte ville, duos 7° There has been some controversy, which need not

florenos. .. .” detain us, as to whether the Turks occupied Gallipolt in 73 Ibid., nos. 133, 231. 1354 or 1355, on which note George Ostrogorsky, History of

74 Thid., no. 127. the Byzantine State, trans. Joan Hussey, Oxford, 1956, p. 473.

AMAD

Gallipoli both by | EO VI OF SAVOY AND could gO ino y and and bys JOHN V PAL three assaults r out,” and Ye. so that no on AEOLOGUS S bytwoland e thbette city,” in order € countordered e whenA : madeo

r 299 unded, th as th : y se rom Antoine 1 e histori o his i ; , the e clario a. Allaut! w ntoine : storical imperia ar i,b

walle b de Vaissy wa up al’ ns and trumpets He paid at G Barbier's eae are derived

S,; ut he Was the fi ul, a [’ ass the . a allipoli

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su e » Uierm eva, n th . oe ta got,the better not a lasted ae was August (1366),AmaA had theofnia did . Althou owuntil wh °°n 2ain ma inst ructed JOO),

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e assaul o the § ormed duty € day the ext n eysd until th retreat t , saf ac- ssebeing f. r guard theasam

elongi night e res telellssenger thisday, d garrison that i gings, “ the T umed Cou name too that in the oening th ebandoned ms gathered forces hod Bonne mes warun off to qmadeo . crusad nati e town ”?wn, Tu k 83rks. cored . rcoun ill ythto. tiens v erse€on th ve B n aimpo | venes e ga eRGreek cried ba SO onne, inci rtant cillors Vi at his en investi them, and i a ville v . wo month er husbegat eh eye sabi brompy, for tm ngayon the

Turk estigatio infor uyde!” s later investigation med Am Barbier (on 25 ed. “ edreveal :, ad ier’s shore andisallie, the count wt indeed theNeither ve 166,Mi 959, no. 613 and ther compan escended , the 2%. 42B42 (libravit , pp. 146-47 The € they remai y> and ent th to the June,the 13 ichally no . . i. Aymont . and see nos . c mained ered o 14 1 67, r James dicto Michailli

6 alli . . , bid., ntines ig done , aid fo

August 1360) on took G some days 179 € town eee the Byza reckoning bein d Lucerne was paid fer

D certain Aina which ayn “de Sunday, 23 oak hanna P- 147 “and on J Gallipoli tve of the day oth th “call adeo y? paid out -LXXXVIT, 220, on James of | 120 e castle and th ed Michally” appointed for pout pounds, 16 sc 228. On 26 re of Lucerne, not admi orins. On 1 e town atam . captain of and brous lOc asks “dutin) of Venetian off st (1366) james hands of Jame of civil P emer, howe ageof and in ke solidi Plame (no. 160) oaded from the unds

affai ver d the lik ransportit . He al the ships

y flori ucern S put in Ing a utside th provisions, out 6

lasted un rins a month e, who was t the & Ibid., gare in the castle eo 16 into the see lumber,

vaste’ until mid-Ju ° These a O recelve doubt on ° 161, and f. O. 162). astle and for

sh m . -9. I id. re news S at

79Servion, ne of the C fe ollowin ppointments Francesco oe. account in no. 209,ch which shore b attilusio had the Savo entries

mmadeo’s Chron cols. 305 9 g year 83 hid. some of the C heard the voyard chronices he d

Turd pugt to the nfo nice, he save 10 ust, 1367, afte de Gallipulli, 156, 158: . of Gallipoli. outed from the (B etJames nasum rassburg, Ant conveneru .on temporis stri et203ville etiam voids extraxerunt” ex amputaverunt ofanfoe ducats [Amadeo] evietpro stipen diissee iN. +municione castri ccounts, no771). aa“cui nd etvignione 593. and s 259 Davidis ei ovicus Viliardi ino ,NO th , 196, eusSavoyard .in4, ,no. in21] Galli ~25, sociu i de garrison in Gallipoli. 2, 434-36, 500 159, 164-65 s} stando

arbi G garn nth ntoniu [L quo ersatealipu 18s10n . uddomi om

300 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT October) two nobles from her court were in from other sources, but whatever the reason for Venice, where the Senate granted them per- the distrust which arose between the two rulers, mission to go to Constantinople to the exalted when John departed from the Hungarian court, lord count of Savoy with letters and “with three _ he had to leave his young son Manuel behind asa

companions, arms for their own persons, and _hostage.®® It is conceivable that John saw in other light harness.” They could go on any galley Louis’s preparations for a crusade the prospect or other vessel, armed or unarmed, making the of further incursions into Serbian, Bulgarian, usual run to Modon, Coron, Negroponte, and and even Byzantine territories, and John may

Constantinople.™ have thought for a while that the weakened Bul-

Although lorga gives scant attention to Ama-_ garians, from whom he had wrested Anchialus deo’s expedition, which he regarded “not as a_ on the Black Sea (in 1364), would make better

crusade, but as an escapade,”® the taking of allies against the Turks than the Hungarians Gallipoli was nevertheless (says Halecki) “the would. first success achieved by the Christians in their If John entertained any such illusion when he struggle for the defense of Europe, and at the left Buda, it was quickly dispelled when he got same time the last great Christian victory lover back to Vidin, the capital of western Bulgaria, the Turks] during all the fourteenth century.”®* which the Hungarians had taken in May, 1365. The Turks had used Gallipoli as the gateway John SiSman, the tsar of (independent) eastern into Europe. In 1359 they had appeared under Bulgaria, doubtless suspicious of John’s visit to the walls of Constantinople. They seem to have Buda, refused to allow him to return to Con-

entered Adrianople about January, 1361, oc- stantinople through his lands, and so John

cupied Demotica in November, 1361, and were could not sail down the Danube (by the route he

firmly ensconced in Philippopolis before theend had gone to Hungary), for the Danube lay

of the year 1363. Murad I seems to have estab- within Sisman’s easy reach. John’s communicalished the Ottoman court at Adrianople a year tions with Constantinople were apparently not

or so before the Savoyard expedition.® cut off, but his return was, and since his eldest The frightened Emperor John V had reason son Andronicus [IV] was married to a Bulto go to Buda, as we have seen, toenlist the aidof garian princess,® one now suspects (and possibly

Louis the Great, whom Amadeo was expecting one did then) some measure of unpleasant to participate in the crusade. Jirecek recalls the collusion between the tsar and Andronicus, account of a knowledgeable contemporary, whose later years were to be full of rebellion Giovanni di Conversino da Ravenna (1343- against his father. 1408), whose father was a physician at Louis’s The Savoyard chroniclers helped to create court, that the emperor offended his royal host the legend that the tsar Sisman had imprisoned by refusing to doff his hat in the latter’s presence John (quil estoit encores emprison),°' but the Latin

and by conducting himself with an arrogance §—-—H

8 iQ] 1 intellectual centers in northern and in f£riun, — Ragusa as chancellor. He was formerly confused with *4 Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 20°. Giovanni di Jacopo Malpaghini da Ravenna, who served as unbecoming in one who sought help of an-_ in 1348 at Buda. Learned wanderer and public lecturer at other. This is not the picture we get of J ohn V versino served both the Carraresi ‘and the Republic of

8 orga, Philippe de Méziéres (1896), pp. 336-37: “Ce Petrarch’s secretary for almost four years (1364-1368), n’était pas méme une croisade . . . cette expédition, qui and apparently wrote nothing except a letter on Petrarch’s

ressembla beaucoup a une équipée.” death.

86 Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome, p. 146. 8K. E. Zachariae von Lingenthal, “Prooemien zu 87 Const. Jirecek, “Zur Wiirdigung der neuentdeckten Chrysobullen von Demetrius Cydones,” in Sitzungsbertchte

bulgarischen Chronik,” Archiv fiir slavische Philologie, XIV der Kéniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu

(Berlin, 1892), 258-61, and Jirecek’s review of Iorga, in Berlin, June-December 1888, pp. 1413, 1419, cited by Byz. Zeitschr., XVIII (1909), 582-83; Ostrogorsky, Byz. Halecki and by George T. Dennis, The Reign of Manuel II State, pp. 478-79; and the rich but rather meandering Palaeologus in Thessalonica, 1382-1387, Rome, 1960, pp. account of Franz Babinger, Beitrage zur Frithgeschichte der 12-13 (Orientalia Christiana analecta, no. 159). See above, Tiirkenherrschaft in Rumelien (14.-15. Jahrhundert), Munich, note 24.

1944, pp. 41-55, who would put the Turkish occupation *° Cydones, Oratio pro subsidio Latinorum, in PG 154

of Adrianople in the spring of 1361 (pp. 46—47). See above, (1866), col. 976AB; Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzantina,

Chapter 11, note 106. XXXVII, 51 (Bonn, III, 557). Andronicus’s wife was named

88 Jiretek, in Byz. Zeitschr., XVIII, 583, a reference to the Maria. According to Gregoras, she was the daughter of chapter De superbia in Conversino’s Liber memorandarum the tsar [John] Alexander, and was thus the sister of rerum, on which cf. Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance @ Rome, Si&man (cf. Jiretek, Archiv f. slav. Philologie, X1V, 262-65).

pp. 134-35. Giovanni di Conversino “da Ravenna” was born *! Cf. Servion, Chron., cols. 305, 310, 311.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 301 Patriarch Paulus had doubtless informed Ama- south shore of the Golden Horn, “in burgo deo of the true nature of John’s plight which Veneciarum,” between the Porta Viglae and the was, after all, imprisonment of a sort. Amadeo Portae Peramatis et S. Marci.*’ The physician entered Constantinople on 2 or 3 September Guy Albin was busy again among the apothe(1366), and from the fourth Barbier’s disburse- cary shops, buying 6 pounds of rose sugar, 3 ments in the Greek capital begin with the pay- pounds of a “laxative electuary,” 25 pounds of

ment of wages to the interpreter Paolo da_ figs, 12 pounds of dried prunes, and other

Venezia and with gifts to the skippers, pilots, things, including 18 saculi pro stomaco,® all of and scribes of the galleys. Shortly after Ama- which suggests that Amadeo was having some indeo’s arrival in the city John’s wife, the Empress _ terior difficulty.

Helena Cantacuzena (John VI’s daughter), gave The patroni of the galleys were furnished with him 12,000 “parperi” or hyperpert to help meet 71 new oars, which had been made “in the the expenses of an “armada” with which he pro- arsenal of the lord emperor,” and 32 modu of

posed to enter Bulgaria by the Black Sea to grain were purchased from Bernabo di S.

clear a way for the “lord emperor of Constan- Stefano of Pera for making ship’s biscuit. Bertinople, who could not return because of the nabo also provided ten sides of bacon (mezanae interference which the emperor of Bulgaria baconis).°° An awning and eight more banners

was causing him.” were made at Pera for Amadeo’s galley.’ As preparations were under way for part of the fleet

At this point Amadeo’s expedition almost ‘© 8° north into the Black Sea, Amadeo disceased to be a “crusade,” and his chief objective patched the lords of Urtieres and Fromentes ina became the rescue of John V from his predica- galley “to the lord emperor of Constantinople at

ment at Vidin. The Genoese podesta of Pera Vidin, but the galley could not get beyond the gave Amadeo some horses, and the “commune” mouth of the Black Sea because of the stormy generously made two more galleys available.* Weather, although they had remained eight days Helena Cantacuzena also provided two galleys 4 certain port called ‘Giront land called (Ar)which appear in Barbier’s accounts as being 8'Tonion by the Greeks, the present-day Umurloaned by the absent emperor himself.25 Ama~ Y¢Til, during which time they waited for suitable deo’s tailor bought silks and furs in the Genoese Wather."™ Barbier paid large numbers of bills

shops at Pera,® and his aides bought furniture 0% 3 October, and on the fourth Amadeo’s and utensils in the Venetian quarter along the eet moved northward, cleared the “devil's cur-

rent,” and on the sixth reached a village which 2 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 173 ff. R. J. Loenertz, Les Barbier calls “Li Orfenal,”! the modern Ru-

Recueils de lettres de Démétrius Cydonés, Citta del Vaticano, melifeneri (“lighthouse of Europe”), on the an-

1947, p. 111, places Amadeo’s entry into the Byzantine cient promontory of Panium at the entrance to capital on 2 September.

®3 Barbier’s accounts, no. WI: “. . . in exoneracionem = —H——— expensarum navigiorum armate domini [Amadei] fien- 7 Ibid., no. 222, pp. 63-64, and cf. no. 263. The Venetian darum per ipsum in Mare Maiori eundo ad partes Burgarie quarter occupied much the same area in Constantinople pro expedicione domini imperatoris Constantinopolis, qui from the twelfth century into the later fifteenth, on which reverti non poterat propter impedimentum quod sibi facie- see H. F. Brown, “The Venetians and the Venetian Quarter bat imperator Burgarie.” Two hyperperi (in Greek umépmvpa) in Constantinople .. . ,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XL of the weight of Constantinople were exchanged at the (1990), 68-88; R. Janin, “Les Sanctuaires des colonies rate of one gold ducat (ibid., no. cxvii, p. 25). The Greek Jatines A Constantinople,” Revue des études byzantines, IV neuter hyperpyra is commonly rendered as (masculine) (1946), 166-71, and Constantinople byzantine, Paris, 1964, pp. hyperperi in the Latin sources. John V’s mother, the dowager 947-49, The Venetian: quarter stood below the SileyEmpress Anna “Palaeologina” of Savoy, had died at maniye, between the present Gazi and Karakéy-Eminénii Thessalonica probably in 1365 (R. J. Loenertz, Byzantina et Bridges (cf. Ernest Mamboury, Istanbul touristique, Galata,

F ranco-Graeca, Rome, 1970, pp. 315~16). 1951, maps on p. 38 and opp. p. 64). Amadeo occupied a ** Barbier’s accounts, nos. 206, 296: “. . . due galee quas house in Constantinople apparently near the rua Venetorum

Comune Pere domino [Amadeo] generose concessit in (Barbier’s accounts, no. 270, pp. 78-79). subsidium. . ..” The skippers of these were Domenico "8 Ibid., no. 247, p. 69. Veyrol (zbid., nos. 353 ff.) and Martino di Campofregoso 9 Ibid., nos. 262, 265-66.

(no. 365). 10 Tbid., no. 271.

% Ibid., no. 297: “. . . due galee quas dominus imperator 101 Thid., no. 268. Argironion is on the Asiatic coast of the

Constantinopolis domino [Amadeo] mutuaverat ... ,” northern Bosporus, just south of the present station of but elsewhere the galleys are “tradite domino per dominam _Anadolukavagi (see Mamboury, Istanbul touristique, p. 553

imperatricem Constantinopolis” (no. 327). and map opp. p. 536).

% Ibid., nos. 207-8, 273. 102 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 274—77.

302 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Black Sea. On 17—19 October, at Sozopolis nobles from Savoy, Burgundy, and Dauphiné. on the southern approach to the Gulf of Burgas, Francesco Gattilusio, the lord of Mytilene, and Barbier paid 600 florins to six Genoese galley the “gallees Iannoyses” were to assail Mesem-

patront who were going with Amadeo into bria from the harbor. The Bulgarians fought “Burgaria”—Vincenti, Iusticier, Pansa, Otto- well, say the Savoyard chroniclers, but “their bono di Groppo, Marco di Canava, and Isnardo city was taken and put to sack, and those within to

di Gaico.‘* The Genoese were at home on the the sword, because they had killed so many

Black Sea. Christians in the attack, and because there were Sozopolis, lacking a strong garrison, was many knights and squires wounded.” The

quickly taken by force, if we can believe the piety of the account would have been lessened Savoyard chronicles, as were the nearby coastal _ by the recognition of the fact that the Bulgarians towns of “Manchopoly” and “Scafida.” Sozop- were also Christians.

olis was in Bulgarian hands, but in the harbor of Barbier’s accounts show that Amadeo had Scafida the crusaders found several Turkish entered Mesembria by 21 October (1366) when vessels, which they sank en combatant, giving no he ordered the payment of 6 florins to an officer quarter to those aboard. According to the Savoy- whom he was sending back to Anchialus. On the

ard account, they next seized “L’Assillo” same day he instructed Barbier to give 2 florins (Axillo, Anchialus, now Pomorie), a place well “to acertain person who had penetrated the wall

known in Byzantine history. The inhabitants of of the town of Mesembria when milord the captured towns expressed astonishment that attacked the place. . . .” On the twenty-second the count of Savoy should have thus invaded the he provided for the payment of 120 florins to lands of the tsar of Bulgaria, who had never _Berlion de Foras and Guillaume de Chalamont, done him any harm, to which the count replied whom he appointed “captains of Mesembria,”

that he did so because the tsar had taken his_ for their expenses and those of the company cousin, the emperor of Constantinople, and which he was leaving as a garrison in the fortress that he would never cease making war on the _ by the harbor.’ He was apparently in a jovial

Bulgarians until the emperor was set free.’ mood on the twenty-third when he gave 10 Anchialus was close to “Scafida” ( or “Stafida”), florins’ pourboire to the sailors on board the from which Amadeo’s fleet soon sailed the short galleys of Vincenti, Iusticier, Ottobono di Groppo,

distance north to Mesembria appartenant a lem- and Marco di Canava, as well as to those on pereur de Burgarie. Here Amadeo expected and board the two Genoese galleys from Pera and met more serious resistance. Once more he de-_ the two imperial galleys from Constantinople. cided upon three “assaults,” two by land and the The same amount went to the seamen from third by sea. The first division of his land forces Marseille who were sailing with Jean Casse and was put under the command of Florimont de Martin Geyme, both patrons of galleys, to those Lesparre and the sire de Basset, who chose on the galley of Giovanni di Magnari of Genoa, Guillaume de Grandson and Jean de Grolée to and “to the mariners of the three great galleys join them. Amadeo himself took charge of the and two transports [conducte] from Venice, second (and apparently larger) detachment, namely ten florins to each galley and six florins which included Aimon III of Geneva, the lords to each transport. . . .” The Venetian galleys of Chalon, Urtiéres, and Clermont, as wellasthe were those of Giovanni di Conte, Francesco di Cola, and Dardibon; the transports were those

., nos. 280-86. . ;

103 hid of Niccolo Marini “Casso” and Giuliano Neri.1% 104 Servion, Chron., col. 310: “[Le conte de Savoye et ses Since the crew of Raymond Bonzan’s galley from

gens] alerent devant Suzopoly, ou ilz entrerentaforce.... Marseille continued in Amadeo’s service and Les prisonniers pris es villes de Manchopoly, Suzopoly, et —_ (as we shall note) received their 10 florins later,

Scafida et Lacillo furent dire au conte quilz estoyent the Savoyard fleet on the western shores of the merveilliez pourquoy il preignoit et gastoit le terrain de Black Sea consisted of at least seven galleys from

lempereur de Burgarie leurs seigneurs, qui onques riens Bauicy ne luy avoit meffait; aulx queulx il respondist, que ce =§=——————— faisoit il pour ce que lempereur de Burgarie avoit pris son 105 Servion, Chron., col. 311.

cousin germain lempereur de Constantinoble, et quil ne 106 Barbier’s accounts, nos. Vil, 287-89, 727. On Berlion cesseroit mais de guerroyer les Burgariens, iusques a tant de Foras and Guillaume de Chalamont, both Knights of que lempereur Alexe [Jean] fust delivre a sa liberte. .. .” _ the Collar, note Cox, Green Count of Savoy (1967), pp. 181, On the garrison left at Anchialus, note Barbier’s accounts, 182-83, 361, and on provision for the garrison at Mesemnos. 287, 362, and esp. no. 405, which informs us that __ bria, see Barbier, nos. 290-91, 443. Amadeo made Pierre Vibod “captain of the said place.” 107 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 295-300.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 303 Genoa and Pera, two from Constantinople, three of their citizens to their lord, the emperor of from Marseille, and three from Venice, fifteen Bulgaria, to obtain the emperor of Constanin all, not counting at least two transports from _tinople’s release from prison, and the count Venice and certain other vessels which are men- promised to do them no injury until the return

tioned in Barbier’s accounts.’ of their envoys. With these promises made, the

Amadeo remained at Mesembria for “some twelve citizens went off to their emperor, and days” to see that the wounded were cared for, the count continued his siege.”!" and during this period he is said to have turned When the “twelve citizens” of Varna set out for

over his new conquests “aux gens de lempereur John SiSman’s court at Tirnovo, Amadeo put the de Grece.” Although the distances which his Latin Patriarch Paulus at the head of an embassy

expedition was now traveling were short, his of his own, and sent with him to Tirnovo the rapidity of movement gives the impression of lord of Fromentes, Alebret of Bohemia, Guiot highly competent organization, for the Savoyard Ferlay, and Gabriel Biblia. They left Varna on host had reached Varna by 25 October, having 29 October, and on 10 November, shortly after already taken the castle of “Lemona” along the their arrival at Tirnovo, Paulus sent Guiot way. Leaving the usual garrison at Lemona (on Ferlay back to Amadeo at Varna, doubtless to Cape Emine), Amadeo had pushed on imme- report on their reception by the tsar and to seek diately to Varna, the chief Bulgarian stronghold further instructions.!!* The Savoyard envoys did on the Euxine coast. As the fleet was casting not return until 22 December, when they reanchor “before Varna,” Amadeo sent back two joined Amadeo at Mesembria, whither he had transports (ligna) for some reason to the garri- gone in the meantime.'!® A Greek messenger, son at Lemona, and gave their patronz 10 florins who had probably left Vidin and gone to Varna for the expenses they would incur in going by way of Tirnovo, had already brought Amadeo there. At Varna, on 1 November, Raymond “certain news” from both John V and SiSman

Bonzan’s crew on the third galley from Mar- on 10 November,' and the tsar and the em-

seille received 10 florins’ pourboire,"® which — peror had obviously been in communication with

suggests that they had not been present at the each other for many weeks. assault on Mesembria, where Amadeo had given ‘The negotiations of the Patriarch Paulus at a like sum to the seamen on the other galleys. | Tirnovo were as successful as they were satisVarna was well walled and well garrisoned, factory from the Savoyard viewpoint. Agreeapparently too strong to take by storm, andsoon ment was not too difficult, for Sisman had been the advice of his old comrades-in-arms Amadeo fearful for the future of Varna, and Amadeo decided to reduce the place by siege. It was a_ had been loath to prolong the siege into the grim prospect, for winter was coming, and so_ winter. Paulus apparently secured the release of

he sent Jean de Vienne and Guillaume de Guy de Pontarlier, the marshal of Burgundy,

Grandson into the city onan exploratory mission the lord Bartholomé Ballufier, and a certain to discuss terms of surrender. They found that Poippe, “qui capti detinebantur per imperathe Bulgarians had no intention of giving up torem Burgarie,” for a ransom of 2,400 gold Varna, but they were willing not to harass the parperi of the standard weight of Pera or about Savoyard forces, and agreed to supply them with 1,200 gold ducats."* The envoys from Varna provisions. They also proposed sending “twelve had given SiSman such a gloomy account of how

Amadeo had seized and laid waste Bulgarian 108 The three patroni of the Marseillais galleys received “cities, towns, and castles... , and was still their monthly stipendia on 30 October, 1366 (Barbier’s ac- holding the city of Varna under siege, because counts, no. 308). Bonzan’s death is mentioned in no. 701. —————— Other vessels (ligna, bargae, panfili, naves) also appear in Bar- ™ Servion, Chron., col. 312, where the taking of Lemona

bier’s records (nos. 301, 307, 315, 325, 329). and “le chastel de Colocastre” is placed during the period of 1° Barbier’s accounts, no. 301, p. 85. Antoine, the “elder Amadeo’s encampment before Varna. bastard of Savoy,” an illegitimate son of Amadeo, was ‘2 Barbier’s accounts, no. 388, p. 99. made captain of Lemona, which later revolted, “et est 3 Thid., no. 392, p. 100. As noted below, Amadeo had sciendum quod idem bastardus captus extitit” (no. 421). withdrawn from Varna to Mesembria between 16 and 18 The Bulgarians thus recovered the town and castle, “et les November (nos. 343-45). emmenerent prisonniers a leur seigneur lempereur de ™4 Tbid., no. 328, p. 89. Burgarie en la cite d’ Andrenopoly [!J, out messire Anthoine ™ Ibid., nos. 395, 503. Pontarlier and his companions chastillain morut de doulour” (Servion, Chroniques de were being held by the Bulgarians “apud Provat .. . et

Savoye, cols. 313, 317). fuerunt capti apud Galataz versus Vernam” (i.e. near 110 Barbier’s accounts, no. 312. Varna, presumably before 18 November).

304 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT [Si$man] was keeping the emperor of Constan- not yet allow either John or Amadeo’s emis-

tinople a prisoner,” that the harassed tsar saries to traverse Bulgarian territory, and so

“consented to the deliverance of the emperor ‘Treverneis went to Cape Kaliakra, where for . . . , but the count of Savoy should promise no _ twenty-nine days he was to wait in vain for John, longer to carry on the war at Varna.” According who (doubtless with SiSman’s permission) was to the further testimony of the chroniclers of finally able to take a more direct route than the Savoy, Paulus then conveyed to Si$mantheassur- Danube valley, and eventually reached the Black ance of Amadeo “that as soon as the emperor Sea at Sozopolis. When the emperor’s route was [John], his cousin, should be at liberty in Con- known, Treverneis returned from Kaliakra, and

stantinople, he would raise his siege before on or about 24 December he was reimbursed

Varna... .”216 sixteen florins for his expenses and those of his Amadeo had withdrawn to Mesembria by 18 interpreter and crossbowmen.?”4

November, however, when he gave his cook In the meantime the payment of the skippers Palliart three florins as a gift for going out to of the galleys, the hirelings placed in the garribuy him a woolen jacket and hood.’* On the sons, and the men-at-arms enlisted in Savoy, twenty-fourth masons received a florin’s worth Italy, and elsewhere as well as a multiplicity of of wine when they built a fireplace in Ama-_ smaller expenditures (which Barbier carefully deo’s room “in domo ville Mesembrie.”"* At the records) had exhausted Amadeo’s crusading same time Amadeo made final payments to the treasury. He therefore exacted a tribute or skippers of three galleys from Genoa (Isnardodi_ “tallage” (taillia) of 17,568% gold parperi Gaico, Lanfranco Pansa, and Marco di Canava), [about 8,270 gold florins] from Mesembria, who were preparing to return home, and to the which was paid “by many and diverse persons two skippers from Pera (Domenico Veyrol and in the city,” including 938% parperi collected Martino di Campofregoso), whose term of serv- from the poor.’ The wealthier citizens were ice had also ended.'*® Jean Casse, whose galley assessed considerable sums, Calojohn Castrofilahailed from Marseille, was also paid off.’ They _ tas 2,000 parperi, of which he paid 1,200 in food-

were all probably anxious to be gone before the stuffs; the Lady Theodora 500, of which she winter set in. On 8 December the tailor Aimonet also paid 300 in victualibus; and Constantine spent 33 gold parperi on materials for great- Octolinas 500, the final 100 of which he was apcoats, hoods, and gloves for Amadeo and Guil- _ parently able to settle for sixty.12* Amadeo’s aides

laume de Grandson,” which suggests there sold 227 “fourths” (quartae) of millet, found in were some good shops in Mesembria. The vigi- the castle of Mesembria, to a local worthy named

lant physician Guy Albin found an apothecary Andrea Nychodi at “one parperus for each shop, and acquired “many medicines . . . for fourth,” and a Genoese merchant named Gathe many sick persons among milord’s men,” all _briele bought 600 quartae of millet, which had

for 2 florins.’” also been stored in the castle, for what appears

While men were being paid off and purchases to have been half the price.?2” The Savoyards made, messengers were carrying letters to Con- seized and sold copper, salt, wax, barley, wheat,

stantinople and Pera, to the Emperor John V at and other things for which a price would be Vidin, and to the Bulgarians at Cape Kaliakra, _ paid, including sour wine.’”* The Jews of Mesem-

northeast of Varna, “pro adventu domini im- bria made Amadeo a “gift” of 20 florins (about peratoris Constantinopolis.”** With the raising 42 parperi), and John Acardi paid 24 parperi to of the siege of Varna, Amadeo sent a trusted avoid having his house pulled down.’” member of his suite, Treverneis, with an inter-

reter and two crossbowmen (balisterti) to meet ~~ i,

John and accompany him to the Savoyard en- lit no. 887, Treverneis appears often in Barbier’

campment. Apparently the tsar Sisman would sent him in late November “to the emperor of Constantinople

a at Vidin” (no. 361), but presumably Sigman would not allow 116 Servion, Chron., cols. 313-14. him to go farther than Kaliakra.

117 Barbier’s accounts, no. 345. 125 Tbid., no. X11. AS previously noted, in Barbier’s accounts

(no. 375). numerals. 19 Tiid., nos. 353—56. 126 Ibid., nos. XIV-XVI. Some persons were imprisoned 118 Thid,, no. 352. The house received new locks and keys receipts are listed in Roman and expenditures in Arabic

129 Thid., no. 384. until they paid their assessments (no. 371, and cf. no. 394).

121 Thid., no. 372, and cf. no. 366. 127 Tbid., nos. VIH—IX. 122 Ihid., no. 377. 128 Thid., nos. XXIX—-XXXIV, XXXVI, XLIII—XLVI. 123 Ibid., nos. 357, 360-61, 387. 129 Thid., NOS. XXIV—XXV.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 305 Girard de Grandmont collected 2,734% par- at Pera three months before.% Apparently peri from the inhabitants of Anchialus, “and he influenza descended on the host, and Albin could not get more from them, as he says, al- bought “many medicines” during their stay at though the tribute amounted to a larger sum, Mesembria; one of the nobles died, and Amabecause of the hardship which the population of deo’s young son, the “junior bastard of Savoy,” the city suffered at the hands of the people _ fell ill. Antelme d’Urtiéres got sick at Christmas; whom the lord [Amadeo] kept in the garrison he was to take 35 gold ducats’ worth of mediof the city.”*° Girard had done his best. One cine by Easter, and his infirmity would last until night toward Christmas (1366) he had stationed after the expedition had returned to Italy.' several of Galeazzo Visconti’s briganti to guard a ‘Toward the end of December the long-awaited church in which he had confined some of the news came that the Emperor John V would soon more reluctant and probably richer citizens of reach the shores of the Black Sea. It may have

Anchialus “for the lord Amadeo’s tribute.” been brought to Mesembria by “certain min-

The briganti received an extra florin for their strels of the lord emperor of Constantinople,” to trouble, and an unnamed interpreter received whom Amadeo gave 3 florins on the thirty-first. 2 florins for assisting Girard to collect a “certain John would be coming to Sozopolis, and on or part of the aforesaid tribute.” On Christmas eve about 9 January (1367) Amadeo crossed the Girard hired a boat to take him from Anchialus Gulf of Burgas to await him there.’ The Patri-

to Mesembria, presumably to bring Amadeo arch Paulus had already returned from his some of the needed money, and then he re-_ Bulgarian mission, and from 23 to 27 January he

turned in the same boat, very likely to get joined Amadeo at dinner with Guillaume de

some more.**? Another interpreter, Francesc of Grandson, Gaspard de Montmayeur, Alebret of

Catalonia, collected 1,100 parperi from the Bohemia, “and several other nobles.” They inhabitants of Lemona, where he lived, and _ discussed the negotia which they were going to handed the money over to Barbier “for the take up with John, and dined in the evenings to tribute levied on them by the lord Amadeo.” _ the extent of 102 solidi, including the cost of six As the days got colder, and the north wind wax torches weighing 33 pounds and 13 pounds swept in from the Black Sea, more fireplaces of small candles. Jean de Grolée also appeared were installed and the windows were weather- on 28 January, at which time the emperor himproofed in the house which Amadeo was occupy- self either arrived at Sozopolis or at least being at Mesembria.’* The hours passed slowly. came available for discussions with the Savoy-

Amadeo bought a crossbow from one of the ards. Barbier has recorded the expenses inGenoese, and gave 18 silver denarz in Bulgarian curred “in the said town of Sozopolis for the money to some crossbowmen “qui cum domino eighteen days during which [the lord Amadeo] luserunt ad balistam.”'** He acquired a white stayed there for certain negotiations conducted falcon,’ and idled away the hours by gambling with the lord emperor of Constantinople, bewith his friends.** At Varna on 6 November he ginning on the evening of 28 January and had borrowed 200 florins from Archeto di Val ending on 15 February.”'4! Amadeo appears to d’ Aosta, and now at Mesembria on 3 Decem- have returned to Mesembria by 22 February,!*

ber he borrowed another hundred from his but these discussions were resumed later on

physician Guy Albin.’*’ Albin was busy that (for three days, from 12 to 15 March) by Paulus December, for most of the Savoyard and Italian and the sire de Fromentes.!* troopers had fewer fireplaces in their quarters, |§ The two cousins and their advisers had much and very likely none had such a coat as the one_ to talk about, from the costs of the Savoyard with the deerskin ining and the fox-fur colla s 88 CF, ibid., no. 273. Amadeo and Guillaume de Grandson

on which Amadeo’s tailor had spent 3% florins | cn dothed (¢f. also no. 401).

——_—-_—— 89 Ibid., nos. 377, 407, 605, 762-63. 130 Tbid., no. XXIII. 149 Tbid., nos. 410-11.

131 Thid., no. 405. 141 Thid., nos. 419-20. The Patriarch Paulus seems to 132 Thid., no. XII. have returned to Varna after his mission to Tirnovo, for 133 Ibid., no. 393. on 17 December twenty-six Marseillais mariners were paid 134 Tbid., nos. 369-70. Amadeo paid nine parperi for his for a seven days’ trip to Varna and back “ad dominum

crossbow. patriarcham Constantinopolis” (nos. 379-80), although he 135 Tbid., no. 389. apparently did not rejoin Amadeo until 22 December (no. 136 Ibid., nos. 302-4, 317, 336, 341, 951. 392).

187 Ibid., NOS. XXXVIHI—XXXIX, both loans being made “absque 12 Tbid., nos. 423 ff.

litera vel instrumento de debito.” 3 Ibid., no. 441.

306 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT expedition to the doctrine of papal supremacy. attempted solution of it we shall return presJohn V was happy to recover the former Byzan- ently.

tine cities of Mesembria and Sozopolis, for Amadeo spent from 22 February to at least 19 which Amadeo wanted some reimbursement for March at Mesembria, but on 31 March he was his huge expenditures on the crusade. When in _ back in Sozopolis, when he ordered Barbier to March (1367) Amadeo turned Mesembria over pay 34 florins for the expenses of thirty armed

to John, he received some 20,844 parperi men and some archers who were to accompany towards the 15,000 florins (=31,875 parperi), him on his return to Constantinople.’* On 6 which John had agreed to give him in partial April Amadeo was apparently back at “L’ Orpayment of the costs of the galleys.“ In thiscon- fenal” (Rumelifeneri), from which place a nection Barbier notes that “nichil plus recu- messenger was sent overland with letters to the perare potuit ab eodem [domino imperatore],” Genoese podesta at Pera and to Gaspard de but even to meet two-thirds of such a financial Montmayeur, who had preceded him to Conobligation was an extraordinary accomplish- _ stantinople.’“* By 9 April Amadeo had returned

ment for the always-impoverished emperor. to the Byzantine capital, where John V and the In dealing with the financial question the sire Greek populace gave him a heartfelt welcome. de Fromentes had clearly been Amadeo’s chief John thanked him for “les biens que vous spokesman. But since John had undertaken to aves fait a la christiente, et principalement a effect the union of the Churches in return’ moy.”!47 In Constantinople Amadeo found a for substantial aid against the Turks, both charger and some silk cloth which Francesco Amadeo and the Patriarch Paulus now pressed Gattilusio had sent him as a gift by two servitors,

him to live up to this solemn commitment. To to whom Barbier gave 6 florins.'4® More have expelled the Turks from Gallipoli and the _ bills were paid, and on the twenty-sixth of the

Bulgarians from Mesembria and Sozopolis month Amadeo made a present of 1,800 gold was no mean feat, and the addition of these parperi to Aimon III of Geneva and to the

strongholds to the shrunken empire of Byzan- _latter’s cousin Aimon of Geneva-Athon.'* This tium was the work of Latin warriors, who had time Amadeo took up his residence in the subalso rescued John from his dilemma at Vidin. urbs of Pera, in the house of Marco de’ Einaudi'’s John was expected to keep his part of the bar- widow, to whom he gave 54 gold parperi as gain, and the union of the Churches was the he got ready to leave (two months later),"*® but chief topic of the long discussions at Sozopolis. he made frequent trips across the Golden Amadeo and Paulus both served as spokesmen Horn,!*! presumably to confer with John V in for Urban V, who was then getting ready to the imperial palace. There were more shopping move the papacy back to Rome. But to the sprees, and large quantities of cloth were again

TT , 153 1

ecclesiastical problem, which was certain to purchased at the workship of Bernabo di S.

create discord in Constantinople, and John’s Stefano.*? Among the various purchases made

for Amadeo were two little slave girls, who cost 72

144 Thid., noS. XL—XLU, XLVII—XLIX. Barbier gives sums go Pen th financia settlement was : na’y

amounting to 20,844 parperi as having been received made with ¢ c atriarc aulus, and on ay

from imperial agents, but in entry no. XLIxX he reckons Amadeo repaid him the 1,600 gold parperi the total recepta from John V as only 20,300, but the dis- | which he had advanced to provide supplies and crepancy is not very large, and is presumably to be ac- wages for the garrison at Gallipoli.‘ counted for by the fact that the imperial payments were

made according to both the pondus Romanie and the pondus Pere. Barbier’s accounts are full of problems of “foreign ex-

change.” 145 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 423 ff., 444 ff., 447, and ¢. The Bulgarians had occupied Mesembria and Sozopolis __ nos. 448, 490. (as well as Anchialus) in 1307; these places were especially 146 Thid., no. 449.

valuable as centers of a grain-growing region. After 147 Servion, Chron., col. 314c. Amadeo’s departure, Mesembria and Sozopolis (as well 148 Barbier’s accounts, no. 450. as Anchialus) were occupied by the Turks sometime before 149 Thid., no. 459, and cf. no. 723, and Setton, in Speculum,

1380, but were recovered by the Byzantines as a result of XXVIII (1953), 646, note. Manuel II’s treaty with the Emir Suleiman in 1403. In 1413, 150 Barbier’s accounts, no. 570.

after the elimination of his brother Musa, the new Sultan 151 Ibid., no. 468. Mehmed I confirmed Manuel in possession of them (cf. 182 Thid., nos. 471, 491, 493—94. The enterprising Bernabo A. E. Bakalopoulos, “Les Limites de I’ empire byzantin also bought and sold grain (nos. 606-7). depuis la fin du XIV® siécle jusqu’ a sa chute (1453),” 153 Thid., no. 499.

Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LV (1962), 56-62). 154 Thid., no. 500.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 307 The crusade was nearing its end, but Amadeo Tenedos on 16 June, and on the twenty-first

now turned his attention once more to the and twenty-second at Negroponte, where he Turks, from whom on 14 May his forces gave 4 gold parperi to two minstrels of Roger de

seized (and unfurled his banner atop) the tower __Lluria, the vicar-general of the Catalan duchy

of “Eneacossia,” which his contemporary John of Athens; the minstrels doubtless brought Cantacuzenus twice identifies for us as “the Amadeo the greetings of de Lluria, and provided fortress near Rhegium,” the modern Kticiik- an evening’s entertainment."* Thereafter we cekmece,!®> on the northern (European) side of find both Amadeo and his accountant at Coron the Marmara. About ten days later they burned and Modon, whence he sailed around the west-

the Turkish stronghold called “Caloneyro,” of ern prong of the Moreote peninsula to Glawhich the Byzantine ruin near Biiytikcekmece _ rentza, where on 5 July he contributed 20 solidi possibly marks the location.®* This was the last Venetian to the local hospital.’ On 10 July he

offensive against the Turks. Amadeo’s funds was at Corfu," on the fourteenth at Durazzo, were depleted, but he was trying to repay some and on the seventeenth at Ragusa, where he of the debts he owed the Genoese at Pera.’ kissed the relics which the Dominicans showed Men were dying, including his cook, who was him,’®’ and where he left behind some of his sick buried in the Franciscan church at Pera; Amadeo _ followers, giving them all large sums of money spent the respectable sum of 40 florins on his but not informing Barbier “whether it is a loan, a funeral.1** Others were ill, and as he prepared gift, or in payment of a debt.”’®® He reached

to send back Galeazzo Visconti’s briganti to the island of Lesina (Alesna) off the Dalmatian Venice,=® Amadeo made generous provision coast on 21 July, Zara on the twenty-fourth, and for those who were infirmitate gravati,and whom the Istrian port of Rovigno on the twentyhe would have to leave behind at Pera.’ Some _ eighth.'®? Now the voyage was over, for his galley

of his followers wished to go on to Cyprus, soon landed at S. Niccolo di Lido, and he represumably to join Peter I in his crusading entered the city of Venice on 31 July.” He had efforts, and each of them received parting gifts made history, and done it well. of 50, 120, or 200 gold parperi.®** On Ascension Before coming to the importance of Amadeo’s Day (3 June) Antoine, the “younger bastard of expedition from the standpoint of the Curia Savoy,” spent 85 parperi on a farewell banquet Romana, we may note that Amadeo remained at Pera for “many nobles,” and Barbier paid at Venice (with a trip to Treviso) until 8 Sep-

the bill two days later.1” tember,’ making more or less final payments

Finally, on 9 June (1367), Amadeo boarded to various patroni of the galleys which had gone a galley at Pera for the return voyage to Venice. on the expedition, discharging innumerable

Stopping off at Gallipoli, he discharged his ——4H many debts to the officers and men of the garri- _—** Jbid., nos. 650 and 654, p. 157, where the date line

son, and on 14 June he turned the fortress town “apud for? June, and oe "1197, Juli” is a lapsus over to the “people of the lord emperor of Con- 165 Thid.. nos. 654, p. 158, and nos. 656-58. stantinople.”**’ Barbier’s accounts locate him at —_* hid, no. 663, where the editor Bollati has one of his fatuous geographical notes, identifying Barbier’s Curfo TT with “Korghos . . . sulla costa della Cilicia”! 155 Thid., no. 515, and Cantacuzenus, Hist., I, 45, and II, 34 187 Ihid., nos. 669-70, and cf. B. Kreki¢, “Amadeo VI ot

(Bonn, I, 219, 505): “76 epi 7d ‘Phywov ‘Evvaxédovw Savoy, the ‘Green Count,’ at Dubrovnik in 1367” (in Tpooayopevouevov xwpiov.” On Rhegium-Ktigiikgekmece, Serbocroatian), Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta, X11

near the present-day airport, see Mamboury, Istanbul (1971), 207-11.

touristique (1951), pp. 569-72. 168 Barbier’s accounts, no. 676. ‘56 Barbier’s accounts, no. 523, and cf. Mamboury, 189 Thid., nos. 678, 682, 686. He had touched at Pola on Istanbul touristique, p. 573. 97 July (no. 690). Lesina is today the well-known island ‘57 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 526 ff. resort of Hvar. By the treaty of Zara (in 1358) it went to

‘58 Tbid., no. 492, and ¢f. nos. 469, 583-85, 589, 608-10. Louis the Great of Hungary, under whose rule it was at the

159 Tbid., nos. 501-2. time of Amadeo’s landing. 169 Thid., nos. 504—5, 510, 576. 170 Thid., nos. 691—92.

16! Ibid., nos. 509, 535, 537, 540, et alibi. Antoine, the 171 The last payments Barbier made at Venice on Amadeo’s

younger bastard, went to Cyprus from Negroponte; he instructions are dated 8 September, 1367 (nos. 898 ff.), on

received 600 parperi (no. 654). which day Amadeo left the city (no. 917). On 19 August

18 Ibid., no. 558. the Senate had granted Amadeo permission to go to

163 Ibid., nos. 612~13 and ff. Amadeo traveled in the ‘Treviso “pro recreatione sua” (Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 68”). new galley which Giovanni di Conte had purchased at Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance @ Rome (1930), p. 160,

Pera (nos. 867, 900, 922). note 4, states that he went there on the nineteenth.

308 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT debts, making gifts, and buying things. In purpose of his southward journey was to see

Venice his physician Guy Albin died, and on 13. Urban V, whom he found in the handsome August Amadeo gave him an elaborate funeral palace at Viterbo in early October, and therein the church of the Friars Minor.’ A week after to visit some of the historic churches in later, on the nineteenth, he gave a gold ducat Rome. According to the pope’s so-called prima to the gondolier who brought him back “from vita, “Urban being still at Viterbo, there came to the house of [Philippe de Méziéres], the chan- him the well-known Amadeo, the count of Savoy, cellor of Cyprus, where he had dined.”!* They and [Paulus], the patriarch of Constantinople, doubtless talked of the Cypriote sack of Alexan- and some other notable persons sent on behalf dria and of Amadeo’s own occupation of Gallip- of the emperor of Constantinople, promising oli, Sozopolis, and Mesembria. They must also the pope . . . that the emperor would return have discussed the union of the Churches. The to the unity of the Roman Church, and that in Latin Patriarch Paulus was in Venice. Amadeo _ this connection he would shortly come in person

5 : beter bas , POP grap :

paid a hundred ducats for a gray palfrey, which to the pope.”!”8 The other “notable persons” he gave to Paulus, and he wrote Urban V, who to whom the pope’s biographer refers are the was then at Viterbo, urging the needy patriarch’s_ eight Byzantine envoys who had sailed with nomination to the lucrative archiepiscopal see Amadeo on the return voyage to Venice.!” of Patras, which had fallen vacant with the Soon after his arrival in Rome on 13 October death of Angelo Acciajuoli.‘” His efforts were (1367) Amadeo began a tour of the Roman not in vain, for on 20 October the pope ap- churches, starting with S. Silvestro, where he

pointed Paulus administrator of the see.” He kissed the head of S. John the Baptist, and had been useful to the papacy in the discus- thereafter went on to S. Maria in Aracoeli, S.

sions of church union at Sozopolis and Con- Paolo alla Regola, and S. Anastasio. He repaid

stantinople.!” certain debts to the Patriarch Paulus, and gave From Barbier’s accounts one can easily fol- 300 florins to Marie of Bourbon, the titular

low Amadeo’s subsequent itinerary in Italy until Latin empress of Constantinople. He remained the day of his return to Chambéry.’” The chief in Rome until 25 October,!® and so witnessed Urban V’s return to the city on the sixteenth,'*!

1” Barbier’s accounts, no. 1187. —_ 173 Tbid., no. 761. ferred with Urban V (see the following note). His next

174 Thid., no. 793, p. 182, and no. 804. stop was Rome, where he arrived on 13 October, and re-

173 Eubel, Hierarchia, 1, 394. mained until the twenty-fifth (nos. 1048-69). Returning 176 Paulus’s doctrinal learning and skill in disputation north by way of Montefiascone (no. 1074) and Civitavecchia won the admiration of the anti-Latin Nicephorus Gregoras, (no. 1075), he reached Perugia on 29 October (no. 1077),

XXIX, 55 ff. (Bonn, III, 262 ff.): “. . . cogias éuzetpos Arezzo on the thirty-first (no. 1083), and Florence on 2 b7607 Kai ola Thy tav Aativwv oikewirar axXOATnV eV November (no. 1085). He was at Bologna on the sixth (no. Soynarikais Tov Geiwy ypappatwv StatpiBais.” Gregoras 1096), Mantua on the ninth (no. 1100), Borgo S. Donnino does not mention Paulus by name, but the identification is | 0n the eleventh (nos. 1105, 1211), and back in Pavia from certain (cf. ed. Bonn, I, pp. XXXVII-XxxvIII; Giovanni the fourteenth to the twenty-third (nos. 1108 ff., 1122). He

Mercati, Simone Atumano, Rome, 1916, pp. 30-31, note; stopped at Vercelli on 24 November (no. 1145), and the Ant. Rubié i Lluch, in the Homenaje a D. Carmelo de Eche- following day went on to Ivrea (nos. 1152 ff., 1156), after garay, San Sebastian, 1928, pp. 370, 382). From Smyrna which he turned south to Rivoli, where he was on 4 December (1345-1357), Paulus was translated to Thebes, and thence (no. 1172). Four days later, on the eighth, he was at Susa

to the Latin patriarchate (1366-1370), with an official (no. 1176), whence he proceeded through the Mont Cenis residence at Negroponte (Eubel, I, 206, 456, 482). Pass to Lanlebourg (no. 1178), reaching Aiguebelle on 8 177 From Venice Amadeo went to Padua, where we find December (no. 1181) and Chambéry on the tenth (no. 1182).

him on 9-10 September, 1367 (Barbier’s accounts, nos. ‘™ Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, I 919 ff., 1211). He was at Ferrara on the twelfth and thir- (1914), 364. The author of the Secunda vita Urbani V inteenth (ibid., nos. 929, 933), Piacenza on the sixteenth forms us that with Amadeo and Paulus “octo ambaxiatores (nos. 941, 1198), Pavia from the eighteenth to the twenty- _ imperatoris Constantinopolitani” waited upon the pope at third (nos. 944 ff., 992), Borgo S. Donnino on the twenty- Viterbo on i October, 1367 (bid., I, 388). fourth (nos. 1008, 1211), Fornovodi Taroon the twenty-fifth | 9 Cf. Misti, Reg. 32, fol. 64°, dated 6 August, 1367: (no. 1011), Pontremoli from the twenty-sixth to the twenty- | “Capta: Quod magnifico domino comiti Sabaudie hoc ineighth (nos. 1012, 1211), and Lucca on the thirtieth stanter requirentl concedatur quod Sua comitiva et greci (no. 1015), when he went on to Pisa (no. 1017), where he qui secum venerunt possint redire ad partes suas solum remained 1-2 October (nos. 1018, 1021). His next stop was Cum arnesiis absque mercationibus. . . . Cf. the previous Siena on 3 October (no. 1025), whence he continued to note and Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome, p. 160, Montefiascone, where we find him on the seventh (no. who has already noted this text. 1029). He spent from the seventh to the eleventh at 180 Barbier’s accounts, nos. 1048, 1052, 1063-65, 1069. Viterbo (nos. 1030 ff., 1043), where he and Paulus con- 181 Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, I, 365, 388.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 309 the Byzantine envoys following along in the Paulus believed that they had found a way of

papal train. holding John to this commitment. Amadeo had The envoys, laymen as well as ecclesiastics, needed money to get his expedition back to represented both the Emperor John V and the Italy, and instead of borrowing it himself, he Greek Patriarch Philotheus Coccinus. The nego- and Paulus had prevailed upon John to do so, tiations begun in Viterbo were continued in before the cession of Sozopolis, Mesembria, Rome, but the participants apparently avoided and Gallipoli. An agreement was thus reached the theological difficulties which had proved in- whereby John loaned Amadeo “20,000 florins

surmountable in the past. The envoys were of good weight [=42,500 gold parperi], to be probably divided in their instructions and their repaid within one month after the lord emperor objectives, for the interests of the ekklesia and the or his son the lord Andronicus shall have come basileta, as seen by Philotheus and John, corre- before the lord pope.” It obviously took some

sponded less closely than the latter might have time to find the money, but at length John wished. The series of twenty-three bulls promul- succeeded in borrowing from two Genoese gated by Urban on 6 November, however, bear bankers (banquerii) in Pera the sum of 34,862 witness to the optimistic view of the prospects gold parperi (=16,405 florins), which he turned for church union which still prevailed at the over to Amadeo on 29 May, 1367,'®* enabling Curia Romana after these discussions,’ and _ the latter to complete his plans for the return to therefore to the forbearance of the ecclesiastical Venice. It was of course a goodly sum, and members of the Byzantine mission. The latter Amadeo doubtless helped persuade the bankers

knew that they could afford to wait for the to make the loan, for the emperor's credit was formal sessions of the oecumenical council not very good. John was still short some 3,600 which, as we shall see, they had doubtless been florins (=7,650 parperi), which he had partially

informed would be the final and indispensable made up by pledging some precious stones forum for the settlement of doctrinal differ- and jewelry, including the large ruby he used to ences. These differences were chiefly the Latin wear in his hat. The jewels were left with defense of papal supremacy within the Church, Amadeo’s consent on deposit with the magisthe filioque clause and the form of invocation trates of the commune of Pera. The two instru(€zrixkA nots) of the Holy Spirit, the Latinazyma as_ ments setting forth the imperial obligations, pre-

opposed to the Greek use of leavened bread pared by the notary Baldassano Niccoli, were rein the mass, and the denial of purgatory and deemed for 50 parperi by Amadeo on 4 June, opposition to indulgences. The papacy on the five days before he left Pera.’ other hand objected to the convocation of a = Although the acts prepared by the notary general council at this time—among other Niccoli appear no longer to be extant, the backreasons the political turbulence in Italy made _ ground of these negotiations is given in a letter the idea impracticable—and so it would take of Urban V to the podesta and council of Pera. more than John’s promised appearance at the ‘The letter is dated 16 November, 1369, a month Curia to effect the union of the Churches. after John V’s appearance at the Curia in Rome and his public acceptance of Latin Catholicism For years the papacy had set the union of the (and almost twenty months after he had agreed Churches as the price which the Greeks must pay _ to come). From this letter it is clear that, in the for a large-scale expedition against the Turks. event he failed to keep his promise, John would If in some respects the Savoyard “crusade” fell cede to Amadeo the right to the imperial cusshort of Greek hopes, it had managed no small toms duties (commercia) for five years, since achievement against both the Turks and the at least some of the precious stones and jewels Bulgarians. For years the Emperor John had he had pledged and deposited with the magismade clear that he was willing to pay the price— trates of Pera were “of small value.” By Novemever since the negotiations in 1355, in which =—HW-WW— Paulus, then archbishop of Smyrna, had played a 18 Barbier’s accounts, no. LxXxUl, pp. 15-16. The rate

leading role—and while still at Sozopolis and was about a paren wo aout’ bont bonderis” (ef.

Constantinople Count Amadeo of Savoy and j7 Fs EAL . of). ,

TT 184 Thid., no. 555, pp. 135-36. For the ruby (balassius 182 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 249, fols. 1-4, 10-12, grossus), “quem idem imperator super capello suo deferre on which see Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance, pp. 163, — solebat,” see Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance, app., no. 15, p. 166-75, 178 ff. 380 (cf. the following note).

310 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ber, 1369, John’s formal conversion had abro- also come with his suffragans, since it was to be a gated his commitment to give Amadeo the im- “catholic and oecumenical council.” Although

perial customs rights for five years, and of Philotheus writes sympathetically of the possicourse he wanted also the restitution of the _ bility of union, in rehearsing the Greek position, ‘Jewels thus pledged” (iocalia sic pignorata). he does state that he and his fellow ecclesiastics “And therefore supplication has been humbly would not accept the omission of a syllable or an made to us on the said emperor’s behalf,” Urban ota of the Orthodox dogmas. They would rely wrote the colonial government of Pera, “that solely upon the gospels, the apostolic and patrissince he has himself come to us according to his _ tic texts, and the ancient ecclesiastical legislation, promise, we should order the aforesaid jewels preserving in their full integrity both the ekklesia

to be restored to him,” which Urban directed and the basileia. Philotheus expressed confidence

the addressees of his letter to do promptly.’® that the Greek interpretations of the sacred The discussions which we have seen take place texts would prove superior to those of the Latins,

at Sozopolis from the evening of 28 January to and if so, “they may come along with us, and 15 February (1367) between John V and Ama- acknowledge it” (€A@wowy éxeiwor pe Nywv deo, together with their staffs, inevitably caused at 040hoyHaworr),'** a very unlikely prospect some commotion in the Byzantine Church. In if we can trust Nicephorus Gregoras’s low April or May Philotheus Coccinus, the Greek Pinion of the intellectual capacity of the Greek patriarch of Constantinople, wrote his beloved €Piscopate of his time." brother Gregory, the metropolitan of Ochrida =~ _____ “and of all Bulgaria” to the following effect: 186 Franz Miklosich and Jos. Miiller, eds., Acta et diplomata

. graeca medi aevi: Acta patriarchatus constantinopolitant, 1

The beloved cousin of my most excellent and holy (Vienna, 1860, repr. Aalen, 1968), no. CCxxxIv, pp. 491emperor, the count of Savoy, having arrived with 93, undated, but assigned to April or May, 1367, by Halecki, his galleys in Constantinople, the city aggrandized Un Empereur de Byzance, p. 152. See also the letters of Urban and guarded by God, has had with him also the V given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1367, nos. 9-11, western bishop, the lord Paulus. He brought a letter vol. VII (1752), pp. 153-54, especially Urban’s letter of 6 from the pope to my most excellent and holy em- November, 1367, to Philotheus, Niphon, and Lazarus in peror concerning the union and concord of the 2”SWer to an obviously most conciliatory letter which they Churches, that is to say, of our own Church and that had sent to Rome. The pope professes to believe that

L ’. , they areRomanae ready for “reductio Graecorum ad which sacrooff the the Latins. sanctae ac the universalis ecclesiae unitatem,” . was obviously far from the case. ane CMAPCPOF cae shown the letter to Philo- 187 Cf. Setton, “The Byzantine Background to the Italian C cus and to the Patriarchs Niphon of Alexan- Renaissance,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical dria and Lazarus of Jerusalem, who were then Society, vol. 100 (1956), p. 41. As is well known, Gregoras’s in Constantinople, anda synod had been formed public career was ruined by his stalwart opposition to the with other bishops who happened also to be in obscurantist Palamite leadership of the Church in his time the€ city, citv.Pus, Thassembling bli d find; th (for his excommunication, see the Acta patriarchatus constanand MNdINg WleM~ sinopolitani, 1, no. CCXXIX, p. 490, and R. Guilland, Essai sur selves in full agreement, the Byzantine divines _Nicéphore Grégoras, Paris, 1926, pp. 34—40 and ff.). Gregoras had voted that an oecumenical council must be died toward the end of 1359 or possibly at the beginning convoked to deal with so grave a matter, after of the following year. On Philotheus Coccinus, Gregoras,

: ° and the theological contests of their time, see in general

me fasnion of the first Seven such councils the learned work of the late Cardinal Giovanni Mercati,

(the only ones ever recognized by the Orthodox Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone . . . ed altri appunti per Churches). The Patriarchs Niphon and Lazarus la storia della teologia e della letteratura bizantina del secolo

were sending letters to their suffragans and XIV, Citta del Vaticano, 1931 (Studi € testi, no. 56). local synods, summoning them to attend the Reference has already been made (see above, note 24) ‘i. Th , th triarchs had of to the text published by J. Meyendorff, “Projets de concile councn, © ree pattiarcns 1a o course oecuménique en 1367,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XIV, 164sent word to their fourth contrere, the patri- 77, in which Paulus is represented as having had an audience

arch of Antioch, so that he might come with with John VI Cantacuzenus, in June, 1367, in the

his suffragans and the members of the Anti- palace of Blachernae. If their theological discussion really . . ; took place, it must have been during the first week of June, ochene synod. His Holiness of Ochrida should because Paulus sailed with Amadeo from Pera on the ninth.

———_—_—_———_ The writer exhibits the former emperor and the Latin

18 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 172, fols. 345Y— patriarch as carrying on their dialogue (dialexis) in the pres346", and Reg. Vat. 260, fol. 3, no. 9, published by Halecki, ence of John V Palaeologus, the Empress Helena, the Un Empereur de Byzance, app., no. 15, pp. 380-81, and see, young co-emperor Andronicus [IV], the Despot Manuel ibid., pp. 149-51 for a fuller statement of the facts which I__ [II], officials of the palace and the patriarchate, as well as

have simplified. the bishops of Ephesus, Heraclea, and Adrianopie. Canta-

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 311 The Savoyard crusade moved the cautious It is not clear that John availed himself of this Emperor John to take further steps of his own rationalization which was designed to protect for the defense of the empire. In November, church property as well as to help build a bul1367, the lord Macarius Glabas Tarchaneiotes, wark against Turkish attacks. Amadeo’s reJohn’s uncle and the most exalted of Byzantine covery of Gallipoli would be a great boon to the monks, informed the Patriarch Philotheus that Greeks, who (if their strength proved equal to

John wanted to plant soldiers (kataarTnoat the opportunity) might now prevent the easy aTpati@ras) along the northern shore of the Sea passage of Turkish troops back and forth across of Marmara from the walls of the capital west- the Dardanelles, and the new military settle-

ward to Selymbria, the modern Silivri. He was ments along the northern Marmara (if they planning to give the soldiers the lands involved, were ever organized) would add to the protecas pronoiai or military estates, including two tion of Constantinople.

villages (xwpia) which belonged to the Great The general council which the Patriarch Church. John asked for the cession of these Philotheus wanted never took place, because villages for a year, and if he used them as he Urban V could see no point in a theological conproposed, he would of course retain them _ test. The doctrines of the true Church were clear longer, but he would then give the Church an enough to the Holy See, and although Urban indemnity equal to their revenue. Otherwise he now hoped for union, he knew that over the would return them to the Church. Philotheus centuries dozens of unionist debates had failed replied that he could not give up the two villages, to find a solution to the distressing problem of

for he was only the custodian and not the schism. But John V would come to the Curia proprietor of ecclesiastical estates. The holy Romana, as he had promised Amadeo and

synod was assembled, and speaking in support Paulus. Without our questioning his religious of the patriarch “as if with one mouth” de- sincerity, on which Halecki has probably laid clared that the canons absolutely forbade the rather too much emphasis, John had several

alienation of church property. When Tar- other good reasons for coming. He wanted

chaneiotes suggested that the emperor be al- further assistance against the Turks. He needed

lowed to rent the properties in question (to the repayment of the 16,400 florins he had settle soldiers on them), the synod answered that borrowed from the bankers at Pera on Amadeo’s

the canons also forbade the leasing of ecclesias- behalf, and he was anxious to forestall the tical estates to the powerful (Svvaroi), even to necessity of having to turn over to Amadeo the the emperor (for in earlier generations recovery imperial customs revenues for five years. had proved too difficult). The patriarch and the Although twenty years before this, according synod were rigid, but apparently not unwilling to Nicephorus Gregoras, the imperial customs to be helpful. They pointed out to Tarchaneiotes returns (yépot) had already fallen to 30,000 that, although they themselves could not violate hyperpyra a year (while the Genoese at Pera were

the canons by giving up the villages, “if the holy allegedly collecting nearly 200,000 at their emperor wishes to take them on his own au-_ customs office),!®* such tolls, however reduced, thority to do what he proposes, let him do so: doubtless provided one of John’s chief sources of it is he who gave them to the Church; let him income. Finally there was the additional pledge

also take them back if he wishes; he has the of his precious stones and jewelry which he

power to do with them as he chooses. . . .”"°* would be happy to redeem. For some twenty-five years, ever since the summer of 1343, the Vene-

cuenus with el vol 4 tians had been holding cuzenuspropounds propounds wiskill. SKill, eloquence, tolerance, an Ahis~ “crown ; . ; . 4 jewels” benignity the Greek view that the union of the Churches (Koopa THs Bactretas, iocalia ump ert) for the must await the resolution of doctrinal differences, and non-payment of a debt of 30,000 ducats. Inthat this could only be accomplished in an oecumenical deed, in February, 1369, the Senate had written

council. Cantacuzenus soon convinces Paulus of the the Republic’s ambassador Jacopo Bragadin, ighness and righteous ofthe Creck poston, am the who ad been. sent to Constantinople the pre-

next two years. -__ OO

council which should be held in Constantinople Fithin the ceding spring, in rather peremptory tones about 188 Acta patriarchatus constantinopolitani, I, no. CCL, pp. George Ostrogorsky, Pour I’Histotre de la féodalité byzantine,

507-8, on which note Peter Charanis, “The Monastic trans. Henri Grégoire, Brussels, 1954, p. 160.

Properties and the State in the Byzantine Empire,’ Dumbarton 189 Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant., XVII, 1, 2 (Bonn,

Oaks Papers, 1V (Washington, D.C., 1948), 114-16, and II, 842).

312 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT these jewels: Bragadin could tell Johntosendan_ Insofar as John V was apprised of Bragadin’s envoy to Venice to watch them all sold at auction approach to the Turks, he must have been unless he satisfied their claims against him.’ frightened. With a commercial base at Turkish The Senate had sent Bragadin in late April, Scutari, when would the Venetians ever again 1368, to the court of John V in order to negotiate transport a crusading army into eastern waters?

the renewal of the Republic’s quinquennial truce with Byzantium. The effort had failed, On 6 August, 1369, the Emperor John landed and John was more fearful than the Venetians at Castellammare, on the southern shore of the as to the possible consequences. Perhaps while _ bay of Naples, with a large retinue of Byzantine he was in Italy he could iron out his differences nobles. They came in four galleys. After more with the Senate, whose instructions to Bragadin thanaweekasthe guest of Joanna I in the Castel-

may not have been entirely unknown to the nuovo on the waterfront in Naples, John went

Byzantine court. As the ambassador was being _ back aboard his galley (on 18 August) to continue

sent off on his mission, he had been told to the voyage to Rome,” where he arrived some investigate the possibility of the Venetians’ time in September. On 6 October the Venetian acquiring the port of Scutarl, just across the Senate voted to send two envoys to him to try Bosporus from Constantinople, as a concession _to renew the quinquennial truce. John wanted to

from Murad I. Reliable informants had reported settle the matter; he had recently written to that the latter was willing to give them a suitable Venice, and had apparently asked the Latin trading station in Turkish territory. Scutari Patriarch Paulus to do so also.!93 One can imagwould be an appropriate place. It had a good 9 _______ harbor, across the entrance to which a chain By 10 November (1368), to be sure, John had finally could be thrown to prevent hostile entry. But paid 4,500 Ayperperi, but Bragadin and the Senate were the Venetians were apparently too self-seeking indignant “quod limperator] non vult quod revocetur quod

‘ntheird ds of hinothing nostri possint habere ultra xv tabernas nec possint (Misti, emere int er emands of the the 1Turk urks,dan came possessiones, terras, zardinos, et campos...” of this attempt to secure a fortified port under _ Reg. 33, fol. 8"). This was the old grievance under which the the Ottoman banner. Bragadin’s mission, then, Venetians chafed at each renewal of the treaty. On Braga-

was a failure when it came to Scutari as well as 4's difficulties at the imperial court, note Julian Chryso-

tO1Tenewal of the oF Veneto-B tine t Th stomides, “Venetian Commercial Privileges under the the veneto-Dyzantine truce. 1Nn€ — palaeologi,” Studi veneziani, XII (1970), 283-84, 296-97, fault was presumably less his than that of the 304, 399.

Senate, whose instructions he had to follow.!9! In a resolution of 26 April (1368) the Senate acted on information previously supplied by the Venetian bailie

—_—— and councillors in Constantinople “quod Moratus condam 199 Misti, Reg. 33, fol. 8%, dated 23 February, 1369: Orchani libenter vellet quod conversaremur in partibus “Tunc dicat [ambaxiator noster] ei quod si sibi placet, suis, et esset contentus dare nobis quemdam locum ad velle potest mittere nuntium suum ad videndum vendi ipsa nostrum in partibus Turchie . . .” (Misti, Reg. 32, fol. [iocalia] pignora, quia nostre intentionis omnino non est 121%, published in Sime Ljubic¢, Listine, in Monumenta specplus differre.” Since the Palaeologi were supposed to be tantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, IV [Zagreb, 1874],

paying 5 per cent interest on the debt, now more than no. CLxv, pp. 92-93, who included the text among his twenty-five years in arrears (1343-1368), the totalamounted documents because he mistakenly assumed it related to to something over 67,500 ducats (at simple interest), on Scutari in Albania). Bragadin was to request Scutari “pro which see below and the excellent article of Tommaso _habitatione et reducto nostrorum mercatorum,” but since Bertelé, “I Gioielli della corona bizantina dati in pegno the Senate wanted Murad I to fortify the place at his own alla repubblica veneta nel secolo XIV e Mastino II della expense and to grant the Venetians exemption from both Scala,” Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani, 11 (Milan, 1962), import and export duties as well as a wide range of “fran123-24, and doc. no. 31, p. 175, with the text of the sena- _chisiae, avantagia, iurisdictiones ac libertates,” very hkely

torial resolution of 23 February, 1369. The Senate had the Ottoman ruler quickly lost whatever interest he may already threatened several times to put the jewels up for have had in the proposal. Considering the nature of

sale, but in fact never did so (Bertelé, op. cit., pp. 108, ff.). Bragadin’s orders from the Senate, it is almost inconceivable 191 Misti, Reg. 32, fols. 119’—122", on which note Halecki, that he did not do everything possible to secure Scutari for Un Empereur de Byzance, pp. 176-77, who in my opinion __ Venice. exaggerates “l’extréme brutalité avec laquelle [Bragadin ] 192 Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della avait traité ’ empereur.” Bragadin’s instructions had beento ‘Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente francescano, V (Quaracchi, 1927),

conduct his embassy “cum verbis benivolencie et amoris” 134, note 1. (Reg. cit., fol. 119%), but he found John rather baffling to 193 Misti, Reg. 33, fol. 35”, dated 6 October, 1369: “Capta: deal with, “et ipse imperator per formam dictarum treu- Quia pro honore nostro et bono nostrorum mercatorum facit guarum teneatur nobis solvere certam quantitatem pecunie mittere ambaxiatam nostram ad dominum imperatorem ad summam ypperperorum Xxv m. VI c. Lx quos solvere Constantinopolitanum, qui est in partibus Rome, tum pro debebat ad certos terminos” (loc. cit.). No such payments, honorando excellentiam suam et congaudendo de adventu however, had been made on this debt of 25,663 hyperperi. | suoad curiam romanam tum pro confirmatione treuguarum

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 313 ine the excitement of the Roman populace. No The author of the Prima vita Urbani states

ruling emperor had come from Constan- that John had been received in Rome with

tinople to Rome since the time of Constans II, “somewhat less” (paulo minus) formality than if seven centuries before, and now this emperor he had been the western emperor, who took from the legendary East had come to humble _ precedence at the Curia over all other princes.’ himself before their bishop and to become acon- Perhaps John and the Greeks in his entourage

vert to Latin Catholicism. were not well enough acquainted with Roman The two important ceremonies which followed _curial etiquette to know the difference. His own

are alluded to in the Secunda vita Urbani V in conversion did not of course constitute the Baluze’s collection of the lives of the Avignonese “union of the Churches,” but the Curia regarded

popes: it as the most important ; tion. first step in that direc. . . On 13 October the pope came to the city, where

the lord emperor of the Greeks, John Palaeologus On 4 November (1369), two weeks after the by name, was already awaiting him, and on S. Luke’s C€reMony in S. Peter S, Urban wrote Amadeo of day [18 October] in the hospital of S. Spirito . . . he Savoy that the latter’s cousin, the Emperor John, made his profession [of faith] in the presence of five had publicly abjured the schism on 21 October cardinals and two protonotaries, and swore that he “in the basilica of the prince of the apostles.” He

would always keep it. Afterwards he signed it with was therefore entitled to the repayment of the his own hand in cinnabar ink, and with a gold seal 90.000 florins [or less] which he had loaned he sealed the document, which ae he ay im Greet Amadeo at Pera, and “which you promised to and “aun, and ne lad it placed mm the archives ©” repay him within one month after he had ap-

the Church. Then, on Sunday, the twenty-first of eared in our presence.” Urb d Amad the said month, the lord pope, coming out to the P hie A: esence. ST ok uFBee “Ama hic stairs of S. Peter’s, received the emperor as he ‘© Meet this obligation promptly to Preserve fis mounted the stairs to meet him, and going into the OWN honor and to relieve the emperor’s indiChurch together, the pope celebrated mass in his gence. He also informed Amadeo that he was

presence.'4 writing to “some kings and other magnates” to

; , ; send help now “to the emperor, a Catholic

oe ho 1369 ater thus cocument dares et prince, to recover the imperial lands which the

tONET: d ir th Vatirs Archi ‘ ther impious Turks have occupied.” He exhorted with a seca di h “ be la +h, red a oe Amadeo to send still further help to Byzan-

ih 4 nerial c "e. sopul oe th. TECAC ed °' tium, for no one knew better than the crusader © mp in 370 to esston Of fal Sable a bi. count the “miserable state of the empire, which January, » 10 remove any conceivable am you saw with your own eyes only a little while guity as to John’s full conversion to Latin ago.”97 On 13 November Urban issued an Catholicism.’° habito respectu ad bonam voluntatem et dispositionem chrysobull (that of January, 1370), ibid., pp. 202-3; and

quam ipse dominus imperator ostendit habere erga nos, ¢f. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, pp. 146-48, ut patet tam per litteras suas nobis missas quam per litteras 168, 438, and Setton, in the Proceedings of the American domini patriarche Constantinopolitani [i.e. Pauli] ..., Philosophical Society, vol. 100 (1956), pp. 46—47, with refs.

vadit pars quod mittantur in bona gratia duo solemnes The author of the Prima vita Urbani V also notes the conambaxiatores ad ipsum dominum imperatorem. . . .” signment of this document to the papal archives: “. . . By action of the Senate on 14 June, 1369, Bragadin, who [imperator] certam bullam grece et latine conscripsit, et had just returned from Constantinople, “et est de negociis sua bulla aurea sigillavit, quam in archivis Ecclesie condictarum partium plenarie informatus,” could be invited —servandam dicto pape assignavit” (Baluze and Mollat, Vitae,

to sit in the Senate when Greek affairs were being dis- _[, 372). cussed. He might express his opinion, but not being a mem- 96 Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, I, 372, and cf. Agostino ber of the Senate, he could neither vote nor otherwise Patrizzi and Johann Burchard, Rituum ecclesiasticorum sive take part (zbid., fol. 24"). His advice was obviously sought = sacrarum cerimoniarum SS. Romanae Ecclesiae libri tres . . .

on the embassy now being sent to the emperor. {= Caeremoniale Romanum], ed. Cristoforo Marcello, Venice, **4 Baluze and Mollat, Vitae paparum Avenionensium, 1,391, 1516, repr. 1965, fol. 20°: “Quod autem de imperatore

and ¢f. p. 372. dicimus, intelligimus de imperatore Romanorum, non autem

1% Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A. Arm. I-XVIII, nos. 401, Graecorum, nam ille ut rex tractatur” (cited by Baluze

395, and note I Concili ecumenici nei documenti dell’ Archivio and Mollat, Vitae, II, 555, and noted by Halecki, Un Vaticano, Citta del Vaticano, 1964, pt. 2, nos. 60-61, pp. Empereur de Byzance, p. 194). In Rome the emperor was

44-45; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1369, nos. 1-3, “treated like a king.”

and ad ann. 1370, no. 1, vol. VII (1752), pp. 171-73, 180. 87 Lecacheux and Mollat, Lettres secretes et curiales du pape On the ceremonies in S. Spirito and at S. Peter’s, see Halecki, Urbain V, I, fasc. 3, no. 2999, p. 518, and Halecki, Un Un Empereur de Byzance, pp. 195-99, and on John’s second Empereur de Byzance, pp.200—1,and app. no. 14, pp. 378—79.

314 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT encyclical asking the Christian princes to aid the ties “in Constantinople and the empire,” but emperor, verus . . . Ecclesiae filius, and on 29 the Venetian government was to prohibit their January (1370) he sent a special appeal to the doing so during the five years’ duration of the same effect to Andrea Contarini, the doge of present truce. Such properties as were already Venice, and to Gabriele Adorno, the doge of in Venetian hands, however, were to be reGenoa. The Church could rejoice, he told them, tained according to the conditions under which “when our dearest son in Christ, John Palaeo- _ they were then held, and the emperor would not logus, illustrious emperor of the Greeks, came levy any additional taxes or charges on them. to the holy Apostolic See in a spirit of devotion, Since John claimed that he had lost much abjured the schism completely, and professed revenue on the many taverns which the Venethe Catholic faith, which he now holds and the _ tians then had in Constantinople, and on the aforesaid Church teaches . . . ,and we piously large quantity of wine sold in them, the Venehope that even as long ago the conversion of the _tians acceded to his request that they should Emperor Constantine caused the conversion of not operate more than fifteen taverns in the innumerable peoples, just so (by the example city, and that all others should be closed, but and effort of the Emperor John) peoples with- this concession was not ipso facto to mean any out number, who now follow the schism and abridgment of Venetian rights and franchises in errors of the Greeks, will by divine grace return the future. There was some regulation of the

to the Lord’s fold!” John should thus be cher- grain trade, and John undertook to make

ished by the Christian powers, whose help he amends for all novitates, extorsiones, iniuriae, needed desperately to save the eastern empire, offensae, et damna which his. government had which the Turks had reduced almost to the point caused citizens and subjects of the Republic

of extermination.?%° since the last confirmation of the truce (in 1363).

Although on instructions from the Senate The Venetians claimed that John had owed

Jacopo Bragadin had taken an intransigent atti- them 25,663 hyperpyra for damages and imtude in dealing with John V on the proposed _ proper levies to which the imperial government renewal of the Veneto-Byzantine treaty or truce had subjected them, and in this connection John (¢treuguae), the Senate finally saw that John had acknowledged the Byzantine transgression of offered all he was able to give. His conversion past agreements by complying with their request had also gained him Urban V’s energetic sup- for payment. He had already given Bragadin port. The new envoys whom the Senate sent to 4,500, and he now bound himself to discharge Rome about the end of October, Tommaso the balance of 21,163 in annual installments of Sanudo and Marco Giustinian, wereempowered 4,212 hyperpyra plus 14 carats. The first payment to accept a compromise per viam curialitatis with- was to be made on the following 1 January out giving up Venetian rights and claims in (1371), with subsequent payments to be made future confirmations of the truce.!8® The two en- without fail on the same date in the four sucvoys, nevertheless, tried to gain all they could, ceeding years. But these reimbursements for and it required prolonged negotiations to reacha damna did not discharge, and were in no way resettlement, but at long last the truce was agreed _ lated to, two previous loans which the Venetians

to on 1 February, 1370. had made the Byzantine government of 30,000

John recognized the right of the Venetians, gold ducats (in the summer of 1343) and of 5,000 according to imperial commitments in the past, thereafter, for which loans the doge and comto buy houses, lands, gardens, and other proper- mune of Venice held the “jewels of the empire” in surety, and John was not pressed in this truce 18 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1369, nos. 4-5, vol. to redeem the zocalia imperii, both because they

wi Misti eg 35 fols. 36°, 37-38, on which see Halecki pad Sy syantias value and pecause the envoys » RES. P29, LOIS. 90", J/— 20, > knew he lacked the means of doing so. Sanudo and Giustinian received their final inseructions: _, The text of the truce was prepared in both “Quia non est honor noster movere litigia in damnum Greek and Latin, and signed in cinnabar ink by franchisiarum et immunitatum nostrarum, vadit pars quod the Emperor John, who had his gold seal atcommittatur dictis nostris ambaxiatoribus quod procurent tached to the document. Its various provisions confirmare treuguas cum domino imperatore super omnibus were put into effect and witnessed “in the honoris nostri quam melius fieri poterint” (Reg. cit., fol. hostelry of [Ran] nuccio Massarocca, in the

aliis differenciis cum maiori prerogativa libertatum et . .

38"). region of Regola, in which we are at present

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 315 lodged.”*°° The emperor was thus living in the aid against the Turks if they would follow the district where in October, 1367, Amadeo of imperial lead and come back into the fold.?” Savoy had visited the churches of S. Anastasio Apparently John did get a little military help at and S. Paolo alla Regola, the busy seventh this time, which probably cost him a good part region, which was probably as fashionable an of the 20,000 florins [or less] which we assume area as the rundown state of fourteenth-cen- that Amadeo repaid as promptly as he could. tury Rome provided. Although John might Always anxious to rid Italy of the routiers and perhaps have stayed in, say, the fortified Orsini send them off to fight the Turks, Urban en-

palace on Monte Giordano (where I think it couraged John to enroll some of these free-

likely that Amadeo stayed),?*! the Curia doubt- booters in Byzantine service. On 27 February less considered it better that he avoid residence (1370), five days after his general exhortation to

with a Roman family and thus keep clear of the Greek clergy, Urban wrote Joanna I of any involvement in the factional strife which Naples and Philip of Taranto, imperator Constan-

constantly beset the city. tinopolitanus, asking them to allow free passage Whatever his religious convictions, John V through their domains (Philip was also prince had gone to Rome to secure further armed of Achaea) to the “men-at-arms of diverse naassistance against the Turks and to meet the tions” whom the Emperor John would soon be terms required for the repayment of the 20,000 leading or sending overseas against the Turks. florins [or less] which he had been obliged to Joanna and Philip were asked to provide these loan Amadeo of Savoy at Pera. A week or more gentes armigerae with food, transport, and other before John left Rome, Pope Urban addressed a__ necessities at the expense of the latter, which letter (dated 22 February, 1370) to all the clergy, must mean that either the pope or the emperor of every rank and title, throughout “Greece,” had contrived to pay some of their wages in expressing joy in John’s return to the “maternal advance.

bosom” of the Roman Church and once more After more than five months’ residence in comparing his conversion to that of Constantine Rome, John departed for Naples in early the Great. But Urban acknowledged that the March, 1370 “with the four galleys with which he Church would certainly have a greater reason had come.” He reached Naples after a leisurely

for rejoicing if the Byzantine clergy every- trip down the coast, and was again lodged in where would now follow the imperial example the Castelnuovo. His flotilla then rounded the and also return “to the one, holy, catholic, Italian peninsula, sailed up the Adriatic, stopped and apostolic Church, outside which there is no for a while at Ancona, and then went on to salvation.” Imploring them to come back into the Venice, where he hoped to find money and fold under the pastoral staff of Christ’s own transport for troops to be sent against the Turks. vicar, Urban exclaimed, “O that God had granted He seems to have arrived in May, and rather

sO great a grace in our day that we should see unexpectedly perhaps spent more than ten

the union of the eastern and western Churches, months on the lagoon; the wintry season past, he torn from each other, alas, for so long a time!” left at the beginning of April (1371), probably Again he held out to the Greeks the hope of Latin put into Thessalonica for some time, and got

back to Constantinople on 28 October.” The OT extreme financial embarrassment which John ; 200 G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli, eds., Diplomatarium suffered during his long stay in Venice Jon

eneto-levantinum, II (Venice, 1899, repr. New York, 1965), .

doc. 89, pp. 151-56: “Que omnia suprascripta acta sunt known, and has been the subject of scholarly in Roma, in hospicio Nucii Massaroch in regione Regule, controversy.

in quo nunc ad presens hospitamur. . . .” The “region of According to the later fifteenth-century Regola” was the seventh rione in Rome; it extended along the left bank of the Tiber (for its boundaries, cf. Umberto 9 —-—————

Gnoli, Topografia e toponomastica di Roma medioevale e moderna, 202 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1370, nos. 2-3, vol. VII

Rome, 1939, p. 263). Originally called Arenula (from the (1752), pp. 180-81, but the pope still declined to accept the rena or sand of the riverbank), the name was corrupted into proposal for a synodus Latinorum et Graecorum (ibid., and Regola. The Via Arenula, on which the emperor’s hostelry | Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance, p. 205). probably stood, was a busy street in the fourteenth century; 203 Lecacheux and Mollat, Lettres secrétes et curiales, 1, fasc.

it corresponded to the present Via di Monserrato (with 3, nos. 3040-41, p. 525, and cf. Halecki, pp. 215-17. the extensions on either end), and at no point coincided 20% Baluze and Mollat, Vitae, 1, 392. with the Via Arenula of today (Gnoli, op. cit., pp. 25, 257). 5 Loenertz, Les Recueils de lettres de Démétrius Cydonés

201 Cf. Barbier’s accounts, nos. 1049-50. (1947), p. 112.

316 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT historian Laonicus Chalcocondylas, John was de- There can be no doubt that John had fallen tained by the Venetian government (kareoxé0y into a financial quagmire. The “stingy” merTé autTov vio ‘Kver@y) until he could pay what chants of Venice would not lend him any more he owed his creditors (6avecorai). He sent off ducats, and his return was going to cost a pretty for money to his son Andronicus [IV], whom he _ penny, for he was presumably still maintaining

had left as regent in Constantinople, directing his four galleys. The preamble to one of his him to collect and transmit the necessary funds =— —

to Venice by selling ecclesiastical other avail- Chronica minus et mais may not be out of place The a : olderand bibliography is conveniently assembled inhere. Gyula able treasures (keyimph.a) and not to fet h (re waste Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica, 2 vols., Berlin, 1958, I, 987-88,

§ _ ae a P SO ¢ ; Kae 7) but particular attention should be called to R. J. Loenertz,

TEpLoELY GUTOV EV PuAGKN OVTa TaVUY TOAVY “Autour du Chronicon maius attribué 4 Georges Phrantzés,”

diatpiBew xpovov). Andronicus, however, who _ in the Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, III (Citta del Vaticano,

was enjoying the exercise of imperial power 1946), 273-311 (Studi e€ testi, no. 123), reprinted in Byand had small love for his father, made no effort 72”#na et Franco-Graeca (1970), pp. 3-44, esp. pp. 25-24 . (Storia e letteratura, no. 118). Mention should also be to do as he Was bid, and sent back word that made of V. Grecu’s articles on “Das Memoirenwerk des their compatriots would not permit him to use Georgios Sphrantzes,” in the Actes du XII® Congrés interthe treasures of the Byzantine Church in this national des études byzantines [1961], II (Belgrade, 1964), way, and that he was unable to raise from other 1065). an seorBios Sphranizes, Byzantinosiavica, Prius sources the sums John said he required. He Sphrantzes’ “Memoirs” (the Chronicon minus) and the suggested that his father look elsewhere for the «Pseudo-Phrantzes = Macarius Melissenus” Chronicle, with wherewithal he needed to discharge his debtsand Rumanian translations of both texts (Bucharest, 1966). thus regain his freedom. But John’s youngerson J. K. Casiotes has also discussed the career of Macarius Manuel [II], learning of his father’s difficulties, '™ 2 Most interesting monograph on Makarios, Theodoros ”, -;. and Nikephoros, the Melissenoi (Melissourgoi), 16th and 17th promptly raised a large sum of money, hastily Centuries [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1966, where Macarius’s boarded a ship for Venice, where he offered forgery of the Sphrantzes-Chronicle is also discussed himself as a pawn in the game the Venetians (esp. pp. 171-77). Macarius’s true name and that of his were allegedly playing, and soon rescued John {cy sfclissurgus, ‘They adopted the more eminent from his predicament. Manuel’s filial loyalty name Melissenus” although Macarius commonly identified endeared him to John, who was naturally €m- himself merely as the “metropolitan of Monemvasia,” bittered by Andronicus’s faithless conduct, while Nicephorus even added the name Comnenus to that which caused the enmity between John and _ of Melissenus! (ibid., pp. 18-22, 66-67, 179). Andronicus that persisted until the latter’s death _ 1" 1570 Macarius is to be found in the Morea, where he

, 906 and his the brother Theodore were in contact with (in June, 1385). Spanish even before theapparently battle of Lepanto (7 October,

——_—_—_—_——— 1571). Placing high hopes in the Holy League of the time,

206 Laonicus Chalcocondylas, Hist., I (Bonn, pp. 50-51, they helped promote the uprising against the Turks in and ed. E. Dark6, 2 vols., Budapest, 1922-27, I, 46-47), 1571-1572, as Don John of Austria wrote his half-brother whose account was adapted by the Pseudo-Sphrantzes Philip II of Spain from his command post at Naples on 20 (“Phrantzes”), Chronicon maius, I, 12 (Bonn, pp. 52-54). May, 1573 (Casiotes, op. cit., doc. 111, pp. 187-89, gives The work of “Phrantzes” (actually that of the late sixteenth- the text of the letter). The brothers Melissurgi fled from century forger Macarius Melissenus) does not confirm the the Morea at the beginning of 1573. They were on the account of Chalcocondylas; it merely follows it, and can no _ island of Corfu in February, and in Venice in March; they

longer be used as an independent source for John V’s so- reached Rome in early April, and toward the end of the called detention in Venice. The proper form of the name same month they arrived in Naples, where Don John wrote is Sphrantzes, as V. Laurent made clear years ago (Byzan-__‘ Philip on their behalf. Shortly afterwards they went to tinische Zeitschrift, XLIV [1951], 373-78, and Revue des Spain, where they spent a year or more (1573-1574). études byzantines, 1X [1952], 170-71, and see D. A. Zakythinos, | Macarius was back in Venice in March, 1575, and the

“Sppavrins o Diadirns,” in the "Exernpis rHs ‘Eratpeias brothers finally settled in Naples, where they became Bulavrwav Saovdmv, XXII [1953], 657-59). George very influential in the Greek community, and where they Sphrantzes’ own memoirs, known as the Chronicon minus (in both died, Theodore on 25 March, 1582, and Macarius PG 156, cols. 1025-80), cover the period from 1401 to 1477, | on 12 September, 1585 (ibid., pp. 28-60, 66-67). Macarius and they contain no mention of John V’s voyage to Italy and = seems to have produced the Sphrantzes forgery in Naples

detention in Venice. There is extant part of a synodal during the years 1575-1577. Margaret Carroll, “Notes on decree prohibiting the alienation of church possessions, the Authorship of the ‘Siege’ Section of the Chronicon which may well date from 1370 (Miklosich and Miller, Maius of Pseudo-Phrantzes, Book III,” Byzantion, XLI

Acta et diplomata graeca: Acta patriarchatus constantinopolitani, (1971), 28-44, has tried to show that in his account of the

I [1860, repr. 1968], no. cCLXxI, pp. 513-14), and if so, it Turkish siege and capture of Constantinople in 1453, might confirm at least some of Chalcocondylas’s account. Macarius used Sphrantzes’ own expanded version of his Since we shall have to return to “Phrantzes” and Sphrant- memoirs, and it is precisely to this vexed question that

zes in our second volume, some word concerning the we shall come in Volume II.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 317 chrysobulls alludes to the fact that the longer he of Tenedos, which Venice had long coveted as a

remained on the lagoon, the worse his plight counterweight to the Genoese possession of became; eventually he would leave his son Pera. As Caroldo says, the matter of Tenedos Manuel behind as “surety” to effect the clear- was discussed at length (et fo trattata la materia de ance of some of his debts.” But while John was Tenedo). The Venetian negotiators suggested immobilized by lack of funds (with his daily ex- that, in exchange for the island, John accept a penses continuing), he certainly was not “ar- threefold payment comprising (1) the return of rested” by the state at the instance of his credi- the imperial jewels which the procurators of S. tors, as the account in Chalcocondylas suggests, Mark had held for almost thirty years as security and as some modern historians would have for debt, (2) six transports, which John would

us believe.?8 have to arm at his own expense, and (3) the To assume that John had sailed the length sum of 25,000 ducats, of which he obviously of the Adriatic on the off chance that the Vene- needed some portion immediately for his curtians would hearken to Urban V’s appeal to rent expenses. The Signoria is said to have adthe Signoria and allow him to add large sums__ vanced him 4,000 ducats which he requested “for to those he already owed them, is to belittle his _ his living expenses” (per il viver suo), although a intelligence. When it was clear that his hosts _ brief, tantalizing entry in the Misti shows that by would furnish him with no more money without 21 July John had not yet accepted the offer. a quid pro quo, he informed the Signoria (about At this point a marginal note in Caroldo adds the beginning of July, 1370) that he wished to _ that “his imperial Majesty, on the surety of some

take up with them “some matters of impor- of his jewels, requested 30,000 ducats, which tance,” and according to the chronicler Gian Gia-__ were paid to him, having been taken on loan como Caroldo, a committee of five was chosen to from the ‘Camera del Formento’ [the ‘Grain hear his proposals, among them Jacopo Braga- Bank’), i.e. from diverse persons who deposited din, who had been the Republic’s envoy to Con- such funds in the said Camera. And it was made

stantinople in 1368-1369. John apparently clear that, when the emperor handed over

stated that he was now ready to cede the island ‘Tenedos, he should not pay the interest [il

a707pro], except for three years, and that he might Zachariae von Lingenthal, “Prooemien zu Chryso- have the jewels.”2% bullen von Demetrius Cydones,” Sitzungsberichte d. Kéniglich Caroldo’s text has often been cited to show that

Fad 18 1480. Sen 82) Nonpd vnétg in the winter of 1370-1371 John V requested

Samévys éaépevos, ‘Wy % piv nbénoev _ Tov éundpor 20d obtained from the Venetians another puKpodoyia. This preamble (zpooiptov) was probably written loan of 30,000 ducats on another set of jewels. by Cydones. The chrysobull confers the newly won province In this connection Loenertz once suggested that

and revenues of Macedonia on Manuel, the despot of the money (ypjwara) which Chalcocondylas says

Nacssaonica, who entered (Erai, had Serrhai) in Manuel ovember, 1371, afterSerres the Turks crushed the raised Serbsin. the regi on of Thessalonica, in the battle on the Maritsa (P.N. Papageorgiou, “Serres and brought to his father on the lagoon, was

. . . and the Monastery of St. John the Baptist” [in Greek], actually in the form of jewels (KnLEtKea), church Byz. Zeitschr., 111 [1894], 316, note 2, from MS. 21 ofthe vessels, and other such objects of value, which Protaton at Karyes on Mount Athos; Halecki, Un Empereur served as collateral for the second loan. Caroldo,

de Byzance, Cydones, pp. 247-48;p.Loenertz, Leswrote Recueils de lettres de h heofbeginni f th . h Démétrius 119). who at the beginning the sixteent

28 Franz Dolger, “Johannes VII., Kaiser der Rhomaer, Century, was 1n error, however, for the docu1390-1408,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXI (1931), 22-23, ments published by Bertelé a dozen years ago

note 25 pero ae CO. hid. xt G950). ot ptaecks show that there was only one set of jewels and gorsky, History of the Byzantine State (1956), pp. 480-81; and ly one loan for 30,000 ducats, and that John of. Peter Charanis, “The Strife among the Palaeologi and had received the money twenty-seven years bethe Ottoman Turks, 1370-1402,” Byzantion, XVI (1942~ fore.*° The documents reveal no discussion of 43), 287-92, who is more cautious. These writers oppose the sale of Tenedos at the time. the contention of Halecki, op. cit., pp. 227 ff. and esp. pp.

334-43, and “Two Palaeologi in Venice, 1370-1371,” ————

Byzantion, XVII (1944-45), 331-35, that John V’s deten- 2029 For the text of Caroldo, see Loenertz, Revue des tion for debt at Venice is a myth (see below), which has its études byzantines, XVI, 228-29, which is based upon the origin in the chrysobull published by Zachariae. See the autograph MS. of book x of the chronicle (in Venice in valuable but over-subtle rationalization of the sources the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. Ital., Cl. VII, no. 803 by R. J. Loenertz, “Jean V Paléologue 4 Venise (1370—1371),” [7295], fol. 19° [37°] and ff.).

in the Revue des études byzantines, XVI (1958), 217-32. 719 Loenertz, op. cit., pp. 218-19, 222-23, but on the

318 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT John V’s embarrassing indebtedness to Venice mundi). At compound interest, by 1 January, went back to July, 1343, when he was eleven 1364, the imperial debt had reached the conyears old, at which time his empress mother _ siderable sum of 79,598 ducats, 22 grossi, and 7 Anna of Savoy borrowed 30,000 ducats from piccolt. Venice. Anna and John were supposed to repay Even at simple interest it had become no less the loan in three years (in 1346), with interest than 67,500 ducats at the end of twenty-five at 5 per cent per annum (1n ratione quinque pro years (1343-1368), at which time, on 21 April, C. in anno). Anna had pledged precious stones, 1368, it was noted in the Senate that the loan pearls, and gold as surety to the Republic, on — still remained unpaid although pluries et pluries whose behalf nine Venetian merchants in’ Venetian ambassadors, bailies, and councillors Constantinople had advanced the funds. Venice had pressed the emperor for payment. Upon was to receive 10,000 ducats a year cum prode instructions from the Senate they had even (plus the interest) from the Byzantine customs threatened John with the sale of his “crown duties collected on the Bosporus. The procura- jewels” at public auction, which they did (as we tors of S. Mark were given custody of the im- have seen) on 23 February, 1369, when they still perial “jewels.” On 1 December, 1343, the Senate insisted upon payment of both principal and in-

had voted to borrow 30,000 ducats (needed to terest “from the time the loan was made up to repay the nine merchants) from the “Camera now” (a tempore mutui facti usque nunc). Faced Frumenti,” in which both citizens and foreigners, with a debt of tens of thousands of ducats, his tam cives quam forenses, deposited money for the _ precious collection of jewels in the locked closets

interest paid by the Camera. of S. Mark’s, and in desperate need of money A decade later, in October, 1352, John V had for defense against the Turks, John was ready to borrowed another 5,000 ducats. These were the discuss the sale of Tenedos.

years of struggle with John VI Cantacuzenus. After what we may assume was a good deal This time he gave in pledge a ruby, which was of haggling, the Venetians offered John (accordalso turned over to the procurators of S. Mark (in ing to Caroldo), in exchange for Tenedos, the December, 1352). These loans had not been return of his jewels, six transports, and a settlerepaid (indeed they would never be repaid), and ment of 25,000 ducats. The only entry in the the interest was mounting. Apparently John V_ Misti relating to these matters between 23 Februregarded himself as bound to the payment of ary, 1369, and 21 June, 1373, comes in the midst interest for the stipulated period of three years of John’s negotiations with Venice. It is dated 21 (1344, 1345, and 1346), within which he should July, 13770, and reads as follows: “Resolved: That

have acquitted himself of the debt, but the this 25,000 ducats and what is expended for the Venetians insisted upon being repaid not only preparation of the horse transports, if the lord

the principal but also compound interest emperor accepts [our offer], be received on

through the full period of the loan’s duration,ad loan from the Camera Frumenti at the usual habendum tam capitale quam prode, quam etiam prode_ interest. . . .””"! No vote is recorded. The cross

prodis, according to the senatorial deliberation of }=——___ 15 July, 1350. They wanted the “interest on the — 2"! Misti, Reg. 33, fol. 66": “Capta: Quod ista XXV m. interest.” Thirteen years later (on 27 June, 1363) ducatorum et id quod expendetur pro conzamento usserithe Senate directed the bailie in Constantinople orum, si dominus Imperator acceptabit, accipiantur mutuo a

and his councillors that, if .the ramera Frumenti ad prode and solitum. . .” 342, See Halecki, tsemperor pereurclaimed de Byzance, pp. 228-29, cf.. p. who that he was only responsible for the “principal gives this text (with misreadings) from the Misti, as well as

and interest for the said [first] three years” a deficient text of Caroldo in his app. no. 21, pp. 385-86. (capitale ... et prode dictorum trium annorum), The interpretation of events as given by Loenertz, Revue

which amounted to 34,500 ducats, they should des études byzantines, XVI, 221-23, 229-30, requires rectifica. . . tion in the light of the documents published by Bertele, propose to him arbitration of the amount by «; Gioielli,” studi in onore di A. Fanfani, I, esp. nos. 1-4, 6-7,

some third party (aliquis princeps vel dominus 10, 13-15, 18-20, 28-30, and 33-36, which illustrate the

oe history of the imperial debt from 1343 to 1389, and from whole question of the loan which the emperor obtained which the data in my text are drawn. See also Julian from Venice and the jewels which he and his mother Chrysostomides, “John V Palaeologus in Venice (1370-

turned over to the Signoria as collateral, see the thorough 1371) and the Chronicle of Caroldo: A Reinterpretation,” study of Tommaso Bertelé, “I Gioielli della corona bizantina = Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXX1 (1965), 76-84. Freddy dati in pegno alla repubblica veneta nel sec. XIV e Mastino _‘Thiriet, “Venise et Il’ occupation de Ténédos au XIV° siécle,” II della Scala,” in Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani, 11 (1962), | Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, LXV (1953), 224-25,

89-177, with thirty-six documents. says that the Signoria broached the subject of Tenedos—

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 319 in the left-hand margin of the register, however, interest, a fortiori they must also have required bears witness to the Senate’s passage of the reso- repayment of the emperor’s initial indebted-

lution. But John did not give up Tenedos; he ness (=30,000 ducats). If this were so, John

never got his jewels back; and six years later would receive 25,000 ducats, but would still have the Venetians were to take the island by force, to pay 34,500 to get back his jewels, in which case as we shall see, when John’s rebellious son how could the Venetians have possibly expected Andronicus IV tried to give it to the Genoese. _ him to raise the balance of 9,500? On the other In the meantime no island for Venice meant hand, the Senate was clearly prepared to give no jewels and no money for John. The negotia- John 25,000 ducats in cash when on 21 July, tions had proved unsatisfactory to the Greeks. A 1370, the resolution was passed authorizing a letter of Demetrius Cydones expresses the dis- second loan on his behalf from the Camera del

couragement which existed in the emperors Formento. By 1370 certainly no one in the entourage. Cydones, who had accompanied Senate believed that John could ever repay either

John to Rome and thence to Venice, wrote his simple or compound interest for the whole friend Constantine Asanes toward the end of the period of the debt. Why not remit it? As a matyear 1370. Asanes had also gone to Rome, but _ ter of business practice and precedent, however, had left the emperor and his companions when __ it was apparently deemed desirable to insist upon

they had reached Ancona, to try to raise money the feasible payment of the first three years’ in the Peloponnesus to assist the imperial party’s interest, which John could easily pay the Signoria

return home. Cydones informed Asanes of the when the Senate had arranged for the new loan grand reception and applause which the em- from the Camera. peror had received upon his entry into Venice, The proposed return of John’s jewels suggests,

but he indicated that now it was all ending in moreover, that the Senate had also become futility. They had hastened to Venice, hoping to reconciled to cancelling the principal, for which be shown the riches of Croesus. It was apparent, the jewels were being held. Cancellation of the however, that all they were going to see was char-__ principal would entail the return of the jewels. coal. The emperor and his retinue still did not It would in fact seem that the Venetians were have money enough to return to the Bosporus.? _ prepared to pay 55,000 ducats for the island of John’s reluctance to accept the Venetian offer ‘Tenedos?*—the 25,000 mentioned by Caroldo is clear. The reasons for his reluctance are not. and voted by the Senate on 21 July, 1370, plus Very likely, as Loenertz has suggested, Androni- the 30,000 of the original loan. They were also cus IV and (what is more) the Genoese had ob-__ willing to furnish him with the hulls of six old

jected to the cession of Tenedos to Venice. transports, which could soon be readied for John’s Genoese brother-in-law Francesco I service in the Arsenal. John probably wanted Gattilusio of Mytilene had gone with him to _ the transports to carry some of the routiers, “menRome, and was probably well aware of his in- at-arms of diverse nations,” with their horses tention to discuss the sale of the island. Caroldo and gear, whom Urban V had helped him raise

states “that, when the emperor handed over in central and southern Italy. Tenedos, he should not pay the interest, except Why, then, did John not sell Tenedos to for three years [1344-1346], and that he might Venice? Was it the price? John would have had

have the jewels.” to acknowledge that, with the return of his Although the Venetians were thus at long last Jewels, the Venetians had offered him 55,000 willing to forgive John the accumulated interest ducats. The Venetian view was that, with the for the years 1347—1370 (=36,000 ducats), they emission of all interest after 1347 (for which were nevertheless insisting upon interest for the three years of the original contract (=4,500 213 It has been pointed out by J. Chrysostomides, Orient. ducats). It can be plausibly argued that, if the Christ, period, XXXI, 79-80, note 5, that in 1350 Venice Venetians wanted payment of the three years’ offered the Angevins only 50,000 ducats for the islands of Corfu, Zante, and Cephalonia (Thiriet, Régestes, I, no. 249,

—_———_. p- 71), and that in 1404 the Hospitallers returned the and the two Venetian envoys sent to Rome for the renewal castellany of Corinth and the despotate of the Morea to of the quinquennial truce very likely did bring the matter the Byzantines for 46,500 ducats (Loenertz, “La Chronique up—but Caroldo leaves the initiative in Venice to John V. _bréve moréote de 1423,” in the Mélanges Eugene Tisserant, 212 Loenertz, Demétrius Cydonés, Correspondance, 1 (1956), II [Studie testi, no. 232; Citta del Vaticano, 1964 J, 426-27).

XVI, 217-18. involved.

bk. vu, ep. 71, pp. 102-3, and Revue des études byzantines, In neither case, however, were large, irrecoverable debts

320 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT John apparently disclaimed responsibility), the conclusion that John was reconciled to the they were offering him close to 100,000. What _ eventual cession of Tenedos, but the jewels were

was the obstacle? We do not know, but to quote not sent. Indeed, they remained in Venetian Caroldo again: “His said Majesty spent all that custody until after the fall of Constantinople winter in Italy. And he finally gave [the Vene-__ eighty years later. tians] to understand, through his son the despot ~ Much remains obscure, but if Caroldo’s ac[Manuel, who had joined him in Venice], that count is at all accurate, and it has confirmation for diverse reasons the cession of Tenedos could in the senatorial resolutions of 21 July, 1370,

not take effect.”?"4 and 21 June, 1373, John might have felt some Manuel had arrived on the lagoon in mid- slight satisfaction when he set sail for home in winter. He probably shared in the final decision _ the early spring of 1371. The Venetians were not to sell the island, and may have told his apparently willing to cancel his debt and return

father: I have brought you money enough to get —_ the crown jewels as soon as they could acquire

home, and I fear the reaction of the Genoese Tenedos, which he was in no position to defend. to this proposal. There is no way of knowing After an assumed stop at Thessalonica, as we what he said, but the revised text of Caroldoindi- have noted, he arrived back in Constantinople cates that it was Manuel himself who informed on 28 October, to face a multiplicity of probthe Signoria that Tenedos could not be sold to lems that he would never solve. Although he the Republic. He may have added thatthe matter remained faithful to the religious commitment could be reconsidered at a later date. Indeed, he he had made at Rome, he never tried to effect probably did so, for a spirit of amity seems to the union of the Churches. Since the Holy See have prevailed during the last weeks of the em- __ refused to take part in an oecumenical council,

peror’s sojourn in the city. the Patriarch Philotheus declined to communi-

John stayed on in Venice, for he did not relish cate with the Curia, and strove untiringly to bind a wintry voyage around Cape Matapan. Withthe the Orthodox Churches of the Levant, the Balapproach of spring and good weather, how-_ kans, and Russia more closely to the patriarchal ever, he began to prepare for his return to Con- _ see of Constantinople.?!”

stantinople, “and in order that his Majesty While the Byzantine government stood aside, might have reason to leave well satisfied,” con- possibly because of the emperor’s absence, the

tinues Caroldo, “on 2 March, 1371 [about a Turks inflicted a crushing defeat on the Serbs

month before his departure], it was decreed that in the battle at Cernomen on the Maritsa (on 26 the 4,000 ducats which had been loaned to him September, 1371), which sounded the death as part of the 25,000 ducats which were to be _ knell of Serbian independence. In an illusion of paid him for Tenedos, which [transaction] had Byzantine expansion the young Manuel, despot not taken effect, should be generously given to of Thessalonica, seized the chance to occupy him. . . .” The Venetians also gave him 400 southeastern Macedonia in November, but John measures of ship’s biscuit for his crews, and V’s shaky empire now seemed likely to survive

made Manuel a gift of 300 ducats.** Hardly only so long as the sufferance of the Turks

more than two years later, when in June, 1373, would allow. After Cernomen one half the lands the convoy of merchant galleys (the muda) was belonging to the monks of Mount Athos and being formed for Greece, Tana, and Trebizond, Thessalonica were converted into pronoiai in an the Senate voted “that the jewels of the lordem- effort to find some economic basis for the sup-

peror of Constantinople can [now] be sent to port of the dwindling military forces of the

Constantinople with the galleys on the voyage to empire.” Romania without charge for conveyance, and on It was hard to find soldiers, however, and this condition the aforesaid galleys may be such measures were of little avail. The remaining loaded.” There were two neutral ballots, and twenty years of John V’s reign were a continuing only four dissenting votes.*** It is hard to escape catastrophe. The imperial family was rent with

—______ internecine strife, and the imperial govern214 For Loenertz’s revision of this passage in Caroldo, see Chrysostomides, “John V,” in Orient. Christ. period., .£————

XXXI, 77-78. convoy was to consist of four of the better galleys used

215 Caroldo, ed. Loenertz, Revue des études byzantines, XVI, the preceding year. 229. 217 Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance, pp. 236 ff.

216 Misti, Reg. 34, fols. 55”, 56%, dated 21 June, 1373, 218 Ostrogorsky, Pour l’ Histoire de la féodalité byzantine published in Bertelé, “I Gioielli,” doc. no. 32, p. 176. The (1954), pp. 161-63 and ff.

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 321 ment declined into chaos. John faced three re- of 23 August (1376) he bestowed the “insulla volts (in 1373, 1376, and 1385) against his “Tenedi cum castro” upon the Genoese because, authority by his son Andronicus, whom he tried as he put it, of the love they bore him and the to remove from succession to the throne in favor aid they had given him.” Inevitably war broke of the faithful Manuel. But Andronicus’s deter- out between the two maritime states, for in mination to rule on the Bosporus would come to October, 1376, the Venetians occupied Tene-

an end only with his death (in 1385), after dos.” Some weeks later, in payment for the which his son John [VII] would continue the Turkish support he had received, Andronicus struggle, and even make himself emperor for surrendered Gallipoli to Murad,” thus unfive months in 1390. When the weary John V_ doing the major achievement of the Savoyard finally died in 1391, however, Manuel managed crusade.

to secure the dangerous crown. John V and Manuel somehow regained their freedom, escaping from their prison in the

After John V’s return home from Venice, his tower of Anemas, and fled to Murad’s court in relations with the Signoria were generally good, Asia Minor. In July, 1379, they made a vicalthough harsh words would be exchanged when _torious re-entry into Constantinople with the it came time to renew the quinquennial truce.28 aid of Turkish troopers, and in early August

The Senate had voted to return his jewels in Venetian sailors helped them to reduce the June, 1373, which was not done, presumably for Genoese garrison which Andronicus had left the same “diverse reasons” that had prevented behind in the fortress when he fled back to Pera. the sale of Tenedos two and a half years before. But by April, 1381, the Genoese made peace There were various problems to be dealt within with John V’s Turkish allies, and John acthe event of the transfer of the island to Venice cepted a treaty with Andronicus and the latter's quite apart from the price and the opposition of son, recognizing their rights of succession. the Genoese. It was agreed, for example, ac- Another treaty of November, 1382, between cording to a doubtful (and in part apparently the Palaeologi, negotiated and guaranteed by the inaccurate) text of Caroldo that the Tenedians Genoese, confirmed the provisions of the earlier should have their own archbishop, their priests (non-extant) agreement. It is conceivable that should be consecrated by the Greek patriarch of Manuel and his father were getting along less Constantinople, and the standard of the double-_ well than formerly, for Manuel’s imperial claims

headed eagle should be raised along with the (he had become co-emperor in September, lion banner of S. Mark.2° John’s contemplated 1373) were disregarded in both these treaties. sale of the strategic island of Tenedos, the “key Despite John V’s restoration to the throne, to the Dardanelles,” had excited the hostility Andronicus and his son John VII retained the of the Genoese, who aided Andronicus to escape northern shore of the Marmara, with the fortifrom the confinement in which his father had fied cities of Selymbria, Heraclea, Rhaedestus, placed him, and supported his second bid for and Panidus. After a sojourn among the Turks the throne in the summer of 1376. For a while and a brief stay in Constantinople, Manuel Andronicus’s efforts were crowned with suc- succeeded in returning to Thessalonica, where cess; with the aid of the Turks as well as of the he continued to call himself emperor, and where Genoese, he seized Constantinople after a he ruled for five years (1382-1387), during most month-long siege, and now imprisoned both his of which time his erstwhile friends, the Turks, father and his brother Manuel. By a chrysobull had the capital of his “empire” under siege 219 Cf. Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 94", dated 20 January, 1384 221 Tiber iurium reipublicae genuensis, 11 (Turin, 1857), doc. (Ven. style 1383); Thomas and Predelli, Diplomatarium, ccCL, cols. 819-21 (Historiae patriae monumenta, IX). II, nos. 115, 117, pp. 192-93, 196-97; Predelli, Regesti dei 222 Thiriet, in Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histotre, LXV, Commem., III (1883), bk. vill, nos. 168, 187, pp. 166, 171. 226-27, and Loenertz, “Notes d’ histoire et de chronologie The truce was renewed between John V and Venice in _ byzantines,” Revue des études byzantines, XVII (1959), 166-67. June, 1390 (Dipl., II, no. 135, pp. 224-29; Regesti, I1I, bk. 223 Loenertz, Démétrius Cydonés, Correspondance, II (1960), vill, no. 347, pp. 207-8; with the Greek text in Miklosich _ bk. xvu, ep. 167, pp. 37—38, a letter to John Lascaris Caloand Miiller, Acta et diplomata graeca, III [1865, repr. 1968], | pherus, which Loenertz dates in the winter of 1376-1377, by

no. Xxx, pp. 135-44), which was however during the which time the Turks had reoccupied Gallipoli and the

period of John VII’s usurpation. Venetians, Tenedos. Cf. Charanis, in Byzantion, XVI, 297-— 220 Caroldo, ed. Loenertz, Revue des études byzantines, XVI, 98; Loenertz, Recueils de lettres de Démétrius Cydonés, p. 114;

app. 1, p. 230. This text does not appear in Caroldo’s Dennis, Reign of Manuel II (1960), pp. 37-40, with a full

autograph. display of the sources.

322 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (and in fact took the city in April, 1387). Another Amadeo as the promoter of peace and the brother, Theodore I, was named despot of the athlete of Christendom. The Hungarian envoys Morea (probably in the early spring of 1381), saw to the interests of Louis the Great (d. 10 and toward the end of the following year he September, 1382), who was confirmed in his left the Bosporus for the great walls and high _ possession of Dalmatia (which he had got in the fortress of Mistra. In the spring of 1385 Andro- peace of Zara in 1358), and who was now to nicus made war upon his hapless father for the receive an annual tribute of 7,000 ducats from

third time, and at his death (on 28 June) he Venice. Further settlement was sought of bequeathed Selymbria, his imperial claims, and Veneto-Hungarian disputes and differences as

his hatred for the old emperor to John VII, well as of the numerous Venetian grievances whom the Genoese would assist to make as against the Carraresi. There was to be a general much trouble as possible. The Palaeologi had _ release of prisoners, including the miserable helped to destroy their own empire, and the remnants of the Genoese armada which had Turks gained enormously both from the strife surrendered at Chioggia. Of larger concern to us within the ruling family and from the war be-_ in the present context, the Venetians were to tween Venice and Genoa (1378-1381) over pos- hand over to Amadeo or his lieutenant the

session of the island of Tenedos.?”4 island of Tenedos with all its fortifications within In the bitter struggle with Venice the Genoese two and one-half months, and Amadeo was to

were joined by the Carraresi of Padua. The hold the island at the common expense of Genoese occupied Chioggia, and began a Venice and Genoa. The Tenedian contest beblockade of the lagoon. The Hungarians in- tween the two maritime states was to be ended by

vaded the Marca Trivigiana, and laid siege to the callous destruction and depopulation of the city of Treviso. But after the occupation of the island. The text of the treaty thus provided

Chioggia, Francesco da Carrara quarreled a: ;

with the Genoese commander over the booty, ‘hata the cases, buildings, for, hows, and ha and Venice later gave up the Marca to the Aus- whenever it shall please the . . . lord doge and com-

trians to help stem Carrarese ambition. At june of Genoa, the lord of Savoy himself is required length, owing to Genoese errors and Venetian to have totally destroyed and demolished from top to enterprise, the tables were turned at Chioggia; bottom, but at the expense of the said commune of

the Genoese besiegers became bottled up in the Genoa, in such fashion that the place can never town, and they themselves became the besieged _ be either rebuilt or reinhabited again.

(in January, 1380); and finally their severel ; .

mauled and starving forces surrendered (in late ane h Often P romised ete qe. A pense June, 1381). We must pass over details of the be al .. 50.000 fe on 2 EHEGOS Te fa nal complicated struggle which also involved the t i > with; tp Foll ng fifty deve, ‘he “qua Veneto-Genoese rivalry in the Cypriote port of ‘UC within the following lity days, the money Famagusta. The war dragged on through the © jewels to be returned if they lived up to the summer, but the intervention of Amadeo VI of terms of the agreement, or to be handed over to

Savoy brought it to an end in the peace of Turin. the Genoese if they failed to do 50: ,

Before the hour of vespers on Thursday, 8 The treaty of Turin also provided that, if August, 1381, a large assembly of envoys and Peace had been restored between John V and

nobles, ecclesiastics and doctors of law gathered the Genoese in Constantinople, sicut per aliquos

in the great hall of the castle of Turin, where seritur, the Venetians were to have the right Amadeo was then living. Among the nobles © come and go freely through Byzantine terriwere several who had accompanied Amadeo on = lOTIES without the Genoese interposing any the crusade; the envoys included representatives ‘™pedimentum vel molestia to their goods or per-

of Hungary, Genoa, Padua, Venice, and the 50":

patriarchate of Aquileia. And let the lord emperor Kalojohn himself receive

Lamenting the multtpharia nephanda crimina the lord Andronicus his son back into his grace, of the recent war, the text of the treaty extols arranging that the lord Andronicus . . . should

ee succeed his . . . father in the Constantinopolitan 224See the reliable monograph of George T. Dennis, empire after his said father’s death and decease. Lee

The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica, 1382 -1387, In the event of the - . - Emperor Kalojohn’s de-

Rome, 1960, with the notes of G. J. Theocharides, in the clining to return himself and bring his people back

Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LIV (1961), 140-44. to the Catholic faith, the . . . Genoese and Vene-

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 323 tians are held and always required, whenever they Although the Genoese had taken nearby shall have been asked by the . . . lord count of Chioggia, the Venetians had held distant TeneSavoy, to provide him to the best of their ability qos throughout the war. Reluctantly but sinwith aid, counsel, and ners caren an ane em cerely the Signoria now set about fulfillment of peror Kalojohn, so that oy dh Ore’ be ire leon. the obligation to eliminate the strategic impor-

ated othe Cothohin a ons ae reze9™" tance of the island by destroying all its installa-

tions and removing the entire Greek population

to the Venetian colonies of Crete and Negro-

John ‘° devotion to tre ars vouren had ap- ponte. Month after month letters, orders, and

parently Fe me he 1S RABUEE ke Turks. envoys were sent to Zanachi Mudazzo (Muazzo),

The Hol See. wa et abate see th a c ontr >. bailie and captain of Tenedos, to surrender versies y d. discords” - hich had hitherto the island to Amadeo of Savoy’s commissioner,

1 d the relations b h ‘arch and Ut with an independence almost incredible in a

Pech Of Anuileis on oT he doe as aaa Venetian official, Mudazzo refused to do so.

£ Veni a h DBE, h diuris. Offering various excuses and changing his tactics

Fictions in she vrey oe cot Istria 2° 's ane’ Juris" from time to time, he insisted that if he obeyed On 4 September (1381), in accordance with a the orders of the Signoria, the island of ‘Tene-

_ 7? : dos would inevitably fall into the hostile hands of

3$9..e.

dese of the preceding 10 December thy the Genoese. His obstinacy. was casing the

Book. and were enrolled in the Mageior Con. neta government no little trouble in Italy,

‘clio. b hev had douti ge def, to the vast indignation of the chancellor Raf-

oP v. nic © against the Conseoe he Carr ares}, fain Caresini, who dwells in his chronicle on and the Hungarians. Their acquisition of the Mudazzo's temeraria rebellio et laesae maiestatis nobilta veneziana was hereditary, and among ce ne che ledge of good faith required bv the

those ennobled for their services to the Republic ¢ P “8 h °, ‘ans h a di

was the chronicler and chancellor Raffain Care- real 0 hie 0 00 0 fodne t h Flove over sini; other families which now saw the door to J€we's wort , sorins to the Horentines,

the Trevisan, Condulmer, Zaccaria, Cicogna, ’ political advancement opened to them included 7170 12 BUTE "them on deposit in. Venice, Pasqualigo di Candia, Longo, Vendramin, certain that the Senate would immediately set Calergi, Paruta, Lippomano, Donato di Ca’ da about the destruction of the fortifications of Porto, and Nani da S. Vitale.22 In the next cen- Tenedos. But in early August, 1382, two envoys tury we shall find a Condulmer as pope and a_ ‘rom the Arno appeared before the new doge, Trevisan active against the Turks as a papal Michele Morosini, one of the Venetian repre-

admiral. sentatives at Turin, and explained that the Genoese had requested the jewels, for the two ms The text of the treaty of Turin (of 8 August, 1381) is h d one hat mons sipuatedin ne wre) for

given in the Liber iurium reipublicae genuensis, II, cols. the surrene ero € island to Amadeo Of savoy 858-906, and I have emphasized above the sections of the had long since passed. The Genoese had, moretreaty to be found in cols. 858-59, 863-65, 871-74, and over, given weight to their remonstrance by

885-86. Related documents may be found in G. Wenzel, — sequestering 200,000 florins’ worth of Florentine

ed., Magyar diplomacziai emlékek, in the Monumenta Hungariae 1 d handi hich they had f d

historica, III (1876), no. 213, pp. 334-45; S. Ljubié, Listine, WOO! anc merchandise which they Aad foun

in Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, IV _ easily accessible in their own harbor. The Vene(1874), nos. CCXLI-CCLVII, pp. 119-86, of which no. ccxLIis _ tians replied that they had been no whit remiss;

the treaty of Turin itself; and Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., they had complied with all the requirements of IIt (1883), vil, nos. 89-92, 94, 96-103, 133,over the treaty: they were doing do everv136. Onbk.the wide effects of 111-14, the war Tenedos, the ;andYswould they &y so-called “war of Chioggia,” see Romanin, Storia documentata thing possible to secure the surrender of Tenedi Venezia, III (1855), 262-99; L. A. Casati, La Guerra di dos to Amadeo. The delay had been caused by Chioggia e la pace di Torino, Florence, 1866; and H. Kretsch- Mudazzo’s treason, and the Venetian govern-

he arpa von enedigy ib (poe OR Te repr. 1964), ment was not responsible for the sequestration of 226 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vill, no. 95, p.150; the Florentine property, but the Signoria would Raffain Caresini, Chronica, ad ann. 1381, ed. Ester Pastorello, in the new Muratori, RISS, XII, pt. 1 (Bologna, 1922— §5——————_

Venedig, II, 240. 58-59.

23), 56-57; Romanin, Venezia, III, 300-1; Kretschmayr, 227 Caresini, Chron., ad ann. 1381-1382, in RISS, XII-1,

324 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT send envoys to Genoa in an effort to secure its his further opposition,?3! and so the willful

release.?”* rebel finally surrendered in mid-April, and was The Florentine embassy spurred the Venetian thereafter returned to Venice under guard Senate to renewed action, and on 19 August but apparently without humiliation.*” In the

(1382) they.wrote the doge and council of Genoa meantime, on 30 March, the Senate had chosen that they were and had always been anxious to _ two provisores Tenedi to work with Giorgio in the

carry out fully the article of the peace relating multiple tasks which lay ahead.”*? On 19 May to Tenedos. Two days before, on Sunday the Giovanni Memo was elected captain of Teneseventeenth, Fantino Giorgio (Zorzi) had left dos for six months. Refusal of the post would Venice on his way to Tenedos with four armed have carried a fine of 200 ducats; the salary galleys and two large cogs, with men-at-arms, for the stated period of his service was to be 800. archers, and heavy artillery aboard. Venice had He was to be responsible for the “negotia spared no expense in outfitting Giorgio’s forces, “Tenedi, que sunt maximi ponderis.” ‘Two castel-

and had decreed and published the direst Jans, Antonio Pisani and Jacopo Loredan, were penalties against Zanachi Mudazzo, ille nephan- also appointed to accompany Memo, and on 23 dissimus proditor et rebellis, who would pay for his May the Senate decided that no Greek should be execrable and atrocious treason. The Senate had allowed to enter the castle of Tenedos, and that

also ordered that those suspected of complicity at least one of the castellans should always be should be brought to Venice in chains, and one in the castle during the day, and both of them

suspect had already been imprisoned. The at night.” Senate requested the doge and council of On 4 June (1383) Leonardo Dandolo and Genoa to write Francesco Gattilusio of Mytilene Pietro Emo received a commission to go as enand the Genoese authorities at Pera and Chios voys to Genoa to explain that Tenedos had now

to sell Giorgio supplies and to render him such been recovered from Mudazzo, and Venice assistance as courtesy made fit and seemly was prepared to do with the island as provided among friendly states.” According to Caresini, for in the peace of Turin. The Venetians had Mudazzo’s rebellion would not have lasted so been without guilt or guile in the whole affair, long if he had not been receiving supplies from Dandolo and Emo were to say, and they had the Turks, which was hard to prevent because of not incurred the penalty of losing the 150,000 the stormy weather which came with the advent florins’ worth of jewels—nor had the well-

of winter.”*° meaning Florentines who had stood as guaranSince Mudazzo had the Tenedian garrison in _ tors for them. Now one could, alas, proceed

firm control, and had won the support of the to the “factum ruynationis Tenedi.”*° The

local population, on 20 February, 1383, the Genoese government was to be invited to send an Senate allowed Giorgio to bear easily on him to observer to the island to see how completely spare the expense and danger of dealing with Venice proposed to live up to the obligations of the peace. At one point in the discussions re228 Qn the problem of Tenedos and the affaire Mudazzo, lating to the terms of Dandolo’s and Emo's comsee Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. vii, nos. 81, 92,‘ ™MSslon, the Doge Antonio Venier intervened,

96-97, 100, 102-3, 120-25, 127-31, 138-40, 145. The suggesting that it would be offensive both to Florentines had reason to regret standing surety for their God and to all mankind to disperse the Greek Venetian thantoone embassy the to the population agoon tofriends, try toand getsent the more Senate surrender jewels to . .of Tenedos and to destroy everyGenoa, since Venice had—for whatever reason—failed to thing on the island. Tenedos should be prelive up to the peace of Turin as far as Tenedos was con-

cerned (Misti, Reg. 37, fol. 102, and Reg. 38, fols. 15°, ~~~

19°20", 21*-29', 95", 26", 28). The Doge Michele Morosini ™ Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 10’: Giorgio and the local collegio died on 15 October, 1382, after a reign of four months and were permitted “quod habeant libertatem remittendi et

five days (Caresini, Chron., in RISS, XII-1, 60). parcendi Zanachi Mudacio.”

229 Misti, Reg. 37, fol. 103". Fantino Giorgio’s commission, *? Ibid., Reg. 38, fol. 36", dated 23 May, 1383. Caresini, dated 14 August, 1382, is given, ibid., fols. 104°—-105', and Chron., ad ann. 1383, in RISS, XII-1, 61, says that Mudazzo

instructs him to proceed “. .. non parcendo Zanachi begged for mercy and received it. Mudacio ullo modo sed procurando quod veniat in fortiam 8 Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 16", and ¢f. fol. 29. vestram vivus vel mortuus. . . .” The Greek inhabitants of *4 Ibid., Reg. 38, fol. 35. Tenedos were to be settled at Venetian expense in Crete or 235 Ibid., Reg. 38, fols. 42’-43": “. . . Sumus content

Negroponte. placendo eis [i.e. Januensibus] ipsum locum Tenedi facere 230 Caresini, Chron.,ad ann. 1382-1383, inRISS, XII-1,61. ruinari et destrui a summo usque deorsum” (fol. 43°).

AMADEO VI OF SAVOY AND JOHN V PALAEOLOGUS 325 served for its value to navigation, “and so sentences were relaxed as soon as the Tenedian that it should not fall into the hands of the Turks, furor had passed, and on 8 March, 1392 (less

who could easily build it up again.” The doge than ten years later), Pantaleone Barbo was therefore proposed that the island should be sent to Constantinople as ambassador to exgiven to the Byzantine Emperor John V withthe press the Republic’s distress at the death of understanding that it should never again be- “our true and perfect friend,” the Emperor come either Venetian or Genoese. But for John V,and to take up various important matters obvious reasons the Genoese would no more with the latter’s successor, Manuel IT.7%8

agree to that than the Venetians would have With the repossession of Tenedos, plans for been willing to relinquish Tenedos tothe emper- demolition were quickly put into effect to allay or’s son Andronicus, and so the doge’s proposal the suspicions of the Genoese. But there were was not included in the envoys’ instructions.”** _ said to be more than 4,000 persons on the island,

What would seem to be rather moderate and six months was not considered too long to

punishments were now imposed upon Zanachi deal with all that remained to be done.”8? HuMudazzo’s accomplices in the treasonable dis- mane consideration was given, as Thiriet has obedience of the Signoria’s orders. Although his emphasized, to the problems of the poor Greeks, nephew (of the same name) was declared inno- who were now to be deported from their ancent, on 17 April (1383) the distinguished cestral homes to start life anew in the unfamiliar Pantaleone Barbo, who had served the Republic settings of Crete and Negroponte. Once they

as bailie and captain of Negroponte, was sen- had all been removed from Tenedos (they tenced to deprivation of all offices of state would be compensated for their losses), demolifor ten years. Proposals to sentence him to six tion of houses in the town and all other habi-

months or a year “in one of the lower prisons” tations was to start. Wrecking crews would later and to banish him from Venice and the Veneto tear down all fortified places, but the castle of for five years did not pass the Senate. When the Tenedos was to be left standing “on its feet”

Senate came to the case of Enrico Dandolo, a_ until the entire operation of evacuating the galley commander accused of having given aid inhabitants and destroying their homes and and counsel to Mudazzo, the doge, who had_ other buildings had been completed.” suggested the harsher punishment for Barbo, Amadeo VI of Savoy had died in southern now proposed that Dandolo be confined in one _ Italy at the beginning of March, 1383, as he acof the grim carceres inferiores for six months. The companied Louis of Anjou on the ill-managed

Senate, however, banished him for five years campaign that failed to win the kingdom of from the island of Crete, but if within that period Naples from Charles of Durazzo. On 28 April he re-entered the island, he was to receive three months in prison. Jacopo Vicemano, who had 8 Jbid., Reg. 42, fol. 47". also been a galley commander, was not hence- 289 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. vill, no. 123, p.

forth to be put in charge of any armed vessel of at on the alleged popusation oto. enedos; Caresini, Venetian registry, but the Senate resisted the c 249 A fis ae Os rele e. v 74Y_76". 94¥. 108Y, 119°: imposition of harsher penalties.?°7 These “f£xtractis vero hominibus omnibus et familiis Tenedi vel

. wos : isti, Reg. 38, fols. 64°67", 74°—76", 94”, 108”, 112°: illa maiori parte . . . in bona gratia debeant incipere ad

_— ruinandum domos burgi et omnes alias habitationes que 236 Thid., Reg. 38, fol. 43”. On 26 January, 1383, a By- forent super insula Tenedi, et postea de aliis locis et fortizantine ambassador had appeared in Venice and requested _liciis, remanente in ultimis solo castro in pedibus . . .” the cession of Tenedos to John V. The Senate was willing, (ibid., fol. 75", dated 15 September, 1383). Cf. Thiriet, by a large majority, to do so “cum ista conditione quod Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, LXV, 235-37. On 29 dominus dux et comune Janue, sicut est conveniens atque May, 1384, the duke and council of Crete wrote the doge

iustum, teneantur et debeant nos absolvere et quietare ab that they had given the Tenedian immigrants 33,000 illo puncto pacis quod facit mentionem de Tenedo et de eo —_hyperperi (10,000 still remained of the appropriation, which

quod fieri debet de ipso loco . . .” (Reg. 37, fol. 130°): they would also distribute as soon as possible), and that they

Genoa would have to give a similar “quittance” to the had assigned them state lands near Candia and in three

Florentines. The doge was obviously thinking of the By- _ other villages (casalia), which would reduce the revenues of zantine request when he spoke in the Senate, but it was Crete by about 1,200 hyperperi a year (Thomas and Predelli, one thing to make an agreeable reply to John V’s am-__Diplomatarium, II, doc. 114, pp. 191-92; Predelli, Regesti dei bassador and another to make this proposal to the Genoese, Commem., III, bk. vill, no. 186, pp. 170-71). More land was who would have immediately suspected collusion between available in Crete to settle the Tenedians “. . . cum terra

John and Venice. Canee propter guerras et epidimias preteritas sit valde 237 Thid., Reg. 38, fols. 46" —47". depopulata et dishabitata” (Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 87).

326 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Venetian Senate arranged to send an em-_ tenance of peace and tranquillity between the bassy of condolence to Amadeo’s widow the two parties that Tenedos itself should be desCountess Bonne and to his son Amadeo [VII], troyed and demolished, so that it should never lamenting the loss of the Republic’s kartssimus et again be restored and rebuilt, which [restricintimus amicus.*** Amadeo’s commissioner had tion] we are obliged fully to observe.”?*

never been able to take over Tenedos, and no A half dozen years later, on 4 June, 1411, the one in Venice yet knew of Zanachi Mudazzo’s Doge Michele Steno gave a commission to Jacopo

surrender (on 18 April). Tenedos became a_ Trevisan, who was being sent east to arrange a refuge for gulls and probably for pirates, but peace with the late Sultan Bayazid’s son Musa. the Venetians maintained a protectorate overthe It was the era of Ottoman weakness (after the island which, although deserted, they continued battle of Ankara in late July, 1402), and the to regard as their own property. They declined Senate “did not doubt that the said lord Musa, to cede it to the Byzantine government, which when he has heard you, will condescend to make they said would be a violation of the peace of peace with us.” According to Trevisan’s instrucTurin, but they sometimes used it as a depot tions, intranet for ter galleys, wich was aso a vio a . . . you must include [in the agreement] the island

7 ; , . of Negroponte, Pteleum, Argos and Nauplia, Modon

Venetians often used the island as an observation and Coron, Patras, the island of Crete, Lepanto, the post to keep an eye on the Turks in Gallipoli. islands of Tenos and Mykonos, and all the territories There are two later texts, well known but impor- of Albania. . . . Furthermore [you will make it clear] tant, which show that Tenedos remained the _ that the said peace must be observed everywhere on

pivot of Venetian policy in the Aegean. land and on the sea within the straits, but outside In July, 1405, the master of the Hospitallers the straits from Tenedos down into the sea . . . [i.e. of Rhodes wrote the Venetian Senate, requesting South and west of the island] both our people and his leave to build a castle on Tenedos “for the de- Shall be allowed to attack and injure one another in fense of the Christian faith,” and upon receipt of P’OPETY and in person.

his letter in September the Senate decided Tenedos might be the key to the Dardanelles, to send him a verbal reply through one Zanachi_ but the Turks were not going to unlock the Grino, who was going east as patronus of a pil- door to the Aegean if the Venetians could pre-

grim galley, “because it is much better and vent it.

more discreet that [our] response should be by word of mouth than in writing.” Grino was to ————— present the master with his letters of credence _ _* Senatus Secreta, Reg. 2, fol. 151", dated 21 September, from the Senate, and remind him that the Vene- 145, published in C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits fans spared neither labor nor expense on be- 1880-90, I, no. 11, pp. 11-12, where Sathas’s copyist (p. half of the faith. ‘Tenedos belonged to them, 19, line 24) repeats the slip of the archival text (line 20), to be sure, but according to the peace of Turin, reading unquam for the obvious numquam.

. . relatifs a I’ histoire de la Gréce au moyen age, 9 vols., Paris,

which the late Count Amadeo of Savoy had ,_™ Misti, Reg. 49, fol. 27°, summarized in N. lorga

. . “és [Jorga], Notes et extraits pour servir a l’ histoire des crotsades

negotiated between Venice and Genoa, “it was au XV® siécle, 6 vols., Paris and Bucharest, 1899-1916, I, resolved and determined by him for the main- 196-97. Trevisan was being sent to “Musi Zelabi, magnus

—_—————_ admiratus Turchorum.” See in general Thiriet, Mélanges 241 Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 25". @ archéologie et d’ histoire, LXV, 241-43.

14. THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY (1390) AND NICOPOLIS (1396) B Y the the monkish time the treaty was signed enemies in of grandi Christendom had gathered in great UrbanofVTurin had been dead numbers, multitudine congregati, and for more than a decade. On 29 December, were letting loose a “whirlwind of war” upon 1370, after the usual novena of mourning, the lands of the eastern Christians “to destroy the seventeen cardinals then at the Curiaentered the name and cult of Christ.” The Genoese the conclave in the papal palace at Avignon, reported that, unless an expedition (passagium) to which Urban had returned the preceding could bring relief by the following March, September. The next morning they elected hardly a voice would be found in the threatened Clement VI’s nephew, the cultivated Cardinal areas to invoke the name of Christ. Many Pierre Roger de Beaufort, as Pope Gregory persons were said to believe that the Turks XI.1 His reign was beset with financial hard- might even invade Sicily. ships, and for the most part he achieved only The Genoese, alarmed by the news they were a moderate success in his efforts to reform receiving, were preparing a magnus apparatus the Knights Hospitallers and the Dominicans, galearum to transport an expedition eastward restore the missions of the latter Order in to aid their fellow Christians against the Turkthe East, promote the inquisitorial pursuit of ish torrent. On 1 August (1371) Gregory wrote

heretics in Europe, and effect a stable peace to Jean de Grailly. the “captal of Buech,” between France and England. Avignon re- a French partisan of Edward III of England, mained subject to the zncursiones malignorum, urging him to exhort the English to make and Juan Fernandez de Heredia was reap-_ peace with the French and to help the Genoese pointed captain-general of the Comtat-Venais- in their plans for the crusade. Similar letters

sin.2 On the Italian scene the Visconti and went to Count Louis of Flanders and (on 6 the Florentines caused Gregory endless trouble, August) to the Doge Andrea Contarini of

and even his return voyage to Rome was Venice.* On 21 August Gregory assured the disagreeably prolonged (from September, 1376, Doge Domenico di Campofregoso of Genoa to January, 1377) by adverse winds and al- that, among the anxieties the world was causing

most unendurable storms. him, “this expedition is closest to our heart, Although the necessity of a crusade to check ... and we have written to several kings, the onward march of the Turks was discussed princes, and other nobles . . . to induce them

(and perhaps frequently) at the Curia in by whatever ways and means we could . . . to

Gregory’s time, the great powers were bogged join or at least to help in this matter.”* But down in their own concerns, and the pope as Raynaldus observed long ago, the pope’s could do little more than write the usual appeals fell on deaf ears, and neither a leader letters. In late July, 1371, two months before of note nor a practicable plan of procedure the Turkish victory on the Maritsa, a Genoese was forthcoming.

embassy had come to Avignon to inform the Continual outbreaks of warfare in Europe pope and the Curia that the Turks and other and increasingly unsettled conditions in the On the election, see L. Mirot and H. Jassemin, eds., 3 Mirot and Jassemin, Lettres secrétes et curiales, fasc. 1, nos. Lettres secretes et curiales du pape Grégoire XI (1370-1378) 334-35, 342, cols. 121-22, 124, with the text in Raynaldus, relatives a la France, 5 fascicules, Paris, 1935-57, fasc.1,no. Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1371, no. 8, vol. VII (1752), pp. 201-2.

1, cols. 1-3, and the notices to be expected in Etienne 4 Oskar Halecki, Un Empereur de Byzance a Rome (1355Baluze and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Vitae paparum Aveni- 1375), Warsaw, 1930, repr. London, 1972, pp. 248-51, onensium, 4 vols., Paris, 1914-22, I, 415, 439, 460, 463, with a quotation from Gregory’s letter to the doge of Genoa 466, and ¢f. vol. II, pp. 578 ff.; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad (ibid., p. 251, note 2). One can tell little about the content of ann. 1370, nos. 25-26, vol. VII (vol. XXVI of Baronius- this letter from the summary in G. Mollat, ed., Lettres Raynaldus, Lucca, 1752), pp. 194-95, and G. Mollat, Les secrétes et curiales du pape Grégoire XI . . . intéressant les pays Papes d’ Avignon (1305-1378), 9th ed., Paris, 1949, pp. 122 autres que la France, 3 fascicules, Paris, 1962-65, fasc. 1, no.

ff.2Mirot 266, p. 40. Letters relating to eastern affairs may be found and Jassemin [and J. Vielliard], fasc. 2, nos. in A. L. Tautu, ed., Acta Gregorii PP. XI, Rome, 1966 1657-58, cols. 536-38, dated 5 August, 1374; Robert (Pontificia Commissio ad redigendum Codicem Iuris

André-Michel, “Les Défenseurs des chateaux et des villes Canonici Orientalis, Fontes, ser. III, vol. XII), but Tautu’s fortes dans le Comtat-Venaissin au XIV° siécle,” Bibliotheque norm of selection has of course been papal jurisdiction

del Ecole des Chartes, LXXVI (1915), 322 ff. rather than papal efforts to promote the crusade. 327

328 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Levant made serious thought of a crusade _torily than his predecessor had done, for three impossible. The eastern outposts of Latin Chris- months later Gregory turned over the high tendom were Cyprus, Rhodes, and Smyrna. command at Smyrna to the master and conBut Cyprus was not recovering from the strife vent of Rhodes for a period of five years and unrest caused by the murder of King Peter (until 1379), because Cattaneo was absent from

I; rumors of luxurious living and the relaxa- his post, and discord was rife among the tion of military discipline among the Hos- archbishop of Smyrna, the mercenaries, Venepitallers of Rhodes were disquieting to the tians, Genoese, Cretans, and other good ChrisCuria; and Smyrna, the very symbol of cru- tans overseas.° sading success, was in worrisome disorder Like powerless popes before and after him, as the Genoese Pietro Raccanelli gave up the Gregory did what little he could against the captaincy of the ever-threatened city. Gregory ‘Turks, addressing spirited appeals to the HosXI could do little or nothing about Cyprus, pitallers, Venetians, Genoese, and Neapolitans

where the Genoese were running rampant, to aid Queen Maria of Armenia.” It is not

but he sought ways to reform the Hospitallers, clear when the grim news of the battle of and Smyrna had been the special charge of the Maritsa first reached the Curia in Avignon, the Holy See ever since it had been captured but on 15 May, 1372, Gregory warned Louis in the halcyon days of his uncle Clement. the Great of Hungary to take serious measures In letters of uncertain date Gregory directed against the Turks, who had invaded parts of Raymond Bérenger, the master of Rhodes, Greece, subjugated the Serbs, and advanced to review Pietro Raccanelli’s apparently unsatis- as far as the borders of Hungary and Albania.

factory performance in Smyrna, and ordered Now they intended to continue their drive to the papal collectors in Cyprus to pay Raccanelli’s the Adriatic to seize for themselves the port successor Ottobuono Cattaneo, also a Genoese, cities which had been under Hungarian conhis salarium of 3,000 florins each year on 1 trol since 1358. The Venetians were urged to September. Since the post carried a so-called supply Louis with the naval armament he would “salary” of 6,000 florins, from which the incum- need in combatting the Turks.” Since the bent paid his mercenaries and the garrison, Hungarians had displaced the Venetians in the collectors were to make arrangements with authority along the Dalmatian coast, however,

Cattaneo for the payment of the remaining there was little prospect of their receiving

3,000.5 Raccanelli’s tenure of the post may have assistance from the Republic. On 13 November,

been marred by financial mismanagement, for 1372, Gregory summoned the Byzantine Em-

he was said not to have paid some of the peror John V and all the Latin lords in the

garrison, who had therefore withdrawn from Levant to meet on the following 1 October

Smyrna.° in a great congress at Thebes, the capital of Gregory requested the government in Cyprus the Catalan duchy of Athens, to form a union

to see to the collection of the triennial tithe for offensive action against the Turks on land “pro custodia civitatis Smirnensis,” and appealed to the young King Peter II, his mother Eleanor, 8 Ibid., fasc. 2, no. 2876, p. 66, dated 21 September, 1374,

and the regent John of Antioch to support and of. nos. 2768 ff., 3117 ff. On 4 October Gregory Cattaneo in the defense of the city.’ On 13. ordered Cattaneo to surrender Smyrna to the reluctant

June, 1374, Cattaneo was ordered to pay from Hospitallers, to whom he was to give an accounting of his the monies he had received all salaries due administration of the captaincy (no. 2903, pp. 10-71). In . . - December, 1375, there was still talk of a passagium generale the officials, mercenaries, and guardsmen in faciendum contra Turchos (no. 3622, p. 167), but it was the garrison of Smyrna.’ But apparently Cat- ‘probably a device to collect money. taneo performed his duties no more satisfac- 10 Ibid., fasc. 1, nos. 512, 517, 518-19, dated in January,

1372, and fasc. 3, no. 3701, p. 1, dated 22 January, 1376;

Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1372, no. 30, vol. VII (1752), 5 Mollat, fasc. 1, nos. 1370—71, p. 187, and cf. nos. 551, = pp. 225-26. Gregory’s relations with the Emperor John V

937, and 941. Palaeologus were far from close, his first letter to John 6 Ibid., fasc. 1, nos. 1406, 1411, and fasc. 2, nos. 2700-1, being dated 25 January, 1372, more than a year after his 2705, 3433. election (no. 521, on which cf. Halecki, Un Empereur de 7Ibid., fasc. 1, nos. 935-36, p. 129, dated 15 August, Byzance, pp. 251-52).

1372, and cf. nos. 1424, 1511, 1524, 1540-41, and fasc. 2, ™ Mollat, Lettres secrétes et curiales, fasc. 1, no. 745, p. 104,

nos. 2694-2704. and cf. nos. 746, 1177, 1773, 1934; Gregory’s letter of 15

8 Ibid., fasc. 2, nos. 2698, 2706, pp. 42—44, and cf. fasc.1, May, 1372, is given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. cit., no. no. 2106, p. 292. 28, vol. VII (1752), pp. 223-24.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 329 and sea,” but there is no evidence that any papal states largely in revolt, and the Florenof those to whom the appeal was sent (if it tines in arms against him in the “war of the was ever sent) actually appeared at Thebes, Eight Saints.” The war of Tenedos and Chioggia and certainly no offensive alliance was formed broke out before his death (in Rome) on 27

against the Turks during Gregory’s reign. March, 1378, and it is small wonder that he

Some months later Gregory wrote the Byzan- never had the opportunity of “planning for

tine emperor again, repeating an earlier the crusade.”

proposal for a certa unio galearum for action After the peace of Turin there was an increase

against the Turks, but of course it should in the volume of eastern trade. The Venetian be preceded by the unio ecclesiarum, which the _ galleys, for example, could make their regular

well-known John Lascaris Calopherus and runs more safely to Romania, Tana, and Demetrius Cydones stood ready to negotiate Trebizond and to Beirut and Alexandria. Pilwith the emperor’s assistance. Gregory thought grims continued to make the long, uncomthe time had come for this union of galleys fortable voyage to Jerusalem.’® But until the and Churches, “because,” as he stated, “the respite provided by the battle of Ankara (1402), cities of Constantinople and Thessalonica, and fear of the Turks grew steadily, especially other territories which you now possess, are in the northern Aegean, for Ottoman armies said to be in continual peril, almost hemmed were almost everywhere in the Balkans, applying

in by these same Turks.” relentless pressure to the Greeks, Serbs, and Gregory’s galleys would have to come largely Bulgarians. Ottoman forces occupied Serres in

from the Venetians and the Genoese, and the 1383, Sofia in 1384 or 1385, Nish in 1386, former were embroiled with Francesco da_ Larissa in Thessaly in 1386, and Thessalonica Carrara of Padua, and the latter were at war in 1387. The battle of Kossovo in June, 1389,

with the Lusignan in Cyprus. Gregory was him- brought Serbia under Ottoman domination for self at fierce odds with the Visconti, and Amadeo almost four centuries. In July, 1393, Tirnovo VI of Savoy at equally fierce odds with the was sacked, and Bulgaria became an Ottoman marquis of Saluzzo. There was constant conflict province, its days of greatness irretrievably in France, where among others Counts Jean _ lost.” d’ Armagnac and Gaston de Foix had frequent recourse to arms. Gregory was naturally well 16 Cf. the Venetian Misti, Reg. 38, fol. 27°, dated 12 May, aware, as he had occasion to write Duke Philip 1383, senatorial resolutions licensing twenty-seven pilgrims

the Bold of Burgundy (on 18 May, 137 5), “or thereabouts” to sail on Paolo de la Colla’s “galeota that as long as wars were in «° que vadit ad partes Syrie,” andwas another . . being to sailwaged on Francesco Dolfin’s galley, which also sixty goingortoso France and other Christian kingdoms, there gyjia.

was little to be gained by “planning for the ™ Franz Babinger, Bettrage zur Friihgeschichte der Tiircrusade” (tractatus passagii), but the establish- ‘enherrschaft in Rumelien (14.-15. Jahrhundert), Munich, ment of peace would find “innumerable men- !944: PP- 29-79 (Sudosteuropaische Arbeiten, no. 34). at-arms” readv to embark upon such an enter- Babinger deals at length with the European and Ottoman

: y . — P : sources and with the chronological difficulties involved in

prise, and then with divine guidance construc- seeking to depict the various stages of the Turkish conquest tive planning for the passagium might begin.* of the Balkans. If the Turks took Tirnovo for the first time

Later in the year Gregory delayed his return in 1388, the Bulgarians must have recovered it, because to Italy in the hope that peace could be restored there no doubt that the final and lasting occupation of

between France and England.® When he finall the Sismanid capital occurred on 17 July, 1393 (ibid., p. 34). ; panda. Y On the taking of Serres and Thessalonica, note George T. did return, Italy was in violent upheaval, the Dennis, The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica,

——____ 1382-1387, Rome, 1960, pp. 65-76 and ff. According to % Mollat, fasc. 1, nos. 1172-74, p. 162; Tautu, Acta Dennis, the Turks held Thessalonica from the spring of Gregori PP. XI (1966), nos. 48 ff., pp. 93 ff.; Raynaldus, 1387 until the Emir Suleiman returned the city to the Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1372, no. 29, vol. VII (1752), pp. Byzantine Emperor Manuel II sometime after the treaty of 224-25, and see below, Chapter 17, p. 460b, with January or February, 1403, on which see his article, “The

refs. Second Turkish Capture of Thessalonica: 1391, 1394 or 3 Mollat, fasc. 1, no. 1933, pp. 269-70, dated 21 June, 1430?” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LVII (1964), 53-61. He

1373; Tautu, Acta Gregorii PP. XI, no. 77, pp. 149-50; believes that the “second” occupation of the city came in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. cit., no. 2, vol. VII (1752), p. | 1430 when, as we shall observe in the second volume, it was

231. taken from the Venetians. A. E. Bakalopoulos, “Zur Frage 14 Mirot and Jassemin, fasc. 2, no. 1898, cols. 613-14. der zweiten Einnahme Thessalonikis durch die Tiirken, 5 Ibid., no. 1943, col. 630, dated 3 August, 1375, and cf. 1391-1394,” ibid., LXI (1968), 285-90, has argued co-

nos. 1970-71, 1991, 1997, 2002 ff. gently however that, while Thessalonica remained a

330 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT At this point western Islam must claim our price of their ransom is fixed so high that it is attention briefly although it had but slight con- very difficult and often even impossible for them nection with the Levant. In the mid-thirteenth to pay it.”

fllen the Muwa iid (Almonad )em Pp ire had From the interior of Africa, Berber traders d the. w rid Aen \ di ‘th A dal YS; emerged with ivory and ostrich plumes, as Mirot

© d rc . ada Alo “th © h western has noted, and the Hafsid markets supplied hietee 1 of. h "Medite ons M se ahhid. cle Latin merchants with dried fruits, dates, olive

had b ort “k e Ne th “Ma a d ru ¢ oil, salt fish, spices, hides, cotton, coral, carpets, Mi, cen in hy d the Dy the Marinic's of slaves, and other commodities for which there Marraku, h Mu a k sh Sa tae bos) ae de always was a large demand.*”® If the food-

Marrakush (Marrakesh), and Fas (Fez) under stuffs were bulky, the distances to the Italian

t hoe contro 1 t iene . Tleane ern oe ed ports on the Tyrrhenian Sea and to Genoa, Whose Oe at 11 san ancen ard th Marseille, and Barcelona were much shorter

afeide ¢ ce me “Tas S; and t a than those traversed by the convoys to the Se i hit 0" Che id ated : oh Bueia) Tun Bosporus and the Black Sea, Beirut and Alexan-

nt hdivek Mah ai oh “ usa). ebak dria. In the western Mediterranean, however, a 7 ON ene lia), rn “i r d 0 Jar " trade suffered intolerable harassment from the Jer a). At CAIs ume ¢ € tatsi@ ruler, the pirates and slave-traders who seized not only

king ofdTunis,” was Abu’l-‘Abbas jy 21 ‘bn-Muh (1360—1394).8 wh bj the cargoes Ahmad but also theIIcrews.

nn d hich 4 of ); st ond ¢ yess Having reached a necessary understanding

eae ur & d a ce 0 oF tredin Ys hi “from with their commercial rivals in Catalonia, the

Pot 1 anrae 4 ae Teck a : tes Ale agri nd Genoese were joined in 1388 in an antishe “Surin an . Alina d Tre ts. h ma a Moorish coalition by the Sicilians and Pisans.

i" veo have = fe th op Pore veain 3 Their purpose was to deal with the pirate

wh © tack d the oF th © par thin corsa qT haunts in the domain of Ahmad II, especially WwW C a lar T h nor qd Italian merch tmen those on Jerba and the other islands in the “Th atatan, french, vt dl anan Thn-Khal dain ’ Gulf of Gabes. The Genoese furnished a dozen

cy appear unexpectec’y» says an > galleys under Raffaele Adorno, brother of the

and carry off everything that falls into their hands. Doge Antoniotto; the Pisans, another five; and They also attack ships of the unbelievers, frequently the Sicilian government of Queen Maria, three

seize them, and return to port laden with booty large galleys under the admiral Manfredo de and captives. Thus Bugia and the other western GChiaramonte.2 In the mid-summer (of 1388)

ports [of the Hafsid realm] have become full of the allied fleet occupied the islands in the captives. The streets of these towns resound with Gulf of Gabes. The Genoese gave up all rights

the noise of their chains, especially when these f - b d th ther islands poor unfortunates, loaded with irons, spread out in f conques d mm Jer a 63 6 000 ° id A, .

all directions to set about their daily tasks. The ‘40°F aM indemnity o UU SO orms.

_ Manfredo de Chiaramonte paid the required

tribute-paying dependency of the Ottoman state from 1387. Sum, and installed a garrison on Jerba. As to 1391, Bayazid forcibly incorporated the city in _ his

growing empire in the latter year (cf. Ducas, Hist. byzantina, ~ — .

chaps. 13, 19 [Bonn, pp. 50, 92]). On the battle-of Kossovo 19 Ibn-Khaldiin, Histoire des berbéres et des dynasties musulin Serbian and Albanian songs, some of which are long and ™4nes de [' Afrique septentrionale, trans. Baron [MacGuckin] full of circumstantial detail, see Stavro Skendi, Albanian and de Slane and ed. Paul Casanova, III (Paris, 1934), 117.

South Slavic Oral Epic Poetry, Philadelphia, 1954, repr. New Léon Mirot, “Une Expédition francaise en Tunisie au York, 1969, pp. 57-71 (Memoirs of the American Folklore XIV° siécle: Le Siége de Mahdia (1390),” Revue des études

Society, vol. 44). hastoriques, XCVII (1931), 363.

18 For the names of the rulers of the Hafsid, Ziyanid, and 1 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1388, nos. 1-3, vol.

Marinid dynasties as spelled on their coins, see Harry W. VII (1752), pp. 505-6.

Hazard, The Numismatic History of Late Medieval North Africa, 22 Maria was the daughter of the late Catalan King

New York, 1952, pp. 69-85, et passim (Studies of the Frederick III of Sicily. In November, 1391, she married American Numismatic Society, no. 8), and note his sche- Martin of Aragon-Catalonia, who as her consort became matic presentation of the facts in the Atlas of Islamic History, king of Sicily and bore also the title duke of Athens and

3rd ed., Princeton, 1954, pp. 20-21. The political history Neopatras (cf. R. J. Loenertz, “Athénes et Néopatras: of northwest Africa in this period is sketched in apparently | Regestes et notices pour servir a |’ histoire des duchés reliable detail by Robert Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale catalans [1311-1394],” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, sous les Hafsides des origines @ la fin du XV° siécle, Paris, 1940, XXV [1955], nos. 211-12, pp. 153-54, 155). Martin was

I, 104—209 (Publications de l'Institut d’ études orientales the grandson of Pedro IV of Aragon-Catalonia, long the

d’Alger, no. VIII). enemy of the Genoese.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 331 suzerain of the Catalan kingdom of Sicily or early January, 1390. According to Cabaret (Trinacria), on 29 January, 1389, Pope Urban d’ Orville, their spokesman told Charles, “Do VI bestowed Jerba and the Qergenah Islands not doubt that if ‘Auffricque’ [Mahdia] were (east of Sfax) upon Chiaramonte and his heirs in Christian hands—which, if it please God, as an hereditary fief for which homage was_ we shall take—the three infidel kings and their to be rendered and fealty sworn to the Holy countries would be destroyed or they will accept

See.”3 the Christian faith, which would be a beautiful

The expedition of 1388 was a step toward thing for your Majesty, seeing that you are the suppression of the Barbary pirates, whose the greatest king in Christendom.””4 . forays increased the perils and reduced the The sixteenth-century Genoese historian profits of seaborne commerce. But it was only Foglietta Says that the envoys exhorted Charles a step, and (as Froissart tells us) the news soon VI to follow the example of his forebears,” spread far and wide in France and other and they themselves were resolved to practice countries that the Genoese wanted “to form what they preached. For more than three cenan army to go into Barbary.” They were ready turies pirates had been preying on commercial to provide ship’s biscuit, “fresh water and dry shipping in the western Mediterranean. _As wine,” and the galleys and ships to carry all early as 1087 a league of the Italian maritime the knights and squires who wanted to join states, including Genoa and Pisa, had seized them in a venture against the infidel port of and sacked Mahdia, but had made no effort

Mahdia, in the Hafsid realm of Tunisia, to hold the seagirt fortress. A Norman fleet, “laquelle ville on appelle Affrique.” Just as sent by Roger II of Sicily into the Gulf of

Calais was the key to easy entry into and exit Gabes in 1135, had taken the island of Jerba. from France and Flanders, says Froissart,so was A decade later the Normans captured Tripoli

Mahdia the “clef et retour” to and from the (in 1146), and in the summer of 1148 they three Moslem kingdoms on the Barbary coast. occupied Mahdia itself, bringing the Zirid It was also a “warren” (garenne) of pirates, dynasty to an end. Continuing an _ extraorwhose sudden raids might strike at any coast dinary career of conquest, they also took over or island in the western Mediterranean. In the coastal cities of Gabes, Bona (ancient Hippo), addition to the supplies and galleys which the Susa, and Sfax; Roger II assumed the improbGenoese would make available to a crusading able title rex Afr icae, but after his death in 1154 expedition against Mahdia, they also proposed internal dissension in the Norman kingdom of to recruit 12,000 crossbowmen and 8,000 “gros Sicily and southern Italy as well as war with varlets” equipped with lances and shields. A the Byzantine empire weakened the Norman crusade required chivalric leadership of high hold on Tunisia. At this point the puritanical

repute, however, and since for years the sect of the Muwahhids (Almohads), fired by

Genoese galley and crossbow had been put religious zeal, swept through the erstwhile Norat the service of the French in their wars man conquests in Tunisia, and at the beginning with the English, the Doge Antoniotto Adorno of 1160 rewon Mahdia for Islam, thus oband the Anziani turned to France. A Genoese [iterating the Norman “kingdom” in North embassy thus waited upon the young King Africa.7® These events were long remembered, Charles VI at Toulouse in December, 1389, and once again the spirit of the crusade was descending upon the chivalry of France. At *3 Giorgio Stella, Annales genuenses, ad ann. 1388, in RISS, precisely this time (in 1388-1389) old Philippe XVII (Milan, 1730), col. 1128; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad 9 ———m— ann. 1389, nos. 6-7, vol. VII (1752), pp. 514-15; Uberto 24 Kervyn de Lettenhove, ed., Euvres de Froissart, XIV Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova, trans. Francesco Serdonati, (Brussels, 1872), 151-53, 213; Jean Cabaret d’ Orville, La Genoa, 1597, bk. 1x, p. 348 (reprinted in the Historiae Chronique du bon duc Loys de Bourbon, ed. A. M. Chazaud,

urbium et regionum Italiae rariores, no. LXXII, Bologna, Paris, 1876, chap. LXxH, pp. 218-20; L. Bellaguet, ed., no date); Jos. Delaville Le Roulx, La France en Orient au Chronique du religieux de Saint-Denys, contenant le régne de XIV® siécle, 2 vols., Paris, 1886, I, 166-67; Louis de Mas _ Charles VI, de 1380 & 1422, | (Paris, 1839), 648, 650 (in Latrie, ed., Traités de paix et de commerce . . . concernant les _ the Docs. inédits sur I’ hist. de France). Cf. R. Brunschvig, relations des chrétiens avec les arabes de I’ Afrique septentrionale La Berbérie orientale sous les Hafsides, 1 (1940), 199-202.

au moyen age, 2 vols., Paris, 1866, repr. New York, 1965, I, 2° Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova, bk. 1x, p. 348.

239-40. As noted below, the Pisan government later 7° Helene Wieruszowski, “The Norman Kingdom of Sicily claimed that their state had never joined the league against and the Crusades,” in K. M. Setton, R. W. Wolff, and H. W. the king of Tunis, but that Pisan ship-owners had merely Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades, II (2nd ed., Madison,

leased galleys to Chiaramonte (ibid., I, 243-44). Wisc., 1969), 18-32, with full notice of the sources.

332 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT de Méziéres was writing his famous Songe du own domains all the knights and squires who viel pelerin with its elaborate plans for a series would be needed, and they would not fail of crusades, one of which was to be directed to respond to the call to arms. When Charles against North Africa. His work, addressed to had imparted the good news to the Genoese, Charles VI, undoubtedly had its influence upon they are said to have fallen on their knees both the king and the high nobility of France.” to thank him for giving them “the prince whom Cabaret states that Charles found the Genoese _ they wanted most.”?* If through the years Louis

requests for leadership and assistance “justes of Bourbon had envied the exploits of his et raisonnables,” and promised his reply within crusading brother-in-law, the late Amadeo VI two days. According to Froissart, the Genoese of Savoy, here at last was his chance to win wanted “as chief and captain one of the king’s fame as a champion of the faith against the

uncles or his brother [Louis], the duke of infidel. He is said to have accounted himself Touraine,” but the latter was only eighteen fortunate to follow in the footsteps of his at the time, and Charles and the royal council blessed ancestor S. Louis and, like him perhaps,

agreed “que ce n’estoit pas ung voiage pour also to end his military career fighting the luy.” But if the strong-willed young Louis, Moslems in Tunisia.”® later the duke of Orléans, who had just married Since negotiations were still in progress to Gian Galeazzo’s daughter Valentina Visconti, convert the three years’ truce with England had wanted to lead the Barbary crusade, the into a more lasting peace, the king’s bourgeois weak-minded Charles could hardly have pre- councillors, the Marmousets, were averse to vented him. Only the year before, Louis and stripping the realm of its defenders. Consethe “Marmousets” had helped Charles free him- quently, as Froissart says, “all those who

self from the tutelage of the royal uncles, wanted to go did not do so,” for everyone

especially Philip the Bold of Burgundy. Enter- would have to pay his own expenses. No lord prising and ambitious, Louis had no intention could recruit followers who were not of his of absenting himself from the French scene own hostel, and no one was to be allowed to for such an unpredictable adventure as a cru-. leave France without the king’s safe-conduct.

sade. No, “it was not a voyage for him,” There were to be no varlets in the host, nor for Philip the Bold, the victor at Roose- only “gentlemen” and men-at-arms, and knights

beke (in 1382), who had become the count and squires were to be sought from other of Flanders, and was too much concerned with lands than France.* Both Froissart and Cabaret Flemish affairs. John, the duke of Berry, peace-_ delight in recording the names of great nobles

loving patron of the arts, was neither suf- who joined the “good duke” Louis of Bourbon, ficiently interested nor competent to lead an _ and volunteers flocked to the crusading stan-

expedition overseas. dards from the heartlands of France and from

In June, 1389, a three years’ truce had been Brittany, Normandy, and England. There were concluded with England, French knighthood even some recruits from hostile Aragon-Catawas finding no glory on the battlefield, and lonia, which had long contested possession of after the two days’ deliberation with his coun-_ the then strategic island of Sardinia with the cil, Charles gave the Genoese his assent to seafaring Genoese. Louis had enrollment lists French leadership and participation in the pro- drawn up, and finding that they contained posed expedition: “Je vous baille pour vostre some 1,500 gentilshommes (the limit imposed by

chief,” he told them, “bel oncle, le duc de the king), he wrote to the Doge Antoniotto Bourbon, qui est ung tel chevalier comme vous Adorno to be sure that the Genoese were pre-

savez. .. .” The choice had fallen, then, on paring transports and gathering provisions

the king’s maternal uncle, Louis II, the “good enough for his army. The Genoese replied that

duke” of Bourbon, who (says Cabaret) had ——__

pleaded for the command, “for it is what I 28 Cabaret gt Orville, Chronique | du bon fue as chap. have most desired m fall] the world, and after Lettenhove, XIV, 154. If Louis of Touraine stepped mundane deeds, it is a beautiful thing to Serve forward in the council and offered himself for the God.” He also said that he could find in his command, as Froissart says, it was only a knightly gesture,

—— not to be taken seriously. On the expedition to Barbary, 27Cf. Méziéres, Le Songe du vieil pélerin, ed. G. W. note in general the old but excellent work of Delaville Le Coopland, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1969, esp. II, 96-103, Roulx, France en Orient, I, 169 ff. 430-40, and cf. N. Iorga, Philippe de Mézieres (1327-1405) 29 Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 652.

et la croisade au XIV® siécle, Paris, 1896, pp. 466-71. 30 Froissart, XIV, 155.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 333 they could carry 6,000 hommes d’ armes to the promised to provide, on 1 July, 1390, accord-

Barbary coast, for they had twenty-two galleys ing to plan, they did convey him and the ready and eighteen ships (nefs): “Wherefore French crusaders from Marseille to Genoa,*® may it please you that you and all your people where the English, Burgundian, Flemish, and should be in Genoa the week after the feast other crusaders were gathering. Exaggerated of S. John [24 June, 1390], and you will rumors of the size of the expedition reached find everything ready here for the passage the ailing King John I of Aragon-Catalonia,

overseas.”*! and he ordered alerts to be maintained in

Cabaret’s account of Louis’s enrollment lists the Balearic Islands and at Alghero and is probably accurate, for Mirot has collected Cagliari in Sardinia.*® Genoa was to be the the names of 232 gentilshommes (or at least port of embarkation for the whole army, to most of them were) who accompanied Louis which the chronicler of S. Denis says the to Mahdia, of whom 76 are said to have lost Genoese contributed 1,000 crossbowmen and their lives or to have been captured in the 2,000 men-at-arms, not counting the sailors, course of the crusade.*” About the beginning who were estimated at about 4,000. Jean of February (1390), before returning to Paris, Juvénal des Ursins, archbishop of Rheims in Charles VI “went to Avignon to see Pope the middle of the fifteenth century, also puts Clement [VII], and with him the duke of the Genoese contingents at 1,000 crossbowmen Bourbon, who was glad to go there to ask and 4,000 sailors, well armed and well equipped, leave of the pope to proceed against the but says nothing of the men-at-arms.*’ infidels [mescréans} and to seek absolution from Blessing the fleet before its departure prepunishment and sin for himself and for his sented an awkward problem, for it was of course people: the holy father did so most willingly— the era of the Great Schism. As Jean Juvénal for the duke of Bourbon and his people and notes, the French adhered to the Avignonese the Genoese, and for all those who were join- Pope Clement VII, who had granted the cruing his army.”*? But money was needed as_ saders the plenary indulgence, but the Genoese well as the papal indulgence, and Louis of and certain other groups of crusaders recogTouraine loaned the good duke 20,000 florins, nized Boniface IX as pope in Rome. Accordand Charles VI gave him 12,000 gold francs. ing to Jean Juvénal, the high command issued On 22 March Charles made a further grant orders that no one should mention the conof 20,630 francs to those who were going on flict of obediences, but that all should join the crusade to Barbary, and Louis of Touraine’s together in a spirit of fraternal devotion to treasurer paid out 13,530 francs to various of employ their union “contre les mescréans, en his lordly dependents.*4 Obviously everyone la defense de la foy catholique.”** The chronicler

did not go “a ses frais.” of S. Denis, however, says that controversy Although the duke of Bourbon had to look arose in the host at this point occasione scismatis,

to Provence for the wine and wheat (for but that following the advice of wise coun-

ship’s biscuit) which the Genoese had blithely sellors, the leaders of the expedition decided to have two prelates of each obedience bless 3! Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxil, pp. 222-23. The the fleet, thus protecting their adherents with Religious of S. Denis, Chron. de Chas. VI, 1, 652, also puts the sign of the cross and with the usual Louis of Bourbon’s army at 1,500 knights, squires, and prayers.” crossbowmen (milites et scutiferi ac quoque balistarii). Accord- The fleet sailed from Genoa on or about 3 ing to Giorgio Stella, Annales genuenses, ad ann. 1389, in RISS, XVII (1730), cols. 1128-29, there were forty galleys §©=£———_——

and about twenty large transports (magna navigia) 35 Cabaret d’ Orville, chaps. LXXIV—LXXV, pp. 224-28.

employed on the Barbary crusade. 36 Mirot, op. cit., pp. 374-76.

2 Mirot, “Une Expédition francaise en Tunisie,” Revue 57 Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 652, 654; Jean Juvénal des

des études historiques, XCVII (1931), 369-72, 393, and esp. __ Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI, roy de France, . . . depuis 1380

pp. 397-406. (Mirot counts “231” knights and squires, of jusques 4 1422, eds. J. F. Michaud and J. J. F. Poujoulat, in whom 76 did not return from the crusade.) Cf. the list of | the Nouvelle Collection des mémoires pour servir GT’ histoire de 180 names in Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, U, Piéces France, \st ser., II (Paris and Lyon, 1850), 383a.

justificatives, no. IV, pp. 14-17; 12 of these 180 do not 38 Juvénal, Histoire de Charles VI, pp. 383a—384b. appear in Mirot’s list, which actually totals 232, and so ° Religieux de Saint-Denys, 1, 654. Mirot, op. cit., p. 376, includes 64 new names, and corrects several others, such as__‘ gives the impression that Urban VI (d. 15 October, 1389)

“Clinton” for “Climbo.” was still alive, but Jean Juvénal was well aware that *3 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. LxxIl, pp. 223-24. Boniface IX (1389-1404) held the Roman see at the time

34 Mirot, Rev. études hist., XCVII, 369. of Louis of Bourbon’s crusade.

334 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT July, 1390, and Froissart dilates on the beauty galleys soon reached the island which Froissart

of the sight, as the banners and pennons calls “Comminéres,” Cabaret “Connilliére,” and floated in the breeze, the sun shone on the the Genoese “Conigliera.” Froissart locates it shields richly blazoned with the arms of great “a trente milles d’ Affrique,’ and Cabaret lords, and trumpets, clarions, and fifes re- “a seize lieues d’ Auffricque,” well over thirty sounded in the harbor.*° The admiral of the miles from Mahdia. The map suggests that host was the Genoese Giovanni Centurione, the island in question is probably Kuriates off otherwise known as Oltramarino. Froissart tells the eastern coast of Tunisia, just east of us that the varlets and horses were left behind. Sousse (Susa) and Monastir. The crusaders and The former could presumably take care of their Genoese navigators had realized that they themselves, but a horse worth sixty francs might well become separated at sea, and had could then be got in Genoa for ten. He also already agreed that “Conigliera” should be their says that there were all told in the fleet about place of rendezvous. Those who had been 120 galleys, 200 ships carrying men-at-arms and _ driven farthest afield took the longest to reach

crossbowmen, and more than 100 transports the island, where the host spent nine days.

with provisions and equipment.“ The chronicler The first to arrive got the most rest, and the of S. Denis speaks with poetic ambiguity of leaders took “counsel and collation together,” “eighty ships [naves] to be run by the art of discussing their plans for the attack on Mahdia.* oarsmen and with assistance from the winds.”” The Genoese captains having given Louis of Cabaret, who wrote forty years after the events Bourbon and his barons their “advis et conseil” he describes, based his account upon the recol- on the best way to effect the initial landing

lections of old Jean de Chateaumorand, who at Mahdia, the fleet set sail on a calm sea,

had accompanied the duke of Bourbon on the with banners and pennons afloat in the breeze, crusade. With all his imperfections, Cabaret and “la navie des crestiens estoit belle et grosse seems to be the best literary source for the et bien ordonnée.” By late afternoon they were

expedition, and he informs us flatly that the in sight of the huge defense towers on the fleet consisted of 22 galleys and 18 trans- thickly populated peninsula of Mahdia, which ports (nefs),** which probably comes close to the jutted out into the sea a mile from the com-

mark. mercial suburb of Zawila, where Genoese traders The fleet sailed southeast from Genoa toward must have been well known to the inhabitants.* Portovenere at the entrance to the Gulf of Reports had of course already reached the Spezia, then due south past the tiny Isola Moslems of the crusaders’ approach, and now

di Gorgona, and passing between Capraia sentinels on the high towers sounded tambours and Elba skirted the eastern coasts of Corsica and drums to give warning of their arrival. and Sardinia, heading for the Gulf of Cagliari It was a beautiful night, says Froissart, clear to take on fresh water and food. At Cagliari and calm, “environ la Magdaléne” (Friday, the Genoese avoided conflict with the Catalans, 22 July, 1390). The Moslems are said to have “and passed the ‘gouffre du Lyon,’ which is held a council of war, and finally decided not very perilous and fearful to pass, but by the to oppose the Christian landing, believing that

way they were going they could not avoid it.” They ran into a terrible storm, according 44 Froissart, XIV, 158-59, 212; Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. to Froissart, and were in danger of all being xxv, p. 229; Juvénal, Histoire de Charles VI, p. 384a; lost; the buffeting waves and roaring winds Religieux de Saint-Denys, 1, 654, 656, who in describing the rendered seamanship useless, and there was storm claims that ab hiis qui rebus interfuerunt didisci [sic] . . . tunc omnes animo consternatos extilisse, credentes quod els nothing to do but await the will of God and the g:.; nen inevitabile immineret. . . .” turn of chance. The galleys and transports 45 Mahdia proper was built on a peninsula joined to the were scattered, “I’ un ca, |’ autre 1a,” but after mainland by a narrow isthmus, “much as the hand is joined a day and a night of tempest, the sea became ‘ the wrist, and was a Pirate haunt irom the ceventh calm and the winds gentle, and some of the \Cyrj) 378-81; Geo. Marcais, “AlMahdiya,” Encyclopaedia

_——_—__—— of Islam, III (1936), 121-22; and Aziz S. Atiya, The Crusade 4% Froissart, XIV, 157. in the Later Middle Ages, London, 1938, pp. 412—13. 41 Froissart, XIV, 157. Froissart, XIV, 222, describes the fortifications on the basis * Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 652. of accounts he had received from eyewitnesses (cf., ibid.,

48 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxv, p. 229, and cf. Gustave pp. 216-17). On the modern town, which contains about

Schlumberger, “Jean de Chateaumorand ... ,” in By- 15,000 inhabitants, note Tunisie, Paris: Guides Bleus, 1971,

zance et croisades, Paris, 1927, pp. 281-336. pp. 332-34.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 335 they were safe within their ample fortifications, The Christians were fed from the transand that the crusaders would eventually suc- ports anchored offshore, and they received wine cumb to heat, sickness, frustration, and the from Candia as well as provisions from Naples

difficulties of securing fresh water and sup- and Sicily, but each day brought new hard-

plies.* ships. Lacking horses, they could not scour Plans for disembarkation had already been the countryside; they were short of wood for

devised at Conigliera, and the day after the cooking and timber to make lodgings for the fleet had dropped anchor offshore, the ad-_ tentless soldiery. The kings of Tunis, Morocco, vance-guard of 600 men-at-arms andathousand and Bugia had sent “all their best warriors,” crossbowmen made the first landing under the _ says Froissart; they set up their camps in the command of Enguerrand VII de Coucy and _ fields and on the shore, with thick woods (and

Philippe d’Artois, count of Eu. They were hills) at their rear, all at safe distances from quickly drawn up en ordonnance de bataille to the crusaders’ narrow quarters outside Mahdia. await a Berber attack. Archers shot at them Froissart thinks there were 30,000 Moslem foot from the walls, but when no sortie was at- and archers and 10,000 or more horse; however

tempted, “the duke of Bourbon hastily dis- many there actually were, they were “souvent embarked from his galley with all his ‘battle’ raffreschis,” for camels and other beasts of and all the others of the rear-guard,” which burden brought them frequent supplies. Every included the English, Genoese, and other con-_ day, “ou du soir ou du matin,” they assailed tingents. Froissart identifies some sixty nobles the Christians in hit-and-run attacks.

whose tents were pitched on the shore; he The Genoese had reported that the “three

could not name them all, he says, for it would Saracen kings” were coming with 60,000 horse

be too much to write, but there were 1,400 to break the siege of Mahdia, and Cabaret watriors in the Christian encampment, fous assures us that such proved to be the case. gentilshommes. The siege of Mahdia had now To prevent the daily attacks, the duke of Bourbegun by land and sea, as the Genoese galleys bon had the peninsula of Mahdia fenced off blockaded the only water-gate, and the army from the mainland by a cordon of ropes (pre-

cut off access to the town by the three gates sumably carried on stakes) “d’ une mer

in the landward walls. On the evening of a autre” to a height of four feet, so that

the third day, says Cabaret, “a I’ heure que the Moslem horsemen could not jump it. This P en souppoit en I’ ost,” the Moslems made would be high enough, the Genoese assured a sudden sortie from the three landward gates, him, to keep “celle canaille” out of their enhoping to catch the Christians off their guard; campment. Galley oars were twisted into the but their attack failed; they lost 300 men, ropes and fastened upright to support crossfled back to the shelter of their walls, and bows and improve the archers’ aim. Men-atprobably did not attempt another full-scale arms were also posted at set intervals along sortie for the remainder of the siege.*” the line, and the duke himself with a thousand “combatans” and 500 crossbowmen undertook 6 Froissart, XIV, 212-21, who thinks that the feast of S. to cut off any Moslem sortie that might be

Mary Magdalene fell on a Wednesday in 1390 (zbid., pp. ————————_

217, 223). The chronicler of S. Denis relates that the king a “congrégation de dames toutes blanches,” led by the of Tunis had assembled a “vast multitude of Saracens” to Virgin Mary carrying a white banner with a red cross—the oppose the crusaders—6,000 for the defense of Mahdia Moslems retreated in haste “sans rien faire” (XIV, 234-36). and 40,000 on the mainland, “et ibi expectare christicolas * Froissart, XIV, 227-29; Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 660; pede fixo” (op. cit., I, 656). He also states that the Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova (1597), p. 349. According to expedition took a whole month (per mensem integrum) to get Jean Juvénal, p. 384a, the king of Tunis had put a garrison

from Genoa to Mahdia (I, 654), which would put the arrival of 2,000 men in Mahdia, which he calls Carthage, and of the Christian host at the beginning of August. But on 7 40,000 in the field, and we have noted above that the August an agent of Francesco Datini da Prato wrote from chronicler of S. Denis says that the king of Tunis had sent Genoa that a ship from Trapani or Palermo had just 6,000 men into the city ad municionem ville, and had put brought the news of the Christians’ successful landing at 40,000 in campestribus. Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxvu, p. Mahdia despite the Berbers’ fierce opposition (dopo molta 235, states that the Moslems settled into their camps only a batalglia), on which see Mirot, Rev. études hist., XCVU, 382, crossbow-shot away from the horseless Christian host, note 2. First reports of this sort are more likely to be “seulement le trect d’ une arbaleste.” valuable for the dates than for the details they give. #9 Cabaret d’ Orville, chaps. LXXVI-LXXVH, pp. 232, 235; *7 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxv, pp. 229-31; Froissart, Atiya, Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, p. 418, apparently

XIV, 223-26. The latter tells the story of an attempted believes that the Moslem forces are to be reckoned “as sortie from Mahdia which was supposedly frightened off by roughly between forty and sixty thousand.”

336 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT attempted from the city’s main landward gate. chants to their dwellings. The Moslems conHis pennon was borne by Jean de Chateau- centrated their bombards at the port tower, morand, Cabaret’s informant for the whole and defended themselves (says Ibn-Khaldin)

history of the Mahdia crusade.*° with the certainty of a glorious recompense

There was probably some communication be-_ in the next world. They rained stones and tween the besieged and the relief forces sent arrows upon the besiegers, and shot powder by the three kings, who had arrived with a and naphtha bolts at the tall penthouse, burnblare of trumpets, fifes, and clarions. After ing it completely in a night and a day, as the their first unsuccessful sally the besieged had Genoese moved it slowly (too slowly, says the decided to stay put and allow heat, sickness, chronicler of S. Denis) toward the tower. The and dwindling supplies to defeat the invaders. duke of Bourbon then ordered a great assault Shortly after their arrival, according to Cabaret, upon the three landward gates to divert some the Moslem relief forces risked one encounter of the garrison from the tower, so that the with the Christians “who, when they saw their falcon’s beaks atop the fortifications on the cowardice, advanced to meet them, especially galleys might be used with some hope of sucthose who were so ordered, and they struck cess. But the Moslems had already built over at them stoutly.” The Moslems retreated, losing the port tower a strange scaffolding with slits

sixty fine horses and a hundred men. Despite in the floor, and as the Genoese reached the the alleged disparity in numbers, the Chris- top, and stepped from the falcon’s beaks to the tians tried to draw the enemy into battle. slit flooring, the defenders slashed their feet

There were frequent skirmishes, one side or the to ribbons from underneath. The Christian at-

other driving their opponents back, “car ainsi tackers could neither see nor reach their est le mestier d’ armes,” but adopting the assailants below them, and many Genoese leaped

strategy of the garrison in Mahdia, the Mos- from the high tower into the sea_ below. lem relief forces avoided any engagement “Thus,” says Cabaret, “the assault with the falthat might prove more decisive, and this con- _ con’s beaks came to an end.”

tinued (we are told) for forty-two days.” Meanwhile the duke of Bourbon, the nobles, At a Christian council of war, however, the and men-at-arms had assailed the landward Genoese finally proposed the employment of a_ walls “so fiercely that one of the gates was testudo or penthouse on wheels (eschaffault burned, but the many people who were within sur petites roues), for which they said they had_ walled it up so that no one could enter.” the component parts aboard their transports. The three Saracen kings, says Cabaret, and the When assembled, it would be three stories high. more than 46,000 men with them, only a bow-

They would wheel the penthouse up to the shot from the Christians attacking the city,

port tower, which the Latin merchants then in allegedly did no more than shout encourageMahdia had contrived to. inform them was_ ment to the defenders on the walls. The siege the weak spot in the walls. The Genoese had of Mahdia had failed, “and yet it was a wonderalso brought with them two huge grappling ful thing,” and Cabaret bears witness to the hooks called “falcon’s beaks” (becs de faulcon) fact, “for Duke Louis of Bourbon and his which they could attach to the roofs of two company to attack such a strong and fine city wooden structures with side walls to protect on the sea as is ‘Auffricque’ despite the power the flanks of fifteen men-at-arms and ten cross- of three Saracen kings, who began with 60,000 bowmen as they mounted ladders to the tower. horse. . . .”™ They would build these structures on four The siege had lasted some nine or ten weeks.** galleys, which would convey them to the port ——__— tower opposite their anchorage, “et si celle — ™ Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. LXxvinl, pp. 238-42; Religieux

tour povons avoir, nous aurons tout!” The 4% Saint- Denys, I, 664, 666; Pros SaT N eeldie, Hie Genoese said that they needed only eight days loire des berberes e ~ trans. de Slane, III (Paris, 1934),

to build these devices. 118. Cabaret obviously implies that almost 14,000 Moslem Observing the construction from day to day troopers had either been killed or had deserted during the of the three-story tower or penthouse, the siege. Comment on the Christian chroniclers’ gross exag-

authorities in Mahdia confined the Latin mer- 8€ration of Moslem strength in almost all battles, sieges, and the like, is unnecessary at this point, but we shall have

—_———_—___—_—- occasion to return to the subject.

50 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. LXXvI, pp. 233-34. 53 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxx, p. 248, “deux mois et 51 Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. LXXvI, pp. 235-38. demi;” Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 666, “decem et amplius

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 337 The Christian warriors had found the heat if such terrible wars had not tied their exhausting, and they seemed further from their hands. . . .*

objective than when they had first arrived. Menat-arms were accustomed to fighting on horse- , The contemporary chroniclers are often lively

back, and most of them found their armor Ut rarely accurate, and Cabaret relied on the too heavy for rapid movement on foot. Fresh memory of old Jean. de Chateaumorand. rel water and food were in short supply; illness aret tells us that it was the Genoese who

wanted give up the siege, that they was po rife ot the camp;ato and physicians were d ,theand ainsecured commitment from Moslems not clearly wanting;inolest the host. TheChristians chroniclers to mol the fororten

years. attest. to grumbling, and men he duke of bHe ; ° . the » hen the lon represents thefeared duke ofthey Bourbon as protesting might still be “devant Affrique” whe 8> that the crusaders had not come to Mahdia cold nights of winter came. The Moslem de- seeking an accord but action in the field.

fenders ° f Mahdia were i their own ¢ ountry; Nevertheless, the Genoese are said to have the Christians were in an alien, hostile land. negotiated a “treaty,” according to which the They remembered the storm which had dis- entire annual revenue which the king of Tunis persed their fleet in July, and quailed at the derived from Mahdia should go to Genoa for prospect of a wintry sea. Some even thought ffteen years. The Tunisians should also pay that the Genoese, “qui sont dures gens et “ay duc et commun de Gennes” 25,000 ducats traittres,” might board the galleys some night, to defray the costs of the expedition. The sail off, and leave their erstwhile allies to pay Catalan, Neapolitan, and Sardinian merchants the price of their common failure. If we may who lived in Mahdia were obliged to stand believe Froissart, the Genoese were already re- surety for the Tunisians’ obligations. The duke proaching the French: “When we left Genoa, of Bourbon called a council of war to discuss

we hoped that after you got to Mahdia, you these terms, and a revered old warrior stated would have conquered the place in a week “that this was the most honorable position in or two, but we have already been here more which he had ever found himself, having warded

than two months, and still you have done off the power of three kings for two months

nothing!” and a half and having assailed their city in The leaders agreed with the rank and file. their very presence without their bringing re-

They also wanted to go home. There were lief, . . . which is a greater thing than the

rumors that the Genoese were already pre- greatest battle that one could behold.” paring to betray the French and deliver them Cabaret, writing long after the event, thus to the Moslems. Some of the crusaders wished rehearses the propaganda which in the months

to go on to Cyprus and Rhodes, and even and years to come would seek to convert a

to take “le chemin de Jhérusalem,” but most dreary failure into a heroic success. When the of them boarded the galleys and transports old warrior asserted that the terms of the prowith the strong desire to go back home, where posed treaty were as honorable “as if the city

their wives awaited them “en grant ennuy.” had been taken,” one after the other the Charles VI of France rejoiced in their safe French and English lords solemnly agreed with return, says Froissart, and asked for news of him. The order was then given for the fleet Barbary and the expedition. In fact Charles to be made ready for departure in three days.

is said to have told them: The Christian rear-guard caught in ambush 600 hommes a cheval whom the Moslem kings

If we can do so much as to bring about union sent to harass their withdrawal, and the duke in the Church and peace between ourselves and of Bourbon with all the army went aboard

the English, we should gladly make a voyage the fleet “A son bel aise,” sailing to the

overseas to exalt the Christian faith, confound the island of Conigliera, where the Genoese reinfidels, and clear the souls of our predecessors, vealed that they had further plans for the King Philip of blessed memory and King John, our crusade.

grandfather, for both . . . took the cross to go over- :

seas to the Holy Land, and they would have gone ~ ,, Froissart, XIV, 270-74, 279—80.

—__———- °° Cabaret d’ Orville, chap. Lxxx, pp. 246-51, a question-

ebdomadarum spacio;” and Froissart, XIV, 231, 237, 274, able account; cf. Religieux de Saint-Denys, 1, 670, and who says that the Christians boarded their vessels to leave Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova, p. 351, who both put the

Mahdia on the sixty-first day of the siege. indemnity to be paid by the Tunisians at 10,000 ducats.

338 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Genoese admiral Giovanni Centurione the way than to attack and destroy them, it still suggested that, as the crusading fleet returned, seems to us that it is a good idea to go there.

it might occupy the Catalan port of Cagliari _—-

on the southern end of Sardinia, which he The naiveté of Cabaret’s account would said was a supply depot for the kingdom of appear to be exceeded only by the duke of Tunis. Cabaret asserts that Louis of Bourbon Bourbon’s gullibility. The crusaders sailed to had asked the Genoese to propose some further Terracina, took the lower town, and laid siege

use of the fleet “sur les mescréans,” and that to the castle, which surrendered in two days he readily agreed to the attack upon Cagliari, to the duke, who turned it over to the Genoese where they found in the harbor “grosses naves On the same conditions that he had given

qui furent prinses par force d’ armes.” They them Cagliari and Ogliastro. The fleet continued easily took the castle as well as the lower town; northward along the coast to Piombino, which

the duke turned them over to the Genoese, WAS then under the control of Pietro Gambamaking them swear not to ship foodstuffs cOrta, captain and lord of Pisa (1369— 1392),

to Tunis; “and the Genoese promised the duke whom Cabaret calls “a great gentleman. Gamba-

that they would guard [the place] well and corta had been at war with the Genoese, and loyally for the Christians.” Nearby was the small "OW they advocated his destruction. (Although

island of Ogliastro (Guillastre), off the east UP to this point the only successes of the crucoast of Sardinia, which according to Centurione Sade lay in the reduction of Christian strong-

sent even more supplies to the Moslems holds, the duke of Bourbon piously observed, than Cagliari. The inhabitants of the island “! have not come to make war on Christians,

surrendered without a blow, and received a but if it is a matter of peace in which I Genoese garrison with the assurance that no may be useful, I will act willingly, and I

harm would come to them. shall summon him. You will state your case, The next port of call was to be Naples, and he will state his, and if some means of

whose merchants were said also to ship sup- accord is found, I shall gladly do my duty.’ plies to Mahdia; the duke and the Genoese, Gambacorta came to Piombino, according to says Cabaret, wanted to show the Neapolitans Cabaret, both sides stated their grievances, the treaty they had made with the Tunisians. and the duke and his council reconciled them They doubtless wanted to do more than that, i a just accord “as if they were brothers. but that night the worst storm broke out “that Thereafter the fleet touched at the island of ever a Christian could see, and they thought Elba, and went on to the Genoese landing all the galleys like to founder and the trans- Stage at Portofino, where most of the host ports to sink.” Most of the galleys made the and (contrary to Cabaret) the duke himselt harbor of Messina, although one was blown as came ashore sometime before 15 October, 1390.

far west as Trapani and suffered shipwreck, At Genoa a dozen Englishmen and a half-

but without loss of life. The duke of Bourbon dozen French lords died, having finally suc-

spent eight days at Messina, being royally cumbed to the rigors of the crusade and the

entertained by Manfredo de Chiaramonte, “who return voyage.”® .

in those days was the lord of Messina, Trapani, The preliminary “treaty” or truce, which and Palermo, and of well over half the island Cabaret describes (doubtless inaccurately) as of Sicily.” The duke knighted Manfredo at the having been negotiated before the crusaders latter’s request, and he and his companions raised the siege of Mahdia, was finally solem-

received gifts of horses from their generous ized in the royal palace at Tunis on 17

host, who also had wine, ship’s biscuit, salted }——__— meats, and other provisions loaded aboard the 6 Cabaret d’ Orville, chaps. LXXX—LXXxI, pp. 251-57; fleet. When the duke asked the Genoese what Mirot, Rev. études hist., XCVII, 389-93; Atiya, Crusade in the

their next move was to be, they were ready ([345"1309) in the chronicle of the wellinformed Fisan

with the answer: merchant Ranieri Sardo (d. before 23 December, 1399), My lord, upon leaving here we shall go by sea, imine, etc, observed Pietro Gambacoria through the

and you can arrive ata town . . . called Terracina, latter’s entire public career (Ottavio Banti, ed., Cronaca di

where there is a fine port on the sea, and the isa di Ranieri Sardo, Rome, 1963). Thus, unfortunately, inhabitants there add to the strength of Mahdia_ Sardo sheds no light on Cabaret’s doubtful account of with victuals neither more nor less than did the Louis of Bourbon’s high-minded adjudication at Piombino island of Sardinia. If you can do no better along of the Genoese-Pisan conflict.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 339 October, 1391, a full year after the return of Whatever the truth of Froissart’s assertion, the expedition to Genoa. Without mention of after the Genoese had made peace with Cabaret’s “treaty,” the new pax et concordia Abu'l-‘Abbas Ahmad II, the Venetian envoy confirmed an earlier (non-extant) Genoese- and consul Giacomo Vallaresso gained a ten Tunisian treaty of 18 August, 1383. According years’ confirmation of an old Veneto-Tunisian to the Latin and Arabic texts, Abi’l-‘Abbas commercial treaty, which had apparently been Ahmad II was to release all Genoese captives in force since 1317. Vallaresso was well re-

for the sum of 16,000 double dinars (doblae), ceived at the royal court in Tunis, and the

which the Genoese envoys agreed to pay ‘with- long letter which he wrote the Doge Antonio

out any other charge or expense. The Venier on 5 July, 1392, the day after the

Tunisians regarded the crusaders’ abandonment ratification of the treaty, contains a remarkof the siege as a Moslem victory, which indeed able description of procedures at the court.

it was, and Ibn-Khaldun has noted that The treaty was typical of such commercial

Allah repulsed the [Christian] unbelievers; —instrumenta, granting the Venetians their own

mey departed nm a tury or rustration, and fondaco, church, and oven in Tunis, as well ° taine no a vantage: An Spare the Mos- a5 extraterritorial rights of jurisdiction under

an even ¢ Sein, oO ae a he hy their own consul, together with the solemn

roissart Geciares that atter the siege the suyarantee of protection in personis et rebus suis. Saracens tightened their defense against the Apmad IT even paid for the ransom of thirty-

Genoese and the French, and resolved that five Venetian captives who were found at henceforth neither Genoese nor Venetians Tunis and Bona, should pass through the straits of Gibraltar, It took the Pisans much longer to restore

l’ estrout de Maroch, to take their merchandise friendly relations with Tunis fo in 1388 (as

(ell that a Paying So Lane ie we have seen) Pisan galleys had joined in passage] would still be by grace and leave.” Manfredo de Chiaramonte s attack tpon Jena

Banding together, the rulers of the Berber ; ; ; ; kingdoms ot armed galleys to sea in large The republic of Pisa claimed that the state numbers “pour estre seigneurs et maistres had played no part in the anti-Moslem league, de la mer,” moved by the hatred they now but merely that shipowners had privately leased felt for the French and Genoese because of their galleys to Chiaramonte. At length, by the the siege of Mahdia. The result was, accord- B07 Abead Irs and pat of 14 December

ing to from Froissart, “that allCairo, merchandise whichVenmae *2!5 ‘baal~alrn 5 {AZIZ II ( 1304 1434), a Ved came Damascus, Alexandria, IIE » accede ice, Naples, and Genoa became for a while to the restoration of the Pisans’ consular rights,

ully expensive. ;

so scarce that several items could not be got rondacht wean ed , provisions for their

fo gol! or lve anal spices became fer- gules ashi, an hs uma se

ee were to refrain absolutely from piracy, and the °7 L. de Mas Latrie, Traités de paix et de commerce . . . , I Saracens” were to assist them in SUPPTessing

(1866, repr. 1965), pt. IV, no. xiv, pp. 130-32, and cf, ——————

ibid., I, 243, and Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale, 1 (1940), 1382, the international spice trade is said to have fared well 203. According to a report of the Venetian envoy Giacomo (¢f. I. M. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages,

Vallaresso, dated at Tunis on 5 July, 1392, the Tunisians Cambridge, Mass., 1967, pp. 26, 30). In general see W. J. held 260 Genoese prisoners at this time (Mas Latrie, I, Fischel, “The Spice Trade in Mamluk Egypt,” Journal of the

245-46, and II, 240). Economic and Social History of the Orient, I (1957-58), 58 Ibn-Khaldtn, Histoire des berbéres ..., trans. de 157-74, and especially Gaston Wiet, “Les Marchands

Slane, III (Paris, 1934), 119. d’épices sous les sultans mamlouks,” Cahiers d’ histoire °° Froissart, XIV, 278. Mirot, Rev. études hist., XCVII, égyptienne, VII-2 (1955), 81-147, who sheds a good deal of 394-95, doubts Froissart’s statement; Brunschvig, La Ber- light on the eastern scene, but says little of the Mamluks’

bérie orientale, ‘ 202, Insofar as the kings relations wen the criticism Huropeanof states. The reader came maistres € laaccepts mer, itit.was e resuit ofBerber their wl na eomic inrormed an Impartia much reievant encouraging piracy and harboring corsairs. There is ample — scholarly work in Eliyahu Ashtor, “Recent Research in evidence for the scarcity of spices in Europe after Peter of Levantine Trade,” in The Journal of European Economic Lusignan’s sack of Alexandria in 1365, but the Venetian History, II-1 (Rome, 1973), 187-206. Misti and other sources bear witness to a revival of the spice ° Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, 1, 244-49, and II, pt. VII, trade from the 1370's. Despite the internecine strife which nos. XH-—XIV,, pp. 232—43; R. Predelli, Regesti dei Commemo-

disrupted the political life of Mamluk Egypt and Syria after riali, III (Venice, 1883), bk. vir, nos. 381-83, pp. 215-16.

340 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the cursales who had become the scourge of and the cardinals had honored him exceed-

the sea.® ingly, and had given him, his brother, and his As for the Sicilians, their island kingdom was uncles more than he had asked of them.”®

torn by internal dissension caused partly by Popular reaction to great events may be the rivalries of the Catalan and native fac- baffling to the historian, but people tend to tions, whose interests conflicted, and whose _ believe what they want. Froissart clearly thought

hostilities were exacerbated by cultural differ- that Enguerrand VII de Coucy had a wiser ences. Chiaramonte did not hold Jerba very head than Louis of Bourbon.™ We have already long, but Don Martin I, Catalan king of Sicily, seen, however, that Cabaret, writing in 1429, never relaxed his claim to the islands in the _ repeats what seems to have become the popular Gulf of Gabes. Numerous unsuccessful efforts assessment of Louis’s crusade: to have warded

were made to arrange a peace with the Mos- off the power of three Moslem kings for ten lems, ransom captives, and resume commercial weeks, laid siege to Mahdia under their very relations. A formal peace (pax), in fact, seems eyes, and overawed them to the point they to have been put off from decade to decade, dared not risk combat to relieve the city— although various truces (treguae) were finally it was in short “a greater thing than the arranged. Since both sides sought much the greatest battle” that one could ever hope to same objectives, amicable relations were often witness. Although most crusading expeditions

achieved for years at a time.” transformed allies into enemies, the French

Upon their return to France the crusaders response to the Genoese appeal for assistance seemed to find again the enthusiasm for war- against Tunisian piracy apparently endeared fare against the infidel which had been much Charles VI to the popolo minuto, among whom diminished by their failure under the walls the Doge Antoniotto Adorno found his chief of Mahdia. The poets reflected the mentality support. Factional strife in Genoa had reached of the age. The legends of the “Table Ronde” the point of chaos. After a stormy career glorified adventure, combat, and warfare, which had included frequent flight and deposifidelity, honor, and chivalry, and one believed tion, Adorno “decided to give the city to the quite as much in the croisade as in amour king of France,”® who accepted the offer, and courtois. ‘The amiable Froissart, who loved the thus acquired Genoa in the fall of 1396 English, and the embittered Eustache Des- despite the objections of Gian Galeazzo Vischamps, who hated them, both approved of the conti, who had been anxious to add the Barbary crusade. One read Guillaume de_ important seaport to his own domains. Adorno Machaut, whom Deschamps called his master; gave up the ducal office, and ruled briefly both Deschamps and Christine de Pisan paid as governor until the French took over.® Later

tribute to Louis II of Bourbon. In Paris, Jean II Le Meingre, better known as the

Charles VI, to whom portions of Méziéres’ Marshal Boucicaut, served as the king’s governor Songe du vieil pélerin were probably being read in Genoa, where he did very much as he chose

at this very time, said that his thoughts were during his eight years’ tenure (from October, turned night and day toward the crusade, and 1401, to June, 1409). In his dedication to the

of course there were those who encouraged crusade the headstrong Boucicaut was the him to think “of going overseas against the military counterpart to the publicist Philippe Saracens and of conquering the Holy Land.” de Méziéres, whose Songe du vieil pélerin and But there were also those who urged him _ other works certainly carried much weight with

first to go to Rome and drive the “anti-pope” him. In 1399 Boucicaut led the first of his

Boniface IX from S. Peter’s throne, and Charles two extraordinary expeditions into the East, said that he would consider doing so, accord- —_H-+—— ing to Froissart, for he was much drawn to © Froissart, XIV, 280-81. Clement VII, “because during the past year ix Cf. Froissart, XIV, 244-—51, and Mas Latrie, Traités de he had been in Avignon, where the pope 6 igiictta, Dell Istorie di Genova, bk. 1%, p. 368.

——_—_—____——. 6 The facts are well known, and so is the excellent study 6! Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, 1, 243-44, and II, pt. II,no. of Eugéne Jarry, Les Origines de la domination frangaise a XVII, pp. 70-87. The treaty was negotiated in the name of Génes (1392-1402), Paris, 1896, esp. chaps. viI—x, and see Jacopo d’ Appiano, who had replaced Gambacorta as Michel de Boward, Les Origines des guerres d’ Italie: La France

captain of Pisa. et ’ Italie au temps du Grand Schisme d’ Occident, Paris, 1936,

& Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, 1, 249-51, and II, pt. V, nos. pp. 167-209, for a succinct account of events in Genoa XI—XXVIII, pp. 161-81, docs. dated from 1392 to 1479. from 1393 to 1396.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 34] with Cabaret’s old friend Jean de Chateau- might present itself that I could meet him morand as his chief lieutenant, to relieve the 1m single combat!”®

Turkish pressure on impoverished Constan- Whether Murad or Bayazid ever spoke with

tinople. such boastful assurance of their plans for west_ ward conquest is less important than the fact

Soldiers, merchants, and pilgrims brought that many Europeans believed that they had Strange tidings back from the distant East, done so. Bayazid’s ambition was certainly to be and the credulous at all levels of society gave feared. In 1390 he had conducted two viceach new rumor some measure of belief as it torious campaigns in Asia Minor, in the course spread through castles as well as taverns. As of which he had occupied the last Byzantine Turkish domination was extended over ever city in the great peninsula, Philadelphia,™ wider areas in the Balkans, the eyes of Europe which (as we have seen) had offered itself were turned to the Ottoman court at Adrianople. to the papacy almost forty years before. In Although the formidable Murad I had been these campaigns he had also effected the conkilled on the battlefield at Kossovo in June, quest of the emirates of Sarukhan, Aydin, 1389, his able son Bayazid I succeeded him Menteshe, Hamid, and Germiyan. Bayazid had as emir, and planned still further conquests. thus come to control the whole west coast Froissart, who does not distinguish very clear ly of Asia Minor with the exception of Smyrna,

between father and son, reports that the which still remained in Christian hands under sultan “Basaach dit l’Amorath-Bacquin” the protection of the Hospitallers. He was althreatened King Sigismund of Hungary “that ready the master of Serbia and Bulgaria, and

he would come to fight him in the midst in April, 1394, he reoccupied Thessalonica, of the latter’s own country, and he would of which the Byzantines had managed a brief ride on so far as to reach Rome, and he __ repossession. He drew a cordon around Con-

would feed his horse oats on the altar of stantinople, and held the city in a tight S. Peter’s at Rome.” Bayazid intended to es- blockade. Some sixty years later the historian tablish his si¢ge impérial on the banks of the Ducas represents Bayazid as informing the

Tiber, and he would bring with him in his Emperor Manuel II, “If you do not want

suite the emperor of Constantinople and all to do and allow whatever I command, keep the great barons of Greece. He would, to be fast the gates of the city and rule in its midst,

sure, allow everyone to live according to his _f0F all the lands outside it are mine!””

own laws, for he wanted no more than the Although Mircea the Elder, voivode of [imperial] title and sovereignty. But that was Wallachia, fought the Turks to a standstill

quite enough for Sigismund, who entreated ™ one proody, battle of sone 7 a May, Charles VI to make the menacing news known ba 5), he had to pay a Dab and I fact throughout the kingdom of France so that he O, soon occupied the Do bok ry ¢ a

. . across the Danube at will, and it is small

knights and squires might be moved to come the Ottomans were now moving back and fort

to the aid of the Hungarians and prevent wonder that King Sigismund of Hungary sent

Christendom from being trampled underfoot.” 5 ost Bary

According to the chronicler of 5. Denis, Religteux de Saint-Denys, I, 708, 710, where the sultan

Bayazid’s spies and interpreters kept him well “Lamorat-Baxin” is said to be a ruler of integrity, anxious informed concerning the kings and kingdoms _ to extend his fame by force of arms, but humane in victory,

of Christendom, “and extolling the king of tolerant of those who paid him tribute, and steadfast in France above all [others], he is said to have _Hsrving the teats and promises he had made,

told Frenchmen many times that, when he had — wittek, Das Fiirstentum Mentesche, Studien zur Geschichte finished what he had begun in Hungary and _ Westkleinasiens im 13.-15. Jahrh., Istanbul, 1934, pp. 78 ff.; neighboring regions, he intended to pay him _ Peter Charanis, “The Strife among the Palaeologi and the

a visit for sure.” His words are said to have viel Turks, 1370-1402,” Byzantion, XVI (1942-43), made but slight impression at the French court, 7 Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 13 (Bonn, p. 49); Franz however, where Charles VI is quoted as stating _Babinger, Beitrége zur Frithgeschichte der Tiirhenherrschaft in

in reply, “Would to God that the occasion umelien (1944), pp. 8-9. . G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, Oxford, —_—__—___—. 1956, pp. 489-90, and ¢f. Halil Inalcik, “The Emergence of 87 Kervyn de Lettenhove, ed., Cuvres de Froissart, the Ottomans,” in P. M. Holt, A. K. S. Lambton, and B. Chroniques, XV (Brussels, 1871), 216-17. Lewis, eds., The Cambridge History of Islam, 1 (1970), 277-78.

342 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT letters and envoys to the European princes face IX, who held the Roman see, retained soliciting their help to stop the infidel ad- for the most part the allegiance of Hungary, vance. The success of his appeal was to lead the German states, England, Italy, and Poland, to the campaign which the Turks would stop while the Avignonese pope, Clement VII, was

at Nicopolis, perhaps the greatest disaster recognized in France, the Spanish kingdoms, ever suffered by Christian forces in the long Naples, and Sicily. Boniface was supporting the

history of the crusades.” claims of young Ladislas, son of Charles III

The popes had lost the leadership of the of Durazzo, against the efforts of the “schiscrusades to the princes, owing to the tragic matic” Louis II of Anjou to hold the kingcontest for spiritual supremacy which the rival dom of Naples. Louis had been receiving such

pontiffs carried on with each other during the help as could be provided by Clement VII,

years of the Great Schism (1378-1417).% Boni- who died on 16 September, 1394. From Rome

—____—— on 3 June (1394) Boniface IX sent the 7 There is a succinct survey of the sources relating tothe Dominican Giovanni de Montelupone, bishop crusade of Nicopolis in Delaville Le Roulx, La France en of Naupactus (Lepanto). as papal nuncio into

Orient (1886), I, 211-19, who provides a reliable general Dalm tin Cr C e Xe bse bi (Scl a) account of the expedition (ibid., I, 220-320) as well as a » Toatla, . Osi a, ant cr la c avonia

collection of pertinent documents (II, nos. v ff., pp. 18 ff.). to arouse the Slavic princelings against his rival See also the monograph of A. S. Atiya, The Crusade of Clement’s followers in the south Italian kingNicopolis, London, 1934, and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages dom. But at the same time Boniface wrote the

(1938), pp. 435-62; R. Rosetti, “Notes on the Battle of ood bish f Nau tus. lamenti Nicopolis (1396),” The Slavonic (and East European) Review, o kish OP “k N pac he “ki © None ge recent XV (1936-37), 629-38; H. L. Savage, “Enguerrand de UPKIS attac! Ss upon t €e Kingdoms oO un-

Coucy VII and the Campaign of Nicopolis,” Speculum, XIV §ary, Dalmatia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia, (1939), 423-42; Charles L. Tipton, “The English at the principality of Achaea, the duchy of Athens, NcOpOls,” Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 528—40; and Richard “and some other Christian possessions,” includ-

so ea Philip The Bold, Cambridge, Mass., 1962, pp. ing doubtless those of the Venetians at NegroOf the relevant older literature, in addition to Delaville Ponte and In the Aegean. The Turks tortured

Le Roulx, mention should be made of the brief but densely and killed their Christian captives, sold them

packed dissertation of Alois Brauner, Die Schlacht bei into slavery, and forced them to abjure their

Nikopolis (1396), Breslau, 1876; the study of the Prussian faith —_horret animus talia reminisci! Giovanni was

general G. Kohler, Schlachten von bei Nicopoli Warna, h £thedcrusade d h thagainst d. Breslau, 1882; FerdinandDie von Si8ié, “Die Schlacht thereforeund ordered to preach

Nicopolis (25. September 1396),” in the Wissenschafiliche the Turks and to offer the usual rewards of Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina, VI (Vienna, indulgence to all who accepted at his hands 1809), 2013275 and Max Sitberschmidt, Das orientaliscle the venerabile signum crucis.™4

roblem zur Leit der Lnistehung aes turnischen “euhes nac pp. During venezianischen Quellen, Leipzig and Berlin, 1923, 97 the ff. summer King Sigismund sent an 73 However superfluously, perhaps attention should be embassy to Venice, and on 6 September (1394) called to Noel Valois’s well-known work on La France et le the Senate took solemn note of the fact “that Grand Schisme d’ Occident, 4 vols., Paris, 1896-1902, repr. because of the Turkish invasions of his king-

Hildesheim, 1967, as well as Edouard Perroy, L’ Angleterre ‘ . ‘

et le Grand Schisme d’ Occident, vol. I (1933), and Michel de dom [the king] pumse’ has decided - + + C0 Botiard, Les Origines des guerres d’ Italie: La France et U Italte move next May with a powerlul army .. .

au temps du Grand Schisme a’ Occident, Paris, 1936; and in the =~

present context special mention should be made of the he also explores the rocky route by which the cardinals’

article by Oskar Halecki, “Rome et Byzance au temps du oligarchical ambitions finally led Christendom, contrary to Grand Schisme d’ Occident,” Collectanea theologica, XVIII their intentions, to the popular doctrine of conciliarism. (Lwow, 1937), 477-532. A number of anti-Turkish bulls ™ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1394, nos. 20, 23, vol.

addressed to lay and ecclesiastical authorities in Hungary, VII (Lucca, 1752), pp. 583, 584b-—585; cf. C. Eubel, Poland, the Balkans, and Constantinople as well as in Hiéerarchia catholica, I (1913, repr. 1960), 362, who makes Armenia and Georgia may be found in A. L. Tautu, Giovanni de Montelupone a Franciscan. Alois Brauner, Die Acta Urbani PP. VI (1378-1389), Bonifacti PP. IX (1389-— Schlacht bei Nikopolis, diss. Breslau, 1876, pp. 8-9, errone1404), Innocentii PP. VII (1404-1406) et Gregorii PP. XI ously identified him as archbishop of Neopatras; Delaville

(1406-1415), Rome, 1970, nos. 24, 32, 33a, 55, 58, Le Roulx, France en Orient, I, 228, repeats the error 61-62, 82, 85, and 90, docs. dated from April, 1391, to (without identifying Montelupone by name); and Atiya,

May, 1400 (Pontificia Commissio ad redigendum Codicem Crusade of Nicopolis, p. 33, and Crusade in the Later Middle

Iuris Canonici Orientalis, Fontes, ser. III, vol. XIH, tom. 1). Ages, p. 435, note 2, follows them in the same mistake, Most of the texts published by Tautu relate to matters which occurs also in Halecki, Collectanea theologica, XVIII,

of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The events which led to the 498-500. Cf. R. J. Loenertz, “Athénes et Néopatras: cardinals’ revolt against Urban VI and to the ‘election of | Regestes et documents pour servir a I’ histoire ecclésiastique Clement VII are vividly depicted in Walter Ullmann’s little des duchés catalans (1311-—1395),” Archtvum Fratrum book on The Origins of the Great Schism, London, 1948; Praedicatorum, XXVIII (1958), no. 249, pp. 81-82.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 343 against the said Turks to their loss and de- Guillaume had expected another Hungarian struction, and that therefore he requests us embassy, headed by John de Kanizsa, archto give him counsel, assistance, and good bishop of Gran (Esztergom), to arrive on the will. . . .” The Senate was full of good will, lagoon by Epiphany (6 January, 1395). They and was sure that Sigismund and his advisers had agreed upon the date, Guillaume told the had given wise consideration to the step which Senate, while he was in Hungary. Wishing he proposed to take. The Venetians would to wait no longer, the impatient marshal apbe much distressed if Sigismund and his sub- peared before the Senate on 21 January, and jects should suffer any misfortune, especially explained the intention of the dukes of Burat the hands of the “infidel persecutors of the gundy, Orléans, and Lancaster to go on the Catholic faith.” They hoped God would crown crusade for the relief of Hungary, ad pium his efforts with “glory and triumph,” and then opus et passagium. The Senate tried to persuade bestow peace and tranquillity upon his people. Guillaume to await the Hungarians’ arrival so

As for assistance, however, when the other that, having heard all the embassies on their principes et communitates mundi were prepared way to Venice, “we might be able with fuller

to render all the help they could, his Majesty and clearer deliberation to reply to all the

would find the Venetians ready to do so also, requests being made of us.”’® He did wait two “as our commune has always been accustomed more weeks, and since the Hungarians had

to do in similar emergencies.”” still not come, Guillaume left Venice to return The following month, on 15 and 30 October tothe Burgundian court (on 4 February, 1395).”

(1394), Pope Boniface IX again issued anti- About a month later John de Kanizsa finally Turkish bulls, appointing another Dominican, arrived with the other members of the HunGian Domenico of Gubbio, to preach the cru- garian embassy, and informed a delegation of sade in Venetian territory as well as in Aus- nobles which the Senate had sent to receive tria, the archbishopric of Salzburg, Treviso, them that their mission was taking them ad and the patriarchate of Grado. According to diversas mundi partes, but first of all to Venice. the pope, the Turks had already occupied ‘They proposed to speak frankly, and to reveal parts of Hungary, and had imposed such daily Sigismund’s secreta cordis. Archbishop of Gran,

burdens on the Hungarians that they were member of a great feudal family, a powernow worse off than the Israelites had been ful personality, John de Kanizsa could speak

under the yoke of Pharaonic servitude.”* There with authority for his king. He said that Sigiswas widespread discussion of a Christian league mund was determined to employ his full reagainst the Turks, and Boniface was doing what sources against the Turks. On 5 March (1395) he could to promote it. On 23 December there the Senate authorized the Collegio to deal with was a Byzantine envoy in Venice. He had ob-_ the Hungarians, and in the negotiations which viously been there for some time, but the followed, Kanizsa apparently outlined the king’s Senate postponed consideration of his requests, plans for the crusade. There was agreement “because embassies are expected here from _ that at least twenty-five galleys would be re-

also.””” ——___— Immediately thereafter Guillaume de la eG cating, in an i 5 475, pp. 187 58. France, Burgundy, England, and Hungary quired to prevent the Turks from moving

2 : ° : an enzel, » Acta extera, , no. , . —98.

Trémoille, the marshal of Burgu ndy, did arrive John de Kanizsa (de Kanysa), archbishop of Gran (Strigonia)

in Venice as the envoy of Duke Philip the primate and legatus natus of Hungary and royal chanBold, who had sent him first to Hungary. cellor, died on 30 May, 1418, according to Eubel, I,

———__-_—— 465. Although he is very well known from scores of

75 Sime Ljubi¢, ed., Listine, in Monumenta spectantia his- contemporary documents (Gyérgy [Georgius] Fejér, ed., toriam slavorum meridionalium, IV (Zagreb, 1874), no. Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis, tom. X, CCCCLXXVI, pp. 335-36, and Gusztav Wenzel, ed., Magyar vol. 1 [Buda, 1834], nos. XL, XLV, XLVII, etc., CCVIII, diplomacziai emléhek, in Monumenta Hungariae historica, Acta CCXIV, CCXVII, CCXXIII, CCXXXvII, et alibi), Brauner, Schlacht

extera, III (Budapest, 1876), no. 473, pp. 755-56. bei Nikopolis, pp. 14-15, calls him Nicholas, and leads

76 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1394, nos. 24-25, vol. Delaville Le Roulx and Atiya into error. To add to the VII (1752), pp. 585—86. On 17 January, 1395, however, confusion Brauner, p. 48, also correctly refers to him the Senate forbade Gian Domenico to preach the crusade as John. Nicholas de Kanizsa was a lay lord (miles), “in our city” for fear of Turkish reprisals (Halecki, and John’s brother (Fejér, tbd., X-2, nos. CxIul, CCLH,

Collectanea theologica, XVIII, 501-4). pp. 207, 447, 450). On the primacy of the archbishopric 7 Ljubi¢, Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. CCCCLXxxll, p. 338, of Gran in Hungary, see ibid., no. CCLXxx, pp. 508 ff.

and Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, III, no. 474, p. 757. ” Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, 1, 229-30.

344 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT “into Turkey from Greece and back again,” France and England remained aloof, but Sigisand the galleys would cost from 35,000 to 40,000 mund had the active support of the king of ducats a month. (The maintenance of an armed Poland, the ruler of Bosnia, the duke of Austria, galley amounted to about 1,500 ducatsa month.) and others whom the Senate might insist on, Kanizsa and his companions insisted upon know- galleys might well be provided to such extent ing, before they left Venice, what part of this as would be in keeping with the honor of the

fleet the Republic would contribute. Church and of the Republic as well as with

The Senate reminded them on 10 March the requirements of the crusade. that Venice was at peace with the Turks; John de Kanizsa and his fellow ambassadors there were many Venetian merchants in Otto- had done the best they could. The Venetian man territories, where they were being well offer was not unreasonable; no help could be

treated; and the Republic’s overseas possessions expected from Genoa, for the city was in were exposed to Turkish attack on a wide political chaos. If the Hungarians were going front.” Nevertheless, when the king of Hungary to have the support of a fleet, it appeared actually began his campaign against the Turks, that the remaining galleys would have to be along with the dukes of Burgundy, Orléans, supplied by the French and the English. The and Lancaster, to whom the ambassadors would ambassadors went on to France, where Philip

soon be going, Venice would provide one- the Bold, duke of Burgundy, received them fourth of a fleet not exceeding twenty-five at Lyon (on 8 May, 1395), after which they galleys—that is, Venice would provide six paid their respects to the duke’s wife Margaret, galleys. If the fleet consisted of only twenty the heiress of Flanders, to whom they were galleys, the Venetian contingent would be five, presented at Dijon (on 17—19 May). In Bordeaux

etc., and they would be kept in service as long they waited upon John of Gaunt, the duke of as the other states or princes contributing tothe Lancaster, to whom the Venetians had made fleet kept theirs in service, and as long as_ frequent reference. On 6 August they arrived Sigismund and the three dukes remained inthe in Paris, where they met Philip again as well

field against the Turks. as the king’s uncles; ushered into the royal On 11 March the Signoria reported the presence, they gave Charles VI letters from

Senate’s decision to the ambassadors, who now Sigismund. John de Kanizsa addressed a spirited asked whether Venice would still make her appeal to the throne, imploring Charles to come galleys available for the crusade if the “princes _ to the aid of the Hungarians lest they fall under

and dukes of France and England” decided the Turkish yoke like the unfortunate Serbs and not to join the expedition, because the king Bulgarians.

of Hungary might be determined to go it At this juncture, according to the unknown

alone with God’s help. The next day, the but contemporary biographer of Marshal Bouci-

twelfth, the Senate replied that the Venetian caut, the king of Hungary sent a herald to galleys would join a crusading fleet on the his friend Philippe d’ Artois, count of Eu, terms which had been stated the day before. with the news “that Bayazid was marching The king of Hungary ought not to attempt against him into his country with a full 40,000 the campaign without the support of the other Saracens, of whom 10,000 were horsemen.” princes, and as for the Venetians, the Senate Sigismund had decided to do battle. He wanted foresaw that their participation in such a risky Philippe d’ Artois, who had been appointed

venture could well bring multa pericula et mani-_ constable of France in November, 1393, to infestessima damna upon their citizens, merchants, form Boucicaut of the danger threatening Hun-

and overseas possessions.*! If the princes of gary and to make the fact known also “a

tous bons chevaliers et escuyers” who wished

to increase their honor and display 80 In May, 1390, the .new ruler, Bayazid, had confirmed . ° f their the privileges previously accorded to the Venetians by the valor by defending Christendom against the emirs of “Palatia and Altoluogo” (on the sites of ancient infidels. Boucicaut promptly announced that he Miletus and Ephesus), allowing all traders from Venice, Candia, Negroponte, and Coron the right to trade safely in. =———————_

his domains (Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., III [1883], bk. ® Ljubic, Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. CCCCLXxxvill, p. 343,

Vill, nos. 341-42, 346, pp. 206-7). not in Wenzel, who unfortunately omits portions of the

81, jubic, Listine, in MHSM, IV, nos. CCCCLXXxvi- documents, sometimes for reasons best known to himself.

CCCCLXXXVIII, pp. 339-43, and Wenzel, MHH, Acta extera, Cf. F. von Si8iz, “Schlacht bei Nicopolis,” Wissensch. Mitt. aus

III, nos. 477—78, pp. 760-63. Bosnien und der Hercegovina, V1, 303-4.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 345 would go to Hungary, for he desired nothing Having given his son John of Nevers permore than to fight the “Saracens,” and he mission to go on the crusade, Philip the Bold remembered with gratitude Sigismund’s hos- contrived to make him leader of the host. pitality on the occasion of his visit to Hun- The atmosphere was charged with excitement, gary (in 1388). The news spread everywhere, and the populace entertained exalted hopes. and the young John, count of Nevers, gui After defeating Bayazid and ridding Hungary estoit en fleur de grand jeunesse, responded with of the infidels, says Froissart, “the Christians

a passionate desire to go, and received per- would go to Constantinople, pass beyond the mission to do so from his august father, the ‘arm of S. George,’ and enter Syria; they would

duke of Burgundy. free the Holy Land and deliver Jerusalem and The plight of Hungary was bruited through- the Holy Sepulcher from the pagans and from

out the realm, subjection to the soldan and the enemies of our

Lord.” The Hungarian ambassadors had cause and several young lords of royal blood as well fo) satisfaction in the extraordinary success of as other barons and nobles wanted to go there their missi Thev h d back to H to free themselves of idleness and to employ their err Mission. cy fastene » ack to mungary

time and strength in deeds of chivalry, for it with ws bonnes nouvelles,” and Sigismund

seemed to them, and it was true, that they could rejoiced. not go on a more honorable expedition [voyage] In Avignon, Pope Benedict XIII granted John

or one more pleasing to God. Thus all France of Nevers and the crusaders the usual indulwas caught up in this affair. . . . Of the principal gences and various special privileges, and Duke participants in the enterprise we shall give the philip decked out his son’s company with ostennames, and the number of the French. First and . foremost of all was the count of Nevers, who is tatious grandeur. Banners, pennons, and ban-

now the duke of Burgundy [which title he held erets on lances were embroidered in gold from April, 1404, to his death in September, and silver. The little flags attached to trumpets 1419], first cousin of the king of France; milords and even the saddle cloths were trimmed with Henri and Philippe de Bar, brothers and first cousins silver braid and embroidered with the colors

of the king; [Jacques de Bourbon,] the count of of Burgundy. There were tents and pavilions La Marche, and [Philippe d’ Artois,] the count of in heavy satin of bright green, John of Nevers’s ce and constable, cousins of the king. Among the chosen color, so many of them in fact that it arons were [Enguerrand VII,] the lord of Coucy; red £ th h Marshal Boucicaut; the lords [Guy and Guillaume] require twenty-four carts to carry them. John de la Trémoille; messire Jean de Vienne, admiral was himself to be attended by 133 valets clad of France; [Jean de Hangest,] the lord of Heuge- !'2 livery of “verd gay” embroidered in gold ville; and many other knights and squires, the very and silver thread. Four great banners were flower of chivalry and nobility, a full thousand prepared with the image of the Virgin in gold, from the realm of France. . . . Marshal Boucicaut surrounded by fleurs de lys and the arms of led seventy gentlemen at his own expense, and Nevers. Three hundred small pennons and twenty-five large ones shone with silver; John’s A full thousand knights and squires presumably "ame was inscribed on them, as on six great

fifteen of these knights were his own relatives.” eae ; ;

meant a fighting force of some 4,000 to 5,000 standards, where the lettering was in gold. men, for the rank and file of attendants and Froissart assures us “que . . . riens n’ estoit servants might serve as soldiers on the field. espargnié,”"* except perhaps the exercise of We shall come presently to the question of the common sense, for such preparations were probable numbers of Christian and Moslem combatants in the impending battle of Nicopolis. * Froissart, XV, 218-20. Like the author of the Livre des

——_____— faits, Froissart says that the French contingent numbered 3 Tivre des faits du bon messire Jean le Maingre, dit “Aa tout mille chevalliers et escuiers tous vaillans hommes” Bouciquaut, pt. 1, chap. xX1, in J. A. C. Buchon, ed., Les (zhid., XV, 221, 230). The chronicler of S. Denis states that Chroniques de Sire Jean Froissart, 111 (Paris, 1840), 589-90; °f the innumerable knights and squires who wanted to go the “livre des faicts” may also be found in J. F. Michaud With John of Nevers into Hungary, the latter “chose only and J. J. F. Poujoulat, eds., Nouvelle Collection des mémoires ‘two thousand,” ex hiis tamen solum duo milia elegit (L. pour servir aU histotre de France, 11 (1850), the passage in Bellaguet, ed., Chronique du religieux de Saimt-Denys, I

question appearing in part 1 of Boucicaut’s biography, [Paris, 1840], 428). chap. xxl, p. 236b. Cf. Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, % Brauner, Schlacht bei Nikopolis, p. 18; Delaville Le I, 231-32, 234-35, and von Sisi¢c, in Wissensch. Mitt. aus Roulx, France en Orient, 1, 238; Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis,

Bosnien, V1, 304. pp. 40, 141; Froissart, XV, 224.

346 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT better adapted to a coronation or a royal pected at Pola toward the end of February,

wedding than a campaign against the Turks. 1396, and the Venetian Senate was prepared Philip of Burgundy had been trying to assess _ to speed his return to Constantinople. By 1

his income for the projected voyage into Hun- March the Senate knew the results of the Byzan-

gary ever since January, 1395. Counting the tine mission to Hungary. Philotrophinus told very heavy “aids which milord the duke plans them that Sigismund had promised to have a to levy on his lands;” 80,000 francs which Charles “powerful army” on the Danube at a place VI owed him together with the 36,000 he would called “Ulnavi” the following May, and to reach

receive in the next nine months as a pension the shores of the Bosporus in June. Manuel from the crown; a loan of 50,000 from Gian was to arm ten galleys for a month at the exGaleazzo Visconti; and another 50,000 which _ pense of Sigismund, who had already arranged

Charles VI was expected to make “en don for the payment of 30,000 ducats to Philo-

pour le voyage,” Philip’s accountant envisaged trophinus while the latter was in Venice. The

the possibility of raising 520,000 francs.*° Con- Byzantine envoy advised the Venetians to cancel

sidering the way the Burgundians were spend- their plans to send an embassy to Bayazid ing their money, it was not going to be enough, in an effort to get him to make peace with

and further loans, some of them quite small, Manuel II—the Turks were laying rather

were later sought from various sources.*’ Four- desultory siege to Constantinople—for such a teen months later (on 28 March, 1396) Philip peace would now be inconsistent with Manuel’s issued an ordonnance at Paris, providing for a_ entente with the Hungarians. The Senate de-

council of war to advise the young John of cided to send an envoy to Constantinople to

Nevers, enacting a few simple measures for the explain that they were indeed canceling their maintenance of discipline in the army, and _ plans for an embassy to Bayazid. They were giving the names of high nobles and knights delighted with the results of Philotrophinus’s “whom milord has enjoined to go on the ‘voy- embassy to Hungary, and hoped for the salvaage’ to Hungary in company with milord of tion and success of the Byzantine empire and Nevers.” According to these regulations, “a its emperor.®® gentleman causing tumult loses his horse and There were limits, however, to the risks which

armor [cheval et harnois]; and a varlet who wields Venice was prepared to take to help achieve a knife loses a hand, and if he steals he loses that salvation and success. On 14 April, 1396,

an ear.” The host was to assemble at Dijon the Senate informed a Hungarian envoy that on 20 April to receive pay, and to be ready they were pleased to learn Sigismund would ten days later to embark upon the expedition be on the march against the Turks by the

from Montbéliard.® feast of Pentecost (21 May), but they reminded The French were to bear the brunt of the the envoy that the dukes of Burgundy,

expedition although of course they would be Orléans, and Lancaster were apparently not joined by a sizable force of Hungarians under going on the crusade. Although their participa-

Sigismund as well as by a fair number of tion had been the prime condition for the disGermans and (until the battle) of Viachs. There patch of Venetian galleys to the Bosporus, was also likely to be a sprinkling of Hospital- the Senate did consent to send four welllers, Poles, Italians, Bohemians, and unem- armed galleys, which would arrive in partibus ployed routiers (sometimes called “Engleis”). Romanie by mid-July, and would await SigisSigismund was in close touch with the Emperor mund’s arrival until mid-August. The Senate Manuel II, who had sent an envoy to Hungary; was certain that he would arrive “in those the envoy, one Manuel Philotrophinus, was ex- parts” before the time specified. After two days

of debate and a dozen votes, however, the

a . Senate finally decided that they could not make The text is given in Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient,

II, no. v, pp. 18-20, where it seems to me the precise —————————

figure should be 526,730 francs if the document has been 8 Tjubié, Listine, in MHSM, IV, nos. DVII—DX, pp.

correctly transcribed. 359-61, docs. dated 27 February and 1 March, 1396. The

87 Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. v1, pp. 21-24. envoy’s name appears in the documents as Hemanuel 8 Dom Urban Planchet, Histoire générale et particulitre de Philotropinus and Filatropinus (Misti, Reg. 43, fols. 113”,

Bourgogne, 4 vols., Dijon, 1739-81, III, no. CLxx, pp. 117"). Since Sigismund was the ally of the Teutonic clxxiii-clxxv, cited (among others) by Brauner, Schlacht bei Knights, there were probably not many Polish recruits for Nikopolis, pp. 18-22; Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, 1, the Nicopolis crusade (cf. O. Halecki, “La Pologne et 235-38; and Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis, pp. 41-42, 144-48. empire byzantin,” Byzantion, VII [1932], esp. pp. 47-50).

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 347 Sigismund the loan which his envoy had also Paris sometime after 18 April. They made the requesied, and they would simply tell the latter journey to Buda by way of Milan, whither that the Republic had had to meet so many Charles VI sent Coucy to dissuade Gian Galeazzo expenses through the past year that his Majesty Visconti from interfering with the French acmust excuse them.” By this time Sigismund quisition of Genoa.* Froissart represents Gian must have been too busy to worry about his Galeazzo as sending Bayazid falcons, dogs, fine failure to receive the loan (he had only asked cloths, and (more to the point) the most defor 7,000 ducats), and he was doubtless glad tailed information concerning the crusading to learn that Venice would send four galleys army, “tout par nom et par sournom, les chiefs

to the Bosporus, for in France the expedi- des barons de France,” says Bayazid, “qui

tion was already getting under way. me devoient venir veoir et faire guerre. . . .”

The Franco-Burgundian army, going east Bayazid made this statement, according to under John of Nevers’s direct command, was_ Froissart, to the soldan of Egypt, whom he to assemble at Dijon on 20 April (1396) to was visiting at the time!®* From Milan, Coucy be paid for the coming campaign. Thereafter and Henri de Bar went with their followers

they were to move on to the county of to Venice, where on 29 May (1396) they apMontbéliard, whence they would set out on the peared before the Signoria with letters from thirtieth. John had already taken leave of the Charles VI, requesting a galea grossa to take

king on the sixth, after which he went with them to Segna (Senj). The Senate promptly his father to S. Denis, where they said their granted their request, with one dissenting vote,

prayers, and the duke committed his son since such a galley was already in ordine in

“a la garde de Dieu et de monseigneur Sainct the Arsenal, and could be ready to cross the Denys.” John was in Dijon on the thirteenth Adriatic the following day.% From Segna, Coucy to supervise the final arrangements; his family and Henri de Bar with their small contingent gathered to bid him goodbye and good luck; and obviously went by land, their route lying pre-

on the afternoon of the thirtieth he left to sumably through Karlstadt (Karlovac), Agram

join the host at Montbéliard. They crossed the (Zagreb), and Warasdin (Varazdin), and around Rhine north of Freiburg, and quickly reached Lake Balaton to Buda, where Sigismund was the upper valley of the Danube through the busy marshaling his own forces.

region of Breisgau.*! Their route took them In the meantime Philippe d’ Artois, the con-

through Regensburg to Straubing, where John =—H-—— was féted by his brother-in-law Albrecht I] ™ Religieux de Saint-Denys, I, 428, 430, 438 ff.

of Bavaria, and thence through Passau and Linz “Frost XV 2553, who pus dhe crusading aya to Vienna, wh ere he was awaited by Leop old but with much insight Paul Durrieu, “Jean Sans-Peur, duc IV of Austria, another brother-in-law.” His de Bourgogne, lieutenant et procureur général du Diable family alliances thus proved as helpful to és parties d’ Occident,” Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de John as the course of the Danube, in facilitat- U Histoire de France, XXIV (1887), 209-18, has argued that

ing his advance southeastward. Gian Galeazzo probably did keep Bayazid informed of . . preparations for the crusade, receiving his information

Enguerrand VII de Coucy, his son-in-law from his daughter Valentina Visconti and her husband Henri de Bar, and a small contingent left Louis I, duke of Orléans. Certainly Gian Galeazzo had everything to gain from the failure of the French in the

TT crusade, which would render ineffective the approaching % Ljubic, Listine, in MHSM, IV, no. Dx, pp. 363-65, Franco-Florentine alliance (of September, 1396) against docs. dated 11-14 April, 1396. Milan; for a while he feared that the unpredictable Richard

°" Religieux de Saint-Denys, 11, 428, who erroneously states II might be drawn into the alliance (see D. M. Bueno de that John of Nevers embarked on the crusade toward the Mesquita, “The Foreign Policy of Richard II in 1397: Some end of March; Froissart, XV, 230-31, is equally inaccurate, Italian Letters,” English Historical Review, LV1 [1941],

setting the starting date as 20 May and giving the wrong 628-37). route to Austria; Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles *° Misti, Reg. 43, fols. 127°, 137°, cited by Delaville Le VI, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection des mémoires Roulx, France en Orient, I, 248, and II, 25. Ogier VIII pour servir 4 T histoire de France, Il (1850), 408a, contents d’Anglure, returning from his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, himself with merely observing of the crusaders that “sis’en spent from 23 to 29 May in Venice, where he saw Coucy

partirent et passerent par les Allemagnes,” which gains in and Henri de Bar, who furnished Ogier and his companaccuracy what it lacks in information. I have followed ions with lettres de passage to facilitate their return to France Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, I, 246, who relied on (Fr. Bonnardot and A. Longnon, eds., Le Saint Voyage de Dom Plancher, Histoire de Bourgogne, III, 148-49. Jhérusalem du seigneur d’ Anglure, Paris, 1878, p. 98 (Société * Cf. Brauner, Schlacht bei Nikopolis, pp. 23-24; von Si8ié, des Anciens Textes francais). I find Atiya, Crusade of

in Wissensch. Mitt. aus Bosnien, V1, 308. Nicopolis, pp. 52—53, quite unconvincing.

348 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT stable of France, had arrived with the vanguard the infidels, and Sigismund was doubtless of the Christian forces at Vienna on the feast relieved to get them out of Hungarian terriof Pentecost (21 May, 1396), and a month tory.®® Tactics were discussed, and Sigismund later John of Nevers appeared with the main suggested that the Hungarian (and German and army (on S. John’s day, 24 June). Provisions Vlach) infantry should first advance under his were sent down the Danube in boats, and some- command to meet the riffraff (gregari, abvectime in late July the crusaders reached Buda, ftissimi et semiarmati virt) whom Bayazid would where Sigismund welcomed the young count doubtless send ahead of the main body of his

of Nevers with “grande révérence.” The army. When the first Turkish attack had been

biographer of Boucicaut reckons “us French thus contained, the allied command might then and the other foreigners,” together with the consider when and at what point to strike with

Hungarians, at a “full hundred thousand the French cavalry. The older and wiser heads

horse.”°* The crusaders were a reckless, undis- in the Christian camp agreed with this counsel,

ciplined horde, and had pillaged their way to “but the king’s advice seemed unworthy of Buda.*? The ecclesiastics now warned the acceptance in the eyes of the younger [knights],

leaders of the host to drive away the female who easily yielded to the dictates of their camp followers (fatuae et leves mulierculae) and heart.” Philippe d’ Artois and the Marshal

to put an end to the adultery and every sort Boucicaut agreed with them. They were in

of fornication, drunkenness, gambling, blasphe- favor of establishing an order of battle, but mous oaths, and other terrible excesses which they had not come across the continent to had thus far been rife—otherwise they would follow in the footsteps of Sigismund’s own riffbring down the wrath of God upon themselves. raff (gregarii) “since it has always been the “But it was no use,” says the chronicler of French custom not to follow but to encourage

S. Denis, “and just as if they had told a_ others to follow.”™

tall tale to a deaf ass.”® Giving advice to these warriors, who had

Sigismund apparently wanted to let Bayazid already made up their minds, was “quasi and the Ottoman army tire itself out by a vento verba dare,” says the chronicler of S. long overland march to make contact with the Denis, and in late August they set out with

Christian forces, which could thus take their fatuous resolution on the road to disaster. They stand in prepared defensive positions. He prob- went down the Danube valley in two or three ably wanted to penetrate only far enough into divisions, and crossed the river somewhere near Serbia to provoke Bayazid into opposition. The the Iron Gate, the long, narrow gorge of the French knights, however, were impatient for Danube between Orsova and Turnu-Severin. action. They insisted upon advancing to meet There were 60,000 mounted men, says Frois-

sart, and it took them more than eight days

% Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxu, pp. [0 get from the left to the right or southern 590-91, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. bank of the Danube.’ We have already noted XXIH, p. 237. Juvénal, Histoire de Charles VI, p. 408a, says that the biographer of Boucicaut says the total

pat the trois crusaders’ march to their destination OF the Christianat forces easily ien mois,” which wouldrequired put their arrival Buda inamounted . - . “a late July, and cf. the Religieux de Saint-Denys, U1, 482, 484: cent mille chevaulx,” but the figures given by “Discursis tribus mensibus a recessu christiani exercitus the chroniclers are rhetorical devices intended

cum... ad Danubium .. . pervenisset, deliberatum ex- to impart a sense of grandeur to their narratitit qualiter et per quas vias progrederetur ulterius.” Cf. tive. It is astonishing that most of the _ his-

Delaville Le Roulx, I, 249. On 20-21 July the citizens of tori f the Ni li ; h tak Zara (ladrenses) dispatched a galley ad partes orientales for Orlans O € NICOpois Campaign Nave en three months’ service with Sigismund, dominus noster rex (G. them seriously.

Fejér, ed., Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, tom. X, vol. 1 The crusaders’ first serious engagement was [Buda, 1834], no. ccxL, p. 410). On 20 July the Venetian at Vidin, which the Bulgarian prince Sracimir, Senate voted to send certain orders to the captain of the

Gulf “in casu quo dominus rex Hungarie veniat ad partes ~~

Constantinopolis” (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 43, Cf. Froissart, XV, 242-44, who says that, after the fol. 143°). defeat of Bayazid, the French talked of “conquering all 97 Cf. Juvénal, p. 408a, who says the Franco-Burgundian ‘Turkey and going as far as the Persian empire . . . , and host had been well received in the Germanies, “mais WE shall conquer all the kingdom of Syria and the Holy pourtant ne laissoient-ils point qu’ ils ne pillassent et Land of Jerusalem, and we shall deliver it from the hands derobassent, et fissent maux innumerables de pilleries et of the soldan and the enemies of our Lord.” roberies, lubricitez, et choses non honnestes.” 100 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 1, 486, 488, 490.

98 Religieux de Saint-Denys, I1, 484. 1! Froissart, XV, 245.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 349 a Turkish vassal, surrendered without opposi- dampmnosas in nostros sepius et clandestinas faciebant),

tion; the soldiers of the cross then slaughtered and took a heavy toll of foolish Christian life. the Turkish component in the garrison, and Philippe d’ Artois, Boucicaut, and their forces

left 300 men of their own to hold the city. would have had to abandon their ill-advised

John of Nevers was knighted under the walls venture in ignominious defeat if Sigismund had

of Vidin,’ and the crusaders soon continued not appeared with soldiery enough to press down the Danube to Rahova (Rachowa, Orya- the siege in more effective fashion. This inkhovo), a well-fortified town in Turkish hands. crease of Christian strength was discouraging The chronicler of S. Denis informs us that by to the besieged, who soon found themselves now the first week of September had come; assailed on all sides; they offered to surrender he also says that Rahova was surrounded by Rahova if they might withdraw unharmed, but double walls, equipped with defense towers; the crusaders rejected the offer. Enterprising the garrison was “agile and robust,” and had knights were already scaling the walls. The gates an abundance of provisions. The biographer of were forced open, and the attackers poured Boucicaut states that as soon as the latter and into the town. The Christians slaughtered the Philippe d’ Artois, the count of Eu, realized terrified inhabitants without regard for sex or that Sigismund was making for Rahova, they age (horrenda strages agitur absque discrecione sexus

rushed ahead “pour y estre des premiers.” vel etatis), but a thousand of the richer ones Accompanied by Philippe de Bar, Enguerrand are said to have saved their lives by accept-

de Coucy, and “plusieurs grands seigneurs,” ing Christianity and promising to pay a they rode all night and reached Rahova in ransom.‘® the morning. At their approach the Turks After the experience at Rahova, Sigismund is tried to destroy a bridge which gave access said to have warned “all and singly” of the to the town over a broad moat, but Boucicaut dangers of precipitate action, suggesting that was upon them too soon, and fighting furiously, while zwventutis fervor might win battles, gravitas

“luy et ses gens,” he drove them back into senectutis was required to plan them. The the town, and repulsed their several efforts chronicler of S. Denis says that the French to reach the bridge until Sigismund arrived would not listen, however, and announced that

with reinforcements.’ the Turks were too frightened to come within

The chronicler of S. Denis, however, is less sight of them. Leaving a garrison of two hunimpressed with the prowess of his country- dred men in Rahova, the high command and

men who, “confident of their own strength the army continued down the Danube to

and holding the enemy in contempt,” had set Nicopolis (Nikopol), which they reached about

out for Rahova, a full five hundred of them. 8-10 September (1396). Here they ran into But they made no headway at all in their trouble. Nicopolis was built on an apparently futile assaults upon the town, from which the impregnable height, overlooking the Danube defenders emerged in rapid sorties (erupciones on the north side. It had high, double walls, the usual defense towers, a determined com-

102 Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, tom. X, vol. 1 M™Mandant, and a large population. “The Turks

(1834), nos. ccxLvii—ccxLvmi, pp. 420-21, 426, and were much concerned to hold this place,” of. Delaville Le Roulx, I, 252-53. Earlier in the year says the chronicler, “thinking that if it fell pracimir hadto been captured by On Bayazid’s forces, and hisson ywnder theleft swayat of the ad fled Hungary. the garrison of 300 men . . Christians, nothing would Vidin, note The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiliberger, a remain to prevent their further advance, and Native of Bavaria, in Europe, Asia, and Africa (1396-1427), the Turkish loss would be immense.” Nicopolis

trans. J. Buchan Telfer, London, 1879, repr. New York, commanded the valley of the river Olt, and

1a70, PP. 2, Ie cree Society, Ist ser, no. LVIII). gave the Turks easy entrance into Wallachia. 103 Fort des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxl, p. Although the city covered a wide area, the 591a, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. crusaders were able to throw a cordon around XXIII, p. 237a, where Vidin is called “Baudins.” Froissart, .——————

XV, 248, says that “more than three hundred” others were 19 Religieux de Saint-Denys, I1, 492, 494. Delaville Le knighted at the same time. It was a custom for knighthood _Roulx, I, 253-54, prefers the account in the Livre des faits, often to be conferred at a first encounter with the enemy. _—_ which says that Boucicaut and his men turned the captured

1 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxui, pp. Turks over to Sigismund, “qui tous les fit mourir.” When it 591-92, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, Il, pt. 1, chap. comes to details, both sources seem unreliable to me, and XXIV, pp. 237-38, and ¢f. Fejér, Codex, X-2, no. CCLI, pp. Froissart, XV, 246—51, is apparently off on a tangent so

447-48. . completely his own as to have nothing to do with history.

350 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT most of the long line of walls. Lacking enough Bayazid is alleged to have sent the defenders catapults and other equipment for an effec- of Nicopolis a message that he was being de-

tive siege, they kept a vigilant watch at all layed because of the slow pace of the foot the gates to prevent the garrison and the soldiery, but that if it was the will of Allah,

inhabitants from receiving supplies. Day and he would come to help them within three days. night they shot over the walls bolts from cross- Christian foraging parties ran into Turks several bows and stones from such catapults as they times, and spread warnings through the dishad. The chronicler of S. Denis says they kept solute camp. And yet Boucicaut knew that the up this bombardment for seventeen days. Jean ‘Turks would not dare risk an engagement with Juvénal also gives seventeen days as the length the heroic French; he regarded those who

of the siege, but according to the author of spread rumors to the contrary as latrones et

the Livre des faits de Boucicaut, it was a matter proditores pessimi. He had their ears cut off, of fifteen days. At length the rumor ran through _ or had them severely beaten.’

the Christian camps that the besieged had It does not matter where Bayazid was when

reached the depths of discouragement, “and he first learned that the French, Burgundians, truly we do believe,” says the chronicler, “they Hungarians, and Germans were descending the would have surrendered if their prayers had Danube to attack him. He soon designated not hastened Bayazid’s coming to their rescue.” Philippopolis (Plovdiv) on the Maritsa as the The Christians said prayers too. The priests mustering place of the Ottoman forces. From organized processions around the walls, andim- there he moved on toward Tirnovo through plored God to aid their enterprise and with- the Shipka Pass, and was joined in the valley hold success from the Moslem blasphemers. of the river Osum, just south of Nicopolis, “But merciful God did not hearken to these by his Serbian vassal Stephen Lazarevié, the prayers, very likely because those for whom son and successor of the dead hero of Kossovo. they were said, had shown themselves unworthy “It was the last Sunday in the month of

of grace.” September [the twenty-fourth],” says the chronThe French barons entertained one another _icler of S. Denis, “when the news of the enemy’s

with splendid banquets, passing from one coming became known.” The crusaders reacted gorgeous pavilion to another, wearing new _ with unexpected terror, and immediately raised clothes with rich embroideries and with sleeves the siege of Nicopolis. They slew their prisoners

so long they could hardly find their hands.

Their long P ointed shoes astonished the Turk ish notes that Sigismund had had two large “mines” dug under

captives. It Was the era of the soulters a la the walls of Nicopolis, but the effort achieved nothing.

poulaine, which the chronicler calls calctamenta _ {ncidentally, Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis, p. 61, believes that rostrata, the “prow” of the shoe extending some __ during the crusaders’ two-weeks siege “the Venetian and

two feet from the foot (so that the wearer Genoese ships cut off all communications between the often had to tie the toes of his shoes below besieged and the outer world by sex BY what seu his knees). The transports had brought fine no Venetian “ships” anywhere near Nicopolis. We have

wines and delicacies down the Danube. There _ seen that the Senate reluctantly agreed to put four galleys was no discipline in the camp. The prostitutes at 1 Sigismund s disposa’. ine Venetian e four gaileys to torty-rour, andchroniclers ratner su raised were kep t busy, and the crus aders spent their added the Genoese. Cf. Germain Lefévre-Pontalis wd Léon time and wages Ih the futility of gambling. Dorez, eds., Chronique d’ Antonio Morosini: Extraits relatifs a

The austere chronicler of S. Denis reports histoire de France, 4 vols., Paris, 1898-1902, I, 8: “I that the “God-fearing” Bayazid believed that Veniziany e Zenovexi a insenbre e’ fexe armada de galie a

these wild warriors were “provoking their own 2 suma de gare XLII per andar intro el destreto de God, Christ, to wrath,” and that they were yi )1)'G.ch: di Venezia, in RISS, XX (Milan, 1733), cols. more worthy of reprehension than of victory." 762E~—763A, continued the literary legend that the crusad-

——_—_—____ ers had the support of “a fleet of 44 galleys” (Brauner, 106 Religieux de Saint-Denys, U1, 494, 496, 498; Juvénal, Schlacht bei Nikopolis, p. 25; Delaville Le Roulx, I, 287; Hist. de Chas. VI, p. 408b; and ¢f. Johann Schiltberger, op. Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis, p. 55). cit., p. 2, who says that the siege of Nicopolis lasted sixteen 107 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 11, 500. Froissart, XV, 264-68,

days. According to the author of the Livre des faits, ed. says that Enguerrand de Coucy went out on a scouting Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxiv, p. 593, and eds. Michaud mission with “cing cens lances et autretant d’ arbalestriers, and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. xxv, pp. 239-40, the French tous montés 4 cheval;” they caught 20,000 Turks in an were surprised by the appearance of the Turkish army at ambush, and visited death and destruction upon all who the dinner hour on the sixteenth day of the siege. He also did not succeed in taking flight.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 351 (taken at Rahova), for there was no further noted the chronicler of S. Denis’s statement hope of collecting ransom for them. Later, that Sigismund wished to form the vanguard on that same day, the news came that Bayazid’s of the crusading army with the “forty thousand army was only six miles away, and before the foot whom he had brought with him” (peditum sun rose on Monday (the twenty-fifth) Sigis- quadraginta milia quos secum traxerat).!° Owing

mund himself rode into the French camp to especially to the vanity of Philippe d’ Artois share his information with the barons. He and Guy de la Trémoille, however, the French urged them, as he had done before, to allow led the attack upon the Turks. When they got the “forty thousand foot whom he had brought” out upon the field, says Froissart, many ex-

to go into battle first, and the wiser heads perienced knights and squires knew “that

in the French council of war agreed with him. the day was lost” (que la journée ne povoit But Philippe d’Artois, the constable, and estre pour euls). They were richly armed, beautiMarshal Boucicaut contemptuously rejected the fully dressed, “and in so fine array that each advice of the prudentiores, and Sigismund re- seemed to be a king,” but there were only turned to his own quarters in fear and seven hundred of them. This statement may come foreboding that these madcaps were going to closer to the truth than anything else Froissart

bring them all to a bad end.!% tells us about the Nicopolis crusade.

Attempts to determine the size of the Christian Many of the French knights now saw their army at Nicopolis have proved futile. The lowest folly, he continues, for if they had waited for

estimate is that given by the Bavarian Johann Sigismund, he would have brought 60,000 Schiltberger who, when barely sixteen years of “Hungarians” (including Germans and Vlachs?)

age, participated in the battle, and was cap- into the field with him. In the meantime the tured. He informs us that the Christian forces two wings of the Ottoman army were beginning

were to be reckoned at 16,000 men, while to advance with (we are told) 40,000 men Bayazid’s army numbered 200,000. Schiltberger in each. Froissart sets the total of Bayazid’s

served as a runner for the lord Lienhart army at 200,000,1" and represents the sultan Richartinger, who was killed in the battle; he as assessing his Christian opponents at must have heard the size of the allied Chris- 100,000,122 which is also the figure we find tian forces discussed during the long march given by Boucicaut’s biographer as the total

down the Danube valley.°° We have just of the crusading army." As we move into Germany, however, the Nuremberg chronicler

108 Religieux de Saint-Denys, II, 500, 502: “. . . in corde Ulman Str omer (d. 1407) puts the total at suo presagiens quod sequencia fine pessimo clauderen- only 30,000 knights, squires, and varlets,’™ tur. . . .” Cf. the account in Juvénal, Hist. de Chas. VI, pp.

408b-409a, who states that Sigismund tried to make itclear ~~ ;

that if the Hungarians and Germans preceded the French but the learned historian of the Ottoman empire, Joseph into battle, “ils s’ efforceroient de bien combatre, et si ne von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I (Pest, pourroient fuir ou reculer,” for the French would be 1827, repr. Graz, 1963), 238, seems also to have assumed pressing in upon them. Otherwise the Hungarians and _ that Schiltberger must have meant 60,000. _ Germans might well flee from the field, “et demeureroient According to Philippe de Méziéres, L’ Epistre lamentable et les Francois perdus et desconfits.” The French, however, consolatoire sur le fait de la desconfiture lacrimable de Nicopol

persisted “en leur opinion et requeste d’ avoir l avante- (written early in 1397), ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, in his garde,” although Enguerrand de Coucy agreed with Sigis- edition of Froissart, XVI, 452, “by the account of those mund. Johann Schiltberger, op. cit., pp. 2-3, tells a similar who were present on that lamentable day, the king of story of the French determination to lead the attack. Hungary had in his royal host 150,000 combatants, and Froissart, XV, 312~13, indicates that the French were Bayazid had hardly a lesser number.” taken unawares by the arrival of the Turks, but were 1 Religieux de Saint-Denys, II, 500. delighted that their hour of glory was at hand: they pushed 11 Froissart, XV, 310-11, 315-16. Sigismund’s infantry back the tables at which they were dining, demanded their _ poses an insoluble problem, because the Hungarians were arms and horses, but they had “wine in the head” (le vin en _ primarily horsemen (Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, I,

la teste) as they rode to the field where the banner of the 263-64), but it does not do to press any of these sources Virgin was unfurled. Cf. Delaville Le Roulx, France en too closely).

Orient, I, pp. 259-62. 112 Froissart, XV, 242.

19 Schiltberger, op. cit., p. 2. That Schiltberger’s estimate 113 Vivre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxil, p. of the Christian army is only 16,000, says Brauner, Schlacht 591a, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. xxIll,

bet Nikopolis, p. 30, is “offenbar in Folge eines argen p. 237a.

Gediachtnisfehler” (!), and Delaville Le Roulx, I, 265, note 114 UJ, Stromer, Piichel von meim geslechet und von abentewr

8, says that figure is a manifest error, and “nous savons [1349-1407], ed. Karl Hegel, Die Chroniken der deutschen qu'il faut lire soixante mille” (!). We know nothing of the sort, Stadte, Nurnberg, I (Leipzig, 1862), 48-49, cited by Delaville

352 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT although the Paduan chronicle of the Gatari, of Bayazid.’*° More recently Atiya repeats the which dates from about the same period, raises same general figures, 100,000 in the Christian the figure to 84,000.1% As for the Turks, army, and about 110,000 in that of Bayazid.™? the chronicler of S. Denis assures us in a most Cognasso informs us flatly that there were interesting passage that he took particular pains 120,000 crusaders, of whom 14,000 were (investigans et querens diligencius) to find out F rench, while the sultan had 100,000 men.™

the size of Bayazid’s forces, and came to the When the exaggerations of the chroniclers conclusion that there were some 24,000 in the have been repeated frequently enough, they Turkish vanguard (gregarii), 30,000 horse inthe @Ppear to gain currency as fact. next division (equestres homines), and 40,000 in Scant attention has ever been pad, however,

the main body of troops over whom Bayazid ie rroissart fh maces that he ad pimse"

took direct command at the rear, making a he F to h a Md en ¢ be i t “al "A 00°

total of 94,000 men in the Ottoman army. Me me il a: dit. ils re t went ¢ y t

The numbers of participants in the battle of cons "123 Agi ‘a himself ? asses Fr aly ha ai

Nicopolis rose in magnitude and in absurdity Turkish by nicl Pe h ad y Bavazid’s

as wild rumors spread and as time to omcesand ware piace Schiltyaan . strength at passed, 10,000 men,™* of course such an extent that we read in the Annales ; ; ; “a berger believed the army in400,000 which he had Estenses that Bayazid’s army contained : men_1!7 served, had only 16,000 men. Rosetti came to AShistorical chroniclers are the that conclusion, visiting the battlefield, mistoricalthe sources Ue chronicier there wasafter not room enough in the area

unreliable, and their numerical estimates of Mos- south of Nicopolis for 100,000 men to maneuver,

lem strength and Christian weakness are rarely much less two armies of that size.’ It is small a.obe But modern historians therefore, that Gustav Kling nottaken seemseriously. to have been much more criticalwonder, have reduced the Christian forces to should 9,000, in their calculations. Alois Brauner, whose dis- and those of Bayazid to 16—20,000, and that seating was perhaps the fst significant con- Hans Delbriick believes that, while the Chrisribution to the history of the Nicopolis cam- tians may well have begun with some 9—10,000 paign, believes that we shall not be going far mounted men, probably not more than 7,500 wrong if we place the total of the allied Chris- were available (after the losses on a long march)

xt 190,000."elaville Delavileoulx Le Roulx putsbruck the brick eltimatesthe theTurkish ‘Turkish army army at_10at 120. —130,000. puts the estimates at — Christian forces all told at 100,000 and the 12,000.12 In any event it was not beyond Turkish at about 110,000, but he thinks that

Kiss’s estimate that 120,000 Christians took © Von Sisi¢, “Schlacht bei Nicopolis,” Wissensch. Mitt. aus “merit of plausi- Bosnien, VI (1899), 312.

Pai Mo Ne a has the h one ures and i Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis, pp. 66-69, 183-85 (notes), uity. on ISIC accepts these lgures, an who throughout his work (cf. also p. 216) refers to the believes that we “come very close to the actual Archivio Muratoriano when he means the Rerum italicarum numerical relationships” with 120,000 men in __scriptores. He also gives the report of the chronicler of S. the Christian army and about 110,000 in that Denis on the size of the Turkish army (94,000) inaccurately as 104,000. Note also his Crusade in the Later Middle Ages

——_—_—_—- (1938), pp. 440, 446, where he has reduced his estimate of

Le Roulx, I, 264-65, who of course wants to increase the Turkish strength to 104,000 men, based upon his inaccu-

figure. rate reading of the Religieux de Saint-Denys, II, 504. In his ; arrarese 145 Caleaneo Mn son} Bartolommeo Cronaca accountrepr. of piaCambridge, Steven R060 a 4;History of _ ,oneds. A. Medin an .Gatari, Tolomel, a brief rusades, ., relies

ann. 1396, in the new Muratori, RISS, XVII, pt. 1 (1912), solely on Atiya, and repeats his figures as well as certain

p. 451: “e fu per numero LXXXIIII millia Christiani.” other errors.

116 Religieux de Saint-Denys, II, 504. 122 Francesco Cognasso, Storia delle crociate, Milan, 1967, 117 Jac. de Delayto, in the so-called Annales Estenses, ad p. 955.

ann. 1396, in RISS, XVIII (Milan, 1731), col. 935C, 123 Froissart, XV, 315. allegedly based on the copy of a letter sent from Hungary 124 Atiya, Crusade of Nicopolis, p. 68. to the effect that “la battaja duroe sette di[!], et per quello 125 Rosetti, Slavonic Review, XV (1936-37), 633-34, who scrive il conte di Temesvar, che lo re ghe manda a dire che |= ompares the battle of 1396 with that of July, 1877, which

furono quattrocento millia Turchi.” was also fought at Nicopolis, where a Turkish force of "8 Brauner, Schlacht bet Nikopolis, pp. 31, 33-34. 8,000 met Russian units totaling 10,000 on an allegedly

119 Nelaville Le Roulx, France en Orient, 1, 265-66, 269, “more extended front.” citing the Hungarian historian K. Kiss, A’ Nikapolyi ilkozet, 26 Gustav Kling, Die Schlacht bet Nikopolis im Jahre 1396,

in the Magyar Academiai értestito (Pest, 1855), p. 266. diss. Berlin, 1906, cited by Rosetti and also by Hans

THE GRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 353 the logistical capacity of the later fourteenth The biographer of Boucicaut strenuously

century to maintain 12—16,000 men-at-arms denies that his countrymen advanced to meet

and infantry on the march and to feed the the Turks “comme bestes sans ordonnance horses necessary to keep them on the move. ... , que ce n’ est mie vray,’ and claims It is quite likely that Bayazid’s army was that they appeared before Sigismund all ready

rather larger than that of the Christians by for action “en trés belle ordonnance.” He states the time the opposing sides had both reached that the Turks were also drawn up in beautiNicopolis, but the numbers of combatants in- ful array, their van consisting of “a great volved were probably within the range sug- horde on horseback,” une grande tourbe .. .

gested by Kling, Rosetti, and Delbrick. a cheval, as he describes the akinjt or light Although his cavalry had had to adjust their cavalry of irregulars. Beyond these the crusaders

speed to that of the foot soldiery, Bayazid could see a mass of infantry, “and behind these had advanced rapidly. Decisiveness had won people on horseback, between them and those him the surname Ildirim, “the Thunderbolt.”"*7 on foot, they had planted a great abundance As his army approached Nicopolis, disagree- of pointed stakes which they had prepared for

ment still divided the high command of the this purpose . . . , set into the ground at an crusading host. Enguerrand de Coucy and the angle, the points turned toward our men, so

admiral Jean de Vienne agreed with Sigis- high that they could enter a horse’s belly.” mund’s plan to allow the Hungarian and _ Bayazid had placed his archers behind the in“foreign” contingents to meet the Turkish van- fantry, we are told, and he had well nigh guard first, and thus to reserve the French “30,000” of them, as well as further batailles knights for heavy charges against the sultan’s both on horse (the sipahis) and on foot (the best troops, which would certainly be held janissaries), whom he kept at the rear.’ back during the initial clash of opposing forces. The chronicler of S. Denis also mentions Philippe d’ Artois, count of Eu and constable the stakes, appendentes cusfides contra nostros, of France, however, was indignant atthethought and informs us that Bayazid remained far in of following Hungarians, Germans, and Vlachs_ the rear, hidden behind a hill, on the slopes into battle. The hot-headed Boucicaut agreed of which he had mustered the main body of with him, and nothing could restrain the French _ his troops. When the French attacked, the stakes

exuberance for rushing into headlong collision hobbled their horses. The chronicler says that with an enemy of whose tactics and strength the Turkish vanguard of gregaru fought well,

they knew little or nothing. The chronicler but sword in hand the French cut their way of S. Denis would have us believe, in fact, through the serried ranks of their opponents, that the French crusaders’ chief preparation allegedly killing 10,000 of them. Then they before entering the fray was to cut off the advanced upon the Turkish cavalry (his account

“long, flowing toes of their shoes” (rostra longua differs from that of the biographer of Bouciet superflua calceorum) so that they could walk caut), only a bowshot away. Believing that more freely, and this (he says) was how that Bayazid was himself in command of his cavalry, absurd fashion in footwear came to an end.!”8 the French made a sudden, impetuous attack, without taking the time to reform their lines Delbriick, Geschichte der Kriegshunst im Rahmen der politischen (0 » + » acie ordinata). They hoped that the

Geschichte, III (Berlin, 1923, repr. 1964), 498, 501. speed of their assault would offset the Turks

127Cf, Gyula Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica, 2nd ed., 2 vols., advantage in numbers. Bayazid’s cavalry recoiled

Berlin, 1958, II, 137-38. under the shock of the attack, and (according sc cater Sant ep, 30H, 804. According (2 tothe chronicler) suffered 5,000 casualties. Wallachia (“Merterwaywod”) had asked Sigismund “that he Tired by their exertions, bathed in sweat from

might be the first to attack, to which the king would the heat of the day, burdened by the weight

willingly have assented,” but John of Nevers would allow Of their arms and armor, the French tried to neither Vlachs nor Hungarians to precede the French in

their attack upon Bayazid’s army. Contrary to the accounts = —_________ .

in the French chroniclers, Schiltberger also states that, 5° (Fejér, Codex, X-2, no. CLV, pp. 270-73); when the time when Nevers and the French had been forced to surrender, came, Mircea kept his word, although (as we shall see) he Sigismund “defeated a body of twelve thousand [Turkish] _ left the field of Nicopolis when he saw the inevitability of

foot soldiers . . . sent to oppose him,” of which Atiya, disaster.

Crusade of Nicopolis, p. 93, makes too much. In 1395 the 129 Cf. Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxiv, pp. voivode Mircea had made a solemn undertaking “to go in 593b-—594a, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, person against the Turks” whenever Sigismund should do chap. xxv, pp. 239b—240a.

354 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pursue their opponents, who broke into flight. The biographer of Boucicaut gives a different Their commanders made vain attempts to stop account of the battle. He puts the Turkish

them, but they pushed uphill to the point light horse in the first line of the sultan’s of exhaustion, believing that the fortunes of war _ troops, and describes how they wheeled around

had succumbed to their prowess. like a flight of birds at the approach of the

When they reached the summit of the hill, crusaders, who were stopped short by the

they saw the main body of Bayazid’s troops. pointed stakes and a hailstorm of arrows. Horses The sultan was in their midst. Now the French were impaled, and their riders thrown. Most

were to pay the price of their sins, their of the French probably dismounted, but others blasphemy, cruelty, gambling, and wenching. stayed in the saddle. When the Hungarians Fear seized them. Their commanders could not saw “ceste entrée de bataille,” they began to get them to reform their lines; they who had retreat “comme lasches et faillis que ils furent.” advanced like lions, now retreated like hares. Nevertheless, with Boucicaut’s example and enThe Hungarians, Germans, and Vlachs took couragement, the French finally fought their

to flight, leaving the French to face the way through the stakes. His biographer heaps sultan’s wrath—sic ... gloria quast fumus scorn upon the Hungarians for their desertion evanuitt. The Turks sounded their trumpets of the valiant French: “no people in the world and tambours; their horse and foot moved in have ever been more daring or better warfor the kill. Despite the general rout, some riors, more steadfast or more chivalrous than of the French, like the valiant admiral Jean the French!” Forgetting any further discussion de Vienne, stood their ground. He had carried of tactics, he launches into a paean of praise

into battle the standard of the Virgin, and of his countrymen, and dwells on the feats

spread death among the infidels who attacked of Boucicaut, Nevers, Eu, the brothers Bar, him, “mais il fut la occis,” says Froissart, La Marche, Coucy, and Trémoille. “But, alas, “la baniére Nostre-Dame entre ses poings, et what good did it do them, a handful of men ainsi fut-il trouvé.” When the Turks came upon against so many thousands!”

John of Nevers, they found him surrounded Bayazid was dismayed by the exploits of the by members of his retinue, who fell to their French (or so we are informed), and for a while knees and pled for his life. The Turks spared he was prepared to flee. When he learned him, for they were tiring of the carnage. how few the French were, however, and how Many of the French now followed John’s ex- the king of Hungary had deserted them, Bayazid ample and surrendered. Instead of fighting they took heart, and threw in masses of fresh troops.

chose the yoke of servitude and the stain of Although outnumbered twenty to one, the everlasting infamy, says the chronicler of S. crusaders are said to have slain 20,000 of the

Denis, “little realizing that the next day would enemy, “but our lords of French blood, most

bring them death.” Some of the crusaders of the barons, and many knights and squires succeeded in reaching the river-boats in which were taken prisoner.” Johann Schiltberger, who

they had come down the Danube, but they was himself captured in the battle, claims that piled aboard in such numbers that the boats when the French were thus forced to surrender, sank beneath their weight. Others did escape Sigismund’s Hungarian and German troops from the area, but most of them perished on came up from the rear to carry on the attack. the long journey home, consumpti fame et frigore. It was apparently at this critical juncture that Few ever reached their native soil. On the day Mircea, the voivode of Wallachia, whose Vlachs

after the battle, according to the chronicler, ——___

the victorious Bayazid forced the defeated John subsequent ransoming of the French nobles, their return of Nevers to witness the execution of 3,000 ome, and the alleged attitude of Bayazid toward Europe Christian ;captives to atoneChroniques, for the massacreXV 274 Christianity (Kervyn de Lettenhove, Guures de Froissart, [Brussels, 1871], 312—60,ed.,and XVI of the prisoners of Rahova and for the deaths [1872], 29-68). There is a worthless account of the battle of the “30,000” Turks who still lay on the in the Annales Mediolanenses, chap. CLvi, in RISS, XVI

field of Nicopolis./*° (Milan, 1730), col.Pistoia, 826;Specimen the brief notice in Sozomeno da historiae, ibid., col. 1162BC, is of small

———_—_—_—_————. value, and that of Lorenzo Bonincontri da S. Miniato,

130 Religieux de Saint-Denys, I1, 504-18, and cf. Juvénal, Annales, ad ann. 1396, ibid., XXI (1732), col. 72E, of even

Hist. de Chas. VI, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle ess. Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1396, no. 18, vol. VII Collection des mémoires, I1, 409b. Froissart describes at length (vol. XXVI of Baronius-Raynaldus, Lucca, 1752), pp. and with his usual inaccuracy the battle of Nicopolis, the 609-11, merely quotes Bonfinius.

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 355 made up the left (east) wing of Sigismund’s is certain—it was an absolute disaster for the forces, and Stephen Lackovi¢c, the voivode of French, and it dampened their crusading ardor Siebenbiirgen, whose Transylvanians consti- forever.

tuted the right (west) wing, both fled with their follower from the field leaving the Hun- According to Froissart, the battle of Nicopolis garians and Germans to carry on as best they had lasted three hours, and the foolhardiness could. If we could believe Schiltberger (which Of the French had cost them their worst dewe cannot), Sigismund’s loyal horse cut down feat since the battle of Roncesvalles, where 12,000 Turkish infantry. Their advance was so the twelve peers of France were slain. Beoverwhelming (we are told) that Bayazid was Sides Jean de Vienne, who had accompanied about to flee when his Christian vassal Stephen ‘Amadeo VI on the Savoyard crusade thirty Lazarevié, the despot of Serbia, sent his cavalry Years before, Guillaume de la Tremoille, the into action and saved the day for the Turks. marshal of Burgundy, and one of his sons Like the chronicler of S. Denis, both Schilt- Were killed. Various lesser lords were spared, berger and the biographer of Boucicaut de- however, because they were so richly dressed scribe the slaughter of Christian prisoners after they seemed like kings to the Turks, who the battle, a slaughter which Nevers and the coveted the gold and silver in which their French princes of the blood were forced to f4!somis would be paid." The SUrVIVINS leaders

witness.13! of the host also owed their lives to the fact Froissart, Boucicaut’s biographer, and the that Bayazid preferred gold to vengeance—

chronicler of S. Denis all claim to have derived J ohn of Burgundy, count of Nevers; Philippe their accounts of the battle from eyewitnesses. 4 Artois, count of Eu; Jacques IJ de Bourbon,

There is no reason to doubt them, and no count of La Marche; Enguerrand VII de Coucy reason to doubt that Schiltberger was captured and his son-in-law Henri de Bar; Guy de la at Nicopolis. In the hand-to-hand combat of Tremoille, lord of Sully; and the Marshal the era, however, neither commanders nor Boucicaut as well as perhaps a dozen others. common soldiers really knew who was winning. Schiltberger, however, states that fourteen Confusion was worse confounded. Battles did nobles were spared, twelve Frenchmen and two not take place on a given spot; they extended others.’** Froissart says that at the sultan’s over a mile or two or more. An eyewitness Command the Turks butchered “more than knew what was happening to him and to those three hundred, all gentlemen of diverse naaround him, but he knew little else. As time 0S; according to Schiltberger, as we have

passed he learned more from other “eye- Moted, “the people .. . killed on that day

witnesses,” and each time he told his tale it Were reckoned at ten thousand men, and we grew taller. Itis small wonder thatcontemporary ave seen that the chronicler of S. Denis puts accounts of Nicopolis are at variance with one the figure at three thousand. Boucicaut would

another, and it is useless to attempt a de- have been among the slain if John of Nevers tailed description of the battle.’*? One thing had not stepped forward, as we learn from Froissart, and pleaded for his life, throwing 131 Tivre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chaps. xxIv—xxv, himself ie deux Be noulx devant l e dit TOY pp. 594a—596a, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, Basaach. Bayazid yielded to Nevers’s entreaty, chaps. XXV—XXVI, pp. 240a-243a. Schiltberger, op. cit., pp. and Boucicaut was “set aside” from those being

3, 5, says that “blood was spilled from morning until led out to execution. The biographer of

vespers, . . . andthe people . . . killed on that day were ——--————— reckoned at ten thousand men,” but that he himself was note especially: Brauner, Schlacht bei Nikopolis, pp. 35-52, spared, “because none under twenty years of age was killed, who dates the battle incorrectly on 28 September, but and I was scarcely sixteen years old.” In recalling the battle knows the sources well; Delaville Le Roulx, France en Orient,

of Nicopolis years later Sigismund stated that “. . . caedes I, 270-86, and von Si8ié, “Schlacht bei Nicopolis,” Wisfit maxima, et strages indicibilis ex utraque parte commit- —sensch. Mitt. aus Bosnien, VI, 313~17, who both impart a titur, cadentibus innumerabilibus utrimque personis in.ore somewhat specious clarity to events; and Atiya, Crusade of gladii saevientis” (Fejér, Codex, X-2, no. CC, pp. 342-43, Nicopolis, pp. 84-97, and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages,

from a document dated in the year 1412). In July, pp. 451-57.

1402, Stephen Lazarevi€ once more distinguished himself 133 Froissart, XV, 315-16, 320. Delaville Le Roulx, France

by his service to Bayazid, who was himself to suffer on en Orient, II, no. xxul, 78-86, gives a list of some 325 the field at Ankara an even more overwhelming defeat crusaders known by name, of whom some 80 died in the

than he now inflicted on the Christians. course of the Nicopolis expedition.

22 On the clash of the opposing forces at Nicopolis and 134 Schiltberger, op. cit., pp. 5, 112; Delaville Le Roulx, Bayazid’s subsequent massacre of the Christian prisoners, France en Orient, I, 286.

356 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Boucicaut tells a similar story of his hero’s Hungarian documents of the following year

rescue at the last minute. . (1397) attest to Sigismund’s flight “by the waters Some of the captives, however, were neither of the Danube and the sea” (per Danubii et

slam nor held for ransom. In the citadel pelagi flumina) to Constantinople and_thereat Cairo the merchant Emmanuele Piloti, a after “to our kingdoms of Dalmatia and Venetian native of Crete, himself saw a choice __Croatia.”"** As Sigismund and his companions,

lot of two hundred “Christian slaves,” a gift among whom were Archbishop John de Kanizsa

to the soldan of Egypt from the victors at of Gran, Count Hermann II of Cilly, and the

Nicopolis. Mostly French and Italian, they were burgrave John III of Nuremberg, sailed down all young and handsome, and had been chosen the Danube, Bayazid transferred his prisoners for advancement in the mamluk system. Pilotit to Adrianople, where they remained for two says that he had the opportunity to talk with weeks, and thence to Gallipoli “where,” as Schiltthem, but unfortunately he does not share with _ berger says, “the Turks cross the sea, and there us any of the information they gave him.*6 three hundred of us remained for two months “But God assisted [Sigismund] the king of confined in a tower.” When Sigismund reached Hungary and [Philibert de Naillac] the grand the Black Sea or the northern Bosporus, he master of Rhodes,” as Froissart informs us, was taken on board a Venetian galley, for the for they reached the Danube river, where they found captain of the Gulf, Tommaso Mocenigo, had anchored a small boat which belonged to the master moved slowly north to establish contact with

of Rhodes. They went aboard, only seven of them him. The Hungarians’ passage through the [actually there were a good many more than seven], Dardanelles was humiliating, for “I the Turks]

and promptly shoved off from the river bank. took us out of the tower and led us to the Otherwise they would all have been killed or cap- sea, and one after the other they abused the

tured, for the Turks came up to the river bank, king and mocked him, and called to him to ane there was a great slaughter of those who had come out of the boat and deliver his people; o owed the king and thus thought to save them- and this they did to make fun of him... .

Senves. But they did not do him any harm, and so he ————— _ went away.” 135 Froissart, XV, 320, 325, 327-28; Schiltberger, op. cit., Sioi d’ d ‘bed b p- 5; Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxv, p. 597, Sigismund s next moves are descri y and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. xxvi, p. Giunio Resti (d. 1735), the best of the Ragusan 243a. According to Froissart, Nevers, who knew no Turk- chroniclers. Resti based his work largely on ish, saved Boucicaut’s life by making a gesture of counting material collected by Giovanni Gondola (d. with both hands to show that he would pay a great price; 1 65), They both worked in the Archives of the biographer of Boucicaut states (in the Ltvre des fasts) that d . Nevers caught Bayazid’s attention, and put his two thumbs Ragusa, which despite the earthquakes of 1520 together to show that he looked upon the marshal as his and 1667 are still perfectly preserved and beauti-

brother. _ fully kept (in ed., the Traité Palaced’of the Sponza): 136 Pierre-Herman Dopp, Emmanuel Piloti sur ;

le Passage en Terre Sainte (1420), Louvain and Paris, King Sigismund had fought badly at Nicopolis 1958, p. 229 (Publications de I’ Université Lovanium de and lost his army with great slaughter and ruin Léopoldville). The text is a French translation made in’ for his followers. He came very close to falling 1441 of a lost original written between 1420 and 1438-9, prisoner of the Turks himself, a misfortune that under the title De modo, progressu, ordine ac diligent providen- he avoided by [coming upon] a little boat with which

ia _habendis in passagio Christanorum pro conquesia Terrae 4. fed down the Danube to Constantinople Sanctae. Dopp’s edition replaces that published by Baron de h ‘i Rhodes [where Philibert d N ‘Ils ’ Reiffenberg, in the Monuments pour servir & U histoire des Whence sailing to Knodes Lwhere Philibert de Natl'ac, provinces de Namur, de Hainaut et de Luxembourg ...,1V ROW the “grand” master, disembarked] and passing (Brussels, 1846), 312-419. We shall have further occasion through the Archipelago, he entered the Adriatic.

to refer to Piloti’s treatise. Arriving with two Venetian galleys on 19 December

87 Froissart, XV, 317, and cf. Fejér, Codex, X-2, nos. [1396] at the island of “Calamotta,” he was conCXCIX, CCI, pp. 341, 343-44, with refs.; Delaville Le Roulx, gratulated on behalf of the Republic of Ragusa France en Orient, I, 280-81, with refs. The chronicler Antonio Morosini creates the erroneous impression that = —————_

there were Venetian (and Genoese) galleys on the Danube, 88 Fejér, Codex, X-2, nOs. CCXLVII—CCXLVIII, CCLVII, pp.

and says that Sigismund went directly aboard “la galia del 421, 427, 459, and cf. Chalcocondylas, Hist., bk. u (Bonn, chapetanio dy Veniciany, zoé de miser Tomado Mozenigo” _PP- 75-76). (Chronique, eds. Lefévre-Pontalis and Dorez, I [1898], 12). 139 Schiltberger, op. cit., p. 6.

Philibert de Naillac was elected grand master of the 1 Sigismund had reached Coron and Modon by 6

Hospitallers while he was absent on the Nicopolis crusade December with a squadron of four galleys, three from

(Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers 4 Rhodes [1913, repr. Venice and one from Zara (Ljubic, Listine, in MHSM, IV,

1974], pp. 235-37, 265). nos. DXLI, DXLHI, pp. 393, 394).

THE CRUSADES OF BARBARY AND NICOPOLIS 357 by an embassy of three nobles, and he was invited Sigismund used his presence in Dalmatia to to condescend to come to see the city. He accepted strengthen his hold on the Adriatic coast against

the invitation, and entered the city on the twenty- the claims of the restless Ladislas of Naples, first of the same month. Among the most important who also contested his right to the throne of persons with him were John de Kanizsa [Canissa], pyyy During these vears Sigismund accused

archbishop of Gran [Strigonia] . . . , and the latter’s sBary: 5. Y 8} broth Ladislas tonever marry other Stephen. As so of greatseeking a prince had B ‘di a derdaughter to obtain th esof

before come to Ragusa, it was deemed appropriate ayazl ve order to obtain the crown OF 9. to show him how gratifying his arrival was... . Stephen. If there is any truth in the charge, The rector Marino di Simone Resti went to meet 1 1S an ironic postscript to the Nicopolis him with the Senate and with all the nobility, and crusade. paying him compliments he presented him with the

keys to the city, which were carried before him News of the extent of the Christian defeat in a basin, and were then taken from the king was known in Venice on or before 28 October and promptly returned to the rector. King Sigismund (1396), a month after the battle. The Senate was lodged in the rectorial palace of the Republic, was all too aware that, while events had taken

and through the nine days he stayed there he was bad for all Chri d the situati

maintained at public expense with all his court. * 74 turn tor al’ nistendom, the situation

The government even ordered that no citizen should had become especially serious for Venice. ‘Two dare take any payment for the goods which those COMmussioners were straightway elected to go

of the royal court might buy, but everyone was “to those parts” and take steps for the seto come and receive public payment, which was curity of the Republic’s colonies and merchants done. The king was presented with a goodly sum in the Aegean. The Senate wrote Tommaso of money, and the feudal levy [censo], which was Mocenigo, captain of the Gulf, who was then paid to Hungary, he [now] received two years in believed to be somewhere between Negroponte advance. He also obtained, but an great anheulty, and Constantinople, to look to the safety of the

An d prece of the robe 0 rist our ‘Orc. galleys of Romania and at the same time to do

n deference to the king the Republic gave hat h Id “for th . d

the two Venetian galleys, which had brought him Wat Re could tor the preservation and proto Ragusa, each two hundred ducats, eight consign- ‘clon of the city of Constantinople. If anyments of ship’s biscuit, and a hundred pieces of thing should “happen to the said city of Con-

mutton. stantinople,” however, which was quite possible, These demonstrations of the Ragusei’s prompti- 1t could well become too dangerous for Mocenigo

tude and devotion pleased Sigismund beyond to remain in the area. In that event he was measure, and to show his gratification he promised to make certain of the safety of the galleys, to be unceasingly favorable to them and of all his which must not be allowed to fall into the crown “Tn the mleantene he ‘yemted the rector 2 hands of the Turks. Above all, he must ProKnight of the Golden Spur, and gave him a golden hee Negropo nte ‘et alia loca nostra” in the

neck-chain, a sword, and a pair of silver spurs, egcan.

with the grant of this dignity’s forever passing ON Serbocroatian Ivan Gundulié, 1589-1638), whose epic to his successors. Hence comes the practice, at the poem “Osman” deals with the relations between the Turks funerals of rectors, of putting on the body of the and Christian Slavs. Archbishop John de Kanizsa became ill deceased the spurs, the aforesaid sword, and the in Ragusa, and received from outside the city a small

chain. quantity of fine wine as a gift. Since it was contrary to law

But the Republic which made all these courteous for foreign wines to be imported into Ragusa, the Senate gestures did not lose sight of its ruling principle ae not wish arbitrary to allow deliv he of the wine despite of extending the state of Ragusa. Some word of ‘Welt anxiety to show Sigismund and his retinue every mar thiswas directed to the ki h lied that th of respect. They therefore summoned a meeting of the Cirectee to me xing, Wino replied that they Grand Council (Veliko Vijece), which granted the conceswould have to discuss this with him in Hungary... ~ gion by a large vote. John remained in Ragusa, at the Then on the ninth day of his arrival in Ragusa expense of the state, after Sigismund’s departure, “e poi the king left with the two galleys, which had been _ fece Ja medesima strada che aveva fatto il re” (ibid., p. 183).

put in good order and furnished with supplies. Sigismund was in Spalato on 4 January, 1397, when he Four nobles were sent to accompany him... . assigned Tommaso Mocenigo, the Venetian captain of the The galleys took him to Spalato, and thereafter Gulf, a lifetime pension of 1000 ducats a year as a reward

he went on into Croatia.“ for the latter’s valor in combatting the Turks and as recompense for protecting his voyage to Dalmatia (Predelli,

——_—_ Regestt dei Commem., III, bk. 1x, nos. 56-58, p. 245).

41 Giunio Resti, Chronica ragusina, bk. vul, ed. S. Nodilo, 142 Fejér, Codex diplomaticus, X-2, nos. CCXLVI, CCC,

in the Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, CCCXCH, pp. 417, 559, 750 ff., docs. dated 1397-1398, 1400.

XXV: Scriptores, II (Zagreb, 1893), 182-83. Gondola bore 13 Misti, Reg. 43, fols. 158'-158", resolutions of the the same name as his contemporary and cousin (in Senate dated 28-29 October, 1396, published by Ljubié,

358 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Byzantine historian Ducas says that, as they had been reminded that Venice was at

the crusaders had moved down the Danube peace with the sultan, who treated their to Nicopolis, Bayazid had withdrawn the Turk- merchants well. Now the members of the Senate ish troops then laying siege to Constantinople were beset with displicentia et turbatio, as they

in order to add them to the army which he wrote Mocenigo, and some of them certainly

was assembling at Philippopolis.‘** The Senate regretted having allowed the state to assume obviously feared that Bayazid now intended to an anti-Turkish stance by sending even four

resume in force the siege which he had galleys to co-operate with Sigismund, “because apparently never entirely abandoned. At this every day and from hour to hour the news very time (on 27-28 October) the Genoese which we have had of the lord king of Hunofficials at Pera wrote the Doge Antonio Venier gary’s defeat has been and is felt to be a fulsome letter of thanks for their liberation fever! more grave and perilous for all Chrisfrom the Turks, whose prolonged siege was tendom and for our state.” What was done about to entail their capture and servitude until could not be undone. The Senate was willing,

the valiant Mocenigo’s arrival with a flotilla however, to have Mocenigo take some risk

of eight Venetian galleys.'*° to save Constantinople (and indeed he had alIn March, 1395, when John de Kanizsa and his_ ready done so), but for whatever reason on 31

fellow envoys had appealed to the Senate to October they rejected a proposal to report aid Sigismund’s expedition against the Turks, the complete failure of the crusade to the Roman — pontiff Boniface IX “as the person on whom MHSM, IV, nos. DxXXXIV—DXXxxv, pp. 386-88. Mocenigo’s it is especially incumbent to make provision commission as captain or captain-general of the Gulf is therefor.” The Senate also declined to send dated 17 February, 1396 (F. Thiriet,la Régestes des délibérations domini ROME the Curia understood the1 extent Greek envoys had carried various appealsreto of the Turkish danger, and on April, |the western powers, but only the French 1398, on 6 March, 1399, and on 12 January, sponded, and it took them months to do so. 1400, Boniface IX charged crusading Charles VI finally turned, however, to Marshal preachers to incite the faithful to further effort Boucicaut, who stood out in the realm of action

on behalf of the Emperor Manuel II who, as Philippe de Méziéres did in that of anti-

although he was not in union with the Latin Turkish propaganda. Boucicaut was appointed Church, still invoked the salutiferum Christ head of an expeditionary force of 400 men-atnomen.1 But an extraordinary bull dated arms, 400 varlets, and a body of archers, which 27 May, 1400, enjoining all the patriarchs, set sail from Aigues-Mortes in late June, 1399, archbishops, and bishops of Christendom to in four French ships and two galleys.* They

preach the crusade within their respective made their way to Genoa, where a_ naval

jurisdictions, was suddenly quashed by order of armament was to join them.

the papal chamberlain. Whether Boniface As usual, Genoa had been in the throes of

wished to await the effect of his earlier bulls— civil discord. Even a wave of religious enor whether he believed that Manuel was going thusiasm was too much for the confused and also to appeal to his Avignonese rival Benedict rapidly changing government to handle. The XII1—is impossible to say.* Papal influence in streets were full of processions. Work in the

Europe, however, had been much reduced by shipyards was suspended. The Genoese the Great Schism. Boniface’s support of the galleys—eight had been decided upon—were Byzantine cause was of little more assistance to far from ready when Boucicaut’s squadron Manuel than that of Benedict XIII, to whom =§arrived in the city. On 22 July he complained to

Manuel later (in July, 1401) sent the engaging the French governor of Genoa, Colart de

diplomat Alexius Vranas, who was then making Calleville, and the then ruling commission of

a round of the Spanish kingdoms in the vain Fifteen. They gave as their excuse the recent search for help against the Turkish sultan.° processions and the riots which had broken out 1 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1398, no. 40, and ad ann. = =———_—~

1399, nos. 1-4, vol. VIII (vol. XXVII of Baronius- Turchum, qui civitatem Constantinopolitanam tenebat Raynaldus, Lucca, 1752), pp. 41, 43-44; cf. also the papal obsessam cum XL galeis. . . .”Is this the mission to which letter of 4 May, 1399, to Peter Radolinski, the bishop of Boucicaut’s biographer refers when he states that Manuel “si

Cracow (ibid., nos. 6-7, pp. 45-46); N. lorga, Notes et fut devers le sainct pére, qui donna grand pardon a

extraits pour servir @ T’ histoire des croisades au XV® siécle, 11 quiconque luy feroit bien”? (Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III,

(Paris, 1899), 80. The bull of 1 April, 1398, is published pt. 1, chap. xxxv, p. 608b, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, by A. L. Tautu, Acta Urbani PP. VI (1378-1389), Bonifacti I, pt. 1, chap. XXxvI, p. 254a). Martin de Alpartil (d. PP. IX (1389-1404), . . . [for the full title see, above, 1440?) was a Spanish cleric who is found in the service Chapter 14, note 73], Rome, 1970, no. 55, pp. 112-13, of Benedict XIII at Avignon by the year 1398 (Ehrle, op. and note the indulgentia Terrae Sanctae promulgated on ctt., pp. XXVI, XXXI). Manuel II’s behalf on 21 March, 1400 (ibid., no. 85, pp. ‘Livre des faiis, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxx, pp.

171-73). 601-2, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chap. xxx,

2Torga, Notes et extraits, II, 81, gives a summary of p. 247; and cf. Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Hist. de Chas. VI,

Boniface [X’s encyclical of 27 May, 1400. There is a rather ibid., pp. 416-17. According to the Religious of S. Denis, speculative but interesting account of these crusading bulls Chron. de Chas. VI, H, 690, Boucicaut set out with 1,200 in O. Halecki, “Rome et Byzance. . . ,” Collectanea theologica, _stipendiarii in May, and was received at Constantinople XVIII (Lwéw, 1937), 506-19. The full text of that of 27 “tanquam angelus Domini.” On 28 May, 1399, King Martin May is now available in Tautu, Acta . . . Bonifacii PP. 1 of Aragon-Catalonia had sent both Boucicaut and Manuel

IX... , no. 90, pp. 183-86, with the annotation: “Can- II letters of recommendation of his squire Dalmau Darnius, cellata de mandato domini Camerarii, cum bullae fuerint who had enlisted in the expedition, on which see Antoni laceratae per eundem dominum Camerarium.” Rubi6 i Lluch, Diplomatari de ’ Orient catala, Barcelona, 1947 3 Martin de Alpartil, Chronica actitatorum temporibus domini [1948], doc. DcLI, p. 679, and Const. Marinesco, “Du Benedicti XII, ed. Franz Ehrle, Paderborn, 1906, 1, 118-19 | Nouveau sur les Relations de Manuel II Paléologue (1391(in the Quellen und Forschungen of the Gérres-Gesellschaft, 1425) avec I’ Espagne,” in the Atti dello VII congresso vol. XII): “Alexius de Vrana. . . , consiliarius Emanuelis —_internazionale di studi bizantini {held in April, 1951], 2 vols.,

imperatoris Grecorum, de mense iulii . . . veniebat ad Rome, 1953, I, 421. (The proceedings of the congress were petendum adiutorium et sucursum a papa contra Faysinum _ published in the Studi bizantini e neoellenict, vols. VII-VIIL.)

370

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 371 in early May, but they promised to arm and back with him to France to seek further and dispatch the eight galleys within two weeks. larger help from Charles VI:’ “Et si le roy de Boucicaut was given a banquet on 28 July France ne luy aydoit, que il lroit a refuge a tous (1399), after which he set out with the French les autres roys chrestiens.” They sailed on squadron. Six weeks later, on 9 September, he Venetian galleys from the Sea of Marmara on was anchored off the island of Sapienza, out- 10 December, 1399, leaving John VII to rule

side the Venetian harbor of Modon, still wait- the now exiguous empire during Manuel’s ing for the Genoese contingent to reach him. absence. Chateaumorand, however, stayed beThe date of their departure for the east hind with 100 men-at-arms, 100 varlets, and “a

remains uncertain.® quantity of bowmen” as a garrison to defend

. . 4s 8

The chronicler Cabaret’s friend Jean de Constantinople, where he had to contend with Chiateaumorand went with Boucicaut as his famine as well as the Turks. For a while, at second in command. With the Genoese galleys, least, he had the support of eight galleys, which had finally reached him, a reinforcement _quatre de Gennes et quatre de Venise.” And of another eight galleys from Venice,® two from Boucicaut’s biographer, who is the chief source

Rhodes, and a galiot from Mytilene, Boucicaut for the French mission to the Bosporus, says managed to open up the Ottoman blockade of that Chateaumorand maintained the city against

Constantinople. According to his biographer, the Turks for three years.

when his forces were mustered “en une belle | Manuel II and Boucicaut put into the Veneplaine les veoir,”600 their numbers risenthe anempress port of Modon in F ebruary, 1400,[VIII ford to 600 pour men-at-arms, varlets, andhad 1,000 and Manuel’s sons John bowmen “sans lost et lassemblée de l’em- ————— pereur.” He also had twenty-one galleys, three 7 On Manuel II’s famous journey to the west, which excited large galées huissiéres for the transport of horses the curiosity of fifteenth-century chroniclers no less than

da half-d li d bri . Wi h that of modern historians, see among the latter: Berger de

and a hali-dozen galtots an rigantines. it Xivrey, “Mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de I’ empereur these forces, week after week, he pillaged and Manuel Paléologue,” Mémoires de l’ Institut de France: Académie burned “mout bons villaiges et de beaux ma-_ des inscriptions et belles-lettres, XIX, pt. 2 (1853), 1-201; A. A.

noirs” belonging to the Turks, who were put to Vasiliev, “The Journey of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II ; Palaeologus in Western Europe (1399—1403)” (in Russian), the sword whenever they were captured. The Zhurnal Ministerstua Narodnago Prosviescheniia, n.s.. XXXIX expedition, aided by a Byzantine contingent, (S, Petersburg, 1912), 41-78, 260-304, a detailed study with

failed to take the walled city of Nicomedia an extensive bibliography; M. Jugie, “Le Voyage de

(Izmit), but after many deeds of valor “nos lempereur Manuel Paléologue en Occident (1399-1403),” bons Francois” stormed and destroyed the Echos d’ Orient, XV (Paris, 1912), 322-32; Gustave SchlumTurkish castle of Riva (Iriva) on the Black Sea berger, “Un Empereur de Byzance a Paris et 4 Londres,” Just east of the entrance to the Bosporus. 87-147; Sebastian Cirac Estopahan, Bizancio y Espana: La

: in Byzance et crotsades: Pages médiévales, Paris, 1927, pp. can believe the ,author the Livre desJohn ymin, vane , wus ecuerdos “ Espana, .If .wearcelona, pp.of52-66; W.Page Barker, Manue

Jauts, ; eek was a one man crusade. He aso Palaeologus (1391 —1425): A Study in Late Byzantine Statesman-

Scored a dipiomatic triumph by reconciling sis, New Brunswick, 1969, pp. 167-99, 219-38; and,

Manuel II with his nephew John VII. Since it most recently, Donald M. Nicol, “A Byzantine Emperor in was clear that, when Boucicaut departed, the England: Manuel II’s Visit to London in 1400-1401,” Turks would return to the siege of Constan- vail of Birmingham Historical Journal, XU-2 (1971), tinople, it was decided that Manuel would 80 8 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chaps. xxxX—xxxIVv,

———— pp. 602-7, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chaps.

°Eugéne Jarry, Les Origines de la domination francaise @ XXXI-XXXV, pp. 248-53. The date of Manuel’s departure Génes (1392-1402), Paris, 1896, pp. 321, 334-36. In 1398- _ from Constantinople, avaBas ets Ta kaTEepya Tov Beverixwr, 1399 the Venetian Senate believed that Negroponte, Athens is provided by a group of Byzantine “short chronicles,” for

prop Pp g gqyyP

(then in the Republic’s control), and the Morea were likelyto which see Sp. P. Lampros, ed., THadatodéyera Kai be attacked by the Turks (F. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations [edomovvnovakd, 4 vols., Athens, 1912-30, III, 360-61; du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, I[Paris and The Lampros and K. Amantos, eds., Short Chronicles [in Greek], Hague, 1958], nos. 952, 956, and 962, pp. 221-23). in Myynpeia Ths EAAHVUKHS toTopias, publ. by the Academy

6 Cf. Misti, Reg. 44, fol. 105”, dated 12 June, 1399, bywhich of Athens, I-1 (1932-33), no. 18, p. 35, lines 14-16;

the Senate had raised the proposed Venetian contribution Berger de Xivrey, Mémoires de I’ Académie des inscriptions et to the fleet “ad complementum galearum octo quas habereet _ belles-lettres, XIX-2 (1853), 94, followed by Delaville Le tenere debemus secundum promissionem nostram,” on which Roulx, La France en Orient au XIV siécle, 2 vols., Paris, 1886, note M. Silberschmidt, Das orientalische Problem zur Zeit der 1, 379; A. A. Vasiliev, in the Zhurn. Min. Nar. Prosvies., Entstehung des tiirkischen Reiches nach veneziantschen Quellen, XXXIX, 55-56; Schlumberger, Byzance et croisades, pp. 96—-

Leipzig and Berlin, 1923, p. 195. 97; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 167-68.

372 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and Theodore in the charge of his brother, the Reports of Manuel’s western journey spread Despot Theodore I of Mistra.° The removal of throughout Europe, and rumor had it that a his family from the Bosporus suggests that Greek bishop and two religious in his suite had Manuel did not completely trust his nephew brought the head of S. George with them to and vicegerent John VII."° The annalist Giunio Paris. On 28 July, 1400, King Martin I of Resti tells us that Manuel spent two weeks in Aragon-Catalonia, whose family had long been Ragusa, and then departed for Rome.” It is trying to obtain the relic of their patron saint, certain, however, that he and Boucicaut gave wrote about the matter to Don Ramoén de Ragusa a wide berth, for plague was then Perelldés, viscount of Roda, who seems to have rampant in the city.* They reached Venice in been in Paris at the time. He often went there early May." While Boucicaut hurried on to on business for the Avignonese pontiff BenParis, Manuel was lodged for a brief spellin the edict XIII. King Martin had just seen a letter, palace which the Signoria had given to Niccolo which Don Ramon had written to a friend, with

II of Ferrara, now the (entirely rebuilt) Fon- the interesting news “that with the emperor of

daco dei Turchi on the Grand Canal. From Constantinople there has come [to Paris] a Venice Manuel traveled with dignified haste, bishop of the church, who in common with two

from one sumptuous reception to another, others has the head of S. George, and that if through Padua, Vicenza, and Pavia to Paris, these three should find some lord who would where he arrived on 3 June. The chronicler of assist them [que ls faés alcun bé], they would give

S. Denis has described the profound impres- it up to him.” Don Ramon had informed his sion which he made on the French court, friend that, if his Majesty wished, he would where he remained for more than four negotiate with the bishop. In writing to Don months. Charles VI is said to have promised Ramon on the twenty-eighth, King Martin him 1,200 “combatans,” to be maintained for a acknowledged his well-known desire to get hold year by the French crown, for which he gravely of the relic, but he was very doubtful of the

thanked his Majesty “et partit de Paris, car ja y Greeks’ claim to have it. He had heard that

avoit bonne piéce demeuré.”” Bertranet Mota de Salahia, lord of Livadia in

——_—. 56), and ¢f.th Greece, who the head, had Ducas, Hist.bbyzantina, chap. 15 (Bonn, p. 56), and g.thehad eitherpossessed given it to the Emperor Manuel or Pseudo-Sphrantzes (“Phrantzes”), Annales, I, 15 (Bonn, p. led Pt to the Venetian Don Ramén was 62). On 27 February, 1400, the Venetian Senate agreed to pledged it to | enedans. offer both the imperial family and the despot of Mistra therefore cautioned to be sure the Greeks had an asylum in Venice if Turkish aggression should drive the relic before he treated with them for the them to such a desperate expedient (lorga, Notes et extraits, king’s acquisition of it26 Martin soon lost

I, 96-97; Thiriet, Régestes, 11 [1959], no. 978, p. 10). : . . . .

10 In March, 1400, the Venetian government took steps interest ne the bishop and a Sad y he et wan to try to persuade John VII to remain true to his imperial however, for whosesoever head t ey had, it was uncle and not yield to the deceitful promises of the Turks not that of S. George. The true relic was then (Thiriet, Régestes, 11, no. 981, pp. 10-11), butaslateas April, the prize possession of Alioto de Caupena, 1403, the Venetians thought it possible that John might seek Catalan lord of Aegina, who apparently had no

to prevent Manuel’s return to the throne in Constantinople’. tenti £ parti th it? (Iorga, Notes et extraits, 1, 136—37). Intention Of paring wit ie qe . 4 Resti, Chronica ragusina, bk. vill, ed. S. Nodilo, in Some three months after his arrival in Paris,

MSHS, XXV: Seriptores, I, 188. Manuel II sent Alexius Vranas on a mission to 2 Misti, Reg. 45, fol. 11°.

3Qn 4 April, 1400, the Venetian government had 9——W———— allocated 200 ducats for the Emperor Manuel's reception 253a. In a letter to Manuel Chrysoloras, written in Paris

(lorga, Notes et extraits, 1, 97). apparently some weeks after his arrival, Manuel speaks of

14 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 11, 754, 756, 758, and cf. the hospitality of the royal family and his hopes for the Jean Juvénal, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collec- future “unless the usual sorcery [Baoxavia] of bad luck tion des mémoires, 11 (1850), 418-19; Berger de Xivrey, pp. thwarts us, and some unexpected misfortune occurs” 96-100; Vasiliev, pp. 60—74. The Doge Antonio Venier went (Emile Legrand, ed., Lettres del’ empereur Manuel Paléologue,

out to meet the emperor in the state galley, “e aconpagnalo Paris, 1893, repr. Amsterdam, 1962, ep. 37, pp. 50-51, infina a la chaxa de miser lo marchexe da Ferara, la qual trans. into French by Berger de Xivrey, pp. 102-3; into é mesa a San Zane Degolado, la qual ly fo dada per soa abita- Russian by Vasiliev, p. 70; and into English by Barker, ciom” (Chronique d’ Antonio Morosini: Extraits relatifs &U histoirede | Manuel IT Palaeologus, pp. 174-75). ; France, eds. Germain Lefévre-Pontalis and Léon Dorez, 4 16 A. Rubié i Lluch, Diplomatari de ’ Orient catala, doc. vols., Paris, 1898—1902, I, 46). The church of S. Giovanni DCLVI, pp. 683-84; K. M. Setton, “Saint George’s Head,” Decollato, partially restored in 1945, is behind the Fondaco Speculum, XLVIII (1973), 1-12, esp. p. 8; and ¢f. Barker,

dei Turchi. Manuel II Palaeologus, p. 176, who misunderstood the

5 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chap. xxxv, p. 608, document. and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, H, pt. 1, chap. XXXVI, p. 17 Setton, in Speculum, XLVIII, 7-8.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 373 Martin I. From Barcelona, Vranas proposed to presented the sacred memorials of Christ’s visit the courts of Castile and Navarre in his’ earthly existence to Charles III of Navarre. quest for military aid against the Turks. To ‘The ceremony took place in the cathedral prepare the way for him Martin wrote the church of S. Maria in Pamplona on 6 January, archbishop of Saragossa on 15 October (1400) 1401. The king’s confessor Garsias de Henguy, “en recomendacion singular” of his efforts on bishop of Bayonne, received the relics. He was behalf of the emperor, “whose land and empire _ clad in full pontificals, as befitted the occasion, ‘’Amorat Bequin’ [Bayazid] is striving to and led a procession of all the clergy in the city conquer with a great company of Turks and around the cloister of S. Maria, after which the other peoples hostile to the holy Catholic faith, gifts which Vranas had brought the king and for the oppression and extermination of Chris- people of Navarre were laid away, cum ea qua

tendom.”'® On the following day Martin I decuit reverencia, in the safe-keeping of the wrote the vicegerent John [VII] in Constan- cathedral vaults.”! tinople that Vranas had come to Barcelona as

Manuel’s envoy “to seek from us and other With the approach of autumn (in 1400) the Christian kings assistance for the defense of his Emperor Manuel got ready to visit Henry IV in

empire and of the entire Christian faith [Latin England. He went first to Calais, where he Catholic as well as Orthodox] and for the remained for some time, and then crossed the destruction and complete desolation of that channel, landing in England on 11 December most wretched and vicious infidel who has (1400). Henry met him at Blackheath, southoppressed and does not cease daily to oppress east of London, as the fifteenth-century divine the empire and all Christians in the East.” John Capgrave says: “In this same yere cam the Martin had promised Manuel assistance, and Emperoure of Constantinople into Inglond for hoped that other Christian kings would do so to have sum socoure ageyn the Turkis. The also, whereby he would not merely recover his Kyng Herri met him on the Black Heth, on empire, but would crush the enemy of the faith Seint Thomas Day the Apostil [21 December], and cut to pieces his stubborn troops (cornua and led him to London; and there had he good cervicosa). He urged John to stand firm, for he hostel at the Kyngis cost; and aftir went he would soon see the emperor return with such a_ ageyn with large giftis.”””

1 19

force of Christian warriors that, with God’s The Welsh chronicler Adam of Usk appears grace, the Greeks would win a resounding to have witnessed the reception: "Maltin also addressed a letter to Manuel on whe emperor of the Greeks visited the king of

. . ; ngland in London, and was honorably received by

16 October, thanking him for the gift of two him on the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle. He was precious relics, a piece of Christ’s tunic and a seeking a subsidy against the Saracens. He stayed fragment of the sponge of the passion, which with the king, to the latter’s great cost, for two whole Vranas had doubtless brought with him to months, and upon his departure was further assisted Barcelona. As for the aid which Manuel sought, _ by large gifts. The emperor used to go about with Martin said that he granted it more than members of his suite, all dressed uniformly in long, willingly, and he would inform Vranas of the white robes cut in the shape of tabards. He scorned quantitas et numerus upon the latter’s return both the varieties and the disparities of English from the court of Castile.2° The Byzantine '°S asserting that they gave evidence of restlessvoy had set out on his mission well supplied "°3S of spirit and instability. No razor touched the envoy ™ PP heads and beards of his chaplains. These Greeks with relics. At the Louvre on 30 August, 1400, were most devout in the divine services, soldiers as Manuel had attested in a chrysobull, drawn up well as clergy chanting unconcernedly in their own in Latin as well as in Greek, to the genuineness tongue. I thought within myself how grievous it was

of a fragment of the true cross and of another ___—

piece of Christ’s tunic, now described as “blue *1 The documents are given in Marinesco, in Studi in color.” When he got to Navarre, Vranas Lizantini e neoellentct, VII, 422-25, and see Franz Dolger, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen Reiches, pt. 5

—_—____—_ (Munich and Berlin, 1965), nos. 3281-82, p. 87.

8 Rubio i Lluch, Dipl., doc. DCLVIU, p. 685. 2 F. C. Hingeston, ed., The Chronicle of England by John 7° Rubio i Lluch, Dipl., doc. DCLIX, pp. 685-86. Capgrave, London, 1858, repr. Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1972,

® Rubié i Lluch, Dipl., doc. DCLx, pp. 686-87. On 14 __ p. 277 (Rolls Series), and for Manuel's stay in England, see

October (1400) Martin had urged upon Henry III of _ especially D. M. Nicol, “A Byzantine Emperor in England,” Castile a favorable response to the Byzantine appeal for aid —_ Univ. of Birmingham Hist. Journal, X11 (1971), 204-25, cited

(Marinesco, in Studi bizantini e neoellenici, VII, 422). above in note 7.

374 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that this great Christian prince from the farther east Spongia . . « felle et aceto imbuta, which he had was being forced by the infidels to visit the more Yeceived from Vranas the preceding October. distant islands of the west to get help against Now, however, he promised Manuel six armed them! . . . The king observed Christmas with the galleys, which he said he would have ready for

emperor at Eltham.” service as soon as the “other Christian kings

, , and princes” provided the aid which they had

Be rooundlly impressed by Pawan ve Pon wel agreed to furnish for an expedition against the

ality an y € splendor s IS Soh friend Turks.” Martin may have been sincere; this

Non, 7 Chr an {Th king] fo Ais fine t was the usual formula for avoiding participaanue rysovoras: ; e king] is gran m8 “Stion in an expedition to the Levant. The

an 0 Send his te ° and arms, arc the Venetians often employed it. In the mid-

nloce an a it tO ene? t hi ld be to the ‘summer of 1401 Vranas brought Martin letters

place th e hich h enrys hi h he had from both Manuel and Charles VI with the upon 4 « e th q 1 Gi, 1399), © fac news that a French fleet was being prepared in usurpe Noh c die Aw if ‘ with not yet Aigues-Mortes in July to sail eastward from

secure cy. Ne aan ke est he did ° q either Men Genoa in August. Charles asked Martin to have

Or Monucl £3.00 0. old © k hi Feed bean his six galleys ready to join the French in the

eer ‘ted Pa "h oy mar q W ol a f Faw. expedition being planned against the Turks.

ia, ran , oR he Pe os ane PEOP dk Ps “28- Martin replied to Manuel and Charles in letters

anc’ | Re cnare’s “ven - © ed the of 26—27 August (1401) that he had made clear partum 3 Februar , 401. « received the to Vranas that he must be kept informed of the

perianal ebruary, i. hd immensis French preparations in sufficient time to arm me us gr ark Det “Hol ate it € the his own galleys. But he had only lately learned Hoes re Trel vd os eter Toit, prior Of the from Charles’s letter and from Vranas’s report caer in Areiand. Alexius V 5 Catal that the French fleet was now ready to sail from yn the meanume Alexius \ranas s aa an Aigues-Mortes to Genoa or had indeed already dav tha appeared to be suuccee cing: Ont es 000 done so. There was not time for him to arm his

day 7 at Manue’ acknow cage mareard iy galleys, and besides he had been planning on

Mar s I a the a ch eT y ha ee 0M, an expedition during the summer. Some of his

arun d assure M “el th h F at hich ‘his “galleys” were apparently going to be fustes de prepared to give Manuel the help waich his yems, which would face undue perils with the envoy had requested. At the same time Martin sqyent of winter.27 wrote the emperor again, repeating his thanks Manuel had returned to Paris by late Febfor the piece of Christ’s tunic and for the bit of

——$___— 76 Rubio i Lluch, Dipl., docs. DCLX1II-DCLXxIV, pp. 688-89,

23 Edw. Maunde Thompson, ed. and trans.,Chronicon Adae dated 3 February, 1401. de Usk (A.D. 1377-1421), 2nd ed., London, 1904, pp. 56-57, 27 Rubi6 i Lluch, Dipl., docs. DCLXV-DCLXVI, pp. 690-91.

with a translation (which I do not use) on pp. 219-20. The galley, galiot, brigantine, and fusta (in descending order

Cf. Vasiliev, p. 262. of size) were all of the same general type. As he prepared to

4 Legrand, Lettres, ep. 38, p. 52; Berger de Xivrey, pp. leave Martin’s court (on 28 August, 1401), a safe-conduct 107-9; Vasiliev, p. 263; Barker, Manuel IT, pp. 178-80. was issued in the king’s name to “Alexius Verna ambas25 F, C. Hingeston, ed., Royal and Historical Letters during the siator ... Emmanuelis Dei gratia imperatoris RomeReign of Henry the Fourth, 1 (London, 1860, repr. Wiesbaden, orum ..., qui ad nos et alios reges et principes 1966), 56-57. Manuel had written to Peter Holt from Paris Yspanie missus fuerat ab eodem pro petendo auxilium in on 21 June, 1400, informing him of his intention to come _ subsidium Constantinopolis et aliarum parcium dicti imperii,

to England. Peter responded on 11 July, advising him to quas perfidus Ammoratus Baquiri cum innumera caterva delay his journey, because Henry IV was then campaigning Turcorum. . .sibiconatur occupare” (ibid., doc. DCLXVII, p.

against the malicious Scots (ibid., pp. 39-40). Manuel ap- 692). parently received only the 3,000 marks, for which he sent his Despite his failure to provide the six galleys, Martin I acknowledgment to Peter Holt on 3 February, 1401. Other tried to assist the Byzantines by allowing the collection sums were pledged and eventually collected in England, but in his domains of “diverse sums of money. . . to help the the Exchequer got hold of them for reimbursement of the __ city of Constantinople” (Dipl., doc. DCLXxxI, p. 702, and see

money which Henry had made available to Manuel (Nicol, also docs. DCLXxx1I ff., dated 1404-1406). Benedict XIII “A Byzantine Emperor in England,” pp. 216-19).On 1 June, ordered the preaching of the crusade “in omnibus regnis et 1402, John VII Palaeologus, Manuel’s vicegerent on the _terris eidem domino pape obedientibus in subsidium et adju-

Bosporus, addressed an appeal to Henry IV from _ torium predictiimperatoris[Emmanuelis] et christiani nominis Constantinople (Hingeston, I, 101-3): this was two months’ in Grecia . . . cum plena indulgentia . . .” (ibid., doc. before the battle of Ankara, and the Greek capital seemed DCLXXxIV, pp. 706-7). Cf. Marinesco, in Studi bizantini e likely to fall under the “yoke of the infidel Saracens.” Cf. __neoellenici, VII, 430-36, and Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, nos. Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, nos. 3276, 3280, and 3283, pp. 86,87. 3285, 3287, p. 88.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 375 ruary, 1401,78 and remained there for almost another crusade, they must often have talked two years (until late November, 1402). He was of Barbary and Nicopolis. As Manuel took note

living on promises—in France as well as in of the French scene, the Limbourg brothers England—which would never be fulfilled. In took note of him, and they have left us his the meantime he sent his cousin Demetrius portrait in the Trés Riches Heures, where he Palaeologus to the Signoria of Florence, seek- appears as Augustus (fol. 22") and as Melchior

ing aid against the “detestanda barbaries” of in the Meeting of the Magi (fol. 51’). Both the Turks, who were laying siege to Constan- these scenes show Manuel wearing the Byzantinople. The Florentines listened sympatheti- tine conical hat in which his son John VIII is cally to the imperial envoy, but they could give later depicted in Pisanello’s medal.*"

the Byzantines no help, they informed him, for If Manuel found life in Paris pleasant, it they had scarcely resources enough to defend was also frustrating. He neglected no opporthemselves against Gian Galeazzo Visconti, the tunity, however, to win the good will of the aggressive duke of Milan, with whom they were western princes. When doughty old Pedro de then at war. “An Italian Bayazid threatens us,” Luna, the Avignonese Pope Benedict XIII,

they wrote Manuel on 20 August, 1401, “the heard about the relics which Manuel was friend of that persecutor of yours ..., who giving away, he apparently wanted one. On 20 plots and strives to reduce us and all Italy to his June, 1402, Manuel sent him a parva particula

tyranny both by the whirlwind of war and by tunice . . . redemptoris nostri, another little

the foulest arts of peace.””° piece of Christ’s blue garb. He also sent with it Month after month Manuel lived in the old another chrysobull in Greek and Latin, certify-

castle of the Louvre. Undoubtedly he took ing to its having been part of the rich store of excursions along the Seine and elsewhere, relics which his imperial predecessors had long observing that life of prince and peasant which “guarded and preserved ... in our city of the three Limbourg brothers have depicted in Constantine.”®”

the magnificent book of hours (the Trés Riches Alternating between periods of hope and Heures) which they did for the king’s uncle discouragement,*? when time hung heavy on John, the duke of Berry. Manuel must have his hands, Manuel wrote his friends letters and seen a good deal of John, who lived in the essays which he worked and reworked into a Hotel de Nesle on the left bank of the Seine, kind of literary embroidery. Then, suddenly

opposite the Louvre. John was among the

princes of the royal house who had met Manuel yyusée Condé at Chantilly, MS. 65, fol. 10°, shows the at Charenton outside Paris upon the latter’s castle of the Louvre as it was in the time of Charles VI first arrival (on 3 June, 1400), and three weeks (in 1413, to be precise). Demolition of the Louvre was belater (on the twenty-fourth) Manuel attended gun by Francis I in 1527, and nothing now remains of the the wedding of. John’s Marie, coun- castle wach Manuel gifts John of “ye ; daughter . erry of various precious itemsknew. faitsOna Manuel's ouvrage detoGrece, tess of Eu, widow of P hilippe d’ Artois, consta- see Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de ble of France. Captured at Nicopolis, as we Berry, I (London, 1967), 41, 57-58, 59, 304, 306, who cites have seen, Philippe had died at Mihali¢ in Asia_ J. corey npentaires ae Jean auc aA Berry ¢ $0l 416), 2 vo A , Denis)” Matic no says the d john ** Manuel is also the model for Melchior in the Adoration

. - . . - -vols., Paris, —96, II, nos. ; , pp. 35, .

. : » of the Magi, in the Trés Riches Heures, fol. 52", this time with-

count of Clermont, the son of Louis II of out the hat, on which see Constantin Marinesco, “Deux Bourbon, the leader of the Barbary Crusade. Empereurs byzantins en Occident: Manuel II et Jean VIII Cabaret states that Louis went out of his way to Paléologue,” in the Comptes rendus de [ Académie des be gracious to the emperor and his Greek inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1957 [publ. 1958], pp. 23-35. As 30 . Meiss, French Painting, I, 58, remarks, the Limbourgs, entourage.*” As they discussed the prospects of having seen Manuel, “showed thereafter a penchant for long

——_____ flowing beards on all historical worthies” (especially David). 28 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 11, 774; Berger de Xivrey, p. * The two texts of the chrysobull are given by Marinesco,

110; Vasiliev, pp. 267, 273-74. in Studi bizantini e neoellenici, VII, 427-30, and in Cirac

29 Giuseppe Miiller, ed., Documenti sulle relazioni delle citta "stopahan, La Union (1952), pp. 100-102, and “Ein toscane coll’ Oriente cristiano e cot Turchi, Florence, 1879, pt. Chrysobullos des Kaisers Manuel II. Palaiologos fur den 1, doc. c, p. 148, and cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3286, Gegenpapst Benedikt XIII. vom 20 Juni 1402,” Byzantinische

p. 88. Zettschrift, XLIV (1951), 89-93. Cf. Dolger, Regesten, pt. 5, 30 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 11, 758, 760; Jean Cabaret 10. 3290, pp. 88-89, and G. T. Dennis, “Official Docu-

d’Orville, La Chronique du bon duc Loys de Bourbon, ed. A.M. ™ents of Manuel II Palaeologus,” Byzantion, XLI (1971),

Chazaud, Paris, 1876, chap. LXxxvi, pp. 269-70. The 0s. 11-12, p. 49. calendar for October in the Trés Riches Heures, in the 33 Cf. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 184-99.

376 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT out of the blue on the feast of All Saints (1 The Ottoman empire seemed _ shattered. November, 1402),*" came the astounding news Bayazid had built well, however, and despite a of Sultan Bayazid’s overwhelming defeat at the decade of civil war among his sons, the empire

hands oar and oe oes nonees in me would recover from the debacle within a gen-

attle of Ankara (on 28 July). Hastily Manuel eration or so. Suleiman, who had commanded began to prepare for his return to Constan, Ankara, . . ; the left wing of his father’s army; ;at

tinople. The French court rejoiced in the 2 eas . incredible good fortune which had saved “*C4P ed to Gallipoli and Adrianople (Edirne), his capital from almost certain occupation by waere he wnaintaied his come some ve by

the Turks. According to the chronicler of S. mur bi hin. he area O ye S. akh y Denis, Manuel left Paris “on the Tuesday after Ne ishing the emirates of sarukhan, the octave of S. Martin” (21 November). ydin, Menteshe, Hamid, Tekke, Germiyan,

Charles VI presented him with an immense 494 Karaman, which Bayazid had conquered in

sum in gold, and granted him an annuity of the early 1390’s. The devastation of the 14,000 écus d’ or to be paid from the royal Timurids was frightful, however, “for going treasury “donec ad uberiorem fortunam per- from one city to another,” says the historian

veniret.” The battle of Ankara had also freed Ducas, “they left such a wilderness where a city Jean de Chateaumorand from his long vigil on had been that one did not hear the barking of a the walls of Constantinople. He could now re- single dog, the crow of a cock, or the cry of a

turn home, but Charles immediately commis- child.”°’ Ottoman subjects emigrated into sioned him to conduct Manuel back to Con- “Rumelia,” and strengthened the Turkish ele-

stantinople with an escort of 200 men-at-arms.** ™ents in Suleiman’s European domain. ee In northeastern Anatolia, Bayazid’s youngest *4 Religieux de Saint-Denys, III (1841), 46: “circa Omnium son Mehmed made a strong place for himself at Sanctorum festum.” According to the chronicler, Christians Amasya, where large numbers of ghazis joined

who had escaped from Turkish prisons (ergastula) brought him. I liminated from the contest the news to Paris. On 8 and 9 October (1402), however, Mm, ‘Sa was soon eliminated [To ec : , the Venetian Senate had sent Manuel the happy news, but another brother, Musa, took up the reins of which probably reached him in less than three weeks (Misti, authority at Bursa (Brusa), the old center of

Reg. 46, fol. 47%, dated the ninth): “Quod scribatur Ottoman power. As the contest continued, domino Constantinopolitano in hac forma, viz., M de llveate defuleiman, d Sule; and d put MagestatiImperatori vestre significavimus pridie animo tocundanti usa eventually felicem casum, et imperio vestro ac toti Christianitati non him out of the way (in 1410-1411), only to be tantum utilem sed penitus oportunum, conflictus videlicet et crushed in his turn by Mehmed at Jamurlu in

generalis destructionis illus ... perfidissimi Baysiti Serbia (in 1413). Mehmed thus emerged as

Turchorum imperatoris gentis sue. ayazid's . . . Nunc presentid (unt h 1 1S hi bus denotamus dictum novum etac ipsius confirmasuccessor and as B the‘a? su tan

tionem. . . .” Cf. lorga, Notes et extraits, I, 122; Thiriet, death in 1421). In the meantime Suleiman, the

Reégestes, II, no. 1074, p. 31. most westernized of the four brothers, was >On the prelude to Ankara, the battle, and its after- trying to make peace with both the Greeks and math, see Marie-Mathilde Alexandrescu-Dersca, La Campagne ; . . . de Timur en Anatolie (1402), Bucharest, 1942, pp. 51-111, ‘he Latins. He needed time to build up his

with extensive use of the oriental sources, and Gustav strength for the fratricidal struggle which he Roloff, “Die Schlacht bei Angora (1402),” Historische knew lay ahead. Also Timur’s next moves were Zeuschryf Go): 244-62,of wed attempted a uncertain. of the Timurids succinctine description thenasmovements (and anFear analysis o : . soon passed, the tactics) of both Timur and Bayazid before the battle: however, for in the late spring “his capital of Roloff concludes that, despite the fantastic figures given by 1403 the conqueror set out for his capital at the chroniclers, the Ottoman army had a maximum of Samarkand, and died at Otrar in February, 1405, 20,000 effectives, of whom 5,000 may have been janissaries.

Timur had larger forces, but his fighting strength lay ——————— chiefly in the Mongols, who formed only a small minority England. The chronicler of S. Albans is not very well among the diverse ethnic groups which made up his army. informed (H. T. Riley, ed., Thomae Walsingham, quondam

In short, “Timurs und Bayaseds Streitkrafte sind monachi S. Albani, historia anglicana, London, 1864, repr.

urspriinglich ungefahr gleich stark—gegen 20,000 Mann— 1965, II, 247).

gewesen” (ibid., pp. 254-56). 97 Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 17 (Bonn, pp. 76-77).

36 Religieux de Saint-Denys, 111, 50,and forChateaumorand’s * Bayazid’s five sons all participated in the battle of

return from Constantinople in “September, 1402,” see Ankara, in the course of which one of them, Mustafa, Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xx1, pp. 76-77. Jean Juvénal, disappeared. He was presumably killed on the field Hist. de Chas. VI, eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, 421b, although an impostor, claiming to be Mustafa, appeared in says that Manuel spent “deux ans et demy 4 Paris,” which later years (1416-1421), and we shall have occasion to would be the case if we could discount his two months in take note of his activities in the next volume.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 377 amidst preparations for an expedition against It may be that John VII and the Genoese

China.*9 were seeking to play off Musa against his Suleiman had hardly reached European soil brother Suleiman or that they were trying to deal

when he sent an envoy to Venice (and to other with Timur to the further detriment of the

states as well), urging the Senate to try to Turks. In one way or another John was

hasten the Emperor Manuel’s return to Con- presumably working in his own rather than in stantinople. Suleiman was prepared to look Manuel's interests. In January or early Febupon Manuel as a father, and had no doubt ruary, 1403, Suleiman managed to negotiate at that they would live in true concord with each Gallipoli a treaty of peace with “lo gran imother. Manuel might make free with Ottoman perador Caloiani, imperador di Griesi, mio territory (in Europe) as though it were his own. pare,” as well as with the Hospitallers of Since the Venetians had always been at one Rhodes, Venice, Genoa and the Genoese colony with the emperor, Suleiman wished to be the on Chios, and the duchy of Naxos. By the Republic’s son also, and of course the Vene- treaty Suleiman gave up Thessalonica and the tians might come and go in his territory “as Chalcidic peninsula, together with a wide area though it were their own.” He intended to keep around Constantinople, to John VII, who was

European Turkey open to their trade. On no longer to pay the Turkish tribute. John

7 December, 1402, the Senate informed Su- might also build any fortresses he wished in the leiman’s envoy that they had been doing their ceded areas. Suleiman even promised to debest to persuade Manuel to quicken the pace fend Constantinople: “If there is any attack by of his return to the Bosporus. Suleiman’s Timur [alguna novitade de Tamberlan], 1 will envoy had apparently hinted darkly at certain furnish as many galleys as I have and the machinations of the Byzantine vicegerent John mariners to proceed to Constantinople at my VII and his Genoese allies, which his master expense if there is need.” He surrendered to and Manuel might agree to thwart. Be that as it John the islands of Skopelos, Skiathos, and might, the envoy was assured that, when Man- Skyros. Both Latin and Greek merchants might

uel reached Italy (and Venice), the Senate trade, and pay only the customary tolls and would seek to speed him on his way and to a_ duties, in Suleiman’s domain and in whatever

satisfactory solution of his problems.” other territory he might acquire “si Dio me

dara etiamdio altro paise per mar et per terra.”

39 Alexandrescu-Dersca, La Campagne de Timur, pp.95-96. All his ports would be open to Christian ” Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 57”, dated 7 December, 1402: merchants, who might export as much grain as Capta: Quod respondeatur isti oratori magnifici domini they wished, and his customs officers would not

Zalabi, filii Baysiti, reductus est ortando in partibus th The duty on oneac h “bushel” () ad illa verba que nobisqui dixit parte sua, nos Grecie, ad arasshthem. € Guty shel (mozo suadendum domino imperatori Chiermanoli quod ipse de- of the weight of Constantinople would be fixed beat presto se reducere ad partes Constantinopolis, nam at one hyperpyron.

dispositio sua est esse eius filium et non recedere a Suleiman’s ships would not enter or leave the voluntatibus suis, non dubitans quod ipsi bene erunt in pardanelles without the express “word of the

concordio, quia voluit possit disponerequod, et ordinare d alla the the[[Christi | mH € de terris et locis suis sicut quod de propriis et concludit ©!Peror and ristian] cague.

quia nos fuimus semper unum cum domino imperatore agreed to release the Greek prisoners held by predicto, ipse etiam intendit esse filium nostrum et quod the Turks in his domain, exchange prisoners

possimus in terris et locis suis ire et reverti ut in| with the Genoese and Venetians. and exempt

propriis. . . .” Suleiman promised the Venetians landing . ?

stages (scalae) and freedom of trade in his domains... . the Genoese of Chios, New P hocaea, and the “Ad alteram partem de suadendo domino imperatori Black Sea from the payment of tribute. Since Chiermanoli adventum suum ad has partes et reditum ad_ the Acropolis had just been wrested from the civitatem Constantinopolitanam ut possint esse inconcordio Venetians by Antonio Acciajuoli, son of the late

simul et obstare his que ordinantur per nepotem et Jord Nerio, Suleiman promised to restore it to Januenses, nosdicto dicimus quodperveritas estHequod nos .h preteritis suasimus satis domino imperatori litteras them. also ceded to thediebus Venetians the nostras quod celeriter ipse vellet venire ad has partes et mainland coast opposite the island of Negro-

reducere se ad suum imperium, sperantes quod propter ponte, to a depth of five miles, but he suam immensam sapientiam omnia negotia deinde pone- yetained whatever salt flats and wharfage there

rentur in bono termino et inNotes bonoetordine. . .”125-26. Snatches in th€Hrelnquisne 1; ‘shed Cc th of the text are given by lorga, extraits,. 1, mig ‘tht © mbe € area.

Cf. Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1083, p. 33, and Délger, ——————— Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3292, p. 89, both of whom erroneously (1402). Barker, Manuel I Palaeologus, p. 223, gives the

date Manuel’s departure from Paris on 14 November correct date.

378 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT fortress of Salona to the Hospitallers. In the come. Three Ligurian galleys were assigned to event of either bloodshed or disagreement, _ service “nelle provincie di Levante,” where the Suleiman avowed “che la paxe non se rompa future of the Genoese colony at Pera was ma remagna ferma,” and that any differences inextricably linked with that of Constanwhich might arise should be settled amicably by _ tinople.*® Before his arrival in Genoa, however,

mediation.** Nevertheless, according to Pietro Manuel had sent envoys to Venice, to inform Zeno, the lord of Andros, who spent eight days the Senate of his itinerary and to request at Gallipoli, negotiating the final draft of the transport back to his own country. In answer to treaty with bribery as well as with finesse, the the envoys’ inquiry as to how many galleys the Turks were unhappy about the concessions Signoria would make available pro suo transitu, they were making to the Byzantines. The Turks the Senate stated on 31 January that they must were yielding to the duress of circumstance, for await more precise news than they yet had the reversal of their fortunes had required a_ received concerning conditions in Greece. It

reversal of their policy of aggression against would be soon enough to decide when the

Byzantium. Contrary to the expectations of the emperor reached Venice, and the envoys could time, however, the treaty was to hold for the rest assured that the Senate would act in accord remaining years of Suleiman’s tenure of power. with both the emperor’s honor and that of the

Anxious for a free hand to deal with his Republic. While in Genoa, Manuel offered to brother Musa, Suleiman renewed the treaty try to relieve the growing tension between his

—or one very like it—with Manuel shortly hosts and the Venetians. The latter were after the latter’s arrival back home.” gravely disturbed by the seizure of their ships On the return journey Manuel’s first impor- and the disruption of their trade as a result of tant stop was at Genoa, where he arrived on 22 Genoese operations against young King Janus | January, 1403. His friend Boucicaut, now gov- of Cyprus (1398-1432), who wanted to retake

ernor of the city, gave him an imperial wel- Famagusta from the Ligurian merchants and

——_—___— break their hold upon the island.“ 41 The text exists only in a poor Venetian translation, §—— ~~

for which see Louis de Mas Latrie, “Commerce et ex- 8 Giorgio Stella, Annales genuenses, ad ann. 1403, in péditions militaires de la France et de Venise,” Mélanges RISS, XVII (1730), col. 1196; Uberto Foglietta, Delhistoriques, III (1880), no. Xx, pp. 178-82 (in the Docs. J'Istorie di Genova, bk. 1x, ad ann. 1403, trans. F. Serdonati, inédits sur I’ hist. de France); G. M. Thomas, Diplomatarium Genoa, 1597, p. 390 (reprinted in the Historiae urbium et veneto-levantinum, II (1899, repr. 1965), no. 159, pp. 290-93; regionum Italiae rariores, Bologna, n.d.). Cf. Berger de and especially G. T. Dennis, “The Byzantine-Turkish Treaty Xivrey, pp. 115-16. of 1403,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXXIII (1967), 44 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senatus Secreta, Reg. 1, fol.

72-88. The treaty is dated in January or February, 1403, 86": “Quod respondeatur oratoribus domini Imperatoris because on 20 February of this year two scribes of the Constantinopolitaniad ambaxitam nobis expositam parte sua,

curia in Pera were paid for preparing the text and ex- et primo ad primam partem per quam ipse significavit tracts of the “instrument of peace which has been entered nobis deliberasse de eundo primo Ianuam et causas into [instrumentum pacis inite] by the most serenelordemperor _propter quas et de veniendo postea Venecias ut dehinc and our commune with the league on the one hand and, on __faciat transitum suum ad partes suas. . . . Ad secundam

the other, [by] the illustrious lord ‘Mosorman Jhalabi’ partem in qua fecerunt mentionem quod dictus dominus [Suleiman], lord of the Turks in Greece” (Iorga, Notes et Imperator vellet sentire a nobis quot galeas sibi dare

extraits, I, 58-59). vellemus pro suo transitu antedicto et quo tempore

Venice was represented at the peace conference at paratas, respondeatur quod quia ad presens nos nullam vel Gallipoli by Pietro Zeno, lord of Andros, whose account modicam informationem habemus de factis Romanie. . . , of the negotiations has been published by lorga, id., I, | male possemus sue Maiestati deliberatam responsionem 126~30, and by Dennis, Orient. Christ. periodica, XXXII, dare, sed adveniente huc sua Serenitate, quo tempore cum 82-87. On 2 June the Senate reimbursed Zeno for the Dei gratia speramus habere nova de partibus antedictis, nos expense he had incurred in tractatibus pacis concluse (Dennis, audiemus illa que nobis dicere voluerint superinde et

ibid.. pp. 87-88, and see Karl Hopf, “Geschichte der poterimus providere per illum modum qui nobis videbitur Insel Andros und ihrer Beherrscher in dem Zeitraume von esse cum honore sue Serenitatis et nostro... . ,” and 1207-1566,” Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe cf. lorga, Notes et extraits, I, 131; Thiriet, Régestes, I,

der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, XVI [Vienna, no. 1092, p. 35; Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3293, p. 1855], 78). Cf. also W. Heyd, Hist. du commerce du Levant, 89; Delaville Le Roulx, I, 416-17; George Hill, Hestory

II (1886, repr. 1967), 267-69; Alexandrescu-Dersca, La of Cyprus, Il (1948), 447-53, who does not mention

Campagne de Timur, pp. 105-7, 133; Barker, Manuel HT Manuel.

Palaeologus, pp. 224-27; and (on Suleiman’s promise to On 5 July, 1402, the Senate had informed an envoy return Athens to the Venetians) K. M. Setton and H. W. whom Boucicaut had sent to Venice that he and the Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades, III (1975), 266-67. commune of Genoa were misinformed in their understand-

4 Dennis, in Orient. Christ. periodica, XXXIII, 76-77, ing that Venice had sent military assistance to King

82-83, 85-86. Janus of Cyprus, who was then believed to have Famagusta

MANUEL IT AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 379 According to the chronicler Giorgio Stella, way with as many members of his suite as Manuel left Genoa on 10 February.* Before possible. Manuel was not prepared to move the twenty-sixth he was in Venice, where he _ with such dispatch, however, and made further apprised the Senate of his desire to spend “requisitiones et declarationes sue intentionis et about a month in the Morea to set the despot-__voluntatis,” which caused further disagreement ate in order, for although his brother Theo- in the Senate. Bayazid’s victory at Nicopolis had dore I was ruler there, the Byzantine Morea forecast the extinction of the Byzantine pres-

was part of his empire. He wished too to ence in Constantinople, but his defeat at

foregather (at Mistra) with the envoys whom he Ankara had clothed Manuel once more in the had sent to the Vlachs, Albanians, Serbs, and garb of authority on the Bosporus. The Veneother Christians who dwelt in the area. He had _tians did not want him to leave their city “ita apparently sent an envoy also to “Muslmam male contentus,” and yet they were unwilling to

Zalaperii” (Suleiman), son of the late Bayazid, tie up armed galleys for a month in the

and he wanted to await his reply in the Morea. Morea.*6

When he had gathered the information he In the next few days some progress seemed sought from these sources, he would know to be made, however, for on 5 March the better whether to take the land route to Senate voted to instruct Carlo Zeno, captainConstantinople, which was shorter, or to go by general of the Gulf (the Adriatic), to go sea, which might be safer. The Genoese had immediately with his five galleys to Modon, on offered to send three galleys to Modon to take §—__——— him thence to the Bosporus. Manuel warned “* Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fols. 88-90", dated 26 February the Senate that Christian galleys should patrol to 2 March, 1403: “Cum serenissimus dominus Emanuel the Dardanelles, “and quickly,” lest Timur Beg Imperator . . . rogaverit . . . nostrum dominium quod

E Lurope. Th ; f£ €f salety Chr; faciamus ipsum conduci ad partesmorari Amoree, loco cross over nt Into 0 risten- ipse videtur esse dispositus fortein perquo mensem dom required such action. Manuel had to know unum pro regulando dictas partes Amoree que licet sint

the Venetian response to all this, so that he fratris sui [Theodori] etiam sunt de iurisdictione sui might inform the Genoese government. imperii et pro sciendo opiniones et responsiones Vlacorum, Sh ortly after Mon day, 26 February, Manuel Albanensium, Servorum et aliorum dominorum Christiano. rum circumstancium dictis partibus ad quos misit suos am-

told the Senate that he had now decided to go _baxiatores. . . . [Manuel also expected a Turkish envoy to to Constantinople by water. On 2 March, after come to him in the Morea.] Quia habita informatione a good deal of shilly-shallying, the Senate stated et collatione cum predictis melius potuerit deliberari de that they would immediately arm three galleys transitu suo ad partes Constantinopolis, viz. aut per terram

to hi totothe d whand h que esset viaobtulerint aut per mare, significando nobis quod O take take tum the M Morea, when theybrevior Januenses sibi tres galeas venturas ad partes

arrived there, if he was able to proceed tO Mothoni pro suo transitu ad partes Constantinopolitanas, Constantinople, they would take him all the et etiam avisando nos quod omnino videretur ei neces-

sarlum pro conservatione dicti imperii quod in strictu

—_—— esse debeant et presto galee ad obstandum ne Timerbei under siege (Delaville Le Roulx, I], no. xxiv, pp. 96-97). transeat strictum pro bono Christianitatis . . . ,” and for In December the Senate dispatched Zaccaria Trevisan to the rest, see the summary in lorga, Notes et extraits, I, Boucicaut and the Genoese Council of Anziani to protest 132-33, and cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3294, p. 89. against the Genoese seizure of several Venetian ships with We should perhaps note that although Ducas, Hist. their cargoes and to demand an indemnity (id., II, no. byzantina, chap. 14 (Bonn, p. 56), says that Manuel visited XxV, pp. 99 ff.). The possibility existed of war with the Florence and Ferrara (in the spring of 1400) on his way Genoese, “quia sunt homines superbi et male ostinati” to France, Berger de Xivrey, pp. 116, 119, followed by (p. 107). On 5 May, 1403, the Senate wrote Boucicaut’s Vasiliev, pp. 290-93, believes that Florence and Ferrara lieutenant and the Council of Anziani in Genoa con- were included en route from Genoa to Venice, and that firming Trevisan’s acceptance of their offer of compensation Manuel saw Boniface IX in Florence, for all of which there

“in facto emende et satisfactionis dannorum per gentes et 1s no evidence. In fact a Venetian document of 22 March, galeas vestre comunitatis in insulis Cipri et Rodi nostris 1403, shows that Boniface was then in Rome (Sen. Secreta, civibus et subditis illatorum,” for which payment was to be Reg. 1, fol. 93°). Whatever stops he made along the made on the following 1 September (Sen. Secreta, Reg. way, Manuel went directly from Genoa to Venice.

1, fol. 1017, and note Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 227-28, is mistaken

III, bk. 1x, nos. 262-63, p. 292, and Delaville Le Roulx, in believing that Manuel arrived in Venice in March. The I, 417-20). Boucicaut had already left Genoa with a entries in Iorga, Notes et extraits, 11, 89, which he takes to fleet for the east (on which see below), knowing that a_ refer to the Venetian Senate, relate to the futile actions

settlement was in sight and that the possibility of war of the Senate and Councils of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), on

had been averted. which see below, note 55. Barker’s narrative is confused

45 Stella, Annales genuenses, ad ann. 1403, in RISS, by the fact he dates Manuel’s arrival in Venice almost a XVII, col. 1196E. month too late.

380 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the southwest prong of the Morea, to convey under him.*° The time of the emperor’s departhe emperor with as many as forty persons ture was approaching when on the twenty-sixth from there as far eastward as Vasilipotamo (at the motion, which had been passed in the the mouth of the Eurotas) or Lavatia (Vatika) Collegio, was confirmed in the Senate “that in

or to some other place in the Byzantine order to arm quickly those three galleys of

despotate that he might choose. Manuel had_ which Ser Leonardo Mocenigo is the captain, requested magnis precibus that the galleys should twenty-five men may be taken on for each stop at Modon for at least four days to take the galley with a pay of 15 live a month, and the Empress Helena on board, to which the Senate paymasters of the Armamento are to be so ingave its assent. In any event Zeno was not to — structed.”*)

carry the imperial party beyond Monemvasia, The Senate also appointed Jacopo Suriano and he was not to remain at Manuel’s port of “ambassiator iturus in Romaniam et in partibus disembarkation for more than a single day. If Turchorum” to secure confirmation and extenManuel should see fit to remain in Modon for sion of the Graeco-Latin treaty which Pietro some time or should have to return there, he Zeno had helped to arrange, in January (1403), must be informed that the castellans were with the late Sultan Bayazid’s son Suleiman. If always expressly forbidden to allow any “nota- possible, Suriano was also to seek out “Bayazid’s ble person” to stay there with a retinue of more other son, who 1s in Turkey”— Musa or Isa— than twelve persons. The Senate wanted Man- before proceeding to Constantinople, where he uel to go on into his brother’s territory. He was would make his diplomatic obeisance to either

not to be allowed to stay in Coron. The Senate Manuel II or John VII, depending on who did finally agree, nevertheless, “that if the lord controlled the Byzantine government at the emperor should wish to remain in Modon, he_ time of his arrival. ‘The Senate certainly premay be received with twenty persons in addi- ferred Manuel to the pro-Genoese John, but tion to the empress and her retinue, which has_ chiefly they wanted a stable Byzantium, which been staying with her there in Modon up to would and could honor the commercial and

now. 47 other concessions the Venetians had long enOn the following day (6 March) the Senate joyed on the Bosporus. apparently agreed that Manuel might be “re- Suriano was to go with Mocenigo’s galleys,

ceived” in both Modon and Coron with as which would take the emperor to Modon, many as forty persons, but nothing is recorded where they would await the captain-general of

as to whether he might stay in Coron.*® At the the Gulf. Suriano would have more than same time the Senate made a modest provision enough time to consult with Manuel along the

of £300 for the emperor’s reception at Pola, way, but apparently he was not to deal with Corfu, Modon, and Coron, where he might Manuel officially until he had returned to break the tedium of the return voyage.*® On Constantinople after seeing Bayazid’s “other the tenth and the eleventh the Senate passed son” in Turkey. If he then found Manuel on resolutions to arm the three galleys which were _ the throne, he was to request the renewal of the to take Manuel to Modon. Leonardo Mocenigo long-standing quinquennial truce between Ven-

was now elected captain of the flotilla, with ice and Byzantium, of which Francesco Foscolo three commanders or sopracomiti of galleys had secured the last confirmation a dozen years before (in June, 1390). Since Suriano’s com47 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fols. 90’—91', published in C. N.. —-___ Sathas, ed., Documents inédits relatifs a T histoire de la 50 Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 67": “. .. de armando tres Gréce au moyen age, I (1880), no. 5 pp. 5-6. galeas pro associando serenissimum dominum Imperatorem *8 Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 66"; Sathas, Docs. inédits, II (1881), Constantinopolis,” which is Sanudo’s source in the Vite no. 319, p. 107. Although no vote is given, a cross was de’ duchi di Venezia, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. 789E—790A.

made in the left margin of the register, indicating that 51 Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 70°: “Capta in Collegio: Quod pro the motion was accepted. (Such crosses are never indicated armando presto istas tres galeas, quarum est capitaneus

in Sathas’s volumes.) Ser Leonardus Mocenigo, possint accipi homines xxv pro

49 Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 67": “Quod pro honorando serenis- galea cum soldo librarum quindecim in menses, et sic simum dominum Imperatorem Constantinopolis possint committatur solutoribus Armamenti.” On the enrollment of expendi de pecunia nostri communis per rectores nostros crews for the communal galleys, see Frederic C. Lane,

Corphoi, Mothoni, Coroni et Pole libre CCC ... ,” Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 216 ff., with refs. of which the count of Pola might spend 50 librae; the to the paymasters from the Ufficiali al Armamento, and bailie and captain of Corfu, 50; and the castellans of passim, for the different values of the lira (libra).

Modon and Coron, each 100. 52 F, Miklosich and Jos. Miller, eds., Acta et diplomata, III

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 381 mission appears to be dated 9 April, Mo- The Ragusei had expected the imperial party cenigo’s galleys could not have sailed before to make a courtesy call at their city,** but the

the ninth or tenth of the month.*? Venetian galleys sailed on to Corfu, where the

Manuel could not have left Venice later than bailie and captain of the island had been 9 or 10 April since on or before 14 May the allotted 50 lire to receive the emperor when he

Senate received a letter from Carlo Zeno, landed. Thereafter the course lay through S. captain-general of the Gulf, explaining that the Maura, Cephalonia, and Zante to Modon and commanders or sopracomiti of the galleys on Vasilipotamo, as we have just seen, and disem-

which the emperor had left the lagoon were barking at the mouth of the “royal river,”

claiming payment for thirty-two days’ expenses. Manuel went up the Eurotas valley to Mistra, The date of Zeno’s letter is not given. It would _ the capital of the despotate.

seem to have been written before the expira- Having deposited the emperor in Modon or tion of the period which the galley command- somewhere in the despotate, Carlo Zeno was ers knew would amount to thirty-two days. directed to join to the galleys already assigned

Although the Senate was willing for Zeno to _.

pay the commanders of the “galleys of Crete,’ dicto capitaneo Culfi quod debeat dare supracomitis Crete

on which Manuel, the empress, and eight pro expensis predictis pro tribus diebus id quod sibi

attendants had traveled from Modon to Vasi- Videbitur iustum—pro supracomitis vero de Venetiis, lipotamo, the three days’ expenses they re- licet habuerint ducatos centum pro facto predicto, prod ‘ h 7 f h T hi : had videatur in eorum reditu Venetias prout videbitur iustum.” quested, the sopracomit: of the alleys which na The resolution was passed de parte 51, non 22, non taken the emperor from Venice had already _ sinceri 17.

54 , Ve ij

received 100 ducats for expenses, and would In March, 1403, the Ragusan Senate (Consilium have to await their return to Venice for an egatorum, Viete Umoljenih) sought and received authority

: from the Grand Council (Consilium Maius, Veliko Vijeée) to

accounting and final settlement. expend small sums of money “in honorando Imperatorem

——__—____— Constantinopolitanum” (see M. A. Andreeva, “Zur Reise

( 1865, repr. 1968), no. xxx, pp. 135-43; Thomas, Manuels II. Palaiologos nach Westeuropa,” Byzantinische Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, II, no. 135, pp. 224-29; Zeitschrift, XXXIV [1934], 37-47, 351, and cf. lorga, Notes Predelli, Regesti det Commem., I1I, bk. vu, no. 347, pp. ¢ extraits, II, 89, and B. Krekic, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant

207-8, and cf. nos. 168 and 187. According to the truce of au moyen dge, Paris and The Hague, 1961, pp. 44-45, 1390 the Byzantine government owed Venice 17,163 and régestes nos. 511, 513-14, pp. 247-48). hyperpyra, which remained unpaid in 1403 ¢f. Délger, Those who publish texts and régestes of documents bear a

Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3192, pp. 72-73). particular responsibility which, great scholar though he was, *3 Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 72", dated 5 April, 1403. Suriano’s N. Iorga sometimes failed to meet. Even a trivial error

commission, which seems to be dated the ninth, is given on can have unhappy consequences. Adreeva, op. cit., has folfols. 73” —75¥. It lacks the cross in the left-hand margin of the lowed Iorga’s erroneous summary in the Notes et extraits, I,

register, but was clearly put into effect since on 2 May the 133, of the Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 67°, to the effect that “le

Senate ordered Suriano to proceed on his journey, pre- sénat vénitien donne des instructions pour les deux

sumably from Modon, to treat with the Turks concerning galéres quiaccompagnerontl’ empereur de Constantinople.” the peace: If Manuel was using the galleys, Suriano was As a result Andreeva, pp. 38, 45, has proposed an untento go in two cogs that were available in the port (Misti, able hypothesis as to why Manuel did not stop at Ragusa.

Reg. 46, fol. 79’, with the marginal cross). Iorga, Notes et Believing that the Venetian Senate put two galleys at

extraits, 1, 136—37, 138, gives summaries of the commission Manuel's sole disposal on 11 March, Andreeva sees a

of 9 April and the senatorial resolution of 2 May. “change of plan,” when on 24 March Suriano was elected Suriano was to go “ad alterum filium Baysiti qui est in to go on an embassy to the Turks [Misti, Reg. 46, fol. Turchia antequam ires in Constantinopolim” (Misti, Reg. 46, 69°], and Manuel was to go with him, in the three galleys fol. 74"). By that time it should be clear who was going to commanded by Leonardo Mocenigo. Manuel would have be emperor. Suriano was, however, to deal with John VII been “Befehlshaber” of the two galleys and could or would “In casu . . . quo dictus dominus imperator Emanuel non _ have put into Ragusa, Andreeva thinks, but he was “only a

Intrasset in imperio et quod in tuo reditu a filio Baysiti guest on board” the flotilla of three, and the Venetians de partibus Turchie imperator Chaloianni foret in imperio” did not wish to stop at Ragusa, which belonged [theoretically]

(ibid., fol. 75°). to the hostile King Sigismund. This explanation falls to ” Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 83%, dated 14 May: “Cum nobilis the ground with the correction of lorga’s unfortunate slip

vir Ser Karolus Geno [Carlo Zeno] capitaneus generalis Culfi (see above, note 50). Although the Venetian Senate heard

scripserit nobis quod a Mothono usque Vasilipotomum and voted on various resolutions relating to the emperor's supracomiti galearum Crete super quibus erat dominus passage, and changed their mind more than once, they Imperator Emanuel et domina Imperatrix cum sua_ had intended from the start that Manuel should leave Venice commitiva in summa personis vill fecerunt expensas eis in Mocenigo’s three galleys. pro tribus diebus nichil accipiendo ab eis, similiter etiam | On Iorga’s remarkable career as scholar and patriot, see quod facta fuit expensa domino Imperatori predicto et sue D. M. Pippidi, ed., Nicolas Iorga, homme et Voeuvre, & comitive per supracomitos galearum de Venetiis pro diebus_ occasion du centiéme anniversaire de sa naissance, Bucharest,

XXXII... , vadit pars quod respondeatur et mandetur 1972.

382 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to him the four “galleys of Crete” as well as the to his needs was probably due less to the ties of

galleys Trevisana and Truna. He was then to their colony at Pera with Constantinople than head for Crete with all speed “to get the news” to those of their governor with Manuel. The and to learn how Venetian shipping was faring intrepid marshal was determined to employ the

at Genoese hands in the Levant. It might be resources of Genoa, at home and abroad, necessary to send a galley to Rhodes for against the infidels in the Levant, especially information. Thereafter he was to hasten back against the Turks. Boucicaut was the archwith the galleys to the eastern shores of the crusader of his time. He believed that the Ionian Sea between Corfu and Modon and to disaster which had overtaken the Turks at await further orders.** The Genoese were Ankara made it possible for the Christians to known to be preparing a fleet to go to Cyprus, avenge the defeat in which he had himself where they were having trouble. They would shared at Nicopolis. Besides their colony at

bear watching, which was the chief reason for Pera or Galata, across the Golden Horn from the Venetian Senate’s unwillingness to tie up Manuel’s capital, the Genoese possessed Caffa galleys by waiting for Manuel in the Morea or in the Crimea, trading stations on the Sea of

to provide him with a naval guard of honor to Azov, the island of Chios, and the port of

Constantinople. Famagusta on the east coast of Cyprus, the As Manuel rode the short distance north- main depot in transit for goods coming from

ward to his brother’s court, his mind must have Egypt and Syria.*®

wandered back to the events of recent months King Janus’s abortive attempt to regain posas well as forward to reunion with his family. In session of Famagusta, which the Genoese had recollection he doubtless contrasted the grand acquired in their extraordinary expedition of

welcome he had received from the Genoese thirty years before (in 1373-1374), now gave (they had given him 3,000 florins, and appar- the adventurous Marshal Boucicaut the pretext ently promised him three galleys for defense he needed to return to the Levant. A quick against the Turks)*’ with the cool caution he sketch of the background may be helpful. The had met in Venice, where the Senate’s decision Cypriote chroniclers Machaeras, Strambaldi, not to take him farther east than Monemvasia Amadi, and Florio Bustron deal at length with had left his transportation back to Constan- the events. So does the late Sir George Hill. tinople in doubt. The response of the Genoese Besides Famagusta the Genoese had also taken

Paphos and Nicosia and seized young King 56 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 91°, dated 9 March, 1403: Peter II as well; Kyrenia had held out against “. . , Vadit pars quod scribatur et mandeturcapitaneo nostro them under Peter’s uncle James, the constable quod deposito et dimisso domino Imperatore Emanuele aut of “Jerusalem,” for which he paid with a long, in Mothono aut in aliquo loco domini capte despot secundum cruelmateria imprisonment in Genoa. continentlam partis pridie super hac e ato ° . It was almost the ordine quod "galea Trevisana, Sl nundinum applicuerit end of the independent kingdom of Cyprus. Mothonum, sequatur ipsum capitaneum, et si applicuerit What the double-dealing of the Lusignan leadducendo eam secum, debeat in bona gratia, si quatuor ership (which included Peter II’s interfering galee Crete nundinum applicuerint Mothonum sicut est mother Eleanor of Aragon) had not succeeded credendum, ire quam velocius poterit in Candidam cum in Josing, was gained by the treachery of the galeis sibl commissis tam pro senciendo nova et specialiter Genoese who violated their solemn oaths quem modum observaverunt galee et navigia Januensium ? versus naves nostras quam etiam principaliter ad solicitan- (made on the gospels and at the altar) as dum expeditionem et exitum dictarum galearum Crete. . . . though salvation were a commodity which they [If there was a ceanth of news an rere Zeno was te could later purchase at their leisure. Gon ocse wcevites after, which he was to return with the The Genoese expedition had been financed galleys, including the Trevisana, to the area of Modon and by a joint-stock company, formed for the Corfu. He could expect further instructions at Corfu.] Etut purpose, which survived for decades and paid armata nostra sit forcior propter casus qui possent occur- dividends to the investors and their heirs (in rere mandetur capitaneo nostro quod inveniendo galeam the “Old Mahona of Cyprus”).°9 Peter II “the Trunam debeat ipsam ducere secum. ... [The galea

arn O ele

Truna, so-called because Eustachio Truno was its sopra- ——————

comitus, might need refitting, in which case Zeno should 58Qn the Genoese possessions in the Levant when attend to the matter. If an emergency arose concerning Boucicaut became governor of the city and its surroundings which the Senate should know, a galley could be sent to (in October, 1401), note the Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III,

Parenzo (Porec), whence a ferry service was maintained pt. u, chap. Ix, pp. 619-20, and eds. Michaud and

with Venice.].” Poujoulat, II, pt. , chap. cited, pp. 265-66. 57 Stella, Annales genuenses, in RISS, XVII, col. 1196D. 59The Old Mahona was not “created in 1383 to re-

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 383 Fat” recovered Paphos and his capital of a letter to Carlo Zeno. Boucicaut had sailed Nicosia, but at his death in October, 1382, the that very day although the Senate had no Genoese were firmly entrenched in Famagusta, means of knowing so.*t When Mocenigo which in fact they were to hold until January, reached the Morea, his three galleys would 1464. Peter’s uncle, the Constable James, suc- strengthen Carlo Zeno’s fleet, which would ceeded him as king of Cyprus and titular king then consist of thirteen galleys. From some of Jerusalem (1383-1398). At the time of his vantage point (it would be Modon) Zeno royal inheritance, however, James was still a was to watch the passage of the Genoese prisoner in Genoa. His eldest son Janus, with “armada,” which the Senate knew to contain whom Boucicaut was now involved, had been ten galleys (one of them a grossa), including the

born in Genoa, and was named after the galley on which de la Faye had already sailed to supposed prince of Troy whom legend had Cyprus some days before. Boucicaut also had made the founder of the city. Upon his release six large transports (naves magne) with 600 James was held to owe the Mahona an indem- lances aboard, there being two men to a lance, nity of 952,000 florins. Considering all the and 600 horses besides two cogs (coche) which

other expenses which the kings of Cyprus had had left port earlier with 700 foot to join a to face, this was beyond the capacity of the Genoese naval force already in the Levant.®

Lusignan dynasty to meet. eS James bequeathed this debt as well as the *' On Boucicaut’s departure from Genoa, see Stella, problem of recovering Famagusta to his son Annales genuenses, ad ann. 1403, in RISS, XVII, col. 1197, Janus, who succeeded neither in paying the one who says that he had nine galleys, “among which are nor jNIv; the oth Af his fail reckoned the three galleys sent ahead for the emperor of solving co er. ter Is Tauure tO the Greeks,” seven ships (naves), a gallera grossa, and a horseretake Famagusta Ina desultory siege, Janus transport (uscherrum). Cf. the following note.

sent to Genoa an envoy who managed to Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 94°, dated 4 April, 1403:

negotiate a “concord” with Boucicaut and the “Cum per ea que habemus de partibus Janue armata

Council of Anziani. In late March. 1403 Januensis aut exivit aut exiet . .. , vadit pars quod in

Boucicaul . dij hdispatc a fri ?ed?hisbona scribatur etnomine mandetur dictocum capitaneo nostro friendgratia and confidant quod in Jesu Christi omnibus galeis sibi

Ermite de la Faye to Cyprus to demand of commissis et cum istis tribus aliis nostris galeis quas

King Janus the surrender of Kyrenia as a. Mittimus ad eius obedientiam sub capitaneatu Ser Leonardi pledge of good faith for his observatio concordii Mocenigo ponendo bene omnes in puncto et in ordine before the marshal should arrive in Cvorus debeat tenere modum omnino de inveniendo se suo posse in with the Genoese fleet (which was, incidentally, putamus per totum mensem Marcii elapsi exivisse de financed by a new mahona). In Genoa at least Janua, viz. numero galee novem et una grossa, quarum the destination of the fleet seems to have been qa_ "4 dicitur ante per aliquos dies recessisse et ivisse ad

; . _ in YP loco in quo videat transitum armate Januensis quam

well-kept secret, for on 24 March (1403) an scendum son de Ce oe Reais i foetin” domint

themercantue mercantile h £ofArdi Ricci GareBucichaldi _,castrumpro depignore Cerines fortia domini agent of£the house Ardingo Riccl_ et [Kyrenia] observationeinconcordii tractati wrote the Valencian factors of the Pratese per ambaxiatorem dicti domini regis cum Januensibus.

merchant Francesco Datini, “They are getting Dicitur etiam et asseritur quod simul cum dictis galeis debent

the fleet ready. Two ships are leaving toda exire de Janua sex naves magne cum sexcentis lanceis Within fift d h ll Il et Yad duos pro lancea cum equis sexcentis ultra alias duas in een ays C € galleys will go. INO ONE cochas que ante recesserant cum VIIc. peditibus pro knows where they’re going. May God grant coniungendo se cum aliis suis galeis que sunt in partibus

them victory!” Levantis. . . .” A resolution of the Venetian Senate of 4 The Genoese galea grossa in Boucicaut’s fleet was doubt-

April a few d bef. ML less an armed merchant ¢f. F. On C. 24 Lane, Venice pr » a(1403), tew Gays betore Manuel 11IL telllef ond History, Baltimore, 1966,galley pp. 367-68). March the

Venice on Mocenigo’s galleys, was transmitted in Senate had ordered the commander of a galley, “que est in

—_—______—- partibus M’enie[?],” to sail toward Corfu to join the captainestablish James I on the throne [of Cyprus],” as stated by general Zeno and thus add another galley to the Venetian Delaville Le Roulx, I, 431, but ten years earlier, on which fleet (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 93). note Louis de Mas Latrie, Histoire de ’ ile de Chypre, II (Paris, The author of the Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, 1852, repr. Brussels and Famagusta, 1970), 366-68, and pt. 1, chaps. x1-x11, pp. 621a, 622b, and eds. Michaud and

George Hill, Hist. of Cyprus, Il (1948), 385-86, with Poujoulat, I, pt. 1, chaps. cited, pp. 267a, 268a, says that

references. Boucicaut left Genoa on 3 April with eight galleys, and ® Renato Piattoli, “La Spedizione del Maresciallo Boucicaut _ that the hostile Venetians “si armérent hastivement et sans contro Cipro ed i suoi effetti dal carteggio di mercanti révéler leur intention treize galées. . . .” According to the fiorentini,” Giornale storico e letterario della Liguria, n.s., VI Venetian chronicler Antonio Morosini, Boucicaut began his

(1929), 134. This article is hereafter abbreviated as expedition with twelve galleys and six armed cogs (Chronique,

Piattoli, “Spedizione.” eds. Lefévre-Pontalis and Dorez, I [1898], 26, 30). Em-

384 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT According to Boucicaut’s biographer, he in- Boucicaut’s biographer, “in honor of God and tended to use the fleet not only against the king Christendom, that he should be willing to (if that should prove necessary) but also against afford him comfort and passage as far as such infidels as he might find accessible by Constantinople. The marshal replied that he

sea.™ would do so most willingly, and whatever else Boucicaut planned to stop first at Rhodes, he could. Thereupon he ordered four galleys there to await the results of |’ Ermite de la_ to escort him, and he gave command of them Faye’s mission to Cyprus. He had hardly “passed to the good seigneur de Chateaumorand.” the kingdom of Naples,” however, and entered Manuel was soon ready to depart, and the the Ionian Sea when he learned of the exis- marshal himself went with the convoy to Cape tence of Carlo Zeno’s fleet. At twenty miles S. Angelo (the Malean promontory), where

from Modon he acquired the more precise messengers came to them from Zeno. The

information that Zeno had (according to the Venetians were willing, if Boucicaut so advised Livre des faits) thirteen galleys anchored in the them, to add four galleys of their own to the shelter of Sapienza. Suspicious of the Vene- Genoese squadron. His answer was “que ce tians, he sent a herald ahead to make inquiries, seroit trés bien faict, et grand honneur a la but could ascertain nothing of their intentions. Seigneurie de Venise. . . .” Having lacked the Boucicaut therefore approached Modon with means of getting home, Manuel could now sail

his galleys ready for action, “en trés belle off to the Bosporus under the safeguard of ordonnance,” and was doubtless surprised eight galleys. He had set out from Constan-

when the Venetians advanced to meet him “a tinople three and one-half years before, and

grande joye et feste.” Thereupon French, now came back on 9 June, 1403," to what Genoese, and Venetians made their way to- looked like a safer world than the one he had gether into port. The reception was so cordial, left. So far was John VII from opposing we are told, that the marshal divested himself Manuel’s return that he went out to Gallipoli

of all suspicion of the hospitable Zeno. At to receive him, doubtless with appropriate Modon, Boucicaut found messengers from the _ honors.® Emperor Manuel, who “for God and in honor Boucicaut was willing to tolerate this delay in of chivalry” wished to confer with him before reaching Cyprus, because he hoped that with

he resumed his voyage eastward, “for [the sufficient time I Ermite de la Faye would be emperor] was in the Morea, twenty miles successful in dealing with King Janus. Accord-

inland.” Boucicaut immediately sent Jean de _ ing to his biographer, the marshal now set sail

Chateaumorand and Giovanni Centurione for Rhodes with his remaining four galleys d’Oltramare ahead to receive the emperor; it will (although he may have had six, plus the

be recalled that Centurione was the Genoese transports mentioned in the Venetian Senate's

admiral in the Barbary Crusade. letter of 4 April to Zeno). The nine galleys, Rounding Cape Matapan, Boucicaut himself which Zeno still had left, followed Boucicaut awaited Manuel at Vasilipotamo. The emperor doggedly: “when he went, they went; when he

came with the empress and their children.

“The said emperor asked him very gently,” Says 6The date is provided by an unpublished work of

——_——_——_—— Macarius, the metropolitan of Ancyra (Ankara), quoted by manuele Piloti provides him with eight galleys and 2,500 men _‘Paul Gautier, “Action de graces de Démétrius Chrysoloras a

aboard ten “ships” (naves), for which see Pierre-Herman la Théotocos pour I anniversaire de la bataille d’ Ankara Dopp, ed., Traité . . . sur le Passage en Terre Sainte (1420), (28 juillet 1403),” Revue des études byzantines, XIX (1961),

Louvain and Paris, 1958, p. 191. 345-46. Gautier cites the work from Cod. Paris. gr. 1379, 8 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, Ill, pt. u, chap. x1, p. fol. 74. Note also Iorga, Notes et extraits, I, 62, a payment 62la, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. u, chap. of five perpert being made by the commune of Pera on 15 cited, p. 267a: “Mais mieux ne luy sembla pouvoir June, 1403, “. . . pro Bartholomeo Gallo, patrono unius employer son temps que sur els ennemis de la foy. Et pour bregantini armati, pro eundo obviam dominum imperace délibéra son voyage 4 double intention: c’ est 4 torem.” Cf. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 237-38.

scavoir sur le roy de Cypre, au cas a raison ne se 6&5 On 23 June the commune of Pera disbursed nine

mettroit, et puis contre les mescréans.” Boucicaut’s coming perperi “pro Pambello de Spignano, et sunt pro expensis attacks upon Mamluk Syria would involve him in serious per eum et socios factis in cibo et potu, his diebus, difficulties with Venice, on which see below, and cf. the brief quando fuerunt missi cum domino imperatore Calojane

sketch in Michel de Boiard, Les Origines des guerres super galeam usque Galipolim, ubi tunc existebat dominus d’Italie: La France et Ultalie au temps du Grand Schisme imperator Chir Manoli” (lorga, Notes et extraits, I, 62). d’Occident, Paris, 1936, pp. 259-80 (Bibliothéque des Ecoles On the later history of John VII, see Barker, Manuel IT

francaises d’ Athénes et de Rome, fasc. 139). Palaeologus, pp. 238-45.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 385 stopped, they stopped.” The marshal is said to Boucicaut agreed, “the master of Rhodes have been pleased by the fact that the Vene- forthwith boarded his galley, and so did tians were accompanying him, “et que tous 1’Ermite de la Faye, who had his own galley, and d’un bon vouloir allassent courir sus aux mes-_ the galley from Mytilene was to go with them, créans.” He sent a messenger to inform Zeno and thus with three galleys they went off to the that, when he had made peace with the king of king of Cyprus.”® Cyprus, he was going to attack the Moslems in All this time Carlo Zeno had kept Boucicaut’s what seemed to him an “emprise bonne et belle fleet under close surveillance. He wrote the et honnorable.” By joining him in this crusade, Venetian Senate from the islands of Patmos on Zeno could: share the honor and glory that 29 May and Stampalia (Astypalaea) on 14 June, would redound to their combined efforts. The describing Boucicaut’s activities and his own up

Venetian captain thanked him for this gener- to the latter date. He naturally apprised the ous offer, and promised him an answer in two Senate of Philibert de Naillac’s departure for

or three days, when he should have reached Cyprus to see whether Janus could not be Rhodes. In the Hospitaller stronghold the induced to meet the Genoese demands. A grand master Philibert de Naillac received compromise would avoid a conflict which Boucicaut with appropriate honors, and con- would deflect Boucicaut from his proposed ducted him into the palace [now restored by “crusade,” if we may apply the term to his the Italians], “qui moult est bel et hault, assis proposed attacks upon the Mamluk coasts. au dessus de la ville. . . . La mangérent en- Zeno’s letters arrived in Parenzo on 6 July, semble et parlérent de plusieurs choses.” carried by the galley Trevisana, and the Senate Among the things they talked about, we may sent him an expression of their general apsafely assume, were the Nicopolis Crusade and proval four days later. They were also glad to

the situation in Cyprus. learn that Zeno had written to the Venetian Boucicaut was hardly ensconced in the palace consul in Alexandria, who was undoubtedly when he received word from Zeno that the instructed to inform the soldan’s government Venetian fleet could not join him ina campaign in Cairo of Boucicaut’s hostile intentions.”

against the “Saracens.” As captain-general of | Zeno soon had more news for the Senate. the fleet he would need—and did not have— Boucicaut was determined not to waste his time

authorization from the Signoria to embark while the grand master was negotiating with upon such a venture. Despite the impression Janus. Taking counsel with the Rhodian created by his biographer, it is hard to believe knights and with his Genoese officers, he that Boucicaut expected any other answer. If decided to attack “un bel chastel et ville que on

he felt disappointment, however, it was cer- nomme Lescandelour,” the Turkish port of

tainly allayed by Chateaumorand’s arrival with Alanya (Arabic ‘Alaya), the Italian Candeloro, five galleys and three galiots (besides the four on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Adalia. It

galleys of the imperial convoy to Constan- was a commercial center and a well-defended tinople). They had been provided by the fortress, conveniently on Boucicaut’s way to commune of the Genoese at Pera, their com- Cyprus. His biographer says that he landed 800

patriots on Chios, and the Gattilusio of Aenos_ knights and squires, gens de grande eslite; all told, and Mytilene. If Boucicaut had ten galleys to —————— start with, as the Venetian Senate believed, he 8 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chaps. xtI—xIv, now had fifteen as well as three galiots and PP: 622-24, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. u, eight transports,.?because at this timeJacopo I’ Ermite chaps. cited, pp. 268-70. Carlo Zenos grandson and biographer Zeno, bishop of Feltre and Belluno de la Faye arrived from Cyprus. He brought (1447-1460) and later of Padua (until his death in 1481), the disturbing news that he could not persuade Vita Caroli Zeni, vi, ed. Gasparo Zonta, in the new King Janus to accept an “accord de paix.” Muratori, RISS, XIX, pt. 6 (1941, repr. 1968), 101-2, also Boucicaut announced it meant war. He or- recounts Boucicaut’s invitation to join him In a campaign dered his galley prepared, his on against the Moslems in Syria and Zeno’s declination beanhorses causeputonly the Venetian Senate could exercise the belli board, and the army mobilized for the voyage pacisque iura. The account of the Emperor Manuel’s reto Cyprus. The Hospitallers were aghast at the turn to Constantinople in G. Schlumberger, Byzance et prospect of another war between the Lusignan cronsades (1927), pp. 137-42, merely foriows perecr de and the Genoese. The grand master asked (1886), 49496 in orefer ae errors. Delaville Le Roulx, |

. . . , , is preferable.

Boucicaut to hold off, proposing himself to go —_* Helaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxvul, pp. 114-15, letter

to Cyprus to reason with Janus. When _ of the Senate to Zeno, dated 10 July, 1403.

386 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT he had about 3,000 combatants, eager for “the by the master and convent “in secure custody.” success of the Christian faith and to increase The whole indemnity was to be paid in annual their renown.” On the second day of the assault instalments of 15,000 ducats; the jewels and the forces of which Chateaumorand had been plate would be returned to Janus part passu with

given the command seized the harbor and _ his liquidation of the debt. Penalties were lower town; the Genoese plundered the provided for default. Boucicaut was himself to warehouses, and burned nine vessels in the be adjudicator of the question of war-guilt, i.e., anchorage. The emir of the place was at five whether the Genoese expedition had in fact days’ distance, making war in Turkish fashion been unjustified (si injusta fuerit causa dicte upon his brother. Hurrying back, he met only armate). If so, some or all of the pledge of bafflement and defeat as he tried to strike at his jewels and plate and the money paid would be

Christian assailants. He begged Boucicaut for restored to Janus, but since Boucicaut had

peace, promising “that he would always be his organized the expedition, his judgment on this friend, and the friend of the Genoese also—he point could be anticipated.

would render him every service he could, and Boucicaut was also to reconsider the late offered his power and lordship to aid him King James’s unfulfilled obligations, which against the king of Cyprus.” Since Boucicaut Janus had called illa gravia et importabilia sibi et was still uncertain whether or not he was going =regno suo. Here, too, the marshal’s word was to

to find himself at war with Janus—and Can- be law. Captives taken by both sides in the deloro would be an excellent source of recent conflict were to be released. Confiscated supplies—he and his counselors accepted the property was to be restored. Finally, Janus emir’s proposal of peace and friendship. The agreed to make annual payments to the Old valiant crusaders apparently found nothing Mahona of 121,000 “old bezants of Nicosia” incongruous about accepting Moslem assistance (about 30,000 ducats) until he had discharged

against a Christian prince. Two weeks after this long-standing indebtedness. Here again, their landing in Candeloro they reboarded however, Boucicaut might lessen the amount to their galleys with a feeling of achievement.® be paid each year and thus lengthen the period The news was immediately forthcoming that of payment.® Famagusta of course remained Philibert de Naillac, Ermite de la Faye, and in the hands of the Genoese, to whose commerother interested persons had brought King cial monopoly the Venetian merchant EmJanus to terms in Cyprus. By a treaty signed at manuele Piloti attributed the decline of the the royal palace in Nicosia on 7 July, 1403, “in _ port.”

the small room which overlooks the street by Despite some face-saving clauses, the treaty the river,” Janus undertook to reimburse the meant that Janus had capitulated. Boucicaut’s New Mahona to the extent of 150,000 gold acceptance was a foregone conclusion; he had ducats “for whatever losses and expenses have probably dictated the essential terms to thus far been caused the Genoese.” In other Philibert de Naillac before the latter’s deparwords Janus was to pay the costs of Boucicaut’s ture for Cyprus. Eager to begin operations expedition up to the date of the agreement. As against the “mescréans,” Boucicaut made a

a guarantee that he would discharge this hurried four days’ Visit to Cyprus “pour cerobligation Janus was immediately to deposit tifier et confirmer la paix.” His biographer with the grand master and the convent of assures us that Janus received him with great Rhodes 70,000 ducats’ worth of jewels and gold honor, which is very likely, and wanted to give and silver plate. Crown property was to serve as_ him 25,000 ducats as a gesture of esteem, collateral for the remaining 80,000 ducats, and which is less likely. In any event the marshal is public instruments to this effect were to be held said to have refused the money; instead he

—_—_—__ asked Janus to give him men-at-arms and 88 Vivre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. u, chaps. XV-XVH, pp.

624-27, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 1, chaps. ~~

cited, pp. 270-73. The Venetian chronicler Antonio %° Mas Latrie, Hist. de I’ ile de Chypre, U, 466-71, with Morosini states that Boucicaut withdrew his forces from notices in Delaville Le Roulx, I, 431-32, and Hill, Candeloro, because they had been “so badly mauled” Hist. of Cyprus, I, 454-55. (Chronique, I [1898], 56, 58, si mal tratady). The two weeks Piloti, Traité . . . sur le Passage en Terre Sainte (1420),

they spent there ran from 29 June to 12 July (bid., Louvain and Paris, 1958, pp. 126-28, and ed. Baron de I, 60, 65, notes). Stella, Ann. genuenses, ad ann. 1403,in RISS, Reiffenberg, in the Monuments pour servir a I’ histoire des XVII, cols. 1199E-—1200A, has also described the Genoese provinces de Namur, de Hainaut et de Luxembourg, IV (1846),

attack upon Candeloro. 366-67 (see above, Chapter 14, note 136).

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 387 galleys, “and the king replied that he would do The city was one of the centers of Venetian so willingly.” Janus did give him two galleys, trade in the far-eastern Mediterranean (the

we are told, “although one of them disap- other being Alexandria). Boucicaut had the

peared, because the crew were corsairs.” Pre- booty from Beirut sent to Famagusta, where it vented by adverse winds from landing at was all sold at auction to the obvious advantage Alexandria and attacking the city which Peter | of the Genoese, a fact which the author of the of Lusignan had left in ruins almost forty years Livre des faits glosses over in silence.”

before, Boucicaut turned his attention to the The marshal’s next objective was “Sayete,” coastal towns of Syria. He announced Tripolias the ancient Sidon (medieval Sagitta, Arabic his objective, and was determined to go there Saida’). He found the port “bien fourny de “notwithstanding the fact that the Genoese Sarrasins, qui en belle bataille |’ attendoient,” advised him to return to Genoa, and said that more than 12,000 of them on horse and foot. he had done enough.” Boucicaut had already The good squire Jean d’ Ony led a landing informed Carlo Zeno that, when peace had party, but contrary winds and a rough sea been achieved in Cyprus, he intended to pro- impeded the operation. Boucicaut’s biographer ceed against “les ennemis de la foy:”’ his compares the crusaders’ efforts to those of

biographer insists that the Venetians had Leonidas with his 300 “knights” at Therbroadcast his hostile intentions “par toutes les mopylae against the host of Xerxes, king of

terres des Sarrasins ... tant en Egypte Persia. The fighting lasted five hours. As at

comme en Syrie.” Tripoli, Boucicaut’s forces are alleged to have After a costly attempt to take Tripoli, where taken the port, but it would have been imprac-

the port and shoreline were “covered with ticable to try to hold it. Saracens,” who were waiting to receive him, Taking to the sea again, the Christian raiders Boucicaut moved some miles south to Botron were driven by the winds in a_ northerly (al-Batrun) which, lacking an adequate defense, direction to “La Liche,” the ancient Laodicea was pillaged and burned.”’ The Moslem in- (medieval Lichia, Arabic al-Ladhigiyah). The habitants were “tous mis a mort.” Continuing fleet had become separated during the night. south, the fleet arrived before Beirut on the Boucicaut had only a quarter of his galleys on morning of 10 August, 1403. The Genoese had hand for action. Many of his men were sick and just captured a Venetian gripperie, a small, fast wounded. He sent Giovanni Centurione in a cutter with some two dozen oars. The skipper galley to take a close look at the two towers confessed after some persuasion that he was _ which guarded the entrance to the harbor; he spreading the news of the “the marshal’s wanted to make a landing the following morncoming,” throughout Mamluk territory. Beirut ing, and in the meantime he pulled his other was also sacked and put to the torch, to the galleys farther offshore. ‘There seemed to be no vast indignation of the Venetians, whose more than 3,000 Saracens in the defense force. warehouses were plundered of 500 bales or Mistaking the withdrawal of the galleys for a bundles (coly) of spices worth 30,000 ducats.” retreat, however, and wanting Boucicaut to

———____— leave, the Saracen commanders brought their ™ Boucicaut’s attacks upon Tripoli ard Botron occupied men out of ambush “from behind a highland

7-9 August. They are both omited from Antonio and a wooded area . . . between the town and

Morosini’s account, but are mentioned by the contemporary 3 “

Moslem chroniclers (cf. the notes of Lefévre-Pontalis in the port.” Actually there were “a full 30,000

the Chronique d’ Antonio Morosini, 1 [1898], 64-65). The ————————

author of the Livre des faits describes at length the Bernardo Morosini’s letter of 21 August in Sanudo,

heroism of the French and Genoese at Tripoli, where Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 800-1: “[Bucicaldo e i they were victorious but did not attempt to hold the port. Genovesi] rubarono balle 200 di boccasini e colli 200 in 250 Emmanuele Piloti, however, says that Boucicaut met such_ di spezie nostre, abbrugiando le case de’ nostri fattori, le opposition in the first landing of troops at Tripoli that quali prima furono messe a saccomano.” M. de Boiard,

he fled from the scene (Pierre-Herman Dopp, ed., Traité. . . Les Origines des guerres d’ Italie (1936), p. 268, erroneously sur le Passage en Terre Sainte [1420], Louvain and Paris, dates Boucicaut’s arrival at Beirut on 19 August, in which

1958, p. 197), which fact is confirmed by Bernardo he is followed by Dopp, op. cit., p. 197, note. Morosini, Venetian vice-bailie in Cyprus, in a letter dated 73 Somewhat later in his narrative, however, the author 21 August to the colonial government of Candia for trans- does mention that the Venetians had suffered at Beirut

mission to Venice (the text of the letter is given in “trop grand dommaige en leurs marchandises” (Livre des Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII [1733], cols. faits, ed. Buchon, III, p. u, chap. Xxv, p. 635a, and eds.

800-1), Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. u, chap. cited, p. 280a). With ” Chronique d’ Antonio Morosini, eds. Lefévre-Pontalis and the news of the sack of Beirut the price of cotton Dorez, I, 62-70; cf. Piloti, Traité, ed. Dopp, p. 197, and rose in Italy (Piattoli, “Spedizione,” p. 135).

388 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Saracens, who all came down to the shore, trade and the reputation of the Genoese in yelling and screaming like devils from hell.” Egypt and Syria. He adds, however, that if

Recovering from their astonishment, Boucicaut Boucicaut had attacked Alexandria with his ten and his Genoese followers “looked upon it as a__ ships and fourteen galleys immediately after his

miracle of our Lord, who of his grace had first arrival in Rhodes (at the beginning of June),

wanted to save them.” he would have taken the city with great profit to

Boucicaut saw that further effort against the Christendom and great honor to himself, “de Moslems would be futile. His forces were quoy il fist tout le contraire.”” inadequate, many of his men sick and wounded, What followed was to become one of the and his galleys doubtless the worse for wear. better-known episodes in the adventurous

In late August he sailed for Famagusta, where career of Carlo Zeno as well as in the annals of he spent eight or ten days attending to var- Venetian-Genoese enmity. In the raid on Beirut ious details of the Cypriote treaty of 7 July,” of 10 August, Boucicaut had seized 500 bunand then went on to Rhodes, “ot: le grand _ dles or small bales of spices, as we have seen, maistre du dit lieu moult I’ honnora et festoya.” together with 5,000 ducats belonging to VenePhilibert de Naillac had accompanied him on _tians and a small ship of about 115 tons (una the Syrian raids, but had preceded him home. .. . navetta di botte 180) belonging to BerAccording to the Livre des faits, Boucicaut nardo Morosini, the Venetian vice-bailie in loaded three ships (naves) with the sick and Cyprus. The ship was loaded with at least 84

wounded, “of whom there were a great bales of cargo. Although the Venetian factors

number, knights and squires as well as archers, had fled the scene, at least one Venetian, Ser varlets, and mariners.” He is said to have put Lorenzo Orso, did go to Boucicaut, and warned most of his men-at-arms aboard the three ships him “che quelle cose erano de’ Veneziani.”

“pour les conduire et gouverner,” retaining Boucicaut replied that, although there was only a small company of knights and twelve to peace between Venice and Genoa, he was fourteen hundred archers for the return voy- within his rights in taking what he found in

age to Genoa. One of the three ships was lost enemy territory.”

off the Sicilian coast, apparently with all Upon learning of what Morosini called the aboard. It was September. Boucicaut had to “robbery” (ruberia) at Beirut, Carlo Zeno imleave, “for already the time was drawing near mediately protested to Boucicaut. The marshal when the sea often became heavy because of is said to have answered that for more than a the change of winds.” During the ten or twelve year the Venetians had been well aware of the days he spent at Rhodes, Boucicaut dispatched challenge he had sent to the soldan of Egypt, 500 men in two large ships to Alexandria in a_ who had arrested Genoese merchants in Cairo, useless display of naval prowess. Notwithstand- Damascus, and Alexandria, and mulcted them ing the events of the preceding month Pollo in shameful disregard of the safe-conducts he Arqua, the captain, was to ask for peace. The had granted them. Boucicaut had warned the Mamluks were incensed; it took Arqua three Venetians (according to the Livre des faits) ten months to accomplish his mission. Pilot, who months before his departure from Genoa to

lived in Alexandria, says that the soldan an- remove their goods and merchandise from

Nasir Nasir-ad-Din Faraj demanded an indem- Mamluk territory. And as for Beirut, he had nity of 30,000 ducats, and that Boucicaut’s found the city empty. There were no Venetians ill-managed expedition had ruined both the _ on hand to claim this or that property as theirs.

—__ He could not believe that he had done them 74 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. 1, chaps. xvuI-xxi, any damage. His purpose was not to assail

pp. 627-34, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. Christians, but only the enemies of the faith. u, chaps! cited, pp. 273-79; see also, as noted in the Besides, if he had known that his forces had preceding references, the valuable but discursive, repetitious, and somewhat inaccurate Chronique d’ Antonio Morosin, 1, ~ 26-70, and the tighter but less informative Traizé d’Em- Piloti, Traité, ed. Dopp, pp. 199-201, and ed. Reiffen-

manuel Piloti sur le Passage en Terre Sainte, pp. 190-201. berg, Monuments, IV, 398-400; Livre des faits, ed. Buchon,

75 Cf. Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxvin, p. 118, letter of III, pt. u, chap. xxIv, p. 634, and eds. Michaud and

Boucicaut to King Janus, dated at Famagusta on 28 August, Poujoulat, II, pt. 11, chap. cited, p. 279.

1403, requesting him to appear in Genoa or to send a 77 Morosini’s letter of 21 August, in Sanudo, Vite

representative before 1 May, 1404, for final settlement of de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 801; Delaville Le Roulx, IJ,

certain aspects of the treaty to which Janus still took no. xxix, p. 119. On ships’ “tonnage,” see F. C. Lane,

exception. Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 351-58, 366.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 389 seized Venetian property, if indeed they had, shipping.®’ Now, on 25 September, since the

he would certainly have ordered it to be_ pillage of Beirut was well known, the Senate restored.”® Was Morosini misinformed? Had _ agreed that it was inconsistent with the honor

Lorenzo Orso really given Boucicaut to under- and reputation of the state to tolerate the stand that the merchandise in question be- grievous injuries and heavy losses which the longed to the Venetians? Long after the event Genoese under Boucicaut had inflicted upon Boucicaut would still claim he had not known. them. If Zeno learned that the Genoese had As Boucicaut had an apologist in the author caused loss or damage to the Venetian comof the Livre des faits, so Zeno later found one in mercial galleys of Romania, the cogs of Tana,

his grandson Jacopo, whose Vita Caroli Zenit or any others, he was to attack and capture gives us a different but no more convincing _ their galleys and all other such ships as he could, recital of alleged facts. Jacopo says there had whether they were armed or unarmed, et ipsos been Venetians in Beirut. They had fled for étractare et de ipsis facere tanquam de publicis inimicis their lives. Boucicaut had flagrantly violated the nostre dominationis. To be sure of success, he was peace which (since the treaty of Turin in 1381) to attack only when he was certain of possessing

had existed between Genoa and Venice. Zeno a stronger naval force than that of his oppoacted throughout with reason and restraint nents.*! The Senate was cautious, however, for

although he saw clearly, says Jacopo, that entanglement with Genoa could lead to in-

Boucicaut was seeking to transform the peoples volvement with France. When the proposal was of the two republics from friends and allies nto made to allow Zeno to add to his fleet (if he

the bitterest enemies. Boucicaut bridled at the thought it necessary) the two galleys of thought of making restitution for the losses Romania and at least one or two more from which the Venetians had suffered at Beirut, Crete, the proponents of the measure apparcursed them roundly, inveighed against the ently could not muster sufficient votes, and

respublica Veneta, and rejected appeal after their resolution was not put into effect.” appeal which Zeno sent him by envoy after Setting forth from Rhodes and skirting Veneenvoy. Although it seemed as though the tian-held Crete, Boucicaut sailed with eleven dignity of the Venetian Senate could only be_ galleys for Cape S. Angelo on the eastern preserved armis et sanguine, the upright Zeno prong of the Morea, where he arrived on decided not to have recourse to war. Leaving Thursday, 4 October, 1403. The next day he Egyptian waters and traversing the “Cretan crossed the Gulf of Marathonisi to Porto Qua-

sea,’ Zeno returned to Greece. From the glio on the eastern shore of Cape Matapan,

anchorage at Modon he would protect the where he spent the night. On the morning of 6 possessions of Venice. If Boucicaut should October his fleet continued westward to the attack him, the die would be cast, but not by island of Sapienza, a mile or so south of the

him.79 Venetian station at Modon. Again the sailors Already on 4 August (1403) the Senate had dropped anchor for the night, and lighted their instructed Zeno to keep with him the fourteen beacons. In nearby Porto Longo, Carlo Zeno

galleys then under his command, which in- had been lying in wait for him with eleven

cluded the Trevisana, the galleys of Crete, and galleys. Zeno now ordered two armed galere the three assigned to Leonardo Mocenigo. The grosse, merchant galleys of the Tana run which galley of Negroponte, well armed and well had just arrived in Modon, to join his fleet and equipped with rowers and archers, was also to thus increase its strength to thirteen galleys. He be put at Zeno’s disposal. The colonial govern- had also posted troops along the shore to ment of Crete should be directed to prepare prevent Boucicaut from landing. Three days the hull of another galley for arming in case later Zeno was to complain that such had been

Zeno should need it. And, finally, he was the “arrogance” of the Genoese that they had authorized to proceed against Boucicaut and __ the Genoese, if he could do so safely, in the 80 Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxv, pp. 111-13.

event of their making attacks upon Venetian —_™ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 107.

——_—_—_—— ; ® Tbid., Reg. 1, fol. 108. The crosses in the left-hand

78 Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. u, chap. xxv, p. margin of the register, which indicate the enactment of a 635, and eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. 11, chap. resolution, are entirely lacking here. Delaville Le Roulx, I,

cited, p. 280. no. XXIX, pp. 119-22, has published this document, and 79 Jacopo Zeno, Vita Caroli Zeni, vil, ed. Zonta, in RISS, used it (bid., I, 450), under the mistaken assumption XIX-—6, 102-3. that it constitutes the Senate’s instructions to Zeno.

390 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not notified him of their coming, which he had = _Zeno’s. If only a brigantine, let alone a galley,

interpreted as a “segnale di mal’ animo edi mal had intervened to cut him off (according to

volere.”, On Sunday morning, 7 October, Zeno), Boucicaut himself might have been Boucicaut’s galleys sailed northward some miles captured. His bowmen took to the oars, how-

toward the Bocca de Zonchio (Old Navarino). ever, to help row his galley out of the fray. Zeno put his flagship between the two galere Zeno had been in the thick of it for two hours. grosse, and followed them under oars. There were hardly thirty men on his galley who As Zeno described the scene two days later, were not wounded. With the co-operation of in a letter of 9 October to the Doge Michele _ his officers Zeno might have achieved (he says)

Steno, the Genoese galleys suddenly turned, the victory he had hoped for and indeed and bore down upon him. At first Zeno expected. At least, he believed, he had mainthought that Boucicaut was sending a galley to tained the honor of the Republic, and he had him for converse and as a gesture of courtesy. taught the Genoese a lesson they would not He would have received it “amichevolmente,” soon forget. He had taken 400 prisoners, as he had done on an earlier occasion. Here including the skippers of the three galleys he was a good opportunity to settle peacefully the had captured. They were mostly oarsmen and indemnity for the “ruberia” at Beirut. The footsoldiers, but there were also French knights massed Genoese galleys advanced in full force, among them, of whom the most notable was however, with obviously hostile intent. The Jean de Chateaumorand.® Venetians met the attack courageously, as Zeno The chronicler Morosini adds that, when the wrote the doge, and there ensued a “battaglia Venetians unloaded the captured galleys, they

aspra e forte tra I’ una parte e I’ altra.” The found much silver and coined money and engagement was furious. It lasted about four about 50 pondi of spices, including eleven

hours. By the grace of God and the Evangelist S. cartons of pepper, five of cloves, and six of Mark—we have Zeno’s word for it—the Vene- cinnamon. They were all put under lock and tians defeated Boucicaut’s French and Genoese key, sealed with the state stamp, to be kept in forces. Boucicaut lost three of his galleys; the the custody of the castellan and councillors of other eight withdrew from the conflict in utter Modon. The Genoese prisoners protested that

disorder. the spices had been purchased at Famagusta, The Genoese suffered many casualties, ac- and were not part of Boucicaut’s spoils at

cording to Zeno, “and if all our men had done Beirut. They were told that all the merchandise their duty, not one of their galleys would have on the galleys would be retained until the facts

got away.” When he returned to Venice, he could be determined. wanted the doge to institute an inquiry by the Immediately after the battle Boucicaut conAvvogatori del Comune to see to the punish- tinued westward with his crippled fleet (still on ment of those whose poor performance had 7 October). Although he had lost three galleys robbed him of a complete victory. He could not to the Venetians, he dismissed the two galleys pursue the fleeing Genoese galleys. Some of his he still had from Chios and Rhodes (according

men were wounded, others exhausted, In the to the Venetian accounts), for there was no

heat of combat, however, he had lashed his

flagship to that of Boucicaut, who had 280 to 8 Zeno’s letter of 9 October is given in Venetian by

300 combatants aboard. The marshal’s men _ Antonio Morosini, Chronique, I, 124-44, and in Italian by were beaten back to the gunnels, at which point Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 801-4. The two Genoese galleys came to his rescue. They accounteno’s in Morosini, ibid., I,recognizes 78-96, 148, isasbased upon letter, but honestly Zeno the one who attacked Zeno’s galley, one at the prow, the took the offensive. The letter may also have inspired the other on the starboard side of the poop-deck. windy and almost worthless description of the battle in For more than an hour his men fought the Jacopo Zeno, Vita Caroli Zent, Vill, inRISS, XIX—6 (1940-41), Genoese in hand-to-hand combat, with the 104-10, who depicts Boucicaut as a villainous aggressor, . ; whose “stealthy” approach to Sapienza was designed to three galleys tied together. Zeno’s rowers Were catch his grandfather unprepared for an attack. On the killed. The press was so great that the ship’s rail process which the Avvogatori brought into the Maggior was broken, and men fell into the water. Consiglio against the galley commanders who failed Zeno, With the enemy aboard his galley, no one seé¢ Morosini, I, 158, 160. The battle is also described ’ . by the Genoese chronicler Stella, Ann. genuenses, ad ann. came to Zeno’s assistance except Leonardo , 403, in RISS, XVIL, cols. 1200C_-1201A. Mocenigo, at which point Boucicaut’s men * Morosini, Chronique, I, 146, followed by Sanudo, Vite detached the grapnels binding his galley to de’ duchi, in RISS, XXU, cols. 804-5.

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 391 need of their going on to Genoa. Having prey on Venetian shipping, and naval warfare suffered heavy casualties, he had to disarm between the two republics ranged from Cadiz another galley in order to provide full crews and Valencia in the west to Pera, Sozopolis, and

for his remaining galleys. Thus it is that Alexandria in the east. The government of Morosini and his successors speak of Boucicaut’s Charles VI, however, directed Boucicaut and return to Genoa with only five (armed) galleys. the Council of Anziani to secure the release of Morosini says that they now set sail for home the French prisoners in the Torresella. First,

“with little joy” (chon puocha alegreza), and Cattaneo Cigalla was sent to Venice. The Boucicaut’s biographer acknowledges “that chronicler Morosini describes him as wise,

they did not seem like people returning from a_ kindly, and handsome. On 30 November, 1403, feast or a dance.” Somewhere along the way, the Venetian Senate voted him a safe-conduct,

however; they had the satisfaction of capturing, which was promptly issued in the doge’s on 11 October, a Venetian cog and a merchant name.** Genoese depredations on the high seas

galley loaded with oars, tackle, and ship’s had been extensive, Venetian losses considerabiscuit.®> They landed in Genoa on Monday, 29 ble.®° There were many thorny issues to settle.

October. Cigalla was eloquent, reasonable, and dexterWhen his men had regained strength and his ous. The Venetians were exercised about galleys were restored to order, Carlo Zeno left Boucicaut’s seizure of their merchandise at Modon for a brief cruise in the Ionian Sea to Beirut. They would not compromise on their make certain that Boucicaut’s fleet was on its right to trade freely in Mamluk territory. way to Genoa. Then he went on to Venice, Cigalla frankly admitted that right-minded where the two galere grosse had preceded him, citizens in Genoa. regretted profoundly the

with Chateaumorand and thirty-four other Venetian losses at Beirut. If restitution was French knights and squires (tous gens d’ eslite, among the terms of the proposed peace (as it says the author of the Livre des faits). They were would be), they were prepared to make full imprisoned in the “Torexela,” the tower which amends. The fact was, of course, that they had still rose over the southeast corner of the doge’s been at war with the Saracens, and had warned palace (the present Armory), by the Ponte della the Venetians, so that precautions might be Paglia. Here they were kept until the conclu- taken to avoid precisely such untoward events.

sion of peace. On the evening of 24 October Certainly the Venetians realized that when

torches were lighted in the belfry of the men-at-arms attacked, there was no telling campanile to celebrate the victory over them to take this and to leave that. But the

Boucicaut at Modon. The heat melted the lead Genoese would make good. After all, in the on the roofing, and ruined the three bells by past they had been obliged to make similar which the Venetians regulated their daily ac- claims for restitution from Venice.” tivities. The top of the tower had to be entirely ———_———— reconstructed, and now for the first time the a Sen. Secreta, Reg. l, fol. 117: “Capta: Quod respondeatur

roof was gilded. Then an old adage was isti domino Cataneo Cigala sindico et ambasiatori domini recalled that before the Venetians could take gubernatoris [Boucicaut] et consilii Ancianorum ac comunis . Janue quod receptis litteris sue nobilitatis per quas Padua, the tallest tower in Venice would burn requirit ut sibi mittamus nostrum salvum conductum sub

and be rebuilt.®” cuius securitate possit venire ad nostram presentiam

Boucicaut encouraged Genoese privateers to deliberavimus ipsum sibi facere et mittere presentibus interclusum.” The text of the safe conduct follows in the

rs8 Morosini, register. On the French demand for the release of the Chronique, I, 92, 100, 148; Livre des faits, ed. prisoners, note Morosini, Chronique, I, 112, 114. Buchon, III, pt. 11, chap. xxvul, pp. 638-39, and eds. 8° Cf. Morosini, Chronique, 1, 100, 102, 110, 112, 148 ff., Michaud and Poujoulat, II, pt. u, chap. cited, p. 283; who exaggerates the monetary value of the Venetian losses, Vincenzo Joppi, ed., “Cronachetta veneziana dal 1402 al and Piattoli, “Spedizione,” pp. 136-37.

1415,” Archivio veneto, XVII (1X, 1879), 304-5. * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 120", dated 15 December, 8 Stella, Ann. genuenses, ad ann. 1403, in RISS, XVII, 1403: “. .. De dannis Baruti respondit [Cigalla] quod

1201B, with note 96. The mercantile correspondence of the danna ipsa displicuerunt multum bonis civibus Janue et firm of Ricci in Genoa records Boucicaut’s return (forné qui. quod si per formam pacis emendare illa tenebantur, ipsi il ghovernatore chon 5 ghalee), and contains some specula- parati erant emendare, et quod bene videretur, subiungendo

tion as to whether war would follow, but later reports with quod veritas rei erat quod ipsi erant in guerra cum relief that negotiations for peace were under way (Piattoli, Saracenis et quod de hoc previsos nos fecerant ut

“Spedizione,” p. 136). servarentur tales modi quod scandala non possent oriri 87 Antonio Morosini, Chronique, 1, 108, 110, 162, followed inter nos. . . , quia bene sciebamus quod quando gentes

by Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 806. armorum ibant in talibus non poterant regulari et accipere

392 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians were demanding 32,000 _ in the critical posts at Modon and Coron. Ship’s ducats in damages, which Cigalla could not _ biscuit was said to be low in Modon and entirely accept. ‘The situation became more complicated __ lacking in Negroponte. Foodstuffs and fodder on 31 December when he informed the Senate were in short supply in Crete and elsewhere. that John, the duke of Berry, had ordered the The Senate directed their notary in Ragusa to

arrest of the Venetian merchants in Montpel- seek permission for a “few men” from the

lier, and that it was possible his example might Venetian galleys to enter the well-walled and be followed in other parts of France.** By the heavily guarded city to purchase bread, wine, end of January, 1404, however, when Cigalla and meat at the markets in the public square. had gone far toward satisfying the Venetians They agreed to strike at the Genoese wherever and maintaining the rights of his own coun- they could reach them, especially “in aquis et trymen, Boucicaut and the Anziani appointed _partibus Sicilie.” It was urged, but apparently

Domenico Imperiali to join him as a second not voted, that the masters of the Arsenal

envoy. If Cigalla was thought in some quarters should hasten the completion of the hulls of to have conceded too much, the prime purpose _ four galleys, of the dimensions of the Flanders

of his mission was to secure the release of the galleys, to add to the fleet. It was voted, prisoners in Venice. Since the Genoese gov- however, to elect a captain-general of the sea, ernment was slow in acting upon the proposals another provveditore, and eight sopracomiti or

which Cigalla had sent them, he requested a commanders of galleys, for it was becoming “prorogation” of his safe-conduct, which the clear that by keeping their ambassadors in Senate voted to extend to 15 February. Two Venice the Genoese were trifling with them to days later they voted a similar safe-conduct to gain time, and really had no intention of Imperiali and the staff of ten persons he was making peace.* supposed to bring with him.” Two weeks later, This impression was strengthened when when Imperiali still had not arrived, the Domenico Imperiali arrived in Venice, for he Senate rn - February Teas £ extenced me wished to go over the same ground the Senate safe-conduct for him as well as for Cigalla until had alreadv trod with Ci

the end of the month ™ y Cigalla. They made clear, By this t re had eaith in th however, they had no intention of retracing y this time the Senate had lost faith in the their steps. They rejected Imperiali’s charges proceedings, and took steps to protect the against Carlo Zeno, on which score Cigalla had interests of the state. From 9 to 16 February already conveyed their answer to Boucicaut various proposals were debated, some of which and the Anziani. They had already held longa were accepted, others rejected, to quicken pratica et discussio with Cigalla, and now reVenetian vigilance throughout the Adriatic and jyewed their demands for restitution of the in the region of Corfu, provide funds where ships which the Genoese had seized in Cadiz, they were needed, reassure their subjects over- [yiza, Alexandria, Tenedos, and “in illis parseas, and send new instructions to the castellans tibus Romanie .. . [et] Calabrie.” Having

—__ taken this stand on 23 February, the Senate istud ac dimittere illud, subiungendo quod ipsi etiam extended the limits of the Genoese envoys’ habebant 2 nobis petere. h the Senate had given Cicall safe-conducts until 8 March. Since he could two days earlier (on 13 December), in which they dis- wring no better terms from the Venetians,

ote also € reply wnic € senate had given Uigalla . .

claimed responsibility for the naval encounter at Modon, —————————

emphasized the losses which the Genoese had unwar- °4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fols. 129’-132", dated 9 to 16 rantably caused Venice, and declared “quod habeamus February, 1404: “. . . Unde cum manifestissime comprejustissimam causam retinendi vestrates [i. e., holding the hendatur per claras experientias et evidentissima signa quod Genoese and French prisoners] et galeas et res captas ad Januenses non habent bonam intentionem ad concordium

bellum” (Delaville Le Roulx, H, no. Xxx, pt. 1, PP. et pacem nobiscum, sed vadunt disimulando et tenendo 129-30). The other proposed answers to Cigalla (and nos in verbis pro faciendo et ponendo facta sua in ordine amendments thereto) published by Delaville Le Roulx, ibid., ad danna nostra, nam hictenuerunt suum ambasiatorem. . .

II, no. XXXII, pts. I-v, pp. 130-34, were rejected by the sub fictione tractate pacis, et non cessarunt nec cessant

Senate. facere capi nostra navigia ..., vadit pars quod ... *1 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fol. 126%, and see Delaville Le debeat eligi capitaneus generalis maris et unus provisor. . .

Roulx, I, 463, note 4, and II, no. xxx, pp. 135-41, et octosupracomitiquiomneseligantur . . . perscrutinium resolutions passed by the Senate on 18 December. in consiliis Rogatorum et Additionis [the Senate and the 2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1, fols. 128’-129', dated 29 and 31 Giunta]. . .” (ébid., fol. 132”, dated 16 February).

January, 1404. %Ibid., Reg. 1, fol. 134, dated 23 February, 1404

93 Thid., fol. 131°. (Ven. style 1403).

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 393 Imperiali returned (on 26 February) to the jected to their power a large part of Christenarticles of peace on which the Senate had dom many years ago.” Both sides agreed to a

already agreed with Cigalla.*® mutual pardon or forgiveness for all offenses

The next day the safe-conducts were pro- and the remission of all penalties. ‘The Genoese rogued to 15 March. Negotiations seemed to be promised to pay 3,300 florins for the losses going very well, but the Venetians were sus- they had caused the Venetians at Famagusta picious of every concesssion the Genoese made. and Rhodes and to make financial or other On Friday, 29 February, the Senate ordered amends for the merchandise and other propthe preparation of the four galee grosse then in erty they had taken at Beirut. The Venetians the Arsenal, and decided that the eight so- would restore the three galleys (with all their pracomiti should be elected on Sunday, 2 March. tackle and oars) which Carlo Zeno had capNevertheless, they voted down once more the tured at Modon. Likewise the Genoese would proposal to arm the four galleys de mensura_ return the galley or galleys they had taken as

Flandrie.’ They promised Charles VI and the well as the various ships (naves) and cogs royal dukes in Paris a true account of the (cochae), with all the goods, merchandise, and capture of the French and Genoese nobles at money aboard, which they had seized at Cadiz, Modon and the reasons for their retention in _ Iviza, and Alexandria, and in Greece and Syria.

Venice, for obviously the French court had Each of the high contracting parties agreed been misinformed. In the meantime a swift to release all persons captured as a consequence

courier had carried the proposed articles of of the recent events. The French nobles in peace to Boucicaut and the twelve Anziani, and the Torresella were to take an oath in writing,

on 13 March the Genoese envoys reported that with their seals attached, never to seek they were expecting a reply “from day to “emenda vel satisfactio” from either Venice or day.”°® The reply came on the seventeenth, her subjects, for their imprisonment had been giving Imperiali and Cigalla full powers to sign part of the fortunes of war. Imperiali and a treaty in accord with the articles of which they Cigalla promised that they would address had apprised the marshal,*® who was finding it themselves totis viribus to Charles VI and John

hard to contain his rage. of Berry to secure the release of the Venetian The treaty was formally concluded on Satur- merchants then being held in Montpellier. The day, 22 March, 1404, in the chapel of S. Niccolo Venetians who had lost cotton at Tripoli and

in the doge’s palace on the Bacino. The text salt in Cyprus might claim compensation in identifies Domenico Imperiali as the chief Genoa, where (according to Imperiali and Genoese negotiator. The two republics in- Cigalla) full justice would be done them. Both tended to preserve the peace inviolably, it is sides were to notify their officials and subjects said, because war between them was intolerably everywhere that hostilities must cease as soon as

damaging to them both “and ruinous to all possible. The terms of the treaty of Turin of 8 Christendom . . . , since it is well known to all August, 1381, were put back into effect, and if

the world that, had it not been—and were it either side broke the “concord” which now

not still—for the resistance and strength of the existed between them, it would incur a penalty

said two states, the infidels would have sub- of 20,000 gold florins. When afternoon had

———— _ turned into evening, hora prima noctis, the _ 1bid., Reg. 1, fol. 135": “. . . Et habita bona et longa yepresentatives of both Venice and Genoa discussione . . . remansimus in concordio de omnibus . .

capitulis, secundum quod alias concluseramus cum domino SWOT€; with their hands on the gospels, to heed,

Cataneo . . .” (although some questions, which need not observe, and fulfill forever and in good faith

detain us here, did remain for settlement). the foregoing provisions of the treaty.) The 7 Ibhid., Reg. 1, fol. 135%, “die ultimo Februarii.”

% Ibid., Reg. 1, fol. 136, dated 8 and 13 March, 1404. ——____— * Ibid., Reg. 1, fol. 137%, dated 18 March: “Capta: 100 Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxxIv, pp. 142—56, from the Quod respondeatur et dicatur istis ambaxiatoribus magnifice Archivio di Stato di Genova, Materie Politiche, Mazzo comunitatis Janue qui fuerunt heri ad presentiam dominii 11/2730, and note the summary in Predelli, Regesti dei dicentes habuisse responsionem a domino gubernatore eta Commem., III, bk. 1x, no. 276, p. 295. The treaty was sua comunitate predicta per quam ipsi dant sibi plenum signed “die xxu Marcii, hora prima noctis,” which would be arbitrium et potestatem possendi firmare concordium inter between 8:00 and 9:00 p.m. Gf. the table in B. M. Lersch, nos tractatum et stipulare contractus necessarios iuxta Einleitung in die Chronologie, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1899, formam capitulorum alias discussorum. . . .” There follows I, 9), not as stated by M. de Botiard, Les Origines des an outline of the terms of peace, which the Senate ac- guerres d’ Italie (1936), p. 272, “a 2 heures du matin”! The

cepted de parte 104, de non 16, non sinceri 5. text was apparently published in Venice on 3 April, after

394 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Venetian chronicler Morosini, however, adds avoir mis nul mot de verité!” They were lies that the Genoese, “as their custom always is,” from beginning to end. were most delinquent in keeping the promises Boucicaut charged that when contrary winds

their envoys had made.?*! prevented his access to Alexandria, where for Marshal Boucicaut was furious, but he had_ good and just reasons he planned to attack the been holding his fire for months. Shortly after soldan’s subjects, and he then turned toward the battle of Modon, the Doge Michele Stenohad Syria, he found the Moslems “bien avisez de la

written Charles VI of France (on 30 October, venue de moy et de mon armée.” The Vene1403), accusing Boucicaut of treacherous and_tians had warned them to expect him, “which wholly unwarranted aggression.” It is not was contrary to God, honesty, and everything a clear when the marshal first received a copy of good Christian should do.” He justified his this letter, but once he was assured of the attack upon Beirut “as being in the land of the release of the French and Genoese prisoners enemy.” No Venetian had come forward at the being held in Venice, he did not let the doge’s time, he said, to claim the paltry merchandise rehearsal of the facts go unchallenged. On 6 his men had seized, as the doge falsely stated in June, 1404, he sent a public letter to the doge _ his letter to the king. If it had been identified as

and Carlo Zeno. The author of the Livre des Venetian property, he would have restored it. faits has preserved the French text, of which He marveled at the Venetians, for they were Giorgio Stella has incorporated in his chronicle certainly the greatest liars on earth. He could

a shortened, Latin version. Boucicaut dis- have seized Venetian ships at Candeloro,

putes the allegations in Steno’s letter “pour ce Famagusta, and Rhodes as well as along the qu’elles sont toutes fondées sur menconges sansy Syrian coast, but he had not molested them,

_—____ “for everywhere I found them, I dealt with its acceptance in Genoa (Morosini, Chronique, I, 114, 116, them as well as, or better than, if they had been 118, 120, and Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. Genoese ships.”

805E-806A, both accounts being somewhat inaccurate). As for the battle itself, Boucicaut denied that Stella, Ann. genuenses, ad ann. 1404, in RISS, XVII, col. h his el ll had ‘ved at Mod 1202E, says that the peace was published in Genoa on 4 when is cleven galleys Nad arrived a odon April, and cf. the “Cronachetta veneziana,” in Archivio on 7 October (1403), Zeno and the Venetian

veneto, XVII (IX, 1879), 306. fleet had come out to show themselves “ami101 Morosini, Chronique, I, 116: “Le qual chose lo mal ablement a moy et a mes galées,” merely To eee, Per jor chomo senpre he la soa huxanzal" Gf, seeking some guarantee of satisfaction for the 12 The Senate approved the letter to be sent in the Venetian losses at Beirut. He denied strenudoge’s name on 30 October, 1403. After emphasizing the ously that he had been the first to manifest ever peaceful intentions of Venice and relating Boucicaut’s hostility. He was not responsible for the “dure attack upon Beirut, the letter states: “Accidit quod ipse bataille entre les parties,” in which three of his

[dominus Buciquardus] et galee Ianuensium numero XI se ll had b tured d th th

reperierunt modo nuper circa diem VII mensis instantis in Galleys Na een captured, an € otiers

aquis nostris Mothoni euntes in formam hostium, prout ap- allegedly put to flight. He had anchored off the

paruit per effectum, capitaneus autem noster predictus island of Sapienza on Saturday, 6 October, [Karolus Geno] existens in partibus illis deliberavit se “cyidans estre en lieu d’ amis.” So little did he

ostendere amicabiliter domino Buciquardo et galeis lanuen- plan to attack Zeno, and so little did he expect

sium suprascriptis conquerendo caritative de dannis k him. £ illatis [in partibus Baruti]pro per ipsos nostratibus etsepro Zeno to attack Im, oucicaut Says, B that. h a lew

requirendo satisfationem. . . , sperando ipsum reperire in days before his arrival at Sapienza, he had sent illa benivolentia et amore quo eosdem reperit quando ad_ back two galleys to Chios, a galley and a galiot partes orientales accesserunt, et tunc capitaneus Ianuensium tu Mytilene a galley and a galiot to Pera, and a

antedictus et galee sue contra nostras galeas proras ° . vertentes se dederunt hostiliter contra nostros, quod galley to Aenos. He had also disp atched

capitaneus noster videns, non valens aliter facere, coactus another galley to Alexandria, and dismissed

tenuit modum similem contra illos in tantum quod another two or three galiots. If his intentions

prelium inter partes fuit dure commissum ob manifestam had been anything but peaceable, he would culpam . . . domini Bucciardi et galearum suarum, qui m have retained these large reinforcements, for accessu ad partes Orientis se amicum ostendit, in reditu h hi d vero hostis morem servavit, in quo prelio sic deliberante they were his to command. ; Altissimo, qui foventes iusticiam non relinquit, tres ex The day before he reached Sapienza, two of galeis Ianuensium capte fuerunt a nostris, relique vero se the ships (with sick and wounded, whom he fuge dederunt 7 .” (Misti, Reg. 46, fol. 111°). on 2 had sent ahead from Rhodes) met up with him, November a similar letter was written, mutates mutane ws, to while he was still at C ape S. Angelo. One of ilippe de from Méziéres, consiliarius who some still800 wielded h according . d dj much influence his conventual retreat in Paris,regius, and them carried armed men,

who was well known to be a friend of Venice. to Boucicaut, whom he might have taken

MANUEL II AND MARSHAL BOUCICAUT 395 aboard his galleys for combat. He had not done attack at the last possible moment to prevent so. Furthermore, at Cape S. Angelo just before encirclement. Accusing Zeno of treachery as daybreak, his galleys had suddenly found in well as of mendacity, Boucicaut admitted withal their midst a Venetian brigantine, “which was that the Venetians had captured three of his bringing several letters to you, Carlo Zeno, and Genoese galleys although he asserted that he

to those of your company.” When the bearer had taken one of Zeno’s galleys. But the

came aboard Boucicaut’s flagship, the letters Venetians had three times the Genoese manwere turned over to the skipper, who asked power, always according to Boucicaut, and what was to be done with them, “to which I almost double the number of warships. Since

replied that I wanted him to return them the Genoese were thus taken by surprise and unopened.” That same night Boucicaut learned were so ill equipped, it would have been small

from a Venetian ship in the area that Carlo wonder if the Venetians had taken all

Zeno was at Porto Longo with eleven galleys, Boucicaut’s galleys. Clearly, God did not allow

and that there were two Venetian mer- Venetian treachery to work its will. chantmen (grosses galées) in the harbor at As for the “flight” of the Genoese galleys Modon as well as several other ships (navires) in from the scene, Boucicaut charged Zeno with the area. He saw nothing sinister, however, in being as big a liar as he was a coward. Every

this concentration of naval forces. witness to the battle knew that it was Zeno who Early Sunday morning, 7 October, Boucicaut had first withdrawn, retreating into the harbor

set out from Sapienza to go to Zonklon “pour of Modon. Boucicaut and the Genoese had m’ en venir mon chemin devers Jannes:” “And stood their ground, so to speak, until the so when I had gone about two or three miles, Venetians had disappeared from sight. If heading straight for the said port of Zonklon to Michele Steno, the doge, had commanded or take on water ... , you [suddenly] showed countenanced this dastardly attack upon the yourself, Carlo Zeno, with eleven galleys, hav- Genoese, considering “la bonne paix” which he

ing left Porto Longo to go toward Modon, of had with them, he had acted “comme faulx which I had no suspicion.” Mistaking certain traytre et mauvais.” Regarding the whole affair tactical moves on Zeno’s part as a desire to as touching his honor as a knight, and once enter into communication with him, Boucicaut more castigating Michele Steno for the “faulces

had quickly discovered Zeno’s “trahison et et mauvaises menconges” in his letter to mauvaistié.” The Venetian fleet, consisting now Charles VI, Boucicaut challenged both the of thirteen galleys (with the two grosses galées), doge and Zeno to combat. They might come

was advancing in battle formation upon into the field, if they dared to come, by

Boucicaut’s poorly armed eleven galleys. The themselves or with companions, of whom he Venetians were armed to their very teeth. Carlo would allow them more than he would bring Zeno’s galley had slipped in between the two into combat. If Steno and Zeno replied, howheavy merchant galleys, “for your greater se- ever, that they were more practiced “par mer curity, Carlo Zeno!” Seven or eight brigantines que par terre,” he was ready to meet a galley hove into sight. They were also loaded with full of Venetian men-at-arms with a galley of

men-at-arms and archers. French and Genoese combatants. In the meanZeno’s whole performance had hardly time he awaited their answer.’ The Genoese suggested an approach to ask for the restitution chroniclers say that he never received one.’ of the Venetian goods seized at Beirut, as the ——————_ __ doge had stated in his letter to Charles VI. — “Livre des faits, ed. Buchon, III, pt. m, chap. Xxx1, Venetian horse and foot had appeared along PP: 04°—*© and Michaud andletter Poujoulat, ', pt. i, chap. cited, pp.eds. 285-90. Boucicaut’s is also reprinted the shore between Modon and Zonklon. Zeno jn Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxxv, pp. 157-66, who had overlooked nothing. Boucicaut turned the misdates it 7 June. The account of the battle of Modon, prows of his galleys to face Zeno’s oncoming 4s given in the Livre des faits, pt. 1, chaps. XXVI-XXVII,

fleet, but ordered his of menwhich to refrain fromiss naturally in general the contents of the . . etter, there a paraphrase in accord Stella,with Ann. genuenses, attack until he himself gave the order. The aq ann. 1404, in RISS, XVII, cols. 1203-4, and also in extent of Zeno’s preparations revealed “la Uberto Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova, bk. 1X, trans. voulenté traytreuse de lonc temps [que] aviés_ Francesco Serdonati, Genoa, 1597, pp. 392-93.

en vostre courage,” but of course the Senate _ Stella, Ann. genuenses, in RISS, XVII, col. 1204D; had directed Zeno not to attack unless he did Foglietta, Dell’ Istorie di Genova, bk. Ix, p. 393. Boucicaut's . challenge apparently made some impression in Venice, where

have a marked advantage over Boucicaut. The _ it was known to the anonymous author of the “Cronachetta latter claimed to have given the command to _ veneziana,” in Archivio veneto, XVII (IX, 1879), 308-9.

396 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Boucicaut’s letter was doubtless embarrassing restitution of or compensation for the ships

to the doge as well as to Zeno, but the and merchandise which each side had seized

Venetians had more to think about than the from the other during the period of hostilities. irate marshal’s vainglorious blast. These years ‘The Genoese agreed to pay 8,000 Cypriote marked a turning point in Venetian history. bezants or the equivalent sum of 1,500 gold After the unexpected death of Gian Galeazzo florins for the much-publicized Venetian losses Visconti (in September, 1402), the Carraresi of at Beirut. Many individual claims were inPadua destroyed themselves by their unwise volved; some of them were difficult to assess; and overweening ambition. Colliding with Ven- and _ final adjudication had to be left to sub-

ice for the last time, they fell before the sequent arbitration. Increasingly disenchanted

superior power of the Republic, which was with their royal governor, the Genoese actually expanding with startling success on terra ferma held themselves responsible (under pressure and even on the eastern coast of the Adriatic. from Mocenigo) for any actions that Boucicaut, Venetian forces occupied Vicenza, Bassano, donec erit in officio gubernacionis, might take Belluno, Feltre, and Cividale (in 1404), as well against Venice, provided he employed Genoese

as Padua and Verona, Dulcigno, Budua, and _ ships or subjects or foreigners (forenses) in Antivari (in 1405). Although Boucicaut pre- Genoese possessions. Violation of the new served the full measure of his hostility to treaty by either side carried with it a penalty of Venice, on 13 July, 1405, he was ordered by 20,000 florins.’ four envoys whom Charles VI had sent to When pressed to meet their obligations, the Genoa to cease from “all offenses” against the Genoese dragged their heels. The board of Venetians until the following 1 March, during arbitration was to consist of five members, two which period negotiations would be carried on Genoese, two Venetians, and one more person to revise and put into effect the treaty of 22 or state. The Florentine government refused to

March, 1404.1 serve as the fifth (and obviously important) Boucicaut took no part in the discussions that arbitrator, and on 8 June, 1407, the choice fell

went on from month to month for an entire on young Amadeo VIII of Savoy, who thus

year. Finally, on 11 June, 1406, at the request assumed the role his grandfather had played so of Pope Benedict XIII, he left Genoa to go to successfully at Turin twenty-six years before. Savona, appointing Gilbert de la Fayette as his After the usual delays, Amadeo held eighteen lieutenant. A week later procurators were cho- meetings with the representatives of Venice sen in the Palazzo del Comune in Genoa to and Genoa from 31 March to 2 August, 1408. arrange with the Venetian envoy (and later A week later (on 9 August) he pronounced his doge) Tommaso Mocenigo a reformatio pacis and arbitral judgment at Chambéry.'? The Venea syncerum accordium that was intended to last in _ tians had pressed to the last ducat their claims

perpetuity.!°? On 28 June (1406) Mocenigo and for lost ships and merchandise amounting to

the Genoese procurators accepted the new tens of thousands of ducats. Amadeo appartreaty with mutual pledges of adherence to the ently pared a good deal of fat off their

twenty-five articles it contained. They demands, but the Genoese remained dis-

reaffirmed both the peace of Turin (1381) and _ satisfied. They protested his decision; neverthethe accord of 1404, with many additions and less, Amadeo neither withdrew nor modified it. detailed modifications. After a preamble, the He held the Genoese responsible for damages text began with a general “remission” of past amounting to slightly over 100,000 ducats. The

offenses and injuries, and provided for the Venetians demanded payment.’ 105 Cf, H. Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, IH (1920, repr. ~~

1964), 251-61, with notes on the sources, ibid., pp. 612-14. 108 Nelaville Le Roulx, I, 491-97, has analyzed the treaty

106 Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxxvI, pp. 167-69; M. de of 28 June, 1406, and published the text, ibd., II, no. Boiiard, Les Origines des guerres d’ Italie (1936), pp. 279-80. XxxviI—2, pp. 173-95. It is also summarized by Predelli, 107 Predelli, Regesti dei Commem., II, bk. x, nos. 17-18, pp. -Regesti dei Commem., III, bk. x, no. 19, pp. 314-15, who gives

313-14; Delaville Le Roulx, II, no. xxxvul—1, pp. 170-73, the penalty as 25,000 florins, and note also nos. 20-27, 29.

dated 18 June, 1406. The Venetian notary Francesco The treaty was published in Venice on 25 July. Bevazano had been sent to Genoa to arrange the pre- 109 Delaville Le Roulx, 1, 498-502, and II, no. XXxVIII, pp. liminaries; his commission is apparently dated in January, 200-17. 1405 (Ven. style 1404), and may be found in the Misti, 110 Amadeo’s judgment, as given in Delaville Le Roulx, I, Reg. 46, fols. 163’—164", where the heading of fol. 163° is no. XXXVI, pp. 200-17, seems to hold the Genoese

misdated December, 1405. responsible for the payment of 101,367 ducats to Venice.

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hoc oe ed po tated k ortie id ch tio eal Venetia slarce n a. me Co had Ge the to ob of eived part d Turi by appe. th an nice bow the ese, fact oh th f Pi tr we th el ur aft oni an m ]-k th fo Ith se m

ave eae oy See ee

O Swas t 1C ed e m nbled r r igo e cil m phOd; who ch ignonese or er Genohe tiff(1409) ne im; ha a,“8Rrioribt teri sithiepcac Vvoldin n Be 22 898 ), 2¢ ini Ch gus IdetsRom aOw d yh gut,no146een q fo hou of succ oeseeneti g“ ancou CO nedi 9 ofhis Sc Au “8 4us ib is ce gan ad Avion ecogni Other exlater became baron of Carystus (1250—1263?), amples of Greeks living in peace and quiet in the

and appears to have married Agnese, sister or Athenian lordship of Othon de la Roche could

half-sister of the redoubtable conquerors easily be cited from the interesting letters of

Geremia and Andrea Ghisi.”° Michael Choniates, but the few we have chosen Othon de la Roche had spent some twenty may suffice to illustrate the fact that Othon’s

years in Athens from.that October or November _ rule could not have been a harsh one.

day of 1204 when his Burgundian knights had Othon de la Roche was especially popular been allowed by Boniface of Montferrat to with the Cistercians, to whom he had given occupy the city. Now Othon was tired of the Daphni, and to whose abbey of Bellevaux in castles on the Cadmea and the Acropolis, and Franche-Comté, object of many a pious donation returned to his home in Burgundy with his wife by his family, his devotion did not relax even and sons, leaving the Athenian lordship to his after long residence in Greece. Throughout the

nephew, Guy de la Roche, who had long pos- fourth decade of the century the Cistercians sessed, as we have seen, one-half the city of in Daphni found their claim to the town of Thebes.” Almost to the close of his long resi- Liconia (casale de Liconia) challenged by an im-

dence in Greece, Othon lived in the dark portant knight of Negroponte, Alberto Bocshadows of ecclesiastical censure. In his own ceranni, guardian of his nieces, Floretta and

domain he seems to have been popular, and the _Vermilia, and although consideration of the facts

mother and sisters of the Greek scholar and in the Curia Romana brought forth papal letters ecclesiastic George Bardanes “Atticus” lived in to various ecclesiastics in Greece to see that the Athens under Othon without experiencing, it monks of Daphni were put in possession of the would appear, any physical or material harm town of Liconia and its appurtenances, the case

from the Latins.” Bardanes himself left the dragged on interminably through the courts,

exile he was sharing with his friend and teacher both in Rome and in Greece.”* The case was the Metropolitan Michael, to return to Athens, hard fought, doubtless because revenues estiwhither Michael's nephew had also gone back to mated at ten thousand hyperperi were at stake.”

live. Michael wrote his friend Demetrius The Cistercians of Daphni continued their

Macrembolites that he did not know “whether affiliation with the house at Bellevaux, and he was residing at Athens or at Chalcis in Daphni still appears, for example, in association Euboea, or at Thebes in Boeotia,”™ although with Bellevaux in 1276 in the statutes of the chapter general of the Cistercian Order.” It 209). Nicholas of S. Omer, who is said to have arrived in is small wonder, therefore, that we should find Greece in 1208 at the earliest, was the father of Bela, whose the abbot and monks of Daphni, mM the last years

mother was a Hungarian princess. The S. Omer were a Of the lord Othon in Greece, disregarding an cadet branch of the Fauquembergue, castellans of the interdict laid upon his lands in Attica and

Flemish town of S. Omer (Longnon, “Problémes de l’his- : . i ;

toire de la principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, 1946, Boeotia by the cardinal legate Giovanni Colonna

pp. 147-49, and L’ Empire latin [1949], pp. 119, 177). ; cor Cf. R. J. Loenertz, “Généalogie des Ghisi, dynastes _,” Mich. Chon., Ep. 150, 2 (Lampros, I, 301): ""Exovat

vénitiens dans PArchipel, 1207-1390,” Orientalia Christiana ye oe Kal Tod AdnvaL, 70 TaTpwov Kat pihov periodica, XXVIII (1962), 158-61, sweeping aside the COCP°S: - - - ; , ,

unsupported conjectures of Hopf, and Les Ghisi, dynastes _". Lucien Auvray, ed., Les Registres de Grégoire IX, II (Panis,

vénitiens dans l’Archipel, Florence, 1975, pp. 34, 35, 363. 1907), nos. 2671 (12 July, 1235, already an old case) and 71 Cf. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 473. The last papal 3214 (27 June, 1236); nos. 3583 (also in Lampros, Eggrapha,

letter addressed to Othon de la Roche is dated 12 February, pt. I, doc. 24, pp. 37-38, dated 30 March, 1237) and 4390 1225, and seeks to encourage him and Prince Geoffrey of (ibid.., doc. 26, pp. 40-42, dated 26 May, 1238); and Reg. Achaea amid the gloom which descended upon the Latin Grég. IX, fasc. 12 (Paris, 1910), nos. 5204 (1 June, 1240) and barons in Greece after the fall of the kingdom of Thes- 6085 (8 July, 1241, the case still far from being settled). salonica (Hon. III, an. IX, ep. 295, in Pressutti, Regesta, Reg. Grég. IX, 11, no. 4390, col. 1046; Lampros, Eggrapha, II [1895], no. 5304, p. 304). Cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s pt. I, doc. 26, p. 42, dated 26 May, 1238.

Encyhkl., vol. 85 (1867), p. 275 (repr. 1960, I, 209). 7Edm. Marténe and Ursin Durand, Thesaurus novus ”% Cf. Mich. Chon., Ep. 141, 3 (Lampros, II, 284). anecdotorum, IV (Paris, 1717), col. 1453: “. . . abbatia de % Mich. Chon., Epp. 132, 140 (Lampros, II, 267-8, 282). Dalphino in partibus Graeciae . . . ,” and see Elizabeth On the later career of Bardanes, see Johannes M. Hoeck A. R. Brown, “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire . . . ,”

and R. J. Loenertz, Nikolaos-Nektarios von Otranto, Abt von Traditio, XIV (1958), 82, 97 ff., 111 ff., who (as noted above,

Casole, Ettal, 1965, passim. Chapter 3, note 10) incorrectly identifies papal references 74 Mich. Chon., Ep. 145, 1 (Lampros, II, 292). to the dominicum templum Athenarum with the Templars.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 419 of S. Praxedis, and being reprimanded therefor place without the guarantee of a money payby the pope, who directed the bishop and arch-_ ment. This had caused great offense to the deacon of Negroponte to take care that they Greeks, who naturally sought to escape from the should mend their ways, not entrusting the Latin obedience. On 23 February, 1233, Gregory charge, for obvious reasons, to the archbishop of directed the Latin archbishop, the cantor, and a

Athens.” Perhaps the monks were also moved canon of Corinth to force the archdeacon of by self-preservation, for life in the Athenian Athens to restore whatever he had thus extorted lordship was still fraught with danger. Othon de from the Greeks and to make direct representala Roche was near at hand, and the pope was tions on his own behalf at the Apostolic See.® far away. Pirates swarmed in the Saronic and By the fourth decade of the thirteenth century Corinthian Gulfs under the Franks no less than the Gregorian reform had worn thin, but the in the time of Michael Choniates, and a letter of registers of the ninth Gregory reveal the Church

1232, from the Despot Manuel Ducas to the to be in an excellent state of health in the West. Nicene Patriarch Germanus, describes the sail Tyoubles were soon to come, however, and in Corinthian waters through the straits of despite all the good the mendicants were to do, Naupactus as a voyage to Acheron” (70 €s they would also do much harm to ecclesiastical

Ax€povta karamhevoat).” On 9 October, morality. In the meantime the Latin secular

1223, Pope Honorius IT had allowed the arch- clergy in Greece, in partibus schismaticorum bishop of Athens, at the latter's request, to ab- existentes, found it easy to loosen the bonds of solve and impose a proper penance upon such jectitude even at the episcopal level. According pirates as wished to return to the Church; these t pirates were Latins, popularly known as Capel- and the maior ac sanior pars of the cathedral lecti, and we suspect that there were few willing (1 mor pars . to give up their excitine and lucrati rofes. chapter of Cephalonia, the bishop of the island

. : o the report, for example, of the archdeacon

> Pe one ee weave pros had not bothered to baptize children more

sion to walk in the paths of righteousness.*! ‘ha a ht times in thi P d i

But the de la Roche knew more dangers than than eight umes ah 1a vt withoa pen menaced those presented by the pirates, anda generation "4" youngsters had Cied without receiving the later (in 1244) Guy de la Roche, then lord of te at all. At any rate his excellency appears Athens, found that Greek monks living in his 0t to have added hypocrisy to his other failings, domain served as a “fifth column,” revealing because he brought up his own bastards as secrets to their fellow Greeks of Epirus or though they were legitimate, and he even made

Nicaea.” simoniacal appointments excommunicated Greek priestsof to canonries in the cathedral chap-

The interest the of the affairs papacy extended quite ter of Ce halonia.*# The Greek churches and beyond of the Latin hierarchy and -P ; the baronage in Greece. The popes protected Monasteries had a hard time, but on occasion the Greeks themselves against exploitation by SOM€ Greek with more money than most of his the Latin clergy even when such protection ran C0-religionists did something for them, as we contrary to Latin custom. Thus at the time of the learn from a stele which has stood for centuries conquest in 1204 the natives of Attica, tam nobiles at Stavros, where the eastward road from Athens quam ignobiles, had married as they chose, render- §0€S 0n to Marathon and swerves south to Porto

ing to the Greek archdeacon of the Athenian Rafti. It lies below the monastery of S. John the church and to his Latin successor a single hen Hunter, on the saddle of Mount Hymettus. The and a loaf of bread and nothing else. But inthe stele bears a metrical inscription dated 1238 time of Pope Gregory IX the Latin archdeacon asking the traveler to pray for the soul of one of Athens would not allow a marriage to take “Neophytusby name,a servant of the Lord,” who ” Hon. III, an. VI, ep. 351, in Pressutti, Regesta, 11, no. ————————

3904, p. 59, dated 28 March, 1222. 8 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, 1 (Paris, 1896), no. 1109, 89 Fr, Miklosich and Jos. Miller, eds., Acta et diplomata cols. 636-37, and Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. 1, doc. 23, p. 36. graeca medii aevi, III (Vienna, 1865), doc. x1, p. 61, cited On Latin ecclesiastical administration in Greece and Con-

by Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, p. 67. stantinople at this time, cf. Auvray, I, nos. 1175, 1184,

$1 Hon. III, an. VIII, ep. 61 (Regesta, II, no. 4528, p. 167): 1235, 1502, 1638, 1704, 1746, 2049, and 2196, docs. not “, . . piratae, qui Capellecti vulgariter nuncupantur. .. .” referred to elsewhere in this study, and ¢f. also, ibd., U ® Elie Berger, ed., Les Registres d’Innocent IV, I (Paris, (1907), nos. 2530, 3262, 3382, 3618, 3878, 4022, 4196, 1884), no. 657, pp. 112-13, dated 29 April, 1244: “. . . 4207 ff. quod quidam monachi Greci .. . secreta sepe Grecis 84 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, III (1908), no. 4795,

revelant. . . .” cols. 3-4, dated 23 March, 1239.

420 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT had built or improved the roadway going up to and lands both of Guy de la Roche and of his the monastery. people.*7

. The sources make clear that Latins and Greeks The even tenor of Guy de la Roche’s rule lived together in Athens and Thebes with some over Attica, Boeotia, and the Megarid was of uneasiness. In an earlier chapter we noted two course interrupted by his involvement, against important references in letters of Pope Gregory Prince William of Achaea, in the war of the IX, dated 12 July, 1235, and 27 June, 1236, to Euboeote succession. After defeating Guy at “the frequent attacks upon and devastation of Mount Karydi (in 1258) William harried the

the city of Thebes,” which had often been plains of Attica and Boeotia with fire and ravaged by the Greeks.® But if soldiers will swore. ve prundered on tne very wars of fight, merchants will trade, and Thebes was still edes, as the Ghronicte of ihe Morea intorms us, a center for the manufacture of silk cloth and undoubtedly ecclesiastical estates suffered

The text h ved of . ' along with all the rest. But William was disor. as vont d " an interesting com- snaded from attacking Thebes by the metro-

mercial agreement, dated at Thebes on 24 De- _ politan and some of his own nobles.®® Guy swore cember, 1240, between Riccio di S. Donato, the Genoese consul resident in Thebes, and the 87 Liber iurium reipublicae genuensis, I (Turin, 1854), doc. lord Guy I de la Roche of Athens. The latter DccLvu, cols. 992—93 (in the Historiae patriae monumenta expresses the greatest esteem for the Genoese edita Tussu R. Caroli Alberti, VID: “ . . eo Salvo quod de Republi h ‘ticiizens . his can Panis eisdem Ianuensibus pro eis insolvere terra epudlic, whose comesericis Into DISab nostra textis seu compositis, ipsivel Ianuenses nobis domain by land or sea or, quod Deus adveriat, teneantur id quod ab aliis exigi solitum est et haberi. Coneven by shipwreck, with complete safety and _ cedimus etiam eis ut curiam propriam et suum consulem security, so far as he is concerned, in their © habere liceat. . . .” Cf. Hopf, Ersch and Gruber’s Encykl., d y d d with freed f h vol. 85 (1867), p. 276 (repr. 1960, I, 210); W. Heyd, Hist. goods and persons, an wit reedom trom t © du commerce du Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I (Leipzig, customary tolls and exactions. However, there is 1885; repr. Amsterdam, 1967), 293. On 27 September, the restriction “that on silk cloths woven or 1262, Pope Urban IV wrote the archbishops of Athens made in our land by the Genoese, or for them, Guy I of Athens), and five other members of the hierarchy the Genoese are themselves bound to pay us in Greece, requesting each to purchase and send to him

: ; and Thebes, the bishop of Argos (all three places under

that which is customarily demanded and had of “quattuor exameta . . . bene texta et tinta, viridis, violacei,

others.” The Gen e are nted thei rubei, bene coccati et albi colorum” (Jean Guiraud, ed., court and consul be rs ne wh ae » cir f the Les Registres d’Urbain IV [1261-1264], 1 [Paris, 1901], no. ° c - crore Who ; em crs 0 € 67, p. 17, and cf. no. 66, dated 6 August, 1262), showing Genoese community should be justiciable, except _ that Greek silks were still in demand in Italy for ecclesiasti-

in cases of homicide, theft, “and the violent cal vestments: the pope requests of each recipient of his seizure of women.” In both Athens and Thebes _ !etters four pieces of silk cloth, well woven and dyed green,

the G areh tolar purple, red, andSanudo, white. € enoese haveh a consu ar house, Ora 88 Marino Istoria del regno di Romania, ed.

community center, together with an open square Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), p. 105: “Finalmente il

(campus), to be assigned by the lord of Athens principe fatto un gran sforzo di gente, ando per gir a

where he shall choose and Genoese need require. “tten® € il signor della Roccia li ando in contro con la sua

. q "gente, e al passo del Moscro detto Cariddi fecero con-

For these concessions both the consul and the _ fiitto, e il duca fu rotto, e fugato. Il principe venuto vinciother Genoese in the Athenian lordship are to tore, e signore de la campagna, scorse tutto il piano del swear to help preserve the properties, persons, duca insino in Attene, depredando e bruggiando il tutto.” Cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s Encykl., vol. 85 (1867), p.

oo8 Corpus 279inscriptionum (repr. 1960, I, 213); Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant graecarum, IV (Berlin, 1856- (1908), pp. 105-6; Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 59), no. 8752, p. 345, on which see D. G. Kampouroglous, 220-21; and see above, p. 80.

History of the Athenians (in Greek), 3 vols., Athens, 1889-— 89 Greek Chron. of Morea, ed. John Schmitt (London, 1904), 96, II, 213-15, and cf. Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, p.93. vv. 3309-12, pp. 220, 221. With Guy de la Roche in Thebes

The English traveler Francis Vernon saw the stele in its were Geoffrey of Briel, lord of Karytaina; the brothers S. accustomed place, and copied the inscription into his Omer; Guy’s own three brothers; Thomas II of Salona; the journal on 10 November, 1675, a rather poor transcription _triarchs of Negroponte; and Ubertino Pallavicini, the mar(Royal Society, Burlington House, Vernon MS. 73, p. 36). grave of Boudonitza (zbid., vv. 3288-95). The Moreote He copied the date as A.M. 6740 (=A.D. 1232); it apparently chronicler tells the story of the war with much picturesque should be A.M. 6746 (=A.D. 1238). I am grateful to my col- detail, his sympathies being all on William’s side (vv. 3173league, Professor B. D. Meritt, for the loan of a photocopy of 3331). The verses in the last edition of the Greek chronicle

the Vernon MS. Cf., above, p. 65. by P. P. Kalonaros, Athens, 1940, are numbered as in

8 Auvray, Registres de Gregoire IX, II (1907), nos. 2671 Schmitt’s edition, on which Kalonaros largely depends for and 3214, cols. 108 and 421. his text.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 42] never again to take up arms against William, and the wisest clerks he had,” and before them a and promised to come before the High Court of statement of the case was made, of why and how Achaea to answer charges and to accept the _ the prince of Achaea had sent the lord of Athens, penalty of bearing arms against his alleged who was his vassal, to Paris to be adjudged and suzerain. The court sat at Nikli, whither Guy punished for having taken up arms against him came attended by Thomas II, lord of Salona,and and having done him battle in the field. There numerous other knights. Instead of declaring was debate among those high and noble men

Guy to have broken the fealty he owed the of France and those good clerks, whom the prince, and therefore to have forfeited the chronicler assures us to have been of great lands he held of him, as William apparently ex- understanding. At last the parliament reached a

pected, the assembled lieges decided that they unanimous decision: If Guy de la Roche had were not Guy’s peers, and so requested that his done homage to the prince and had then fought case be referred for judgment to King Louis IX against him as an enemy, he would have merited of France, arbiter in his day of so many disputes _ the forfeiture of whatever he held of the prince;

of high import over politics and property. Guy but since Guy had never done homage to was the vassal of Prince William for Argos, William of Villehardouin, nor had his predecesNauplia, and half of Thebes, but the Athenian sors, one could not call William the suzerain of lordship was a hereditary possession, won by the _ the lord of Athens (07 ne porroit dire que il fust son

sword, held by right of conquest, wherein Guy lige seignor). It was, therefore, decided that in de la Roche was sovereign. Peace was restored at sending Guy to France, “a land so far from Nikli, and knights jousted in the plain in celebra- Romania,” the prince of Achaea had already

tion thereof. received adequate satisfaction, for the offense Guy returned with his knights and followers committed against him by Guy, in the expense

to Thebes, where he spent the winter preparing and travail the latter had undergone to get for the long journey that lay before him. In to Paris. ‘There cannot be many instances in the March, 1259, leaving his younger brother Othon history of France in which Frenchmen have as bailie of the lordship of Athens,®° he set out declared that a journey to Paris and a sojourn with numerous attendants in two galleys which _ in that fair city was a punishment. Guy solemnly were awaiting him in the Theban port of Liva- thanked the king and the barons; kissed the dostro. He sailed to Brindisi, whence he was to _king’s feet; and requested letters to be duly go by land to Paris, where Louis IX anda French _ sealed in testimony of his appearance before the

court would pass judgment on him.” According royal court and of the decision of that court. to the Greek Chronicle, Guy went immediately When the letters had been prepared and deto the king, who received him with great honor _ livered to the lord of Athens, the king sumat the feast of Pentecost, which in 1259 fell on moned him, and said: “Sire de la Roche, you

1 June.” have come to Paris from a land so far away as

An emissary of Prince William, who had Romania. It is right and proper that you should accompanied Guy all the way, gave King Louis not depart from my court without receiving a letter in which William explained the nature of some favor of me, and therefore I grant you Guy’s offense and the conditions under which willingly what you ask, at all times saving my he had come to Paris to seek the royal judgment. crown and my honor.” Guy answered that he The king summoned “all the high men of France wished he might be called, from that day forth,

a the Duke of Athens, for this land had of old been Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio (1885), par. 234, p. a duchy, and its lord had been called the Duke

ermano, governaqaor ae a la terra suya. 1 ’

52: “2. et dexé [Guy] a micer Otho de la Rocia, su of Athens (which was doubtless so in popular 91 Greek Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, Ww. 3313-77, pp. parvance) and thus ee granted uy abe of 220-24; Chron. de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 232-44, pp. allegedly creating t c rst medieval Vu € 0 84-88; Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, pars. 223-34, . Athens.® The account in the Moreote Chronicles pp. 50-52, where Guy de la Roche is called William;

Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr. -rom. pp. 439-40. —_—_——— ® Greek Chron. of Morea, vv. 3373-84. The chronology °3 Chron. de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 245-53, pp. 88seems quite clear, but Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encykl., 92; Greek Chron. of Morea, ed. Schmitt, vv. 3385-3463, pp. vol. 85 (1867), p. 284 (repr. 1960, I, 218), and Wm. Miller, 224-30; Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, par. 293, p. 65; Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. 106-7, erroneously place and cf. the Cron. di Morea, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr. -rom., p. 440.

Louis’s reception of Guy after the latter’s sojourn in Note also, for what they may be worth, the fanciful obser-

Burgundy in February, 1260. vations of Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant., VII, 5 (Bonn,

422 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT is most unlikely. The lords of the Acropolis and (in 1277) was to marry Isabelle de la Roche, Cadmea were, however, officially known from Guy’s daughter, then widowed by the death of about 1280 as the dukes of Athens, a title borne her first husband, the warrior Geoffrey of by Theseus in the works of Dante and Boccaccio, Karytaina (d. 1275). Hugh de Brienne and Isa-

Chaucer and Shakespeare. belle were to be the parents of Gautier I (V) de On his return journey Guy spent some time in Brienne, also count of Lecce and the last French Burgundy, where he found relatives and friends, duke of Athens (1309-1311).

and probably some old retainers of his house In the meantime Prince William of Achaea whom he had not seen for more than fifty years. had met disaster in the battle of Pelagonia In February, 1260, he borrowed 2,000 livres (in the fall of 1259), as we have seen in an earlier tournors from Duke Hugh IV “for the needs of chapter, and while Guy’s own position was thus our land.” It was while he was in France or Bur- strengthened by the defeat and humiliation of gundy, according to Sanudo, that Guy met Hugh his opponent, obviously the Latin establishment de Brienne, the count of Lecce, who years later jin Greece was severely shaken. The news of

————_ Pelagonia brought Guy I de la Roche home in I, 239), on the title Duke of Athens. The Greeks called the spring of 1260, apparently in some haste,

Othon de la Roche and his successor Guy the “great lord d ‘lth ) € Pri Willi £ Vill (megas kyr), a title which appears constantly in the Greek an untl the re case OF trince Willa Of Villechronicle, although in a letter dated 14 July, 1208, Pope hardouin from his Byzantine imprisonment, Innocent III (an. XI, ep. 121 [PL 215, 1435B]) does call Guy was the mainstay of the Latin states in Othon the “duke of Athens” (dux Athenarum), but as ob- Greece. He died in 1263, and was followed by

served above (note 38), this seems to be the only employment . _

of the title in the papal correspondence of the period. ns elder son John 205" 1280), who beca me Jean Longnon has more than once emphasized that © osely connected with the Ducae of Epirus, the account, in the Chronicle of the Morea, of Louis’s granting who were hardly more reconciled to the EmGuy I de la Roche the title Duke of Athens “is notin accord peror Michael VIII’s victory at Pelagonia than with the documents.” In official acts neither Othon nor were the discomfited Latins. In 1264. however

Guy ever used this title, which contemporaries sometimes th ror finall ble t m k hat gave them unofficially. There is still no apparent change of € emperor was finally able to make wh title from 1259-1260, but only from about 1280, upon Seemed like a more or less lasting peace with

the accession to the ducal throne of William I, Guy’s younger the adventurous Epirotes. Nicephorus, son of son and second successor (1280-1287), suggesting that the Despot Michael II Ducas, was married to the official recognition of the title may have come from Louis's emperor’s niece Anna Palaeologina. About

brother, of Anjou, who was, after 1267, of 1967 the D ichae Michael II died d the lordsCharles of Athens and princes of Achaea (cf. suzerain “Problémes the espot ; led, an _Was suc-

de V’histoire de la principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, ceeded by his two sons. Nicephorus inherited

1946, pp. 90-91, and L’Empire latin [1949], pp. 222-23, the lands of the despotate, Epirus, Acarnania, 236-37, imporrant in tslegends con’ and Aetolia, together with the island of Leukas. nection. 87-8). A few naee early coms coins are of Guy I bear the Dns. .;

Athen. (Dominus Athenarum) and Theb. Crvi. (Thebarum Civis); Michael S bastard son J ohn, whose betrayal of

coins of William I and his successors, however, bear the his father’s allies had allegedly caused the Latin legends Dux Atenes and Thebe Civis; there are numerous disaster at Pelagonia, received Thessaly (the variations in the form: Dux Atenes, Dux Actenar’, Dux Ath’, medieval Blachia) with the so-called duchy of Thebe Civis, Tebes Civis, Thebani Civis, Tebar Civis, The- Neopatras (the modern Hypate), over which he ba’ Civis; the coins of the later de la Roche are fairly numerous | til his death in 1295. The E (see Gustav Schlumberger, Numismatique de UOrient latin, was fo rule until his death in ° e mperor Paris, 1878, pp. 337-40, and pl. x1, nos. 30-32). The evi Michael found John Ducas, whom the Latins dence of the seals is not helpful (G. Schlumberger, F. called the “duke” of Neopatras (from his family Chalandon, and A. Blanchet, Sigillographie de V'Orient latin, name Ducas), especially difficult to get along

Paris, 1943, pp. 195-96). ae ; with, but once more he had recourse to matriDuvol. Cange, detoConstantinople, ; : fF J. A.Chas. C. Buchon, I (Paris,Histoire 1826), doc.de xv, l’empire pp. 436- ™ony solve his problem, anded. married off hi his

37; Buchon, Recherches historiques sur la principauté francaise Nephew Andronicus Tarchaneiotes to one of de Morée et ses hautes baronnies, II (Paris, 1845), 385-86: John’s daughters. John himself received the title “. . . nos por les besoignes de nostre terre avons emprunt€ Of csebastocrator. and now like his brother

et receu en dus deniers dou noble baron , hdetore, bef; henetook Bourgoigne, mile nombrés livres de tornois. .. .” He uses Hugon, icepnorusduc twode or Niceph three years too the title Lord of Athens: “Nos Guis de la Roche, sire —————— d’Athines . . .” (Du Cange-Buchon, Hist., I, docs. xviI- % Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr.-rom., XVI, pp. 436, 437; Buchon, Recherches historiques, 11, 385, pp. 106, 473, and on Geoffrey of Briel, lord of Karytaina,

386, docs. dated February, 1259, which is 1260, new note Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 199, 246. Anna called style, and cf. Longnon, “Problémes de histoire de la herself Cantacuzena (Nicol, Family of Kantakouzenos [1968 ], principauté de Morée,” Journal des Savants, 1946, p. 90). no. 16, pp. 20-24).

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 423 or renewed an oath of allegiance to the Em- as the basis of an alliance. John de la Roche,

peror Michael.* who suffered severely from gout (fodagra), Marriage into the imperial family, however, declined the young lady’s hand; he did propose, did not lessen the Sebastocrator John Ducas’s however, that she be given to his more robust

bellicosity, and in 1270 after “breaking his younger brother and heir, William, lord of word many times,” says Nicephorus Gregoras, Livadia. Later on, the marriage took place. In

“he ravaged the territory of the Romans” the meantime other matters were more press[meaning of course the Byzantines]. The in- ing.” dignant emperor sent his brother, the Despot The lord of Athens got together some three John Palaeologus, the victor at Pelagonia, hundred or more knights and marched im-

against him in 1271; the despot’s army was mediately into the valley of the river Spercheus, supported by a large fleet; and for a while it then called the Ellada, where his slender force looked as though John Ducas’s last hour had was strengthened by such troops as John Ducas come as the Byzantine commander’s Cuman had been able to assemble. From a height near mercenaries plundered Thessaly. But John Neopatras, John de la Roche looked down upon Ducas took refuge in his hilltop fortress at the opposing army, and John Ducas pointed out Neopatras, and in desperation cast about for an its enormous size, allegedly 30,000 mounted ally. Hitting upon an audacious plan, when men, trenta mila a cavallo, but John de la Roche Neopatras was put under siege, he had him- replied, in Greek, with a phrase from Herodotus, self let down from the high walls with a rope, which had become a proverb, that “there were and in tattered clothes, his face concealed by a lot of people there, but few men” (zrodvs

a dark cloak, he made his way through the hads, odiyot avYpwrot). The appearance of

Byzantine camp disguised as a groom, holding the Frankish knights was a surprise. It was also a rein in his hand and raucously inquiring a success. The siege of Neopatras had achieved whether anyone had seen a stray horse. No one nothing. Rumors were quickly rife in the Byhad, and John Ducas got through the enemy zantine army, and various groups had begun to lines safely. Dawn found him on the way to flee even before they saw the enemy; some said

Thebes. He went by back roads, and reached that Prince William of Achaea was coming; his destination without further mishap. His ar- others said it was the duke of Athens, and rival caused astonishment at Thebes, for not these were right. Soon the whole army was in even the Neopatrenses knew that he had left disordered retreat, heading for the coast, where their midst. He apparently received a warm the imperial fleet was known to be stationed. welcome from John de la Roche, known to his John Palaeologus withdrew in haste with his people, says Pachymeres, as Syr Ioannes. John defeated forces, “the few having conquered Ducas begged the lord of Thebes and Athens the many,” and under cover of the darkening for help against the Byzantine invaders, and night the frightened troops saved their lives, offered him the hand of his daughter Helena those who resisted being killed. Pachymeres

ee paints a dismal picture of the Byzantine defeat.

**'That both the Sebastocrator John and the Despot .—H-+—— Nicephorus took oaths of allegiance to the Emperor 87 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., 1V, 30-31 (Bonn, I, 324-28); Michael VIII (. . . sacramentum . . . fidelitatis et ligt Gregoras, IV, 9, 2—5 (Bonn, I, 111-14). For the date 1271 homagii multototiens prestiterunt) appears from the state- see the chronological table in the Jesuit scholar Pierre ment of the case by the Byzantine protonotary Ogerius Poussines’s remarkable notes on the text of Pachymeres, (Jules Gay and Suzanne Vitte, eds., Les Registres de Nicolas 1, 758, to which Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, I [1277-1280], 5 fascs., Paris, 1898-1938, no. 384, p- p. 558, calls attention. According to Pachymeres, loc. cit. 135a, and R. J. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, Rome, (Bonn, I, 324), in the Byzantine army and fleet together

1970, par. 5, p. 552), but one may doubt whether Ogerius there were said to be 40,000 men. is an entirely objective and trustworthy source. Cf. Geo. 88 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., IV, 31 (Bonn, 1, 328-31),

Pachymeres, De Michaele Palaeologo, 1V, 26 (Bonn, I, who says there were about 300 Frankish knights in the force 307-—9), and Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist. byzant. IV, 9, 1 that broke the siege of Neopatras (ibid., p. 328, line 14, (Bonn, I, 109-10). John Ducas received the title of sebasto- and p. 330, I. 1); Gregoras, [V, 9, 6-7 (Bonn, I, 114-16), crator and his daughter married Andronicus Tarchaneiotes who puts the number at 500 (ibid., p. 114, 11. 21-22); about 1267 (Loenertz, op. cit., reg. no. 4, p. 557), the Sanudo, Regno di Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gr. -rom., pp. events being incorrectly dated in Délger, Regesten d. Kaiserur- 120-21: “Il duca [Miser Zuanne della Rocca, duca kunden d. ostrom. Reiches, pt. 3 (1932), no. 1976, p. 57. The d’Attene] veduto senza mirar ben detto essercito, disse in marriage seems to have taken place shortly after the Despot _greco: ‘Poli laos, oligo atropi,’ cioé grande essercito e pochi Michael II’s death, on which see above, Chapter 3, note 62. | vuomini.” Cf. Herodotus, VII, 210, and Diogenes Laertius,

424 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The broken army of John Palaeologus re- “third” of Negroponte, made good his escape treated northward toward the town of Deme- on a light-armed vessel, and organized the trias, at the head of the Gulf of Volos (or defense of Negroponte with some others who

Halmyros), where it might draw both provisions had also fled the disaster. Even so the Greeks and strength from the Byzantine fleet. The almost succeeded in taking the city. The Venetriarchs and the Venetians on Negroponte, tian colony, however, headed by their bailie, moved with excitement and jealousy when they much assisted by an Athenian force which learned of the success of the lords of Athens John de la Roche sent over the black bridge to and Neopatras, decided to emulate ontheseathe help them, warded off the Greek attacks, and victory which had just been secured on land. saved the city for its Venetian and Lombard They armed twelve galleys and transports (galee owners. The lord of Athens thus rendered a e tarrette) and fifty other ships with oars, and _ signal service to the cause of Latin rule in launched an ill-planned attack upon the imperial Greece,’°° and he had rendered also no small armada of (it was said) eighty galleys anchored service to John Ducas of Neopatras, whose off the harbor of Demetrias. The chosen captain restive spirit seems to have been but little

of the Latin galleys was Messer Filippo Sanudo, _ chastened by the dangers he had faced. In any

son of Leone Sanudo, onetime bailie of Negro- event John Ducas now gave his daughter to ponte (1252-1254); the historian Marino William de la Roche, together with a very subSanudo reports that Leone had left a good name _ stantial dowry, perhaps the price of Athenian

behind him in that important office, but that aid against the Palaeologi, and so William, the inexperienced son now mismanaged his already the lord of Livadia, received the towns command badly. The force of the Latin attack, of Gravia, Siderocastron, and Zeitounion however, was such as to drive back and crowd (Gitone), the modern Lamia."! It was a profitable together many of the Byzantine galleys, the marriage. The Athenian lordship now extended wind carrying some of them upon the shore. But north into Thessaly, encircling the margraviate

the Byzantine naval commander was equal to of Boudonitza, and approaching even Neothe emergency, and the galleys were pushed patras, which in the following century would offshore. Men-at-arms were dismounted, and itself become a Latin duchy and be ruled by a hastily sent on board the Greek vessels, where- Catalan vicar-general from the capital city upon a counter-attack was launched upon the of Thebes. Latin fleet, says Sanudo, “by men skilled in Although the Emperor Michael VIII found a warfare, and fresh, and [the Latins] were easily bulwark against Angevin attack in the ecclesiasdefeated.” The Venetian and Lombard losses | tical union of Lyon in 1274, as we know well, he were very grave. Among others, Guglielmo da_ had to admit papal supremacy and accept the Verona, whom Sanudo incorrectly identifies as _filiogue clause,'®* which once more exposed him the marshal of the Morea, was killed. Sanudo to the barbs of his Greek enemies, among whom lists an additional eight important persons who _ the Sebastocrator John Ducas of Neopatras and

were captured, including the captain, Filippo his brother the Despot Nicephorus of Arta Sanudo himself, and Francesco da Verona, occupied a most prominent place. Immediately father of that Boniface of Verona who was to after the formal ratification of the decree of play so conspicuous a part in the Euboeote union in April, 1277, by Michael VIII, his son and Athenian history of the next generation.*® Andronicus [II], the Patriarch John XI Beccus, Giberto II da Verona, lord of the southern and the Holy Synod in Constantinople, Michael

sent an embassy to the Ducae admonishing

———— them also to submit to Rome. The admonition vee Only Pachymeres (14271 °. ' 02) was 12017-1360) was a canonical necessity; if they failed to heed it, shows evidences of having read Pachymeres closely, but they would incur excommunication. They were introduces gratuitous changes in the narrative. Sanudo 9 ——————_——

(1270-1337) gives the historical tradition as it was pre- 100 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 122.

served in Negroponte and the Archipelago. 101 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 136. *Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 121-22; Pachymeres, 102 Cf. Michael VIII’s profession of Catholic faith (of Mich. Pal., 1V, 31-32 (Bonn, I, 331—35), who says that the April, 1277), in Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas III, no. :

Latins had about thirty ships; Gregoras, Hist. byzant., 228, p. 82a: “Credimus etiam Spiritum Sanctum plenum IV, 10, 1-4 (Bonn, I, 117-20); R. J. Loenertz, “Les et perfectum verumque Deum ex Patre et Filio procedentem Seigneurs tierciers de Négrepont,” Byzantion, XXXV coequalem et coes[s]Jentialem et coomnipotentem et

(1965), reg. no. 76, pp. 257-58. coeternum per omnia Patri et Filio.”

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 425 of course excommunicated, but when Michael ponte from Vicenza, and Licario’s first appearVIII tried to proceed against them, the treason ance in the pages of Sanudo’s history is as a of anti-unionist administrators along the Thes- simple knight of the city of Carystus, un cavallier salian border allowed, indeed encouraged, the della citta di Caristo detto Miser Licario, serving energetic John Ducas to seize “certain castles” in in the following of Giberto II da Verona, proud imperial territory.’ Neopatras became the triarch of Negroponte. Living in Giberto’s houserallying ground of Michael VIII’s adversaries, hold was his sister, Madonna Felisa, widow of

and the reader will recall that John Ducas_ the triarch Narzotto dalle Carceri (d. 1264), held an anti-unionist council late in the year with whom Prince William of Villehardouin 1276, at which dissident divines excommunicated had been involved two decades before. Felisa

the pope, the emperor, and the Byzantine was then caring for her several children. Licario patriarch. The sole source of our knowledge of fell in love with her, or she with him, and they this council is the memorial prepared by the were secretly married. The lady Felisa’s family imperial interpreter and protonotary Ogeriusin rejected her new husband with contempt, and the late spring or early summer of 1278. Michael Licario returned in an angry mood to his home

VIII, as we have seen, gave this memorial in the southern part of the island. There in the to the papal emissaries Marco and Marchetto mountains, “the gates of the wind,” near Caryto take back to the Curia Romana to explain _ stus, Licario had a stronghold.’*® He fortified why he was finding it most inexpedient to force his rocky height, and drawing to himself some every aspect of his commitment to church union of the discontented elements in the island, he upon the Greeks, for his religious stance had became the bane of the peasants of the countrycaused terrible dissension in his family as wellas side, but he could not bear for long to lead this

in the military administration along the Thes- inglorious life, removed from the Euboeote salian border, where John Ducas had become a_ courts and their ceremony. He grew tired of serious menace.’ Michael was especially ex- brigandage, at least on so small a scale, and so, asperated by the unsavory fact that while he says Sanudo, “he went to a meeting with the was trying to secure the subjection of the Greek captain of the fleet of the emperor [after the to the Latin Church, the Latins in Thebes Byzantine naval victory at Demetrias in 1271], and Athens, Negroponte and the Morea had _ Sire Michael Palaeologus, and told him that he never ceased to aid and abet his adversaries, wanted to enter the emperor’s service and to “namely those apostates Nicephorus and the give him this place [his castle in the mountains], bastard [John Ducas].” Finally Michaelsentsome and so he entered the emperor’s service and ships and men against the triarchs and Venetians gave him this place, from which the emperor of Negroponte, as Ogerius informed the Curia then caused much damage to the island of

Romana, and divine justice granted his forces Negroponte and to the others... .”1 The

a notable victory over the larger numbers of Euboeote and other island barons had long been

the Latin blasphemers.’ preying upon Greek shores and coastal cities,

The Byzantine attack upon Negroponte to and Michael VIII was pleased to have the means which Ogerius refers is certainly that made in of interfering with their activities by occupy1276 when Michael VIII sent a fleet with some ing them at home in their own defense. land forces against the triarchs and the Vene- Licario served Michael VIII well, and prostians. The fleet arrived for action in northern _ pered in his service. From about 1272 to 1275

Euboeote waters, under the vigorous com- he fought under the imperial banner in Asia mand of one Licario, whose hostility to his Minor, where Sanudo says he scored a “great fellow Latins was to be their undoing. Years victory” over the Turks.’ And now early in before, Licario’s forebears had come to Negro- 1276 Licario had returned to the island of

103 See the memorial of the Byzantine protonotary Ogertus, 106 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., V, 27 (Bonn, I, 410), calls the in Gay and Vitte, Registres de Nicolas III, no. 384, p. 135ab, — place Anemopylae; Sanudo, la Termopile (Regno di Romama,

and Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, pars, 4-9, pp. ed. Hopf, Chron. gr. -rom., pp. 119-20). Licario’s name

552-53. appears in the Greek historians as Ikarios. 14 The memorial of Ogerius, in Registres de Nicolas Ill, 107 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 120; cf. Gregoras, Hist. no. 384, p. 136ab, and Loenertz, op. cit., pars. 13-15, pp. _ byzant., IV, 5, 1 (Bonn, I, 95-96).

554-55. See above, Chapter 7, pp. 128 ff. 108 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 144-45, and for the 105 Registres de Nicolas III, no. 384, pp. 136b—137a, and dates, cf. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, “Mémoire

Loenertz, op. cit., par. 18, p. 556. d’Ogier,” reg. no. 20, p. 561.

426 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Negroponte as grand admiral (mega duca) of a___ cousin Isabetta, daughter of the lord Geremia, Byzantine flotilla of twenty-four galleys. He and had seized Skopelos, Skyros, and some other began with the siege of Oreos, the ancient islands from his own family. Filippo was a bold

Histiaea, at the northern tip of the island, and handsome fellow, eloquent too, but he took defeated a force of twenty Venetian galleys,and _ rather too grand a view of himself, in the opin-

succeeded in taking the fortress town.’°? His ion of Sanudo, for he used to attribute to himactivities continued through the summer and self, with classical pride, Ovid’s line to the effect

spring (1276-1277), and many Euboeotes joined _ that he was too great a man for fortune to injure him, both Greeks and Latins. He laid siege tohis (Maior sum, quam cui possit fortuna nocere).''” native city of Carystus. The siege took a long Those whom the gods wish to destroy, however, time, and Licario relieved his men of the bore- _ they first make mad, and the captured Filippo dom of working and waiting by pillaging Negro- was sent to Constantinople, where he long reponte and the other islands, whose wealth and mained in the imprisonment to which an injured waters he knew so well. Finally he took Carystus, fortune had destined him."

both the town and the “red castle,” and the Despite Licario’s astonishing successes on

delighted Emperor Michael VIII bestowed the Negroponte and in the islands, even as far afield entire island of Negroponte upon Licario as a_ as Cerigo and Cerigotto (to the south of the fief, for which he was to render the military Morea), a Byzantine army under John Synservice of two hundred knights, presumably adenus and Michael Caballarius, which had when the whole island should be conquered."* been sent against John Ducas of Neopatras, The emperor also gave Licario, as his wife, a was badly defeated in the plain of Pharsala. noble Greek woman who possessed great wealth, Synadenus was captured. Caballarius fled, and and the lady Felisa was forgotten. Licario was although some of John Ducas’s Frankish knights

much encouraged. The Euboeote castles of set off after him in hot pursuit, they could not Larmena, La Clisura, and La Cuppa, already overtake him. But Caballarius, giving a free taken, were refortified, and from the ancient rein to his horse, mistakenly thought that all promontory of Artemisium Licario cast his pred- danger lay behind him. He ran headlong into

atory gaze upon the neighboring island of a tree, and died soon after.'* During these

Skopelos, whose Latin inhabitants had been wont years it must have seemed to Michael VIII to boast, according to Sanudo, that all Romania _ that only Licario could emerge the winner in would be lost before their island stronghold an engagement with the Latins. The fate which would succumb to an enemy, and they expected, John Ducas had tempted more than once, more if disaster ever came, to board their ships with — tolerant in his case than in that of Filippo Ghisi all their treasure, and sail to safety in defiance of Skopelos, preserved his rule on the aery of the enemy. But Licario knew Skopelos of old; height of Neopatras for almost twenty years the island lacked water; he attacked during the _ longer. summer drought (of 1277) and took the island. Licario was untiring, and success whetted his Among his captives was the Venetian lord of ambition. Late in the year 1279 or early in 1280, Skopelos, Filippo Ghisi, a relative of Andrea with reinforcements for operations both on

and Geremia Ghisi who had shared with and and sea, he overran the island of Negrothe famous Marco Sanudo the conquest of ponte from Oreos to the capital city of Negro-

the Archipelago. Without bothering to secure ponte, the ancient Chalcis. The triarch Giberto a dispensation, Filippo had married his own JJ da Verona and his cousin John de la Roche, We Looney ap. cit, regg. nos. 28-24, pp. 562, 571 “lord of the duchy of Athens,” both of whom 110 When Carystus fell, fieario took the young Guidotto de happened to be in the city of Negroponte, went Cicon, son of the late lord Othon (d. 1264-1265?), a ——————_—— captive to Constantinople. Guidotto’s mother was Agnese 112 Metamorphoses, V1, 195. Ghisi, the sister or half-sister of the island dynasts Geremia 113 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 122~—24, and cf. Stefano

and Andrea Ghisi, on which see Loenertz, “Généalogie des Magno, Estratti degli Annali veneti, also in Hopf, Chron. Ghisi . . . ,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXVIII (1962), gr. -rom., pp. 181-82. On Filippo Ghisi, see Loenertz, Or.

160-61, and Les Ghisi (1975), pp. 34-37, 53. Christ. period., XXVIII, 127, 130, 131, 140; he died before 22

111 Licario’s Euboeote campaign and receipt of the island December, 1284 (ibid., p. 325). Cf. Les Ghisi, pp. 46, as an imperial fief should be put in the years 1276-1277 48-49, 53-55, 323-24, 364. (cf. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, “Mémoire d’Ogier,” 114 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., V, 27 (Bonn, I, 411-12); and

reg. no. 25, p. 562, correcting Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3 on Licario’s island conquests, including Lemnos (Stalimene),

[1932], no. 2042, p. 72). see Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 124-25, 127.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 427 out to meet the enemy. Licario waited for them held them as his vassal. It is strange indeed with a large body of men-at-arms, which in- that Michael did not now insist upon the surcluded Spaniards, Catalans, and some Sicilians, render of Argos and Nauplia in return for John who had once been in the employ of King Man- de la Roche’s release; perhaps he did, and John fred. He met them in a decisive engagement replied that he could not give them up without near the modern village of Vatondas,a few miles _ his suzerain’s consent, and that could never have northeast of the city of Negroponte, and scoreda_ been secured, for William, throughout the last signal victory over them. John de la Roche was _ decade of his life the vassal of Charles of Anjou, struck with a lance and fell wounded to the was the chief enemy of the Greeks in the Morea. ground; suffering, as always, from the gout, he In any event the emperor seems to have enterhad had trouble keeping his feet in the stirrups; tained a very high regard for John de la Roche

now he was unable to remount his horse, and so of Athens; he offered John his daughter in was captured. According to Sanudo, Giberto da__ marriage, it is said, to provide the lord of Athens

Verona was killed in the encounter, but Niceph- with an heir for his fair lands in Boeotia and orus Gregoras gives us a more dramatic ac- Attica; but John was ill, and as he had previously count of how, after Giberto, whom he calls the been obliged to refuse a Ducaena as his bride, so “ruler of Euboea,” was captured at Vatondas, now he was unable to marry a Palaeologina. he was taken to Constantinople. As he stood at Michael himself saw, when John was brought the door of the reception hall of the imperial into the imperial presence, that he was so badly palace, a prisoner of war at the mercy of his afflicted “that he appeared to be outside himcaptors, he watched the Emperor Michael VIII self, and that he had but a little while to live,” seated upon a throne, senators standing around and so Michael consented to John’s paying him him; then he saw Licario, the brother-in-law he a ransom of 30,000 solidi (soldi di grossi), and

had scorned to accept, “but yesterday and the “the said duke, having returned to his own day before a servant, now clothed in magnificent Athens, died shortly thereafter, and there sucraiment.” Licario went in and out with the easy ceeded him in the duchy his brother, Messer confidence of a Byzantine grandee, at home in William dela Roche, the lord of Livadia. . . .”""7

the exalted atmosphere of an imperial court. When the news of the defeat of Vatondas and Now Licario was whispering something in the the peril of Negroponte reached John de la emperor's ear, and Giberto dropped dead at Roche’s cousin Jacques, baron of Veligosti and the sight, “having been unable to bear the unex- governor of the Athenian possessions of Argos

pected issue and the violence of fortune.”" and Nauplia, the latter hastily gathered a But with John de la Roche many others were cavalry force, and traversing the duchy of captured, and the triumph of Licario was no Athens he arrived at Negroponte as soon as he less spectacular and complete even if Giberto could, according to Sanudo, completing in was not in fact a witness to its final scene. twenty-four hours a march that usually required Almost twenty years before this (in 1260), three days. Jacques de la Roche entered the city, Michael VIII had held Prince William of Ville- and set himself with great vigor to its defense, hardouin a prisoner, and the price of his release, co-operating with the Venetian bailie Niccold as we have seen, had been the cession of the Morosini Rosso (1278-1280), later called “the Moreote fortresses of Mistra, Old Maina, and good bailie” (il bon bailo) in Negroponte, because Monemvasia. According to Pachymeres, Michael he spent some 14,000 solidi upon the city’s dehad also demanded Argos and Nauplia at the fenses. Licario was not disposed to face such time,?!® but William had not been able to give up opposition; he abandoned the siege of Negrothe fiefs of the lord Guy de la Roche, who had ponte, and gave his unkind attention to conquering the rest of the island; in fact it was now, 115 Gregoras, Hist. byzant., IV, 5, 2-3 (Bonn, I, 96-97); Says Sanudo, that Larmena, La Cuppa, and La Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 125-26; Pachymeres, Mich. Clisura were seized and fortified. The chroPal., 1V, 27 (Bonn, I, 411). D. J. Geanakoplos, Emperor nology of events is not easy to reconstruct. Liop. 288 Fe oee Th cecias to. p Camere ge camp ans 2 cario also took the castle of Filla, of which some

few years too early. remains still exist on the road from Afrati to 116 Pachymeres, Mich. Pal., I, 31 (Bonn, I, 88). The battle Vasilikon, guarding the Lelantian plain, “so that

of Pelagonia and its consequences are dealt with above; the ——_——__—

sources relating to the price William paid for his release 117 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 136; Pachymeres, Mich. are collected in Dolger, Regesten, pt. 3, no. 1895, pp. 38-39. Pal., IV, 31, and V, 27 (Bonn, I, 328, 413).

428 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT he came to be lord of all the territory outside of great, only 231 hyperperi including the boat, Negroponte, and no one could go with safety to but adventurers like Bulgarinus were everythe Lelantian plain, nor bless the cross at the where. Some merchants lost much more heavily, fountain” [of Arethusa at Epiphany]."8 Terror and such rampant piracy was a grave deterrent reigned in Negroponte and the islands; Seriphos _ to trade.1! and Siphnos were taken; other castles on the __ As for Licario, at the pinnacle of his fame and mainland were occupied; and Sanudoinformsus_ good fortune, he passes from the pages of history

that the de la Roche of Nauplia suffered (about 1280) with the same suddenness as he severely from Licario’s corsairs.’? made his first appearance. He had done extraor-

The de la Roche themselves had apparently dinarily well for Michael VIII, and caused vast been a little careless about the suppression of damage to the prosperity and security of the piracy at Nauplia, when it was presumably to Latins in the Aegean. Some of the islands which their advantage to look the other way. When he captured remained thenceforth under ByGuy de la Roche was at the court of Louis IX in zantine rule until they fell, eventually, to the June, 1259, there were pilgrims and merchants Turks. What became of Licario, however, his present to complain of the losses they had wealthy wife, and their children is not known. suffered at the hands of “corsairs of Nauplia” Michael VIII died in December, 1282, eight and also (according to Sanudo) to assert Guy’s months after the Sicilian Vespers had vastly failure to see that justice was done them.’”° reduced the fear of the Franks in Byzantium. Sanudo was a good Venetian and sensitive to As usual a change of reign on the Bosporus the damage done by corsairs to merchant ship- brought forth new imperial favorites, and perping. When Licario sailed the Aegean, on and haps Andronicus II allowed Licario to sink into off for almost four years (1276-1280), always an obscurity which the historical sources do in search of Latin prey, Venetian merchants nothing to dispel. probably suffered increased losses. For some weeks preceding March, 1278, three Venetian _—‘ The island of Andros, where Bulgarinus left

judges received petitions, examined claims, the Venetian merchants stranded on the shore, heard witnesses, and approved assessments of had known little but violence since the time of damage caused to citizens and subjects of the the Fourth Crusade. Andros had actually fallen Republic by Greek pirates and freebooters to Venice in the partition treaty of 1204, but despite the truce supposedly existing between was occupied in 1207 by Marino Dandolo, who Venice and Byzantium. There are only two received it as a fief from Duke Marco I Sanudo references to Licario in the depositions, which of the Archipelago (Naxos). Sanudo and his include cases extending back over a half-dozen companions had allegedly conquered the island years and more, but he sustained the atmos- at their own expense. The Latin conquistadores phere of warfare in the Aegean and provided a_ were a tough lot, and in Andros, as in Athens sensational model for offensive action. The and Achaea, the ecclesiastical current could not names of certain corsairs are recurrent, among flow smoothly. Bishop John of Andros was a them one Bulgarinus de Ania. On Monday, 16 suffragan of the archbishop of Athens, who was December, 1275, for example, Bulgarinus came _ in no position to protect him against Dandolo’s upon five Venetian merchants at Andros witha highhandedness, and in any event papal policy

small transport loaded with merchandise for did not encourage bishops to have recourse to Negroponte. He asked them where they hailed their archbishops for the redress of grievances. from, and was told, “We are all Venetians from Therefore, John carried his case to the Curia Negroponte.” “Just the people I’m looking for,” Romana. he replied; “I want to get Venetians and I search On 21 January, 1233, John secured a bull from for them!” He seized them all, stamped their Pope Gregory IX, then at Anagni, excommuni-

letters of security under foot, took all their

goods and other possessions, and left them 121 Tudicum Venetorum in causis piraticis contra Graecos penniless on the shore. Their losses were not decisiones, in Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, III (1857,

repr. 1964), 159-281, with the account of Bulgarinus’s

——_____— piracy on p. 219 and the references to Licario on pp. 237

118 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, pp. 126-27; Wm. Miller, and 259. The Latin clergy fared as badly as the laity (bid.,

Latins in the Levant (1908), p. 141. pp. 170-71). Bulgarinus was apparently a native of Anaea 48 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 127. (Ania) on the Carian coast opposite the island of Samos. 120 Sanudo, Regno di Romania, p. 106. Anaea was a pirates’ nest.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 429 cating Marino Dandolo, whose impiety raged For some three years Bishop John of Andros like a fire against both God and Holy Church. held the bishoprics which he had thus received John had appeared before the pope and told his in commendam, but was left penniless once more

tearful tale of how Dandolo had imprisoned in 1236 when their revenues were taken away him, “and with a new kind of power, a layman from him. John had again to seek the papal excommunicating clerics as it were, he enjoined presence, for Marino Dandolo had in no way upon all persons in his territory under certain _ relaxed his intransigence despite excommunicapunishment that no one should speak to him or tion. The archbishop of Athens had deprived give him any aid or counsel.” When John finally John of the churches of Daulia and Thermo-

escaped this wretched tyranny and fled into pylae, which he gave to a certain Conrad, who exile, Dandolo despoiled him of all his pos- was then acanon of Athens. The Latin patriarch sessions and ecclesiastical revenues. For eight of Constantinople, Niccolo di Castro Arquato years John had lived as an outcast in poverty (1234?—1251), confirmed the grants, and even (and so the conflict must have begun at least bestowed Coronea upon one Rinaldo, apas early as the year 1225). At one point Simon, parently a canon of Santa Sophia. The pope the Latin patriarch of Constantinople (1227— ordered the dean of Athens and the archdeacon 1232), and certain other religious and upright and cantor of Thebes to have the revenues of men had intervened in an effort to settle the the three churches restored to John, but the differences between the bishop and the lord of dean of Athens seems to have left Greece, and Andros. Indeed, Dandolo swore to abide by the the two Theban zudices were in John’s opinion terms they arranged, but lost in his sinful arro- thoroughly unreliable (valde suspect). Gregory IX

gance, he held the prospect of excommunica- now received the dispossessed bishop of tion in contempt, and did not show the slightest Andros for the third time, and on 26 October, inclination to keep his word. To shake some 1238, ordered the dean, cantor, and treasurer understanding into him, therefore, provided of of the Church of Corinth to restore the revenues course that the facts were as John had stated of Daulia, Thermopylae, and Coronea to John, them at the Curia, the pope ordered the bishop if the facts were found to be as he had repre-

of Mosynopolis, the dean of the Athenian sented them to the Curia. Expressing compaschapter, and the archdeacon of Thebes publicly sion for the poverty and hardships which the to proclaim Dandolo’s excommunication with aged John had suffered through the years, the ringing of bells and the lighting of candles. Gregory directed that he should remain in posThey were also to see to it that all men avoided _ session of the said revenues until he could return

him until he had restored the exiled John’s to Andros and dwell peacefully in his own

property, made amends for the injuries he had church.’ caused, and entirely ceased his harassment of Violence breeds violence, and the exile and both the bishop and his church. If it should loss of property which Marino Dandolo had prove necessary, the addressees of the bull were inflicted upon the hapless bishop of Andros to invoke the aid of the secular arm:Inthemean- soon proved to be his own lot. For whatever time they were to assign the impoverished reasons, Dandolo was himself expelled from bishop the revenues of the churches of Coronea, his island domain (about 1239?) by Geremia Daulia, and Thermopylae to enable him to live Ghisi, lord of Skiathos, Skopelos, and Skyros,

decently.” who had the assistance of his brother Andrea, lord of Tenos and Mykonos. After Dandolo’s

122 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 16, fol. 74, ed. R. J. death his widow Felisa and his sister Maria Doro, Loenertz, “Marino Dandolo, seigneur d’Andros, et son =—W— conflit avec lévéque Jean, 1225-1238,” in Byzantina et Simon, see Leo Santifaller, Beitrage zur Geschichte des LateinFranco-Graeca (1970), pp. 414-15 (an article reprinted from ischen Patriarchats von Konstantinopel (1204-1261) .. . Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXV [1959], 165-81), and Weimar, 1938, pp. 36-37. Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, I (1896), no. 1053, cols. 123 Auvray, Registres de Grégoire IX, II (1907), no. 4581, 613-14. In the early 1850’s, when he was preparing his cols. 1161-62; Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, pp.

study of Andros, Hopf knew no bishop of the island see 404-5. Although the bishop of Andros is among the adbefore John de S. Catarina of Bologna, a Carmelite, whom dressees of papal letters dated 4 January, 1239, and 16 Archbishop Nicholas of Athens consecrated on 14 August, November, 1240 (Reg. Grég. IX, I, no. 4702, col. 1203, and

1345, in Negroponte (Daniel a Virgine Maria, Speculum fasc. 12 [Paris, 1910], no. 5308, col. 324), it is not clear Carmelitanum, 11 [Antwerp, 1680], no. 3268, p. 933, cited that he was ever in fact restored to his see. On the Latin by Hopf, Andros, 1 [1855], 51 [see below for Hopf’s work], Patriarch Niccol6 di Castro Arquato, see Eubel, Hierarchia, I,

and cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 89). On the Latin Patriarch 206, and especially Santifaller, Bettrage, pp. 38-42.

430 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT with the Signoria itself as the third complainant, Jacopo Querini, whom we can only assume

instituted at Venice a process against the to have been Felisa’s husband and defender, brothers Ghisi, and on 11 August, 1243, the and Dandolo’s sister Maria Doro wanted the Maggior Consiglio passed motions sequestrating _ restitution of their property. Venice wanted to

the brothers’ properties in Venice. The Doge recover her allotted sovereignty over Andros. Jacopo Tiepolo was to send to Geremia Ghisi Geremia died some years later, apparently still and instruct him unconditionally to surrender in possession of the island, which Duke Angelo into the hands of the Venetian bailie at Negro- Sanudo then took over as suzerain. The case ponte or some other ducal emissary before the dragged on, becoming a cause célébre in the following Easter (which would fall on 3 April, Aegean. Andrea Ghisi tried to clear himself at 1244) “the castle of Andros with the entire island Venice, and took an oath of obedience to two

and all the property which was seized in both envoys of the Republic. A resolution of the the castle and island aforesaid when the castle Maggior Consiglio of 14 and 28 March, 1252, was itself taken from the noble lord Marino _ provided for instructions to be sent to Andrea Dandolo, now dead, and from his sister, the that he should bend his every effort to bring noble lady Maria Doro.” According to the Vene- about the release of the island and castle of

tian assessment, Dandolo’s property had Andros to Venetian authorities before the

amounted to 36,450 hyperperi, not counting coming feast of All Saints (1 November). If his horses and other animals, and Maria Doro’s _ he was successful, the money and other goods to 1,400 hyperperi, including the value of her belonging to him, which were being held by the

animals. Before the feast of S. Peter (29 June, procurators of S. Mark, would be returned to 1244) both Geremia and Andrea Ghisi were to him, but would (alas!) still be retained for a come in person to Venice ad obediendum precepia year as a pledge for the satisfaction of certain

domini ducis et sui consili, although if adequate charges, including piracy, which had been cause prevented their doing so, they might send lodged against him in Venice. In the meantime, deputies with full powers to act on their behalf. If up to the feast of All Saints, Andrea could Geremia Ghisi surrendered the castle and island invest his sequestrated assets in pepper, wax, of Andros, together with the properties in ques- silk, gold, and silver. The transactions would

tion, by the date specified, the doge and his be supervised by the procurators of S. Mark. council would then adjudicate the claims being But if the Republic did not secure possession made against the brothers Ghisi by the three of Andros on or before All Saints, Andrea’s complainants, 1) the commune of Venice, 2) the money and goods were again to be confiscated, noble Jacopo Querini, who had apparently mar- and he would again fall under the ban of the ried Marino Dandolo’s widow Felisa, and 3) state.!> Indeed, it would appear that the only Dandolo’s sister Maria Doro. Otherwise, from way Andrea could escape the ban would be to the feast of S. Peter on, the brothers would be persuade Duke Angelo to give up the island to “banned” in Venetian territory everywhere in the persistent Signoria. property and person (forbanniri in habere et Venetian procedures were cumbersome, and persona), and their possessions would be seized _ the state was unyielding. At long length by and held for the satisfaction of the claims being _ resolution of the Maggior Consiglio on 19 March,

made against them.’ 1253, the procurators of S. Mark were to recall within a month all the funds of Andrea Ghisi

124 Karl Hopf, “Geschichte der Insel Andros und threr wate had been ai fe ut ees: under 4

Beherrscher in dem Zeitraume von 1207-1566,” Sitzungs- Pp ena ty of two soll 1 or each poun not rep a l

berichte der philosophisch- historischen Classe der k. Academie der O11 time. A month being deemed too short notice,

Wissenschaften zu Wien, XVI (1855), 39-40 (cited elsewhere as the term was prolonged until 18 May, and there-

Andros, 1), and “Urkunden und Zusatze zur Geschichte der after further adjustments were made.!“* On 10 Insel Andros und ihrer Beherrscher ... ,” tbid.. XXII ~©>————_____ (1856-57), doc. I, pp. 238-39 (cited elsewhere as Andros, are re-edited in Roberto Cessi, ed., Deliberazioni del Maggior

II), and cf. Loenertz, “Marino Dandolo . . . ,” Byzantina et Consiglio di Venezia, II (Bologna, 1931), nos. 1-2, pp. Franco-Graeca, pp. 405-6. Valuable as they are (and they 141-42. broke much new ground), Hopf’s studies contain numerous 125 Hopf, Andros, II, doc. 1, pp. 239-40; Cessi, Deliberaerroneous conjectures and false genealogical data, which zioni del Maggior Consiglio, II, sec. XIIII, doc. 11, pp. 119-20,

are to some extent corrected in Loenertz, op. cit., pp. 399- “. . . die XIIII intrante marcio . . . die quarto exeunte 419. The decrees of the Maggior Consiglio initiating ac- suprascripti mensis marcii. . . .” tion against Geremia and Andrea Ghisi on 11 August, 126 Hopf, Andros, II, doc. 11, p. 240; Cessi, Maggior 1243 (recorded among the consilia specialium personarum), Consiglio, 11, no. 6, p. 143.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 43] January, 1259, Marino Ghisi of the parish of S. Grande left S. Jean d’Acre in the Holy Land, Moisé, holding a letter of commission from where he had been the Venetian bailie (1278Andrea, stood warranty for him to the extent of 1280?), “and came into Romania to ask Messer 30,000 pounds Venetian (which was probably the Marco Sanudo for the half of the island of total of Andrea’s assets then held by the procura- Andros which milady Felisa . . . had held and tors of S. Mark) to remove him from the banand_ possessed.” Niccolo has replaced the Jacopo allow him safely to come to Venice fora yearand Querini of the Venetian decree of 1243 in a day to settle his affairs and see justice done pressing a claim to Andros; it is hard to escape before the doge and in the courts both on his_ the conclusion that Niccolo was Felisa’s son by own account and on that of the complainants her second marriage, to Jacopo; but even so against him.?2”7 On 28 March (1259) the ban was Niccolé had no right to any part of Marino finally withdrawn, and Andrea could return to Dandolo’s fief, and Felisa’s dower right lapsed

Venice.’”® with her death. But he made the claim, and But Andrea never came back home to see Duke Marco II rejected it, stating that he was

whether he could find his way out ofthe labyrinth prepared to answer for his decision (says Marino in which he was caught. He was an old man now, Sanudo) “in the court of his prince” [Charles

very old. Twenty years had passed since his of Anjou, now prince of Achaea]. Niccolo brother Geremia had seized Andros, and more carried his case to Venice, where the jurists than fifty years had passed since the incredible and politicians remembered that Andros had period of the conquest. It is not clear when been assigned to the Republic in the division Andrea was first accused super facto raubariarum, of Byzantine territory in 1204. A resolution of “robberies” at sea, but doubtless some of the was adopted in the Maggior Consiglio on 12 complainants and witnesses had died in the March, 1282, “on behalf of the commune of meantime. Andrea probably died about this time Venice, the nobleman NiccolO Querini, and (1260-1261), and some twenty years later, on other persons,” that before the coming feast of S. 17 October, 1280, the Venetian government Michael (29 September) Marco Sanudo should took steps to satisfy the claims of those whom himself come or send a qualified deputy to the procurators of S. Mark had listed in their Venice, where the doge would review the affair records as his just creditors, payments being of Andros. If he did not appear or send someone made “from the monies which belonged to the _ in his stead, action would be taken against him.°

late nobleman, Andrea Ghisi.”’° Marino Sanudo says that Marco II Sanudo was So much for the final disposition of Andrea summoned to Venice come cittadin venezian, but

Ghisi’s Venetian property, but the affair of he was also the duke of Naxos, and in a firm

Andros was still not settled. The lady Felisa, reply to the Signoria Marco stated that his grandMarino Dandolo’s widow, had recovered the father, the first duke, had held Andros, just as half of the island which was her dower right, he had held Naxos, by right of conquest and

to which Duke Marco II Sanudo, who had imperial investiture, by an investiture in fact

succeeded his father Angelo as duke of Naxos “freer than that of any baron who was then in early in 1262, must obviously have given his Romania.” Marco II’s memorial to the Doge consent. According to Marino Sanudo, after Giovanni Dandolo, justifying his retention of the lady Felisa’s death, Niccolo Querini da Ca_ Andros, is one of the best-known documents

in the history of Latin rule in the Aegean.

oe ; __.Reviewing the history the duchy ofos Naxos127 Iv, p. 241; Cessi,ofMaggior .

Consist’ IL no. ho 45. who Pi tce the document 10 Andros from the beginning and noting the January, 1258, “indictione secunda” (i.e. 1259). shift of suzerainty from the Latin emperors to 128 Hopf, Andros, II, doc. v, p. 241; Cessi, Maggior Con- the princes of Achaea, Marco stated that his

siglio, II, no. 18, p. 146, “die IIII exeunte marcio” (ie. grandfather, his father, and he himself had 7 22 Hone Andros, II, doc. v1, pp. 241-42; Cessi, Maggior done homage to their overlords in each genera

Consiglio, II, no. 128, pp. 167-68. The complainants tion and with each change of suzerainty, with against Andrea charged that “se esse raubatos in mari” never a word of protest or remonstrance from (ibid., no. 18, p. 146); on his career see Loenertz, “Généa- | Venice. Upon the death of William, last of the logie des Ghisi,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXXVI Villehardouin princes (in 1278), Marco stated,

(1962), no. 3, p. 127, and especially Les Ghist (1975), - a pp. 38-43, 75. Andrea was still alive in February, 1260, ——————— -

not 1266, as stated in Loenertz (ibid., p. 42, on which see 130 Hopf, Andros, II, doc. vu, p. 242; Cessi, Maggior the document of 22 December, 1284, zbid., p. 284). Consiglio, I1, no. 142, p. 170.

432 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT “we rendered the homage we owed, to our lord bailie in Negroponte (1291-1293), who was

the king” [Charles of Anjou]. Affirming his acting on the persistent Niccolé Querini’s dedication to the honor and prosperity of behalf. An agreement was reached whereby Venice, of which he claimed to have given Marco bought out Querini’s pretensions to

proof in times past, Marco professed to have no half the island of Andros for 5,000 “pounds” knowledge of the Republic’s claim to Andros “in (lire) to be paid over a period of five years, and

accordance with the partition of the empire” thus brought the extraordinary case to a close. (pro imperii particione). But if Andros had really The affairs of Andros, like those of Athens and devolved upon Venice in the partition, Marco Achaea, show that the heirs of the Fourth Cruwould gladly render due homage to the Re- _ saders had inherited with their lands both the

public. rivalries and the confusion which had attended His memorial was probably being prepared the conquest.

about the time news of the Sicilian Vespers a reached Naxos. Charles of Anjou’s position © When John de la Roche died in 1280, he appeared to be weakened, and Marco was aware Was succeeded by his brother William, the first that Venice was hostile to Angevin pretensions member of the family officially to bear the title in the Levant. But he made it clear that in his Duke of Athens. Already lord of Livadia, Wilopinion Venice had no right to summon him to liam had acquired the northern fiefs of Gravia,

the lagoon for the adjudication of a specious Siderocastron, Zeitounion, and Gardiki by his claim to part of Andros. When on 19 March, Marriage with Helena Ducaena of Neopatras, 1277, the Republic had negotiated a renewal who became the mother of his son Guy H, of the treaty (treuga) with Michael VIII Palaeo- known as Guyot or Guidotto. Although, when logus, his name was not listed with those of the war of the Euboeote succession broke out, other Venetians; he was given a separate status, Guy I had refused to recognize Prince William and the Republic declined to take responsibility of Villehardouin as his suzerain (except for for any infraction of the treaty of which he might Argos, Nauplia, and half Thebes), and John’s

be guilty, for he held his domains of Prince OWN position with respect to the Achaean William of Achaea, who was still living at the suzerainty iS unclear, Duke William immediately

time. Marco insisted that, according to the recognized Charles of Anjou as his overlord. Assizes of Romania, Niccold Querinihad noright He asked, however, to be excused from appear-

to any part of Andros, his alleged claim should ing at the Neapolitan court to do homage in first be adjudged in the feudal court at Naxos, Person, for his presence was required in Greece. and appeal from the judgment of that court Charles granted his request on 8 July, 1280, and should be directed to Charles of Anjou, suzerain also allowed him to export fifty steeds from of the duke of Naxos-Andros, and certainly Apulia for use in his Greek domains.™ not to the doge of Venice. He concluded his William’s court seems to have been a center of memorial with an appeal to the Signoria not to Frankish chivalry, like that of the Villehardouin allow discord to arise between the Republic and before him. His brother-in-law, Count Hugh de Charles of Anjou because of the pretensions of Brienne, stayed with him for a while when he a grasping citizen, whose claims were contrary came to take over half the barony of Karytaina,

to feudal law and justice.1*! which his young wife Isabelle de la Roche had

Whether Duke Marco II Sanudo was or was_ [eft at her death (her first husband Geoffrey of not actually to be considered a Venetian citizen, Briel had held the barony when he died in 1275). the Querini were influential, and Niccolo was Another relative, Gautier de la Roche-Ray, was

active in the affairs of the Republic. There precentor in the Parthenon, the cathedral was strife in the Aegean, and in 1286 Marco church of Athens. But actually little is known of

got caught up in a war with the Ghisi over a William’s reign over Attica and Boeotia. No

stolen ass; the war cost the contestants, according §——————

to Marino Sanudo, more than 30,000 solidi. '® Hopf, Andros, I, esp. pp. 39-51; Marino Sanudo,

Marco II wanted peace in the islands and peace 8"? # Romania, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873), . . P . P pp. 112—14; and see the summary of the whole affair in D. with the Venetians, and so he listened to the Jacoby, La Féodalité en Gréce médiévale (1971), pp. 273-80. overtures of Niccolo Giustinian, the Venetian 133 Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine Encykl., vol. 85 (1867), p. 320b (repr. 1960, I, 254b); C. Minieri-

a131Riccio, “Il Regno di Carlo I d’Angio ... ,” Archivio Hopf, Andros, I, doc. vIn, pp. 242-45. storico italiano, 4th ser., III (1879), 162.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 433 document issued in his name has yet been dis- Charles II had sent royal commissioners into covered. In 1282, however, he equipped nine the Morea to see that Prince Florent and Princess ships in Euboea to add to an Angevin fleet Isabelle were put in possession of the princiunder the command of Jean Chauder on, the pality, and at Negroponte on 22 December, constable of Achaea, for service against the 1989, the triarch Marino dalle Carceri and cerGreeks, whose mounting successes had worried tain notables of Achaea attested to the fact that

the Latin feudatories for more than twenty fealty had been sworn and homage duly ren-

Years.” , dered to the new prince and princess by the During the four years of Charles II the Lame’s barons and feudatories of Achaea. They served captivity in Sicily and Aragon Catalonia (1253 as witnesses for the crown “for want of judges

1289), me he or Count RO ert Il o aro and a public notary, for such are not appointed

served as Dalle or regent. Robert was inevitably by the court in the principality of Achaea.”

much preoccupied with affairs in Naples, and ; . ; . . The Angevin mission had gone satisfactorily quickly turned to the most powerful feudatory , ; rere except for the noble lady Helena,: 7: duchess of in Greece for governance theof principality . . .-- Athens, of wife the late William de la Roche, of Achaea. Robert appointed, as Angevin bailie , dian [balia] for h [Guy II]

and vicar-general, Duke William de la Roche, 2¢U28 48 guar nd he M OF Ter The «I d who had a strong military base in Athens and "0W 4 Minor, ane the sO ene d eek th Thebes, and was connected by marriage with of Bouconitza, who have he used to take the the Sebastocrator John Ducas of Neopatras. ath of fealty and do liege homage. . . .” William’s tenure of office was peaceful (1285- William de la Roche had clearly not hesitated 1287). He looked to the defenses of the princi- to do homage to Charles I of Anjou either as pality, and built the strategic castle of Dematra king of Sicily or as prince of Achaea, although near the upper reaches of the Pamisos to guard for the half-century following the conquest the the descent into Messenia. But the later de la lords of Athens had been Achaean vassals only Roche did not live long, and when William died, for Argos, Nauplia, and half the seignory of Robert of Artois appointed in his stead as bailie ‘Thebes. Damala, the ancient Troezen, also owed of Achaea the sturdy baron Nicholas II of S. homage to the prince of Achaea; it was, however, Omer, lord of half Thebes, where he built the in the hands of a younger branch of the de la once-imposing castle on the Cadmea with its Roche family. But the submissive attitude which famous murals of the First Crusade. Nicholas Guy I had shown to Prince William of Villewent on with the work of refortifying the Morea hardouin at the parliament of Nikli (after Wilby constructing two castles in the southwest ofthe liam’s victory at Mount Karydi) seems to have peninsula. According to Hopf, Charles the Lame jmplied that Guy now recognized his vassalage removed Nicholas from office on 25 July, 1289, for the lordship of Athens also. In the second and about six weeks later, as we have already treaty of Viterbo (of 27 May, 1267) Michael VIII

seen, the principality was restored to Prince palaeologus is said to have overrun all the William of Villehardouin’s daughter Isabelle | atin empire except the principality of Achaea,

and her husband Florent of Hainaut, under and since he had not occupied the Athenian

whom me prowea pened ed ror atime, and then duchy, the Angevin court must have regarded resumed the Cownward course of its history."" the duchy as an integral part of the principality.

—_ And this was obviously Charles II’s understand84 Cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encyhl., vol. 85. pp. 320b-2la (repr., I, 254b-55a), who cites documents —————

(destroyed in September, 1943) from the Angevin archives ‘86 Perrat and Longnon, Actes relatifs a la principauté de

in Naples. Morée, doc. 9, pp. 29-31, and cf. doc. 55, pp. 61-62. 135 Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encykl., vol. 85, pp. 320a, Apparently the Angevins sent judges and notaries from

321a, 322b, 332 ff. (repr., I, 254a, 255a, 256b, 266 ff), Italy into the principality of Achaea “pro quibuslibet Cf. Longnon, L’Empire latin (1949), pp. 262-63. Nicholas II Curie sue negociis” (ibid., doc. 51, pp. 58-59). On 12 March,

of S. Omer was still vicarius et bajulus of the principality on 1290, Charles II authorized Florent to receive the homage

16 July, 1289, as shown by a royal order issued to him of Bartolommeo I Ghisi, lord of Tenos and Mykonos on that date (Charles Perrat and Jean Longnon, eds., Actes (docs. 12-13, pp. 33-34). Bartolommeo was the son of relatifs @ la principauté de Morée [1289-1300], Paris, 1967, Andrea, one of the conquerors of the Archipelago in doc. 3, p. 23). On Nicholas, the castle he built at Thebes, 1207; he was a very old man in 1290 (Loenertz, “Généalogie his fortresses in the Morea, and his appointment as bailie, des Ghisi,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXVIII [1962], note the Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. Schmitt (1904), vv. 127, 130, 149, 150-51, 152, 325 ff, and Les Ghist

8056-8109, pp. 522-26, and on the construction of [1975], pp. 90, 95-96, 98, 99, 101, 104, 106, 113, Dematra by William de la Roche, ibid., vv. 7997-8000, p.518. 362, 364).

434 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ing when he granted the principality to Isabelle Aix-en-Provence, repeated the summons for and her husband Florent of Hainaut.1*" Pentecost (25 May),’*? but for whatever reason Charles II had no doubt that Athens should the affair was settled neither that year nor the lie under the suzerainty of Achaea. On 18 April, next, and from Paris on 10 October, 1293, in 1290, he wrote the Duchess Helena “that you response to a petition from Florent, Charles must do homage to Florent both on his own be- named two knights and a judge to go into the half and on that of his wife for the islands and Morea and investigate certain fiefs in the princilands which you hold in the aforesaid princi- _pality and report on the question of the de la pality.” Nothing could be more certain than Roche homage.” There was need for clarificathat he is not referring to Argos and Nauplia, tion, for Guyot was growing up, and would soon because on the same day the same injunction be ruling the duchy himself. On the feast of S. was sent to the margrave of Boudonitza, who John the Baptist (24 June) in 1294 a rich aspossessed no holdings in the Morea.’*® But sembly of bishops and barons witnessed the early in September, 1291, the news reached apparent end of Guyot’s nonage when he was Charles that Count Hugh of Brienne and Lecce, knighted in a dramatic ceremony by Boniface one of the high feudatories of the kingdom of of Verona,'* whose chief role in the history of “Sicily,” was going to marry Helena Ducaena, Athens, as we have said, was yet to be played. the duchess of Athens, and on the fourteenth The struggle for suzerainty over the Athenian

of the month he wrote Prince Florent from duchy was obviously a quest for power and

Tarascon in the Rhone valley that he was allow- prestige. It illustrates something of the feudal ing Hugh to do the same homage “asthe duchess mentality of the age as well as the uncertainties

herself has rendered to our court at another which Charles II’s vacillation introduced into time by reason of the guardianship which she __ the shaky political structure of Latin hegemony

exercises for her son in the duchy of Athens.” in Greece. The duchess of Athens seemed to Florent was not to oppose this act of direct have won the contest, however, when on 9 July, obeisance to the crown, for no injustice was in- 1294, Charles, now back in Italy at Melfi, extended, and everyone’s rights would be respected pressed his willingness to accept homage and without prejudice. But to resolve the contention fealty directly from Duke Guyot de la Roche, which had arisen between Florent and Helena, who was said to have come of age, and two Charles stated that he was summoning a repre- commissioners were appointed, an ecclesiastic sentative (procurator) from each side to appear and a knight, to go into Greece and receive the

before him at a set time.'*? young duke as a royal vassal.’** But on 25 July

The time was set for Christmas; the royal Charles suddenly informed Hugh de Brienne court would still be in Provence.'*® But by 7 and the Duchess Helena that the homage and January, 1292, neither Florent nor Helena had _ services owed for the duchy of Athens belonged sent procurators, and Charles, who was then at to Florent and Isabelle by virtue of the royal

grant he had made them of the principality.

"437 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, introd., pp. 11-12. Now he was renews the ‘grant de novo, and

138 Thid., docs. 16-17, p. 36. From 26 May, 1290, Charles ¢manded that the “relief” (relevium) due for II gave up the title Prince of Achaea, and ordered it re- Guyot’s inheritance of the ducal fief be paid to moved from the “great seal of our Majesty,” the action Florent and Isabelle “according to the use and

bein qnensionee on a aie of 2cf. yy 366). custom ofL’Empire the empire of Romania.” ibid., doc. 19, p. mandate 38, and Longnon, latin, p.He. :added :. ( 139 Perrat and Longnon, Actes. doc. 22, pai. On the same nate pugs and nelena were going to exerase day (14 September, 1291) Charles wrote Nicholas II of S. urwmer tute age over Guyot, you are to render Omer, formerly bailie of the principality (1287-1289), to the required homage for the said duchy . . . to receive Hugh’s act of homage without prejudice to the =——______ claims and rights of Florent and Isabelle (zbid., doc. 23, pp. 141 Ibid., doc. 31, p. 47.

42-43), and a similar notice was addressed to Hugh (doc. 14 Thid., no. 66, p. 69.

24, p. 43). 143 Ram6én Muntaner, Cronica, chap. 244, ed. Karl Lanz,

14 Thid., doc. 26, p. 44, dated 18 September, 1291: Chronik des edlen En Ramon Muntaner, Stuttgart, 1844, pp. “. . . de regio mandato procedit ut princeps Alc]hahie 437-38. Boniface was the son of Francesco and the grandconsorsque ipsius et ducissa Athenarum, ex parte sui,coram son of Giberto I of Verona, triarch of Negroponte (cf. eo [Karolo rege] citentur instanter ita quod infra festum R. J. Loenertz, “Les Seigneurs tierciers de Négrepont,” Nativitatis dominice primo futurum compareant in Byzantion, XXXV[1965], reg. no. 107, pp. 265-66, et passim). Provincia . . . per sollempnem et legitimum procuratorem 144 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 100, pp. 101-2. The de jure illorum sufficienter instructum. .. .” Cf., ibid., king also took Guyot’s Moreote possessions under his pro-

no. 56, p. 62. tection (doc. 101, p. 102).

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 435 the aforesaid princess and prince.” By a privi- on 12 July, 1294, young Philip of Anjou, who lege, duly witnessed and sealed on the same day, had been made prince of Taranto five months Charles declared that the duchy of Athens did _ before, himself announced his forthcoming mar-

not depend upon the crown immediate et in riage to Thamar, and sent procurators to Arta capite, “for we, within the cloister of our con- to arrange the formalities of their betrothal science, considering that at the time of the afore- and subscribe to the various pacts and conven-

said concession it was our intention that the said tions that would go with it. The marriage

duke’s homage and services, then owed to our _ took place at L’Aquila in August, and Thamar re-

Curia for the duchy, had been granted like all ceived as a dowry the inland strongholds of the other rights of the principality to the said Angelocastro and Vrachori (Agrinion), together

princess and prince. . . .” Thedecreesparesno with the fortress towns of Vonitza, south of repetition to make clear that henceforth Athens the Gulf of Arta, and Naupactus (Lepanto), at

lay in feudal bondage to Achaea.’ Charles the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth. At the

also directed Othon of S. Omer, who had just same time Charles II ceded to Philip in a grand succeeded his brother Nicholas II as lord of half enfeoffment (of 13 August, 1294) all the AnThebes, and Thomas III d’Autremencourt, lord gevin lands and rights “in the principality of of Salona, as well as all Guyot’s other vassals to Achaea, the duchy of Athens, the kingdom of withhold their homage and service from him as_ Albania, the province of Thessaly [Blachia],

long as he failed to do homage himself to and in other places of the empire or region of Isabelle and Florent.'*® Nevertheless, Guyot Romania,” for which Philip would pay as feudal continued to drag his heels, and there was little dues each year six bolts of samite (a heavy silk that either Charles or Florent could do about it. fabric) in three different colors.’°° Charles had

In the meantime Charles II had resumed his in the meantime informed Florent, Isabelle, father’s close diplomatic ties with the aging and Guyot de la Roche that, to provide a more Despot Nicephorus Ducas of Epirus and the effective bulwark against the constant attacks latter’s wife Anna Palaeologina. As early as 1 of enemies, he was going to centralize the June, 1291, Charles had given Florent of Hai- defense of the Achaean principality and the naut (and the ever-useful knight Pierre de l’'Isle) Athenian duchy by granting all his rights and full authority to negotiate with the Epirotes the suzerainty over them to Philip, whose control marriage of their daughter Thamar, preferably also over Thamar’s lands would presumably with Charles’s fourth son Philip or, failing that, help bring about a new era of security among with his third son Robert of Anjou. Charles the Latin states in Greece.}*!

promised that he would make such provision Once more it appeared that the duchess of for Thamar’s prospective husband as would be- Athens’ delaying tactic had proved effective. come the young man’s princely honor and his_ She was doubtless being advised and supported own, “and that the said daughter of the despot by her husband Hugh de Brienne, who was very and despoina shall have as her dower a third influential in Naples and was acting with her as part of what we shall bestow upon our son ac- Guyot’s bailie or guardian. Now Achaea and

cording to the use and custom of our king-

dom. . . .”!47 This was of course a matter of firmitas) between Naples and Constantinople as well as a large importance both to Naples and to Arta. marriage between Andronicus’s eldest son Michael [IX] It required much discussion and the exchange and Catherine of Courtenay, titular Latin empress and of embassies over some three years." But finally daughter of Philip of Courtenay late ttulay emperor a

TF 130, 143-44, 153-54, 158-59, 165, 169-73, 197, 218, 219). 145 Thid., docs. 106-7, pp. 105—7, and note docs. 109-11, 149 Thid., doc. 103, pp. 103-4. pp. 108-10. 150 Thid., doc. 116, pp. 113-14; Chronique de Morée, ed.

46 Ibid., doc. 108, pp. 107-8, dated 25 July, 1294. Longnon (1911), pars. 658-60, 974, pp. 262-64, 381;

Florent and Isabelle are said to have imprisoned Othon Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encykl., vol. 85, pp. 336-37 of S. Omer for his refusal to do homage directly to them = (repr., I, 270-71). For another sex samita de tribus for the fief he held in the Athenian duchy (zbid., doc. 134, — coloribus, Philip also received the island of Corfu and

p. 128, dated 6 February, 1295). the castle of Butrinto (Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 47 Ibid., doc. 21, p. 39-40. 117, pp. 114-115). The Despoina Anna Palaeologina of

48 Ibid., docs. 41, 43, 60-62, 64-65, 68. During this Epirus came to Italy for her daughter’s marriage to Philip, period Angevin missions were also sent to the Emperor and as Anna prepared to return home, Charles II armed Andronicus II, whose own envoys were frequently to be three galleys to carry her and her suite across the Adriatic found at Charles II’s court, an attempt being made to _(ibid., doc. 126, pp. 120-21, dated 12 January, 1295). arrange a “perpetual peace” (pacis et amicitie perpetua 151 Ibid., docs. 80-81, 105, pp. 83-85, 105.

436 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Athens stood on the same level in the feudal gone to Philip of Taranto. Charles therefore pyramid, both vassals of Prince Philip of Ta- demanded that Florent and Isabelle render in ranto, himself the vassal of the Angevin king. defense of Thamar’s lands the military service But in fact the status of the Athenian duchy they owed the Angevins for the principality, was far from settled, and now Florent and Isa- “without prior judgment of our right or that of belle balked at the subinfeudation of Achaea. the said prince of ‘Taranto.” They were also to They declined to do homage to Philip, which require, if necessary to force, the barons and caused Charles II, as he wrote them on15 March, feudatories of Achaea to do likewise. Further1295, “no small astonishment,” for he and the more, if Florent and Isabelle did not render the

royal council found their objections trivial, and required homage to the prince of Taranto, he commanded them to do the required homage Charles would command their own barons and

immediately upon receipt of his letter. Emis- feudatories to withhold obedience from them, saries of Florent and Isabelle had moreover and require them to answer in the royal presence again requested him to compel the duke of for their contumacy.’* Athens to do homage to them, Charles stated, Whether to answer for her contumacy or not, “and yet on the contrary it has been claimed and Isabelle did go to Italy. Royal orders of 26-27 put forward on behalf of our son, the prince of September, 1296, locate her in Brindisi, preparTaranto, that we conferred the aforesaid right ing to return to Achaea.'** She seems to have

of vassalage and homage from the duke of been an attractive person, and the amiable Athens upon the prince of Taranto well before Charles II was fond of her; she sometimes we granted it to you.” In this connection Hugh appears in the documents as soror nostra carisde Brienne, acting as Guyot’s bailie, was said sma, and after all he gave her back the princilegally to have taken the oath of vassalage to _pality of Achaea, which his father never evinced the prince of Taranto. (Obviously Hugh had any serious intention of doing. Isabelle did her

seen an opportunity to sidetrack Florent and work well, doubtless discussing her problem Isabelle.) All this involved a new problem which with both Charles and Philip of Taranto. But Charles, since he was then in Rome, was unwill-_ while at the Neapolitan court she did homage ing to resolve, but which within six months of in person to Philip of Taranto as her acknowlhis return to his own kingdom, with his advisers edged suzerain of Achaea.

and the relevant documents at hand, he would The Angevins had gained their point, and decide. At that time Florent and Isabelle as they conceded hers. Also Hugh de Brienne,

well as Philip of Taranto could either personally the mainstay of Athens, had died some weeks or through procurators state their case in full. before, and Duke Guyot no longer had a strong In the meantime Florent and Isabelle were not advocate in Naples. On 1 October, 1296, thereto harass the young duke of Athens in any way.’” fore, Charles II wrote Guyot that he had previOne would think that by this time Florent and ously granted Isabelle and Florent and their Isabelle had stated their claim to the Athenian heirs “in perpetuity the homage and service due suzerainty as fully and frequently as necessary. our Curia for the duchy of Athens .. . , deOn 6 October, 1295, Charles wrote Florent termining then and indeed declaring that you and Isabelle again on the same score, observing and your heirs would render this homage and

that if a vassal was bound to defend his lord’s service to the aforesaid prince and _prinproperty, the lord was in turn bound to defend cess. . . .” The king stated that the registers the vassal’s. The Despot Nicephorus Ducas was_ in the royal archives bore full witness to this Charles’s vassal, and Charles must defend his grant, and he expressed wonder that Guyot had lands, including Thamar’s dowry, which had so long delayed the execution of his mandate. Philip of Taranto had just withdrawn all claim

182 Thid., docs. 145-46, pp. 134-35. On 8 April, 1295, to the Athenian homage, removed all doubt as to Charles II commissioned two procurators to go to Greece the proper recipients of the duke’s obeisance, and receive the sacramentum fidelitatis et ligium homagium ac “and consents and agrees that you shall render promissio serviciti from the Duchess Helena of Athens and the said homage and service to the .. - prin-

ner two brothers ponstantine and eee 147-49, 0e i ot cess and prince. . . . ” Charles therefore re38), As of this date, obviously, Charles intended ‘Athens to newed his injunction that, despite all past enactstand in direct dependence upon the crown, but such was §=——-—————

his indecision that he found it difficult to make up his mind 153 Thid., doc. 161, pp. 145-46, and cf. docs. 162-63. for long. 154 Thid., docs. 188-89, p. 162.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 437 ments to the contrary, Guy must now comply _ of special grace upon Isabelle, subject to certain with the present order thus to do homage “un- express conditions, one of which she was now

der penalty of losing the entire duchy ..., seeking to violate, for no heiress to Achaea could [and] you may know for certain that, if you be married without the royal consent. Charles delay further or disregard [this command], we _ had not been consulted during the negotiations shall order procedure against youinsuch fashion between Isabelle and Guyot. Mahaut was still in that you will understand what it is to disobey our annis infancie, and she was said to be related

orders.”?*° to Guyot within the prohibited third degree of Whether Guyot delayed further, is hard tosay. consanguinity, for which no papal dispensation Presumably he yielded, and did homage, for the had been secured. Charles therefore perempdispute over the Athenian suzerainty disappears _ torily ordered the young duke of Athens to refrom the documents. But after seven years of turn Mahaut to her mother within three days of

peace in the Morea, Florent of Hainaut was_ his receipt of the royal letter. When Mahaut now (in the summer and fall of 1296) preoc- had reached the proper age, her mother might cupied with a renewal of hostilities between decide, “with our consent, however, to whom she Greeks and Latins, in the course of which the ought to be married, whether to you, if it please Frankish castle of S. George, which guarded the the Church and us, or to another.” Charles entrance into Skorta (Arcadia), between Kary- threatened appropriate action if his order was

taina and Leondari, was betrayed into the hands_ disregarded, and directed Guyot to inform him of Turkish mercenaries under the Byzantine “what you have done about this matter.”!*® captain at Mistra. Despite his best efforts, Florent Guyot’s response, if any, to the king’s letter was unable to recover the castle. With the ap- is unknown, but his advisers and Isabelle’s had

proach of winter, he withdrew to Andravida, been well aware of the canonical impediment

where he died, apparently on 23 January, to the proposed marriage, and had already

1297,’° and Isabelle set about ruling the princi- appealed to the Curia Romana for the necessary pality by herself. With Florent dead, the ques- dispensation. Some five weeks after the date of tion of the Athenian suzerainty was likely to Charles’s letter to Guyot, Pope Boniface VIII come up again, and Nicholas III of S. Omer, _ granted the dispensation at Anagni (on 9 August, the marshal of Achaea, proposed that Isabelle 1299), presumably after some consultation with marry her three-year-old daughter Mahaut, her the Neapolitan court. The pope made his deonly child, to Guyot, now the dashing young cision pro bono pacis,!*® and he may have exerted duke of Athens. It would be “the noblest mar- some pressure on Charles, who was likely to riage in any part of Romania.” The Chronicle _ yield to pressure. At any rate he did yield, and

of the Morea relates that the marriage was on 20 April, 1300, he wrote Guyot consenting

quickly arranged.?*” to the marriage with Mahaut, and directing him At least the betrothal was quickly arranged, _ to observe the truce which, with royal authorizaand the littke Mahaut was entrusted to the care tion, Isabelle was then seeking to make with the

of the ducal court at Thebes and Athens. Of Emperor Andronicus II.!@ course the marriage of Duke Guyot and the When Guyot came of age, he took over the Princess Mahaut would bring to an end the longcontinued contention over who was suzerain of 158 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, doc. 211, pp. 181-82. Athens. But it also made possible Guyot’s own _u Georges Digard, ed., Les Registres de Boniface VIII, I succession to the principality, and Charles II (Paris, 1890-1904), no. 3175, col. 465. Charles II was the

immediately interposed an objection. On 8 July, rawal of he Chart fr he ington Sg ans yori ne me Suyet that te principality of 1295 (ibid., I [Paris, 1884-1907], no. 117, col. 46). DispenChaca Na evolved upon him by the treaty sations for marriage within the fourth degree of consanof Viterbo, and that he had bestowed it as an act guinity were not uncommon, and Boniface had granted one in May, 1295, to Nicholas III of S. Omer himself 155 Ibid., doc. 191, pp. 163-65, and cf. doc. 192. (ibid., I, no. 139, col. 53). In December, 1299, Count 156 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 801-27, pp. Riccardo of Cephalonia and Marguerite of Villehardouin, 318-27; Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encyhl., vol. 85, p. _sabelle’s sister, received a similar dispensation (ibid., II, 346 (repr., I, 280); Longnon, L‘Empire latin (1949), pp. 277-00. 3285, col. 523).

78. 160 Perrat and Longnon, Actes, docs. 237-39, pp. 201-2, 87 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars, 831-40, pp. and for Isabelle’s authorization to make a truce with 329-33, and cf. the Greek Chronicle of Morea, ed. Schmitt Andronicus II covering the Latin lands in Romania, see,

(1904), vv. 7974-84, pp. 516, 518. ibid., doc. 236, p. 201.

438 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT rule of the Athenian duchy himself, and clearly streperous John Ducas died sometime before 8 did not get along well with his mother, the April, 1295, and his son Constantine succeeded dowager Duchess Helena, and “not observing _ him as “duke” of Neopatras.!® Together with his the debt of filial devotion which he owed her, brother Angelus, Constantine promptly invaded he seized with violence the abbey of Stiris [S. Epirus in force, and on 1 July King Charles II

Luke in Phocis] with its rights and appurten- ordered Florent of Hainaut, then prince of

ances, in which her dower had been established, Achaea, and the young Guyot de la Roche to as well as much movable property.” Although at help repel their destructive attacks upon the the king’s command Philip of Taranto had sent despotate.1* A year later both Constantine and

letters both to Guyot and to his prospective Nicephorus sent embassies to Charles II at mother-in-law Isabelle, ordering the return of Brindisi;'® peace was restored between NeoHelena’s property, they had had no effect, owing _patras and Epirus; and Charles even directed the

to Guyot’s stubborn refusal to comply. Helena’ Latin lords in Greece to assist Constantine had therefore renewed her appeal to Charles II, against the Byzantines, to whom Nicephorus who on 31 July, 1299, ordered Isabelle to force and Anna had appealed for aid.1® Nicephorus Guyot to restore the abbey of S. Luke and the did not long survive the peace, however, and duchess’s other property. Otherwise, Charles his son Thomas inherited what remained of the stated, he would have the bailie of Philip of despotate after the Angevins had occupied the

Taranto’s Greek and Epirote lands proceed lands which comprised Thamar’s dowry. against Guyot, which would not be necessary if Thomas was a boy, and his mother Anna ruled the present letter had the desired effect.’© in his name. Constantine hated her, because she Guyot and his mother also disputed possession _ had betrayed his elder brother Michael into some of the fortress towns of Zeitounion and Gravia, _ eight years’ imprisonment and a violent death in

which had been part of her dowry, and which Constantinople,’® and in 1301-1302 he again she was apparently “disposed to sell or alienate” invaded Epirus.’® But he died in the midst of against her son’s wishes and to his “evident his campaigning, and left the duchy of Neoprejudice and loss.” Now it was Guyot who ap- _patras to his young son John II (1302-1318). pealed to Charles II, who replied on 12 January, As Constantine contemplated death, he wanted 1300, that he was ordering Philip of Taranto’s his nephew Guyot de la Roche, the duke of bailie in Romania to hear both sides of the case, Athens, to serve as John II’s guardian, which and render a decision as to who should legally Guyot was glad to do (as the Moreote chronicler hold the two towns. Charles also wrote Helena informs us), for it increased his honor and to take “no further action” (nulla novitas) with authority in Greece.’ regard to the towns, and informed her son that 1f The duke of Neopatras was a boy, unable to she ultimately refused to abide by the bailie’s handle his own affairs; his guardian, the duke of decision, force would be in order. In this event Athens, a young man, untried in a crisis. Anna Guyot would be authorized to take possession Palaeologina saw the opportunity to strike at of Zeitounion and Gravia, but only after he Neopatras, and as the Byzantines and Bulgars had formally protested against her intransigence were themselves preparing to move into Thesand given her an opportunity to abide by the _ saly, her troops suddenly descended upon Pha-

bailie’s decision.'” narion, between Trikkala and Karditza. Guyot de

rt ; la Roche met the challenge with a call to all his

Helena Ducaena’s disagreements with ner son vassals, including Nicholas of S. Omer, marshal were among the least of the hostilities whic of the Morea and lord of half Thebes; Thomas some of the Ducae manifested toward one an-

other. Although the Despot Nicephorus of ~ |, .., Epirus and his bastard brother John Ducas of 1% ji) aces: 158-56" pp, 141-48, and ef. doc. 161, pp.

Neopatras could combine in their early years 145-46.

. ’ . ., doc. , Pp. , , ; ’

against the Emperor Michael VIII, they boreno = ibid. docs. 183-84, P. 159. 3 September, 1296: Hopf love for each 0 ther, and Ni cepno val s wie in Ersch and Gruber, Enoyll., vol. 85, .. 355 (repr., I, 989), Anna Palaeologina, who remained loyal to the 187 Geo. Pachymeres, De Andronico Palaeologo, 1, 25, 27 imperial family in Constantinople, was always (Bonn, II, 67-68, 72-77). inimical to the Ducae of Neopatras. The ob- 168 Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encykl., vol. 85, pp.

TT 356b, 357b—58 (repr., I, 290 ff.). 161 Ibid., doc. 220, p. 191, and cf. doc. 222, p. 192. "°° Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 873-80, pp. 162 Thid., doc. 232, pp. 198-99. 345-48.

THE ATHENIAN CHURCH 439 III d’Autremencourt, the lord of Salona; and_ with 100 knights. Thomas III of Salona and the Boniface of Verona, lord of Carystus. He also aged Francesco da Verona also appeared with summoned “the gentlemen of Negroponte . . . 200 men in their company. Guyot rode out two that they should come to help him in this war miles to meet them, and embraced the marshal which the despoina [Anna] had commenced (says the chronicler) “more than ten times.” against him.” The call was for three months’ Guyotand Nicholas dined together, slept a while, service in the field, and although Philip of and then discussed the assembled army—“the Savoy, by this time prince of Achaea, for- finest host that one had ever seen in Romania” —

bade his marshal to go off to fight in’ more than 900 Latin knights, 6,000 horse from

Thessaly, Nicholas of S. Omer assembled 89 Thessaly and Bulgaria, “and a good 30,000 foot.” mounted men, of whom 13 were knights, and Nicholas assumed command of the army at the

the rest squires and archontes. He went from duke’s request, and the next day they all took Andravida to Vostitza (Aigion), thence across to the road. By evening they reached Thalasthe Gulf of Corinth to Veteranitza, north to sinon, where they spent the night, and where Salona (Amphissa), through the divide between Nicholas and the other leaders took counsel as Mount Elato and Parnassus to Gravia, and on to the route they should take to Ianina, “where through the valley of the Ellada to Zeitounion they had been told the despoina was, with all (Lamia). At Gravia he had been informed that her host, to defend her country against the Guyot had waited for him a week at the Ellada, duke of Athens.”!” and then gone north into Thessaly. Nicholas The next day they followed the well-worn road spent two days in Guyot’s former encampment to Trikkala, which they reached in two days. by the Ellada, resting his tired men and horses. Thereafter they passed by Kalambaka (Stagus), On the third day he pushed on to Domokos, and reached a place which the chronicler calls

“to a castle which is at the entrance to the “Serquices;” here they encamped, and were plain of Thessaly.” Guyot was only six miles told they were a day’s journey from Ianina, a

away.170 three days’ march for the army. The Despoina

The Moreote chronicler is well informed. He Anna’s scouts had kept her informed of the was probably in Nicholas of S. Omer’s retinue, duke’s advance, and she could easily see that and he has left us a vivid description of an army her situation did not call for a display of valor. on the march at the beginning of the fourteenth She sent messengers to the Frankish camp at

century: “Serquices,” assuring the duke and the marshal When the marshal rose in the morning [breaking of her good will toward them. She claimed that camp at Domokos], he set his people in the order in P hanarion had not been occupied “by her which they should ride. He made the beasts of counsel or by her desire;” she offered to give burden go first; he had more than a hundred of the place up; “and for the expense which they them, mules as well as horses, his own and those of had incurred in coming so far, she would give his people. And next he had the armed horse goone them 10,000 hyperperi . . . , 7,000 to the duke after the other; there were more thana hundred and and 3,000 to the marshal.” Since the Thessalian thirty of them, and grooms led them with the right archontes as well as the Latin barons thought hand. Then two squires followed, carrying his two j+ was well thus to recover Phanarion without banners attached to lances, and after the banners further effort, the despoina’s offer was accepted, shield before him, and another his lance with a and peace was re-established with Epirus.

another two squires, one of whom carried his ; ; ang

pennon bearing his arms. . . . And he rode next, Both the Latins and Greeks felt, however,

with a single knight close by; then the knights came, that so great an army should not have been asriding two by two; and finally the squires in line. So sembled in vain “without doing something which they rode, in such array that their troop stretched out was honorable.” Under the circumstances the

a good two miles.17! most honorable thing they could think of was to

repay a petty grievance against the Byzantines

As Nicholas of S. Omer pushed on, he met jin Macedonia, and so “they entered into the Boniface of Verona, lord of Carystus, who held emperor’s land, beyond the boundaries which of the duke two castles and now came to his aid —givided the empire from Thessaly,” overrunning 170 Tbid., pars. 881-89, 891-94, pp. 348-53. These events §————————-

are dated in June, 1302 (ibid., p. 401). 172 Chronique de Morée, ed. Longnon, pars. 896-902, pp. par. 895, p. 353, and Longnon, L’Empire latin, 353-56. p.1 Ibid., 284. 173 Ibid., pars. 903-7, pp. 356—57.

440 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the picturesque countryside almost as far as Weber’s ideal types, Guyot might be taken as a Thessalonica, where the Empress Irene (Yo- model for his time. He cultivated charm, praclanda of Montferrat), the wife of Andronicus II, _ticed courtesy, and was given to ostentation. was residing at the time. Like the despoina, In May, 1304, he participated with dash and Irene sent two Latin knights and two Greek daring in the brilliant parliament summoned archontes as messengers to the duke of Athens by Philip of Savoy to meet at Corinth, and in and the marshal of the Morea. They brought the long, flat plain, where the Isthmian games rich gifts with them as well as the empress’s had once been held, Latin knights jousted for remonstrance against this invasion of imperial twenty days in long-remembered encounters territory since Andronicus hada “truce and good under the approving eyes of the ladies. The peace” with his Latin neighbors to the south. French chronicler of the Morea says that Guyot The messengers spoke frankly of “how the duke came to Corinth avec belle chevalerye, and his had no just cause to break the peace which he _ chronicle comes to an end with the tournaments had sworn with the emperor,” who had in any in which Guyot’s prowess was tested and passed

event given the empress, as her chevance, the muster.”

city of Thessalonica and its appurtenances, Some time after Charles II’s favorite son and it did not become “such valiant men as_ Philip of Taranto was made prince of Achaea they were and of such renown to make warupon (in May, 1307), he appointed Duke Guyot de la women.” She appealed to their knightly honor Roche his bailie in the principality, perhaps to and courtesy, and after all were they not her assuage Guyot’s resentment that the hereditary kinsmen (comme ses chiers parans que il estoient). claim of his wife Mahaut of Hainaut to the The duke, the marshal, and all the barons were _ principality had not been honored by the Anmuch impressed with Irene’s message; they gevins. But Guyot did not exercise for long this could see that she was indeed a noble et sage authority in the Morea. He died on 5 October, dame; and they promptly decided they would 1308, in his twenty-eighth year, the last of an cause her no further trouble. Thereupon they illustrious line. Wealth had apparently given broke camp and marched back into Thessaly; the him too abundant opportunities to indulge his local archontes returned to their homes. When large capacity for pleasure. The Greek chronicler Guyot reached the Ellada, near the castle town of of the Morea says he passed his life in'debauch-

Zeitounion, the Negropontines took leave of ery. Guyot was buried the day after his death in him, and so did a number of others from Argos, _ the Cistercian abbey of Daphni, on the road from

Nauplia, and Athens. But Guyot, Nicholas of Athens to Eleusis. A beautiful marble sarS. Omer, Thomas of Salona, and some other cophagus, with Latin decorative motifs, includbarons went to see the little John II in Neopatras, ing two fleurs-de-lys, may still be seen , today where they remained two days. Guyot spent under the colonnade in the courtyard at Daphni. some further time in the valley of the Ellada, Buchon believed it to have been the sarcophagus taking seriously his duties as John’s guardian. of Guyot, and it may well have once contained Nicholas of S. Omer spent one more week the body of one of the French dukes of Athens.'” with him, “leading the good life,” and then But of this, as of much else in the Burgundian went back to the turmoil which Prince Philip history of Athens and Thebes, there can be no of Savoy was creating in the principality of certainty.

Achaea. , , 175 Ibid, pars. 1008, 1014-24, pp. 393-94, 396-99

It is hard to belie ve that Guyot de la Roche S 176 Greek Chronicle of Morea, fed. Schmitt ( 1904), vv. campaign in 1302 involved 30,000 footsoldiers. 947-55, p. 522; Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio (1885),

It may also be hard to believe that he withdrew pars. 516-22, pp. 113-15; Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber,

from Thessalonica because the Byzantine Enoki, Nol Bo PP. 367b- 60a frepre 2 SO tb sa), ane empress, noble and sage lady that she was, a P- Gommremoriali, Reg. 1, fol. 135”, summarized in R. Predelli, pealed to his princely honor. But the theatrical Regesti det Commem., I (Venice, 1876), no. 382, p. 89, a display of virtue was part of the current fashion _ letter dated 13 October, 1308, from the Venetian councillors of knighthood, and if one sought to depict the at Negroponte, reporting among other matters the death sociology of Frankish Greece in terms of Max oO the duke of Athens on the fifth; J. A. Buchon, La Grece

continentale et la Morée, Paris, 1843, pp. 131-33, on Guyot’s

—_—_ death and burial; Millet, Le Monastere de Daphni (1899), pp. 174 Tbid., pars. 908-18, pp. 357-62. 38-40; Longnon, L’Empire latin, pp. 292-93.

17. THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY UYOT DE LA ROCHE was succeeded as they reached Cassandrea on the Chalcidic G duke of Athens by his nearest male rela- peninsula. During the spring and summer of tive, Gautier I [V], count of Brienne and Lecce, 1308 they were harassing the monks of Mount

“and the said count,” says the Aragonese Athos, and in the spring of 1309 they entered chronicler of the Morea, “arrived at Glarentza the plains of Thessaly, where Gautier found [in the early summer of 1309] with two galleys them a year later (a goodly number of Turks to demand the heritage of the Athenian duchy among them) conveniently at hand for use because of the death of milord Guy de la against the Ducae and the Palaeologi.? Roche, his first cousin, stating that his mother For six months the Catalans helped Duke had been sister of milord William de la Roche, Gautier stay the aggression of the Greeks. They

father of the said lord Guy de la Roche, who even won him some lands and castles in was now dead.”! Shortly after his accession to southern Thessaly, but when his need for them

the ducal throne of Athens, Gautier de Brienne had passed, Gautier (like their former found himself in conflict with his Greek employers) tried to get rid of them, although neighbors to the north, John II Ducas of he still owed them four months’ wages. He

Neopatras, Anna Palaeologina of Epirus, and chose from their ranks 200 horse and 300 foot; the Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II himself. to these he paid what he owed; he promised to In the spring of 1310 Gautier took the Catalan give them lands and to enroll them in his Grand Company into his employ to assist him service. The others he told to be gone, but they

against his new-found enemies. had nowhere else to go, and claimed as fiefs

The Catalans and Aragonese who formed some of the Thessalian conquests they had

the Grand Company had been thrown out of made. He would not accept their homage. The work when the treaty of Caltabellotta (of 31 500 chosen Catalans now abandoned Gautier,

August, 1302) brought to an end the first and rejoined their countrymen, whose grievphase of the Angevin-Aragonese struggle ances at this point could be settled only by the which had begun twenty years before with the arbitrament of arms. On Monday, 15 March, Sicilian Vespers: With the advent of peace, 1311, the Catalans and their Turkish allies met always a boon to citizens but a blow to mer- Gautier near Halmyros to the northeast of cenaries, Roger de Flor, a turncoat Templar, Zeitounion (Lamia). The Catalans were vichad organized the Company, for which he _torious, presumably with the aid of the crossbow. secured employment with Andronicus II and Gautier was killed in the encounter, as were the latter's son and co-emperor Michael IX. many other lords of Frankish Greece. The The Catalans fought for the Byzantines with Catalans occupied Thebes, Livadia, and Athens. some success against the Turks in Asia Minor Many of the Turks are said to have been during the spring and early summer of 1304. killed or sold into slavery as they tried to reAt the end of April, 1305, however, Michael IX turn to Asia Minor by way of Thessaly. “And so had Roger murdered; the Palaeologi had come [the Catalans] divided amongst themselves,” says

to fear his prowess and his ambition; and now the Catalan chronicler Muntaner, “the city of they found themselves at war with the Com- Thebes and all the towns and castles of the pany. The Catalans had already taken over the duchy [of Athens] and gave the ladies as wives Gallipoli peninsula, which they held for two to the men of the Company, to each according years, and from which they pillaged the villages to his importance, and to some they gave so and the countryside to the north. In June, distinguished a lady that he was not worthy to 1307, they began to move westward, burning hand her her bowl to wash her hands.”? and plundering their way through Thrace and —H~+— Macedonia. Before the end of August, 1307, 2 Cf. Roger Sablonier, Krieg und Kriegertum in der Cronica

des Ramon Muntaner, Bern and Frankfurt am M., 1971, pp.

—_—— 15 ff., and A. E. Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins: The * Libro de los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea, Foreign Policy of Andronicus I, 1282-1328, Cambridge,

ed. Alfred Morel-Fatio, Geneva, 1885, pars. 538-39, p. Mass., 1972, pp. 134-83.

118. 7 Ramon Muntaner, Cronica, chap. 240, ed. Karl Lanz, 44]

442 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT However unworthy the honest Muntaner with some reluctance, the suzerainty of the may have felt some of his countrymen to be of Catalan King Frederick II of Sicily (1296the noble wives they had thus acquired, the 1337), and for more than forty years cadets of Catalan Grand Company now held the Athe- the Catalan-Sicilian royal family were to bear nian duchy by what they regarded as right of the title Duke of Athens. All told, some six to conquest. Early in 1312 they accepted, probably seven thousand Catalans and Aragonese, with a

sprinkling of Italians among them, settled

down in Attica and Boeotia. Thebes remained

Chrontk des edlen En Ramon Muntaner, Stuttgart, 1844, pp. the capital of the Catalan duchy of Athens, as it

429-31, trans. Lady Goodenough, Hakluyt Society, 2nd had been under the Burgundians. In 1318

series, no. L, vol. II, pp. 575-78; Libro de los fechos, ed. hn IID fN t died. h d Morel-Fatio, pars. 546-54, pp. 119-21; Chronicle of Morea John ucas Of Neopatras Clea, however, an (Greek version), ed. John Schmitt, London, 1904, wv. the Catalans saw the opportunity for further

7270-7300 (MS. Copenhagen, pp. 472, 474; MS. Paris, pp. conquest. Don Alfonso Fadrique, their greatest 473-75); and for other sources, with detailed references to vicar-general and a natural son of Frederick II, George Pachymeres, Nicephorus Gregoras, Theodulus seized the northern stronghold of the Ducae (in Magister, et al., see K. M. Setton, Catalan Domination of ‘ Athens, 1311-1388, rev. ed., London: Variorum, 1975, pp. 13 19) and the castle of Siderocastron (near the 8-12, and in general, cf. Setton, Los Catalanes en Grecia, ancient Heraclea), together with Pharsala and

Barcelona: Ayma, 1975, pp. 7 ff., 40-41. Domokos in Thessaly. He also occupied the

Gautier I was defeated by the Catalans not on the marshy castle of Zeitounion (the ancient Lamia) and banks of the river Cephissus in Boeotia, as we are told by nearby Gardiki as well as Loidoriki to the west

Muntaner and Gregoras, but near Halmyros in Thessaly, f Sal AN b d

as stated by Marino Sanudo in a letter of March, 1327, ° a ona. eopatras now ; ecame a secon

which seems to have been unknown before its publicas “duchy” under the Catalan-Sicilian Crown. tion by Aldo Cerlini, “Nuove Lettere di Marino Sanudo

il Vecchio,” La Bibliofilia, XLII (1940), 321-59. Sanudo In this ch f h r

locates the battle “ad Almiro” (ibid., p. 352), but his whole s d Ph he the most part c © sae letter is most illuminating, and has escaped the notice of CONCerne wi the opposition ofr the Vihistorians for decades. See David Jacoby, “Catalans, Turcs §nonese popes to the Catalan Company and with

et Vénitiens en Romanie (1305-1332): Un nouveau the difficulties the Venetians encountered in

3rd ser., XV (1974), 223-30, and cf. Raymond J. Loenertz, ‘ :

Les Ghisi, dynastes vénitiens dans lArchipel (1207-1390), also pay some attention to the affairs of the Florence, 1975, pp. 121-22. Precise determination of the Latin hierarchy In) the two duchies. But before site of the battle is only slightly complicated by the fact proceeding further, it seems advisable to give a that in the middle ages there were “two Halmyroi” brief account of the political institutions under

(cf. Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I [1856, repr. 1964], which the Catalans lived, and which they doc. Lxxxv, p. 266, dated November, 1199; A. Carile, . . . “Partitio terrarum imperii Romanie,” Studi veneziant, VU cher ished until the close of their rule over [1965], 222). Although present-day Halmyros was estab- Attica, Boeotia, and Phthiotis.

lished only at the beginning of the seventeenth century, ____ it presumably lies on or near the sites of the two medieval mechanism to bend the bow, a lethal weapon, seems not Halmyroi (cf. N. I. Giannopoulos, “Christian Inscriptions of to be earlier than the late fourteenth century (Hall, Thessaly” [in Greek], Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, ibid., p. 723, and cf. Lynn White, Jr., Medieval Technology XXIII [1899], 396 ff.; idem, “The Two Medieval Halmyroi and Social Change, Oxford, 1962, p. 111), and obviously

and that of Today” [in Greek], Epeteris Parnassou, VIII it was not employed in the battle which won the Catalans

[1904], 65-92; G. A. Soteriou, “Christian Thebes of the duchy of Athens. Thessaly” [in Greek], Archaiologike Ephemeris, 1929, pp. 4 Marino Sanudo Torsello, Ep. ui (written in 1325), in 5-6, note 2; and Carile, in Studi veneziani, VII, 284). Jacques Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, 2 vols. in 1, Hanau, As for the crossbow, Muntaner says that “los Cathalans 1611, II, 293, and Antont Rubidé i Lluch, Diplomatani de son los pus subirans ballesters del mon” (Cronica, chap. UOrient catala, Barcelona, 1947, doc. CxxIx, pp. 159-61 130, ed. Lanz [1844], p. 244; ed. “E.B.” [Enric Bogué], (commonly cited hereafter as Dipi.). 9 vols., Barcelona, 1927-52, IV, 40). The statement is 5 The history of the Catalan states in Greece, together made in connection with naval warfare in the year 1285. with a discussion of the works of the great Catalan historian Maybe Catalan crossbowmen were “the best in the world,” Antoni Rubié i Lluch (1855-1937), may be found in but one must remember that Muntaner was very partial Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens, referred to in a to his countrymen. At any rate their weapon was still a __ preceding note. Briefer accounts are given in Setton, “The rather primitive device. Muntaner does not mention its use _ Latins in Greece and the Aegean from the Fourth Crusade

by the Catalan Company in 1311. Although the “cross- to the End of the Middle Ages,” in the Cambridge Medieval

bow” was known from antiquity (Hermann Diels, Antike History, IV, pt. 1 (1966), 411 ff, with an extensive

Technik, 2nd ed., Leipzig and Berlin, 1920, pp. 94 ff.; bibliography, ibid., pp. 908-38; “Catalan Society in Greece A. R. Hall, “Military Technology,” in Charles Singer in the Fourteenth Century,” in the volume dedicated to the et al., eds., A History of Technology, 11 [Oxford, 1956], late Basil Laourdas, Thessaloniki, 1975, pp. 241-84; and 707-9), the steel crossbow with a pawl-and-ratchet winding “The Catalans in Greece, 1311-1380,” and “The Catalans

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 443 In their general Articles or Statutes (Capitols), a municipal corporation (la universitat de written in Catalan, the Company had a verita- Cetines), with their own civil and military ble constitution, based largely upon the Cus- officers (capita e veguer, castella) and their own toms of Barcelona. The text of these statutes syndics, aldermen, and municipal council (sinhas never been recovered, except for a few dichs, prohomens e consell dela dita universitat).

tantalizing fragments, especially that prohibit- Neopatras was the capital of the northern ing gifts of land and bequests to the Church. duchy, within the boundaries of which stood The chief executive office in the duchies was_ the important castle town of Zeitounion

held by the vicar-general (vicarius generalis), the (Lamia, in Catalan la Cité). A captain presided chief military post by the marshal (marescalcus over the administration of justice in Neopatras; exercitus ducatuum). The Catalan-Sicilian duke a castellan commanded the men-at-arms in the appointed the vicar-general, who swore fealty hilltop castle; and captain and castellan were to him before departing for Athens or Thebes, often the same person in the capital city on the where he took another oath before deputies of northern frontier. The duchy of Neopatras has the Company to govern the duchies according much less history than that of Athens. to the statutes. The vicar-general was supposed Most of our documents come from the royal to have appellate jurisdiction over both civil chanceries in Sicily and Aragon-Catalonia. A and criminal cases although appeals were often large proportion of them relates to the ducal made to the ducal and royal court in Sicily and, domain, which included the five municipalities after 1379-1380, in Aragon-Catalonia. Hecould (universitates) of Thebes, Athens, Livadia, remove and suspend officials from office, re- Siderocastron, and Neopatras. The corporate

ceive homage and fealty in the name of the bodies of the “citizens” (cives) of the municsovereign duke, and (allegedly) make appoint- _ ipalities, taken together, prolonged in many

ments to most offices in the duchies and ways the concept of the original Company

determine the salaries to go with them.’ (exercitus, societas, universitas Francorum). An Despite the broad general powers thus given Aragonese document of 1380 refers to the to a vicar-general, especially under unusual cir- “prelats, barons, universitats del ducat cumstances, it was the royal duke himself who d’Atenes,”® and Loenertz has described the usually made appointments to the chief offices Catalan municipalities in Greece as a “véritable

of state, including that of marshal, but most organisation du tiers-état.”® The most impor-

such offices were reserved for prominent tant local officials in the duchies were the members of the Company, and in fact that of veguer (vigerius, veguer), the captain (capitaneus, marshal, whether by ducal nomination or not, capita), and the castellan (castellanus, castella).

was held for almost two generations (until The veguer and captain presided over the 1354?) by the important family of the Novelles. courts of first instance in the duchies. The In Athens the Catalans managed their affairs as_ office of veguer was imported into the Athenian duchy, as it had been into Catalan Sar-

and Florentines in Greece, 1380-1462,” in Setton and H. dinia, from the county of Barcelona, where it W. Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades, III (Madison, preserved the ame and memory of the old Milwaukee, and London, 1975), 167-277. In dealing with Carolingian vicar (vicarius). Veguers heard the Catalans in the present work I have adopted or adapted both civil and criminal cases, and the docua number of passages irom these previous publications, and ments reveal the names of a number of appoin-

or repettions of sole, thought, and content 1am only tees to. the office in Thebes, Athens, and of Catalonia, which might be mentioned by way of Livadia, although the territorial extension of background, I would note only Ferran Soldevila, Historia de these vegueries remains unknown. Neopatras

. ee neliaman, lé we O 1é ragonese-Cataian 1 1

cauatnya ° vo’ Barcerona, 1 ood 8) (rev. ed., sooe)s and may also have constituted a vegueria, but no

itmpic (1200-1350), 2 vols., New York 1970. record e a Survived of as omntment as the

state. pee

° Cf. Dipl., docs. LI, CCXCIV, pp. 67-69, 282-83, dated ce of veguer in the northern capital, com

in 1312 (?) and 1367, and note also docs. CCCXCI, CDXXxXIII, parable functions, however, were performed in

pp. 476—77, 508. Landed property and feudal revenues both Neopatras and Siderocastron by the cap-

were to be reserved for gents d’armes who could defend the

7™The duties of the vicar-general, who is described as ® Dipl., doc. CCCXxC, p. 472.

“viceroy and lieutenant” (viceregius et locumtenens), are °R. J. Loenertz, “Athénes et Néopatras: Regestes et outlined in a late document in Rubi i Lluch’s Diplomatari, notices pour servir 4 histoire des duchés catalans (1311doc. CCCLXXIV, pp. 455—56, dated 13 September, 1379. 1394),” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XXV (1955), 165.

444 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tain, a title and office imported into the Greek remove) the incumbents, but it is sometimes states from Sicily, where there were no veguers. difficult to determine from the documents what In Sicily captains heard both civil and criminal Frederick really wanted, for he was constantly cases, but in the Greek duchies the captain — blown this way and that by the strong winds of heard only criminal cases, and the captaincy is _ baronial opposition.

thus linked in the documents with cognizance The castellany (officium castellanie) carried of such cases (officium capitanie cum cognicione with it the guardianship of a castle and the

causarum criminalium).'° command of its garrison. Various castles in the

Although different in origin and properly in duchies were granted, as we should expect in a

function, the vigeriate and captaincy were feudal society, as hereditary fiefs. King Fredusually held in the Athenian duchy by one and erick II declined “on many occasions” to grant

the same person, who is called “veguer or his son, Don Alfonso Fadrique, the castle of

captain”" and less often “veguer and captain.”’* Neopatras as a fief,!7 but Alfonso held and his

The duties of the captaincy are carefully de- heirs held after him the castles of Salona, lineated in the appointment of John de’Bona- Zeitounion, and Loidoriki, while in June, 1366,

colsi as captain of Livadia, and those of the his own son William Fadrique received the vigeriate in the appointment of Nicholas de lifetime enfeoffment of the castle of Stiris,' Ardoino as veguer of Thebes.’* A council near the famous monastery of S. Luke. Alcomposed of a judge, an assessor, anda notary, though acknowledging the rights of the all ducal appointees, assisted the veguer and sovereign duke, the Catalan Company wanted

captain in the exercise of his (or their) duties.’ to exercise some control over the larger comThe veguer and captain took an oath of fealty munities, and sometimes sought confirmation to the duke, including the promise to exercise of their own candidates for appointments to his office “faithfully and legally,” and he re- the castellanies (and vigeriates) lest under the peated the oath on the gospels before the guise of the duke’s beneplacitum they should fall syndics of the municipality in which he was to as quasi-fiefs into the hands of local barons. discharge his official duties. His term of office The documents bear witness to castellans in was limited by the statutes to a period of three Athens, Livadia, Neopatras, and Siderocastron, years,’® although King Frederick III of Sicily, which places were said to belong to the “royal who was also duke of Athens (1355-1377), all domain” (regium sacrum demanium), and of too often made appointments to the offices of course the king and the municipal corporations

veguer and captain—and of castellan— did not see eye to eye on the custody of their

“during the good pleasure of our Majesty.” castles.!® Against appointments of indefinite duration, The juridical concept of the Catalans’ corpohowever, the Catalan notables in the Athenian rate organization as a Company survived until duchy not infrequently made such vigorous the end although the sense of its reality grew protest that Frederick removed (or tried to dimmer with the years, as the military corporation became more or less identified with the 10 Dipl., docs. CCLXI, pp. 346-47; CCLXXII, pp. 357-58; Municipal governments in the two duchies.

CCXCV, pp. 383~84; CCCXxxIII, pp. 420-21. There were castellans at Salona and Vet-

cee docs. COLRXXI, Ps ook COLRNKTIL Be 3083 eranitza besides those at Athens, Livadia, CCCXLIV, on 439: CCCXLY, 5 433: CCCXLVI, pp. 433, 434, et Neopat ras, and Siderocastron, but there was

alibi: capitaneus sive vigerius, vigerie seu capitanie officium. none in the capital city of Thebes, possibly 2 Dipl., doc. CCLXXIU, p. 357, et alibi: officium vigerie et because the Catalans had destroyed the castle capitanie. Both the and and the or forms may occur in the on the Cadmea in 1331 to prevent its seizure by

same ent (e.g., Dipl., nos. CCCXXXIX, CCCXLI, Gautier II [VI] de Brienne when he made a '3 Dipl., doc. CCLXII, pp. 346-—47,dated 18 March, 1366. —--_____ John de’ Bonacolsi was appointed castellan of Livadia at the 7 Dipl., doc. CxLI, p. 172, a letter of Don Alfonso

same time (ibid., doc. CCLXII). Fadrique to King Alfonso IV of Aragon-Catalonia (d. 7

4 Dipl., doc. cccLv, pp. 441-42, dated 10 April, 1375; ¢., January, 1336), dated at Thebes on 15 April with no

ibid., docs. CCCLU, CCCLVI, CCCLXIV, and CCLXXXIII. indication of the year.

15 Cf. Dipl., doc. CCLXXUI, p. 358. 18 Dipl., doc. CCLXVI, pp. 348—49. 16 Cf. Dipl., doc. CCCXLUI, p. 431, dated 1374, et alibi: 18 Dipl., doc. CCLXXXIX, pp. 374-75, dated 1367, makes it

“. .. pro observancia capitulorum ... ducatuum que clear that Livadia, Neopatras, and Siderocastron belonged dictant expresse vigerios et castellanos eorumdem tantum to the royal domain, and doc. CCCxxxIv, p. 422, dated per triennium in eisdem officiis duraturos. . . .” 1372, shows that the castle of Athens did so also.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 445 costly but vain attempt to reconquer his father’s state, office, or fief in which they are now.” duchy. It may be, however, that there was no ‘Through the years, however, the relationship place for a castellan in the city where both the between the Crown and the Company was

vicar-general and the marshal of the Company often uneasy. The Company had its own

had their residence.”° chancellor from the days of the chronicler Sometimes the offices of castellan, captain, Muntaner, who had himself held the office. and veguer were all held by a single person. The chancellor kept the Company’s seal, which Galceran de Peralta, an important figure in the _ bore the effigy of S. George slaying the dragon. later history of Catalan Athens, held sway both As duke of Athens and Neopatras, Frederick

on the Acropolis and in the lower city, as III recognized as proper the use of the seal by

castella, capita e veguer del castell e ciutat de Cetines, any one of the five municipalities on the royal

from some time before 1371 until 1379 despite domain in Greece, but he apparently objected

Frederick III’s attempts to remove him.”! to its employment as a symbol of the right of Peralta thus discharged the chief military, the Company to take action independently of judicial, and civil functions in the city, and no the Crown.”

differentiation of his responsibilities was neces- To the house of Barcelona both in Sicily and sary or practicable. This might be convenient; in Aragon-Catalonia, the duchies of Athens

circumstances might require it; but it was and Neopatras were more a source of prestige clearly injurious both to crown prerogatives than of income. The vicar-general adminisand to citizens’ rights. In Livadia, William de tered the ducal revenues, which included cerAlmenara held multiple office just as Peralta tain crown rents and fees, taxes levied in the

did in Athens, and was equally hard to dis- cities and country districts, various tolls and lodge.”” Although the Crown and the “Com- commercial imposts, and the feudal incidents pany” might look askance at such pluralism, and profits from the domain, part of which had there was little which either could do about it. belonged to the Burgundian dukes before the In the last decade of Catalan rule in Greece the conquest, and part of which had been won by nobles were taking over, and establishing lord- Don Alfonso Fadrique in 1318 and 1319. ships for themselves under the guise of office- Later documents furnish us with some details holding, rather like the contemporary papal of the ducal revenues. In Thebes the Crown

“vicars” in northern and central Italy. possessed the right to certain ground rents, In the grand enfeoffment of 1312, when the paid to the fisc each year in wax,”® always a

members of the Catalan Company placed valuable commodity in the middle ages, and themselves under the suzerainty of their much of this so-called “census” in wax was former employer Frederick II, who appointed clearly paid by the Armenian colony in Thebes his second son, the five-year-old Don Manfred, for the shops and houses they leased from the as duke of Athens, they declared themselves to ducal Curia. The Curia also imposed a land

be his “true, faithful, and legitimate vassals "8 Dipl, doc on 6769

7 8 according to the laws of Aragon and the 24 See in general bivid Jacoby, “La ‘Compagnie catalane’ customs of Barcelona.” They did so under et rétat catalan de Gréce,” Journal des Savants, 1966, pp. certain “articles and conventions” in conformity 99-102. with the contemporary idea of a contract 25 On 22 June, 1361, for example, Frederick Ill provided between a ‘ruler and his people, and on the °¢ rerainand de Zaguda with an annuity from the “census young infante’s behalf Frederick undertook to Lampros, Eggrapha | Athens, 1806, ot Iv? we 00 pp maintain all members of the Company “in the 349-50). This document, incidentally, contains a reference

——_____— to “certain houses constructed in the city of Thebes,” the only

*° The first appearance in the Catalan documents of a known reference to new buildings in the Athenian duchy “castle of Thebes” (castrum d’Estives) comes as late as during the Catalan era. For other annuities to be paid from October, 1400 (Dipl., doc. DCLxI, p. 687). Antoine Bon, revenues accruing from the Theban census in wax, see

“Forteresses médiévales de la Gréce centrale,” Bulletin de Dipl., docs. CCCx, CCCLIV, pp. 396-97, 440-41, dated 1368 correspondance héllenique, LXI (1937), 188-89, has suggested and 1375, which are also given in Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. that the word castrum may mean only a fortified place in _ IV, docs. 72, 52-53, 57, pp. 313, 291-92, 299.

this text, like the Greek astro, but this seems rather 6 Dipl., doc. CCCLIV, pp. 440-41, dated 9 April, 1375: unlikely. “, .. ex juribus censualium debitorum et solvi con*! Dipl., docs. CCCXXVIII, CCCXXXIII, CCCXLI, CCCXLVI, suetorum tam per Armenitos degentes in civitate

CCCLXXIII, CCCLXXVI, CCCLXXXIIL. Thebarum . . . quam per quoscumque alios habitantes in

72 Dipl., docs. CCLXXIII, CCCXXV—CCCXXVI, CCCXXXIx, domibus nostre ducalis curie eiusdem civitatis Thebarum CCCXLIII—CCCXLV, CCCLXXH, CCCLXXXIII, CDLXXVII. annis singulis in cera. . . .”

446 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tax, to which reference is made in at least one When the Crusade was discussed at the document.*’ Greeks who accepted Roman Council of Vienne, the papal vice-chancellor Catholicism and thereafter reverted to their proposed to the representatives of King James former faith suffered the confiscation of their II of Aragon that the Catalan Company, now property to the Crown,”* which probably always securely established in Thebes and Athens, regranted it to faithful retainers of the proper should be employed in a crusading expedition

religious persuasion. which should pass through Greece, subject the schismatic Church to the Catholic faith, and Ever since the papal-French alliance which proceed by way of Christian Armenia against

had destroyed the Provengal-Catalan power of the Moslems in the Holy Land. On 22

southern France in the Albigensian Crusade (in November, 1311, his Majesty was reminded of

the early thirteenth century), Catalan foreign the strategic location, for purposes of the

policy and Catalan ambitions on the Mediter- Crusade, of the Company, composed of Cataranean had been watched with anxiety and lans and Aragonese now in Greece, already the suspicion in the Lateran Palace in Rome. On 30 conquerors of many lands.*° But the Catalans August, 1301, a year before the settlement at and Aragonese had had too long an acquainCaltabellotta, Pope Boniface VIII had declared tance with papal politics, too many Turkish a tithe was to be paid, for three years, from all friends, and too good a stroke of fortune in the ecclesiastical revenues “in all parts of Italy and duchy of Athens for them to embark on an exthe islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, as _ pedition to the Holy Land. The problem of the well as the entire principality of Achaea, the Catalans in Greece had, therefore, to be met duchy of Athens, and the other islands adjacent _ otherwise, for their activities were proving most

thereto or the neighbors of the same.” The injurious to the Angevins and to Latin ec-

purpose was to win back for the Angevins the clesiastics in both continental Greece and the island of Sicily which had been invaded and Morea. occupied in 1282 “by the late King Pedro [III] On 2 May, 1312, Pope Clement V wrote of Aragon with damnable temerity.”*° Pope from Vienne to “his beloved sons, the Catalan Clement V and his successors in Avignon Company in Romania,” that Philip I of Taranto, recognized the importance to the papacy, al- prince of Achaea, had lodged a complaint at ways going to be re-established in Rome, of the the Curia Romana in Avignon to the effect that Angevin power which had rescued them from the Company had entered into “certain conven-

the Hohenstaufen; felt with impelling force tions and pacts” with enemies of the Catholic their new connection with the monarchy in faith against the prince and his Moreote vassals. France; and looked with anxiety upon the His Holiness ordered their immediate abandonmachinations of Catalan kings in Barcelona and ment of these conventions and pacts, warning Palermo. The Brienne were a French family of the Company that excommunication would be distinguished ancestry, loyal Guelfs, and vassals —____— of the Angevin princes of Achaea. Inevitably C eee doc. Lit, PP. 65-08: - 7 per vostres gens the popes sought to aid young Gautier Il de subjugades moltes terres. a For some Catalan crusadBrienne, son of the slain duke of Athens, to ing ideas, especially those of Ramén Lull, see A. S. Atiya, recover the classic heritage the Catalans had The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, London, 1938, pp. 74 wrested from him in the battle of 15 March, ff; A. Gottron, Ramon Lulls Kreuzzugsideen, Berlin and

1311. Nevertheless, if in theOn confused iso 1912;plans and E. Allison Peers, Ramén which Lull, London, . . , passim. the patvarious and alliances the tern of interests and events in the Levant, kings of Aragon-Catalonia made for a crusade against some place could be found to employ the Granada during the first third of the fourteenth century, Company to the advantage of the Church, the see Joaquim Miret y Sans, “Negociacions diplomatiques Curia Romana would not be loath to do so. d’Alfons III de Catalunya-Arag6 ab el rey de Franga per la croada contra Granada (1328—1332),” in the Anuaris de

—_—____—__—— l Institut d’ Estudis Catalans, 1908, pp. 265-336, with twenty-

27 Dipl., doc. ccc, p. 388, properly dated 1362; Lampros, six documents, and Gottfried Dtrrholder, Die Kreuz-

Eggrapha, pt. IV, doc. 2, p. 234: “. . . soluto jure terragii zugspolitik unter Papst Johann XXII. (1316-1334), Strassburg,

nostram curiam contingente. . . .” 1913, pp. 77-102; for the preceding century, see Robert 28 Cf. Dipl., doc. CCLXxIV, pp. 358-59; doc. Ccxcll, pp. Ignatius Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruc-

380-81; et alibi. tion on a Thirteenth-Century Frontier, 2 vols., Cambridge, 29 Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. I, doc. 30, pp. 46-47, 48; G. Mass., 1967, and Islam under the Crusaders: Colonial Survival

Digard, ed., Les Registres de Boniface VIII, III (Paris, 1921), in the Thirteenth-Century Kingdom of Valencia, Princeton, N.J.,

no. 4127, cols. 125-28. 1973, with extensive bibliographies.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 447 the price of their refusal. He notified the Com- three years’ dispensation to reside outside his pany also that he was writing to Foulques de_ see, not only because of the debility of body Villaret, master of the Hospital of S. John of which “odious old age” had brought upon him, Jerusalem, to help expel them from Romania if but also because of the perils of the roads and they failed to obey the apostolic admonition.** the general insecurity which the Catalan ComOn the same day Clement wrote to Villaret to pany had caused. Gautier had attended the the same effect. The Catalans, of course, did Council of Vienne, and was still somewhere in not desist; Villaret, however, made no effort to southern France.*® drive them from the Athenian duchy; he was Pope Clement V could not but feel that the too much occupied with the affairs of the Hospi- cause of Latin Christendom in Greece had been tallers on the newly acquired island of Rhodes. severely hurt by the advent of the Catalans, for But conditions in Latin Greece were nearly in- Duke Gautier I had been a loyal son of Mother

tolerable, and complaints were continually Church, an assiduous defender of the faith

coming to the Curia. (solers christiane fidei propugnator).*” On 14

The revenues of the archbishopric of January, 1314, therefore, Clement had reason Corinth had been so much diminished, “be- for his indignant letter to Nicholas, the Latin cause of the invasion and destruction of the city _ patriarch, excoriating the Catalan Company for and district of Corinth, which is known to have their attacks upon churches, ecclesiastics, and

been subjected to desolation by the Catalan their fellow Christians, and for the death of

Company,” that in June, 1312, Bartholomew, Gautier I de Brienne, “who had been laboring the new archbishop, was granted a three years’ in defense of the faithful like a true athlete of

extension of payment for certain debts con- Christ and a faithful boxer of the Church

tracted by his predecessor James at the Curia.** against the Greek schismatics.”** On the same

A month later the pope learned that the day the pope wrote the patriarch that he Catalans and Aragonese had inflicted so many should effect the transfer of such properties as

tribulations upon the archdiocese of Thebes the Knights Templars had possessed in the that Stephen, who had just become archbishop, duchy of Athens to Gaucher de Chitillon, could not take up residence in his see. Stephen constable of France and grandfather of the was therefore granted the right to retain for titular duke Gautier II, in order that, it is two years all the benefices he had held before declared, such properties may be used to his promotion, for he found himself in such defend the faithful against schismatics “and circumstances that he could neither “enjoy the certain other characters in a certain Company” fruits nor bear the burdens of archiepiscopal (et quidam alii viri cuiusdam Societatis).2° The office.”3* The aged Gautier de Ray, bishop of fourteenth of January, 1314, was a busy day for Negroponte and a member of the family of the clerks in the papal chancery. Clement wrote Burgundian dukes of Athens,*° was granted a again to Foulques de Villaret, master of the Hospitallers, whom he directed to place at the 3! Dipl., doc. LVI, pp. 71-72; Regestum Clementis Papae V, disposal of the Constable de Chat lon three or

Rome, 1885-1888, annus septimus, no. 7890, pp. 72-73. four armed galleys, to be maintained for three 32 Dipl., doc. LVI, p. 72; Reg. Clem. V, annus septimus, no. months at the expense of the Hospital, to assist

7891, p. 73. in the defense of certain castles and towns no. 3507. O93 a p. 73; Reg. Clem. V, annus septimus, which the Catalan Company had not yet been 4 Dipl., doc. LIX, pp. 73-74, dated at the priory of Le ——-—————

.Groseau on 13 July, 1312; Reg. Clem. V, annus septimus, 1313, refers to “quondam Galterus, dux Athenarum, de

no. 8138, p. 125; and ¢f. R. J. Loenertz, “Athénes et cuius genere originem traxisse diceris” (Dipl., doc. LXU, Néopatras: Regestes et documents pour servir a l'histoire p. 77). ecclésiastique . . . ,” Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII (1958), no. 36 Dipl., doc. LXll, pp. 77~78; Reg. Clem. V, annus octavus, 7, p. 32. Stephen received the pallium on VI Kal. Sept. anno no. 9153, pp. 131-32. septimo (27 August, 1312), according to the Diplomatari, doc. 37 Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. I, doc. 31, p. 52, dated 11

Li, p. 65, where the papal letter is misdated 8 September, November, 1310; Reg. Clem. V, annus quintus, no. 5768, 1311; it is correctly dated 27 August in the Reg. Clem. V,_ p. 235. annus septimus, no. 8489, p. 211, and misdated 12 August 35 Dipl., doc. LXIV, pp. 80-81; Reg. Clem. V, annus nonus,

in Loenertz, op cit., no. 8, p. 32. no. 10167, p. 45; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1314, no. 9

35Cf. in general J. Gauthier, “Othon de la Roche, (vol. V [1750], p. 22); Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. 1, doc. 32, p.

conquérant d’Athénes et sa famille (1217-—1335),” Académie 53; and cf. Dipl., doc. Lxvi, p. 83, et alibi. des sciences, belles-lettres, et arts de Besancon, 1880, pp. 139-55. 39 Dipl., doc. LXUl, pp. 78-79; Reg. Clem. V, annus nonus, The letter of Clement V to Bishop Gautier, dated 23 March, no. 10166, pp. 44—45.

448 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT able to capture.** Another letter bearing the of King Robert of Naples, the Angevin princes, same date was dispatched to King James II of the Constable de Chatillon, and the HospitalAragon—“since the greater part of the Com- lers might expel the “Societas Catellanorum”

pany is said to have been recruited from your from their recent conquests by landing a

kingdom” —asking his Majesty to warn and to cavalry force in Attica.*® In April, 1318, howexhort the Catalans to give up the castles and_ ever, when representatives of the Constable de

the lands they had occupied.’ According to the Chatillon and his daughter, the widow of seventeenth-century annalist of the kings of Gautier I, presented a petition to the Doge Aragon, Pedro Abarca, King James II replied Giovanni Soranzo—they sought a large loan that his Holiness would do well to look upon and ships enough to transport four or five the Catalans and Aragonese in Greece as “the hundred knights and a thousand or more right arm and faithful instrument” of the Holy infantry to Negroponte or Nauplia—the doge See, which might be employed against the replied that the Briennist feudatories of Argos schismatic Greeks.*® Be that as it may, on 28 and Nauplia were now allied with the Catalan February, 1314, James II wrote directly to the Company, and since their own vassals were not Catalan Company, expressing a desire to recall loyal, their proposal would be but a vain

them “to the path of righteousness,” and expenditure of men and money.* ordering “that you desist completely from the Perhaps the Venetians were beginning to invasion and occupation of the duchy of believe that they could deal with the Catalans, Athens, and that, withdrawing therefrom com- but Pope John XXII would not hear of any

pletely, you leave it peacefully and quietly to its compromise with them. On 8 May, 1318, he rightful heirs.”** Four weeks later, long before wrote Soranzo and the Signoria of Venice, the Catalans in Athens could have received his urging the expulsion of the Catalans from the first letter, the king wrote again to the Com- island of Negroponte, where Don Alfonso pany, ordering them to abandon the duchy of Fadrique held the fortress towns of Carystus Athens.** These letters, however, were appar- and Larmena as his wife’s dowry. The pope ently nothing more than a diplomatic gesture. claimed that Alfonso aimed at the occupation His true sentiments were certainly those which of the entire island and, which was quite true,

Fr. Abarca attributes to him. that he had Turks in his employ; the Venetians

The Venetians were as much concerned with should expel the Catalans not only from Nethe activities of the Catalan Company as was_ groponte, but from the duchy of Athens also, in the French papacy in Avignon. In 1317 envoys which business, the pope indicates, his beloved of the Republic in Avignon were apparently son King Robert of Naples had some interest.*7 instructed to inform Pope Clement’s successor, On 18 June (1318), Alfonso himself wrote a John XXII, that an offensive league composed letter from Athens to the captain and bailie of

ee Negroponte, expressing his astonishment that *° Dipl., doc. LXV, pp. 81-82; Reg. Clem. V, annus nonus, Catalans from the Athenian duchy had been no. 10168, pp. 46-47. Unfortunately the papal letter does guilty of depredations against the Venetians, not penn ie castra et loca, but they were presumably in “with wh om we hav ea tru ce an d are at pea c e.” 4t Dipl., doc. LXVI, pp. 82—83; H. Finke, Acta Aragonensia, He promised an investigation and the punish-

II (1908), 749-51. ment of the offenders; he desired peace with * Los Anales “ los.7—9, reyes de neon n (Salamanca, the Venetians, whom, 684), cap.fustoricos 6, nos. . 61.—-62", quoted inofSe , . however, 48 : . he was Cotaban Domination of Athens (1975), p. 96. Rubio i Luck lCatly suspicious. But Venetian diplomacy searched in vain for the text of King James’s alleged reply had already borne some fruit. in the Arch. Cr. Aragon in Barcelona (Dipl., p. 84, note), ~~ _____ but it would seem to have been rather in accord, as James 4S Cf. Giuseppe Giomo, I “Misti” del Senato della Remight have reminded the pope, with the papal vice- pub[bllica veneta, 1293 —1331, Venice, 1887, repr. Amsterchancellor’s own observation of the possible usefulness of | dam, 1970, p. 11, and Archivio veneto, XVII (1879), 136, the Company against non-Catholics in the East (Dipl., doc. extract from the rubrics of the lost fifth register of the Misti.

Ll, p. 66). These rubrics were republished by R. Cessi and P. Sambin, 43 Dipl., doc. LXVII, p. 84. On the same day James II wrote _eds., Le Deliberazioni del Consiglio dei Rogati (Senato), serie

Philip the Fair of France of his “vehement displeasure” at “Mixtorum,” I (libri 1—x1v), Venice, 1960 (cf. above, Chap-

the Catalan conquest and of his orders to the Catalans to _ ter 9, note 81).

abandon the duchy of Athens to its rightful heirs (Dipl., 46 Dipl., doc. XC, pp. 112-13.

doc. LXVIH, pp. 84-85). 47 Dipl., doc. XCrV, pp. 113—14.

4 Dipl., doc. LXxI, p. 90, dated 27 March, 1314, and ¢,, 8 Dipl., doc. xcv, pp. 114-15; Byzantis, IE (1911-1912),

ibid., doc. LXXIH, p. 91. 298-99. Catalan piracy was unceasing, however, among the

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 449 On 2 September, 1318, King Frederick II of Alfonso and the Company agreed neither to Sicily answered the several grievances which a arm nor even to maintain vessels in the Saronic

Venetian envoy had laid before him.*® Very Gulf or the waters around Negroponte. Such likely Frederick had already warned his son _ vessels as the Catalans already possessed were Alfonso to be careful, but the Sicilian archives to be put in dry dock, a plank was to be are very fragmentary for this period. In any removed from the bottom of every hull, and all event the king refused to recognize as infrac- tackle was to be stored on the Acropolis. The tions of the peace or as unjust most of the acts Catalans might use the Corinthian Gulf for charged against Don Alfonso, and his replies to such unarmed shipping as they then had; they the Venetian envoys are full of Catalan enmity were to receive no corsairs in the Athenian

towards the Angevin lords of Achaea.” With duchy; and they bound themselves to the the Venetians, however, the king of Sicily payment of a fine of 5,000 hyperperi for any crsired amicable relations and the settlement of infraction of the terms of the truce®2 The 1 Ceeted: existing between nem and ne treaty was renewed in May, 1321, and again at

a Le © Veni to treat Nes t a Ps ane a meeting held in Thebes in April, 1331,5? and a 1c 0 q enice ie ACHIEVE b na Pe he both times the Company held itself as still liable ang concord or a long truce between the to the fine for violation of its pledges, which

Republic of Venice, her citizens and subjects, :i now contained a half-dozen or more additional

and Alfonso the Catalan Company [univerhethat effect that th 1 shou hould sitas exercitusand Franchorum].”™ clauses to the effect the Catalans ‘oa. conclude no further alliances with the Turks, Such a truce was finally initiated, after de- d should not i ‘d them i k tailed negotiations, at a conference held at °" the ; land nf New way t t The Vv ee . Negroponte on 9 June, 1319, between Don Upon tie isian he Archit ae c A © venetian

Alfonso and the whole Company on the one POSS¢8sions 1 the “archipelago.” “As ime went hand and, on the other, the Venetian bailie, ©” this treaty was often renewed or confirmed,

his councillors, and the feudal lords of Ne- Catal even i twenty beca. although the

groponte. The truce was to last until Christmas. ©4talans and Venetians frequently had _occasion to accuse each other of breaking it.*°> The

——_—_—_ _— Republic had a better record in this connection islands of the Archipelago (cf. Dipl., docs. xcvi, C-Cu); see than the Company, but of course it was the W. Heyd, Histotre1885, du commerce du Levant, trans. Furcy Vpronted . h fited £ hthe treaty, and Raynaud, I (Leipzig, repr. Amsterdam, 1967), 538. enetians who trom On 26 June the bailie of Negroponte wrote the doge at they always insisted that the Catalans should length of Catalan piracy, and declared that he knew of at not maintain armed vessels in Piraeus.

least two armed ships in Piraeus, which were about to Papal opposition to the Catalan Company

transport two Catalan envoys to the Byzantine court and tinued with diminished vi d 4 two others to the emirs of Asia Minor, in Turchiam (Dipl., con cad Ww uUNnCiNInIsne vigor, an on doc. xcvil, pp. 117-19): “. . . habuimus pro certo per September, 1318, when the negotiations bepersonam fide dignam quod Athenis armatum est unum tween the Catalan king of Sicily and the Vene-

enis clam unum aud ipnum.... . : °

ee a quadraginta oct remis . . . , quod armatur tians were far advanced, the Cardinal Bishop *# On 13 April, 1318, Giovanni Soranzo had informed Nicholas of Ostia and Velletri wrote t 0 the doge King Robert of Naples, Prince Philip of Taranto, and John and council of Venice of the disquieting news of Gravina, then prince of Achaea, that he had sentanenvoy that the Curia was continually receiving from to Sicily (Dipl., doc. xcil, p. 111). The king and his two Greece about the Catalans.** According to Karl

brothers had complained to Venice of Don Alfonso’s Hoof. h ho cit V tian d

continued offences against them as well as against the Opt, owever, who cites a Veneuan ocument Republic (ibid., docs. LXxXxIx-xCl, and ¢f. doc. xcvit). of 6 December, 1317, Don Alfonso Fadrique * Dipl., doc. cill, pp. 124-27; G. M. Thomas, ed., had already withdrawn from the capital and Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, I (Venice, 1880, repr. New island of Negroponte, retaining only the disYork, 1965), no. 64, pp. 110-13; cf. Setton, Catalan

Domination, p. 34. TT

5! Dipl., doc. CIv, pp. 127-28; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., 2 The text of the treaty of 1319 has often been printed, I, no. 65, pp. 113-14. The Venetian conditions of peace most recently in Rubié i Lluch’s Diplomatari, doc. C1x, pp. presented to the Sicilian envoys in the early winter of 1318 132-34. and the doge’s statement of terms for the envoys to take to * Dipl., docs. CXV1, CLUI, pp. 141-44, 196-200. Frederick II are printed in Rubid, Dipl., docs. cVI-CVII, pp. 4 Dipl., docs. CXVI, CLI, pp. 142, 198. 129-31, and in Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, nos. 66-67, 5 Cf. Dipl., doc. CCLVul, pp. 341-42, dated 25 July, 1365, pp. 115-17. The doge insisted that the Catalans could not and Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens (1975), pp. 34-35, maintain vessels equipped with oars (ligna a remis) in the 60-61.

Athenian duchy (Rubi, op. cit., p. 130). 6 Dipl., doc. Cv, p. 128.

450 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT puted castles of Carystus and Larmena.*” Cata- Athens [which Boniface had received as fiefs from Jan and Turkish piracy could not be checked,*® the Burgundian Duke Guy II de la Roche]. . . . but hostilities with the Venetians on a serious And by this lady En [Catalan for Don] Alfonso scale seem not to have been renewed after Don Federico had plenty of children and she was the best Alfonso’s withdrawal from Negroponte, and, as lady and the wisest there ever was in that country. we have seen, he claimed in June, 1318, to be ane assured’): she is one of the most beautiful observing the “truce and peace” which the ristians of the world; I saw her in the house of her

Company lready had with the V father when already had with theAVenetians. Anshe | was about eight years old. . . . entente between the Catalans and Venetians When Boniface of Verona died in the late found little favor at the Curia Romana, and on __ fall of 1317, Don Alfonso was ready to press his 2 August, 1319, about the time the news of the _ wife’s claims to her paternal inheritance, and had Catalan-Venetian peace of June became known’ promptly occupied Boniface’s castles of Carys-

in Avignon, Pope John XXII wrote to Gautier tus and Larmena on the island of Negroponte. de Foucherolles (1311-1324), Briennist advo- ‘Thomas or Tommasaccio of Verona, who

cate in Argos and Nauplia, and to the people seems (for whatever reason) to have been and clergy of the Argolid diocese, urging con- virtually disinherited by his father, also claimed

tinued loyalty to young Gautier II and his the castles of Larmena and Carystus. Thomas

mother the duchess of Athens.*® The Brienne was a Venetian citizen, but as envoys of King were clearly going to need all the local support Frederick I] informed the Venetian governthey could find, for the years following 1318— ment, Boniface of Verona had held these 1319 were the most secure and successful the castles as fiefs from Jean de Noyer de Maisy, Catalans were to enjoy in Greece. Muntaner and the latter had recognized Marulla’s right to has described Don Alfonso Fadrique’s arrival in them, and formally invested her with them, Piraeus with ten galleys. A king’s son, able and deciding against the claims of Thomas, while aggressive, Alfonso was the most important the latter is expressly declared to have accepted

Catalan ever to take up residence in the this judgment.” Pope John XXII, however,

Athenian duchy, where he sometimes lived in protested that Thomas of Verona had been Athens, doubtless in the Burgundian palace on despoiled of his inheritance,* while the Venethe Acropolis. He was soon accepted as a_ tians, who looked with fear upon the Catalan friend and ally by the great Lombard magnate possession of Carystus and Larmena, deBoniface of Verona, triarch of Negroponte, manded their surrender to the Republic, promwho probably gave him his daughter Marulla ising somewhat ambiguously to do full right

(Maria) in marriage in 1317: and justice to the claims of Marulla. Don

And they [the Catalans] were very content and fons ke pt Poem toh of Carys ved L. though

soon procured a wife for him [Fadrique], and gave the Veneuans seem to have acquired’ Larmena.

him to wife the daughter of micer Bonifazio of Later on, they restored some villages on the Verona, to whom had been left all micer Bonifazio 1Sland of Negroponte (around Larmena) to possessed, namely the third part of the city and of Thomas of Verona. When the latter died about the town and of the island of Negroponte, and full February, 1326, his sister Marulla claimed his thirteen castles on the mainland of the duchy of holdings. When Marulla and, conceivably, Don

—____ Alfonso sought to enter the city of Negro57 Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encydl., vol. 85 (1867), p. ponte on 1 March to do homage to the 413 (repr. 1960, I, 347), which is probably accurate, but tyjarchs Pietro dalle Carceri, Beatrice de

rather hard to reconcile with the doge’s letter to the see Moubt obtained in dhe ‘ducal ‘mind as teeVenetian "Gf. Hopf, Storia di Karysios, trans. G. B. Sardagna, success in controlling Don Alfonso through exerting pres- Venice, 1856, pp. 32~34; Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, vol.

sure upon his father (cf. Rubidé, Dipl., p. 111). Hopf’s 85, P. 412 (repr. I, 346). account seems to indicate that negotiations were rather Muntaner, Cronica, chap. 243 (ed. Lanz, pp. 434-35; more advanced than might be assumed from the docu- trans. Hakluyt Society, II, 582), Muntaner’s last reference ments of 2 September, 1318 (cf. Hopf, op. cit., vol. 85, p. to the Catalans in the Athenian duchy (cf. Rubid i Lluch, 415 [repr. I, 349], and Rubid’s Dipl., docs. cii1—c1v). Paquimeres i Muntaner [1927], p. 22). 38 Cf. Dipl., docs. c—ci, dated 16 and 26 July, 1318. % Dipl., doc. Cill, p. 126; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I 88 Dipl., doc. CX, pp. 134-35; G. Mollat and G. de (1880), no. 64, pp. 112-13. Lesquen, eds., Jean XXII (1316-1334): Lettres communes, II * Dipl., doc. xciv, pp. 113-14. Cf. Loenertz, Les Ghisi

(Paris, 1905), no. 9879, p. 421. (1975), pp. 138-41.

Cf. Dipl., doc. xcvul, p. 117, dated 26 June, 1318: 6 Dipl., doc. Cvi, p. 129; Thomas, Dipl. ven.-levant., I, no.

“.. . dominus Alfonsus, qui est Athenis. . . .” 66, p. 115.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 45] Noyer de Maisy, and Bartolommeo II Ghisi, all probably possessed, in the north, the castles of

three refused the lady, who had come cum Pharsala, Domokos, Zeitounion, and Gardiki, magno comitatu armatorum, admittance to the city and in the south he certainly held those of

to do them homage for these lands and fiefs; [oidoriki and Veteranitza. Like Neopatras, because the island was, as they wrote the doge, Siderocastron was a crown property. The dec-

under the protection of Venice, and since they ade of the 1320’s was the period of Don

feared the consequences of Catalan possession of Alfonso’s power and success. He was vicarsuch strongholds on Negroponte, the Signoria general from 1317 to about 1330; why he was

would have to declare the policy to be fol- removed from office we do not know. On 20 lowed." But the Venetians were not minded to November, 1330, he was made hereditary

make concessions to the Fadriques, because coynt of Malta and Gozo in the mid-

anough major postiities: were avoided h Mediterranean.® From his wife Marulla he had was well known in Venice that Catalan-Turkish received the lordship of Aegina and the forye fe he an I almost unciminished nice did tress city of Carystus on the island of Nei" or the rears own ° F are ar vily al groponte. Marulla also gave him five sons, all of

13 65-1366 u rom the adrique family unt! whom were to play important parts in the

A ¢ D Alf he b he lord of history of the Catalan duchy of Athens. Don

Sal S fOr der eo O80, NE ve di the cc °' Alfonso’s countrymen had a bad reputation bn ona sible. he fee hak vch ° a nthe > throughout Greece and the islands. Many of ut possibly the het had escheated to the them were pirates and slave traders. A Vene-

Company upon thewho deaths, without heirs, of ship |. . at oe : tian disembarked from a Catalan Roger Deslaur and hisNiccolé wife, the ofAulaimon), h as :. ; , the of S. (thewidow modern Thomas III port d’Autremencourt. Don Alfonso on the east coast of the island of Cerigo, Spal a, 161-64. dated 3-4 observed to a herdsman whom he met, “Stay * Dipl., docs. CXXX—CXXXII, Ppp. ~0%, dated S-* clear of these Catalans, because they’re a bad March, 1326; cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, vol. 85 (1867), lot seo Cata 7 © y

pp. 413, 415, 416, 425 (repr. 1960, I, 347, 349, 350, 359), ‘OL. - - _ In December, 1326, the Senate directed the bailie of Sometime within the fourth or early fifth Negroponte not to allow Marulla and her husband to enter decade of the century the Catalans lost Don

the city (R. Cessi and P. Sambin, Le Deliberazioni del Consiglio Alfonso’s northern conquests—the fortress

dei Rogati [Senato] serie “Mixtorum,” 1 [1960], nos. 38-40, f Ph la D ° a . d Gardiki pp. 326-27). See in general Jacoby, in Stud: medieval, towns oO arsala, VOMOKOS, an araikl—

3rd. ser., XV (1974), 242-43, 248-51, who does not and after the successes of the Serbs and believe that Thomas of Verona had been disinherited, Albanians under the Serbian Tsar Stephen and ¢f. Loenertz, Les Ghisi (1975), pp. 114-15, 146-49. — Dushan, who in 1348 overran Thessaly as well 5” Marino Sanudo Torsello, Ep. xvi (written in 1326), in Ep} hev had h f . Jacques Bongars, Gesta Det per Francos, II (Hanau, 1611), as Epirus, they had no chance o recovering 307: “. . . scripsi seriatim periculum quod incumbit terris them.’? But the Catalans held on to the city of et insulis subiectis principatui Amoreae tam per Turchos Neopatras until 1390, when it succumbed to a

quam per illos de Compagna, qui tenent ducatum siege by one “Micer Arner,” undoubte dly the Athenarum. . . .” Sanudo’s reference is obviously to the Turks of the Anatolian emirates, of whom he writes in Ep. ._£————————

XVII (1327), in Bongars, II, 309: “Turchi etiam, pessimi °° Cf. Dipl., doc. CCCXCIII, pp. 482—85. The last document Saraceni, qui morantur in minori Asia, infestant valde to refer to Don Alfonso as vicar-general, praesidens in ducatu insulas Romaniae, et maxime insulas quae pertinent ad Athenarum, is dated 4 March, 1326 (tbid., doc. CXXXH, pp. principatum Achaiae.” Note also Ep. v (1326), in Bongars, 163-64).

II, 298, in which Sanudo also dilates on the danger ° Dipl., doc. CXLVU, p. 184, dated 13 July, 1329: presented to the islands by the Turks and Catalans, against “Custodias te ab istis Catellanis, quia ipsi sunt mali homines,

whom Venetian Negroponte needed especial protection. quia habent eius lignum caricatum de sclavis eundo Sanudo alludes to the Turkish problem a number of times, _furando per insulas.”

and incidentally laments the Hospitallers’ traffic with Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXV, no. 10, p. 105, notes Christian pirates on the island of Rhodes (Ep. xxI, in that Pharsala, Domokos, and Gardiki do not occur in Catalan Bongars, II, 314, dated 15 February, 1329). Cf. the letter documents relating to the duchies, and so must have of Sanudo in Cerlini, La Bibliofilia, XLII (1940), 350, been lost early. Liconia also does not appear in the docu-

and Jacoby, in Studi medievali, XV, 251-54. ments. As Marino Sanudo notes, however, in his letter of

On the Venetians’ (later) purchase of Carystus, alluded to March, 1327, the Catalans held as of that date the city in the text, see Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 31, of Neopatras, “which is an archiepiscopal see and, as it fol. 129", dated 19 January, 1366 (Ven. style 1365), and were, the capital of Thessaly” (Blachia), Loidoriki, Pharsala, Lettere segrete del Collegio (1363-1366), fol. 182", dated 1 Domokos, the hinterland of Halmyros, Siderocastron, February, 1366. The castrum Caristi cost the Republic 6,000 Zeitounion, and Gardiki (A. Cerlini, “Nuove Lettere di

ducats. Marin Sanudo,” La Bibliofilia, XLII [1940], 351).

452 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Florentine Nerio Acciajuoli, to whom Athens _ reservations, remitted the feudal service due

had fallen two years before.” the royal court to those who fought with Brienne, armis et equis decenter muniti.“ On 12

, ; October King Robert published throughout his

Twenty years after his father’s defeat and kingdom the papal bull (of 14 June) announcdeath young Gautier II [VI] de Brienne tried ing the crusade.”

fo recover the de Ohaus and ans: the In April, 1331, the Venetians renewed their J ae treaty with the Catalans, and gave Gautier little constable of France had kept his interests encouragement and no assistance as he constant'y before the p Ope, the king a Naples, gathered his forces at Brindisi in August. His

Th exe ° ev quices oh had ee nile i reat expedition began well enough. As vicar of the

© loss © dj th Beny ha coal d oa d prince of Taranto, into whose family he had

“ahead th ve t oe cf B, at tollowed, it Nad married, Gautier occupied the island of Santa caused in the > WH oh Tenne pore count Maura (Leukas), the mainland stronghold of and dissension. When he came o age, youns Vonitza, and Arta, capital of the despotate of Gautier II claimed that he should receive from Epirus, forcing Count John II Orsini. of

us mother ms lanes quit and yee of a" Cephalonia to acknowledge the suzerainty of

bu re fe is -“ db eens , A h . King Robert. But when he crossed the penin-

to d se ° 1 Tamu: a 1 $9]. Kin, BS hil Vy of sula to Attica and Boeotia, the Catalans would

o do so. In January, 1521, 8 P not meet his French knights and Tuscan foot in

Francewas adjudicated the dispute them:aebat. ThEne ‘ned he A lis and Gautier to pay up to 7,000 livresbetween tournois, (ope) ye On “ACTOpolls an ‘d hi th td P fo d. f the Brienne behind the battlements of the lower city of

°,

deb 1s Mower q ic ver the aan Pr lohn Athens, and although they destroyed the castle eots contracted over the sea. ope Jonn of S. Omer (of which one square tower still XXII stood ready to assist Gautier to regain the remains) on the Cadmea, lest he should sucduchy ve wai on this] ancient and patrimonia’ ceed in taking it, Gautier apparently failed even

CTHABE “0. acainst the Catal to penetrate the crenelated walls of Thebes. He

pans an a nda ee t b le “ie ravaged the open country, but his funds were

the pope promulgated a crusading bull on fis running out. On 28 February, 1332, in the pena The aun patriarca io Constantinop’¢_ Franciscan church of S. Nicholas in Patras, and the archbishops of Utranto, Gorinth, ane where Gautier had probably established his Patras were directed to preach a crusade, with |, dquarters, Archbishop Guglielmo Frangithat full forgi nd. ag of anon le to, those pani (1317-1337) again proclaimed the ban of who participated, against the Uatalans, sciis- excommunication against the Catalans.’® matics, sons of perdition, and pupils of iniquity, Gautier found no support anywhere among the

devoid of all reason, and detestable."* On 21 oi. Greeks who saw no reason to prefer July, 1330, mms oper of Naples granted French to Catalan domination. The expedition

permussion to his reudatories to join briennes was a costly failure, and Gautier returned to projected cxpeattion we the Catalan Com- Brindisi in the late summer of 1332, loaded pany in the duchy ot Athens and, with some with debt. He had won for himself Leukas and

——__-—— Vonitza, restored for years the Angevin suze™On the Catalan doss of del 3 fe of. Dept. docs. rainty over Epirus, ,and DCXXVI—DCXXVH, pp. —57,date anuary, . .probably made more

” H. D’Arbois de Jubainville, Catalogue d’actes des comtes de Naupl hi s yo en his fiets of Argos and Brienne (950-1356), Paris, 1872, no. 216, p. 45; André ‘N@Upiia in the Morea.

Duchesne, Histoire de la maison de Chatillon, Paris, 1612, Gautier never returned to Greece, but durPreuves, p. 212; Rubié, Dipl., doc. cxu, pp. 136-37, with ing the years 1334 and 1335 he talked of the win ie datisvue 1320 enna Domins another expeditionof against the Catalan januario dated O.S.). Onanian themensé alleged portrait Gautier . . . usurpII de Brienne in the chapel of S. Giovanni Evangelista in ers of his duchy, and again the Avignonese the lower church of S. Francis at Assisi, see Giuseppe §=————————

Gerola, “Giovanni e Gualtieri di Brienne in S. Francesco di 4 Dipl., doc. CLI, pp. 191-92; G. Guerrieri, Gualtiert VI di Assisi,” Archivum Franciscanum historicum, XXIV (1931), Brienne, duca di Atene e conte di Lecce, Naples, 1896, p. 57.

330-40. ® Dipl., doc. CLI, pp. 192—96, dated 22 November, 1330. 3 Dipl., docs. CL, CLU, pp. 189-91, 193-94. The 76 Chas. Du Cange, Histotre de lempire de Constantinople,

ecclesiastical ban levied upon the Catalans did not apply to ed. J. A. Buchon, II (Paris, 1826), 203; Hopf, in Ersch and the lands such as Neopatras and Zeitounion which they had Gruber, vol. 85, pp. 429-30, and cf. pp. 420-21 (repr., I,

conquered from the Greeks in 1318-1319. 363-64, and cf. pp. 354-55).

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 453 Curia did what it could to help him. On 12 _ line sympathies, dating from his days in Pavia, August, 1334, Pope John XXII authorized a_ and was hostile to Gautier, who in March, 1337,

vitriolic bull of excommunication of the Cata- denounced him to Pope Benedict XII, and

lans,”” which was sent to Archbishop Guglielmo requested the renewal of censure against the

Frangipani of Patras. On 29 December, 1335, Catalan Company.*? Two years later, after Guglielmo published the bull against the lead- further enquiry, Benedict not only acceded to ers of the Catalan Company—Duke William of Gautier’s request, but ordered the vicars of Randazzo; Don Alfonso Fadrique and his sons “Constantinople” and Negroponte to cite IsPedro and James; Nicholas Lancia, the vicar- nard and his vicar Gregory of Pavia, also a general of the Company; Odo de Novelles, the Dominican, to appear within six months at the marshal; and more than a score of others.” Curia Romana in Avignon to face the charges Success depended upon Venice, however, and of having disregarded John XXII’s excomon 4 November, 1335, the Signoria refused, munication of the Catalan invasores, occupatores et with expressions of their profound love, to help detentores of the Athenian duchy, in whose him, although this time they offered him the presence Isnard had deliberately celebrated use of state galleys to Glarentza or to his lands_ mass, and on whose behalf he had falsely

in the Morea,’® doubtless knowing that he published a declaration that the papacy had could not afford another expedition. relaxed the ban of excommunication which had Although Gautier’s chances of recovering the fallen upon them.® By this time, however, it Athenian duchy became ever more remote with must have been clear to everyone that Gautier the passing years, he took whatever oppor- had no chance of regaining the duchy. And yet

tunities he could to remind both the doge and history was not yet done with him, for in the pope of his claim to the duchy and of the 1342-1343 he enhanced his fame or notoriety iniquity of the Catalans.® But the independent as tyrant of Florence. He fought at Crécy in archbishop of Thebes, the Dominican Isnard August, 1346, and a decade later (in SepTacconi, whom Clement V had made titular tember, 1356) he died, the last of his line, as a patriarch of Antioch (in 1311) and John XXII _ constable of France at Poitiers. had returned to Thebes in 1326,*! had seen a

good deal of both the French and the Catalans Don Alfonso Fadrique had been removed in Greece, and he clearly had no desire to see f he vicari | bef he Bri Gautier regain the duchy. Isnard had Ghibel- rom the vicariate-general betore the rienne

expedition of 1331-1332. The Venetians may

——__—___ possibly have demanded his replacement as the 77 Mollat, Jean XXII: Lettres communes, XIII (Paris, 1933), chief condition of their neutrality; whatever the no. 63752, p. 182; printed in full in Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. yeason, his successors were less aggressive, and

I, doc. 34, pp. 55-60, and in Rubio i Lluch, Dipl., doc. the Catalans acquired no further territory in CLVIIl, pp. Rubio. 206-9,Greece. but incorrectly dated 1333 in both . .in Lampros and But for some time the Venetians 78Du Cange-Buchon, II (1826), pp. 204-5; Hopf, in Negroponte and the Aegean islands had had Ersch and Gruber, vol. 85, p. 436 (repr., I, 370); and on increasing cause to fear attacks from the Turks

their names, see Rubio, Dipl., p. 208, note. of the Anatolian emirates.** The Venetians 7 Hopf, op. cit., vol. 85, pp. 433, 436 (repr., I, 367, 370); Dipl., docs. CLXH—CLXIII, pp. 212-14, and cf. doc. CLXV, pp. —______—

214-15. 8 Dipl., doc. CLXVU, p. 216; Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. I, 80 Cf. Dipl., docs. CLXV, CLXVII, pp. 214-15, 216, dated 11 doc. 37, pp. 67-68; J.-M. Vidal, ed., Benott XII : Lettres

March, 1336, and 15 March, 1337. communes, I (Paris, 1903), no. 5214, p. 493. Gautier had 81 Dipl., docs. L, CXXXV, pp. 63, 166-67; Reg. Clem. V, read an intercepted letter from Archbishop Isnard to King

annus septimus, no. 8255, pp. 158-59; Du Cange-Buchon, Frederick of Sicily.

II (1826), 196. Isnard Tacconi had been the archbishop of 83 Vidal, Benoit XII: Lettres communes, II (Paris, 1906), no. Thebes years before (1308-1311), at the time of the battle 7420, pp. 206-7, dated 16 March, 1339; Dipl., doc. CLXVIII,

of Halmyros; thereafter he became bishop of Pavia pp. 217-20, misdated 1338; Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. 1, doc. (1311-1319), but being accused of “various crimes” by 35, pp. 60-66; Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, nos. 66,

certain clerics in his diocese, he had lost both the patriar- 70, pp. 43-44.

chal and episcopal dignities on 30 July, 1319. Later on, he * Cf. Marino Sanudo, Ep. xxi, in Jacques Bongars, Gesta was vindicated or at least restored to papal favor; on 25 Dei, II (1611), 314, also in Rubio i Liuch, Dipl., doc. CXLIV, July, 1325, he was made an apostolic penitentiary; and on pp. 175-76, dated 15 February, 1329. Archbishop Isnard

29 May, 1326, he was restored to the archiepiscopal see of Tacconi of Thebes, a man says Sanudo of sapientia et Thebes (Eubel, Hierarchia, 1 [1913, repr. 1960], 93, 389, probitas, had been active in Venice in 1329, attempting on 482)—an adventurous career even for a Latin ecclesiastic papal instructions to secure large-scale assistance against

in the Levant. the Turks (note Sanudo, Ep. xx, in Bongars, II, 313), who

454 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT seem to have thought that, without Don Al- reasons, wrote Frederick III in December of fonso, the Catalan Company might help them the latter year, “which we believe are not to protect their coasts against Turkish attack. unknown to you.” The extant documents, On 4 March, 1339, the Senate voted to inform however, do not provide the reasons for the the bailie of Negroponte “that if the Catalans forfeiture. After Pedro’s death (before 1355), are willing to contribute a sum of money _his brother James got back the fiefs, which their toward the formation of an armada, the bailie father had wished him to receive in the event should have the money paid to himself accord- of Pedro’s demise without heirs.®8

ing to arrangements he can make with them, A third brother, John, was lord of Aegina and thereafter the said armada should be and Salamis in April, 1350, when Pope Clemformed in such fashion as shall seem best to the ent VI granted a dispensation for his marbailie and his council.”® There is no evidence, riage to Marulla Zaccaria, daughter of Guhowever, that the Catalans contributed to the glielma Pallavicini, the “lady of Thermopylae,” “armada,” which was presumably intended as a_ by her first husband Bartolommeo Zaccaria.

shore patrol. Although Marulla and John Fadrique were After Don Alfonso’s death (about 1338), related within the prohibited third degree of

Catalan relations with the Venetian colony in consanguinity, Clement granted the dispensaNegroponte appear gradually to have improved. on, because John’s strong right arm was The leaders of the Company doubtless be- needed to protect Guglielma's margraviate of lieved that continued Venetian neutrality would Boudonitza against incursions of the Turks and help offset Gautier de Brienne’s influence Albanians.® A fourth brother, Boniface, inher-

at the French courts of Avignon and Na- ited from his mother, Marulla of Verona, the ples. Thus, a Venetian document of 6 July, castle town of Carystus in Negroponte and 1346, informs us of a loan of 9,000 hyperperi certain other properties in Attica which in

made to Marco Soranzo, the Venetian bailie of 1359, after long residence in Sicily, he returned Negroponte, by Berenguer de Puigverde, miles to Greece to claim.® From documents relating

et civis Athenarum.*® The loan was to help to James and Boniface Fadrique a fair part of

Soranzo bear “the burden of expenses with the history of the Athenian duchy must be which the Republic is heavy laden.” Puigverde written until the last decade or so of Catalan had signed the Catalan-Venetian truce of 1321. dominion in continental Greece.

The Venetians still had occasion, however, Although Berenguer de Puigverde could from time to time, to complain of Catalan lend money in 1346 to the bailie of Neviolence and piracy, for in March, 1350, the groponte, the Catalan Company could do little

Signoria was distressed by an attack upon to assist the Venetians or to respond to papal

Venetian subjects in Pteleum by “members of exhortations against the Turks of the Anatolian the Company and Albanians,” and held up to emirates. In view of her economic resources,

opprobrium the piratical conduct of Don Al- Venice was not so heavily laden as even the fonso’s eldest son Pedro [I] Fadrique.®’ Don Company’s homeland of Aragon-Catalonia. Pedro had succeeded his father as lord of The Catalan empire was probably at its height, Salona, Loidoriki, Veteranitza, Aegina, and but the wars of King Pedro IV, who later possibly Zeitounion, but some time between became duke of Athens and Neopatras (in 1350 and 1355 the Crown “revoked” his fiefs for 1380), were to exhaust the capacities of his

energetic countrymen. The Catalans could

were raiding in the Archipelago, and had attacked the press their ambitions against the hostile island of Euboea three times and the duchy of Athens Genoese and the Moors of North Africa only if once: to death and destruction the Turks added the capture

of young men, whom they sold into slavery in Asia] = —————— Minor (Sanudo, Ep. xxi, in Bongars, II, 315-16; 88 Cf. Dipl., doc. CCXxII1, pp. 298-99; Rosario Gregorio, Dipl., doc. CXLIX, p. 189, dated 28 October, 1329). Opere rare (1873), p. 360; Dipl., doc. CCLXXU, pp. 356-57, On Isnard Tacconi, see Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, relating to the possession of Salona, Loidoriki, and Vet-

esp. nos. 23, 26, 28-29, 32-37, 42, pp. 35-39. eranitza by James, the second son of Don Alfonso. 85 Dipl., doc. CLXXIII, pp. 225-26, where by an error of 89 Dipl., doc. CXCVI, p. 254, and cf. Hopf, Chroniques transcription quem is given for gui [baiulo et consilio videbi- gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, pp. 478, 502, and Loenertz,

tur], and cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, vol. 85 (1867), Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, no. 115, pp. 53-54.

438b (repr. 1960, I, 372b). 9 Cf. Setton, Catalan Domination (1975), pp. 50-51. In 86 Dipl., doc. CXC, pp. 247-48. 1365 Boniface Fadrique sold Carystus to Venice for 6,000 87 Dipl., doc. CXCV, p. 253. ducats, on which see above, note 67.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 455 their sea power was equal to the large demands For decades the Avignonese Curia regarded which the unsettled conditions of the time the Catalans in Greece as without the Christian imposed upon them. Catalan interests in Sar- pale, although in February, 1341, Pope Bendinia, Corsica, Sicily, and the Greek duchies edict XII wrote Henry d’Asti, Latin patriarch could be protected only by sufficient numbers of Constantinople and bishop of Negroponte, of galleys and transports and by the recruit- that he would receive the procurators whom ment of adequate crews and fighting forces. the Company wished to send to the Curia to Actually the Catalans were overextended in the treat of the Catalans’ return “to the bosom of

eastern Mediterranean, and the means and Mother Church.” In 1342 the difficult but manpower of the Crown of Aragon were probably pro-Catalan Isnard Tacconi died; the strained to supply the naval armament neces- Carmelite friar Philip, formerly bishop of sary to deal with such western opponents as the Salona (1332—1342), replaced him as archMoors and the Genoese.”* In seeking to deal _ bishop of Thebes;®> but by then the pacific with the enmity of the latter, Don Pedro IV Benedict XII was also dead, and Catalan hopes naturally looked toward Venice, and in 1351 _ of reconciliation had died with him. Benedict

even the Catalans in the Athenian duchy had tried to organize a league of the great became peripherally involved in the resump- powers against the Turks, as we have seen in an

tion of the long-continued commercial war earlier chapter, and his successor Clement VI

between Venice and Genoa (1350-1355). On 1 pushed forward plans for a crusade. The Latin June, 1351, Don Pedro reminded his country- patriarch Henry d’Asti was appointed papal men “in Romania” of the strong ties of innate legate in the East on 31 August, 1343,°° and on

loyalty, of which they were well aware, that 21 October Clement directed him to try to bound them to the lands of their origin.” We bring about “peace and concord” between cannot here be concerned with this war, so Gautier de Brienne and the Catalan Grand important in the history of Byzantium; peace Company in order to help pave the way toward was made on | June, 1355, but the war was an offensive against the Turks.®” After Henry resumed years later over possession of Tenedos_ d’Asti’s death at Smyrna in the Turkish attack

and concluded with the peace of Turin in of 17 January, 1345, Clement instructed

August, 1381, after the final success of the Raymond Saquet, the bishop of Thérouanne,

Venetians at Chioggia.”8 whom he had designated as the new legate in the East, to continue the efforts to make peace Wana Robson. “The Catalan Fleet and Moorish between Gautier and the Company, for it was Sea-power (1337-1344),” English Historical Review, LXXIV '™portant to the prosecution of war against the (1959), 386-408. On the relations of the Catalans of both Turks. Aragon-Catalonia and Sicily (in terms of warfare, mission- —————————

ary activity, treaties of peace, and commerce) with the *4 Georges Daumet, ed., Benoit XII: Lettres closes, patentes et Hafsids of Tunis, see C.-E. Dufourcg, “Les Activités curtales se rapportant a la France, fasc. 2 (1902), no. 810, cols. politiques et économiques des Catalans en Tunisie et en 515-16; Dipl., doc. CLXXVU, pp. 228-29. Algérie orientale de 1262 a 1377,” Boletin de la Real % Dipl., doc. CLXXIX, pp. 230-31, dated 26 August, 1342; Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, XIX (1946), 5-95. in 1351 Philip was transferred from the Theban archdio-

Dufourcq has dealt more extensively with the “orientation cese to Conza in southern Italy, and Sirello di Pietro thalassocratique” of the Catalans and their movement d’Ancona succeeded him (ibid., doc. CxCVII, p. 256). Hopf, toward North Africa in L’ Espagne catalane et le Maghrib aux op. cit., vol. 85, p. 439a, erroneously states that Isnard’s XIII et XIV® siécles, Paris, 1966, which however covers the successor in Thebes was the archdeacon Leonardo Pisani thirteenth century much more fully than the fourteenth. (on whom cf. Dipl., doc. CLx, pp. 210-11). Cf. Eubel, I, 203, % Dipl., doc. CXCIxX, pp. 257-58. On the Catalan involve- 482. The canons of the Theban chapter had elected Pisani

ment in the war between Venice and Genoa, see Anthony as archbishop, but Clement VI set their action aside Luttrell, “John Cantacuzenus and the Catalans at Constan- (Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, nos. 75-76, 79, 82, tinople (1352—1354),” in Martinez Ferrando, Archivero: Mis- _ pp. 45-46, 47). celanea de estudios dedicados a su memoria, Barcelona, 1968, 6 Dipl., doc. CLXXXI, pp. 232-34; Lampros, Eggrapha, pt.

pp. 265-77, and cf. C. P. Kyrris, “John Cantacuzenus, the I, doc. 39, pp. 70-74; Eugéne Déprez, ed., Clément VI: Genoese, the Venetians and the Catalans (1348-1354),” Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se rapportant @ la France, I,

Byzantina, IV (1972), 333-56. fasc. 1 (1901), no. 388, cols. 162—63.

°3 H. Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, II (Gotha, 1920, 7 Dipl., doc. CLXXXII, pp. 234-35; Déprez, I, fasc. 1, no.

repr. Aalen, 1964), 207-15, with the sources for the 465, cols. 204-5. “third Genoese war” (1350-1355), ibid., pp. 604-5, and 8 Dipl., doc. CLXXXII, pp. 236-37, properly dated 1 for the “war of Chioggia” and the sources, see pp. April, 1345, as in Déprez, I, fasc. 2 (1925), no. 1608, cols. 229-42, 608-11. On the dispute over Tenedos and the 482-84. Rubid i Lluch, Dipl., p. 237, note 1, questions the peace of Turin, see above, Chapter 13, pp. 321-26. date of the Patriarch Henry’s death only because he has

456 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT There was obviously a widespread belief that heaven was as implacable as their Father in the Catalan Company could be useful in the Avignon, the Catalans might well despair of the crusade, and on 15 June, 1346, at the behest of kingdom of heaven. the Dauphin Humbert II of Viennois, who was

then in the East on the second Smyrniote There was an uprising in the capital city of Crusade, Clement VI declared himself ready to Thebes in April or May, 1362, against the remove, without prejudice to the rights of tyrannical vicar-general Pedro de Pou, who was Gautier de Brienne, the bans of excommunica- killed along with his wife Angelina, Michael tion and the interdict laid long before upon the Oller, dean of the Theban minster, and a Catalans and their lands, provided the Company half-dozen of his most prominent supporters. furnished a hundred horse to serve for three The strong and stubborn Roger de Lluria, who years with Humbert’s crusading army.® But, as had been marshal of the Company for almost we know, the Catalan Company did not take ten years (from before December, 1354), led

part in the crusade, and so (after a brief the opposition to de Pou, and took over the

suspension perhaps) the bans were automati- functions and clearly used the title of vicarcally renewed. In 1354-1355, however, when general from 1362 to 1366 when Frederick III

King Pedro IV of Aragon was trying to get of Sicily was finally forced to legalize his possession of the coveted head of S. George, usurpation. We have no knowledge of what patron of Catalonia, which relic was kept in the went on in Athens during that eventful spring

castle of Livadia,* he promised the Company of 1362, but the Theban debacle doubtless that he would do his best to have the interdict created excitement at the royal court in Sicily.

lifted which the Holy Father in Avignon had The sources suggest that Pedro de Pou had laid upon them at the instance of Gautier de been a poor governor, unjust and avaricious, Brienne.**! On 16 September, 1356, Don Pedro but he had apparently been able to count on wrote Cardinal Pierre de Cros, asking him to the dean of Thebes, Michael Oller, who had seek the removal of the interdict “for the died intestate. Like others in his time, Oller had confusion of the infidel Turks and of the apparently found the ecclesiastical life consis-

schismatic Greeks, enemies of the Roman tent with the accumulation of wealth, for

Catholic faith,”’” and on 3 December, 1358, besides other property he is said to have left Pope Innocent VI suspended, for a year, the cash assets amounting to some 5,000 or 6,000 bans of excommunication and interdict;!® but

they were renewed “just as before,” and on 25 que iuxta infideles et scismaticos existebant, prout existunt, December, 1363, removed again, for three derelicta fide catholica ad scismaticorum ritus transiverant years, by Pope Urban V.10 If their Father in ¢t idem de reliquis timebatur et verisimilis spes haberetur quod ipsi si erga se apostolice sedis benignitatem sentirent

TT ad Romane ecclesie obedientiam et unitatem redirent . . .” misdated the document. There are more than twenty such — (doe. cit.). errors in dates in Rubid’s collection of documents, for 15 Dipl., doc. CCxc, pp. 377-79; Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. which see Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXV, 194, where IV, doc. 20, pp. 256-59. For the death of Pedro de Pou’s however Rubio’s doc. CLXXXIII Is not listed, but cf; Loenertz, wife Angelina, note Dipl., p. 378, and for that of Michael

ibid., XXVIUII, no. 92, p. 48. Oller, loc. cit., and doc. CCL, p. 335, and cf. in general 99 Déprez, II, fasc. 3 (1958), no. 2580, pp. 180-83, esp. p. Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXV, no. 61, p. 116. Oller was

182b, and no. 2590, p. 184b; Dipl., docs. CLXXXxVIII- canon and dean of Thebes, and held a canonry in the

CLXXXIX, pp. 242-47. Church of Neopatras (Dipl., docs. CCXVI, CCXIX, pp. 295, 10° Dipl., doc. CCXIV, p. 293, dated 1 December, 1354, and 296). He seems to have been a native of Majorca. note docs. CCXKV—CCXxx. 106 A Venetian document of July, 1365, refers to Roger 101 Dipl., doc. CCXXI, p. 297, dated 17 March, 1355, and de Lluria both as vicarius Thebarum and as marshal and see K. M. Setton, “Saint George’s Head,” Speculum, XLVIII —vicarius generalis universitatis ducatus Athenarum (Dipl., doc.

(1973), 1-12. CCLVill, p. 341), and Venetian documents of August, 1365,

10? Dipl., doc. CCXxx, p. 304. Cardinal Pierre de Cros was and July, 1369—both relating to Roger’s seizure of money

Clement VI’s nephew (Eubel, I, 19). or property from a Venetian citizen in August, 1362, on 103 Dipl., doc. CCXXXV, pp. 309-10. which see below—identify Roger as vicarius universitatis 104 Nipl., doc. CCLV, pp. 338-39. The disaster of Halmyros Athenarum (Dipl., docs. CCLX, CCCXIII, pp. 344, 400). The

in 1311 was never forgotten at the French-dominated _ titles are peculiar. On 3 August, 1366, however, Frederick Curia, where the Athenian duchy was regarded as the III addressed Roger officially as ducatuum Athenarum et possession de jure of the Brienne and their heirs, “ducatus Neopatrie vicarius generalis (Dipl., doc. CCLXxI, p. 355;

Athenarum detentus a gentibus que dicuntur Magna Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. IV, no. 89, p. 335), which shows Societas pro interfectione Gualterii ducis . . . ,” but the that his appointment must have preceded this date. Roger

bans were periodically lifted from the Grand Company for __ was still vicar-general in November, 1368 (Dipl., doc. CCCXI,

a good reason: “. . . quasi totus populus partium illarum _ p. 397). He died late in 1369 or early in 1370.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 457 gold regales Majorcan.'® While Oller’s accounts claim it for him. The pope therefore directed

no longer exist for audit, we may well wonder the archbishop of Paros to take over and how much of his cash and alia bona had been restore to the Holy See the properties and lifted from the estate of the late Sirello di revenues left by Sirello (which were chiefly at Pietro d’Ancona, archbishop of Thebes. issue), notwithstanding the alleged mandate of Pope Urban V was wondering the same thing Grifon or of any other claimant of whatsoever

when on 3 November, 1363, he wrote the rank or condition who might appear on the

Franciscan friar Thomas, archbishop of Paros scene. Thomas of Paros was, if necessary, to and Naxos, that his predecessor Innocent VI have recourse to the secular arm, and whoever had learned that all the movable goods, prop- might seek to impede him exposed himself to erty, and income of the late Sirello d’Ancona excommunication.’

were properly reserved for the Holy See. In August, 1362, the Marshal Roger de

Nevertheless, the recently deceased Michael Lluria had seized from a Venetian citizen Oller and his accomplices had illegally seized money or valuables amounting to more than Sirello’s possessions and taken over his income. 500 hyperperi,’? and for this or some other Innocent VI had therefore instructed Thomas reason the Catalans in the Athenian duchy were of Paros, Archbishop Nicholas of Athens, and soon caught up in an armed conflict with the Bishop Nicholas of Andros to conduct a full Venetians of Negroponte, which lasted until investigation of Sirello’s assets, which Thomas ———————tried to do, reported back to the Curia dat Arch Seer Vaticano, Reg. vat 246, fols.i.e. reer : :but “datum Avinione non. Novembris anno primo,” Romana le Avignon that he had encountered November, 1363—although elected on 28 September, an obstacle. When In O edience to the papal 1362, Urban V was not crowned until the following 6 mandate he had claimed Oller’s estate for the November (¢f. G. Mollat, Les Papes d’Avignon, 9th ed., Paris,

apostolic treasury, one Grifon of Arezzo, a_ 1949, pp. 109-10): in dating papal documents the coronacanon of Coron. had intervened. Grifon rep- tion day (not the date of election) was the first day of the resented himseit If as the. €vivicar-general l of Pi firstOregnal year. On Pierre Thomas’s activities in 1362— lerTre 1363, see F. J. Boehlke, Jr., Pierre de Thomas: Scholar, Thomas, now archbishop of Crete and at the Diplomat, and Crusader, Philadelphia, 1966, pp. 204 ff. time bishop of Coron. Pierre Thomas had been Pierre Thomas was bishop of Coron from 10 May, 1359, for some time the apostolic legate in partibus until his successor was elected on 17 February, 1363; he ultramarinis (he later increased his fame by the held the archiepiscopal see of Crete from 6 March, 1363, he vlaved in the Al dr; until his appointment to the Latin patriarchal title of part he played im the €xanl ria crusade of Constantinople on 5 July, 1364; he helped lead, as noted 1365). Grifon stated that Oller’s movable goods above, the Alexandria crusade of 1365, and died on 6 had been especially reserved by papal letters January, 1366. Cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, I, 212, 215, 206. for Pierre Thomas. and he so warned the Sirello di Pietro (Sirellus Petri), whose possessions were at archbish f P ‘ d Ath ‘n th stake, was a native of Ancona and a sometime canon of : ops O ; aos an ens in the course Patras; he was archbishop of Thebes from 20 May, 1351, of their investigation as well as Archbishop until his death before 15 May, 1357, when the well-known Paulus of Thebes. Grifon in fact informed Paulus of Smyrna was selected as his successor (Eubel, I,

them all that faced the prospect of 482, and Dipl., doc. P. ae). favs wasomas long . btthey . prominent in eastern allairs; he conn, succeede lerre PCIe CHT if they acted a of ch ie the as Latin patriarch of Constantinople (Eubel, I, 206, and cf.

special COMMISSION W uch he held o the legate Dipl., doc. CCLXIv, p. 347). Archbishop Thomas of Paros Pierre. Under these circumstances, Thomas of and Naxos was a Franciscan; he held the island sees from

Paros wrote the pope, he had desisted from 30 June, 1357, but the date of his death appears still to be execution of the papal mandate until he could "known (Eubel, I, 358). Nicholas de Raynaldo was . . . appointed archbishop of Athens on 19 June, 1357 (Eubel, receive further instructions from Avignon. At I, 115, and Dipl., doc. ccxxxi, pp. 306—7), and died this point Pope Urban could consult the legate before 6 June, 1365 (Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed.. XXVIII, Pierre Thomas himself about Grifon’s asser- nos. 137, 139-40, 142, 152, 159). Nicholas of Andros was tions, for Pierre was in Avignon, having just 40 Augustinian; appointed bishop on 14 July, 1349, he

returned from the East. The legate was una- died before 16 June, 1376 (Eubel, I, 89, and Loenertz,

| . papal F Oller’ Arch. FF.ersPraed.. XXVIII, nos. 112, 190). Forofthe ware OF£any concession oO Ol estate affair, which illustrates the fiscal vigilance the Sirello apostolic (and the possessions of the erstwhile Sirello), treasury, and for the dramatis personae involved, I have and denied ever having authorized Grifon to drawn both the text and this note from Setton, in A History of the Crusades, III (1975), 200-201.

————_—_——- 109 Dipl., docs. CCLX, CCCXIH, pp. 344, 400, dated 28 107 Dipl., doc. CCLU, p. 335, dated at Barcelona 26 August, August, 1365, and 5 July, 1369, recalling that in 1362 one

1362: King Pedro IV of Aragon claimed Oller’s estate for Nicoletto Bassadona suffered “quoddam damnum . . . ad

the latter’s next of kin. summam yperperorum quingentorum viginti duorum.”

458 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1365. There was discord in the Catalan As far as public opinion was concerned, it duchies; lacking a legal basis for his exercise of | was a poor time to have Turkish confederates.

authority, Roger turned to the Turks for help, The year before (in March, 1363), John II of as Don Alfonso had done more than forty years France and Peter I of Cyprus had taken the before; and early in 1363 Turks were in fact cross in a solemn ceremony at Avignon, as we admitted within the walls of Thebes. Paulus, have seen, and the Curia was full of talk about archbishop of Thebes (1357-1366) and later a coming crusade. Pacific by nature, a Benedicthe Latin patriarch,’ and three other persons tine monk, ascetic and learned, Urban V was of importance appeared before Frederick III in withal bent upon prosecution of the crusade. Sicily, allegedly as “envoys or ambassadors sent He was scandalized by the fact “that in the city

by certain municipalities . . . of the aforesaid of Thebes and other places roundabout a

duchies.” In the mid-summer of 1363 they told profane multitude of infidel Turks are dwellthe royal court about the Turkish soldiery in ing,” as he wrote the archbishop of Patras on

Thebes, and Frederick now reappointed a 27 June, 1364, “and constantly striving to

former vicar-general, Matteo de Moncada, to attack the lands of your Church of Patras and official command in the duchies. Moncada was_ other nearby areas belonging to the faithful.” to free the royal duke’s faithful subjects from Urban charged the archbishop me intide' ican aa a ther midst. He was that fired with the love of God and with fervor for also to proc he 1 an | dom: Yo aKE int oth al His faith you should rise up against these Turks, castles on the royal domain; appoint officia S> manfully and as powerfully as your strength allows, and receive their oaths of fealty in the king’s so that with God’s right hand providing you and his

name; and collect the crown revenues for the other servants with valor the said Turks may be support of his retinue and the maintenance of repulsed . . . , and you stepping forth as a true the royal castles.111 Although Moncada did not boxer of Christ may gain more fully thereby the himself venture into Greece, he did send an _ reward of eternal recompense and the plenitude of armed company, which unwisely tried to arrest UF grace.'"" certain followers of the rebellious Marshal —————— Roger de Lluria, whose troopers, possibly in- maculantes, ipsos in terris vestris receptatis eisque datis cluding the Turkish mercenaries, made short auxilium et favorem . . .” (also in Dipl., doc. CCLvI, p. 339, 112 ’.Roger’s chief allchief where a slip the reads “receptis,” which is untranswork of Moncada’s, force. allyby _ jatable, for text “receptatis”). through these months was his brother John, 414 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 246, fol. 240, letter and the Avignonese Curia was shocked by their dated at Avignon on 27 June, 1364: “Venerabili fratri

employment of Turks to maintain their posi- archiepiscopo Patracensi salutem, ... Cum. . . nuper

- aidamaritudine audiverimuscordis fide digna quamplurium nonetsine lion. nostrirelatione quod in civitate Thebana aliis —— circumvicinis partibus infidelium Turchorum prophana 11° Cf. Dipl., docs. CCXXXH, CCLXIV, pp. 305, 347. multitudo moretur ac terras ecclesie tue Patracensis et alias 111 Dipl., doc. CCLUI, pp. 336-37, dated 16 August, 1363: circumstantes partes fidelium impugnare assidue moliatur,

Lluria’s contingent of Turks was said to be a menace to fraternitatem tuam rogamus et hortamur attente tibi both town and countryside: “. . . fideles nostri tam cives nichilominus iniungentes quatenus zelo dei eiusque fidei quam agricolae aliique ad civitatis ipsius [sic] per tramites fervore succensus adversus ipsos Turchos sic exurgas discurrentes tam mares quam feminae diversa gravia et viriliter et pro tua facultate potenter quod dei dextera abominanda flagitia patiantur . . .” (Dipl., p. 336). Arch- tecum et cum aliis suis famulis faciente virtutem dicti bishop Paulus of Thebes had apparently fled from Roger ‘Turchi per tuam et aliorum partium illarum fidelium de Lluria. While he was in Sicily, Paulus served Frederick quibus similiter scribimus de dictis partibus repellantur III as an envoy to Naples in an effort to make peace tuque verus pugil Christi existens exinde premium rebetween Frederick and Joanna I. On these negotiations, see _tributionis eterne et gratie nostre plenitudinem uberius K. M. Setton, “Archbishop Pierre d’Ameil in Naples and consequaris. Datum Avinione V Kal. Julii anno secundo.” the Affair of Aimon III of Geneva (1363-—1364),” Speculum, | Much the same letter was addressed on the same day to the XXVIII (1953), 643-91, and cf. Hist. Crusades, 111, 201-2. whole hierarchy and clergy, the bailie, baronage, and towns 112 Dipl., doc. CCXC, p. 378, dated 18 May, 1367, a general of the Achaean principality (zbid., Reg. Vat. 246, fol. 240”).

amnesty granted by Frederick III to the victorious Roger The texts of these documents are not given in Paul

de Lluria and his partisans for all the excesses they had Lecacheux, ed., Lettres secretes et curtales du pape Urbain V committed during and after the Theban uprising of five (1362-1370) se rapportant a la France, 1, fasc. 2 (Paris, years before; Lampros, Eggrapha, pt. IV, no. 20, p. 257; 1906), nos. 1047-49, p. 163, nor do they appear in Rubié i Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXV, no. 67, p. 117. Lluch’s Diplomatari. In a bull, directed ad perpetuam rei 113 Cf. Urban V’s letter of 27 June, 1364, to Roger and memoriam and dated 21 March, 1364, Urban V excommuniJohn de Lluria in Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 246, cated among various other classes of malefactors those who

fol. 241°: “. . . quod vos contagiosa familiaritate a par- supplied horses, arms, iron, timber, and alia prohibiia to the ticipatione infidelium Turchorum, vestras famam et animas Moslems, who carried on war against the Christians (Reg.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 459 On the same day Urban addressed a letter of had departed from Thebes, and peace had grim remonstrance to the brothers Roger and been restored with the Venetians, close rela-

John de Lluria, vestras famam et animas tions were finally re-established between the maculantes, ordering them to dismiss their Turk- rebellious Catalans in the Athenian duchy, led

ish mercenaries and take up arms against by the Marshal de Lluria, and their king and

them, restore to the Theban Church the goods duke in distant Sicily. and properties they had seized, and readmit = When the uncertainties of rebellion and war the Archbishop Paulus, who had had toabandon appeared to have passed, the free inhabitants

his see. . _ ae of the duchies met in their town councils to The Angevin bailie of the principality of provide for the future. Thereafter, during the

Achaea and Manuel Cantacuzenus, the despot last days of December, 1366, a general assemof Mistra, together with the Venetians and the bly was convened at Thebes, where a petition

Hospitallers, employed their resources in was prepared for submission to King Frederick common to combat the Turkish peril. The [11 of Sicily. On 2 January, 1367, the chancellor

woes were pacrcated in a naval battle off of the Grand Company affixed the seal of S. egara, southern fortress of the Catalan duchy George to the document, which Rubio i Lluch

or iAinens; hey ost thirty-five ships, and has called the “Articles of Thebes,” and at whe + sictanee we . oO Thebes no savety and {0 Messina on 18 May the king answered the or Oger Ge Miuria. pul in the requests of his subjects overseas one by one as long run the defeated Turks would be a poor the text was read to him. Frederick insisted

ay and the indignant pope, the inimical upon retaining the final right of appointment

ngevin, and the sage Venetian the wrong to the important castles of Livadia, Neopatras enemies. Lluria sought peace with the Vene- and Side P castron. but he avreed to he con-

tians Negroponte, andMarshal on 25 July, 1365,detheLluria |. , 8 ; as S . . ;intinuance of the Roger enate, with some reservations, sanctioned the —. | hich of he had

cessation of hostilities, and so informed their alterretive. Ei to lee Ich oO d course fhe Ma fo ° bailie in Negroponte.® When the Turks alternative. 1€ also agree to an amnesty or Roger and his partisans and to the expropria-

tion, more or

Vat. 246, fol. 141%, “datum et actum Avinione XII Pedro de Pou ess, f iP he oF ne ate

Kal. Aprilis anno secundo”). . 115 Dipl., doc. CCLVI, pp. 339-40, and cf. Lecacheux, Compensation for the expenses he had under-

Lettres secrites et curiales, I, fase. 2 Do. nd p. 163. h gone and the losses he had suffered."!”? Roger ipl., doc. CCLVIU, pp. —41, and ¢f. Setton, Catalan ad won. but within hr Domination of Athens (1975), pp. 60-61. Loenertz, Arch. FF. ast . m hi oss man tree years death Praed., XXV, nos. 68, 73, pp. 118, 119, is doubtless correct Ww OTe ove lim trom the scene.

in assuming that Lluria’s Turks were not an Ottoman The Articles of Thebes helped to secure contingent, to, his aidone by the emir Muradofb Asia aut some years of most uneasy peace in the mercenariessent secured from of the emirates

Minor. The Turkish defeat off Megara, usually put in the duchies, although of course the Catalans had summer of 1364, should conceivably be dated about external enemies. In 1370-1371 the nephews 1359-1360, andfirst may place, explain how Lluria came to hireis of uncertain Gautier II de(cf. Brienne Turks in the but the chronology _ , ‘ (his sister Isabelle’s

Loenertz, op. cit., pp. 430-31). According to the Aragonese sons) count John d Enghien of Lecce, Count Chronicle of the Morea (Libro de los fechos, ed. Morel-Fatio, ouls O Conversano, and Guy, lord of Argos Geneva, 1885, par. 685, p. 151), when Gautier de Lor was and Nauplia— embarked upon a campaign bailie of the Angevin principality (1357-1360), he burned thirty-five Turkish ships after an encounter at Megara, his ]9-—--—————.

allies in the undertaking being the Despot Manuel Can- "7 Dipl., doc. CCLXXXIX, pp. 374-77. The castles of tacuzenus, the Venetians, and the Hospitallers, “and the Livadia and Neopatras might remain at the king’s good Turks fled to Thebes, to Roger de Lluria, who was at that pleasure “in dictarum universitatum custodia,” which time vicar and governor of the duchy.” De Lluria, how- meant that the town councils could provide and control the ever, was never vicar-general of the duchy while Gautier garrisons, but the king refused to delete the saving phrase de Lor was bailie of Achaea. The imperial historian ad beneplacitum regie maiestatis in his grant of the custody John Cantacuzenus, IV, 13 (Bonn, III, 90, lines 3-7), since it would derogate from the royal dignity, and alludes to the same event and also identifies Roger de emergencies might some time require him to appoint Lluria by name (cf. D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of _ castellans whom he could trust to take charge of the castles. Kantakouzenos [Cantacuzenus], ca. 1100-1460, Washington, For further details concerning the petition, see Loenertz,

D.C., 1968, p. 125). In any event we have seen that the Arch. FF. Praed., XXV, nos. 93, 98, pp. 125, 126, and for papal correspondence makes it perfectly clear that there the use of the sigillum seu bulla beati Georgii, see above,

were Turks in Thebes early in 1364. p. 445b.

460 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT against the Catalans."'* But they failed to win Gregory was much disturbed, like his uncle Venetian support to help wrest the Athenian Clement VI a generation before, by the danger duchy from that “nefarious Company of Cata- which threatened the Latin states in Greece, lans who seized and still retain the aforesaid because vast numbers of Turks were carrying duchy against God and justice.”""° The Brien- their attacks “to the confines of the kingdom of

nist heirs were thus forced to accept a truce Serbia, Albania, the principality of Achaea, with the Catalans in August, 1371, and even a and the duchy of Athens.” On 13 November,

proposed marriage alliance between the En- 1372, at the tearful behest of Archbishop

ghien and the Llurias came to nothing.”® The Francis of Neopatras (1369?—1376), Gregory Catalans in Athens, in the meantime, who had called for a congress of most of the Christian observed with dismay the inept rule of King princes of eastern Europe and the Levant as Frederick II in Sicily, the persistence of the well as the doges of Venice and Genoa to meet Engen, and the vany ond de menace of the in Thebes, which was “considered to be more Turks, had “on many and diverse occasions” convenient than any other place.” The congress asked Queen Bleanora of a ook wile or nuns was to meet on the following 1 October (1373),

« ht be “Th sister OF tre hem , 1 at s 4 and each ruler was to send delegates with full might be 370 ther Maiest t - as ad hi Ss val authority “to negotiate and form a union of

in June, 1370, her Majesty intormec her roya prelates, princes, and magnates who shall agree brother of Sicily that she was prepared to take §, be bound in this union [against the Turks]

over the Catalan duchies in Greece and would and to contribute thereto. and to offer and make therefor (onsideration S totaling some promise the guaranteed assistance of an armed 100,000 florins. These negotiations came to force to be maintained on land and sea.” His nothing, ane d the Varalans in Ane ns and Holiness warned of the dangers in delay and of Corer they found themselves directly. under the difficulties inherent in distance, and urged the “sacrosanct Crown of Aragon.” y every recipient of his summons to begin gatherFrederick III’s status among the sovereigns ing troops for action against the Turks without waiting for the delegates to assemble at the

of Europe seemed to be enhanced in 1372 6 Th ° © th | exhort. when Queen Joanna I of Naples finally aban- COM8TESS: € by S of the ae ex doned the Angevin claim to the Sicilian king- 40" are a held 2°N ut ae Loti € cone ess dom, and Pope Gregory XI accepted the W4S Never held.” No unlon OF Malin states was Sicilian branch of the house of Barcelona back Possible at this time, and even if it had been,

into the fold of the Church.’ At that time me Catalans were‘Towar rT no epone ristian alliance. end ao 1374 118 A Venetian document of 21 March, 1396 (Arch. di 9 —————— Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 43, fol. 119"), seems to refer to cesco de Stefano, “La Soluzione della questione siciliana Guy d’Enghien’s “war” with the Catalan duchy twenty-five (1372),” Archivio storico per la Sicilia orientale, XXIX (2nd

years before (tempore domini Guidonis de Engino et eo habente ser. IX, 1933), 48—76. ——

guerram cum ducatu Athenarum . . .). On the futile effort of “ Augustin Theiner, ed., Vetera monumenta historica Hunthe brothers d’Enghien to recover the Athenian duchy, see gariam sacram illustrantia, 2 vols., Rome, 1859-60, II, doc. A. Luttrell, “Latins of Argos and Nauplia,” Papers of the CCLXH, p. 130, letter dated 13 November, 1372, to King British School at Rome, XXXIV (1966), 41-42. The Enghien Louis of Hungary; J. A. Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches of course claimed only the duchy of Athens, not that of historiques, II (1845): Florence, doc. XXXIX, pp. 218-20, to

Neopatras (as Luttrell, op. cit., pp. 41, 46, says inadver- Nerio Acciajuoli, “lord of the city of Corinth,” Rubio 1 tently), which the Catalans had wrested from the Greeks in muh, yblomatars, docs. or John ¥ Pahneolog: pp. ieee 119 Dipl., doc. CCCXX, pp. 407-8, dated 22 April, 1370, Theiner, loc. cit.) to Louis of Hungary; and cf. Loenertz, and doc. cccxvil, pp. 403-5, dated 9 February, 1371 Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, no. 176, p. 66. Archbishop (misdated 8 February, 1370, in Dipl. and Loenertz, Arch. Francis of Neopatras was a eo but little is known FF, Praed., XXV, nos. 111-12, p. 130). The latter docu- about him (Eubel, Hierarchia, I, . ment appears inind. the Misti, 33, fol. 91, where which it is dated 30 1930, O. Haleckt, Empereur de Byane a Rome, Warsaw “MCCCLXX VIIII Reg. die nono Februarii,” more repr. Un London, 1972, pp. -63, contrary to the veneto means 1371. Cf. Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, usual account as given in Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber’s no. 172, p. 65, where the year is corrected to 1371, but the aursemeine Eneyklopadie, vol. 86 (1868; repr 1900, a 2 7 ; too Dipl., docs CCCXXXI-CCCXXXII, pp. 418-19. and Essays on the Latin Orient, Cambridge, 1921, repr.

. 10) e€ yzantine mperor jonn alacologus alt rom

day is still wrong. m. Miller, Latins in t evant, London, » Pp. —4,

121 Dipl., docs. CCCXXIII-—CCCXXIV, pp. 411-15, esp. p. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 126-27; Rubié i Lluch, “La Grecia 414, catalana des de 1370 a 1377,” Anuaris de l'Institut d’Estudis

122 Etienne Baluze and Guillaume Mollat, eds., Vitae catalans, V (1913-14), 439-41; and cf. Setton, Catalan Dompaparum Avenionensium, I (Paris, 1914), 421, and cf. Fran- _ nation of Athens (1975), pp. 77-78.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 461 Nerio Acciajuoli, the Florentine lord of Although the papacy was hacking away at the Corinth, suddenly seized the Catalan castle of capitular right of electing archbishops and Megara,!2> which commanded the Isthmian bishops, the canons appear to have elected the road to Athens and Thebes, and through the Latin archbishops of Athens through the first years Greeks as well as Turks continued their half of the fourteenth century. The little constant harassment of the Athenian duchy.!#6 chapter at Daulia seems to have elected their bishops even longer. The canons sometimes

ae ae tried to maintain their rightofofthe election On the ecclesiastical organization . against

Catalan duchies of Athens nd Neopatras we the encroacim ents of the Ws nares have penen

have a good deal of exact information although _ .

of couse. important qestons. remain. um. 32), disappeared. Papal reservation, and, ap

answered. There were three provinces (those of P ; in the Vati P hival reg;

Athens, Thebes, and Neopatras), over which ents’ names in the Vatican archival registers;

the Latin “patriarch of Constantinople” for they never went to Greece? people,

theoreticall resided, subject always to the . . : . papacy in Avignon and, finally, in Rome. The yeapret apainee hie cesta which tke Cave jurisdictions of the archbishops of Thebes and sought oe ut upon their authority. they ver-

Neopatras lay entirely within Catalan territory, .. B 0 P ki pon en ol cy P

; in Greece, sometimes ev

but that of his grace of Athens extended ee in making nominations to the See cal

beyond the boundaries of the duchies. The (4,44 hich in £ s © Jor fo cat q Tr history of the Latin Church in the East has other words “they cated titular bishops An always been complicated by the ghostly figures . , ; dhe Church of Cx

of Avignonese persuasion had become doubly anathema in ? ; , Aunt Conzucntiy 12 July,Antonio 388, King ement requesting for “Archbishop o ”1h 2?reP:sr, oa ; " a" Athens” some benefice or other with or without the cura There are too many antonios eanchbishop of econ man animarum in one or another Aragonese diocese, “sane cum : : venerabilis in Christo pater Anthonius Atheniensis ar- obedience was, also appointed fo tre see of Athens wien chiepiscopus consiliarius noster dilectus propter varia guer- Sometime in | r he FF ona, rf t XXVIL ne 939

rarum discrimina que in partibus Romanie inferioris oe ne. 60), foe Whom Bisho James Of Argos diutus Mee bid doc archiep menyaren Pretato privatus served as administrative vicar for the year 1389 --1390(?). in one here can Us longer be any dpubt that it as Blasi, and ello anno che lo detto messere lo vescovo fu vicario della detta

nonertz, Balls, for whomFF. the Praed., king was appealing le ten Cachan Lampe, Arch. , nos. , —34, , ° ° >reF° an rrGeoebia rete ae pp. 78, 79). Rubié i Lluch, Dipl., in the notes on pp. 653, ove kelow p. 148, from Nerio Acciajuoli’s will, on which 662, and in Los Catalanes en Grecia, Madrid, 1927, pp. .

277—78, recalls a letter which King John wrote his wife in Inn. II, a0 ep os (P. 4 5 re 155 102): potthast, May, 1390, describing a bibulous dinner at the Castell de egeséa, I, no. » Pp. Jiv, date January, Balsareny at which the archbishop Athens(Joseph allegedly 12 Dipl.,9153, doc. tx, Reg: Cem V »:1annus octavus, no. spoke some Hebrew, Greek, andofLatin Coroleu, p. pe 132, date arch, . e Holy See ha

ae Documents historichs catalans del veale XIV Barcelona, obviously granted the archbishop of Athens “quod suf1889, p. 122), but the text is ambiguous as well as playful. fraganeos suos possit compellere ad faciendum in eorum Rubi6é associated a knowledge of Greek with Ballester’s ecclesiis residentiam personalem.” _ years at Negroponte and Athens, and so for him the 143 Dipl., doc. CXX1, pp. 149-50, with note, and ¢f. Eubel, “archbishop of Athens” was always Ballester (cf. Dipl., doc. _Hierarchia, 1, 362.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 465 servitor of King James II, the “expedition” of ment of the servitiwm commune on 30 November, his appointment was delayed five years when 1344, which indicates that his appointment was he incurred the wrath of the excitable pope, recent.'*? In 1356 James Mascé, who may have

“because he was not faithful to him and to the been a curial prelate resident at Avignon, Church.”* The pope detained him at Avi- delivered a letter from Cardinal Pierre de Cros gnon, and in 1326 he is described as impeditus, to Don Pedro IV of Aragon, who wrote the

pauper et oppressus; but James II and the Infante cardinal on 16 September, asking him to assist Don Alfonso exerted themselves on the friar’s Masc6é to further advancement and to use his

behalf, and sent him money to defray his influence to secure the lifting of the interdict expenses. At length owing to the continued from the duchies of Athens and Neopatras to

insistence of Don Alfonso Iv), now king, Fra_ confound the infidel Turks and the schismatic Ferrer could write on 24 June, 1328, that his enemies of the Christian faith of Rome.’°

Holiness had restored him to favor, and made Upon the death of James Mascé, Pope him bishop in the archbishopric of Neopatras, Innocent VI appointed a Franciscan named “and he did this because, if I were an arch- Peter Fabri de Annoniaco as archbishop of bishop, he could not easily transfer me to Neopatras (on 9 August, 1361).*' Peter Fabri

churches in your kingdom.”!* Needless to add, __was followed by a certain Francis (1369?— 1376),

Ferrer d’Abella never took up residence a Franciscan and possibly a curial prelate, in Neopatras. On 28 September, 1330, he whom we have met in connection with the achieved his ambition of a bishopric under proposed anti-Turkish congress at Thebes.’? Catalan rule when he was transferred to Maz- When Francis died, Gregory XI appointed zara in Sicily, and in 1334 he received the see another Franciscan, Matthew, whom the of Barcelona, where he died a decade later.“ cathedral chapter of Neopatras had already Fra Ferrer d’Abella continued to administer elected illegally, “perhaps in ignorance of the the see of Neopatras, however, from the day of papal decree of reservation” (reservationis et his translation to Mazzara almost until the time decrett_ forsan ignart).°

of his death in December, 1344.47 The church While the Curia was satisfied with this assermay have been well endowed, which would tion of the papal eligendi potestas, the canons of explain John XXII’s thus granting it in commen- Neopatras were doubtless gratified thus to dam despite his own eloquent condemnation of receive an archbishop of their own choice. the profits of pluralism in the well-known Matthew knew Greece, and he probably resided constitution Exsecrabilis of 21 November, for some time at least in his archdiocese, for a 1317.‘ According to Loenertz, Fra Ferrer’s document of 10 September, 1380, shows him

successor as archbishop of Neopatras was

— of. no. 107, pp. 51-52.

James Masco, who was dispensed from pay- 149 Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, no. 89, p. 48, and 14 Finke, Acta Aragonensia, III (1922), no. 205, pp. 150 Dibl., doc. CCXXX, p. 304; Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., 451-52; Dipl., doc. pcciv, pp. 729-30, letter of Cardinal XXVIII, no. 134, pp. 57~58. Cardinal de Cros apparently Napoleone Orsini to James II, dated at Avignon on 10 _ did use his influence on behalf of the Grand Company, and

December, 1323. on 3 December, 1358, Innocent VI relaxed the decrees of 145 Dipl., doc. CXL, pp. 171-72, and cf. Loenertz, Arch. FF. excommunication and raised the interdict for a year; in the

Praed., XXVIII, nos. 19-22, 30, pp. 34-35, 36. meantime he had assigned the spiritual problem of the 1446 Fubel, Hierarchia, 1, 331-32, 128; Loenertz, Arch. FF. Company to a commission headed by Guillaume de Curte,

Praed., XXVIII, no. 47, p. 39; Finke, op. cit., 1 (1908), cardinal bishop of Tusculum (Dipl., doc. CCxxxv, pp. introd., pp. CLXxllI-v. Fra Ferrer tried to keep the 309-10). Cf. above, p. 456. Aragonese king informed of the news he gathered in 151 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 147 (Innocentius VI, Avignon (Finke, II [1908], no. 297, pp. 444-46, letter an. IX, part. III, tom. XXVII), fol. 197: “. . . Nuper vero

dated 15 April, 1329). ecclesia Neopatrensis per obitum bone memorie Jacobi 147 Cf. Mollat, Jean XXII (1316-1334): Lettres communes, X archiepiscopi Neopatrensis, qui apud dictam sedem diem

(Paris, 1930), nos. 50991—92, dated 28 September, 1330: _clausit extremum, pastoris solacio desituta fest] ... ,” the “Ferrarius, episcopus Mazariensis, fit administrator eccl. usual formula. See Dipl., doc. CCXLVH, p. 329; Eubel, 1, 362. Neopatrensis, cuius prius erat episcopus. . . . Idem Fer- Peter Fabri’s letter of nomination to Neopatras thus states

rarius transfertur ex ecclesia Neopatrensi ad eccl. that James Masco died in Avignon; his name, often given as Mazariensem.” Cf. Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, nos. de Armoniaco, appears correctly in Loenertz, Arch. FF.

47, 89, pp. 39, 48. Praed., XXVIII, no. 148, p. 60, as de Annoniaco (cf. Luke

48 The text of the constitution Exsecrabilis appears in Wadding, Annales Minorum VIII [Quaracchi, 1932], 168 John XXII’s Extravagantes, tit. III, eds. Richter and Fried- and _ note).

berg, Corpus iuris canonici, I1, cols. 1207-9, and is translated 182 Dipl., docs. CCCXXXVI-VII, pp. 423, 425; Eubel, I, 362.

in Lunt, Papal Revenues, II (1934, repr. 1965), 225-28. 153 Dipl., doc. CCCLX, p. 445, dated 6 February, 1376.

466 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT traveling (presumably through Phocis) with bishoprics listed as being in the Athenian | John Boyl, titular bishop of Megara, who had duchy, however, we should add the titular see hired two horses for the purpose. The im- of Coronea in Boeotia,’*” and by 1380 Aegina poverished state of the Latin episcopate is sadly had also become a bishopric. The Catholic illustrated by the fact that to pay for the horses hierarchy in the Catalan states in Greece thus

John Boyl had borrowed twenty gold ducats consisted of three archbishops and seven

from two Greek money lenders, Peter Moscho bishops, and the Athenian metropolitan (with and “the son of Cahuni,” who received as_ thirteen suffragans) was obviously an important surety for the loan “a box full of books.”"* The prelate in central Greece. last archbishop of Neopatras of the Catalan One leaves the ecclesiastical documents of the period was one John de Royis (Rius?), an fourteenth century with the impression that the Augustinian, whom Clement VII named to the grave friars who occupied the sometimes indisee on 7 August, 1382, and who still held the gent sees in Greece strayed far less often from title in 1390 when Neopatras fell to the Floren- the narrow path of propriety than some of the

tine Nerio Acciajuoli. reverend roisterers who followed the Fourth An Aragonese document, dating from Crusaders. The documents are less concerned 1380-1381, furnishes us with a record of the with clerical strife and disorder (of which we episcopal clergy in the duchies of Athens and learn so much from the letters of Innocent IIT)

Neopatras during the last decade of Catalan than with the routines of business—papal

rule. The three archbishoprics are listed, those nominations of archbishops and bishops, reof Athens, Thebes, and Neopatras. Antonio cords of their payments of the servitium comBallester is identified as the archbishop of mune (the archbishop of Athens paid only 70 Athens, and under him were thirteen suffragan florins!), authorizations to borrow money to be bishops, two more than in Michael Choniates’ repaid from the revenues of their sees, epistime. According to this list, however, only four copal consecrations and translations from one of these thirteen bishops possessed sees located see to another, the bestowal of the pallium, in the Athenian duchy, namely the bishops of dispensations to non-resident clerics to collect Megara, Daulia (in Phocis), Salona (the ancient the avails of office, concessions of indulgence,

Amphissa), and Boudonitza (the ancient the threat or declaration of ecclesiastical cenThermopylae). But Megara was hardly in Cata- sure, admonitions, absolutions, and so on. Such lan territory by this time, for Nerio Acciajuoli are the sources. If the casual reader could wish had seized the city in 1374. The archbishop of they were more exciting, the historian is thank-

Thebes is said to have had no suffragan under ful for what he has, and were it not for the him, and indeed he had trouble enough with- stately registers which line the shelves of the out suffragans, for the Navarrese had occupied Vatican Archives, Frankish Greece would have his city about a year before this list was first almost no ecclesiastical history.

composed. The archbishop of Neopatras is said to have had under him only the bishop of: | On 27 July, 1377, Frederick III, king of Zeitounion (the ancient Lamia), whose see lay Sicily and duke of Athens and Neopatras, died

within the duchy of Neopatras.'** To the four in Messina, the last of the male line of the

—_______ Catalan dynasty in Sicily. He had wished to 154 Dipl, doc. CDI, pp. 490-91. King Pedro IV directed leave both his kingdom and the duchies to his Luis Fadrique (old Don Alfonso’s grandson), then serving young daughter Maria although the will of

as vicar-general, to see to the restoration of John Boyl’s)

books or their full value when the loan had been repaid. while another of 6 March of the same year seems to place "5 Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, nos. 214, 220, Zeitounion under the archbishop of Athens (ibid., doc. 223, 228, pp. 74 ff. Michel Le Quien, Orens Christianus, UI ccx1, pp. 289-90). There was obviously some confusion in (Paris, 1740), cols. 1015-16, gives the name Rius. Rubio i the Avignonese chancery at this time concerning the status Lluch’s Diplomatari contains four references to Archbishop of Zeitounion.

John, no one of which supplies his surname (Dipl., docs. 157 Cf. Dipl., doc. Cxcl, pp. 248-49, dated 25 September,

DLV, p. 599 [13 December, 1383], pixvu, p. 607 [6 1346, in which document the Carmelite friar Albert de September, 1384], DLxxiu, p. 610 [12 December, 1384], Nogerio is declared to have succeeded the deceased Fra and pcvi, p. 641 [17 April, 1387]). The Franciscan John de Antonio as bishop of the ecclesia Carminensis . . . Atheniensi Montelupone may have been titular archbishop of Neopa- _ ecclesie suffraganea et immediate subiecta. The hitherto mys-

tras in June, 1394 (Loenertz, op. cit., no. 250, p. 82). terious ecclesia Carmensis, de Carino, later Carminensis (cf.

156 Dipl., doc. CDLXXXIX, pp. 547-48. A papal document _Setton, Catalan Domination, pp. 93-94, note 46) is actually

of 18 January, 1353, makes the see of Zeitounion subject to the bishopric of Coronea (Coroniacensis), as shown by the archbishop of Thebes (Dipl., doc. ccx, pp. 287-88), | Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, 12-13.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 467 Frederick II (d. 1337) had expressly excluded property bestowed upon the Church, in violathe women of his house from the royal succes- tion of the statutes of the Company, to main-

sion. King Pedro IV of Aragon-Catalonia tain or extend the Acropolis fortifications.

therefore laid claim both to Sicily and to the When at Lérida on the following 1 September Catalan states in Greece. Maria eventually (1380) Don Pedro confirmed or modified one married Don Pedro’s grandson Martin, and so_ by one the various items in the petition, he the rival dynastic claims were united, but in the rejected this plea on behalf of the Church, meantime there were succession struggles in reminding the Catalans in Athens that they

Sicily, and possibly in Greece, from 1377 to were few in number (com hi ha poca gent

1379, and before Don Pedro became duke of nostrada), and if they began leaving their posAthens and Neopatras, the Catalans suddenly sessions to the Church, they would soon lack lost Thebes. In the late spring of 1379 the city the men and resources necessary to defend the was seized by a band of mercenaries known as_ duchies, “for ecclesiastics are not soliders, and the “Navarrese Company,” which also took they are not under the jurisdiction of the lord Livadia by force toward the end of 1380 or the king.” Don Pedro said that a like restriction beginning of 1381. This company of freeboot- against legacies to the Church obtained in his ers, which probably included as many Gascons_ kingdoms of Valencia and Majorca, but when

and Italians as Navarrese, was aided by his newly appointed vicar-general, Felipe Dal“traitors” to the Crown of Aragon within the mau, the eminent viscount of Rocaberti, arwalls of both strongholds. The history of the rived in Greece, he would make whatever last decade or so of Catalan domination in provisions for the Church were consistent with continental Greece (1379-1390) can be written the public interest.'*®

in detail from more than 250 documents, the Of the two envoys who carried the Athenian large number of which attests to the concern of petition to King Pedro IV in Catalonia, one was both Don Pedro IV and his son John I for the Bishop John Boyl of Megara, who clearly made

affairs of their tottering duchies. a favorable impression on the king. In fact Don

When the shock of the Navarrese occupation Pedro now tried (on 10 September, 1380) to of Thebes had subsided, a parliament was secure his appointment to the archbishopric of assembled in Athens (possibly in the Par- Thebes, which was a lucrative see with an thenon), to which were summoned the syndics, income about four times that of Athens.°9 aldermen, and council of the municipal corpo- Nerio Acciajuoli had of course occupied Megration (sindichs, prohomens e consell dela dita

universitat). The assembly prepared a petition, —————

the “Articles of Athens,” dated 20 May, 88 The texten of the Articles of Athens may be 1886, found in — . Rubié i Lluch, Los1380, Navarros Grecia, Barcelona, containing some sixteen or seventeen requests, doc. XXXII, pp. 241-51, and in the Diplomatan, doc. CCCXCI,

the acceptance or rejection of which by Don pp. 473-79, with the items concerning the Church on pp. Pedro IV would define the terms under which 476-77. At Lérida on 1 September, 1380, King Pedro IV the chief officers and citizens of Athens would 2!s0 confirmed the requests contained in the “Articles of become vassals and subjects of the Crown. Only Seyaif of Don Luis Fadrique, lord of Salona and court of four or five of these requests related to matters Malta. Petitions had also been prepared at Salona for of public interest; the others sought rewards presentation to the king by the refugee “municipal corporafor prominent persons who had proved their tion” of Thebes (on 22 May) and by the “universitat” of

loyalty to the Crown at the time of the /v2@!@ fon 3 dune: ane for these dates, see Dipl., Co

Navarrese invasion. The most interesting gen- oh hough’ ch the » eArticles 7 we S.oflon egerttint PRU Lie To. although Salona are stillare extant (Rubid, Los eral request concerns the Church. The Navarres, doc. xxxix, pp. 256-59, and Dipl., doc. cccxcul, petitioners asked for the revocation of the pp. 480-82). Cf. in general Setton, Catalan Domination

statute or statutes which the Conquistadors had 1975), PP toe oe ane teeny dnc 0 oa ARN Pp assed decades before “against the soul's true 1380, five weeks after dealing with the Athenian petitions,

conscience and against the Church of the pon Pedro IV repeated his prohibition against selling,

Catholic faith,” forbidding the faithful to leave giving, or bequeathing property or rents to the Church, the Church “estates, lands, vineyards, as well as although oono8) in money might be made (Dzpl., doc.

7 ed ’ CDXXXIII, p. .

other things or even to ee serfs from their °”3* Cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, 1, 114, 482, and Hermann arsi bon age to the sol (e encara que puxen Hoberg, “Die Servitientaxen der Bistiimer im 14. Jahrhun-

afranquir lurs vilans et vilanes de tota servitut de dert,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und

vilanatge . . .). Hitherto the Catalans had used Bibliotheken, XXXITII (1944), 130.

468 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ara a half-dozen years before, and the Navar- where parading himself as a man of honor with false rese Company had taken Thebes during the representations, as experience now makes evident, spring of the preceding year. But presumably he obtained the aforesaid archbishopric from the John Boyl thought the Catalans could recover ‘ord Pope Gregory XI. But, most clement Father, Thebes, and in the meantime Don Pedro 5%!nce it is repugnant to divine and human laws alike

hs ; . that such an evil man be sustained in so great a

wanted jum ed dns the annual fom th, f dignity, we humbly beseech your Holiness that it hap fs es Bo h lone, accruing trom © please you to deprive the archbishop, if thus he chapel of S. Bartholomew in the palace of the deserves to be called, of this dignity, for we could castle of Athens” as well as the allowance he jin no wise allow him to reside in the said was already getting for himself and two ser- duchies. . . .”!

vitors.* The palace on the Acropolis was built Don Ped do hi for th into the Propylaea, and the lines of the chapel on tedro repeated Ais request tor the may still be seen east of the so-called transference to the Theban see of Bishop John

Pinakotheke. Boyl, “who has suffered many ills in his own John Boyl and his fellow envoy told Don Person for the defense of Christians.” In two

>9...

Pedro about the Navarrese invasion, the loss of Other letters of the same date (11 September,

Thebes, and the danger to which Athens and 1380) he asked, first, that John Boyl be apother Catalan strongholds were still exposed. pointed apostolic legate in the duchies of

They doubtless identified various “traitors to ‘*'€DS and Neopatras as well as in the the sacred Crown of Aragon,” but we have no neighboring provinces of Romania (which way of knowing how accurately they recounted wou ave meant the virtual displacement of

the facts. Among the alleged traitors was Simon **7C™!0ISOp Antonio Ballester of Athens as Atumano, archbishop of Thebes, whom John Vicar of the so-called patriarchate of ConstanBoy! obviously wished to replace in the cathedra, nope) and, secondly, that the interdict be and on 11 September (1380) Don Pedro wrote Ace from the ee ly acquired dominions of

Pope Urban VI, accusing Simon of acting in 180M In Greece./”

collusion with the Navarrese: The medieval historian is confined to the

cloister of his sources, and when imagination

Most holy Father: We are assured that owing to the leads him to escape the confinement, he usually

machinations and efforts of the archbishop of the walks the perilous path of invention, but it is city of Thebes—which together with other cities, reasonable to assume that John Boyl told Don

castles, and places in the duchies of Athens and Pedro something about the extraordinary Neopatras now belong to our dominion—the said buildings with which he had become familiar in

ae ws captured by oh oe dview. ane echbish: 'S_ Athens. He asked the king for a guard of ten himedf As a t ‘It ohi © ils and te dals with ve or a dozen men-at-arms for the Acropolis, and

Bn eS ae Seances Wyo, the treasurer of Aragon was promptly in-

number have occurred in the said duchies, and there f d that his Maiest dj twel is no doubt that on this account the archbishop ‘OFM#eC@ tat tis Majesty was sending twelve himself has sinned against the Church of God and_Well-equipped crossbowmen to Athens to serve against our royal Majesty. But this need not astonish for four months, by which time (he said) the new us, for the archbishop was born in Constantinople, vicar-general, Rocaberti, should be on his way

and his father was a Turk, his mother a schismatic to Greece. In the meantime the Acropolis [Greek], and while he was a Greek monk [calogerius, ——_—————

Kadoynpos] because of terrible vices which we for- ®t Dipl., doc. CDVI, pp. 492-93. On Simon Atumano, see bear even to mention on account of their enormity, Giovanni Mercati, Se la Versione dall’ ebraico del codice veneto in which vices [Simon Atumano] still persists, he 87 VII sia di Simone Atumano, arcivescovo di Tebe: Ricerca would have been burned at the stake. had he not sfortca con notizte e documenti sulla vita dell’ Atumano, Rome,

hi iftohother , [toparts Italy?] 1916 (Studimonaco e testi,dino. 30); Giorgiolatino Fedalto, Simone secretly remove 4 imseft [to Italy: Atumano, studio, arcivescovo di Tebe, secolo

—_—__—___- XIV, Brescia, 1968; Setton, “Byzantine Background,” Pro-

1% Dipl., doc. CCCXCVI, pp. 486-87, from Pedro IV to the ceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 100 (1956), vicar-general Rocaberti: concerning John Boy! S nomina- 47-52; and A. K. Eszer, Das abenteuerliche Leben des Johannes

tion to the Theban see, the king says that “hajam escrit al Laskaris Kalopheros, Wiesbaden, 1969, pp. 115-17, 207-12. sant pare” (Urban VI). Boyl’s tenure as bishop of Megara 1S Simon Atumano was not appointed archbishop of Thebes

unknown to Eubel, I, 333. The other envoy who joined by Gregory XI, but by Urban V (1362-1370). Loenertz, Boyl in presenting the Athenian petition to Don Pedro was Arch, FF. Praed., XXVIII, no. 206, p. 72, regards the Gerardo (Guerau) de Rodonella: they took the oath of fealty charges of gross immorality made against Atumano as and did homage to Pedro as “king, prince, duke, and highly improbable.

lord” (Dipl., doc. cccxci, p. 479). 1® Dipl., docs. CDVI-CDVIII, pp. 493-94.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 469 needed the reinforcement, “especially as the course no record is preserved of what he said at said castle is the richest jewel there is in the the Curia. The king made a further attempt to world and such that all the kings of Christen- have Simon Atumano removed from the ar-

dom could not create its equal!”** chiepiscopal see of Thebes, and again recom-

During the second week of August, 1381, mended John Boyl’s nomination thereto,’® after prolonged delays which irritated his royal although the request was no more successful master, the viscount of Rocaberti left Barcelona this time than it had been two years before.'® with two galleys for the long journey to Greece, Probably John Boyl made a better impression whence he returned home the following spring. on the Aragonese court, where he could speak There is no evidence that he effected any Catalan, than on the Curia Romana, for he may notable improvement in the lot of his country- never have learned the Italian vernacular. But

men overseas, and subsequent events suggest in any event Simon Atumano was then in that he did not make their position any more Rome, and he could defend himself before the secure. Despite the availability of some fifty pope, who knew him. Simon had clearly not pertinent documents, we are still unable to remained in Thebes very long after the Navardetermine who held Thebes and Livadia dur-_ rese occupation of the city, even though (as we ing the years 1382-1383. Don Pedro IV wrote have seen) Don Pedro had accused him of Pope Urban VI on 31 December, 1382, that acting in collusion with the invaders.

after the union of the duchy of Athens to the Simon Atumano is a notable figure in the Crown of Aragon the intrigues of certain history of biblical and classical scholarship. A dissidents had caused a shameful rebellion very important Greek manuscript in the against his authority. He implied that this Laurenziana in Florence (Cod. 32, 2), which might be the reason for laying the interdict was once his property, contains tragedies of upon the duchy, which was certainly not the Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides as well as case (but Urban had no access to the archives in the Works and Days of Hesiod. Notes written on

Avignon). Now, however, all the inhabitants of the first folio of this manuscript, in Simon’s the duchy had of their own accord recognized own hand, have preserved autobiographical

the error of their ways and returned to the data of much interest:

Aragonese obedience, and so the interdict Was On 23 June of the year 6856 [i.e. 1348] of the first no longer necessary. Don Pedro asked his indiction, I became bishop of Gerace in the name of Holiness to remove the ban and restore his the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. On 13 July of the “faithful subjects” to the loving embrace of the same year and same indiction, I was advanced to Church. The bearer of the royal letter was to sacred minor orders by my most holy lord Bertrand be Bishop John Boyl of Megara, who was now [du Poujet], cardinal of Ostia of God’s holy Church

leaving Catalonia and setting out for Rome. of Rome, in the monastery of S. Andrew near

The king noted that John Boyl would provide Avignon in the place called Villeneuve. . . . On 6 the pope with more information about these December of the second indiction, in the year 6857

matters, and presumably he did, but of [still 1348], on Saturday, through the special grace

granted by his Holiness, Pope Clement VI, for my oe ordination, I was ordained a priest by the bishop of ‘ Mm Dipl., doc. cptv, p. 491, dated 11 September, 1380: Vabres [Pierre a’ Aigrefeuille] in the church of S.

. . . Majorment com lo dit castell sia la pus richa joya qui . .

al mont [i.e. mon] sia, e tal que entre tots los reys de Catherine in Avignon. On the seventh day of the cristians envides lo porien fer semblant.” Cf. F. Gre- Same month, on Sunday, I was consecrated bishop in gorovius, Geschichte d. Stadt Athen im Mittelalter . . . , trans. ————————

and ed. by Sp. P. Lampros, 2 vols., Athens, 1904, Il, meaning is unclear. Loenertz, Arch. FF. Praed., XXVIII, no.

194-95; Rubié i Lluch, “Significacié de Pelogi de ’Acro- 216, p. 75, says “le document semble impliquer que polis d’Atenes pel Rei Pere’l Ceremoniés,” in the Ho- Thébes et Livadia sont rentrées sous la domination menaje ofrecido a [D. Ramén] Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, catalane, fait important ... ,” and the fact would be 1925, IlI1, 37-56, and Los Catalanes en Grecia (1927), pp. important if it were true, but a royal letter of 10 April, 131-37; Setton, Catalan Domination, pp. 187-88. On the 1383 (Dipl., doc. pxuit, p. 592), certainly shows that by dispatch of the twelve crossbowmen from Catalonia to that date the “city and district of Thebes” had not returned

Athens, see Dipl., doc. cpxxvu, p. 505, dated 29 Sep- to Catalan rule. In reference to the king’s letter of 31

tember, and docs. CDXXVIII-CDXxxI, CDxxxv, pp. 505-7, December, 1382, Loenertz, loc. cit., speaks of “linterdit qui

509, dated 5, 6, and 11 October, 1380. pése sur les duchés grecs,” but the text specifies the duchy of

1 Dipl., doc. DXXXVI, p. 587: “. . . ommes dicti ducatus Athens, and the interdict did not fall upon that of tanquam nostri fideles eorum recognoscentes errorem Neopatras.

spontanei ad nostram obedienciam et dominium redie- 165 Dipl., doc. DXXXVIII, p. 588, dated 31 December, 1382. runt... .” The statement is simple enough, but the 186 Cf. Dipl., docs. CCCXCVI, CDVI, CDXIII.

470 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the church of the Dominicans by the most eminent arrived at the Curia, Simon Atumano had cardinal of Embrun [Bertrand de Déaux]. . . .’% become a familiar figure in intellectual circles

Simon Atumano remained for some years 1! Rome, as he had been in earlier years at bishop of Gerace in the far south of the Italian AV!8non, where he had taught Greek. Thus in peninsula when, owing to the mistaken assump- August, 1373, Francesco Bruni, who had been a tion in Avignon that Bishop John de Papasi- P@P@ secrerary for more than ten years, had dero of Cassano was dead, Simon was named to Witten a friend in Florence:

iis see, ween Vike perace) Was n sullragan Thanks to the reverend father [Simon Atu-

i c d ggio Calabria. But John was sti mano] ..., the lord archbishop of Thebes, I

alive, and so on 8 July, 1363, Pope Urban V _ jearned to read and write Greek in a superficial way allowed Simon to retain the bishopric and after I came to this Curia as an old man. He was and revenues of Gerace (which he had feared to is modest, grave, and pleasant in manner, witty in lose because of the unfortunate misunderstand- speech, and of great reputation. I became intimate ing) until he could take possession of the see of — with him, and because of his friendship at that time Cassano.1® Bishop John’s death must have he was constantly at my house, and so, as I have said,

seemed imminent, however, because on 5 Au- a chose [to teach he , aor compence id to earn gust (1363) Urban V acted favorably upon a OTC€%, that Is the Darest elements. te did so wit

as aare good nature, kindness, and charm of speech and

petition presented to him by his “humble companionship!

creature Simon of Constantinople, bishop of

yassano, who among other requests asked ror Simon Atumano was well established in ae licentia testands for ea of the c ned Rome by the time John Boy] got there (early in bi poassano. Nevert tees, Simon remaine 7 the year 1383). Simon would gladly teach, and

Is Wp 0 6 to he Is Thabo, Oh 17 apparently had been doing so for some two sie 18 , i the see of Thebes, w oh years either as a public lecturer or as a private

of C 's op, Fau us, ath named qa patriarca tutor. During the winter of 1381-1382 he had

° ByOe time € on the same Cay. given instruction in Greek to Radulph de Rivo the time Don Pedro's emissary John Boyl (q_ 1403), the well-known dean of Tongres.1” 167 A. M. Bandini, Catalogus codicum graecorum Bibliothecae —=————————

Laurentianae, II (Florence, 1768), col. 123; U. von 171 Gene Brucker, “An Unpublished Source on the Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Analecta Euripidea, Berlin, 1875, Avignonese Papacy: The Letters of Francesco Bruni,” pp. 5-6; Francesco Lo Parco, Gli ultimi oscuri anni di Traditio, XIX (1963), 368. Francesco Bruni was appointed Barlaam e la verita storica sullo studio del greco di Francesco secretary by Urban V, and entered upon his duties at the Petrarca, Naples, 1910, pp. 16-17, note 5, and pp. 35-36; —officium litterarum secretarum on 3—4 February, 1363, with an Giovanni Mercati, Simone Atumano, arcivescovo di Tebe annual salary of 200 florins (K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben der

(1916), pp. 23-24, 27-28, 47-48, with an emended Abostolischen Kammer unter den Papsten Urban V. und Gregor Greek text of Simon’s entries in the manuscript; Fedalto, XI. [1362-1378], Paderborn, 1937, pp. 23-24, 27, 75, 76, Simone Atumano, monaco di studio (1968), pp. 21-22. On the 111, 112, 155, etc., 225, 227, 253, etc., 606). When on 8 MS., cf. Aleksander Turyn, The Manuscript Tradition of the | November, 1367, the pope suspended all Florentines from

Tragedies of Aeschylus, New York, 1943, p. 74, who thinks curial posts, Francesco Bruni, his son, and Giovanni Simon was “bishop of Avignon.” Simon had obviously Baroncelli were denoted as the sole exceptions to the papal received only the prima tonsura by June, 1348, when decree (ibid., p. 33). On Bruni, who was a correspondent of

Clement VI nominated him bishop of Gerace. Petrarch, see especially H. J. Tomaseth, “Die Register und

168 Michel Hayez et al., eds., Urbain V (1362-1370), Lettres | Secretare Urbans V. und Gregors XI.,” Mittheilungen des communes, II, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1965), no. 6391, p. 202. It is _Imstituts fiir oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, XIX (1898),

probably safe to assume that Simon spent as much time at 423, 425, 440, 448, 452-63, with a few addenda and

Avignon and as little at Gerace as possible. corrigenda in Gottfried Opitz, “Die Sekretarsexpedition

169 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Suppl. 40, fol. 13, pub- unter Urban V. und Gregor XI.,” Quellen und Forschungen lished by R. J. Loenertz, Démétrius Cydonés, Correspondance, aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XXXIII (1944),

II (Citta del Vaticano, 1960), 431-32 (Studi e testi, no. 167-70. Bruni became gonfalonier of justice in Florence 208). In a letter to Simon Atumano, apparently written in for October and November, 1383, and died shortly after the summer of 1364, Demetrius Cydones alludes to Urban —1385 (Tomaseth, op. cit., pp. 462-63).

V’s translation of Simon from Gerace to another city, 172 Cunibert Mohlberg, Radulph de Rivo, der letzte Vertreter “which like a ship had need of a stronger pilot,” @owep der altromischen Liturgie, 2 vols., Louvain and Munster in vawv KuBepvyjtrov peitovos Seouévnv (Loenertz, ibid., I Westf., 1911-15, I, 19-21, 214, who knows, however, little

[1956], bk. x, ep. 93, p. 126, lines 16-18 [Studie testi, no. about Simon Atumano; see also Setton, “Byzantine

186]). Background,” p. 49, and on Simon’s Latin translation of 170 Fubel, I, 206, 482; Mercati, Simone Atumano, arcivescovo _Plutarch’s De cohibenda ira, note, ibid., pp. 50-51, and

di Tebe (1916), pp. 30 ff.; Fedalto, Simone Atumano, monaco di Robert Aulotte, Amyot et Plutarque: La Tradition des Moralia

studio (1968), pp. 34-36, 82, 91 ff. au XVI° siécle, Geneva, 1965, pp. 22, 331.

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 47] In fact it is not impossible, as the late Cardinal Nerio Acciajuoli died on 25 September, (then Mons.) Giovanni Mercati once suggested, 1394, having dictated his last will and testament

that Simon was appointed a curial professor of at Corinth. eight days before. By a rather Greek (and Hebrew?) by Urban VI, to whom quixotic gesture, which bespeaks a troubled he dedicated his Biblia Triglotta, of which a_ spirit, he left “to the Church of S. Mary of partial, Greek translation of the Old Testament Athens the city of Athens with all its appurtestill survives in Simon’s first-draft, autograph nances and effects.”!77 Since S. Mary and the

manuscript, once the possession of Cardinal cathedral staff of the Parthenon would have Bessarion. It may still be seen in Venice, in trouble defending their inheritance, he placed the Biblioteca Centrale Marciana (Cod. gr. the city under the protection of Venice. Nerio’s

VIl).*” Incidentally, to go with his Greek bequest of the city of Athens to the Latin

translation of the Old Testament, Simon also Church was another cross to bear for the Greek prepared for scholarly or missionary purposes metropolitan Macarius, whose predecessor, a Hebrew version of the New Testament, which Dorotheus, Nerio had expelled from the city was (at least in part) still extant in the year two-years before, accusing him of treacherous 1516.'% And he was probably still at work on dealings with the Turks. In March, 1393, the

the Biblia Triglotta when on 29 May, 1383, Holy Synod of Constantinople, sitting under Urban VI provided him with a letter of safe the Patriarch Antonius, had held Dorotheus conduct for a mission to Constantinople which guiltless, and recalled that ever since the Latin

was envisaged as possibly lasting a year. conquest of Athens at a time which had long When Simon died (before 1387), Urban is said before passed from the memory of living men

to have taken possession of the Biblia,* no elected metropolitan of Athens—until

suggesting that the esteem in which he was held Dorotheus—had dared reside in Athens under at the Curia was too much for John Boyl to the alien tyranny of the Burgundians, Catalans,

combat. and now the Florentines. But the Greek divines By this time Simon’s archiepiscopal city of of their synodal wisdom sang the praises of the

Thebes, together with nearby Livadia, had Athenian people who had kept their Orthodox passed into the hands of the Florentine adven- faith unsullied although they had been left turer Nerio Acciajuoli, who on 2 May, 1388, anepiskopoi for generations, “each the steward took the Acropolis of Athens after a lengthy of his own faith,” as the harsh regimes had siege. Nerio seems to have acquired Neopatras forced the Greeks as it were to seek salvation by

also, but -if so, he did not hold it for long. stealth and without instruction.2” Sultan Bayazid I invaded central Greece at the There was discord in the Greek hierarchy, turn of the years 1393-1394. Ottoman troops nevertheless, and although the patriarch and

occupied Neopatras and Livadia, and seized the the Holy Synod in Constantinople were in no so-called “county” of Salona (the ancient Am- position to assert their authority, they were

phissa) together with its dependencies of obviously dissatisfied with the Athenian Met-

Zeitounion (Lamia), Loidoriki, and Veteranitza. ropolitan Macarius’s exercise of his pastoral The Catalan states in continental Greece were office in Athens.1”? The Venetians, who had thus obliterated by the Navarrese, Florentines, taken over the city in accordance with the terms and Turks. In the confusion of the mid-1390’s of Nerio’s will, were even more dissatisfied, for however, the Catalan family of the Caupenas Macarius’s anti-Latin sentiments were leading

acquired the lordship of Aegina, which they him into the Turkish camp. The bailie of held until 1451 when the last lord, disregarding Negroponte sent worrisome reports to the the claims of relatives, bequeathed the island to Senate. Athens was threatened as well as Ne-

Venice.'”6

173 : 177 Nerio’s will, dated at Corinth on 17 September, 1394,

and Ft. Delma Gres a century ago Dy Oscar Gebhardt may be found in Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, II Ruth Cantici Ecclesiastae Threnorum Danielis versio graeca. Ex (1845), Florence: doc. xivitl, pp. 254-61, and Lampros, unico bibliothecae S. Marci Venetae codice . . . , Leipzig, Eggrapha, pt. HI, doc. 4, pp. 146-52.

1875. On Simon Atumano’s humanistic and Hebrew “8 Fr, Miklosich and Jos. Miller, Acta et diplomata graeca studies, see Fedalto, Simone Atumano, pp. 109 ff. medi aevi, I] (1862, repr. 1968): Acta patriarchatus Constan-

4 Mercati, Simone Atumano, pp. 12-43. tinopolitani, doc. 435, pp. 165-70; D. Gr. Kampouroglous, 8 Ibid., doc. 11, pp. 50-51, and pp. 16—-17. History of the Athenians (in Greek), II (Athens, 1890), 147.

6 See in general K. M. Setton, Los Catalanes en Grecia, 79 Cf. Miklosich and Miller, Acta et diplomata graeca, Il,

Barcelona, 1975, pp. 174-79, 192 ff. docs. 493~—94, 498, pp. 250, 256, 259.

472 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT groponte, but the plodding efforts of Venetian ings of the Venetian Senate were sad occasions envoys and officials could find no answer to the as the news kept coming throughout the spring

perennial question of Turkish assault.’8° and summer of 1398 that the Turks were also When the Metropolitan Macarius kept playing harassing Negroponte and the Aegean is-

fast and loose with the Turks, however, the lands,'™ and that a serious plague was sweeping Venetian authorities could do something about through the Morea and through Crete, where him. Macarius was arrested, sent to Venice, and “multi et multi mortui sunt.”!® It was the sixth imprisoned, but it would appear from a papal great pestilence to strike the Morea and the letter that as of May, 1396, he was still trying to islands in the half century since the Black deal with the Turks from his place of confine- Death. ment on the lagoon.**' It is sometimes stated During these years Athens lay under Vene-

that the Turks occupied the lower city of tian authority (from the end of 1394 to the Athens in the spring or summer of 1397, beginning of 1403) and, one after the other, although the evidence for assuming so is hardly four “podesta and captains of our city of conclusive.’” It is of course quite possible. The Athens” governed Attica on the Republic’s Turks did take Argos on 3 June, 1397, sacked behalf. Nerio Acciajuoli had left his bastard son

and burned the city, and are said to have Antonio the city of Thebes and the castle of

carried off 14,000 persons into slavery.’ Meet- Livadia, which suggests that the first Turkish

—_—— . oe occupation of Livadia was very brief. Antonio of. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, soe 78 was senatorial resolution date ugust, ia acon4:,never 3 : reconciled, however, to the Vene-

sideratis novis habitis de partibus Nigropontis de pessima Hans taking over Athens, and he harassed intencione et dispositione quam Turchi habent tam ad them incessantly. In the summer of 1402 he

civitatem et insulam nostram predictam quam ad civitatem occupied the lower city, defeated a large Vene-

Athenarum, -- .maintenance est habenda provisio Principaliter a tian force under uo... ,” ie. of the grain supply and a .the bailie of Negroponte, and sufficient force of infantry against the Turks. In February, too the Acrop O lis ab out Ja nuary or February,

1396, Venice sent an embassy to Sultan Bayazid I (ibid., 1403. Antonio S reign of some thirty-three

fols. 107”—109"), seeking among other accommodations the years (until 1435) as “lord of Athens, of Thebes,

security of Argos and Nauplia, and noting that “intro- ofall the duchy and its dependencies” (avdevTns misimus etiam civitatem Athenarum quia dominus Nerius >A Iynvav, OnBav, wavtTds SovKid&pov Kat Tov

civis noster ultimum [he was ordinavit an honorary citizen] ita which per suum lies€ scope b d th0£ISth;vO1 ume. testamentum .. .” (fol. 108%), ess es, Es) beyon

was, alas, not strictly the truth although the historian Nevertheless, we may note that after his death Laonicus Chalcocondylas, IV (Bonn, p. 213; ed. E. Dark6é,I_ three more members of the Acciajuoli [Budapest, 1922], 200), repeats the Venetian propaganda. family—Nerio II, Antonio II, and Franco—

Cf. F. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de Venise

concernant la Romanie, I (Paris, 1958), no. 896, pp. 210-11... —-—_-_181 Commemoriali, IX, fol. 15, ed. R. Predelli, Regesti det (1904), 265. The Venetians had been cautiously pressing Commem., III (Venice, 1883), no. 25, p. 238, dated 27 May. anti-Turkish plans upon King Sigismund of Hungary and 182 T ate Turkish sources place the obviously brief (if true) the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II (Thiriet, I, nos. 931-32,

occupation of the lower city of Athens both before and _ p. 218). By a decree of the Senate of 27 July, 1399, all the after the battle of Nicopolis (25 September, 1396). Since remaining inhabitants of Argos were to be repatriated, if some of these sources, however, identify Timurtash Pasha possible, and those who returned were to be exempt for as the “conqueror” of the city, and since the also late but five years from all service except guard duty on the walls. generally reliable Chronicon breve, ad ann. 6905, appended There were many territoria vacua in which they could build to Ducas’s Hist. byzantina (Bonn, p. 516) places Timurtash houses (Misti, Reg. 44, fol. 119): “Cum dominatio nostra

Pasha’s Moreote campaign in June, 1397 (when Argos was toto cordis affectu semper vigilaverit nostris fidelibus taken), J. H. Mordtmann, “Die erste Eroberung von Athen subvenire et acciderit civitatem nostram Argos propter

durch die Tiirken zu Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts,” Turchorum insultationem non _ ita bene maByzantinisch-Neugriechische Jahrbiicher, IV (1923), 346-50, mere .. . quoniam aliqui nostri fideles . . . sunt reducti would date the so-called first Turkish occupation of Athens in terris Grecorum, [in] duchamine et in castellania Corin-

in 1397. Timurtash Pasha appears as Movpréons inthe text thii..., vadit pars ... quod sint absoluti ab omni

of the Chronicon breve, which does not mention any sojourn angaria . . . usque quinque annos excepta angarta guarde

of Turkish forces in Athens, and (more to the point) the quam facere teneantur cum eorum personis super Venetian Senate seems to have known nothing about it. muro .. .” (summary in Thiriet, Régestes, I, no. 967, p. 183 The fall of Argos to the Turks was known in Venice 224). by 5 July (Misti, Reg. 44, fol. 10°): “Castellanis nostris 184 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 44, fols. 43-44", Coroni et Mothoni scribatur qualiter displicenter audivimus 61%—62", 67°.

casum ammissionis civitatis nostre Argolicensis ... ,” '*° Misti, Reg. 44, fols. 42", 57%, and cf. Loenertz, “La which posed a threat to Coron and Modon (¢f. Thiriet, Chronique bréve moréote de 1423,” Mélanges Eugene Régestes, 1, no. 936, p. 219). See Chalcocondylas, Hist., II Tisserant, II (1964), 425, and Chronicon breve, ad ann. 6907 (Bonn, pp. 97-99), and Gregorovius-Lampros, Athens, II [Sept. 1398—Aug. 1399] (Bonn, p. 517).

THE CATALANS AND FLORENTINES IN ATHENS 473 continued to rule as “lords of Athens and Turkish dominance. The Parthenon would be Thebes” until the Turks took possession of the converted into a mosque; a minaret would rise lower city of Athens in June, 1456, and of the above it while the Frankish Tower continued to

Acropolis soon thereafter.’% By this time the loom over the Propylaea—twin symbols of medieval history of Greece was giving way to foreign rule in the “violet-crowned” city of another era, the “Tourkokratia,” the period of Athens, as elsewhere in Greece. a docs. LXVIII-LXIX, pp. 289, 290, and cf. doc. LXXxI, p. 296,

6 On Athens under the Acciajuoli, see Setton, Catalan for employment of the Greek title by Nerio II, who appears Domination (1975), pp. 174-215, and A History of the in Latin texts as dominus Athenarum et Thebarum (ibid., docs. Crusades, III (1975), 245-77, with refs. to the sources and = Lxxli-LXxIH, pp. 298, 299). A Venetian document of 8 to the works of modern historians. Antonio Acciajuoli’s title July, 1451, also refers to Nerio II, qui est dominus Stives et

is given in documents published by J. A. C. Buchon, Sithines [ie. of Thebes and Athens], summarized by N.

Nouvelles Recherches historiques sur la principauté francaise de _lorga, “Notes et extraits,” Revue de l’ Orient latin, VIII Morée et ses hautes baronnies, 2 vols., Paris, 1845, Il, Florence: (1900-1, repr. 1964), 78.

BLANK PAGE

INDEX No names of modern scholars (and no references to their works) are included in this index Abagha, son of Hulagu; il-khan of Persia 1265-1282: 106 Hainaut 1313-1318 (1321), Joanna I of Naples 1373115-117, 120, 121, 133; wife of, see Maria (Palaeologina) 1381; regents of, see Catherine of Valois 1333-1346, Abarca, Pedro, 17th-century Aragonese annalist, 448 Maria Zaccaria 1402—1404; vicars of, see Pedro de ‘Abbasids, Arab caliphal dynasty at Baghdad 749-1258: 97 San Superano 1386-1391, Nerio I Acciajuoli 1391‘Abd-al-‘Aziz II, Abi-Faris, son of Ahmad II; Hafsid emir 1394, Angelo Acciajuoli 1394~—1405 of Bugia (in 1390), ruler of Tunisia 1394-1434: 331, Achrida, see Ochrida

335-337 Achyraus, 94

Abydos, 104 Acre (S. Jean d’Acre, ‘Akka), 69, 96n, 98, 106, 108, 280, Acardi, John, of Mesembria (f1. 1366), 304 431; fall of (1291), 2, 99, 147, 163, 167n, 169, 182

Acarnania, 18, 25, 35, 59, 90, 422 Acrocorinth, 22, 23n, 25, 34, 37, 405

Acciajuoli, Florentine banking family, 159-162, 184, 472, Acropolis (of Athens), 22, 23, 29, 95, 377, 407, 408, 417,

473n 418, 422, 445, 449, 450, 452, 463, 464n, 467, 468,

Acciajuoli, Angelo, archbishop of Florence 1342-1355: 184n 471-473 Acciajuoli, Angelo, brother of Nerio I; cardinal (Roman) Acropolites, George, Byzantine historian and official

1384-1408: 403, 464n (d. 1282), 28, 51n, 55, 60-62, 70, 71n, 72-77,

Acciajuoli, Angelo, Latin archbishop of Patras 1365-1367: 83, 84, 86, 88-91, 93, 94, 114, 115, 117, 124-126

297, 308 Adalia (Satalia, Antalya), 60, 237n, 240-242, 246, 248,

Acciajuoli, Angelo, son of Niccolé; grand seneschal of 261, 262n, 282, 285, 287, 288n; Gulf of, 249n, 266,

Naples 1365-1391: 161 267, 287, 385

Acciajuoli, Antonio I, bastard son of Nerio I; lord of Adam, Guillaume, French propagandist (d. ca. 1339),

Thebes 1394-1435, duke of Athens 1403-1435: 166, 174

377, 472, 473n Adam of Usk, Welsh chronicler (f1. 1400), 373

1439?- 1441: 472 337, 340

Acciajuoli, Antonio II, brother of Nerio II; duke of Athens Adorno, Antoniotto, doge of Genoa 1384/1396: 330-332,

Acciajuoli, Franco (Francesco II), son of Antonio II; duke Adorno, Gabriele, doge of Genoa 1363-1371: 247, 250n,

of Athens 1455-1456 (d. 1460), 472 258n, 260, 282, 314

Acciajuoli, Giovanni, brother of Nerio I; Latin archbishop Adorno, Raffaele, brother of Antoniotto; Genoese com-

of Patras 1360-—1363: 247n mander (in 1388), 330

Acciajuoli, Nerio I, adopted son of (distant cousin) Adramereus, Orthodox bishop of, see Philagrios Niccolo; lord of Corinth 1371-1394, duke of Athens Adramyttium (Edremit), 18, 182 (1388) in 1394: 161, 162n, 247n, 451, 452, 460n, 461, Adrianople (Edirne), 16-18, 20, 28, 52, 53, 55, 56, 72,

464n, 466, 467, 471 85, 87, 131, 174, 205, 245, 246n, 300, 340, 356, 376,

Acciajuoli, Nerio II, great-nephew of Nerio I; duke of 404, 407n, 416; Orthodox bishop of, 310n

Athens 1435-21439: 472, 473n Adriatic Sea, 8, 19, 44, 45, 59, 81, 82, 149, 180n, 228, 243,

Acciajuoli, Niccolo, grand seneschal of Naples 1348-1365: 964, 290, 297, 315, 317, 328, 347, 357, 359, 360,

159-161, 236n, 242n 379, 392, 396, 404, 435n

Acerenza, bishop of (B. Prignani), 463n Aegean Sea, 78, 149, 154, 160, 163, 181-183, 186, 191, Achaea, principality of, 26, 28-32, 45-47, 49, 50, 56, 69, 197n, 198, 203, 205, 218, 222, 237, 245, 326, 329, 71, 73, 85, 89, 90, 96, 98-100, 103, 105, 112n, 120, 357, 358n, 360, 428; coast of, 28, 35, 42, 43; islands

127, 129n, 131, 143, 148-153, 156, 158, 159, 161, of, 2, 18, 19n, 27, 42, 68, 87, 91, 143, 159, 177,

162, 165n, 194n, 297, 342, 406, 407, 416n, 421, 428, 182, 190, 286, 289, 342, 430-432, 453, 472, and see

432-437, 440, 446, 449, 451n, 458n, 459, 460; claimants Archipelago to, see Ferdinand (of Majorca), James II (of Majorca), Aegina, 18, 23, 410n, 411n, 415n, 454, 466, 471; lords

Marie of Bourbon, Hugh of Lusignan, Amadeo of of, see Boniface of Verona, Alfonso, John, and Pedro Savoy, Jacques des Baux, Louis I and II of Anjou, Fadrique, Alioto I and Antonello de Caupena Louis II (of Clermont), Louis of Savoy; princes of, Aegium, Aigion, see+Vostitza 431, and see Guillaume of Champlitte 1205-1209, Aeneas Sylvius (Eneo Silvio Piccolomini), see Pius II Geoffrey I of Villehardouin (1209) 1210-ca. 1228, Aenos, 394; lord of, see N. Gattilusio

Geoffrey II ca. 1228-1246, William 1246-1278, Aetolia, 18, 25, 35, 59, 90, 422

Charles I of Anjou 1278-1285, Charles II 1285-1289, Africa, 330, and see North Africa Florent of Hainaut 1289-1297, Philip of Savoy 1301- “Agarenes,” see Turks 1306 (1307), Philip I of Taranto 1307-1313, Louis of | Agathopolis, 18

Burgundy 1313-1316, John of Gravina 1322-1333, Agen, canon of, 263 Robert of Taranto 1333-1364, Philip II of Taranto Agincourt, battle of (1415), 398, 402

1364-1373, Charles III of Durazzo 1383-1386, Agnes of Aulnay, wife of Etienne le Maure, lady of

Ladislas of Naples 1386-1396, Pedro “Bordo” de San Arcadia (in 1322), 157 Superano 1396-1402, Centurione II Zaccaria 1404- Agnes of Courtenay, daughter of Peter and Yolande; wife 1430, Thomas Palaeologus 1432-1460; princesses of, of Geoffrey II of Villehardouin 1217-1246 (d. 1247),

see Isabelle of Villehardouin 1289~1306, Mahaut of 54, 63 4°75

476 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Agnes of Montferrat, daughter of Boniface I; wife of ‘Arram; Melkite patriarch of, see Niphon; sack of

Henry d’Angre 1207-ca. 1210: 405 (1365), 2, 231, 245n, 249n, 261-278, 284-287, 308,

Agni, Thomas, Latin patriarch of Jerusalem 1272-1277: 339n, 457; trade with, 174, 178, 197~—199, 202, 210, 234,

110n, 115n 261, 262, 272, 274, 276, 277n, 286, 291, 329, 330, 339

Agram (Zagreb), 347 Alexius III Angelus (“Bambacoratius”), brother of Isaac

Ahmad, Abi’l-‘Abbas. Marinid ruler of Morocco 1373- II; Byzantine emperor 1195-1203: 4, 6-10, 16, 20n,

339 16, 17

1384, 1387-1393: 331, 335-337 22, 42, 48; wife of, see Euphrosyne (Ducaena)

Ahmad II, Abia’l-‘Abbas, son of Muhammad; Hafsid ruler Alexius IV Angelus, son of Isaac II and Margaret; of Tunisia 1354-1357, 1360-1394: 330, 331, 335-337, Byzantine co-emperor 1203-1204: 4, 5n, 7, 8, 10-12,

Aigues-Mortes, 297n, 370, 374 Alexius I Comnenus, Byzantine emperor 1081-1118: 5, 25n, Aimon III, son of Amadeo III; count of Geneva in 1367: 122

294, 296n, 299, 302, 306 Alexius V Ducas (“Murzuphlus”), son-in-law of Alexius III

Aimon of Geneva-Athon, nephew of Amadeo III (/1. Angelus; Byzantine emperor in 1204: 12, 13n, 48n;

1366), 306 wife of, see Eudocia (Angelina)

Aimonet, Amadeo VI’s tailor (ff. 1366), 296, 301, 304, 305 Alfonso IV, son of James II; king of Aragon-Catalonia

Aimoneto, Venetian armorer (ff. 1366), 296 1327-1336: 167n, 444n, 465 ‘Ain Jalat, battle of (1260), 97 Alfonso X (“the Wise” or “the Learned”), king of Castile

Aix-en-Provence, 150, 232, 434 and Leén 1252-1284, of Germany (claimant to empire) Aiyubids, Kurdish dynasty in Egypt (1169) and Syria 1174- 1256-1273: 114n, 126, 128 1252: 44, and see Saladin (1169) 1174-1193, al- Alfonso III, king of Portugal 1248-1279: 123

Kamil Muhammad 1218-1238 Algeria, rulers of, see Muwahhids, Hafsids (eastern, 1230-

Akova (Matagrifon), 31, 154; lady of, see Marguerite of 1574), Ziyanids (western, 1236-1556)

Villehardouin Alghero, 333

Alans, 85n Alioto I de Caupena, lord of Aegina (in 1400), 372 Alaya (Scandeloro, Candeloro, Alanya), 385, 386, 394; emirs _Allevan “de Ja Mer,” Genoese merchant (fl. 1397), 366 of, 240, 241, 386 Almohads, see Muwahhids Albania, 53, 70, 72, 73, 81, 109, 119, 120, 127, 136, 326, Alpheus (Charbon), river, 31, 127, 154, 162n 328, 404; “kingdom” of, 104, 109, 135, 136, 143, 435, Alps, 254, 291

460; rulers of, see Angevins Alsace (Elsass), 7

Albanians, 43, 73, 74, 109, 182, 379, 451, 454 Altoluogo, see Ephesus Albano, cardinal-bishops of, see Pelagius, R. Grosparmy, Alyates, Nicephorus, Byzantine official (fl. 1259), 84

Bonaventura, L. Patrasso, E. Talleyrand, Anglic de Amadeo III, cousin of Amadeo VI of Savoy; count of Grimoard Geneva 1320-1367: 294 Albert III, brother of Rudolph IV; Hapsburg duke of | Amadeo V, count of Savoy 1285-1323: 148, 152

Austria 1365-1395: 344 Amadeo VI (“the Green Count”), grandson of Amadeo V;

Albert, Latin bishop of Salona 1373-1390: 466 count of Savoy 1343-1383: 232, 252-254, 258n,

Albert de Nogerio, Carmelite; Latin bishop of Coronea 275, 280n, 285-288, 291-311, 313, 315, 322, 323, 325,

(from 1346), 462, 466n 326, 329, 332, 355; wife of, see Bonne de Bourbon

28, 40 of Savoy 1383-1391: 326

Albertino da Canossa, co-lord of Thebes (in 1208), 27n, Amadeo VII (“the Red Count”), son of Amadeo VI; count Alberto della Scala, brother of Mastino; co-lord of Verona) Amadeo VIII, son of Amadeo VII; count of Savoy 1391-

(d. 1352), 204 1416, duke 1416-1434, antipope (as Felix V) 1439-

Albertus (Boccerannus), see Bocceranni, Alberto 1449, cardinal 1449-1451: 396, 397, 399

Albertus Magnus, bishop of Regensburg 1260-1262 (d. Amadeo of Savoy, grandson of Philip; claimant to Achaea

1280, canonized), 113 1368-1402: 162

Albigensian crusade (1208-1229), 54n, 446 Amadi, Francesco, Italian chronicler (d. 1566), 237n, 382 Albin, Guy, Amadeo VI’s physician (d. 1367), 296, 298, Amalfi, see Pisano d’Amalfi

301, 304, 305, 308 Amasya, 376

1347-1404: 347 226n

Albrecht II, son of Ludwig IV; duke of Bavaria (-Straubing) Ambrosius, Latin bishop of Sozopolis (Sisopolis; d. 1356),

Alebret of Bohemia, crusader (in 1366), 303, 305 Amidani, Guglielmo, Augustinian, 14th-century polemicist,

Alencon, count of, see Charles 171 Alessandria, lord of, see F. Cane Amiens, 241

Alessio (Lesh), 404 Amorgos, 19n

117 Amphissa, see Salona

Alexander III (Orlando de’ Bandinelli), pope 1159-1181: | Amoyrons, Ioannines, Greek grape-grower (ff. 1366), 297

Alexander IV (Rinaldo de’ Conti of Segni), pope 1254— Amposta, castellan of, 230

1261: 70, 71, 77, 79, 84, 90, 95, 101 Amyclae, see Nikli 1409, pope (conciliar) 1409-1410: 397 Anaplous, 120

Alexander V (Pietro Filargo), cardinal (Roman) 1405-— Anagni, 4, 49, 152, 163, 416, 428, 437

Alexander, John, Sigmanid tsar of Bulgaria 1331-1371: Anatolia (Asia Minor, Rum), 16, 18, 52, 60, 75, 85, 91,

300n 121, 122, 124n, 208, 215, 220, 225n, 230, 240, 241,

Alexandretta, Gulf of, 279 360, 375; coasts of, 159, 207, 236, 238, 275n; Greeks

Alexandria (al-Iskandariyah), 151, 167, 280-283, 385, 387, in, 143; Mongols in, 61, 62, 74; Turks in, 2, 3, 33n, 388, 391-394; gates of, 269-271; governor of, see Ibn- 97, 143, 146, 149, 164n, 177, 178, 181-183, 191, 224,

INDEX 477 227, 233, 234, 241n, 245, 264, 286, 290, 321, 341, 359, in Hungary, see Louis I 1342~1382 (also Poland 1370-

376, 404, 425, 441, 449n, 451n, 453, 454, 459n, and 1382), Andrew, Stephen

see Turkey Anglic de Grimoard, brother of Urban V; bishop of

Anchialus (Axillo, Pomorie), 300, 302, 305, 306n Avignon 1362-1366, cardinal 1366-1388: 255, 262, Ancona, 125, 151, 188, 197, 204, 315, 319, 455n, 457n; 279 March of, 166, 169, 172, 231; merchants from, 5, 167n; Ania (Anaea), 428n, and see Bulgarinus de Ania

rector of, 210n; ships of, 57, 250n Anjou, count of, see Charles of Valois; duke of, see

Ancyra, see Ankara Louis I; house of, see Angevins Andalusia (al-Andalus), 330; rulers of, see Muwahhids, Ankara (Ancyra), battle of (1402), 326, 329, 355n, 374n,

Nasrids (1232-1492) 376, 379, 382, 400; Orthodox metropolitan of, see

Andravida, 25, 30, 38, 149, 153n, 435, 439 Macarius

Andrea da Perugia, Franciscan polemicist (d. 1345), 171 Anna (‘‘Palaeologina”), daughter of Eulogia (and John

Andrea de Oltedo, Venetian envoy (in 1366), 293 Cantacuzenus); wife of Nicephorus I Ducas 1265-

Andreas, Cape, 238 1296, despoina of Epirus (after 1296), 422, 435, Andrew of Hungary, brother of Louis I; king of Naples 438-441

1343-1345: 199, 200, 241; wife of,see JoannalofNaples Anna, daughter of Bela IV of Hungary; wife of Rostislav

Androin de la Roche, cardinal 1361-1369: 255, 279n Mikhailovich (ff. 1256), 73

Andronicus II Palaeologus, son of Michael VIII; Byzantine Anna (Agnes), daughter of Michael II Ducas and Theodora;

co-emperor 1272-1282, emperor 1282-1328 (d. 1332), wife of William of Villehardouin 1258-1278, wife 116, 119, 120, 124-126, 129, 132, 143, 144, 145n, 149, of Nicholas II of S. Omer 1280-ca. 1284: 82, 83n, 99, 163-166, 168, 169, 179n, 424, 428, 435n, 437, 439- 104, 127 441; wife of, see Yolanda of Montferrat Anna (Jeanne or Joanna) of Savoy, daughter of Amadeo V; Andronicus III Palaeologus, son of Michael IX; Byzantine wife of Andronicus III 1326-1341, regent (as empressco-emperor 1316-1328, emperor 1328-1341: 179- dowager) 1341-1347 (d. ca. 1365), 189, 205, 206, 212, 181, 183, 189, 213, 287n; wife of, see Anna of Savoy 229n, 287n, 30in, 318 Andronicus IV Palaeologus, son of John V and Helena; Anseau of Toucy, Frankish lord (fl. 1259), 89-91 Byzantine co-emperor 1355-1376, emperor 1376-1379 Antelme d’Urtiéres, crusader (in 1366), 301, 302, 305 (d. 1385), 300, 309, 310n, 316, 319, 321, 322, 325; Antelmus, Latin archbishop of Patras 1205-1232: 26n, 38,

wife of, see Maria (Kyratsa) 47, 408n, 410n, 411n, 414

Andronicus Palaeologus Asen, grandson of Michael VIII; Antioch, bishop of, see Peter III; Melkite patriarch of, see

Byzantine governor at Mistra 1316-ca. 1323 (d. after Pachomeus I; titular Latin patriarch of, see 1. Tacconi

1355), 154n Antioch, principality of, 97; princes of, see Bohemond I

Andros, 9, 18, 408, 410n, 428-432, 462, 463n; bishops of, 1099-1111, John of Lusignan (titular) see Nicholas, John, John de S. Catarina; lords of, see Antipopes, see P. Rainallucci da Corbara (“Nicholas V” M. Dandolo, Geremia Ghisi, Andrea Ghisi, P. Zeno, F. 1328-1330), Clement VII (Avignon 1378-1394), Bene-

Crispo dict XIII (Avignon 1394-1423), Alexander V (con-

Angeli, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Constantinople 1185— ciliar 1409-1410), Amadeo VIII (“Felix V”, conciliar

1204: 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 21, 25n, and see Isaac II 1439-1449)

1185~—1195, Alexius III 1195-1203, Isaac II and Antivari (Bar), 396, 404 Alexius IV 1203-1204; see also Eudocia and Irene Antoine “the elder,” bastard son of Amadeo VI (d. ca.

(Angelina), Ducae of Epirus, Thessalonica, and 1366), 303n

Neopatras Antoine “the younger,” bastard son of Amadeo VI (ff. 1366),

Angelina, wife of Pedro de Pou (d. 1362), 456 305, 307

Angelo, patriarch of Grado 1255-1271: 79 Antonello de Caupena, bastard grandson of Alioto I; lord Angelo d’Orvieto, Franciscan (ff. 1278), 129-132 of Aegina 1440-1451: 471

Angelocastro, 435 Antonio (de Rivello), bishop of Melfi 1363-1366: 246n Angevins, French dynasty in Naples 1266~1442: 2, Antonio, Latin bishop of Coronea (d. 1346), 462, 466n 19n, 62n, 81n, 102n, 104, 105, 107, 109, 111, 116n, Antonio de’Aribandi, bishop of Gaeta 1341-1348: 203 119, 120, 124, 125, 127, 128, 132, 137, 138, 140-154, Antonio de Casagemmes, Augustinian (fl. 1403), 464n 158-162, 164, 170, 179, 181, 188, 196, 319n, 424, 432, Antonio della Roca, Genoese merchant (ff. 1397), 366

433, 435, 436, 438, 440, 441, 446, 448, 449, and see Antonius IV, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1389-

Charles I of Anjou 1266-1285, Charles II 1285- 1390, 1391-1397: 471

1309, Robert 1309-1343, Joanna I 1343-1381, Charles Aosta, bishop of (Aimery 1361~—1375), 286n

III 1381-1386, Ladislas 1386-1414; see also Beatrice Apocaucus, John, Orthodox archbishop of Naupactus (2), Charles Martel, Maria, and Philip of Anjou; in (Lepanto, in 1218), 45, 52 Albania and Epirus, see Charles I and II, Philip I of | Aprus, 19 Taranto 1315-1331, Robert of Taranto 1331-1333, Apulia (Puglia), 3, 55, 95, 130, 151, 179, 432; duke of, John of Gravina 1333-1335, Charles of Durazzo 1335- 127; “kingdom” of, 137 1348, Joanna 1348-1368, Charles III 1368-1386; in Aquileia, 248, 258, 322; patriarchs of, 192n, and see Nicholas Achaea 1278-1396, see Charles I 1278-1285, Charles of Luxemburg, L. Torriani, Marquardt de Randeck II 1285-1289, Philip I of Taranto 1307-1313, John Aquinas, Thomas, Dominican theologian (d. 1274, canonof Gravina 1322—1333, Robert of Taranto 1333-1364, ized), 112 Philip II of Taranto 1364-1373, Joanna I 1373- Aragon, 96n, 149; mercenaries from, 441, 442, 446-448; 1381, Charles III 1383-1386, Ladislas 1386-1396; in soldiers from, 143 the Latin empire (titular), see Philip I 1313-1331, Aragon-Catalonia, 144, 146, 195, 246, 332, 374, 433, 443, Robert of Taranto 1346-1364, Philip II 1364-1373; 444, 454, 455n; Crown of, 163, 175, 455, 460, 466, 468,

478 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 469; house of, 140, 148, 164; kings of, see James I 437, 440, 441, 443-446, 448, 450, 452, 461-464, 1213-1276, Pedro III 1276-1285, James II 1291- 466-468, 469n, 471-473; Articles of, 467; bishop of, 1327, Alfonso IV 1327-1336, Pedro IV 1336-1387, see Dionysius the Areopagite; captain and castellan of, John I 1387-1395, Martin I 1395-1410; see also see Galceran de Peralta; Latin archbishops of, 46n, 47,

Simona of Aragon 50n, 64, 149, 150, 415, 416, 419, 428, 429, 464, and see

Arbe (Rab), 404 Bérard, Conrad, Stephen, Henry, N. Salamon, John,

Arcadia (Kyparissia), 25, 31; Gulf of, 31; lady of, see Nicholas de Raynaldo, Francis, John, A. Ballester, A. Agnes of Aulnay; lords of, see Erard III le Maure, Blasi (titular), G. Boem (titular); Orthodox metro-

Centurione II Zaccaria politans of, 22n, 408, 409n, 410n, 462, and see M.

Arcadia (Mesarea), district of, 24, 31, 154 Choniates, Dorotheus, Macarius

Archeto di Val d’Aosta, crusader (in 1366), 305 Athens, lordship and duchy of, under Burgundians

Archipelago, 66, 86, 131, 197, 424n, 426, 433n, 449, (1205-1311), 28, 29, 49, 56, 65, 77, 83, 131, 145n, 150, 454n, and see Aegean Sea, islands of; duchy of, see 151; under Catalans (1311-1388), 153, 156n, 159,

Naxos 162, 177n, 181n, 189, 298, 328, 342, 405-473; under

Arezzo, 121, 123, 308n, and see Grifon of Arezzo Florentines (1388-1456), 161; duchesses of, see Helena Argenti, Battista, merchant at Pera (fl. 1397), 366 (Ducaena), regent 1287-1296, Maria (of Sicily) 1377Arghun, son of Abagha; il-khan of Persia 1284-1291: ca. 1380, Jeanne de Chatillon; dukes of, 31, and see

146, 147 William (I) de la Roche 1280-1287, Guy II de la

Argironion (Giront, Umuryeri), 301 Roche 1287-1308, Gautier I (V) de Brienne 1309Argolid, 28n, 34, 49, 127, 159n, 448, 450 1311, Manfred 1312-1317, William (II) of Randazzo Argos, 20n, 22, 23, 25, 36-38, 48, 49, 68, 79, 99n, 150, 1317-1338, Frederick II (III of Sicily) 1355-1377,

204, 326, 405, 421, 427, 432-434, 440, 448, 452, 472; Peter (Pedro IV of Aragon-Catalonia) 1380-1387, John

Latin bishops of, 420n, and see James (Petri); lords of, III (I of Aragon-Catalonia) 1387-1388, Nerio I see Gautier de Foucherolles, Guy d’Enghien Acciajuoli (1388) in 1394, Antonio I 1403-1435, Nerio

Arlay, lord of, see Hugh of Chalon II 1435-ca. 1439, 1441-1451, Antonio II ca. 1439~

Arles, 121, 218, and see Caesarius of Arles 1441, Franco 1455-1456; great lords of, see Othon Armagnac, counts of, 195, and see Jean II de la Roche 1205-1225, Guy I 1225-1263, John I Armenia, Cilician (or Lesser), kingdom of, 97, 103, 191, 1263-1280; titular dukes of, see Gautier II (VI) de 203, 204, 238, 248, 282, 342n, 446; kings of, 167, Brienne 1311-1356, Louis d’Enghien 1381-d. by 1390, 266, 281, and see Leon III (Hetoumid) 1269-1289; Martin I (of Sicily) 1391-1402; vicars-general of, queen of, see Margaret of Soissons (Maria) see Alfonso Fadrique 1317-ca. 1330, Odo de Novelles

Armenians, in Greece, 445 ca. 1330-1331, N. Lancia 133 1-ca. 1335, James Fadrique

Arnaud de Cervole, Gascon routier (d. 1366), 232, 293 1356-—1359?, Matteo de Moncada 1359-1361, 1363Arnestus de Pardubiz, archbishop of Prague 1343-1364: 1366, Pedro de Pou 1361—1362, Roger de Lluria 1366-

229n ca. 1370, Luis Fadrique 1375-1381, P. Dalmau (1379)

Arno, river, 199, 323 1381-1382 (1386), Pedro de Pau 1387-1388 Aroldo da Milano, Italian at Negroponte (by 1262), 80n,8In Athos, Mount, monks of, 320, 441

Arqua, Polio, Genoese envoy (in 1403), 388 Attica, 21, 23, 33, 39, 49, 56n, 89, 406, 411, 413, 416,

Arras, 360, 366, 403 418-420, 427, 432, 442, 448, 452, 454, 472 Arsenal (in Venice), 185n, 276n, 281, 287, 295, 319, 347, Aubert, Etienne, see Innocent VI

392, 393 Augsburg, bishop of, see Marquardt de Randeck

Arsenius (of Apollonia), Orthodox patriarch at Nicaea Augustinians, order, 193, 197, and see G. Amidani, 1255-1259, at Constantinople 1261-1265 (d. 1273), Antonio de Casagemmes, John de Royis, Nicholas (of

76, 77, 94, 102n Andros), Nicole de Brohom, Rudolph of Citta di Castello Arsuf, 108 Aulon (Avlonari), 408, 409, 415, 462 Arta, 25, 43, 59, 75, 86, 89, 90, 130, 424, 435, 452; Austria (Ostmark), 249n, 258, 322, 343, 366, and see

Gulf of, 90, 435 John of Austria; dukes of, see Hapsburgs (1282-1780)

Artemisium, 426 Autremencourt, see Thomas I, II, and III d’Autremencourt Artois, 368, and see Philippe d’ Artois; count of, see Robert III Auvergne, 211, 213, 215

Asanes, Constantine, Byzantine (ff. 1370), 319 Auxerre, 44

Asenids, Vlach royal dynasty in Bulgaria 1187-1257: Aversa, 153, 199 52, and see Ioannitsa (Kaloyan) 1197-1207, John Asen Avignon, 2, 139, 153, 154, 159, 160n, 161n, 163, 169, 172,

II 1218-1241, Koloman IJ 1241~—1246, Michael Asen 174-177, 178n, 180n, 181, 184-189, 193-200, 205, 1246-1257, Koloman II in 1257; see also Andronicus 208, 210-221, 223-226, 228-233, 236n, 238, 240, 242Palaeologus Asen, Helenaand Maria (Asenina), D. Strez 250, 259-263, 272-274, 276, 280n, 285, 286, 288, 291, al-Ashraf Khalil, Salah-ad-Din, son of Kalavun; Bahri Mam- 294, 299n, 313, 327, 328, 333, 340, 345, 370, 372, 375,

luk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1290-1293: 163 397, 442, 446, 448, 450, 452-459, 461, 462, 465, 469,

Asia Minor, see Anatolia 470; antipopes at (1378-1417), see Antipopes; bishop of,

Assisi, 452n see Anglic de Grimoard Assizes of Romania, 31-33, 98, 99, 154, 155, 432 Avlona (Valona), 81, 86, 119n, 122, 136, 137, 404

Asti, 152, and see Henry d’Asti Ayas (Ajazzo or Lajazzo), 279, 282 Astypalaea (Stampalia), 19n, 385 Aydin (Lydia), 212, 218, 219, 341, 376; emirs of, see

Athanasius I, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1289- Mehmed, Umur (Pasha), Khidr (Beg)

1293, 1303-1309: 164n Ayglier, Bernard, see Bernard I Ayglier

Athens, 19, 20n, 22, 23, 24n, 29, 37n, 42, 46, 49, 65- Aymar de Clermont, lord of Hauterive (f7. 1366), 293, 299,

67, 70, 87n, 95, 129n, 150, 156n, 206, 233, 258, 298, 302

371n, 405-409, 412, 414-418, 420, 425, 432, 433, Aymar de Lavont, bishop of Limassol] 1367-1374; 265n

INDEX 479 Aynard, Lancelme, knight (fl. 1347), 208 Bartolommeo de’ Papazzurri, Latin archbishop of Patras

Azov, Sea of, 382 1363-1365:Bartolommeo 255, 256, 458 de’ Tomari, papal envoy (ff. 1346), 205, 206, Babyl E 208, 209, 212n, 213, 214, 216, 217, 219 Baden “margrave Of see Frederick Basil II, Byzantine co-emperor 963-976, emperor 976Baghdad, 97, 98n; caliphs at, see ‘Abbdsids B 1; 025: - 8 and see Barl Baibars, Bahri Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1260- asilians, order, 58, and see Barlaam 1277: 97, 106, 108, 120n, 122 Bassadona, Nicoletto, Venetian (ff. 1362), 457

Balaton, Lake, 347 Bassano, 396 der 0 Balduino, Lambertino, bishop of Limassol 1337-1344: 183n Basset, sire de, crusa er (in 1366), 296, 299, 302

Baldwin I, count (IX) of Flanders 1194-1205 and (VI) of Bastiani, Lazzaro, Venetian artist (ff. 1480), 284 Hainaut 1195~1205, Latin emperor of Constantinople Batu (Khan), ruler of the Golden Horde 1243-1256: 61 1204-1205: 9, 13-18, 20, 22n, 28n, 50n, 143, 148, 405 Bavaria, court of, 194, 195; crusaders from, 351; dukes of,

Baldwin II, of Courtenay, son of Peter and Yolande; Latin 247, and See Ludwig IV, Albrecht et

emperor of Constantinople 1228-1231, co-emperor Bayazid I (Yildirim or Ildirim, “the Thunderbolt’), son 1231-1257, emperor 1237 (crowned 1240)-126], of Murad I; Ottoman sultan 1389-1402 (d. 1403), 326, titular 1261-1273: 45, 54-56, 60, 61n, 63-68, 70, 71, 330n, 341, 344-348, 350-355, 356n, 358-365, 367, 78, 82, 83, 91-96, 98, 99, 103—105, 112, 153, 164n; aor 370, 373, 375, 376, 379, 47], 472n; daughter of,

ife of, see Maria (of Bri °

Balearic islands, 333. for Bruen) Bayazid II, son of Mehmed IJ; Ottoman sultan 1481Balkan (or Savoyard) crusade (1366-1367), 232, 275, 285~- I512: 2n 301, 307, 309, 311, 322, 355 Bayonne, bishop of, see Garsias de Henguy

Balkans, 2, 3, 45, 60, 111, 133, 225, 226, 286, 291, 320 Beatrice (da Verona), daughter of Giberto II; triarch of 399, 341, 342n, 364; mountains, 55,72. 022~*«‘«~*W Euboea 1279-1328, wife of Jean de Noyer de Maisy

Ballester, Antonio, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Athens ca. 1303— 1326: 450

1370—?1387: 463. 464. 466. 468 Beatrice (of Provence), wife of Charles I of Anjou 1246-—

Ballufier, Bartholomé, captive lord on the Savoyard crusade 1267: 104 . , (in 1366), 303 Beatrice of Anjou, daughter of Charles I and Beatrice; wife

Bapheus, Ottoman victory at, 2n, 166n of Philip of Courtenay 1273-1275: 105, 164n

Bar (now Bar-le-Duc), count of, see Theobald I; duke of, Beatrice of Anjou, daughter of Charles II; wife of Bertrand

see Robert; see also Henri and Philippe de Bar des Baux 1309-1321: 201n

Bar Hebraeus, Gregory Abuw’l-Faraj, Jacobite patriarch at Beatrice of Luxemburg, daughter of Henry VII (d. 1319),

Aleppo 1252-1286: 94n, 147n 170

Barbary coast, 280, 333; corsairs, 330, 331; crusade, see Beaucaire, 121, 193

Tunisia, crusade of 1390 Beauchamp, Thomas, earl of Warwick 1315-1369: 253,

Barbier, Antoine, Amadeo VI’s accountant, 286n, 292n, 293, 258n

996, 299, 301-308 Beaufort, see G. Roger of Beaufort; see also Gregory XI

1381: 325 Beaufort (Levtro), 68

Barbo, Pantaleone, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1379- (Pierre Roger of Beaufort); viscount of, see G. Roger Barbo, Pietro, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1216—?1218: Beaujeu, See William of Beaujeu; lord of, see Edward

36 Beauvais, see Vincent of Beauvais; bishop of, see Jean de

Barcelona, 138, 167n, 330, 373, 446, 465, 469; archives Marigny

of, 175; bishops of, see Pons de Gualba, Ferrer d’ Abella Beauvoir (Pontikocastro), 25, 148n Barcelona, county of, 443; counts of, see Aragon-Catalonia, Beirut (Bairut), 262n, 277n, 282, 329, 330, 387-391, 393kings of; Customs of 443, 444; house of, 143, 146, 445, 396; ttular lord of, see Jean de Lusignan

460 Bela IV, nephew of Emeric I; Arpad king of Hungary

Bardanes, George (“Atticus”), Orthodox metropolitan of 1235-1270: 73, 97n, 106

Corfu (from 1219), 52, 58, 59n, 418 Bela of S. Omer, son of Nicholas I and Margaret; lord

117 see Bonne de la Roche

Bari, 109n, 130, 148n; bishop of, 463n; Council of (1098), of half Thebes (by 1240, d. 1258?), 417, 418n; wife of, Barkuk, Burji Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1382— _ Bellevaux abbey, 408, 413, 418

1389, 1390-1399: 345, 347, 348n, 356 Belley, bishop of (Guillaume de Martel 1356-1371), 286n

Barlaam, Basilian; bishop of Gerace 1342-1347: 160n, 189 Bellini, Gentile, Venetian artist (d. 1507), 284

Barletta, 131n, 136n, 150 Belluno, 396; bishop. of, see J. Zeno Barnaba da Parma, captain of Smyrna (in 1348), 216 Bembo, Andrea, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1393-1395: Barozzi, Venetian Templar (ff. 1204), 13 471

1259: 80 1402, 1405-1408: 472

452 274, 276 215 Niccolo (ff. 1359), 235

Barozzi, Andrea, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1258— Bembo, Francesco, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1401Bartholomew, Latin archbishop of Corinth (in 1312), 447, _Bembo, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Cairo (in 1366), Bartholomew of Rome, papal emissary (in 1347), 212,213, Benedetti, Francesco, Giovanni, and Pace, brothers of

Bartoli, Giovanni, Sienese goldsmith (ff. 1365), 286 Benedetti, Niccolo, Hospitaller; captain of Smyrna 1359-—

Bartolommeo, bishop of Brindisi 1306-1319: 165 1363: 234-236

Bartolommeo d’Amelia, bishop of Grosseto 1278-1291: Benedict, cardinal 1200-1216: 29n, 40, 407

129-132 Benedict XI (Niccolé Boccasini), cardinal 1298-1303, pope

Bartolommeo da Siena, Franciscan (fl. 1278), 129-132 1303-1304: 163, 164, 167n

480 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Benedict XII (Jacques Fournier), cardinal 1327-1334, pope __ Blasi (Dexart?), Antonio, Mercedarian; titular (Avignonese)

1334-1342: 159, 172, 176, 179, 183, 184, 186, 187, Latin archbishop of Athens 1388-1403, archbishop of

196, 224, 226n, 230, 453, 455 Cagliari 1403-1414: 464n

Benedict XIII (Pedro Martinez de Luna), cardinal 1375- Blemmydes, Nicephorus, Byzantine scholar (ff. 1258), 72,

1394, pope at Avignon 1394-1423: 212n, 345, 370, 76, 94

372, 375, 396, 397, 464 Blois, count of, see Louis I

Benedictines, order, 176, 223, 297, and see E. Cambarou, Boccaccio, Giovanni, Italian author (d. 1375), 160n, 422

Urban V Bocceranni, Alberto, lord of Liconia (in 1235), 82n, 418;

Benevento, 169; battle of (1266), 102 nieces of (Floretta and Vermilia), 418

Benjamin of Tudela, Jewish traveler and author (ca. Boem, Gerard, Franciscan; titular Latin archbishop of

1160), 9n Athens (from 1388, Roman), 464n

Bérard, Latin archbishop of Athens (from 1206), 40,407-— Boeotia, 19n, 23, 28, 29, 33, 39, 49, 56n, 89, 406,

412, 462, 463n 411-414, 416, 418, 420, 427, 432, 442, 452, 462, 466 123n, 125n Bohemia, 173, 249n, 346, and see Alebret of Bohemia; Berat, 81, 86, 136-138 kingdom of, 73n, 294, 297; kings of, 173, and see Berbers, 330, 335, 339 Ottokar II 1253-1278, John of Luxemburg 1310Bérard of Naples, papal notary (fl. 1276), 116n, 117n, Bogomiles, sect, 290n

Berenguer de Puigverde, Catalan (fl. 1346), 454 1346, Charles IV 1346-1378, Sigismund 1419-1437; Bergamo, see Bonagratia and Venturino da Bergamo see also John of Bohemia Berke (Barka), brother of Batu; ruler of the Golden Horde Bohemond I, prince of Antioch 1099-1111: 1

1257-1266: 97, 98 Bologna, 133n, 188, 197, 199, 200n, 204, 210n, 243,

Berlion de Foras, crusader (in 1366), 302 247, 252, 260, 279, 308n, 364n, 429n; lords of, Bernabo di S. Stefano, Genoese at Pera (fl. 1366), 301, 306 see Pepoli

1345: 186 Bolu, 360

Bernard, Latin archbishop of Naxos and Paros 1330— _ Bolonchini, Sylvester, Cypriote envoy (in 1362), 242

Bernard I Ayglier (Ayglerio), abbot120 of Monte Bartolommeo, venetian skipper (fl. ser (fl. I 1263-1282: 112n, 119, Bon,Cassino DardiBon, (“Dardibon”), Venetian skipper . 1366),

Bernardi, William, Angevin marshal (in 1272), 109 294n, 302

Berne, MS. at, 155 Bon, Nicoletto, Venetian skipper (ff. 1367), 295n (in 1213), 30 Bonaccolsi, Passerino (Rinaldo), lord of Mantua 1309-

Berrhoea, 45, 69, 74, 75, 77, 85, 87; Orthodox bishop of | Bona (Hippo), 331, 339

Berry, duke of, see John 1328: 172 _

Berthold I, count of Katzenellenbogen 1173?—?1217, Bonagraua of Bergamo, Franciscan polemicist (d. 1347), lord of Velestino 1205-21217: 27n, 28, 40

Bertrand de Déaux, archbishop of Embrun en onis § tintnN, ranciscans cardinal 1338-1355: 181n, 183, 1332-1338, 184n, 470soe canonized), , ) cardinal 1273-1274 Bertrand des Baux, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1336- Bongiovanni, bishop of F crmo 1349-1363: 227n 1338, 1341-1344 (d. 1347), 193, 194n, 20In Boniface I, son of Guglielmo III; marquis of Montferrat Bertrand des Baux, count of Montescaglioso (ff. 1309), 1192-1207, lord of Thessalonica 1204-1207: 5n,

194n, 200, 201n; wife of, see Beatrice of Anjou 7-9, 13, 15-18, 21-24, 27, 28n, 29, 36, 40, 50n,

99), 37 pen . ;

Bertrand du Poujet, cardinal 1316-1352: 137n, 172, 173, 177, 405-407, 418; wife of, see Margaret (of Hungary)

469 Boniface II, son of Guglielmo IV; marquis of Montferrat

Bertranet Mota de Salahia, Gascon lord of Livadia (in nan titular king of Thessalonica 1230-1253:

Besancom sag 405 Boniface VIII (Benedetto Caetani), cardinal 1281-1294,

. j oniface IX (Perino Yomacelli), cardinal 1381-1389,

Bessarion (of Trebizond), cardinal 1439-1472, titular patri- B pope 1294— 1303: 123, 149~ 152, 163, 168n, 437, 446 arch of Constantinople 1463-1472: 471

; pope 1389-1404: 173n, 333, 340, 342, 343, 358, 359n,

Bevazano, Francesco, Venetian notary (ff. 1406), 396n, 370. 379n

B. Sangiorgio 450

Bi ne h f Biandrate: c ts of. see Oberto Boniface of Verona, son of Francesco; triarch of Euboea tandrate, see John of Biandrate; counts ol, 1294-1317, bailie of Athens 1308-1309: 424, 434, 439,

Baas Cae crusader (in 1366), 303 Bonne de Bourbon, daughter of Pierre I; wife of Amadeo

Bithynia, 2, 73, 95n, 166n VI of Savoy 1355-1383 (d. 1403), 286, 292, 296, Bitonto, bishop of, see L. Corasio 999, 300, 326 Blachernae, palace (at Constantinople), 12, 16, 93, 94, 132, Bonne de la Roche, sister of Guy I; wife of Bela of S. 137, 144, 168, 310n Omer (ff. 1240), lady of half Thebes, 417 Black Death (plague, 1348-1350), 173, 176, 218, 241,472 Bonzan, Raymond, Marseillais skipper (d. 1366), 295n, 302 Black Sea, 18, 92, 258, 288, 300-305, 330, 356, 371; ports Bordeaux, 146, 147n, 148n, 166, 231, 344; archbishop of,

of, 163, 179, 377 163, and see Philippe de Chambarlhac Blackheath, 373 Bordelais, 293 Blanche of Castile, wife of Louis VIII 1200-1226, regent —_ Borilla Longos, 88

of France 1226-1236, 1248-1252: 50, 51, 65, 66 Bosnia, 73n, 342; people of, 61, 367; ruler of, see Tvrtko I Blanche of Geneva, daughter of Amadeo III; wife of | Bosporus, 2, 52, 67, 83, 98, 105, 111, 165, 166, 214, 228,

Hugh of Chalon (from 1363), 294n 229, 239n, 288, 301, 312, 318, 322, 330, 346, 347, 356,

Blanche of Savoy, sister of Amadeo VI; wife of Galeazzo 359, 367, 371, 379, 380, 384; city on, see Constan-

II Visconti 1350-1378 (d. 1387), 291-293 tinople; empire on, see Byzantine empire, Latin empire

INDEX 481 Botron (al-Batriin), 282, 387 Burgundy, county of, 368, and see Franche-Comté; count of, Boucicaut, Jean II (le Meingre), governor of Genoa 1401- see Etienne

1409, marshal of France (d. 1421), 340, 341, 344, 345, Burgundy (Bourgogne), duchy, 30, 33, 95, 293, 343, 346,

348-351, 353-356, 360-364, 366, 370—372, 378, 379n, 360, 362, 366, 368, 401-403, 405, 408, 413, 418, 382-398, 400, 402n; biographer of (H. Durand?), 421n, 422; crusaders from, 333, 347, 350, 359, 402; 344, 348-351, 353-356, 362, 363, 371, 384, 387, 389, dukes of, see Odo III 1192-1218, Hugh IV 1218-

391, 394 1273, Robert II] 1273-1305, Odo IV 1315-1349,

Boudonitza (Mendenitsa), 28, 45, 67, 69, 409n, 416, 417n; Philip II (Valois line) 1363-1404, John of Nevers 1404-—

bishops of, see Thermopylae; marchioness of, see 1419, Philip III 1419-1467; see also Louis of Burgundy; Guglielma Pallavicini; marquis (margraves) of, 31, and individuals from, 123, 232; knights from, 50, 56, 302, see Guido, Ubertino, and Thomas Pallavicini, Niccolo I 418; marshals of, see Guy de Pontarlier, Guillaume

Giorgio; margraviate of, 29, 68, 181, 424, 454 de la Trémoille

Boukoleon, palace (at Constantinople), 12, 45 Bustron, Florio, Cypriote annalist (ca. 1489), 382

Bourbon (-’ Archambault), dukes of, see Louis I, Pierre I, | Butrinto, 81, 130, 435n, and see Nicholas of Butrinto and Louis II (of Clermont); see also Bonne, Jacques, Byzantine empire, to 1204: 1, 3, 6-14, 16, 17, 21, 33, 331,

and Marie de Bourbon 410, 432; 1204-1261, see Nicaea, empire; 1261—1453:

Bourbonnais, 293 90, 100, 101, 103, 106—109, 114, 116n, 119-125, 133, Bourges, archbishop of, see Roger le Fort 136, 138-140, 142-146, 149n, 160, 163, 164, 169, 178n, Bourtzes, George, Orthodox metropolitan of Athens (d. 180, 181, 191, 205, 213~215, 220, 225-227, 234, 239n,

1160), 22n 287, 288, 300, 306, 313, 314, 322, 341, 346, 364, 370,

Boyl, John, titular Latin bishop of Megara (in 1380), 371, 373, 378, 380, 400, 428, 455, 462; emperors of,

466-471 at Constantinople to 1204, see Leo VI 886-912,

Brabant, duchess of, see Jeanne; dukes of, 10n, 128, 179, Constantine VII 913-959, Basil II (963) 976-1025, and see Henry I of Louvain, John III; estates of, 368 Comneni, Angeli, Alexius V Ducas in 1204; at Nicaea Bragadin, Jacopo, Venetian envoy (in 1369), 264, 311, 312, (1204) 1208-1261: see Lascarids, Michael VIII Palaeo-

313n, 314, 317 logus 1259-1261; at Constantinople 1261-1453, see

Branas, Theodore, Byzantine ruler of Adrianople (after Palaeologi, John VI Cantacuzenus 1347-1354 1206), 407n

Brancaccio, Landolfo, cardinal 1294-1312: 150

Brandenburg, margraves of, 173 Cabaliarius, Michael, Byzantine general (d. ca. 1278), 426

Brazza (Brac), 404 Cabaret d’Orville, Jean, French chronicler (fl. 1429), 292n,

Breisgau, 347 331-341, 370, 375 Brétigny, 232 Cadiz, 391-393

Brienne (-la-Vieille), family, 206, 446, 450, 452, 456n, Cadmea (at Thebes), 28, 29, 80, 95, 418, 422, 433, 444, 452 460; counts of, see Hugh 1250-1296, Gautier V 1296-— = Caesarea (Maritima), 108, 280 1311, Gautier VI 1311-1356; see also Isabella, Isabelle, | Caesarius of Arles, theologian (d. 542), 117n

John, and Maria de Brienne Caetani, Benedetto, see Boniface VIII

Brindisi, 44, 50, 51, 58, 111, 122, 129n, 130, 135, 136, Caetani, Giacomo, cardinal 1295-1341: 175 138, 148, 165, 198, 404, 414n, 421, 436, 438, 452,and Caffa (Kaffa), 202, 206, 221, 258, 382

Brissi, 19 of, 334

see Margaritone of Brindisi; bishop of,see Bartolommeo _—_ Cagliari, 333, 334, 338, 464n; bishop of, see A. Blasi; Gulf

Brittany (Bretagne), count of, see Pierre de Dreux; crusaders Cairel, Elias, troubador (fl. 1200), 7, 27n

from, 332 Cairo (al-Qahirah), 167n, 267-272, 274-278, 281-283, 291,

Bruges, 362, 366, 401, 402 339, 356, 385, 388; soldans at, see Aiyibids, Mamluks Bruni, Francesco, papal secretary (d. ca. 1386), 470 Calabria, 189, 392

Brunswick, see Otto IV Calais, 232, 331, 373

Brusa (Bursa), 359, 360, 362, 364, 376, 404 Calampaces, Theodore, Byzantine general (fl. 1256), 74n

. 329

Brussels, 368; MS. at, 155n, 157 Calbani, Niccol6, Venetian litigant (in 1227), 57n

Bucelet (Araklovon), 148 Calergi, Cretan family, 249, 250, 255 Buda, 288, 300, 347, 348, 360 Calergi, Venetian family, 323

Buddhists, 97n Calergi, Zanachi, Cretan leader (fl. 1364), 254 Budua, 396, 404 Callistus I, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1350Bugey, Cal 1353, ohn Lave 228 CErard . wen hes293 . ; alopherus, John Lascaris, son-in-law of Erard III le Maure;

Bugia {at Buayah), 330; king” (emir) of, see ‘Abd-al titular count of Cephalonia (d. 1392), 157, 265, 32In, Bulgaria 2. 2, Oe 69, 73, 77, 85, 92, 133, 183, 287, Caltabellotta, peace of (1302), 143, 164n, 441, 446 1204 1907: , 329, 341, 439; king of, see loannitsa Cambarou, Etienne, bishop of S. Pons de Thomiéres 1346-

_ ; tsars of, see Simeon 893-927, Asenids 1348: 203

soe teow Constantine nh 1257-1277, Sismanids Cambrai, League of (1508), 400 ; see also Maria (Kyratsa) Camera Apostolica, 118, 176, 184—186, 187n, 194, 202, 203, Bulgarians, 3, 27, 35, 43, 51n, 55, 59-61, 63, 64, 72, 73, 205, 206, 208-211, 212n, 214n, 215, 217, 218, 220, 223, ob ey ge 166n, 287, 293, 300, 302-306, 309, 329, 995n, 226n, 231, 232n, 935, 245n, 286, 462

Ys , ; ; Camera del Formento (Grain Bank, in Venice), 317-319

Bulgarinus de Ania, Carian corsair (fl. 1275), 428 Campagna (Campania), 169, 231

Buonconvento, 170 Campaneia, Orthodox bishop of (in 1213), 30 Burgas, Gulf of, 302, 305 Campanus, conspirator (fl. 1246), 62

482 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Campanus d’Itri, James, bishop of Ischia ca. 1358-1359, Caria, coast of, 428n of Martirano 1359-1363, archbishop of Otranto 1363-— = _Carintana dalle Carceri, sister of Narzotto; triarch (or 1376, titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1376- hexarch) of Euboea (d. 1255), 77, 78, 80

1378, cardinal (Avignonese) 1378-ca. 1387: 463n Carinthia, 249n; duke of, 85 -

Campofranco, treaty of (1288), 148n Carmayn (or Carmeyn), Simondo, Genoese skipper (fl. Campofregoso, see Domenico di Campofregoso 1366), 295n Canale, see Martino and Pietro da Canale Carmelites, order, 193, 197, 229, 273, 274, and see Albert Cancellieri, Federico, Pistolese captain (ff. 1346), 204 de Nogerio, John de S. Catarina, Philip (of Salona), Candia (Heraklion), 178, 216, 249, 250, 251n, 254, 258, Pierre Thomas, Sybert of Beek 262, 325n, 335, 344n, 387n, 399, 461n, 463, and see | Carmesson, Juan, Franciscan provincial (ff. 1366), 273 Pasqualigo di Candia; dukes of, see Crete, dukes of Caroldo, Gian Giacomo, Venetian official (ff. 1500), 245n,

Cane, Facino, lord of Alessandria, governor of Milan 246n, 253n, 290, 291, 317-321

1410-1412: 398 Carpaccio, Vittore, Venetian artist (d. 1522), 284 Canea, 254 Carpathos (Scarpanto), 3 Canina, 86, 137 Carraresi, ruling family at Padua 1318-1405: 243, 290,

Cantacuzeni, Byzantine noble family, 127, and see John VI 300n, 322, 323, 396, and see Jacopo and Francesco Cantacuzenus (1346) 1347-1354, Helena (Cantacuzena) da Carrara Cantacuzenus, father of John VI; Byzantine governor at Carthage, 107; “Council” of (398), 117n

Mistra (d. ca. 1316), 126 Carthusians, order, 176

Cantacuzenus, John, brother-in-law of Isaac II Angelus Carystus, 18, 19, 35, 408, 410n, 415, 425, 426, 448, 450,

(d. 1205?), 24 451, 454, 462; lady of, 80n; lords of, see Othon de

Cantacuzenus, Manuel, son of John VI; despot at Mistra Cicon, Boniface of Verona, Alfonso and Boniface

1349-1380: 127, 160, 459 Fadrique; see also Sivino da Caristo Canterbury, 409 Casimir III (“the Great”), king of Poland 1333-1370: 247n,

Capellecti (pirates), 419 249n Capetians, royal dynasty in France 987-1848: 7, 146, 147, | Casole, 58; abbot of, see Nectarius

174, 196, and see Philip II 1180-1223, Louis VIII Cassandrea, 166n, 441; Orthodox bishop of, see Strymbakon 1223-1226, Louis IX 1226-1270, Philip III 1270-— Cassano, 259; bishops of, see John de Papasidero, Simon

1285, Philip IV 1285-1314, Philip V 1317-1322, Atumano (?)

Charles IV 1322-1328, Philip VI (Valois line) 1328- — Casse, Jean, Marseillais skipper (fl. 1366), 295n, 302, 304

1350, John II 1350-1364, Charles V 1364-1380, Castel dell’ Uovo (at Naples), 105, 130

Charles VI 1380-1422, Charles VII 1422-1461, Francis Castellammare, 312 I (Angouléme line) 1515-1547; see also Angevins, Castello (Venice), 79n; bishop of, see N. Morosini

Burgundy (Valois line), Charles of Valois Castelnuovo (at Naples), 312, 315 Capgrave, John, English cleric (d. 1464), 373 Castelrosso (Castellorizzo), 266

Capodistria (Koper), 365 Castiglione, Giovanni, cardinal 1456-1460: 2

Capraia, 334 Castile (Castilla), 96, 170, 194, 373; and Leén, Hospitaller Capua, 136n; Hospitaller prior of, see Isnard de Albarno; prior of, see J. Fernandez de Heredia; kings of, see prince of, 127 Alfonso X 1252-1284, Henry III 1390-1406; see also

15, 38 Castle Ashby, lord of, 253

Capuano, Peter (of Amalfi), cardinal 1192-1214: 6, 8-10, Blanche of Castile

Cardinals (“Sacred College”), 106, 107, 114, 117, 118, 123, | Castoria, 45, 74, 85, 89 134, 147, 160, 163, 169, 174, 175, 181, 208, 209, 211, | Castracani, Castruccio, lord of Lucca 1316-1328: 172

915, 218, 219, 221, 294, 225, 230, 231, 243, 244, Castrofilatas, Calojohn, of Mesembria (ff. 1366), 304

274, 285, 294, 313, 327, 340, 342n, and see P. Catalan Grand Company, in Byzantine empire, 163, 164n, Capuano 1192-1214, Benedict 1200-1216, John de’ 166n, 168, 169, 441; in Frankish Greece, 156n, 189, Conti 1200-1213, Pelagius (Galvani) 1205-1230, G. 206, 441-456, 459, 460, 465, and see Athens, duchy of, Colonna 1212-1245, R. Grosparmy 1261-1270, Bona- and Catalans in Greece ventura (Fidanza) 1273-1274, N. Orsini 1288-1342, Catalans, 330; in Crete, 250; in Egypt, 167, 270, 278, P. Colonna 1288-1326, L. Brancaccio 1294-1312, G. 280; in Greece, 153, 154, 157n, 159, 160, 162, 177n, Caetani 1295-1341, L. Patrasso 1300-—1311, L. Fieschi 189, 206, 258, 298, 372, 424, 427, 441-468, 471; 1300-1336, Nicholas (Alberti) 1303-1321, Bertrand du in Sardinia, 334, 338; in Sicily, 141-143, 145, 152, Poujet 1316—1352, P. Gomez de Barroso 1327-1348, 165, 206n, 227, 237, 294, 331, 340, 442, 446, 455n, E. Talleyrand 1331-1364, Bertrand de Déaux 1338- 461, 465, 466; in Spain, 170, 446, 455n, 461; in 1355, G. Court 1338-1361, Guy de Boulogne 1342- Tunisia, 337, 455n 1373, H. Roger 1342-1363, Gil de Albornoz 1350- Catalonia (Catalunya), 138, 148, 149n, 330, 443n, 467, 1367, Pierre de Cros 1350—1361, Androin de la Roche 469, and see Francesc of Catalonia; kingdom of, see 1361-1369, Anglic de Grimoard 1366-1388, Marco Aragon-Catalonia; patron saint of, 456 da Viterbo 1366-1369, A. Acciajuoli 1384-1408, Catherine of Courtenay, daughter of Philip and Beatrice; Isidore (of Kiev) 1439-1463, Bessarion (of Trebizond) titular Latin empress of Constantinople 1283-1307, 1439-1472, Amadeo (VIII of Savoy) 1449-1451, G. wife of Charles of Valois 1301—1307: 164, 167, 168n, Castiglione 1456-1460, and also J. Campanus d’Itri 435n (Avignonese, 1378-ca. 1387), Pierre d’Ameil (Avignon- Catherine of Valois, daughter of Charles and Catherine;

ese, 1378-1389) titular Latin empress of Constantinople 1307-1346,

Caresini, Raffain, Venetian chancellor (ff. 1381), 250n, 254, wife of Philip I of Taranto 1313-1331, regent of

261n, 263, 323, 324 Achaea 1333—1346: 153, 156, 159, 160, 161n, 164n, 187

INDEX 483 Catholic Church, see Roman Catholic Church Charles, Latin (fl. 1258), 76n, and see Muzalon, George Cattaneo, Ottobuono, Genoese captain of Smyrna 1371— Charles Martel, son of Charles II of Anjou (d. 1295), 150

1374: 328 Charles I of Anjou, son of Louis VIII of France; Angevin Cattaro (Kotor), 404 king of Naples and Sicily (1266) 1268-1282, “king”

Caupena, Catalan family at Aegina (to 1451), 471, and of Albania 1272-1285, prince of Achaea 1278see Alioto I and Antonello de Caupena 1285, king of Naples 1282—1285: 82n, 98, 100, 102—

Cefalu, bishop of, see Jacopo de Nernia 109, 111, 112n, 119, 120n, 121-123, 125n, 126Celestine IV (Goffredo Castiglione), cardinal 1227-1241, 146, 148, 149, 422n, 427, 431-433, 435, 436; wife of,

pope in 1241: 64 see Beatrice (of Provence)

Celestine V (Pietro da Morrone), pope in 1294 (d. 1296, Charles II (“the Lame”) of Anjou, son of Charles I and

canonized), 123, 163 Beatrice; Angevin king of Naples 1285-1309, prince of

Celestines, order, 241, 360, 367 Achaea 1285~—1289: 123, 128, 135, 142—144, 147, 148, Celsi, Lorenzo, doge of Venice 1361-1365: 242, 243, 247- 150-153, 164n, 201n, 433-438, 440

256, 258, 261, 263, 278, 459 Charles of Durazzo, son of John of Gravina; Angevin duke

Ceneda, rectors of, 281 of Durazzo 1335-1348: 199n; wife of,see Maria of Anjou

Centurione (“d’Oltramare” or “Oltramarino”), Giovanni, Charles HI of Durazzo, grandson of John of Gravina;

Genoese admiral (in 1390), 334, 338, 384, 387 Angevin duke of Durazzo 1368-1386, king of Naples

Ceos (Zea, Kea), 24n, 408, 410n, 462 1381-1386, prince of Achaea 1383-1386, claimant to

Cephalonia, 3, 37n, 38, 90, 319n, 364, 381, 419; bishop Hungary 1385-1386; 325, 342 of, 419; counts of, 31, 68, 87n, 90, and see Mar- Charles of Valois, son of Philip III of France; count of garitone of Brindisi, Matteo, Riccardo, and John II Anjou, titular Latin emperor of Constantinople 1301-

Orsini, John Lascaris Calopherus (titular) 1307 (d. 1325), 164-170; wife of, see Catherine of Cephissus, river, 28, 442n Courtenay Cerigo (Cythera), 297, 426, 451 Charolais, 368

Cerigotto (Anticythera), 426 Chateaumorand, see Jean de Chateaumorand

Cernomen (Chernomen), battle of (1371), 246n, 320 Chatillon (-sur-Loing), see Gaucher and Jeanne de Chatillon Certosa, Carthusian monastery (near Florence), 161 Chaucer, Geoffrey, English poet (d. 1400), 422

Cesena, 173, and see Michael of Cesena Chauderon, Jean, nephew of William of Villehardouin; lord Chabaron, Constantine, Byzantine general (ff. 1257), 74, 84 of Conversano (to 1289), 148n, 433

Chaise Dieu (Casa Dei), 176, 223 Chavannes, lord of, see Etienne de la Baume

Chalandritza, 31, 153n, 154 Chernigov, prince of, 73n Chalcedon, 9, and see Nicholas of Chalcedon Chernomen, see Cernomen Chalcidice, 23, 190, 377, 441 Cherso (Cres), 404

Chalcocondylas (Chalkokondyles), Laonicus, Byzantine his- | Chersonese, Thracian, 18, 19, 57

torian (d. ca. 1490), 316, 317, 472n Chiaramonte, see Manfredo de Chiaramonte

Chalon-sur-Sa6ne, see Hugh and Louis of Chalon China, 97, 146, 377

Chambéry, 291, 292, 296, 308, 396 Chinard, Gazo, son of Philippe; Angevin vicar-general of Champagne, 49; counts of, see Hugh I, Theobald III; Albania (from 1272), 109

knights from, 56, 405 Chinard, Philippe, lord of Corfu 1266-1267: 59n, 81, 82n, Hugh, and Louis of Champlitte Chioggia, 322, 323, 329, 455

Champlitte (-et-le-Prélot), family, 34, and see Guillaume, 104, 109; wife of, see Maria Petraliphas

Chantilly, 375n Chios (Scio), 3, 18, 33, 52, 104, 205-207, 220, 298, 324, Charenton, 375 362, 377, 382, 385, 390, 394; bishops of, see Oddino,

Charlemagne, co-king of the Franks 768-771, king 771- Manfred; lord of, see M. Zaccaria; Mahona of, 207n,

800, emperor 800-814: 1, 171 247n, 399

Charles IV (“the Fair’), son of Philip IV; Capetian king Chloumoutsi (Clermont, Castel Tornese), 49, 153n

of France 1322—1328: 175 Chomatianus, Demetrius, Orthodox archbishop of Ochrida

Charles V (“the Wise”), son of John II; Capetian king (from 1217), 29, 43, 51, 52

of France 1364-1380: 174n, 211, 232, 249, 291, 294, Choniates, Michael, brother of Nicetas; Orthodox metro-

399 politan of Athens 1182—1204 (titular 1204-1215, d. by

Charles VI, son of Charles V; Capetian king of France 1220), 22, 23, 406, 407, 410, 415n, 416, 418, 419, 462,

1380-1422: 296n, 331-333, 337, 340, 341, 344, 346, 466

347, 358-361, 363, 364, 366, 370-372, 374, 375n, Choniates, Nicetas, Byzantine historian (d. ca. 1215), 3, 9,

376, 391, 393-396, 398, 399 12, 16, 20n, 22, 405

Charles VII, son of Charles VI; Capetian king of Christine de Pisan, French poet (d. ca. 1430), 340

Franceson 1422-1461: Christoupolis Charles, of Charles 402 of Valois; count of (Kavalla), Alencon ; P52, — 1325—1346: 181n Chronicle of Novgorod (1016-1471), 6n, 9n

Charles IV (of Luxemburg), son of John of Luxemburg; Chronicle of the Morea, 10, 25, 30, 32-34, 49, 68, 79, king (I) of Bohemia 1346-1378, of Germany 1346- 82n, 83, 85, 87, 89n, 98, 126, 154-158, 416, 420, 1347, emperor 1347 (crowned 1355)—1378: 172, 229, 421, 437 936n, 242, 247, 255, 267n, 273, 279, 286n, 288n, 294 Chrysoberges, Nicephorus, Byzantine writer (ca. 1203), 11n Charles II (“the Bad”), son of Philip III; king of Navarre Chrysoloras, Manuel, Byzantine humanist (d. 1415), 372n,

1349-1387: 246 374

373 dox Church

Charles III, son of Charles H; king of Navarre 1387-1425: Church, Byzantine, or Greek Orthodox, see Greek Ortho-

484 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Church, Latin, or Roman Catholic, see Roman Catholic Conrad of Montferrat, son of Guglielmo III; marquis of

Church Montferrat 1188-1192, king of Jerusalem 1190-1192: Cicogna, Venetian family, 323 7 Cicon, see Guidotto, Jacques, and Othon de Cicon Conradin, grandson of Frederick II; Hohenstaufen king of

Cigalla, Cassano, Genoese envoy (in 1368), 281, 282 Jerusalem 1254-1268, of Sicily 1254-1258: 105 Cigalla, Cattaneo, Genoese envoy (in 1403), 391-393 Constance (“Anna”), daughter of Frederick II (Hohen-

Cilicia, 103, and see Armenia, Cilician staufen); wife of John III Vatatzes 1244-1254 (d.

Cilly (Celje), count of, see Hermann II 1307), 62n, 90n

Cistercians, order, 7n, 20, 46, 82n, 95, 112, 408, 418, 440 Constance, daughter of Manfred (Hohenstaufen); wife of

Cividale, 396, 397 138, 139

Citeaux, Cistercian monastery, 7, 27n Pedro III of Aragon-Catalonia 1262-1285 (d. 1302),

Civitavecchia, 308 Constance of Sicily, wife of Henry VI (Hohenstaufen)

Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de, Spanish envoy (in 1403), 360 1186-1197 (d. 1198), 4

Clazomenae, 182 Constantine, 141n

1261), 94 1257: 71n, 74, 77

Cleidas, George, Orthodox metropolitan of Cyzicus (in Constantine, Dominican; bishop of Orvieto ca. 1250Clement IV (Guy de Foulques, Guido Fulcodi), cardinal Constantine VII (“Porphyrogenitus”), Byzantine emperor

1261-1265, pope 1265-1268: 77n, 100-108, 110, 913~—920, co-emperor 920-944, emperor 944-959: 37n

123, 141n, 417 Constantine Ducas, son of John I; lord of Neopatras

Clement V (Bertrand de Got), archbishop of Bordeaux 1295-1302: 436n, 438

1299-1305, pope 1305-1314: 153, 163-171, 174, Constantine Lascaris, Byzantine “emperor” 1204-1205: 13n

176n, 179n, 187, 446-448, 453, 463 Constantine XI Palaeologus (“Dragases”), son of Manuel II

Clement VI (Pierre Roger), cardinal 1338~—1342, pope and Helena; co-despot at Mistra 1428-1443, despot 1342-1352: 169, 172, 175, 176, 179, 182-206, 208- 1443-1448, Byzantine emperor 1448 (crowned 1449)-— 224, 230, 238, 244, 247, 263, 271, 327, 328, 454- 1453: 13n, 162

456, 460, 462, 463, 469 Constantine Tich (Tichomir), nephew of Stephen Urosh I;

Clement VII (Robert of Geneva, son of Amadeo III), tsar of Bulgaria 1257-1277: 73, 76, 85n, 91, 92, 106; cardinal 1371-1378, pope at Avignon 1378-1394: wife of, see Irene (Lascaris) 169, 173n, 294, 333, 340, 342, 463n, 464n, 466 Constantinople (Byzantium, Istanbul), emperors at, see Clermont (de POise), counts of, see Louis I, John Byzantine empire, Latin empire; Latin patriarchs of,

Clermont (in Auvergne); 211 12—14, 149, 192n, 233, 235, 409, 411, 415, 453, 461Clermont (in Dauphiné), lord of, see Aymar de Clermont 463, and see T. Morosini 1205~1211, Gervasius 1215-

Clermont (in Greece), see Chloumoutsi 1219, Simon 1227?-1232, Niccolo di Castro Arquato

Clissura, 137 1234—1251], (titular) Peter 1286-1302, Leonard 1302-

Cluniacs, order, 20 ?1305, Nicholas 1308-21331, Henry d’Asti 1339-1345, Cluny, monks of, 27n Stephen in 1346, Pierre Thomas 1364-1366, Paulus Coccinus, Gregory, Orthodox metropolitan of Ochrida (in 1366-1370, J. Campanus d’Itri 1376-1378, Isidore

1367), 310 1459-1463, Bessarion 1463-1472; Orthodox patri1397), 363 867, 877-886, Nicholas I Mysticus 901-907, 912Colart de Calleville, French governor of Genoa (in 1399), 925, Nicholas II Muntanes 1186-1189, George II 370 Xiphilinus 1191—1198, John X Camaterus 1198-1204; Coligny, 293, and see Hugh of Coligny (at Nicaea 1204-1261) John X 1204-1206, Germanus Collo, 141n II 1222-1240, Manuel II 1244—1254, Arsenius 1255Colard des Armoires, French envoy to Bayazid I (in archs of, 47, 70, 321, 406n, and see Photius 858-

Cologne (Koln), archbishops of, 173; silver standard of, 1259; (at Constantinople 1261-1453) Arsenius 1261-—

6n, 50n 1265, Germanus III 1265-1266, Joseph I 1266-

Cologny, 27n 1275, 1282-1283, John XI Beccus 1275-1279, 1279Colonna (Sunium), Cape, 298 1282, Gregory (George of Cyprus) 1283-1289, Athan-

Colonna, Giovanni, cardinal 1212—1245: 41n, 44, 45, 47, asius I 1289~1293, 1303-1309, Callistus I 1350-

48, 408n, 416, 418 1353, 1355-1363, Philotheus Coccinus 1353-1354,

Colonna, Pietro, cardinal 1288-1326: 175 1364-1376, Antonius IV 1389-1390, 1391-1397, Colonna, Sciarra, Italian Ghibelline (d. 1329), 163 Joseph ITI 1416-1439: see also Byzantine empire, Greek

Colonnesi, Roman family, 45n, 163 Orthodox Church, Latin empire

Comneni, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Constantinople Contarini, Andrea, doge of Venice 1368-1382: 282, 314,

1057-1185: 3, 5, 64, and see Alexius I 1081-1118, 323, 327, 460

Manuel I 1143-1180, Maria; ‘at Trebizond 1204— Contarini, Jacopo, doge of Venice 1275-1280: 134n 1461 (“Grand Comneni”), 52, and see David 1204— Conti, Guglielmo, Latin bishop of Sozopolis (Sisopolis,

1214, George 1266-1280 from 1356), 226, 227

Comtat-Venaissin, 169, 189, 232; governor of, 233, 285,327 Conversano, 148n; count of, 82n, and see Louis d’

Condulmer, Venetian family, 323 Enghien; lord of, see J. Chauderon

Conegliano, 260n, 365, 366 Conza, archbishop of, see Philip

Conigliera (Kuriates?), 334, 335, 337 Copenhagen, MS. at, 155n, 157 Conon of Béthune, French baron (d. ca. 1219), 16, 45n Copts, sect, 167n, 272 Conrad, canon of Athens (ff. 1236), 429 Corasio, Lenzio (or Leuzio), bishop of Bitonto 1283Conrad, Latin archbishop of Athens, ca. 1253-1268: 96, 1317: 150

420n Corfu (Corcyra), 8, 9n, 17n, 19n, 35, 58-60, 81, 150,

INDEX 485 151n, 155, 233, 245, 258, 297, 307, 316n, 319n, 364, Smyrniote crusade, Alexandria, Balkan crusade, 380-382, 383n, 392, 407n, 435n; Latin archbishops of, Nicopolis 186, and see Stephen, Demetrius; lord of, see P. Chinard; Cumans (Kumans, Polovtsy, “Scythians”), 72, 74n, 85, 88,

Orthodox metropolitan of, see G. Bardanes; Venetian 92, 93, 127n, 166n, 423

bailies at, 380n, 381, 404n Curzola (Korcula), 404

Corigliano, count of, see Robert of S. Severino Cutritzaces, Greek at Constantinople (ff. 1261), 92, 93 Corinth, 20n, 22, 23, 25, 34, 36-39, 48, 66, 70, 150, Cyclades, 149, 155, 462; lord of, see L. Gabalas 160, 233, 258, 405, 406, 411, 429, 440, 447, 471; Cydones, Demetrius, Byzantine scholar (d. ca. 1398), castellany of, 151, 152, 160, 319n; Gulf of, 25, 31, 241n, 259, 288, 317n, 319, 329, 470 45, 151, 419, 435, 439, 449; Latin archbishops of, Cyprus, 3n, and see George of Cyprus; under Greeks 36-38, 47, 64, 96, 149, 419, and see Gautier, William to 1191: 33, 158; under Lusignans 1191-1473: 69, of Moerbeke, James (2), Bartholomew; lords of, see L. 70n, 81, 113, 190, 196, 210, 217, 218, 222, 229-— Sgourus, Nerio I Acciajuoli; Orthodox metropolitan of, 231, 233, 236n, 237-248, 252, 258-260, 262n, 264,

see Nicholas 265, 271-283, 297, 307, 328, 337, 362, 382-388, 393; Corinthia, 34, 127 chancellor of, see Philippe de Méziéres; kings of, Corner, Federico, Venetian (fl. 1366), 278, 294 see Lusignans; Mahone of, 382, 383, 386; ships from, Corner, Marco, doge of Venice 1365-1368: 255, 274, 276, 188n, 191, 209, 220, 229-231, 238-240

277, 287-290, 291n, 293, 297 Cyzicus, 164n; Orthodox metropolitan of, see G. Cleidas

Corneri, Venetian family in Crete, 254

Coron, 19, 25, 34, 48, 68, 144, 155, 162, 178, 207, 238, Dalle Carceri, Veronese family at Euboea, see Carintana, 239, 297, 300, 307, 326, 344n, 356n, 380, 392, 405; Giovanni, Grapella, Leone, Marino II, Narzotto, Pietro,

canon of, see Grifon of Arezzo; castellans of, 250n, and Ravano dalle Carceri 380n, 392, 472n; Gulf of, 297; Latin bishops of, Dalmatia, 228n, 248, 254, 258, 286, 290, 322, 342, 356,

38, 96, 258n, and see G. Scarlatto, L. Torriani, 357, 359, 360n, 367, 401, 403, 404; ban of, 254n;

Pierre Thomas coast of, 130, 227, 307, 328, 403

Coronea, 408, 410n, 429, 462, 466; bishops of, see Dalmau, Felipe, viscount of Rocaberti, vicar-general of

Antonio, Albert de Nogerio Athens (1379) 1381—1382 (1386; d. 1392), 467—469

Corsica, 152, 163, 169, 334, 446, 455 Damala (Troezen), 37n, 38, 433; lord of, see William de Cortusi, Guglielmo, Paduan judge (fl. 1344), 190 la Roche Corycus (Gorigos), 238, 240, 282 Damandi, Peter, archdeacon of Limassol, nuncio (in 1359),

Cos (Kos, Lango), 18, 52, 104 235, 247

Cosmidium, monastery (at Constantinople), 94 Damanhur, 269

Cotrone (Crotona), Latin bishops of, see John, Niccol6 Damascus (Dimashq), 270, 277n, 283, 339, 363, 388;

Coucy (-le-Chateau), count of, see Enguerrand VII rulers of, 44

Councils, oecumenical, 309, 310, 320, and see Sardica Damietta (Dimyat), 44, 45n, 54, 280 (343), Nicaea (787), Bari (1098), Third Lateran (1179), Dandolo, Andrea, doge of Venice 1343-1354: 79, 185, Fourth Lateran (1215), Lyon (1245, 1274), Ferrara- 190n, 191, 193n, 206, 210n, 214, 215n, 218-221, 287 Florence (1438-1439); see also Carthage (398), Neo- Dandolo, Enrico, doge of Venice 1192-1205: 8-11, 13-

patras (1276), Vienne (1312), Pisa (1409) 16, 19n, 20n

Court, Guillaume, nephew of Benedict XII; cardinal 1338— Dandolo, Enrico, Venetian skipper (ff. 1383), 325

1361: 183, 465n Dandolo, Francesco, doge of Venice 1329-1339: 159, 180,

Courtenay, house of, 2, 55, 77, 96, 104, 119, 120, 124, 181, 453

and see Agnes, Baldwin II, Catherine, Peter, Philip Dandolo, Francesco, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1317-

(2), and Robert of Courtenay; lordship of, 65, 66n 1319: 448, 449 Courthezon, lord of, see Bertrand des Baux Dandolo, Giovanni, doge of Venice 1280-1289: 134, 135,

Courtrai, 366 144, 145, 431

Cracow, 249n; bishop of, see P. Radolinski Dandolo, Leonardo, duke of Crete (in 1363), 249, 250,

Crambusa, 266, 267n 254, 287, 288n, 289

Crécy (-en-Ponthieu), battle of (1346), 172, 453 Dandolo, Leonardo, Venetian envoy (in 1383), 324

Cremona, 416n; bishop of, see Sicard Dandolo, Marino, lord of Andros 1207-1233: 19n,

Crete, 16—18, 19n, 33, 91, 144, 167, 177-182, 212n, 228, 428-431; wife of, see Felisa 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249-258, 264, 283, 323- Dandolo, Saracin, Venetian skipper (fl. 1366), 291, 292n,

326, 328, 356, 392, 397, 461n, 472; dukes of, 52n, 294n, 295n

163, 178, 180n, 216, 236, 239, 262, 264n, 325n, Dante Alighieri, Italian poet (d. 1321), 139, 163, 422 and see N. Ziani, L. Dandolo; Latin archbishops of, | Danube (Donau, Dunav), river, 108n, 288, 300, 341, 346-—

see Leonardo, F. Michiel, O. Dolfin, Pierre Thomas; 351, 354, 356, 358

ships from, 381, 382, 389 Daphni, abbey, 408, 418, 440; abbots of, 46, 47, 82n, 418 Crimea, 382 Daphnusia, 92, 93 Crispi, Venetian ducal family at Naxos 1383-1566: 19n Dardanelles (Hellespont), 72, 91, 92, 236, 239n, 298, 311, Crispo, Francesco, duke of Naxos 1383-1397: 463n 321, 326, 356, 377

Crispo, Jacopo IV, duke of Naxos 1564-1566: 19n Darnius, Dalmau, Catalan squire (ff. 1399), 370n Croatia, 73n, 228n, 342, 356, 357, 404; ban of, 254n; people _Datini, Francesco, Pratese merchant (fi. 1403), 383

of, 404 Daulia, 49, 408, 409, 429, 462; archdeacon of, see Hugo;

Croia, 74; bishop of, see Romanus dean of, 46, 408, 414; Latin bishops of, 37, 414, Crusades, see First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, “Sixth,” 461, 466

and “Seventh” Crusade, Albigensian crusade, Tunisia, Dauphiné, 195, 196, 204, 208n, 211, and see Viennois

486 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT David, Dominican friar (ff. 1274), 115n, 116 Dubois, Pierre, French jurist (f7. 1308), 109, 166, 169, 174 David Comnenus, Byzantine co-ruler of Trebizond 1204— Dubrovnik, see Ragusa

1214: 18 Ducae, Byzantine imperial dynasty, 43n, 64, and see Alexius

Davidor, Giovanni, Venetian skipper (ff. 1366), 294n V Ducas (Constantinople in 1204), John III (Ducas) De la Roche, Burgundian family, 37n, 51, 79, 405, 417, Vatatzes (Nicaea 1222-1254), Euphrosyne; rulers of 419, 428, 433, 434, and see Androin, Bonne, Gautier, Epirus 1204- 1230-1318: 25n, 51n, 63, 67, 73, 89, Guillaume, Guy (3), Isabelle, Jacques, John, Othon 136n, 143, 406, 422, 424, 438, 441, and see Michael I (3), Pierre, Ponce, Sibylle, and William (2) de la Roche 1204-1215, Theodore 1215-1230, Michael II 1231-ca.

Dematra, 433 1267, Nicephorus I ca. 1267-1296, Thomas 1296Demetrias, 60, 82, 424, 425 1318, Anna, Constantine, Helena, John, Thamar, Theo-

Demetrius, Latin archbishop of Corfu (ca. 1300), 151n dore; despots of Thessalonica 1225-1246: 61, 63, 67, Demetrius, son of Boniface I of Montferrat and Margaret; and see Theodore (“emperor”) 1225-1230, Manuel lord of Thessalonica 1207-1209, king 1209-1224 (d. 1230-1237, John 1237-1244, Demetrius 1244-1246,

1227), 21n, 27-30, 50, 51, 53 Irene; lords of Neopatras ca. 1268-1318: 25n, 143, 438,

Demetrius Ducas, son of Theodore; despot of Thessalonica 441, 442, and see John I ca. 1268-1295, Constantine

1244— 1246: 61-63, 69, 70 1295-1302, John II 1302-1318, Angelus, Helena, Demotica, 16—19, 52, 73, 213, 215, 300 Michael

45] 1255), 72

Deschamps, Eustache, French chronicler (ff. 1390), 340 Ducas, Byzantine historian (fl. 1455), 341, 358, 376 Deslaur, Roger, lord of Salona (from 1311), 451; wife of, | Ducas, Alexius, Philanthropenus, Byzantine general (fl.

Devol (Diabolis), 85, 86 Ducas, Angelus, son of John I (fl. 1295), 436n, 438

Dexart, Antonio, see A. Blasi Ducas, Constantine, brother of Theodore (of Epirus); despot Dibra, 74 of Aetolia and Acarnania (in 1230), 45, 51, 59, 60 Dieudonné de Gozon, master of the Hospitallers 1346- Ducas, Michael, son of John I (d. 1307), 438

1353: 203, 206, 207, 209, 210, 212, 214, 216-218, Ducas, Theodore, bastard son of Michael II; Epirote 220-223, 229n commander (d. 1257), 75, 83n, 87n

Dijon, 344, 346, 347, 360, 362n, 365, 366 ; Dulcigno, 396, 404

Dionysius the Areopagite, bishop of Athens (Ist century, Durand, Guillaume I, bishop of Mende (d. 1296), 113

canonized), body of, 38, 39; monastery of, 408 Durand, Honorat, chaplain to Boucicaut (ff. 1397), 362

Divan Gate (Bab ad-Diwan, “Porte de la Douane,” Customs- Durazzo, 3, 8, 19, 28, 35, 41n, 44, 45, 56, 73, 74, 81, 86,

house Gate, in Alexandria), 269, 270 90, 109, 119, 137, 150n, 233, 297, 307, 404; dukes of,

Dobruja, 341 see Angevins; Latin archbishops of, 186 Dolfin, Giovanni, doge of Venice 1356-1361: 227n, 228n, Dushan (DuSan), see Stephen Urosh IV Dushan 229, 234n, 235, 240, 404

Dolfin, Orso, archbishop of Crete 1349-1361, captain of | Eastern Christians, see Orthodox Christians Smyrna 1356-1359, patriarch of Grado 1361-1367: Ecry-sur-Aisne (Asfeld), 7, 24

234, 244n Edward, lord of Beaujeu (in 1343), 188, 191, 194, 214; wife

Domenico, Gian (of Gubbio), Dominican (fl. 1394), 343 of (Marie), 191, 194

Domenico de Alamania (“Dominique d’Allemagne”), Italian Edward I (“Longshanks”), son of Henry III; Plantagenet

Hospitaller, admiral (in 1402), 364-366 king of England 1272-1307: 112, 128, 142, 146, 147

327, 460 1307-1327: 169.

Domenico di Campofregoso, doge of Genoa 1371-1378: Edward II, son of Edward I; Plantagenet king of England Dominicans, order, 66, 80n, 115, 126, 139n, 163, 166n, Edward III, son of Edward I]; Plantagenet king of England 193, 197, 199, 200n, 210, 211, 212n, 224, 307, 327, 1327-1377: 169, 174, 179, 192, 193n, 199n, 247, 327 398, 470, and see T. Aquinas, Constantine, G. Conti, Edward (“the Black Prince”), son of Edward III; Plantagenet

David, G. Domenico, Ferrer d’Abella, Giovanni de heir apparent (d. 1376), 232, 293

Montelupone, Guy d’Ibelin, Humbert of Romans, James Egypt, 3, 6, 8, 9, 69, 105, 106, 109, 163, 167, 197n, 234, (Petri), Jean de Verceil, F. Pipino, Ptolemy of Lucca, 238, 249n, 259, 261, 262, 266, 272-276, 278-283, 286, I. Tacconi, Venturino da Bergamo, Vincent of Beauvais, 287, 291n, 292, 339n, 382, 388, 389; rulers of, see - William of Moerbeke; see also Humbert II (of Vien- Aiytbids (1169) 1174-1252, Bahri Mamluks 1250-

nois), Innocent V 1390, Burji Mamluks Domokos, 439, 442, 451 Elassona, 53, 87 1382-1517

Don, river, 61 Elato, Mount, 439 Donato di Ca da Porto, Venetian family, 323 Elba, 334, 338

Donzani, Donzano, Genoese skipper (f/. 1366), 295n Elbasan (Albanon), 74

Donzy, 368 Eleanor (Eleonora) of Aragon, granddaughter of James IJ; Doro, Maria, sister of Marino Dandolo (ff. 1233), 429, 430 wife of Peter I of Cyprus 1353-1369 (d. 1417), 250, Dorotheus, Orthodox archbishop of Monemvasia (17th 251, 262n, 328, 382

century), 82 Eleanora, daughter of Peter II of Sicily; wife of Pedro IV

Dorotheus, Orthodox metropolitan of Athens (to 1392), 471 of Aragon-Catalonia 1349-1374: 460 Douay, Oudot, Burgundian official (f1. 1397), 362n, 365,366 Eleusis, 408, 440

Doubs, river, 293, 405 Elis, 24, 25, 30, 127, 153, 162n

Doxapatres, Nilos, Byzantine author (ff. 1142), 462, 463 Elizabeth (of Chappes), wife of Geoffrey I of Villehardouin

Dragonet de Joyeuse, Hospitaller (f2. 1348), 214n, 216 1210-1218: 49

Dragonet de Montdragon, Hospitaller marshal (in 1366),275 Elizabeth of Poland, sister of Casimir III; mother of Louis

Dreux, see Pierre de Dreux I of Hungary (d. 1380), 289n

Drin (Drilon), river, 45, 74 Ellada (Spercheus), river, 423, 439, 440

INDEX 487 Eltham, 374 Fabri de Annoniaco, Peter, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Emanuel (of Famagusta), archbishop of Rhodes 1361- Neopatras 1361-ca. 1369: 465 1365: 247 Fadrique, Alfonso, bastard son of Frederick II of Sicily; Emanuele da Ca Marino, “patriarch” (d. 1345), 192n, 193n vicar-general of duchy of Athens 1317-ca. 1330, lord

Embrun, archbishop of, see Bertrand de Déaux of Salona, count of Malta and Gozo 1330-ca. 1338: Emeric I, Arpad king of Hungary 1196-1204: 8, 16 156n, 442, 444, 445, 448-451, 453, 454, 458, 466n;

Emilia, 172 wife of, see Marulla (of Verona) Emo, Pietro, Venetian envoy (in 1383), 324 Fadrique, Boniface, son of Alfonso and Marulla; lord of Enghien, family, 460, and see Guy, John, and Louis d’Enghien Carystus (d. ca. 1380), 454 England, 96, 110n, 113, 146, 169, 173, 174, 182, 189, 193, Fadrique, James, son of Alfonso and Marulla; lord of Salona 204, 209, 214, 218, 220, 224, 231, 232, 245, 249, 274n, (d. by 1366), 453, 454 327, 329, 332, 342-344, 358, 369, 373-375, 376n, Fadrique, John, son of Alfonso and Marulla; lord of Aegina 403, 414; crusaders from, 332, 333, 335, 338, 367; kings (in 1350), 454; wife of, see Marulla Zaccaria

of, see Plantagenets (1154-1485) Fadrique, Luis, son of James; vicar-general of Athens 1375-

English, 112, 169, 189, 193n, 204, 231, 236, 238, 248, 253, 1381 (d. 1382), 466n, 467n

re al, 273, 27m) 327. ner 337, 340, 343, 398, Fadrique, Pedro I, son of Alfonso and Marulla; lord of

, and See England, crusaders trom Salona ca. 1338-ca. 1352 (d. by 1355), 453, 454

Enguerrand VII, count of Coucy (d. 1397), 335, 340, 345, Fadrique, William, son of Alfonso and Marulla; lord of

347, 349, 350n, 353-355, 359, 360, 362, 365; wife Stiris (fl. 1366), 444

of, see Isabelle of Lorraine Faenza, 172, 231

Enveri, Turkish chronicler (ff. 1465), 181n, 192, 211 Faidit, Gaucelm, troubador (d. ca. 1220), 7 Ephesus (Altoluogo, Ayasoluk), 94, 201, 207, 222, 290, 360n; Falconaria, battle of (1299), 152

emirs of, see Khidr (Beg), Isa, Orthodox metropolitans patier, Luca, Venetian consul (in 1403), 401, 402

of, 310n, and see G. Tornikes, N. Mesarites; titular Falier. Mari d £ Veni 3541355: 299

Latin archbishops of, 217 AMET, MATINO, COBE O8 Venice 1354— " Ephraem, Greek chronicler (fl. 1313), 22n, 54n Bales: Panta alee Raat iar Ray dani are a

Epirus, 18, 25, 33, 35, 67, 81, 82n, 85, 87, 90, 112, 143, Son 282, 322, 378, 382, 383, 586-388, 590, 393, 63, 68.76, 82 85.00 Tot 143 58. 430, tebe: Faraj, an-Nasir Nasir-ad-Din, son of Barkuk; Burji Mamluk of, see Ducae 1204— 1318, John Il Orsini 1393 1335 soldan of Egypt and Syria 1399- 1405, 1406-1412: 385,

Erard III le Maure, son of Etienne and Agnes; lord of 388, 394

Arcadia (d. 13872), 157 Fauquembergue, Flemish family, 418n .

Erminio, Raffo, Genoese noble (ff. 1351), 222 re wife pando (to 1233), wife of Jacopo Ermocastro, 414n uerini (ini ‘Oddy, » LI— Erymanthus, Mount, 127 Felisa, daughter of Guglielmo I da Verona; wife of “Esedin Balaban,” Turkish envoy (in 1348), 217, 218 Narzotto dalle Carceri (to 1264), wife (?) of Licario, Estensi, ruling family at Ferrara 1208-1597: 170, 172, 243, 78, 425, 426

and see Obizzo III and Niccolo II d’Este Feltre, 396; bishop of, see J. Zeno Etienne, count (?) of Burgundy (ft. 1170), 405 Ferdinand, grandson of James I of Aragon-Catalonia; Etienne de Batuto, canon of Agen (ca. 1352), 263 infante of Majorca, claimant to Achaea 1315-1316: 153; Etienne de la Baume, Savoyard admiral (in 1366), 293 wife of, see Isabelle de Sabran Etienne le Maure (fi. 1330), 157; wife of, see Agnes of Aulnay Ferdinand de Zaguda, Catalan (ff. 1361), 445n

Eu, count of, see Philippe d’Artois Ferentino, 50n; bishop of, 126 (Giacomo, by 1255-1298)

3 ’ ’ n, ’ ’ ’ n, ’ ’ ’ 1 7A 4 ' : :

80, 86 13, 129%, 181, 148, 144, 14bn, 195, 181, 199, Fetia¥» Guiot, crusader (in 1366), 303

185n, 190, 216, 286, 297, 298, 326, 371n, 377, 405, Ferme se Hospitaller admiral (in 1365), 268n, 407n, 408n, 411, 415, 418, 425-427, 433, 448, 462, 463, Fermo bisho of. see Bongiovanni

471, 472; lords of, see Jacques d’Avesnes, Ravano dalle Ferné ‘d a 7 di C . hbish fs Carceri; triarchs of, 31, 35n, 60, 68, 77-80, 92n, 417, 0 1383, MIL: 373 1a, MAPCAs, archbishop Of saragossa 420n, 424, 425, 449, 451, and see Guglielmo I, Giberto aoa cee ; .

I and Il, Boniface, and Beatrice of Verona; Dalle Fernandez de Heredia, Juan, Hospitaller prior of Castile and Carceri family; Bartolommeo II and Giorgio II Ghisi; Leon, captain-general of Comtat-Venaissin, grand and Jean de Noyer de Maisy; Venetians of, 79, 424, master or the Hospitallers 1377-1396: 161, 230, 233,

and see Negroponte ’

Eudocia, daughter of Alexius III Angelus; wife of Alexius Ferrara, 170, 172, 199, 210n, 243, 279, 308n, 379n; Council V Ducas 1202-1204, wife of L. Sgourus 1204-1207: 22 of (1438~ 1439), 132; lords of, see Estensi

. 1258), 76 — , of Mazzara = , of Barcelona

120 ez (Fas), d. 1215), 22n 174

Eudocia, daughter of Theodore II Lascaris and Helena vert 393) 1998. 1330 eM ca 3D need of Mean Eulovia, sister of Michael VIII Palaeologus (ff. 1275), 110n, : Fas), 330. 464, 465

Euphrosyne Ducaena, wife of Alexius III Angelus (to 1203, Fidenzio of Padua, Franciscan propagandist (ff. 1291), 109,

Eurotas, river, 69, 82, 380, 381 Fieschi, Luca, cardinal 1300-1336: 151 Eustace, brother of Baldwin I (ff. 1209), 35; wife of, 35 Fieschi, Ottobono and Sinibaldo,see Hadrian V, Innocent IV

107n Filla, 427

Eustace of Illsua, palatine of Hungary (fl. 1397), 364 Fifth Crusade (1217-1221), 44, 54 Evreux, see Philip III of Evreux; bishop of (R. Grosparmy), Filippo da Perugia, Franciscan (fl. 1278), 129-132

488 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT First Crusade (1096-1099), 1, 2, 5, 121, 122, 157, 163, Angelo d’Orvieto, A. Ballester, Bartolommeo da Siena,

234, 433 G. Boem, Bonagratia of Bergamo, Bonaventura, J.

Flanders, 63, 173, 331, 339, 368, 401, 402; countesses of, Carmesson, Fidenzio of Padua, Filippo da Perugia, see Jeanne 1206-1244, Margaret 1384-1405; counts of, Francis (2), Gerardo da Prato, Giovanni de Piancarpino, see Baldwin IX (I of Constantinople) 1194-1205, Louis John de Montelupone, John of Parma, Matthew,

II 1346-1384, Philip (II of Burgundy) 1384-1404; Michael of Cesena, Nicholas IV, J. Parastron, P. crusaders from, 21, 333; galleys to, 392, 393, 402; Patricelli, Rainerio da Siena, Salimbene of Parma, governor of, see Gilbert of Leuwerghem; house of, 405 Thomas, F. ‘Toti, William of Ockham; see also Spiritual

Florence (Firenze), llin, 154, 160n, 161n, 188, 193, 199, Franciscans

242, 279, 286, 308n, 379n, 397, 400, 469, 470, and see Francois “de Pertuso” (du Pertuis?), Auvergnat knight

Taddeo di Firenze; archbishop of, see A. Acciajuoli; (ff. 1347), 213, 215 bankers of, 173, 184, 185, 205, 215n; Council of | Frangipane (Frankopan), ruling family at Veglia (to 1480) (1438-1439), 132, 177; families from, see Acciajuoli, and Segna, 404 Benedetti; government of, 197, 204, 241, 323, 324, Frangipani, Guglielmo, Latin archbishop of Patras 1317327, 329, 375, 396; merchants of, 142; tyrant of, 1337, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1329-1331: 158, 452,

see Gautier (VI) de Brienne 1342-1343 453

Florence of Worcester, English chronicler (d. 1118), 147n Frangopoulus, George, governor of Thessalonica (in 1213),

Florent of Hainaut, great-grandson of Baldwin VI (1 of 30

Constantinople); prince of Achaea 1289-1297: 143, “Frankish Tower” (in Athens), 473 148, 149, 151, 433-438; wife of, see Isabelle of Ville- | Fraschia, 254

hardouin Frederick III (“the Handsome”), grandson of Rudolph JI;

Florimont de Lesparre, Gascon crusader (in 1365), 278, 279, Hapsburg duke of Austria 1306-1330: 171

292, 293, 296n, 299, 302 Frederick I (“Barbarossa”), Hohenstaufen king of Germany

Flotte, Pierre, French councillor (d. 1302), 152 1152-1155, emperor 1155-1190: 4, 6, 59n

Foggia, 136, 144, 200 Frederick II, son of Henry VI and Constance; HohenFoglia, see Phocaea staufen king (I) of Sicily 1197-1250, of Germany 1212-—

Foglietta, Uberto, Genoese historian (d. 1581), 331 1220, emperor 1220-1250, king of Jerusalem 1225-

Foix, count of, see Gaston III 1228: 4, 7, 44, 50n, 53, 54n, 55, 58, 59, 62, 64, 70, 82n,

Fondi, 463n 83, 114, 141, 146; wife of, see Isabella (of Brienne)

Forcalquier, 128, 152; seneschal of, 190, 285 Frederick II, son of Peter I (Pedro III of Aragon-Catalonia);

Forli, 172, 231 king of Sicily 1296-1337; 35n, 165, 170, 442, 444, 445, Foscari, Paolo, Latin archbishop of Patras 1375-ca. 1386: 449, 450, 453n, 467

161 Frederick III, son of Peter II; king of Sicily and duke (11)

Foscarini, Giovanni, Venetian envoy (in 1366), 274-276 of Athens 1355-1377: 294, 330, 444, 454, 456, Fosco, Micheleto, grape-grower at Coron (fl. 1366), 297 458-460, 466 Foscolo, Francesco, Venetian envoy (in 1390), 380 Frederick, margrave of Baden (d. 1268), 105

Fossanuova, abbey, 112 Freiburg (im Breisgau), 347 Foulques de Villaret, master of the Hospitallers 1305- Frescobaldi, Gino, Florentine banker (ff. 1284), 142 1319 (d. 1327), 447 Friuli, 258, 260n, 300n, 397, 403, 404

Fountain monastery (at Constantinople), 93 Froissart, Jean, French chronicler (d. 1410), 279, 331, 332,

Fourth Crusade (1202- 1204), 1- 19, 24, 33, 36n, 38, 39, 4]- 334, 335, 337, 339-341, 345, 347, 348, 349n, 351, 352, 43, 48, 49, 59n, 94n, 97, 98, 157, 158, 239n, 400, 405, 354-356, 362, 364-366, 368, 400, 401

409, 411, 413, 428, 432, 462, 463, 466 Fromentes, sire de, crusader (in 1366), 301, 303, 305, 306

France, constables of, see Gaucher de Chatillon, Gautier Fuwah, 271 (VI) de Brienne, Philippe d’Artois; crusaders from, 7, 21, 51, 98, 103, 108, 207, 261, 271, 273, 332, 333, 337, | Gabalas, Leo, lord of Rhodes and the Cyclades (in 1234), 52n

338, 340, 345-356, 359, 368, 404; kings of, 2, 38, 184, Gabes (Qabis), 331; Gulf of, 330, 331, 339, 340 213, 332, and see Capetians; knights from, 56, 66, 87, Gabriele, Genoese merchant (fl. 1366), 304 251, 275, 362, 452; mint of, 69: queen of, see Blanche Gaeta, bishop of, see Antonio de’Aribandi

of Castile; soldiers from, 140 Galata, 91, 100, 382, and see Tower of Galata; see also Pera

Francesc of Catalonia, interpreter (ff. 1366), 305 Galceran de Peralta, captain and castellan of Athens (to Francesco da Carrara, Italian commander (in 1366), 290, 1379), 445

293, 322, 329, 403 Galeran d’Ivry, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1278-1280: 127,

Francesco da Verona, son of Giberto I (ff. 1271), 424, 434n, 131

439 Galilee, titular princes of, see Guy and Hugh of Lusignan

Francesco di Cola, Venetian skipper (fl. 1366), 294n, 295n, Gallipoli (Callipolis), 18, 52, 57, 92, 164n, 181, 225, 246n,

302 293n, 297-300, 306-309, 311, 321, 356, 376-378,

Franche-Comté, 293, 417, 418, and see Burgundy, county; 384, 441; governor of, see James of Lucerne

governor of, see Jean de Vergy Gambacorta, Pietro, captain and lord of Pisa 1369-1392:

Francis I, Capetian king of France 1515-1547: 375n 338, 340n

Francis, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Athens in 1365: 463 | Gangrené, mistress of Michael II Ducas (ff. 1230), 59, 60, 83n

Francis, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Neopatras 13692?— Gardiki, 432, 442, 451

1376: 460, 465 Gargano, Mount, 90n

Francis, Latin “archbishop” (?) of Smyrna (in 1351), 222 Garin de Chateauneuf, Hospitaller prior of Navarre (in Franciscans (Friars Minor, Minorites), 56n, 93n, 96, 111, 1345), 194n, 203, 208-210 112, 118, 124, 125, 133, 172, 193, 196, 197, 282, 297, Garinus (Warin), Latin archbishop of Thessalonica 1210307, 308, 360, 404, 452, and see Andrea da Perugia, 1224: 30, 47, 50n

INDEX 489 Garsias de Henguy, bishop of Bayonne 1384-1408: 373 lord of Karytaina 1255-1275: 78, 80, 89, 148n, Gascony (Gascogne), 146, 147, 169, 174, 232, 278, 293, 467 420n, 422, 432; wife of, see Isabelle de la Roche Gaspard de Montmayeur, Savoyard crusader (in 1366), 293, Geoffrey of Villehardouin, marshal of Champagne, chron-

298, 305, 306 icler (d. ca. 1213), 4n, 6, 11, 12, 16-18, 24, 28,

Gaspare de’ Pagani, merchant at Pera (fl. 1397), 363, 368 40n, 41, 168n

Gaston III, count of Foix 1343-1391: 329 Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, nephew of Geoffrey; prince of

Gatari, Galeazzo and Bartolommeo, Paduan chroniclers Achaea (1209) 1210-ca. 1228: 24, 25, 28n, 30, 31, 34-

(fl. 1400), 352 37, 39, 41, 46-51, 56, 57n, 63, 98, 127, 405, 411n,

Gattilusio, Genoese family at Lesbos 1355-1462: 225n, 412, 414-417, 418n; wife of, see Elizabeth (of Chappes) 361n, 363, 368, 369, 385, and see Francesco I and II Geoffrey II of Villehardouin, son of Geoffrey I and ElizaGattilusio, Eugenia, daughter of Francesco II; wife of John beth; prince of Achaea ca. 1228-1246: 31n, 49, 50,

VII Palaeologus (m. ca. 1396, d. 1440), 363n 54, 56-58, 60, 63, 66, 68, 127; wife of, see Agnes of Gattilusio, Francesco I, lord of Lesbos 1355-1384: 225, Courtenay 298, 299, 302, 306, 319, 324, 360n, 361; wife of, Geoffroy de Veyrols, archbishop of Toulouse 1361-1376: see Maria (Palaeologina) 262, 263 Gattilusio, Francesco I1 (born Jacopo), son of Francesco 1; George, nephew of M. Choniates (fl. 1208), 23

wife of, 363 1280: 129n

lord of Lesbos 1384—1427: 359-361, 363, 364, 368; George Comnenus, Byzantine ruler at Trebizond 1266-

Gattilusio, Niccolé, brother of Francesco I; lord of Aenos George of Cyprus (Gregory), Orthodox patriarch of Con-

(fi. 1397), 361, 363, 364, 368 stantinople 1283~1289: 143n

Gattilusio, Oberto, Genoese noble (ff. 1351), 222 George II Xiphilinus, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople Gaucher de Chatillon, constable of France (d. 1328), 447, 1191-1198: 4n

448, 452 Georgia, 342n 411n Geraki, 31, 99n, 126

Gautier, Latin archbishop of Corinth (ca. 1212), 36, 46n, Gerace, bishops of, see Barlaam, Simon Atumano : Gautier I (V) de Brienne, son of Hugh and Isabelle; Gerardo da Prato, Franciscan (ff. 1264), 100 count of Brienne and Lecce 1296-1311, duke of Athens Gerardo (Guerau) de Rodonella, Catalan envoy (in 1380),

1309-1311: 156n, 189, 441, 442n, 445-448, 452, 463; 468

wife of, see Jeanne de Chatillon German (“Holy Roman”) empire, 7, 114, 170-172, 175;

Gautier II (VI) de Brienne, son of Gautier I and Jeanne; emperors of, 2, 171, 313, and see Otto I (936) 962-—

count of Lecce and titular duke of Athens 1311- 973, Frederick I (Hohenstaufen, 1152) 1155-1190, 1356, tyrant of Florence 1342~—1343: 156n, 184, 189, Henry VI (Hohenstaufen, 1169, 1190) 1191-1197, Otto

204, 206n, 444-447, 450, 452-456, 459 IV (of Brunswick, 1201) 1209-1211, Frederick II

Gautier de Foucherolles, Briennist lord of Argos and (Hohenstaufen, 1212) 1220-1250, Alfonso (X of Castile,

Nauplia 1311-1324: 450 1256-1273), Rudolph I (Hapsburg, 1273-1291), Henry (in 1292), 417, 432 Bavaria, Wittelsbach, 1314) 1328—1347, Charles IV (of

Gautier de la Roche-Ray, precentor of the Parthenon VII (of Luxemburg, 1308) 1312~1313, Ludwig IV (of Gautier de Lor, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1357-1360: 459n Luxemburg, 1346, 1347) 1355-1378, Wenceslas (of Gautier de Ray, Latin bishop of Negroponte 1296-1313: Luxemburg, 1376, 1378-1400), Sigismund (of Lux-

150n, 447, 463 emburg, 1410) 1433-1437; see also Charlemagne (768, Gehenna, 19 771) 800-814, Louis I 814-840 Geneva, 169, and see Hugh of Geneva; bishop of (William Germanus II, Orthodox patriarch at Nicaea 1222-1240: Aleman 1342-1366), 286n; church of, 27n; counts of, 51, 57-59, 419

see Amadeo III, Aimon III; see also Aimon of Geneva- | Germanus III, Orthodox patriarch at Constantinople 1265-

Athon, Blanche of Geneva, Clement VII (Robert of 1266 (d. after 1274), 114, 115

Geneva) Germany, 59n, 110n, 113, 152, 166n, 169, 172, 209, 237, 247,

Genoa, 106, 147, 190, 197, 199, 203, 205-208, 243, 245, 249n, 251, 342, 351, 462; crusaders from, 21, 207, 260, 273, 330, 333, 334, 337-340, 344, 362, 364, 370, 261, 273, 292, 346, 348, 350, 351, 353-355, 367; kings 374, 378, 379, 382, 383, 387, 388, 391, 393, 394n, of (“the Romans”), see German empire; mercenaries 396-399; archbishops of, see Jacopo da S. Vittoria, from, 85, 86, 89, 254n Guido; doges of, 322, 398, and see G. Murta 1344-— Germiyan, 341, 376

1350, Giovanni de’ Valenti 1350-1353, G. Adorno Gervasius, Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1215-1219: 1363~—1371, Domenico di Campofregoso 1371-1378, 46, 47 N. Guarco 1378-1383, A. Adorno 1384/1396; govern- Gesta Innocenti, author of, 6, 7 ment of, 197, 204, 207n, 229, 258n, 261, 282, 291, Geyme, Martin, Marseillais skipper (f?. 1366), 295n, 302 379, 392; governors of, see Colart de Calleville, Ghent, 366, 401, 402, and see John of Gaunt Boucicaut, Gilbert de la Fayette; individuals from, 140, Ghibellines, 4, 7, 44, 45n, 111, 138, 139, 141, 143, 197, 225, 247, 259, 304, 328, 334, 363, 366; republic 163, 170, 172, 207 of, 91n, 96n, 111, 149, 154, 210n, 218, 220-222, Ghisi, Venetian family at Tenos 1207-1390: 19n, 155, 156n,

224, 227, 231, 236n, 239n, 250, 254, 259-261, 274, 157, and see Andrea, Bartolommeo I and II, and 279, 283, 317, 322, 324, 326, 327, 331, 339, 340, 344, Giorgio II Ghisi 347, 369, 370, 377, 382, 383, 388, 389, 393, 396-400, Ghisi, Agnese, sister of Andrea; wife of Othon de Cicon 420, 455; ships of, 100, 106, 108, 163, 191, 194n, 202, (to ca. 1264), lady of Carystus, 80n, 418, 426n 206, 261, 264, 273, 282, 291, 295, 297, 298, 302-304, Ghisi, Andrea, lord of Tenos and Mykonos 1207-d. after 329-331, 333-338, 350n, 370, 371, 378, 379, 383-391, 1259: 19n, 80n, 418, 426, 429-431, 433n

393-395 Ghisi, Bartolommeo I, son of Andrea; lord of Tenos and

Geoffrey of Briel, nephew of: William of Villehardouin; Mykonos (in 1290), 144, 433n

490 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Ghisi, Bartolommeo II, grandson of Bartolommeo I; lord Golden Bull (1356), 172, 173

of Tenos and Mykonos, triarch of Euboea 1311-1341: Golden Horde, 108n; rulers of, see Batu 1243-1256,

156, 157, 451 Berke 1257—1266

see Isabetta Ghisi 382

Ghisi, Filippo, lord of Skopelos (d. by 1284), 426; wife of, | Golden Horn (at Constantinople), 5n, 10, 12n, 91, 144, 306,

Ghisi, Geremia, brother of Andrea; lord of Skiathos, Gomez de Barroso, Pedro, cardinal 1327-1348: 184, 185n Skopelos, and Skyros (d. 1251), 19n, 80n, 418, 426, Gondola, Giovanni, Ragusan chronicler (d. 1650), 356, 357n

429-431 Gonzaga, Lodovico (Luigi), lord of Mantua 1328-1360: 172,

Ghisi, Giorgio II, son of Bartolommeo II; lord of half 210n

Thebes 1327-1341, of Tenos and Mykonos and triarch Gozo, count of, 451 of Euboea 1341l-ca. 1352: 156n, 188; wife of, see Gozzadini, Balzana, wife of Pietro dalle Carceri (to 1340),

Simona of Aragon regent of two “thirds” of Euboea (after 1340), 188

Ghisi, Isabetta, daughter of Geremia; wife of Filippo Gradenigo, Venetian family in Crete, 249, 255

Ghisi (fl. 1250), 426 Gradenigo, Bartolommeo (Bertuccio), doge of Venice 1339-

Ghisi, Marino, Venetian agent (ff. 1259), 431 1342: 183, 185

Giacomo and Giovanni de’ Pepoli, sons of Taddeo (ff. Gradenigo, Giovanni, doge of Venice 1355-1356: 230

1345), 199, 200n Gradenigo, Marco (“the Elder”), rebel governor of Crete

Giberto I da Verona, triarch of Euboea 1205-1208: 434n (d. 1364), 250, 254 Giberto II da Verona, son of Guglielmo I; triarch of |Gradenigo, Marco, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1256-

Euboea 1275-1279: 424-427 1258, podesta at Constantinople 1258-1261: 78-80, 92

Gibraltar, Strait of, 339 Gradenigo, Paolo, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1254-

Gil de Albornoz, cardinal 1350-1367: 173, 177n, 231, 243, 1256: 78

246, 247n, 255 Gradenigo, Pietro, doge of Venice 1289-1311: 35n, 163, 1406), 396 Gradenigo, Pietro, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1362-—

Gilbert de la Fayette, French governor of Genoa (in 165, 167, 168 Gilbert of Leuwerghem, governor of Flanders (d. 1397), 360, 1364: 250n

362, 363 Grado, 248, 258, 343; patriarchs of, 192n, and see Angelo,

Giorgio (Zorzi), Fantino, Venetian commander (in 1382), O. Dolfin

324 Gran (Esztergom), 258, 288, 367; archbishops of, see

Giorgio (Zorzi), Niccolo I, marquis (margrave) of Boudonitza Nicholas, John de Kanizsa

1335-1345 (d. 1354), 202; wife of, see Guglielma Granada, kingdom of, 166n, 168n, 170, 330, 446n; Pallavicini rulers of, see Nasrids (1232-1492) Giovanetti, Matteo, Italian painter (ff. 1353), 176, 224 Grand Canal (in Venice), 49, 242, 260, 278, 281, 372, 403 Giovanni II, grandson of Andronicus II Palaeologus and Grand Karaman (“Gran Caramano”), 240 Yolanda; marquis of Montferrat 1330-1372: 229n, 233 Grand Magne (Maina), 68, 98, 99n, 126, 162n, 427

Giovanni da Procida, Italian diplomat (fl. 1279), 138 Grandson, see Guillaume de Grandson Giovanni dalle Carceri, son of Pietro and Balzana; double- _Grapella dalle Carceri, son-in-law of Guglielmo I da Verona;

triarch of Euboea 1340~—1358: 188; wife of, see triarch of Euboea (d. ca. 1264), 81n, 83, 95

Fiorenza Sanudo Grasso, John (“Idruntinus”), Ghibelline poet (f7. 1235), 58 Lepanto 1393-1396: 342 Gravina (di Puglia), see John of Gravina

Giovanni de Montelupone, Dominican; Latin bishop of Gravia, 87, 413, 424, 432, 438, 439; lord of, 413 Giovanni de Piancarpino (John de Plano Carpini), Francis- Great Palace (at Constantinople), 93, 94

can missionary (d. 1252), 97 Greco, Cape, 272°

Giovanni de’ Valenti, doge of Genoa 1350-1353: 222 Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) Church, 2, 4, 8, 11, 15, 23n, Giovanni di Conte, Venetian skipper (/7. 1366), 294n, 295n, 37n, 42, 45, 49, 58, 71, 96, 101, 118, 120, 128-

297, 302, 307n 134, 165, 168, 225, 228, 255, 280n, 310, 311, 316, 1408), 300 76; of Russia and the Levant, 320; of Serbia, 226, 320

Giovanni di Conversino “da Ravenna,” Italian scholar (d. 406, 425, 446; of Bulgaria, 59, 320; of Epirus, 52, Giovanni di Jacopo Malpaghini da Ravenna, secretary of Gregoras, Nicephorus, Byzantine historian (d. 1360), 86,

Petrarch 1364—1368::300n 89n, 93n, 102, 122, 191, 215, 216, 300n, 308n, 310,

Giovanni di Magnari, Genoese skipper (f/. 1366), 295n, 302 311, 421, 423, 424n, 427, 442n Giraldus Cambrensis, bishop of S. David’s 1199-1203 Gregory IX (Ugolino de’ Conti of Segni, cousin of Innocent

(d. 1220?), 409 III), cardinal 1199-1227, pope 1227-1241: 52, 54, 55,

Girard de Grandmont, crusader (in 1366), 305 58-60, 63-67, 409, 419, 420, 428, 429, 463, 468

216 125, 128, 133n, 134

Giustinian, Giustiniano, Venetian envoy (in 1345), 197-200, Gregory X (Tedaldo Visconti), pope 1271-1276: 105, 107-

Giustinian, Marco, Venetian envoy (in 1369), 314 Gregory XI (Pierre Roger de Beaufort, nephew of Clement Giustinian, Niccolo, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1291— VI), cardinal 1348-1370, pope 1370-1378: 169, 173,

1293: 432 176, 187, 263, 327-329, 460, 465

Giustinian, Niccolo, Venetian envoy (in 1368), 281 Gregory XII (Angelo Correr), cardinal 1405-1406, pope Giustinian, Pancrazio, Venetian captain (ff. 1347), 210 1406-1415: 397 Giustinian, Tommaso, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1259-— Gregory of Pavia, vicar of I. Tacconi (in 1339), 453

1261: 91 Grenoble, 194, 208, 210, 211; bishops of (Rudolph 1350-

Glarentza (Cyllene, Clarence), 95, 127n, 131, 151, 153n, 198, 1380), 286n, and see Jean de Chissey

200, 307, 364, 441, 453 Grifon of Arezzo, canon of Coron (in 1363), 457

Godfrey of Bouillon, advocate of the Holy Sepulcher Grillo, Brancaleone, merchant at Pera (ff. 1397), 362, 364

1099-1100: 32n Grillo (Grisle), Niccolo, Genoese envoy (in 1397), 363

INDEX 49] Grimaldi, Venetian family in Crete, 249 Guy de la Trémoille, lord of Sully (d. 1397), 345, 351, 354, Grimani, Marino, Venetian captain (in 1345), 200, 201 355, 360, 362, 364, 368 Grino, Zanachi, Venetian skipper (ff. 1405), 326 Guy de Plailly, bishop of Senlis 1294-1308: 164

Gritti, Venetian family in Crete, 254 Guy de Pontarlier, marshal of Burgundy (ff. 1366), 303

Gritzena, 31 Guy of Lusignan, son of Hugh IV; titular prince of Grosparmy, Raoul, bishop of Evreux 1259~—1261, cardinal Galilee (d. 1346), 238n; wife of, see Marie of Bourbon

1261-1270: 106, 107 Giyiik, son of Ogédei; great khan of the Mongols 1246-

Grosseto, bishop of, see Bartolommeo d’ Amelia 1248: 97 Gualfredini, Piero, Venetian notary (in 1403), 401, 402n

Guarco, Niccolo, doge of Genoa 1378-1383: 324 Hadrian V (Ottobono Fieschi), cardinal 1251-1276, pope in Guelfs, 86n, 111, 134, 138n, 143, 170, 172, 207, 446 1276: 113, 118, 125, 126n Guerrici, Lambert, 14th-century Flemish polemicist, 171 Hafsids, Berber rulers of Tunisia and eastern Algeria Guglielmo III, marquis of Montferrat 1135-1188: 7 1230-1574: 141n, 330, 331, 455n, and see Muhammad Guglielmo IV, son of Boniface I; marquis of Montferrat I 1249-1277, Ahmad II 1354-1357, 1360-1394,

1207-1225: 27, 50, 51, 53, 417 ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz II 1394-1434

Guglielmo I da Verona, triarch of Euboea 1216-1263, Hagenau, 7 titular king of Thessalonica 1243-1263: 78-80, 83,91, Hagia Sophia (or Santa Sophia), cathedral (at Con-

95; wife of, see Simona stantinople), 10, 12-14, 18, 40n, 121, 129, 189, 429;

Guglielmo II da Verona, son of Guglielmo I (d. 1271), (at Nicosia), 237n, 265n

424; wife of, see Marguerite (de Neuilly) Hagiotheodorites, Nicholas, Orthodox metropolitan of Guido, archbishop of Florence 1358-1368: 233 Athens (in 1160), 22n Guido da Bagnolo di Reggio, physician (ff. 1365), 260, Hainaut (Hainault, Henegouwen), 153; count of, see

426n Yolande 170 442n, 453n, 456n

261, 274, 280, 281 Baldwin VI (I of Constantinople); see also Florent

Guidotto de Cicon, son of Othon and Agnese (jf. 1277), and Mahaut of Hainaut, Eustace, Henry d’Angre,

Guillaume de Bruniquel, papal vicar-general (from 1310), Halmyros, 22n, 53, 69n, 451n; battle of (1311) 189, 441,

Guillaume de Chalamont, of Meximieux and Montanay, Hamid, 341, 376

Savoyard crusader (in 1366), 293,302 Hapsburgs, 2; dynasty in Austria 1282-1780, see Frederick Guillaume de Grandson of S. Croix, Burgundian crusader III 1306-1330, Rudolph IV 1358-1365, Albert III

_(in 1366), 293, 299, 302-305 1365-1395, Leopold IV 1395-1404; in Germany, see

Guillaume de I’Aigle, French envoy (in 1397), 359, 360 Rudolph I 1273-1291; in Spain, see Philip Il 1556Guillaume de la Roche, archbishop-elect of Athens (in 1268), 1598, John of Austria

417 Hauterive, lord of, see Aymar de Clermont

Guillaume de la Trémoille, marshal of Burgundy (d. 1396), | Hayton (Hetoum), Armenian historian (d. after 1307), 174

343, 344, 354, 355 ; Helena, daughter of John VI Cantacuzenus; wife of John 265-271, 275, 295, 340 Helena, daughter of Michael II Ducas and Theodora; wife

Guillaume de Machaut, French poet and chronicler (d. 1377), V Palaeologus 1347-1391 (d. 1396), 301, 310n

Guillaume de Noellet, papal nuncio (in 1366), 288 of Manfred of Sicily 1259-1266 (d. 1271), 81, 82, 83n,

Guillaume de Nogaret, French jurist (d. 1313), 163, 86, 104

169, 174 Helena (Draga8), wife of Manuel II Palaeologus ca. 1393-

Guillaume de Plaisians, French propagandist (f7. 1306), 169 1425 (d. 1450), 371, 380, 381, 384

Guillaume de Royn, emissary (in 1345), 195 Helena, daughter of John Asen II; wife of Theodore II

Guillaume de Tanlay, castellan at Port-de-Jonc (in 1366), Lascaris 1235-1237: 55, 57n

_297n Helena, daughter of John I Ducas; wife of William de la

Guillaume of Champlitte, grandson of Hugh I of Cham- Roche ca. 1275-1287, regent of Athens 1287-1296, pagne; prince of Achaea 1205-1209: 16, 24-26, 28n, wife of Hugh de Brienne 1291-1296 (d. after 1299),

_30, 33, 34, 156n, 405 _ 149, 423, 424, 427, 432-435, 436n, 438

Guillaume of Thurey, archbishop of Lyon 1358-1365: 286n ~~ Hélion de Villeneuve, master of the Hospitallers 1319Gundulic, Ivan, Serbocroatian chronicler (d. 1638), 357n 1346: 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 188, 191, 193, 194, 203 Gunther of Pairis, German chronicler (f?. 1205), 18, 20 Hellespont, see Dardanelles

Guy ITI, count of S. Pol 1292-1317: 152 Helos, 37n, 38 Guy, lord of Ray (ca. 1200), 417 . _ Henri de Bar, son of Robert; French crusader (d. 1397), Guy d’Enghien, son of (Gautier and) Isabelle de Brienne; 345, 347. 354. 355. 359. 361. 363-365

lord of Argos and Nauplia 1356-1377: 459, 460n Henri d, Vv 1 .” , r f h hronicl 1215). 28 Guy d’Ibelin, Dominican; bishop of Limassol 1357- 35 40n a Nin rench chronicler (fl. ), 28, Guy de Boulorne, cardinal 1342-1373: 220, 294 Henri Ide Villars, archbishop of Lyon 1295-1301: 152 Guy I de la Roche, nephew of Othon; lord of half Thebes Henri II de Villars, archbishop of Lyon 1342-1356: 1211-1225, great lord of Athens 1225-1263: 28n, 195n, 204, 205n, 208n, 210

56n, 65, 67, 68, 78-80, 83, 91, 95, 99, 417— Henry VI, son of Frederick I; Hohenstaufen king of

499, 497, 498, 432, 433 Germany 1169-1190, emperor (1190) 1191-1197, king

Guy II de la Roche, son of William and Helena; duke of of Sicily 1194-1197: 4, 6, 7; wife of, see Constance Athens 1287~—1308, bailie of Achaea 1307-1308: Henry III, king of Castile and Leén 1390-1406: 373n 149, 153, 432-441, 450; wife of, see Mahaut of Hainaut Henry VII, of Luxemburg, king of Germany 1308-1312, Guy de la Roche, son of Othon and Isabelle; lord of La emperor 1312-1313: 170-172

Roche (from 1234), 417, 418 Henry, Latin archbishop of Athens (in 1305), 151, 461n

492 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Henry III, son of John; Plantagenet king of England Hugh IV, count of S. Pol 1174-1205: 10n, 13

1216-1272: 110n Hugh IV, son of Odo III; duke of Burgundy 1218-

Henry IV (“Bolingbroke”), son of John of Gaunt; 1273, titular king of Thessalonica 1266-1273: 53n, Plantagenet king of England 1399-1413: 373, 374 69, 422 Henry d’Angre of Hainaut, brother of Baldwin I; regent Hugh de Brienne, great-nephew of John; count of Brienne

1205-1206, Latin emperor of Constantinople 1206- and Lecce 1250-1296, bailie of Athens 1291-1296: 1216: 18n, 20, 21n, 27-29, 34, 35, 39, 40n, 42-44, 148n, 422, 432, 434-436; wives of, see Isabelle de la 46, 50n, 54, 65, 68, 95, 405, 406, 411n; wives of, Roche, Helena (Ducaena)

see Agnes of Montferrat, Maria Hugh le Rousseau de Sully, Angevin vicar of Albania

Henry d’Asti, titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1279-1281: 136, 137

1339-1345: 183, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, 194, 206n, Hugh (Hugues) of Chalon, lord of Arlay (ff. 1366), 292,

212, 217, 455 293, 294n, 295n, 299, 302; wife of,see Blanche of Geneva

Henry I of Louvain, duke of Brabant 1190~—1235: 10n Hugh of Champlitte, nephew of Guillaume (d. 1209), 34 Henry I of Lusignan, king of Cyprus 1218-1253: 243, 260 | Hugh of Coligny, French crusader (in 1204), 16 Heraclea (in Pontus; Ereghli), 18, 101; Orthodox bishops Hugh of Geneva (ff. 1345), 199, 204, 209

of, 310n, and see Leo Hugh of Lapalisse, Burgundian knight (ff. 1320), 153; Heraclea (in Thrace), 18, 321 wife of, see Mahaut of Hainaut Heredia, see Fernandez de Heredia Hugh III of Lusignan, nephew of Henry I; king of Cyprus Hermann II, count of Cilly (d. 1435), 356 1267-1284, of Jerusalem 1269-1284: 115n

Hermann of Schildesche, Westphalian canonist (d. 1357), Hugh IV of Lusignan, grandson of Hugh III; king of

171 Cyprus 1324-1359: 182n, 183, 185, 188, 190, 201, 206,

Hermione, 23 217-222, 224n, 227, 229-231, 234n, 235, 237, 238n, Hetoumids, royal dynasty in Cilician Armenia 1226- 244n

1342, 1365-1373, see Leon III 1269-1289, Hayton Hugh of Lusignan, son of Guy and Marie; claimant to

(Hetoum) Achaea 1364-1370, titular prince of Galilee (d. 1379),

Heugeville, lord of, see Jean de Hangest 237, 238n, 243, 244, 265n, 297

Hodegetria, monastery (at Constantinople), 94 Hugo, archdeacon of Daulia (in 1212), 413

Hohenstaufen, imperial dynasty in Germany and Italy Hugo de Scuria, archbishop of Ragusa 1361-1370: 289 1138-1268, 4, 5, 7, 8, 59, 65, 101, 103n, 105, 138, 141, Hulagu (Hilegii), brother of Mongke; il-khan of Persia 446, and see Frederick I (1152) 1155-1190, Henry VI 1258-1265: 97, 98, 106, 115, 116, 120 (1169, 1190) 1191-1197, Frederick II (1212) 1220- Humbert II, dauphin of Viennois 1333-1349, titular 1250, Philip (Swabia 1196-1208), Conradin (Jerusalem patriarch of Alexandria 1351-1355: 191, 194-214, 218, 1254-1268, Sicily 1254-1258), Manfred (Sicily 1258- 456; wife of, see Marie des Baux

1266), Constance (2) Humbert of Romans, Dominican general 1254-1263 (d.

Holobolus, Manuel, Byzantine rhetorician (fl. 1265), 77n, 1277), 109

101 Hundred Years’ War (1337-1453), 160, 173, 174, 182, 204

Holt, Peter, Hospitaller prior of Ireland (in 1401), 374 Hungary, 50, 61n, 97n, 110n, 200, 258, 287-290, 328, 341,

Holy Roman empire, see German empire 343, 345, 346, 349n, 367; armies of, 160, 322, 323, 344; Holy Sepulcher, church (at Jerusalem), 167n, 174, 197, 209, crusaders from, 346, 348, 350, 351, 353-356, 367; king-

224, 229, 242, 283, 345; advocate of, see Godfrey of dom of, 142, 195, 198, 199, 218, 227, 228, 231, 237,

Bouillon 247n, 248, 251n, 259, 287-290, 297, 322, 342, 343, 357,

Honorius III (Cencio Savelli), cardinal 1192—1216, pope 364, 400-404; kings of, see (Arpdd line) Emeric I 1216-1227: 39, 41, 44-51, 65, 66, 408n, 410n, 41 In, 1196~—1204, Bela IV 1235-1270, Stephen V 1270-

414-417, 419, 463 1272, Anna, Margaret, (Angevin line) Louis I 1342-

Honorius IV (Jacopo Savelli), cardinal 1261-1285, pope 1382, Charles HI of Durazzo 1385-1386, Andrew,

1285-1287: 144, 146, 147 Stephen, (Luxemburg line) Sigismund 1385-1437;

29, 30, 51 341, 343

Horaia, daughter of R. Logaras; Greek litigant (in 1213), mercenaries from, 85, 254n; people of, 60, 96n, 109, Hospitallers, or Knights Hospitallers of S. John of Jeru- Huy, 171

salem, military order, 66n, 113, 159, 161, 165, 166, 169, © Hymettus, Mount, 65, 419 170, 179n, 180, 183, 185, 186, 188n, 190n, 191, 195,196, |Hypate, see Neopatras 198, 202, 203, 205, 206, 208, 211, 214n, 217-224, 227,

999-231, 236, 240, 255n, 258n, 264, 265, 275, 276, Janina (Janina, Ioannina), 86, 89, 90, 439 980, 281, 283, 285, 319n, 327, 328, 341, 346, 364, 447, Ibn-‘Arram, Khalil, governor of Alexandria (in 1365), 267,

448, 451n, 459; in Greece, 38, 64n, 158, 161, 162, 378, 270 412; masters and grand masters of, Foulques de Ibn-Khaldiin, Abi-Zaid ‘Abd-ar-Rahman, Arabic historian Villaret 1305-1319, Hélion de Villeneuve 1319-1346, (d. 1406), 330, 336, 339 Dieudonné de Gozon 1346-1353, Pierre de Corneillan Icaria, 52 1353-1355, Roger des Pins 1355-1365, Raymond Iconium (Konya), sultanate of, 61, 74; sultans of, see

Bérenger 1365-1374, Juan Fernandez de Heredia Seljuks 1071-1302

1377-1396, Philibert de Naillac 1396-1421; admirals _Ierissos, Orthodox bishop of (in 1213), 30 of, see Domenico de Alamania, Ferlino d’Airasca; Ignatian controversy, } marshal of, see Dragonet de Montdragon; preceptor of, _Il-khans, Mongol dynasty in Persia 1258-1349: 115, 116, see N. Benedetti; priors of, 275, and see J. Fernandez 118, 133, 146, 147, 266, and see Hulagu 1258-1265, de Heredia, Garin de Chateauneuf, P. Holt, Isnard de Abagha 1265-1282, Arghun 1284-1291, Oljeitt: 1304—

Albarno, John of Biandrate, Raymond de Lescure 1316

Hugh I, count of Champagne 1089-d. after 1125: 24 llissus, river, 20

INDEX 493 Illyria, 90, and see Dalmatia Isnard 0 8 Hospitaller Imbros (Lembro), 212 de205n, —2] prior of Capua (in 1346),

Imola, 172 Isnardo de Gaico, Genoese skipper (fl. 1366), 295n, 302, 304 {mperiali, Domenico, envoy (in 1404), 392, see 393 Isola dt Gorgona, 334 , “Infidels,” seeGenoese Moslems Istanbul, Constantinople Ingo de’ Grimaldi, Genoese envoy (in 1408), 397 Istria, 258, 297, 307, 323

Innocent HI (Lotario de’ Conti of Segni), cardinal 1190- _Iusticier, Paolo, Genoese skipper (ff. 1366), 295n, 302 1198, pope 1198-1216: 1, 4-15, 16n, 20, 23, 24, 26, _Iviza (Ibiza), 392, 393

30n, 37-42, 46n, 47, 59, 65, 66, 108, 112, 134n, Ivrea, 308n; bishop of, 286n (Pietro de Camera 1361-1373)

406-414, 422n, 462-464, 466 Innocent IV (Sinibaldo Fieschi), cardinal 1227-1243, pope Jacobites (Monophysites), patriarch of, see Bar Hebraeus

1243-1254: 64-67, 70, 71, 77, 96, 117n, 463n 1252~—1286

Innocent V 1276: (Pierre110n, de Tarentaise), cardinal of ms 1345-1350: (from eee no ope in 113, 116, 117n, 118,1273-1276, 121n, 122n,Jacopo Jacopod’Appiano, da Carrara,captain’ lord of Padua n

123 126 Jacopo da S. Vittoria, archbishop of Genoa 1342-1349:

Innocent VI (Etienne Aubert), cardinal 1342-1352, pope 190, 197

1352-1362: 173,456, 187, 211, 220, 224-240, Jacopo de(1358), Nernia, pishop 247, 263,160, 265n, 457, 463, 465 244, Jacquerie 173 of Cefalt: 1304-d. before 1324: 165

Innsbruck, 366 Jacques d’Avesnes, lord of Euboea in 1205: 16, 25, 35, 405

loannitsa (Kaloyan), Asenid tsar21n, of Bulgaria Jacques i] 5354, Se oe et ee; ,sarene 1393-1435 king 1204-1207: 16, 20, 27, 53,1197-1204, 59 (d. 1438), 345, 355, Ionian 31,see 45, 86, 148n, 382, 384, 391; islands 3, Jacques de de monlaFrankish 18,Sea, and Cephalonia, Leukas, Zanteof,see Sibylle Rochebaron (fl. 1220), 418; wife of,

Ireland, Hospitaller prior of, see P. Holt Jacques de Helly, French crusader (in 1396), 359, 360

Irene, daughter ofTich Theodore Lascaris Helena; de la 42 Bones son of William; lord of Veligosti Constantine (fromII1257, d. byand 1273), 73, wifeof 76, 92Jacques 1264-1302: Irene, daughter of Theodore Ducas; wife of60, John63 Asen II Jacques ge Motay.169 grand master of the Templars 12981237-1241 (d. after 1246), 1307 (d. 1314),

ron Gate, o Acnae _ : ’ 380 James, see also Giacomo, Jacopo, Jacques

Irene, daughter of Isaac II Angelus and Margaret; wife of | Jacques des Baux, grandson of Philip I of ‘Taranto;

; faut or Swabia 1195-1208: 4 Haar san emperor Ol rantinople and claimant Isa, son of Bayazid I; contender for sultanate (in 1402),376, Jaffa (Joppa, Yafa), 109 Isa, son of Umur; emir of Ephesus (in 1365), 265, 288,344n James I (“the Conqueror”), king of Aragon-Catalonia

fe ap a e508 204~46 8 "10.12 Od ‘99,17n, ‘fe Jam . tL29; q . : fwife * dro ame III (Peter I of Sicily); emperor : 4, 6-8, 17 10-12, 24, , son of Pe king ;

of, oe Margaret (of Hungary) (I) of Sicily 1285-1296, of Aragon-Catalonia 1291-

Isabella (Yolanda), daughter of John of Brienne; wife of 1327: 163, 167n, 175, 446, 448, 465 .

Frederick II (Hohenstaufen) 1225-1228, princess of | James II, son of Ferdinand and Isabelle; king of Majorca

Jerusalem Pe160, 60 tae Isabella, wife of1212-1225, Ravano dalle queen Carceri1225-1228: (ff. 1212), 41155 153, 18 to Achaea (in 1338, d. 1349), isabelle de Brienne, daughter of ag1I (V); wife of Jamesarchbishop ath archiishopofOrrin 130d. by autier d’Enghien (from ; ames, Latin Corinth ca.Bue. - : be

of Briel (to , wife of Hu e Brienne ~ , - : 1279: 80, 148n, 422, 432, 441 8 James I of Lusignan, son of Hugh IV; king of Cyprus

sf Briel (io 1378) wate ot Hugs de Bice Ta James Of Ligeia: ef ete se Laer a Isabelle de Ray, daughter of Guy; wife of Othon de la (1382) 1383-1398: 362, 364, 382, 383, 386

Roche 1207), 412,of417, 418and) nana or bade wena) Isabelle de(from Sabran, daughter (Isnard Marguerite of , Ohee (in 1366), 299n

7, ; 4— Janghara, Mamluk emir (in 1365), 268, 269

Bee wile of Ferdinand of Majorca 131 Janus of Lusignan, son of James I; king of Cyprus 1398Isabelle of Lorraine, countess of Soissons, wife of Enguer- tae: 272, 378, 88 een 384: 399 rand VII de Coucy 1381-1397 (d. ca. 1410), 359 Jean II, count of Armagnac 1373-1384: Isabelle of Valois, dauch € lohn Il of F . wife of Jean d’Ony, French squire (ff. 1403), 387

sa Cig ° G ‘i OFS, Vice G 13 So 1379: 99 , Trance, Wile O Jean de Bertrand, archbishop of Tarentaise 1342-1365: 286n

ran salea7zo Viscont 7 nen Jean de Chateaumorand, French crusader (d. 1429), 334, Isabelle Villehardouin, daughter of William and384-386, Anna; _ 390, . we .of : 336, 337, 341, 360, 362, 363, 370, 376, wife of Philip of Anjou 1271-1277, wife of Florent of 39} Hainaut 1289- 1297, wife of Philip of Savoy 1301- de Chi bish £G bl 1337~1350: 904

1311, princess of Achaea 1289-1306 (d. 1311), 104, Jean de Gex, knight (ff. 1347), 208. 127, 143, 148, 149n, 150-153, 156n, 157, 433-438 Jean de Grailly, captal of Buech (fl. 1371), 327

g8

Isére, river, 293 302, 305

Ischia, bishop of, see J. Campanus d’Itri Jean de Grolée of Virieu, Savoyard crusader (in 1366), 293, Isidore (of Kiev), cardinal 1439-1463, titular Latin patriarch ean de Hangest, lord of Heugeville (ff. 1395), 345, 366n

of Constantinople (1452) 1459-1463: 36n Jean de Lusignan, nephew of James I; titular lord of Beirut

Islam (Arabic, dar al-Islam), community of Moslems, 1, 2, (in 1397), 362, 364

97n, 103, 114, 133, 330, and see Moslems Jean de Marigny, bishop of Beauvais 1313-1347: 208

494 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Jean de Monstry, Cypriote admiral (in 1366), 276 John XXI (Pietro di Giuliano, or “Petrus Hispanus” of Jean de Montfaucon, French crusader (in 1366), 292 Lisbon), cardinal 1273-1276, pope 1276-1277: 113, Jean de Noyer de Maisy, co-triarch of Euboea (d. 1326), 450; 118n, 125, 126, 128, 129, 132, 425

wife of, see Beatrice (da Verona) John XXII (Jacques Duése), cardinal 1312-1316, pope

Jean de Reims, French crusader (in 1365), 265 1316-1334: 158, 159, 168n, 169, 171, 172, 174, 175, Jean de S. Amour, Savoyard crusader (d. 1366), 293, 294n 176n, 180-184, 186, 187, 230, 448, 450, 452, 453, 465 Jean de Verceil, Dominican general (in 1276), 126 John Asen II, nephew of Ioannitsa; Asenid tsar of Bulgaria Jean de Vergy, governor of Franche-Comté (in 1397), 360, 1218-1241: 53, 55-60, 68n, 72, 92; wife of, see Irene

362, 363 (Ducaena)

Jean de Vienne, French admiral (d. 1396), 293, 303, 345, John XI Beccus, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople

353-355, 362 1275-1279, 1279-1282 (d. 1296), 107n, 120, 121, 124,

Jeanne, daughter of Baldwin IX (I of Constantinople); 126, 128, 129, 131, 132, 143, 424, 425

countess of Flanders 1206-1244: 20 John X Camaterus, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople

Jeanne, daughter of John III; duchess of Brabant 1355- 1198-1204, at Nicaea 1204-1206: 4n

1403: 368 John VI Cantacuzenus, son-in-law of Andronicus Palaeologus

Jeanne de Chatillon, daughter of Gaucher; wife of Gautier I Asen; Byzantine co-emperor 1346-1347, emperor (V) de Brienne 1306-1311, dowager duchess of Athens 1347-1354 (d. 1383), 127, 160, 182, 183, 189-192,

1311-1355: 448, 450, 452 193n, 205, 212-215, 225, 229, 301, 307, 310n, 311n,

Jerba (Jarbah), 330, 331, 339, 340 318, 459n

Jerome (Masci) of Ascoli, see Nicholas IV John d’Enghien, son of Gautier and Isabelle; count of Lecce

Jerusalem, 1, 8, 23, 108n, 115, 269, 274; efforts to recover, 4, 1356-1373: 459 6, 10, 44, 55, 98, 122n, 166, 242, 266, 271, 273, 337, John de’ Bonacolsi, captain of Livadia (in 1366), 444 345, 348n; Latin patriarchs of, 96n, and see T. Agni John de’ Conti of Segni, cardinal 1200-1213: 407 1272~1277; Melkite patriarch of, see Lazarus; pilgrim- John de Fusolono, Italian agent (ff. 1292), 150

age to, 167n, 210, 224, 259, 329 John de Kanizsa, archbishop of Gran 1387-1418: 343,

Jerusalem, kingdom of, 32n, 53, 55, 98, 115, 160, 161, 163, 356-358, 400, 403 237, 238, 242, 266, 278n, 416n; kings of, see Conrad of John (I) de la Roche, son of Guy I; great lord of Athens Montferrat 1190-1192, John of Brienne 1210-1212 1263-1280: 422-4294, 426, 427, 432 (1225), Frederick (II Hohenstaufen) 1225-1228, Con- John de Lluria, brother of Roger (ff. 1375), 458, 459 radin 1254-1268, Hugh (III) of Lusignan 1269-1284; John de Montelupone, Franciscan (ff. 1394), 466n titular after 1291, see Cyprus, kings of; queen of, see John de Papasidero, bishop of Cassano 1348-1373: 470

Isabella (1212) 1225-1228 John de Royis (Rius?), Augustinian; Latin archbishop of

Jews, 19n, 267, 272, 304 Neopatras 1382-1390: 466

Joan of Burgundy, daughter of Robert II; wife of Philip VI John de S. Catarina, Latin bishop of Andros 1345-1349:

of France 1313-1348: 191 429n

Joanna, daughter of Charles of Durazzo and Maria; Angevin John I Ducas, bastard son of Michael II; lord of Neopatras

duchess of Durazzo 1348-1368 (d. 1393), 294 ca. 1268-1295: 59, 83n, 85, 87-90, 121, 129, 423-426,

Joanna I, granddaughter of Robert the Wise; Angevin queen 433, 438; wife of, 88 of Naples 1343-1381, wife of Andrew of Hungary John II Ducas, son of Constantine; lord of Neopatras

1333-1345, wife of Louis of Taranto 1347-1362, 1302-1318: 438, 440-442

princess of Achaea 1373-1381 (d. 1382), 161, 162n, John Ducas, son of Theodore; despot of Thessalonica 184, 188, 199, 201, 232, 241, 250, 255, 279, 292, 294, 1237-1244: 60, 61

312, 315, 458n, 460 John IV Lascaris, son of Theodore IJ; Byzantine co-emperor

Job the Iasite, Orthodox monk (ff. 1272), 110n, I111n at Nicaea 1258-1261: 76, 81, 85n, 92 Johannes de Tullo, Angevin engineer (ff. 1279), 136 John of Austria, half-brother of Philip II of Spain; victor at

John, see also Giovanni, Jean Lepanto (in 1571, d. 1578), 316n John, archbishop of Otranto 1330-1345: 452 John of Biandrate, Hospitaller prior of Lombardy (in 1345), John, bishop of Cotrone (in 1217), 41n 193n, 194

John III, burgrave of Nuremberg (d. 1420), 356 John of Bohemia, brother of Charles IV (of Luxemburg); John II (“the Good’), Capetian king of France 1350-1364: margrave of Moravia (d. 1375), 247 191, 195, 211, 224n, 231, 232n, 238, 244-249, 260,285, John of Brienne, king of Jerusalem 1210-1212, regent

286, 337, 458 1212-1225, Latin co-emperor of Constantinople 1231-

John, son of Louis II of Bourbon; count of Clermont 1237: 54-58, 63, 64 (to 1410), 375; wife of, see Marie John of Gaunt (Ghent), son of Edward III of England; duke John, son of John I of France; duke of Berry (d. 1417), 332, of Lancaster 1362-1399: 343, 344, 346

340, 344, 375, 392, 393 John of Gravina, son of Charles II of Anjou; Angevin prince

John III, duke of Brabant 1312-1355: 368n of Achaea 1322-1333, duke of Durazzo 1333-1335:

John I, son of Pedro IV; king of Aragon-Catalonia 1387- 158-160, 170, 449n

1395, duke (III) of Athens 1387-1388: 333, 464n, 467; John of Jandun, polemicist (ff. 1324), 171

wife of, see Yolande of Bar John of Lusignan, son of Hugh IV; titular prince of Antioch,

John, Latin archbishop of Athens 1351-1357: 461n, 463 regent of Cyprus 1362-1365, 1369-1375: 244, 250,

John, Latin archbishop of Athens (ca. 1369), 463 251, 262n, 264, 265n, 281-283, 328

John, Latin archbishop of Patras 1295—d. by 1306: 149,151 John of Luxemburg, son of Henry VII; king of Bohemia

John, Latin bishop of Andros (in 1233), 428, 429 1310-1346: 172

John, Orthodox bishop of Rhaedestus (in 1212), 410n John (“the Fearless”) of Nevers, son of Philip II; crusader John (“Lackland”), brother of Richard I; Plantagenet king of (in 1396), duke of Burgundy 1404-1419: 345-349,

England 1199~—1216: 414 353n, 354, 355, 359-369, 399-403

INDEX 495 John of Parma, Franciscan minister-general (in 1249), 70 Koloman II, nephew of John Asen II; Asenid tsar of Bulgaria

John V Palaeologus, son of Andronicus III and Anna; in 1257: 73 .

Byzantine emperor 1341-1347, 1354-1391: 177, 189, Konya (Iconium), 240; sultans at, see Seljuks 913, 215, 225-228, 229n, 231n, 233, 234, 236, 239n, Kossovo (Kosovo), battle of (1389), 329, 330n, 340, 350

246n, 250, 255, 259, 275, 280n, 287, 288, 290-292, Koundoura, 25, 26n 994, 298-323, 325, 328, 329, 341, 361, 460n, 464n; Kubilai (Khan), brother of Méngke; great khan of the

wife of, see Helena (Cantacuzena) Mongols 1260-1294: 133 John VII Palaeologus, son of Andronicus IV; Byzantine Kumans, see Cumans ae

emperor in 1390 (d. after 1408), 321, 322, 363, 364, Kunigunde, daughter of Rostislav Mikhailovich; wife of

371-373, 374n, 377, 380, 384; wife of, see Eugenia Ottokar II Premysl 1261-1278 (d. 1285), 73n

Gattilusio Kutuz, Bahri Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1259~-

John VIII Palaeologus, son of Manuel II and Helena; 1260: 97

Byzantine co-emperor 1421-1425, emperor 1425-1448: Kyparissia, see Arcadia

132, 371, 375 Kyrenia (Cerines), 237, 240, 281, 382, 383

John III (Ducas) Vatatzes, son-in-law of Theodore I Lascaris;

Byzantine emperor at Nicaea 1222-1254: 51-53, 57, 58, 60—64, 67, 68n, 69-72, 76, 77, 92, 97, 117n, 416; L’Aquila, 202, 435

wife of, see Constance (Hohenstaufen) L’Ermite de la Faye, French envoy of Genoa (in 1403),

Joseph I, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1267-1275, 383-386

1282-1283: 110n, 11l1n, 120 L’Orfenal (Rumelifeneri), 301, 306

Joseph II, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1416-1439: — [a Clisura, 426, 427

36n La Crémonie, see Lacedaemonia

Juvénal des Ursins, Jean, archbishop of Rheims 1449-1473: La Cuppa, 426, 427

333, 335n, 347n, 350, 351n, 376n La Mandria, 159

La Marche, count of, see Jacques II de Bourbon La Roche-sur-Ognon, 405, and see De la Roche family

Kaffa, see Caffa La Selve, Hospitaller prior of, 275 ,

Kai-Ka’us II, son of Kai-Khusrau II; Seljuk sultan at La Trémoille (Trémolay, Dramelay), see Guy and Guillaume

Iconium 1245-1261 (d. ca. 1279), 74, 75 de la Trémoille

Kai-Khusrau II, Seljuk sultan at Iconium 1237-1245: 61,62 Lacedaemonia (La Crémonie), 25, 48, 50, 68; Latin bishops

Kalamata, 25, 31, 50, 68, 159n of (Sparta), 38, 96

Kalambaka (Stargus), 439 Laconia, 31, 38; Gulf of, 31, 68 Kalavryta, 31, 127 Ladislas of Durazzo, son of Charles HI; Angevin king of

Kalavun, Bahri Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1279- Naples 1386-1414, prince of Achaea 1386-1396: 342,

1290: 120n, 121n 357, 401, 403

Kaliakra, Cape, 304 Ladislaus, voivode of Wallachia (fl. 1365), 287

Kalocsa, archbishop of, see Thomas de Kapolya Lagopesole, 135

Kaloyan, see loannitsa Lajazzo, see Ayas

al-Kamil Muhammad, nephew of Saladin; Aiyaibid soldan of | Lamia, see Zeitounion

Egypt and Syria 1218-1238: 55 Lampsacus, 72, 90, 231, 236

Kanizsa (now Nagykanizsa), see Nicholas and Stephen de Lancaster, duke of, see John of Gaunt; house of, 402

Kanizsa Lancia, Nicholas, vicar-general of Athens 1331-ca. 1335: 453 Karakorum, 61 Languedoc, 398 Karaman, 376 Laodicea (ad Lycum, in Anatolia), titular Latin bishop of,

Karasi, emir of, see Yakhshi see Simon

Karditza, 438 Laodicea (in Syria; Lichia, Latakia, al-Ladhiqiyah), 279, 282

Karlstadt (Karlovac), 347 Larissa, 22, 45, 53, 60, 87, 329; Latin archbishops of, 40,

Karydi, Mount, battle of (1258), 80, 420, 433 47, 412; lord of, see William

Karytaina, 31, 148, 154, 432, 437; lord of, see Geoffrey of | Larmena, 426, 427, 448, 450; lord of, see Thomas of Verona

Briel Lascarids, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Nicaea (1204)

Katacolo, 25 1208~—1261: 13n, 73, 143, and see Constantine Lascaris

Katakolon, John, Byzantine author (ff. 1366), 246n 1204-1205, Theodore I Lascaris 1205-1222, John III

Katakolou, 87 (Ducas) Vatatzes 1222-1254, Theodore II “Lascaris” Katzenellenbogen, count of, see Berthold I 1254-1258, John IV “Lascaris” 1258-1261; see also

Kelefa, 26n Eudocia, Irene, Maria, and Theodora (Lascaris)

Kelidonya (Gelidonya), Cape, 266 Lascaris, Alexius, brother of Theodore I (ff. 1222), 52 Khidr (Beg), brother of Umur; emir of Ephesus (to 1348), Lascaris, Isaac, brother of Theodore I (fi. 1222), 52

of Aydin (from 1348), 214, 216-222, 237 Lascaris, Michael, governor of Thessalonica (in 1257), 74,75

Kitevo, 74 Lateran Councils, Third (1179), 38; Fourth (1215), 46, 47,

Kiev, see Isidore of Kiev 112

Kinsterna, 99n Lateran palace (at Rome), 37n, 44n, 67, 108, 123, 133, 134n, Kipchaks, khanate of, see Golden Horde 147, 152, 170, 176, 412, 446 Kipsali, 19 Latin empire of Constantinople (“Romania”), 1-3, 8, 12-14, Kitros, Orthodox bishop of (in 1213), 30 16-21, 27, 34, 39, 40, 43-45, 49-51, 54-57, 60n, 63Klokotnitza, battle of (1230), 55, 56, 58, 59, 76 68, 70, 71, 77, 80, 83, 90, 92, 93, 95-97, 104, 105, 111,

Koloman I, son of John Asen II; Asenid tsar of Bulgaria 135, 142, 164-168, 179, 406, 412, 414, 416, 435, 463;

1241-1246: 60n, 62, 64, 69n emperors of, 12, 19, 46, 431, and see Baldwin I 1204-

496 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1205, Henry d’ Angre (1205) 1206-1216, Peter of | Limbourg brothers, painters (ff. 1400), 375 Courtenay in 1217, Robert of Courtenay 1221-1228, Limousin, 169, 224

Baldwin II 1228-1261 (with John of Brienne 1231- Linz, 347 1237); empress of, see Yolande 1217-1219; titular Lipari, bishop of, 226n emperors and empresses of, see Baldwin II 1261— Lippomano, Venetian family, 323 1273, Philip of Courtenay 1273-1283, Catherine of Lisbon, 113

Courtenay 1283-1307 (with Charles of Valois 1301-— _ Livadia (Lebadea), 89, 414, 441, 443, 445, 456, 459, 467, 1307), Catherine of Valois 1307-1346 (with Philip I of 469, 471, 472; captains and castellans of, see John de’

Taranto 1313-1331), Robert of Taranto 1346-1364 Bonacolsi, William de Almenara; lords of, see William de

(with Marie of Bourbon 1347-1364), Philip II of la Roche, Bertranet Mota Taranto 1364-1373, Jacques des Baux 1373-1383; see _Livadostro, 421 also Louis I and II of Anjou (claimants after 1383) Lluria, family, 460, and see John and Roger (2) de Lluria

Latini, Brunetto, Italian writer (d. ca. 1294), 9 Logaras, Romanus, Greek of Thessalonica (d. by 1213), 29, Laurent d’Albiars, bishop of Tulle 1361-1369: 263 30; wife of, see Sachlikina Lausanne, bishop of (Aimo de Cossonay 1355-1375), 286n —_Loidoriki, 87n, 410n, 442, 444, 451, 454, 471

Lavatia (Vatika), 380 Loire, river, 402 Lazar I, ruler of the Serbs 1371-1389: 350 Lollards, 173

Lazarus, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Jerusalem (before Lombardy, 13, 37, 152, 172, 206, 246; crusaders from, 21,

1341-d. after 1367), 310 193; Hospitaller prior of, see John of Biandrate; knights

Le Bourget, 291, 366 ~ from, 27-30, 35, 36n, 43, 50, 53, 56, 416, 424, 450 Le Puy (-en-Velay), 223 London, 147n, 232, 251, 369, 373, 374 Lecce, counts of, see Hugh, Gautier V and VI de Brienne, _ Longo, Venetian family, 323 John d’Enghien Loredan, Jacopo, Venetian castellan (in 1383), 324

Lechaina, 159 Loredan, Piero, Venetian commander (in 1420), 404

Lentiana, 69 247

Lemnos, 18, 426n; lord of, see P. Navigajoso Lorenzo de Monacis, chancellor of Crete 1388-1429: 250n

Lemona, 303, 305 Lorraine (Lothringen), see Isabelle of Lorraine; nobles of, Leo VI, Byzantine emperor 886-912: 37n Lotario de’ Conti of Segni, see Innocent ITI

Leo, Orthodox bishop of Heraclea (in 1281), 135 Louis I (“the Great”), great-grandson of Charles I] of Anjou; Leo IX (Bruno of Egisheim), pope 1049-1054: 117n Angevin king of Hungary 1342-1382, of Poland 1370Leon HI, Hetoumid king of Cilician Armenia 1269-1289: 1382: 197, 199, 200, 210, 214, 227n, 228n, 247n, 248n,

130 249n, 250, 251n, 253n, 255, 280n, 286-291, 298, 300,

Leon, see Castile and Leon 307n, 322, 328, 366, 401, 403, 460n

Leonard, Latin bishop of Olena (from 1300), 149n Louis VIII, son of Philip II; Capetian king of France 1223Leonard (Falier), titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1226: 51; wife of, see Blanche of Castile

1302-21305: 150n Louis IX, son of Louis VIII and Blanche; Capetian king of

Leonardo, Latin archbishop of Crete by 1263-1289: 99 France 1226-1270 (canonized), 2, 61n, 65, 66n, 69, 95,

Leondari, 437 96n, 102, 103, 105-109, 128, 146, 266, 332, 421, 428 Leone dalle Carceri, father of Grapella; claimant as heir of — Louis I, count of Blois 1191-1205: 13, 16

Carintana (ff. 1255), 78, 80 Louis II, count of Flanders 1346-1384: 327

Leopold IV, nephew of Albert III; Hapsburg duke of Louis I (of Clermont), duke of Bourbon 1327-1342: 179,

Austria 1395-1404: 347 297n

Leoterio, bishop of Veroli 1280-1314: 148n Louis II (of Clermont), son of Pierre I; duke of Bourbon Lepanto (Naupactus), 233, 258, 326, 435; battle of (1571), 1356-1410, claimant to Achaea (in 1387), 332—338, 340,

1, 316n; Latin bishops of, 186 (John, d. 1345), and see 375

Giovanni de Montelupone; Orthodox archbishop of, see Louis I, son of Charles V of France; duke of Touraine

J. Apocaucus; straits of, 86, 419 1386-1391, of Orléans 1391— 1407: 291n, 332, 333, 340,

Lérida, 467 Visconti

Lercari, Costantino, Genoese merchant (ff. 1397), 366 343, 344, 346, 347n, 359, 399, 402; wife of, see Valentina

Les Baux, see Bertrand (2), Jacques, and Marie des Baux Louis I (“the Pious”), son of Charlemagne; emperor of the Les Estotres de Venise, 9 Franks 814-840: 38 Lesbos (Mytilene), 18, 52, 104, 182, 204, 298, 359, 361, 363, | Louis d’Enghien, son of (Gautier and) Isabelle de Brienne;

371, 394; lords of, see Gattilusio family count of Conversano 1356—d. by 1390, titular duke of

Lescot, Jean, Angevin captain of Durazzo (in 1281), 137 Athens 1381-d. by 1390: 459

Lesina (Alesna, Hvar), 307, 404 Louis I of Anjou, son of John II of France; duke of Anjou, Lesparre (-Médoc), see Florimont de Lesparre titular king of Naples 1382-1384, claimant to Achaea Leukas (Santa Maura, Leucadia), 90, 113n, 381, 422, 452 1383-1384: 325

Licario, knight from Vicenza (ff. 1276), 131, 425-428; wives Louis II of Anjou, son of Louis I; claimant to Achaea (in

of, 426, 428 1384) and Naples 1384-1417: 342

Liconia, 82, 418, 451n Louis of Burgundy, son of Robert II; prince of Achaea and Lido (S. Niccold di Lido), 5, 297, 307 titular king of Thessalonica 1313-1316: 153; wife of, Liége, 171, 402; archdeacon of, 107 see Mahaut of Hainaut

Liguria, 190, 378, 398 Louis of Chalon, brother of Hugh; French crusader (d. Lille, 368 1366), 292, 293, 295n, 299 Limassol, 265n, 272; archdeacon of, see P. Damandi; Louis of Champlitte, brother of Guillaume (d. 1208), 33

Lavont 1402-1418: 153

bishops of, see L. Balduino, Guy d’Ibelin, Aymar de Louis of Savoy, brother of Amadeo; claimant to Achaea

INDEX 497 Louis of Taranto, son of Philip I and Catherine; Angevin Majorca (Mallorca), 189n, 456n, 467; king of, see James If

king of Naples 1347-1362: 199n, 232; wife of, see 1324-1334; see also Ferdinand, Sancia Joanna I (of Naples) Makronesi, 408 Louvain, see Henry I of Louvain Malaspina, Michele, Genoese envoy (in 1364), 259

Louvre, palace (at Paris), 373, 375 Malatesta, ruling family at Rimini 1237-1538: 172 Low Countries, 402, 403, and see Brabant, Flanders, Hainaut Malea, Cape, 113n

Lucca, 126, 139n, 279, 308n, and see Ptolemy of Lucca; Malian Gulf, 87 bankers of, 142n, 221, 362; lord of, see C. Castracani Malta, archives of, 161; counts of, see Margaritone of Brindisi,

Lucchino dal Verme, Venetian condottiere (fl. 1364), 254, E. Pescatore, A. Fadrique, L. Fadrique

255, 260n, 291, 292 Mamluks, “Bahri,” slave dynasty in Egypt and Syria 1250-

Lucio, Desiderio, Venetian notary (fi. 1364), 252, 262 1382, 1389-1390: 2, 3, 97, 98, 108, 109, 116, 120, 146, Ludolf of Sudheim (“Suchem”), German traveler (ff. 1340), 163, 167, 174, 182n, 197n, 235, 262, 263, 265-267,

268n 972, 275-283, 292, and see Kutuz 1259~1260, Baibars

Ludwig IV, Wittelsbach duke of Bavaria, king of Germany 1260-1277, Kalavun 1279-1290, al-Ashraf Khalhi 1314-1328, emperor 1328-1347: 171, 172, 175, 187, 1290-1293, an-Nasir Muhammad 1293-1294, 1299-

194, 199n 1309, 1310-1341, Sha‘ban 1363-1376

Lugo, castle, 247 Mamluks, “Burji,” slave dynasty in Egypt and Syria 1382Lull, Ramon, Catalan missionary (d. 1315 or 1316), 109, 1389, 1390-1517: 339n, 384n, 385, 387, 388, 391,

166, 174 and see Barkuk 1382-1389, 1390-1399, Faraj 1399-

Lupelli, Pietro and Stefano, Italian canons in Greece 1405, 1406-1412

(ft. 1292), 150 Manfred, son of Frederick II of Sicily; duke of Athens

Lusignan, royal dynasty in Jerusalem (to 1291) and Cyprus 1312-1317: 445

1192-1474: 241, 266, 278n, 329, 382, 383, 385, and see Manfred, bastard son of Frederick II; Hohenstaufen king of

Henry I 1218-1253, Hugh III 1267-1284, Hugh IV Sicily 1258-1266: 62n, 77, 81-84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 95, 1324-1359, Peter I 1359-1369, Peter I] 1369-1382, 98, 100, 102, 104, 108, 138, 141, 146, 427; wife of, see James I 1382-1398, Janus 1398-1432; see also Guy, Helena (Ducaena)

Hugh, Jean, and John of Lusignan Manfred (de Cocconatu), Latin bishop of Chios 1360-1383:

Luxemburg, see Nicholas of Luxemburg; duke of, 247; house 947 of, 173, and see Henry VII, John of Luxemburg, Manfredi, ruling family at Imola and Faenza, 172, 231 Charles IV, Wenceslas, Sigismund, and Beatrice of Manfredo de Chiaramonte, Sicilian admiral, lord of Jerba

Luxemburg (from 1389), 330, 338-340

Lyon, 70, 110-115, 118, 119, 121, 211, 232, 292, 344; arch- Manicaites (“Magnicartes”), George, Byzantine chancellor

bishops of, 110n, 123n, and see Henri 1 and II de (in 1366), 288

Villars, Guillaume of Thurey; First Council of (1245), Manolada, battle of (1316), 153 64, 112, 113; Second Council of (1274), 109-120, 124— Mansueti, Giovanni, Venetian artist (d. ca. 1527), 284 126, 128, 133, 135, 142, 143, 424; Union of, see Unionof Mantua (Mantova), 172, 210n, 279, 308n; lords of, see

the Churches P. Bonaccolsi, L. Gonzaga Manuel II, Orthodox patriarch at Nicaea 1244-1254: 70,

Macarius, Orthodox metropolitan of Ankara (in 1403), 71, 117n

384n Manuel I Comnenus, grandson of Alexius I; Byzantine 472 Manuel Ducas, brother of Theodore of Epirus; despot of Macedonia, 16, 18, 21, 29, 45, 52, 55, 56, 61, 70, 72, 74-77, Thessalonica 1230— 1237 (d. 1241), 30, 51, 58-60, 69n,

Macarius, Orthodox metropolitan of Athens (in 1394), 471, emperor 1143-1180: 4n, 5, 17, 35n, 59n, 407n 81, 83, 85, 87, 90, 93n, 137n, 166n, 215, 317n, 320, 419; wife of, see Maria (Asenina)

439, 441 Manuel II Palaeologus, son of John V and Helena; Byzantine

Machaeras, Leontius (Leontios Makhairas), chronicler (fl. co-emperor 1373-1391, emperor 1391-1425: 225, 228,

1426), 237, 240, 264-266, 275, 278, 281, 283, 382 288, 300, 306n, 310n, 316, 317, 320, 321, 325, 329n,

Machaut, see Guillaume de Machaut 341, 346, 363, 368-384, 385n, 398, 400, 472n; wife of, Macon, 232; bishop of (Philippe de S. Croix 1360-1380), see Helena (Draga3)

286n Mar Jabalaha (Yabhalaha) III, Nestorian patriarch (in 1288),

418 28, Marathon (Mareton), 419 Macri, 40, 52 Marathonisi, Gulf408, of, 389 Macrembolites, Demetrius, friend of M. Choniates (f7. 1210), 147

Madrid, MS. at, 155n Marca Trivigiana, 322

al-Maghrib, see North Africa Marcel, Etienne, Parisian leader (d. 1358), 232

Magnesia, 76 Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, Italian chronicler (d. 1385), Mahaut de Hainaut, daughter of Florent and Isabelle; wife 279n of Guy II de la Roche 1305-1308, wife of Louis of | Marco and Marchetto, papal couriers (in 1278), 128, 129, Burgundy 1313-1316, wife of Hugh of Lapalisse ca. 130n, 425 1320-1322, princess of Achaea 1313-1318 (1321, d. Marco da Viterbo, cardinal 1366-1369: 282

1331), 153, 437, 440 Marco di Canava, Genoese skipper (ff. 1366), 295n, 302,

Mahdia (al-Mahdiyah, “Auffrique”), 330, 331, 333-340 304

Mahona, of Chios, 207n, 247n, 399; of Cyprus, 382, 383, Margaret (“Maria”), sister of Emeric I of Hungary; wife of

386 Isaac II Angelus 1185-1204, wife of Boniface I of Mont-

31, 68 1207), 16, 21, 28-30, 50, 418n

Maina, 36n, 68, and see Grand Magne; peninsula, 25, 26n, ferrat 1204-1207, wife of Nicholas I of S. Omer (after

Mainz, archbishops of, 173 Margaret of Flanders, daughter of Louis II; wife of Philip II

498 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Burgundy 1384-1404, countess of Flanders 1384— Marsiglio of Padua, polemicist (ff. 1324), 171

1405: 344, 362, 365, 366 Martin I (“the Elder”), son of Pedro IV; king of Aragon-

328 370n, 372-374, 464n

Margaret of Soissons (“Maria”), queen of Armenia (ca. 1373), Catalonia 1395-1410, king (II) of Sicily 1409-1410: Margaritone of Brindisi, Sicilian admiral, count of Malta Martin I (“the Younger”), son of Martin I “the Elder”; king

(d. 1195), 3 of Sicily 1391-1409, titular duke of Athens, 330n, 340, Marghera, 243 467; wife of, see Maria Marguerite (de Neuilly) de Passavant, wife of Guglielmo II Martin IV (Simon de Brion), cardinal 1261-1281, pope da Verona (to 1271), claimant to Akova (in 1276), 154n 1281-1285: 105, 123, 134, 135, 138-144, 146, 165

Marguerite of Villehardouin, daughter of Wiliamand Anna; Martin de Alpartil, Spanish cleric (ff. 1399), 370n wife of Isnard de Sabran 1294-1297, wife of Riccardo Martin of Troppau, Bohemian chronicler (d. 1278), 113 Orsini 1299-1304, lady of Akova (d. 1315), 104, 127, | Martinez de Luna, Pedro, see Benedict XIII

153, 435n Martino da Canale, Italian chronicler (d. ca. 1275), 9, 10

Maria, daughter of Frederick III; duchess of Athens 1377- Martino di Campofregoso, Genoese skipper (ff. 1366), 295n,

-1380, queen of Sicily 1377-1402, wife of Martin I 1391- 301n, 304

1402: 330, 466, 467 Marulla (Maria), daughter of Boniface of Verona; lady of

Maria, queen of Armenia, see Margaret of Soissons Carystus and Aegina, wife of Alfonso Fadrique 1317Maria, daughter of Michael VIII Palaeologus; wife of 1326: 448, 450, 451, 454 Abagha 1265-1282 (d. 1308), 106, 120 Masco, James, Latin archbishop of Neopatras 1344-1361: Maria (Kyratsa), daughter of (John) Alexander of Bulgaria; 465 wife of Andronicus IV 1356-1379 (d. 1390), 300n Massa Trabaria, 231 Maria (Marie), daughter of John of Brienne; wife of Mastino II della Scala, co-lord of Verona (d. 1351), 204,

Baldwin II 1231-1273 (d. ca. 1275), 54 210n

Maria, daughter of Andronicus III Palaeologus; wife of | Matagrifon, see Akova Francesco I Gattilusio 1354-1384: 225, 360n, 361 Matapan, Cape, 53, 68, 297, 320, 360n, 384, 389 Maria, niece of D. Strez; wife of Henry d’Angre 1211-1216: Matharas, Nicholas, merchant at Pera (ff. 1397), 362, 364

43 Matteo de Moncada, vicar-general of Athens 1359-1361,

Maria (Beloslava), bastard daughter of John Asen II; wife of 1363-1366: 458

Manuel Ducas 1225-1237: 58 Matthew, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Neopatras 1376-

Maria, daughter of Manuel I Comnenus; wife of Nerio of d. by 1382: 465, 466

Montferrat 1179-1183: 17 Matthew Paris, English chronicler (d. 1259), 97 I 1256-1258: 60, 73, 76 Mazzara, 465; bishop of, see Ferrer d’ Abella

Maria, daughter of Theodore II Lascaris; wife of Nicephorus Maupertuis, 231

Maria of Anjou, sister of Joanna I of Naples; wife of Charles | Mecca (Makkah), pilgrimage to, 267

of Durazzo 1343-1348, wife of Philip II of Taranto Mediterranean Sea, 177, 264n; basin of, 146, 241, 260, 446;

1355-1366: 199n central, 451; coast of, 116, 232, 330; eastern, 100n, Philippe Chinard (ff. 1257), 59n, 74 331

Maria Petraliphas (Petraliphina), sister of Theodora; wife of 163, 178, 182, 183, 239, 277, 387, 455; western, 330, Marie, wife of Philippe d’Artois (to 1397), wife of John, Megara, 19, 28n, 80, 408, 409, 415n, 459, 461, 462, 467, 468;

count of Clermont (from 1400), 375 titular Latin bishop of, see J. Boyl

Marie des Baux, daughter of Bertrand (of Montescaglioso); Megarid, 83, 420

wife of Humbert II of Viennois 1332-1347: 194n, Mehmed, emir of Aydin (d. 1334), 181

196, 197, 200, 206, 209-211 Mehmed I (“the Gentleman”), son of Bayazid 1; contender

Marte of Bourbon, daughter of Louis I; wife of Guy of for the sultanate 1402-1413, Ottoman sultan 1413Lusignan 1328-1346, wife of Robert of Taranto 1347- 1421: 306n, 376

1364, titular Latin empress of Constantinople 1347— Mehmed II (Fatih, “the Conqueror”), son of Murad II; Otto-

1379 (d. 1387), 161, 237, 238n, 244, 297, 308 man sultan 1451-1481: 162

Marini, Niccolo, Venetian skipper (f?. 1366), 294n, 295n, 302 =Melfi, 434; bishop of, see Antonio

Marinids, Berber dynasty in Morocco 1196-1465: 330, Melings, 25, 26n, 68

and see Ahmad 1373-1384, 1387-1393 “Melissenus” (Melissurgus), Macarius, Greek compiler (d.

Marino II dalle Carceri, son of Narzotto and Felisa; triarch 1585), 316n

of Euboea (fi. 1289), 433 Meliteniotes, Constantine, Orthodox archdeacon (fl. 1270),

Marino di Simone Resti, rector of Ragusa (in 1396), 357 107n, 120

Maritsa (Hebrus), river, 16, 17n, 18, 19, 55, 57, 62, 72,73, | Melnik, 62, 69

246n, 317n, 320, 327, 328, 350, 361 Melos (Milo), 19n

Marittima, 169, 231 Memo, Giovanni, captain of Tenedos (in 1383), 324

Marmara, Sea of, 12n, 18, 52, 92, 164n, 239n, 307, 311, Mende, bishop of (Pierre Gérard de Roure 1362-1366),

321, 371, 410n332 245,Menisi, and see408 G. Durand “Marmousets,” Marquardt (Marchardus) de Randeck, bishop of Augsburg Menteshe, 341, 376

1348-1365, patriarch of Aquileia 1365-1381: 229n, Mercedarians, order, see A. Blasi (Dexart?) 323 Mesarites, John, brother of Nicholas (d. 1207), 12n Marquesan, Raymond, Nicois captain (ff. 1346), 202, 203, Mesarites, Nicholas, Orthodox metropolitan of Ephesus

208 (from ca. 1213), 9, 12n

Marrakesh (Marrakush), 330 Mesembria (Nesebar), 302—306, 308, 309 Marseille, 196, 197, 206, 232, 243, 275, 330, 333; merchants Mesopotamites, Constantine, Orthodox metropolitan of

of, 270; ships from, 295, 297, 302-304, 305n Thessalonica (in 1225), 51

INDEX 499 Messenia, 24, 25, 34, 127, 155, 433; Gulf of, 31, 68 Molyscus, 86, 88

Messina, 131, 140, 227, 258, 338, 459, 466 Monaco, 206

Mestre, 243, 260 Monastir (in Serbia), 88; plains of, 43, 62, 74 Meteorium, 94 Monastir (in Tunisia), 334 Metochites, George, Orthodox archdeacon (in 1275), 120- Monemvasia (Malvasia), 26, 36-38, 54n, 63, 68, 69, 86, 98, 126 99n, 126, 207, 380, 382, 406, 427; Orthodox archMetochites, Theodore, son of George; Byzantine official bishops of, 316n, 406n, and see Dorotheus

(ff. 1305), 121n Mongke, nephew of Ogdédei; great khan of the Mongols Mézieres, see Philippe de Méziéres 1251-1259: 97 Michael Asen, son of John Asen IIT and Irene; Asenid tsarof Mongols, or Tatars, 60-62, 73n, 74, 75, 96n, 97, 98n, 106,

Bulgaria 1246-1257: 72, 73 108n, 166n, 185n, 202, 206, 376n; great khans of, see

Michael I Ducas, great-grandson of Alexius I Comnenus; Ogoédei 1227-1242, Giytk 1246-1248, Mongke 1251ruler of Epirus 1204-1215: 25, 29, 35, 36,42, 43,58, 1259, Kubilai 1260-1294; see also Golden Horde,

406 Il-khans, Kipchaks

Michael IT Ducas, son of Michael I; despot of Epirus Monophysites, see Jacobites 1231-ca. 1267: 58-60, 69, 70, 73-77, 81-90, 93n, 104, Monovgat, emir of, 240, 241 129n, 422, 423n; wife of, see Theodora Petraliphas Monreale, 258

172 Mont Genévre, pass, 233

Michael (Fuschi) of Cesena, Franciscan polemicist (d. 1342), Mont Cenis, pass, 291, 308n

Michael VIII Palaeologus, son of Andronicus; Byzantine Mont S. Michel, abbot of, see Robert of Torigny

co-emperor at Nicaea 1259-1261, emperor in Con- Montbéliard, 346, 347 stantinople 1261-1282: 4, 36, 62n, 69, 73-77, 81, 83— Monte Cassino, abbot of, see Bernard Ayglier; bishop of 85, 88-92, 94-96, 98-107, 109-114, 116, 117, 119~ (Guillaume de Rosiéres 1346-1353), 208 126, 128-139, 140n, 143, 144, 165, 228, 422-428, Montefeltri, ruling family at Urbino (to 1508), 172

432, 433, 438 Montefiascone, 177, 282, 308n

Michael IX Palaeologus, son of Andronicus II; Byzantine Montereau, 402

co-emperor 1294-1320: 164n, 435n, 441 Montescaglioso, count of, see Bertrand des Baux Michael (Mikhail) Vsevolodovich, prince of Chernigov Montferrat, house of, 53, and see Agnes, Demetrius, Nerio;

(d. 1246, canonized), 73n marquis (margraves) of, see Guglielmo III 1135-1188,

Michel (“Michally”), Aimon, crusader (in 1366), 299 Conrad 1188-1192, Boniface I 1192-1207, Guglielmo

Michiel, Angelo, Venetian agent (in 1364), 252 IV 1207-1225, Boniface II 1225~—1253, Giovanni II Michiel, Domenico, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1364- 1330-1372, Theodore II Palaeologus 1381-1418;

1366: 254, 255, 276, 459 marquisate of, 152

Michiel, Francesco, archbishop of Crete 1342-1349: 186, Montpellier, 230, 245n, 362, 392, 393

194, 197, 203n, 206, 208-210, 212, 214, 216, 217 Moors, see Moslems

Midi, 169, 174, 176, 248 Morocco, 268; “king” of, see Ahmad; rulers of, see Mu-

Mihali¢ (Karacabey), 359-363, 375 wabhids 1130-1269, Marinids 1196-1465; ships of, Milan (Milano), 172, 188, 190, 197, 204, 210n, 213, 231, 280, 282 233, 243, 253, 254, 259, 260, 279n, 291, 347, 360n, Morosini, Antonio, Venetian chronicler (d. 1434), 356n, 398, and see Aroldo da Milano; archbishop of, see 383, 386n, 387n, 390, 391, 394

G. Visconti; duchy of, 291n; dukes of, see G. G. Visconti Morosini, Bernardo, Venetian official in Cyprus (in 1403),

1395-1402, G. Visconti 1402-1412, F. M. Visconti 387n, 388, 389 1412-1447; tyrants of, see L. Visconti 1339-1349, Morosini, Francesco, Venetian official (in 1669), doge Giovanni Visconti 1349-1354, B. Visconti 1354-1385, 1688-1694: 178n

G. G. Visconti 1385-1395 Morosini, Michele, doge of Venice in 1382: 323, 324n

Miletus (Palatia), 290; emir of, see Muhammad Morosini, Niccolo, bishop of Castello (Venice) 1336-1367:

Minorites, see Franciscans 233, 263, 276 451n 1205-1211: 14, 15n, 26, 29n, 39, 40, 46n, 406, 410, 412

Minotto, Marco, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1325-1327: Morosini, Tommaso, Latin patriarch of Constantinople Mircea (“the Elder’), voivode of Wallachia (fi. 1395), 341, Mortaigne, 20

353n, 354 Moscho, Peter, Greek moneylender (fi. 1380), 466

Mistra, 31, 68, 82, 98, 99n, 126, 127, 154, 158, 159, 322, Moslems (al-Musliman, Saracens, Moors), 1, 9, 60, 74, 96n, 379, 381, 427, 437; Byzantine governors at, 149, and see 97, 103, 109, 110, 113-115, 123, 136, 140n, 142n, 146,

Cantacuzenus, Andronicus Palaeologus Asen; “des- 149, 164-167, 168n, 170, 174, 178, 179n, 182, 183, potate” of, 127, 319n, 372, 379-381; despots at, see 192, 202, 210, 213, 218, 222, 227, 229, 234, 239, 241, Manuel Cantacuzenus 1349-1380, Palaeologi 1382- 242, 244n, 247, 248, 250, 251, 253, 259, 262, 263, 267-

1460 283, 285-287, 330-332, 334~—340, 344, 345, 350, 352,

Mocenigo, Leonardo, Venetian commander (in 1403), 380, 367, 373, 374n, 384~388, 391, 394, 446, 454, 455, 458n

381, 383, 389, 390 Mosynopolis, 16, 27, 52; bishop of, 429

Mocenigo, Tommaso, Venetian commander (in 1396), doge © Mudazzo (Muazzo), Zanachi, Venetian bailie of Tenedos

of Venice 1414-1423: 356-358, 367, 396 (in 1381), 323-326

Modena, 279 Muhammad, emir of Miletus (Palatia) in 1365: 265, 288,

Modon, 13, 19, 20n, 24, 25, 28n, 34, 48, 144, 155, 178, 344n

180n, 207, 239, 297, 300, 307, 326, 356n, 364, 371, Muhammad I, Hafsid ruler of Tunisia 1249~1277 (caliph

Moldavia, 61 204

379-384, 389-395, 402n, 405; castellans of, 250n, 1253), 107 380n, 390, 392, 472n; Latin bishops of, 38 Muhammad (“Mitaometto”), Turkish commander (d. 1346),

500 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Munich (Miinchen), 172 Ray; Venetian bailies at, 424, 430, 454, and see Pietro

Muntaner, Ramon, Catalan chronicler (d. 1336?), 441, 442, Barbo 1216-1218, L. Sanudo 1252-1254, Paolo Gra-

445, 450 denigo 1254-1256, Marco Gradenigo 1256-1258, A.

Murad I, son of Orkhan; Ottoman ruler 1362-— 1389: 246n, Barozzi 1258-1259, T. Giustinian 1259-1261, N. M.

300, 312, 321, 341, 459 Rosso 1278-1280, N. Giustinian 1291-1293, F. Dan-

Murta, Giovanni, doge of Genoa 1344~ 1350: 197, 206, 210n dolo 1317-1319, M. Minotto 1325-1327, P. Zeno Musa, son of Bayazid I; contender for Ottoman sultanate 1331-1333, M. Soranzo 1345-1347, Pietro Gradenigo

1402-1413: 306n, 326, 376-378, 380 1362-1364, D. Michiel 1364-1366, Pantaleone Barbo

Musard, Richard, Savoyard crusader (in 1366), 293 1379-1381, A. Bembo 1393-1395, F. Bembo 1401-

Mustafa, son of Bayazid I (d. 1402?), 376n 1402, 1405-1408; Venetians of, 185, 193n, 440n, 453, Muwahhids (“Almohads”), Berber sect and caliphal dynasty 454, 457 in North Africa and Spain 1130-1269: 330, 331 Nemanyids, royal dynasty in Serbia 1170-1371: 52, and see Muzalon, George, regent at Nicaea (d. 1258), 72, 76 Stephen Urosh I 1242-1276, Stephen Dragutin 1276-

Mykonos, 326; lords of, see Ghisi 1282, Stephen Urosh II Milutin 1282-1321, Stephen Mytilene, archbishop of, see Philip; island of, see Lesbos Urosh IV Dushan 1331-1355, Stephen Urosh V 1355—1371; see also Constantine Tich (Bulgaria 1357-1377)

Neopatras (Hypate), 45, 59, 87, 89, 129, 258, 423-426, Namur, 63; count of, see Philip of Courtenay; county of, 44, 443, 444, 451, 452n, 456n, 459, 461, 464-466, 471;

65, 66n “Council” of (1276), 129, 130n; “duchy” of, 25n, 156n,

Nani da S. Vitale, Venetian family, 323 499, 424, 442-445, 451n, 455, 458-461, 465, 466,

Naples (Napoli), 81n, 105, 109, 112, 130, 137, 138, 141, 144, 468, 469n; dukes of (1319-1394), see Athens, dukes of; 146-148, 150, 159, 160n, 179, 188, 194, 199n, 208, 214, Latin archbishops of, 40, 47, 186, 406, 410, 411n, 461, 241,279, 315, 316n, 335, 338, 339, 364, 436, 454, and see 464, and see Ferrer d’ Abella (bishop), J. Masco, P. Fabri,

Bérard of Naples; archbishop of, see Pierre d’Ameil; Francis, Matthew, John de Royis; lords of, see Ducae

Bay of, 148, 312; merchants from, 337 Neophytus, Greek (ff. 1238), 65, 419

Naples, kingdom of (“Sicily;” the Regno), 98, 141, 143, 150, Neri (or Negri), Giuliano, Venetian skipper (fl. 1366), 294n,

154, 158-160, 165, 170, 171, 178n, 179, 183, 188, 196, 295n, 302

197n, 199-201, 208, 210, 218, 237, 243, 259, 294,325, Nerio of Montferrat, son of Guglielmo III; Byzantine caesar

328, 342, 384, 435, 436, 458n; grand seneschals of, 1179-1183: 16, 17; wife of, see Maria (Comnena) see Niccolé and Angelo Acciajuoli; kings and queens of, Nestongus, Isaac, Byzantine official (ff. 1257), 76

see Angevins 1266-1442 Nestorians, sect, 97n, and see Mar Jabalaha, Rabban Sauma

Narbonne, archbishop of, see Pierre Nestus, river, 83n

Narjot of Toucy, regent of the Latin empire 1228-1231, Neutra (Nitra), bishop of, see Stephen de Insula

1238-1241: 54 Nevers, 232, 368; count of, see John of Nevers

Narzotto dalle Carceri, son of Ravano’s nephew Marino I; __ Nicaea (Iznik), 2n, 52, 57, 62n, 63, 71, 75, 76, 83, 90, 143,

triarch of Euboea 1247-1264: 78-80, 83, 91, 95, 425; 166n, 225n, 415, 416, 419; emperors at, 1, 55n, and see

wife of, see Felisa (da Verona) Lascarids, Michael VIII Palaeologus; empire of, 13n, 18,

Nasi, Joseph, duke of Naxos 1566-1579: 19n 43,44, 52,56, 58,59, 61, 62, 64,67—77, 81-84, 90, 178n;

an-Nasir Muhammad, Nasir ad-Din, son of Kalavun; Bahri Orthodox metropolitan of, see Theophanes; Orthodox Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1293-1294, 1299- patriarchs at, see Constantinople; Second Council of

1309, 1310-1341: 167, 266 (787), 41

Nasrids, Arab dynasty at Granada 1232-1492: 330 Niccoli, Baldassano, Genoese notary (fl. 1367), 309

Naupactus, see Lepanto Niccold (of Durazzo), bishop of Cotrone 1254-d. after

Nauplia, 20n, 24, 25, 36, 37, 68, 79, 99n, 154, 155, 204, 1264: 100

998, 326, 405, 421, 427, 428, 432-434, 440, 448, 452, Niccolo II d’Este, lord of Ferrara 1361-1388: 372 472n; archon of, see L. Sgourus; lords of, see Argos, Niccol6 di Castro Arquato, Latin patriarch of Constantinople

lords of 1234-1251: 66, 67, 71, 429, 463

Navarino, Old, see Port-de-Jonc Niccolo of Otranto, see Nectarius Navarre, 373; Hospitaller prior of, see Garin de Chateauneuf; Nice (Nizza), 202, 203, 208

kings of, see Philip III (of Evreux) 1328-1343, Charles Nicephorus I Ducas, son of Michael II and Theodora; II 1349-1387, Charles III 1387-1425; mercenaries despot of Epirusca. 1267 ~ 1296: 59n, 60, 73, 76, 82n, 87,

from (“Navarrese Company”), 162, 466-469, 471 88, 90, 129-131, 136n, 422, 423n, 424, 425, 435, 436, Navigajoso, Paolo, son-in-law of Angelo Sanudo; “grand 438; wives of, see Maria (Lascaris), Anna “Palaeologina”

duke” of Lemnos (in 1260), 91 Nicetas II Muntanes, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople

Naxos, 18, 19n, 221, 233, 258, 431, 432; archbishops of, 1186-1189: 415n

149, 186, and see Bernard, Thomas; duchy of (“the Nicholas, archbishop of Gran (Esztergom) 1358-ca. 1366: Archipelago”), 18, 19n, 68, 155, 247n, 377; dukes of, 31, 289 and see Sanudi 1207-1371, Niccolé dalle Carceri Nicholas, Augustinian; bishop of Andros 1349—d. by 1376:

1371-1383, Crispi 1383-1566, J. Nasi 1566-1579 457n

Necropolis Gate (Bab al-Khaukhah, in Alexandria), 269 Nicholas (Alberti of Prato), cardinal 1303-1321: 449

Nectarius (Niccold of Otranto), abbot of Casole (d. 1235),58 Nicholas, Orthodox metropolitan of Corinth (d. ca. 1205),

Negroponte (Chalcis, Euripos), 29, 35n, 39, 49n, 66, 78, 24n

79n, 80, 95, 145u, 150n, 180, 188, 191, 197, 201, 202, Nicholas III (Giovanni Gaetano Orsini), cardinal 1244-1277,

204-206, 212, 213, 216, 220, 250n, 297, 298, 300, 307, pope 1277-1280: 113n, 115n, 123, 125, 126, 128-135,

308n, 323, 324n, 342, 344n, 357, 358n, 389, 392, 399, 139

408, 409, 415, 418, 426-428, 429n, 433, 448-450, 453, Nicholas IV (Jerome Masci of Ascoli), cardinal 1278-1288,

459, 462, 464; island of, see Euboea; Latin bishops of, pope 1288-1292: 111, 112, 113n, 124-126, 147, 163,

50n, 70, 96, 258, 419, and see Theodore, Gautier de 169

INDEX 501 “Nicholas V,” antipope 1328-1330, see P. Rainallucci da Oddino, Latin bishop of Chios 1343-1349: 215

Corbara Odo, bishop of Paphos 1337-1357: 229

Nicholas, titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1308- Odo III, duke of Burgundy 1192-1218: 7

21331: 158, 447, 452 Odo IV, son of Robert II; duke of Burgundy 1315-1349: Nicholas d’Astribort, envoy (in 1345), 198 179 Nicholas de Ardoino, veguer of Thebes (ff. 1375), 444 Odo de Novelles, vicar-general of Athens (in 1331), 453 Nicholas de Kanizsa, brother of John; Hungarian magnate Odo of Deuil, French chronicler (ca. 1150), 9n

289 423n, 425 by 1365: 457, 463 Ogliastro, 338

(fi. 1395), 343n Oeta, Mount, 22

Nicholas de Mathafaris, archbishop of Zara 1333-ca. 1367: | Ogerius (Ogier), Byzantine official (ff. 1278), 128, 130n, 144,

Nicholas de Raynaldo, Latin archbishop of Athens 1357-d. | Ogier VIII d’Anglure, French pilgrim (fl. 1395), 347n

Nicholas I Mysticus, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople Ogédei, great khan of the Mongols 1227-1242: 61

901~907, 912-925: 37n Olena, 48, 150; Latin bishops of, 38, 70, and see Leonard

Nicholas of Butrinto, Italian chronicler (ff. 1313), 170n Oljeitii, son of Arghun; il-khan of Persia 1304-1316: 167n Nicholas of Chalcedon, Orthodox preacher (ff. 1275), 120 | Oller, Michael, dean of Thebes (d. 1362), 456, 457

229n Olt, river, 349

Nicholas of Luxemburg, patriarch of Aquileia 1350-1358: | Olmitz (Olomouc), bishop of, see J. Ocko Nicholas I of S. Omer, Frankish baron (fl. 1215), 40,414n, Opicinus de Canistris, Pavian polemicist (d. ca. 1334), 171

418n; wife of, see Margaret (of Hungary) Orange, 218, 232

Nicholas II of S. Omer, son of Bela and Bonne; lord of half Ordelaffi, ruling family at Forli (to 1500), 172, 231 Thebes ca. 1258-1294, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1287- Order of the Collar, 285, 293, 302n; of the Sword, 238 1289: 127n, 417, 420n, 433, 434n; wife of, see Anna Oreos (Histiaea), 18, 19, 35, 78, 80, 82, 408, 409, 415, 426,

(Ducaena) 462; lord of, 78

Nicholas III of S. Omer, nephew of Nicholas II; lord of half Oresme, Nicole, French writer (d. 1382), 173, 174 Thebes 1299- 1311, bailie of Achaea 1300-1302, 1304- Orkhan, son of Osman; Ottoman ruler 1326~—1362: 225n,

1307 (d. 1314), 151, 437-440 246n, 312n

Nicole de Brohom, Augustinian friar (ff. 1363), 248 Orléans, duke of, 212n, and see Louis I 1391-1407

Nicomedia (Izmit), 52, 371 Orsini, Roman family, 123, 125, 133, 134, 139, and see Nicopolis (Nikopol), crusade of (1396), 293, 342-367, 375, Nicholas III (Giovanni Gaetano Orsini); palace of, 315; 379, 382, 385, 400, 403, 404, 472n see also Cephalonia, counts of Nicosia, 229, 237n, 238, 241, 265n, 272, 273, 382, 383, 386; = Orsini, John II, grandson of Riccardo; count of Cephalonia

archbishops of, see Philippe de Chambarlhac, Raymond and despot of Epirus 1323-1335: 452

de la Pradele Orsini, Matteo (Maio), son-in-law of Margaritone of Brindisi;

bishops of, 38 65

Nikli (Amyclae), 25, 26, 31, 48, 99, 127, 421, 433; Latin count of Cephalonia and Zante 1194—d. by 1260: 3, 59,

Nile, river, 266, 267, 271, 276, 279 Orsini, Napoleone, cardinal 1288-1342: 174, 175, 465n

Nimes, 218, 230 Orsini, Riccardo, son of Matteo; count of Cephalonia and Niphon, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Alexandria 1366- Zante by 1260-1304, bailie of Achaea 1297-1300: 91,

__ 1385: 310 435n; wifeVenetian of, see Marguerite of Villehardouin Nish, 329 Orso, Lorenzo, merchant (fl. 1403), 388, 389 Nivernais, 232 Orsova, 348

Nogaret, see Guillaume de Nogaret Orthodox, or Eastern, Christians (Greeks, “schismatics”), 1,

Nona, 228 10, 14, 48, 49, 52, 58, 66, 71, 99-103, 107-112, 114Normandy (Normandie), 208n, 246, 332; dukes of, see 120, 122, 125, 130, 134, 135, 150, 166, 177, 178, 213, Robert II, John (II of France), Charles (V of France) 237, 250, 259, 287-289, 302, 309, 314, 327, 367, 372,

Normans, 107n, 332; of Sicily, 102, 132, 331 373, 400, 407, 410, 411, 413, 419, 425, 446-448, 456, North Africa (al-Maghrib), 140n, 331, 332, 454, 455n; see also 463, 468, 471

Algeria, Morocco, Tripolitania, Tunisia Ortona, 82n

Norway, 110n Orvieto, 96n, 110, 134, 135, 138, and see Angelo d’Orvieto;

Novara, 27n bishop of, see Constantine

Novelles, family, 443, and see Odo de Novelles Osman, Ottoman ruler (d. 1326), 2n

Novgorod, 73n Osmanli Turks, see Ottomans Novigrad, 403 Ostia and Velletri, cardinal-bishops of, 224, and see Nicholas,

Nuremberg (Niirnberg), burgrave of, see John III; chronicler Bertrand du Poujet, A. Acciajuoli; see also Gregory IX,

of, see U. Stromer Alexander IV, Innocent V, Benedict XI, Innocent VI 270, 272 Othon de Cicon, son of Jacques and Sibylle; lord of Carystus

an-Nuwairi al-Iskandari, Arabic chronicler (ff. 1365), 268, Osum, river, 350

Nychodi, Andrea, of Mesembria (/!. 1366), 304 1250-ca. 1264: 78, 80, 95, 418, 426n; wife of, see Agnese

Nymphaeum, 61, 72, 91, 100 Ghisi

Othon de la Roche, brother of Guy I; bailie of Athens 1259-

Oberto, count of Biandrate, regent of Thessalonica 1207- 1260: 83, 421

1211: 27-29 Othon de la Roche, son of Ponce; great lord cf Athens 1204—-

Obizzo III d’Este, lord of Ferrara (d. 1352), 199, 210n 1225 (d. 1234), 16, 28, 29, 36, 37, 39, 40, 46-49, 51, Ochrida (Achrida), 43, 72, 74, 76, 85, 87; Orthodox arch- 405-409, 411n, 412-419, 422n, 462; wife of, see Isabelle

bishops of, 85, and see D. Chomatianus, G. Coccinus de Ray Ocko, John, bishop of Olmiitz 1351-1364: 229n Othon de la Roche, son of Othon and Isabelle; lord of Ray Octolinas, Constantine, of Mesembria (fl. 1366), 304 (from 1234), 417, 418

502 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Othon of S. Omer, son of Bela and Bonne; lord of half Palaeologus, Theodore II, son of Manuel II and Helena;

Thebes 1294-1299: 435 despot at Mistra 1415-1428, co-despot 1428-1443: 372

Otranto, 58, 130, 253, 404; archbishops of, see John, J. Palaeologus, Thomas, son of Manuel II and Helena; co-

Campanus d’Itri despot at Mistra (1418) 1428-1432, prince of Achaea

Otrar, 376 1432-1460, claimant to Byzantine throne 1453-1465: Otto I (“the Great”), king of Germany 936-962, emperor 162

962-973: 1, 171 Palamas, Gregory, Greek hesychast (ff. 1346), 189, 225n,

Otto IV, of Brunswick, Welf king of Germany 1201-1209, 310n

emperor 1209-1211 (d. 1218), 5, 114, 171 Palamidi, 24

Ottobono di Groppo (or Greppo), Genoese skipper (fl. 1366), | Palazzo Vecchio (in Florence), 184n

295n, 302 Palermo, 8In, 140, 258, 335n, 338, 446

Oitokar II Premysl, king of Bohemia 1253-1278: 111, 114n, _ Pallavicini, Italian family, 416n

128; wife of, see Kunigunde Pallavicini, Alberto, Italian baron (ff. 1208), 28n

Ottomans (Osmanli), Turkish caliphal dynasty 1299-1923: __Pallavicini, Guglielma, granddaughter of Thomas; mar2, 3, 19n, 36, 143, 155, 166n, 174, 182n, 225-227, 231, chioness of Boudonitza, wife of B. Zaccaria (to ca. 1333),

233, 234, 237, 239n, 245n, 246n, 259, 286-288, 300, wife of Niccolo I Giorgio 1335-1345 (d. 1357), 181n, 312, 326, 329, 330n, 341, 343, 348, 350, 352, 360, 371, 202, 454 376, 377, 400, 402-404, 459n, 471,andsee Turks; rulers, _Pallavicini, Guido, marquis (margrave) of Boudonitza 1204-

see Osman (d. 1326), Orkhan 1326-1362, Murad I 1237: 27n, 28, 40, 50, 416

1362-1389; sultans, see Bayazid I 1389-1402, Mehmed _Pallavicini, Thomas, cousin of Ubertino; marquis (margrave)

I (1402) 1413-1421, Mehmed II 1451-1481, Bayazid II of Boudonitza (from 1286), 433, 434 1481-1512, Selim II 1566-1574; see also Isa, Musa, Pallavicini, Ubertino (Oberto), son of Guido; marquis (mar-

Mustafa, Suleiman grave) of Boudonitza 1237-ca. 1278: 79, 83, 87n, 420n Oudenarde, 366 Pallene, 190, 191 Oulx, castellan of, 197 Palhiart, cook (d. 1367), 304, 307 Pamisos, river, 433 Pamplona, 373

Pachomeus I, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Antioch by Panidus, 321

1359-1368, 1375-1377, 1378-1386: 310 Pansa, Lanfranco, Genoese skipper (fl. 1366), 295n, 302, 304 Pachymeres, George, Byzantine official and historian (d.ca. _Pantaléon, Jacques, see Urban IV

1310), 2n, 69, 81, 86, 88, 90, 92, 93, 101-103, 107n, Pantokrator, church of the (at Constantinople), 94n

119, 120, 122, 131n, 132, 423, 424n, 427 Paolo da Venezia, interpreter (ff. 1366), 301

Padua (Padova), 90n, 190, 210n, 243, 308n, 352, 372, 391, Paolo di Banca, Genoese skipper (f7. 1366), 295n

396, 403, and see Fidenzio and Marsiglio of Padua; Paphlagonia, soldiers from, 74n, 75 bishop of (Hildebrand de’ Conti 1319-1352), 208, and — Paphos, 242, 279, 382, 383; bishop of, see Odo

see J. Zeno: lords of, see Carraresi Parastron, John, Franciscan (d. 1275), 110, 111, 115, 119 Paeonia, 45 Parenzo (Poreé), 364, 365, 382n, 385

Pag, 403 Paris, 38, 61n, 106n, 146, 147, 148n, 170, 177, 179, 208, 211, Palaeologi, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Nicaea 1259-1261 212, 232, 241, 244n, 245n, 249, 253, 273, 333, 346, 347, and Constantinople 1261-1453: 85, 126, 127, 164, 189, 359, 360, 362, 363, 366, 369, 372, 374-376, 393, 394n,

239n, 312n, 321, 322, 424, 441, and see Michael VIII 398, 399, 402, 421, 434; bishop of, 211, and see E. (1259) 1261-1282, Andronicus II (1272) 1282-1328, Tempier; church of, 407; MS. at, 155n, 157; university Michael IX (1294-1320), Andronicus III (1316) 1328- of, 20, 123n, 147, 259 1341, John V 1341-1347, 1354-1376, 1379-1390, Paris, Matthew, see Matthew Paris 1390-1391, Andronicus IV (1355) 1376-1379, John Parma, 416n, and see Barnaba da Parma, John and Salimbene

VII in 1390, Manuel II (1373) 1391-1425, John VIII of Parma (1421) 1425-1448, Constantine XI (1448) 1449-1453; Parnassus, mountain, 439 at Mistra, see Theodore I 1382-1407, Theodore II Parnon, Mount, 26, 31, 63, 68 1415-1428 (1443), Andronicus (1423-1429), Thomas Paros, 19n; Latin archbishops of, 149, and see Bernard, (1428-1432, prince of Achaea 1432-1460), Constantine Thomas [XI] (1428) 1443-1448, Demetrius 1449-1460; at Parthenon, cathedral (S. Mary of Athens) on the Acropolis, Montferrat, see Theodore II 1381-1418; at Thessa- 23, 29, 46, 47, 49, 66, 407, 408, 417, 432, 463, 464, 467, lonica, see Andronicus 1408— 1423; see also Eulogia, John, 471, 473

and Maria (2), and Andronicus Palaeologus Asen Paruta, Venetian family, 323 Palaeologus, Andronicus, governor of Thessalonica (in Pasqualigo di Candia, Venetian family, 323

1247), 69 Passagium generale, see Crusades

Palaeologus, Demetrius, cousin of Manuel IH; Byzantine Passau, 347

envoy (in 1401), 375 Passava (Passavant), 31, 127, and see Marguerite de Passavant despot at Mistra 1449-1460 (d. 1470), 162 366

Palaeologus, Demetrius, son of Manuel II and Helena; Paterio, Bernardo, brother of Niccolo; Genoese (fl. 1397), Palaeologus, John, brother of Michael VIII; sebastocrator Paterio, Niccolo, Genoese podesta (in 1397), 363, 366, 368 1258-1259, despot 1259-1261, ruler of Rhodes 1261— — Patmos, 385

1275: 85-90, 423, 424 Patras, 20n, 24, 25, 38, 48, 66, 82, 83, 161, 190n, 207, 233, Palaeologus, Michael, son of John V and Helena (fl. 1366), 258, 326, 452, 457n, 458; barony of, 31, 32n, 154; Latin

288 archbishops of, 31, 37, 38, 64, 96, 159, 186, 308, and see

Palaeologus, Theodore I, son of John V and Helena; despot Antelmus, John, G. Frangipani, Roger, G. Acciajuoli, at Mistra 1382-1407: 162, 322, 372, 379, 380, 382 Bartolommeo de’ Papazzurri, A. Acciajuoli, P. Foscari

INDEX 503 Patrasso, Leonardo, cardinal 1300-1311: 151 Petrarch (Francesco Petrarca), Italian poet and humanist

Patricelli, Pietro (of Fano), Franciscan; papal vicar at (d. 1374), 159, 177, 213, 242, 254, 255, 260n, 278, 290,

Smyrna (in 1363), 247 300n, 470n

Patti, 227; and Lipari, bishop of, see Pierre Thomas Petrus de Lutra, 14th-century polemicist, 171 Paulus, Latin archbishop of Smyrna 1345-1357, archbishop Phanarion, 438, 439 of Thebes 1357-1366, titular patriarch of Constanti- Pharos Island, peninsula (at Alexandria), 267, 269-271 nople 1366-1370: 216, 217, 225, 226, 259, 298, 301, Pharsala, 60, 426, 442, 451

303-306, 308, 310-312, 313n, 457-459, 470 Philadelphia (Alashehir), 224, 225, 341

Pavia, 53, 171, 243, 291-293, 308n, 372, 453,andsee Gregory Philagrios, Orthodox bishop of Adramereus (in 1213), 30

of Pavia; bishop of, see I. Tacconi; tyrants of, see Philes, Theodore, Byzantine noble (ff. 1259), 84 G. Visconti 1354-1378, G. G. Visconti 1378-1402, Philibert de Naillac, grand master of the Hospitallers

F. M. Visconti 1402-1412 1396-1421: 326, 356, 360n, 385, 386, 388

Peasants’ Revolt (1381), 173 Philip II (“Augustus”), Capetian king of France 1180-1223:

Pedro III, son of James I; king of Aragon-Catalonia 1276- 51; wall of, 402 1285, king (Peter I) of Sicily 1282-1285: 108, 128, Philip III (“the Bold”), son of Louis IX; Capetian king of 138-141, 144—146, 148n, 446; wife of, see Constance France 1270-1285: 110n, 123, 126, 128, 144, 146

(Hohenstaufen) Philip IV (“the Fair”), son of Philip III; Capetian king of

Pedro IV (“the Ceremonious”), son of Alfonso IV; king of France 1285-1314: 143, 146, 147, 152n, 153, 163, 164n,

Aragon-Catalonia 1336-1387, duke of Athens 1380- 165, 167—170, 448n

1387: 188, 189n, 229, 330n, 454-456, 457n, 460, 461n, Philip V (“the Tall’), son of Philip IV; regent 1316-1317,

463n, 465-469; wife of, see Eleanora of Sicily Capetian king of France 1317-1322: 452

Pedro de Pau, vicar-general of Athens 1387-1388: 464n Philip VI (of Valois), son of Charles of Valois; Capetian Pedro de Pou, vicar-general of Athens 1361-1362: 456, king of France 1328-1350: 159, 172, 178-181, 189n,

459; wife of, see Angelina 191-195, 206n, 208, 211, 212n, 337; wife of, see Joan of

Pedro (“Bordo”) de San Superano, vicar of Achaea 1386- Burgundy 1391, prince of Achaea 1396-1402: 162; wife of, see Philip II (“the Bold”), son of John II of France; duke of

Maria Zaccaria Burgundy 1363-1404, count of Flanders 1384-1404: Peking (Khanbaliq), 133 wife of, see Margaret of Flanders

Pegae, 60, 91 329, 332, 340, 343-347, 359, 362-368, 393, 401, 402;

Pelagius (Galvani), cardinal 1205-1230: 39, 42, 414 Philip III (“the Good’), son of John of Nevers; duke of Pelagonia, 62, 74, 85, 87; battle of (1259), 36n, 88-90, 98, Burgundy 1419-1467: 402, 403

137, 422, 423, 427n Philip 11, Hapsburg king of Spain 1556-1598: 316n

Pellegrino, Bartolommeo, Genoese merchant (fl. 1397), 362 Philip, Latin archbishop of Mytilene by 1345-1353: 200, 201,

Pellegrino de’ Bracelli, notary (fl. 1346), 207n 205

Pepoli, ruling family at Bologna 1337-1350: 188, 197,and__ Philip, Carmelite; Latin bishop of Salona 1332-1342,

see Giacomo, Giovanni, and Taddeo de’ Pepoli archbishop of Thebes 1342-1351, archbishop of Conza Pepper Gate (or S. Mark’s Gate, at Alexandria), 271 1351-1356: 186, 188, 206, 455, 462 Pera (Beyoghlu), 131, 164n, 222, 258, 294n, 295, 302-307, Philip, papal official (fl. 1238), 64 309-311, 313, 315, 317, 321, 324, 360, 362, 363, 378, Philip of Anjou, son of Charles I (d. 1277), 104, 123, 127; 382, 384n, 385, 391, 394; Genoese podesta of, 301, 306, wife of, see Isabelle of Villehardouin

309, 358, 366 Philip of Courtenay, son of Baldwin IJ; titular Latin em267, 269,270 124, 129n, 130, 134, 135, 139n, 164n, 168n, 435n; wife Périgord, 259, and see E. Talleyrand of Périgord of, see Beatrice of Anjou Périgueux, 232 Philip of Courtenay, son of Peter; count of Namur 1218Percival of Cologne, chamberlain of Cyprus (in 1365), 266, peror of Constantinople 1273-1283: 105, 112n, 119,

Perpignan, 397 1296: 44

Persia (Iran), 146, 147, 270, 348n; Mongols of, 3, 108n, 113, Philip III of Evreux, nephew of Philip IV of France; king

reruch er ane Ke [Fkhans .. of Navarre 1328-1343: 179

oe Perugia 197, 204, 308n, and see Andreaand Filippo philip of Lagonesse, Angevin bailie of Achaea 1280-1282: P ; , 127n; wife of, see Mahaut Hainaut escatore, Enrico, Genoese count of Malta of (in 1210), 19n eye . Peter, see also Pedro, Petrus, Piero, Pierre, Pietro Philip of Savoy, nephew of Amadeo V; count of Piedmont,

Peter III, bishop of Antioch 1052-1056: 117n prince of Achaea 1301-1306 (1307, d. 1334), 143, Peter II, son of Frederick II; king of Sicily 1337-1342: 170 ; d51- 153, 439, 440; wife of, see Isabelle of Villehardouin Peter (Correr), titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople Philip of Swabia, son of Frederick I; Hohenstaufen duke of

1286-1302: 150, 151 Swabia and Alsace 1196-1208: 4, 5, 7, 8; wife of, see

Peter of Courtenay, brother-in-law of Henry d’Angre; Latin Trene (Angelina) emperor in 1217 (d. 1219?), 41n, 44, 45, 50, 51, 53; Philip I of Taranto, son of Charles II of Anjou; Angevin

wife of, see Yolande (of Hainaut) prince of Achaea 1307-1313, titular Latin emperor of

Peter I of Lusignan, son of Hugh IV; king of Cyprus (1358) Constantinople 1313-1331: 150-153, 154n, 158, 159, 1359-1369, of Cilician Armenia 1368-1369: 237-254, 164n, 165, 179, 435, 436, 438, 440, 446, 449n; 452; 958-272, 274-288, 293, 294, 307, 328, 339n, 362, 387, wives of, see Thamar of Epirus, Catherine of Valois

458; wife of, see Eleanor (of Aragon) Philip II of Taranto, son of Philip I and Catherine; titular

Peter II of Lusignan, son of Peter I and Eleanor; king of Latin emperor of Constantinople and prince of Achaea

Cyprus 1369-1382: 282, 328, 382, 383 1364-1373: 161, 199n, 297, 315, 459; wife of, see Maria

Petraliphas (Petraliphina), see Maria and Theodora Petra- of Anjou

liphas Philippe d’Artois, brother of Robert; constable of France,

504 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT count of Eu 1387-1397: 335, 344, 345, 347~—349, 351, Pindus mountains, 86, 89

353-355, 360, 375; wife of, see Marie Piombino, 338

Philippe de Bar, son of Robert; French crusader (d. 1396), Pipino, Francesco, Bolognese Dominican (d. 1314), 133n

345, 349, 354 Piraeus, 298, 449, 450

Philippe de Chambarihac, archbishop of Nicosia 1342- Pisa, 13, 163, 172, 193n, 279, 308n, 330, 331, 339; cap1360, archbishop of Bordeaux 1360-1361: 186, 217, tains of, see P. Gambacorta, Jacopo d’ Appiano; chapter

222, 265n general of (1263), 56n; Council of (1409), 397; govern-

Philippe de Méziéres, chancellor of Cyprus (in 1365), ment of, 139, 188, 197, 204; merchants from, 5, 12n; French writer (d. 1405), 174, 228n, 229n, 236-238, ships from, 57, 339 241-244, 246, 247, 249n, 252, 253, 259-261, 263, Pisanello (Vittore Pisano), Italian artist (d. 1455), 375 264, 266-268, 270n, 271-273, 278n, 280, 281, 283,284, Pisani, Antonio, Venetian castellan (in 1383), 324

296n, 308, 331, 332, 340, 351n, 366, 367, 370, 394n Pisani, Niccolo, Venetian naval commander (in 1346),

Philippopolis (Plovdiv), 55, 300, 350, 358 206, 209

Philotheus Coccinus, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople Pisano d’ Amalfi, Angevin jurist (f7. 1280), 127n

1353-1354, 1364-1376: 298n, 309-311, 320 Pistoia, 204, 205, 279; chronicler of (fl. 1345), 202, 204

Philotrophinus, Manuel, Byzantine envoy (in 1395), 346 Pius II (Eneo Silvio Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius), cardinal

Phocaea (Foglia), Old, 191n, 207; New, 182, 207, 362, 363, 1456-1458, pope 1458-1464: 2, 256n

377 Plantagenets, royal dynasty in England 1154-1485, see

Phocis, 90, 438, 466 Richard I 1189-1199, John 1199-1216, Henry III Photius, patriarch of Constantinople 858-867, 877-886: 1 1216-1272, Edward I 1272-1307, Edward II 1307-

Phthiotis, 442 1327, Edward III 1327-1377, Richard II 1377-1399, Phyle (Felin), 408 Henry IV 1399-1413; see also Edward (“the Black Piacenza, 107, 308, 416n Prince”), John of Gaunt

Piada, 159n Platamona, 45, 57, 60 Piancarpino (Plano Carpini, now Pian del Carpine), see Po, river, 170

Giovanni de Piancarpino Pofey, Amédée (Amadeo Buffa), constable of Romania (d. Piazza S. Marco (in Venice), 256, 260n 1210), 27, 28, 35, 40n, 411n

Picardy, 207, 241 Poimanenon, 52 Piccati, Simone, Florentine interpreter (ff. 1348), 217, 218 | Poippe, captive (in 1366), 303

Piccolomini, Italian family, 129n, and see Pius II (Eneo Poitiers, battle of (1356), 231, 453

Silvio Piccolomini) Pola, 297, 307n, 346, 380; count of, 380n

Piedmont (Piemonte), 291, 292; count of, see PhilipofSavoy Poland, 61n, 96n, 110n, 245, 249n; crusaders from, 346:

Piero di Gieri (de’ Corieri), innkeeper and courier-master kingdom of, 247n, 342; kings of, see Casimir III

(fi. 1350), 215n 1333-1370, Louis I (of Hungary) 1370-1382, Ladislas

Pierre, archbishop of Narbonne 1347-1375: 232 (Vladislav) II Jagiello (of Lithuania) 1386-1434, J. Pierre I (of Clermont), son of Louis I; duke of Bourbon Sobieski 1674-1696; see also Elizabeth of Poland; people

1342-1356: 195, 297n of, 60

Pierre d’ Aigrefeuille, bishop of Vabres 1347-1349: 469 Polenta, ruling family at Ravenna (to 1441), 172 Pierre d’ Ameil, archbishop of Naples 1363-1365, cardinal Polyphengos, 154n

(Avignonese) 1378-1389: 241n, 294n Ponce de la Roche, lord of La Roche-sur-Ognon (ff. 1190), Pierre d’ Aulps (Pietro d’ Alifa), Hellenized Norman (fi. 405

1107), 59n Pons de Gualba, bishop of Barcelona 1303-1334: 175

Pierre de Charny, archbishop of Sens 1268-1274: 110n Pont-de-Sorgues, 245n Pierre de Corneillan, master of the Hospitallers 1353- Pont S. Esprit, 232

1355: 224n, 229, 230 Popes, see Leo IX 1049-1054, Urban II 1088-1099,

Pierre de Cros, nephew of Clement VI; cardinal 1350- Alexander III 1159-1181, Innocent III 1198-1216,

1361: 456, 465 Honorius II] 1216-1227, Gregory IX 1227-1241,

Pierre I de Dreux, count of Brittany 1213-1237 (d. 1250), Celestine IV in 1241, Innocent IV 1243-1254, Alex-

64, 65n ander IV 1254-1261, Urban IV 1261-1264, Clement

Pierre de I’ Isle, Angevin envoy (in 1291), 435 IV 1265-1268, Gregory X 1271-1276, Innocent V Pierre de la Palu, lord of Varambon (fl. 1345), 193 in 1276, Hadrian V in 1276, John XXI 1276-1277, Pierre de la Roche, castellan of the Acropolis 1230-21233: Nicholas III 1277-1280, Martin IV 1281-1285, Honor-

417 ius IV 1285—1287, Nicholas IV 1288— 1292, Celestine

Pierre de Tarentaise, see Innocent V V in 1294, Boniface VIII 1294-1303, Benedict XI

Pierre Thomas, Carmelite; bishop of Patti and Lipari 1354- 1303-1304, Clement V 1305-1314, John XXII 13161359, bishop of Coron 1359-1363, archbishop of Crete 1334, Benedict XII 1334-1342, Clement VI 13421363-1364, titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1352, Innocent VI 1352-1362, Urban V 1362-1370, 1364-1366: 174, 226-229, 231n, 233-248, 250, 252, Gregory XI 1370-1378, Urban VI 1378-1389, Boni253, 258-261, 263-— 268, 269n, 271-274, 284, 298n, 457 face IX 1389-1404, Gregory XII 1406-1415, Pius II Pietro da Canale, Venetian diplomat (f1. 1332), 180, 181n 1458-1464, Sixtus IV 1471-1484; see also Antipopes Pietro dalle Carceri, son of (Grappola and) Beatrice (da Port-de-Jonc (Old Navarino, Zonklon, Bocca de Zonchio), Verona); triarch of Euboea 1318—1328, double triarch 297, 390, 395 1328-1340: 450; wife of, see Balzana Gozzadini Port de Palli (Port de Paus), 282 Pietro de Colona, Venetian apothecary (ff. 1366), 296 Porthmus, 462, 463n

Pilat, Humbert, notary (d. 1373), 195n, 196n Porto, cardinal-bishops of, see Benedict, Guy de Boulogne; Piloti, Emmanuele, Cretan merchant (fl. 1430), 262n, 356, see also John XXII

383n, 384n, 386, 387n, 388 Porto Longo, 389, 395

INDEX 505 Porto Quaglio, 389 Ray, lords of, 408n, 417, and see Guy de Ray, Othon de Portofino, 338 la Roche (2); see also Gautier and Isabelle de Ray Portovenere, 334 Raymond Bérenger, master of the Hospitallers 1356—Portugal, king of, see Alfonso III 1248-1278 1374: 264, 275, 276, 278, 279, 283, 327 ——

Pot, Rénier, agent (ff. 1398), 366n Raymond de la Pradéle, archbishop of Nicosia 1361Poulachas, Byzantine general (ff. 1257), 76 1376: 243, 265, 266n

Pozegi, 366 Raymond de Lescure, Hospitaller prior of Toulouse 1396-— Prague (Praha), archbishop of, see Arnestus de Pardubiz 1411: 283

Prato (in Tuscany), 279, and see Gerardo da Prato Raynaldus (Odorico Rinaldi), papal annalist (d. 1671),

Premonstratensians, order, 414n 146, 327 Prespa, 85 Regensburg, 347; bishop of, see Albertus Magnus Prester John, legendary Christian king, 97n Reggio (di) Calabria, 470

Prilep, 43, 62, 74, 75, 88 Regno, see Naples, kingdom of Propylaea, 468, 473 Regola, 314 Prosek, 35, 45, 62; lord of, see D. Strez Rense, 172

Protestants, 1 Resti, Giunio, Ragusan chronicler (d. 1735), 356, 372 Provence, 128, 130, 152, 199n, 224, 232, 238, 286, 333, Retimo, 254

434; seneschal of, 190, 285 Rhaedestus, 321; Orthodox (and Latin?) bishop of, see John

Pteleum (Fetenli), 326, 454 Rhegina (Erkené), river, 73

Ptolemy of Lucca, Dominican chronicler (d. after 1312), Rhegium (Kiigiikcekmece), 307

113n, 128n, 138, 139n Rheims (Reims), 126n, 164n, 211, 249, and see Jean de Reims;

Puglia, see Apulia archbishop of, see J. Juvénal des Ursins Pyrgos, 25, 38 Rhine, river, 347; counts palatine of, 173 Rhineland, 246

Rhodes, 162n, 180, 213, 233, 245, 266; Latin archbishops

Qerqenah islands, 331 of, 186, and see Emanuel (of Famagusta)

Quercy, 169 Rhodes, island of, 3, 52, 69, 166, 188, 190, 191, 203, Querini, Venetian counts of Astypalaea (Stampalia) ca. 208-210, 212, 230, 236n, 237, 241, 242, 245n, 255n,

1413-1537: 19n, 432 258, 261, 262n, 264, 266, 271, 275, 277, 279, 281, 282,

Querini, Andrea, Venetian bailie in Constantinople 1363- 326, 328, 337, 360-362, 364, 371, 377, 382, 384-

1365: 250 386, 388-390, 393, 394, 447, 451n; lords of, see L.

Felisa Rhodope mountains, 45, 72

Querini, Jacopo, litigant (ff. 1244), 430, 431; wife of, see Gabalas, J. Palaeologus, and Hospitallers (1306-1523) Querini, Niccolo, son of Jacopo and Felisa; Venetian bailie Rhone, river, 121, 220, 226, 232, 243, 244, 434

at Acre 1278-21280: 431, 432 Rialto (in Venice), 150n, 242, 244, 260n, 276

Ricci, Genoese merchant firm, 391n Ricci, Ardingo, Genoese merchant (ff. 1403), 383 Rabban (Mar) Sauma, Nestorian monk (d. 1294), 146, 147, Riccio di S. Donato, Genoese consul (in 1240), 420

148n Richard I (“the Lionhearted’’), Plantagenet king of Eng-

Raccanelli, Pietro, Genoese captain of Smyrna 1363-1371: land 1189-1199: 4

247, 328 Richard II (“of Bordeaux”), son of Edward, the Black Prince;

Radolinski, Peter, bishop of Cracow 1392-1412: 370n Plantagenet king of England 1377-1399 (d. 1400),

Radulph de Rivo, dean of Tongres (d. 1403), 470 347n, 358, 374

Ragusa (Dubrovnik), 228, 290, 297, 300n, 307, 356, 357, Richartinger, Lienhart, Bavarian crusader (d. 1396), 351

359, 364, 372, 379n, 381, 392, 404; archbishop of, Rieti, 58, 148n see Hugo de Scuria; merchants of, 60; rector of, see Rigaud, Eudes, archbishop of Rouen 1248-1275: 113

Marino Rimini, 172

Rahova (Oryakhova), 349, 351, 354 Rinaldo (Concoreggi), archbishop of Ravenna 1303-1321: Raimbaud de Vaqueiras, French troubador (d. 1207?), 7 166

Rainallucci_ da Corbara, Pietro, Franciscan; antipope Rinaldo, canon of Santa Sophia (ff. 1236), 429

(“Nicholas V”) 1328-1330: 172 Riva (Iriva), 371

Rainerio da Siena, Franciscan (fl. 1264), 100 Rivoli, 291, 292, 308n Rainerio da Travaglia, lord of Zeitounion (in 1215),27n,40 Robert (“the Wise”), son of Charles II of Anjou; Angevin

Ramatas, Manuel, Byzantine general (f?. 1257), 76 king of Naples 1309-1343: 153, 154, 158, 159, 170Ramon de Perelldés, viscount of Roda (fl. 1400), 372 172, 179, 181, 188, 435, 448, 449n, 452; wife of, see Raoul, John, Byzantine general (fl. 1258), 85, 88n, 89 Sancia (of Majorca) Rapondi, Dino (Jodino; “Digne Responde”), Lucchese Robert II, count of Artois 1250-1302, regent of Naples

merchant (fi. 1397), 362, 365-368, 401, 402 1284-1289: 433

Rascia, 290 Robert, duke of Bar 1352~—1411: 359, 363

Ravano dalle Carceri, triarch of southern Euboea 1205- Robert II, son of Hugh IV; duke of Burgundy and titular 1209, lord of Euboea 1209-1216: I7n, 27n, 35, 36, king of Thessalonica 1273-1305: 128

40, 407n, 409—411; wife of, see Isabella Robert, heir of Guillaume of Champlitte (/2. 1209), 34

Ravenna, 172, and see Giovanni . ..da Ravenna (2); Robert de Suciaco, canon of Athens (fi. 1209), 408

archbishop of, see Rinaldo Robert of Clari, French chronicler (ff. 1216), 9n, 18

Ravennika, 28, 29, 34, 39, 41, 63; parliament of (1209), Robert of Courtenay, son of Peter and Yolande; Latin 28, 29, 34; concordat of (1210), 39-41, 46-48, 411- emperor of Constantinople 1221-1228: 44, 45, 51, 52,

414 54, 63, 65, 417n

506 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Robert of Geneva, see Clement VII (antipope) Rudolph of Citta di Castello, Augustinian theologian (fl. Robert of S. Severino, count of Corigliano (ff. 1345), 1366), 288

197n, 208 Rumelia, 376

Robert of Taranto, son of Philip I and Catherine; Angevin Ruphi, Antoine, Nigois captain (fl. 1346), 208 prince of Albania 1331-1333, of Achaea 1333-1364, Russia, 61, 97, 108n, 320, 352n; princes of, 73 titular Latin emperor of Constantinople 1346-1364: Rychaldus, interpreter (fl. 1274), 116n 159-161, 188, 194, 199n, 238n, 250, 255, 297; wife of,

see Marte of Bourbon Sabina, 231; cardinal-bishops of, see P. Gomez de Barroso,

Robert of Torigny, abbot of Mont S. Michel (d. 1186), 17n Bertrand de Déaux, Gil de Albornoz, Bessarion,

Rocaberti, viscount of, see F. Dalmau Amadeo (VIII of Savoy), Isidore; see also Celestine Roda, viscount of, see Ram6én de Perellés IV, Clement IV

Rodez, 275 Sachlikina, widow of R. Logaras (ff. 1213), 29, 30, 51

Roger II, count of Sicily 1101-1130, king 1130-1154: 331 Safad, 108 Roger, Latin archbishop of Patras 1337-1347: 186, 206 Saint Albans, monks of, 274n, 276, 376n Roger, Guillaume (II), brother of Clement VI; viscount of Saint André, 175

Beaufort (ff. 1344), 196n Saint Catherine, monastery (below Mt. Sinai), 283

Roger, Guillaume (III), of Beaufort, son of G. Roger (II); Saint David’s, 409; bishop of, see Giraldus Cambrensis viscount of Turenne 1350-1395: 263, 265, 271, 273; Saint Denis, abbey (near Paris), 38, 39, 147, 249, 347; chron-

wife of (Eleanor), 263 icler of, 333, 334, 335n, 336, 341, 345n, 348-355, 370n,

Roger, Hugues, brother of Clement VI; cardinal 1342- 372, 375, 376

1363: 220 Saint Denis, lord of, see Etienne de la Baume

Roger, Pierre, see Clement VI and Gregory XI Saint Flour, bishop of (Pierre d’Estaing 1361-1368), 245 Roger de Flor, leader of Catalans (d. 1305), 164n, 169,441 Saint George, castle, 154, 437 Roger de Lluria, (Italian) admiral (d. 1305), 148n, 156n, 157 Saint George, head of, 372, 456

Roger de Lluria, (Catalan) ruler of Thebes and vicar- Saint Jean d’ Acre, see Acre general of Athens (1362) 1366-—ca, 1370: 307,456-459 Saint Jean de Maurienne, 292; bishop of (Amadeo of Savoy

Roger des Pins, master of the Hospitallers 1355-1365: 227, 1349-1376), 286n

231, 234n, 235, 239, 247, 250, 258n Saint Mark (San Marco), church (at Venice), 8, 34, 79, 256,

Roger le Fort, archbishop of Bourges 1343-1368: 245 296; republic of, see Venice, republic of

Roland de Vaissy, French crusader (d. 1366), 293, 299 Saint Nicholas, church (at Patras), 452 Romagna, 86n, 166, 169, 172, 231; rector of, 210n Saint Omer (in Flanders), 418; family of, 418n, and see Bela, Roman Catholic (Latin) Church, 1, 4, 10, 13-16, 20, 37- Nicholas (3), and Othon of S. Omer 42, 47, 48, 58, 66, 70n, 79, 96, 97, 102-104, 106— Saint Omer, castle (at Thebes), 156, 157n, 452 108, 112, 114, 116-120, 124, 125, 128, 149, 152, 157, Saint Peter’s, church (in Rome), 108, 133, 134n, 138n, 147, 160, 163-166, 168, 173-175, 186, 193, 196, 198, 199, 170, 172, 176, 177, 313, 341 203, 205, 213, 215, 217, 222, 224-229, 231, 234, 235, Saint Pol, counts of, see Hugh IV, Guy III 236n, 238, 243, 246, 247, 250, 255, 259, 276, 286, 288, Saint Pons de Thomiéres, bishop of, see E. Cambarou

289, 290n, 308, 313-315, 323, 337, 344, 367, 370, Saladin, Aiyaibid soldan of Egypt (1169) and Syria 1174406, 408n, 409-417, 419, 425, 429, 437, 443, 446, 447, 1193: 4

455, 460, 461, 465, 467-469, 471 Salamis, 18, 181, 191, 454

stantinople 186, 429n, 461-463

Romania, see Byzantine empire, Latin empire of Con- Salamon, Nicholas, Latin archbishop of Athens 1328-1351: Romans, kings of the, 171, 173, and see Germany, kings of | Salamon, Philip, brother of Nicholas (ff. 1353), 461n

Romanus, bishop of Croia (in 1294), 150 Salerno, prince of, see Charles II of Anjou

Rome (Roma), 4, 7, 37n, 38, 44, 45n, 64, 108, 110, 121, Salimbene of Parma, Franciscan chronicler (fl. 1280), 139 123, 125, 128, 131-134, 138, 146, 147, 148n, 151, 152, Salona (Amphissa, La Sola), 29, 35, 43, 86, 90, 378, 409,

170-173, 176, 177, 187, 207, 277, 279, 280, 283, 306, 410n, 416, 439, 442, 444, 451, 454, 471; Articles of, 308, 309, 312-315, 316n, 319, 320, 327, 333, 340- 467n; Gulf of (or of Crissa), 90; Latin bishops of, 462, and 342, 370, 372, 379n, 409, 412, 416, 418, 436, 446, see Philip, Albert; lords of, see ‘Thomas d’Autremencourt 461, 464n, 469, 470, and see Bartholomew of Rome; (3), R. Deslaur, and Alfonso, Pedro I, James, and Luis bishops of, see Popes; see also Roman Catholic Church Fadrique

Roncesvalles, battle of (778), 355 Saluzzo, marquis of, 329

Roosebeke, battle of (1382), 332 Salzburg, archbishopric of, 248, 258, 343

Rosetta (Rashid), 282 Samarkand, 376

Rosso, Niccold Morosini, Venetian bailie at Negroponte Samos, 3, 18, 52, 104, 428n

1278-1280: 427 Samothrace, 18 vich; prince (d. ca. 1262), 73; wife of, see Anna (of San Giorgio d’Arbora (Belbina), 298 Hungary) San Niccolo (Aulaimon), 451 Rouen, archbishops of, 179, and see E. Rigaud San Superano, see Pedro (“Bordo”) de San Superano Rostislav Mikhailovich, son of Michael (Mikhail) Vsevolodo- San Germano, 59

Rovigno, 307 Sancia, sister of Ferdinand of Majorca; wife of Robert of Rovine, battle of (1395), 341 Naples 1309-1343 (d. 1345), 188

Roye, Pierre, French sculptor (ff. 1353), 223 Sangarius (Sakarya), river, 18 Rudolph II, duke of Saxony 1356-1370: 247 Sangiorgio, Benvenuto, count of Biandrate (d. 1527), 53n Rudolph I, Hapsburg king of Germany and claimant to Sant’ Angelo, Cape, 384, 389, 394, 395

empire 1273-1291: 114, 123, 128, 133 Santa Maura, see Leukas

Rudolph IV, nephew of Frederick III; Hapsburg duke of Santa Sophia, see Hagia Sophia

Austria 1358-1365: 247 Santorin, see Thera

INDEX 507 Sanudi, Venetian ducal dynasty at Naxos 1207— 1371 (1383), Sea Gate (Bab al-Bahr, at Alexandria), 269, 270

19n, and see Marco I ca. 1207-ca. 1227, Angelo ca. Sebenico (Sibenik), 228, 404 1227-1262, Marco II 1262-1303, Niccolo I 1323-1341, Second Bulgarian Empire, 3 Giovanni I 1341-1362, and Fiorenza 1362-1371 Second Crusade (1147—1149), 2 Sanudo, Angelo, son of Marco I; duke of Naxos ca. 1227- Segna (Senj), 290, 347, 404

1262: 57n, 63n, 68, 83, 91, 430, 431; wife of, 95 Segni, see John de’Conti of Segni; see also Innocent III Sanudo, Filippo, son of Leone; Negropontine commander (Lotario), Gregory IX (Ugolino), and Alexander IV

(in 1271), 424 (Rinaldo de’ Conti)

247n 1566-1574: 19n

Sanudo, Fiorenza, daughter of Giovanni I; wife of Giovanni _ Seine, river, 20, 375

dalle Carceri 1349-1358, duchess of Naxos 1362-1371: Selim II, great-grandson of Bayazid II; Ottoman sultan Sanudo, Giovanni I (“Janulli”), brother of Niccolé 1; duke of | Seljuks (Selchiikids), Turkish dynasty in Anatolia (“Rum”)

Naxos 1341-1362: 188, 221, 222, 247n 1071~ 1302: 61, 146, and see Kai-Khusrau II 1237-1245,

Sanudo, Leone, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1252-1254: Kai-Ka’us II 1245-1261

424 Selymbria (Silivri), 92, 213, 311, 321, 322

Sanudo, Marco I, nephew of Enrico Dandolo; duke of Naxos Seminara, 189

ca. 1207-—ca. 1227: l’7n, 19n, 426, 428, 431 Senlis, bishop of, see Guy de Plailly

Sanudo, Marco II, son of Angelo; duke of Naxos 1262-1303: Sens, archbishop of, see Pierre de Charny

69, 95, 144, 431, 432 Serai, 108n

Sanudo, Marino (“Torsello”), Venetian chronicler and Serbia, 52, 73n, 183, 226, 300, 329, 341, 342, 348, 359; publicist (d. 1337), 56, 69, 77-80, 88n, 99, 109, 136- kingdom of, 104, 259, 460; kings of, see Nemanyids 138, 168n, 174, 180, 182n, 422, 424-428, 431, 432, 1168-1371; mercenaries from, 85

442n, 451n, 453n Serbs, 3, 43, 61, 73-75, 109, 246n, 317n, 320, 328, 329,

Sanudo, Marino (“the Younger”), Venetian historian (d. 343, 367, 379, 451; rulers of, see Lazar I 1371-1389,

1533), 255 Stephen Lazarevic 1389-1427

Sanudo, Niccold I, grandson of Marco II; duke of Naxos Seriphos, 428, 462

1323-1341: 69, 156, 157, 188n Serquices, 439

Sanudo, Tommaso, Venetian envoy (in 1369), 314 Serres (Serrai), 28, 45, 52, 62, 69, 83, 246n, 317n, 329

Sapienza, 34, 371, 384, 389, 390n, 394, 395 Servia, 45, 57, 73, 74, 87

Saquet, Raymond, bishop of Thérouanne 1334-1356: 193, Servion, Jean, 15th-century chronicler, 292n

206n, 221, 222, 229n, 236, 455 Sette Pozzi (Spetsai), battle of (1263), 96n, 100

Saracens, see Moslems “Seventh Crusade” (1249-1250), 2, 69 Saragossa (Zaragoza), 464n; archbishop of, see G. Fernandez Sfax (Safaqus), 331 de Heredia Sgourus, Leo, lord of Corinth (d. 1208), 21-23, 24n, 25, 34, Sarandaporos, river, 87 405, 406; wife of, see Eudocia (Angelina) Sardica (Sofia), Council of (343), 71 Sha‘ban, al-Ashraf Nasir-ad-Din, grandson of an-Nasir;

Sardinia, 142, 152, 163, 169, 332-334, 338, 443, 446, 455, Bahri Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1363-1376:

464n; merchants from, 337 262, 266, 271, 272, 274-283, 291n

Sardo, Ranieri, Pisan merchant (d. by 1399), 338n Shipka pass, 350

Sarepta (Sarafand), 280 Sibylle de la Roche, sister of Othon; wife of Jacques de Cicon

Saronic Gulf, 298, 419, 449 (fl. 1220), 417, 418

Sarukhan, 341, 376 Sicard, bishop of Cremona 1185-1215: 17n

Saulger, Robert, chronicler (d. 1709), 57n Sicilian Vespers (1282), 105, 140-144, 428, 432, 441 Savelli, Cencio and Jacopo, see Honorius III and 1V Sicily (“Trinacria”), 1, 7, 33n, 107, 109, 117, 130, 138, 139n,

Savona, 396 140-145, 147-149, 152, 165, 169, 179, 226, 227, 237, Savoy, 285, 286, 302, 304, 397; counts of, see Amadeo V 248, 258, 327, 330, 335, 338, 388, 392, 427, 433, 446, 1285-1323, Amadeo VI 1343-1383, Amadeo VII 454, 455, 458n; kingdom of, 3, 82, 85, 86, 113, 128, 1383-1391, Amadeo VIII 1391-1416, duke 1416- 131, 138, 139, 142, 143, 149n, 166, 170, 206, 294, 331, 1440; see also Amadeo, Anna (Jeanne), Blanche, Louis, 340, 342, 437, 443-445, 449, 456, 460, 466, 467, and see

and Philip of Savoy Constance; kings of, see Roger II (count 1101-1130)

Saxony-Wittenberg, dukes of, 173, and see Rudolph II 1130-1154, William II 1166-1189, Henry (VJ) 1194-

1356-1370 1197, Frederick I (IJ) 1197-1212 (1250), Conradin

Scagnier, Donato, Venetian skipper (fl. 1366), 294n 1254-1258, Manfred 1258-1266, Charles I of Anjou Scaligeri, ruling family at Verona 1260-1389: 172, 188, (1266) 1268-1282, Peter I (Pedro III of Aragon197, 243, and see Alberto and Mastino della Scala Catalonia) 1282-1285, James I (II) 1285-1296, Fred-

Scardona, 228 erick II 1296-1337, Peter II 1337-1342, Frederick III

Scarlatto, Giovanni, Latin bishop of Coron 1346-1348: 203 1355-1377, Martin I 1391-1409, Martin II (1) 1409Schiltberger, Johann, Bavarian crusader (in 1396), 351-356 1410; queen of, see Maria 1377-1402; ships from, 94n Schism, 71, 110, 111, 164, 165, 168, 224, 225, 287,288,311, Siderocastron (Sideroporta), 87,424, 432, 442—444, 451,459 313, 314; Cerularian (1054), 1, 132; Great (1378-1417), Sidon (Sagitta, Saida’), 279, 282, 387

173n, 187, 333, 342, 370, 463 Siebenbirgen, voivode of, see Stephen Lackovic; see also Sclavonia, 209; ban of, 73n Transylvania

Scordilli, George, Greek noble (ff. 1363), 250n Siena, 27n, 188, 193, 197, 204, 279, 308n, and see Bartolom-

Scotland, 110n; people of, 374n meo and Rainerio da Siena

Scuola of S. Giovanni Evangelista, 284 Sigeros, Nicholas, Byzantine envoy (in 1347), 213, 215, 226

Scutari (in Albania), 404 Sigismund (of Luxemburg), son of Charles IV; king of

Scutari (on the Bosporus), 312 Hungary 1385 (1387)— 1437, of Germany 1410 (1414)“Scythians,” 160, and see Cumans 1433, of Bohemia 1419 (1436)—1437, emperor 1433-

508 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1437: 341-351, 353-359, 360n, 366-368, 38In, 400, Spezia, Gulf of, 334 401, 403, 472n Sphenaritza, 81, 136 Simeon, tsar of Bulgaria 893-927: 53, 55 Sphrantzes, George, 15th-century Byzantine official and

Simon, Latin patriarch of Constantinople 1227?- 1232: 58, historian, 316n

429 Spiafamis, Bartolommeo, Lucchese merchant (ft. 1350), 221

Simon, titular Latin bishop of Laodicea (in 1366), 273 Spinelli, Matteo (da Giovinazzo), Italian chronicler (fl. 1260),

Simon Atumano, bishop of Gerace 1348-1366, archbishop 86n, 90 of Thebes 1366—ca, 1386: 259, 466, 468-471 Spinola, Ansaldo, Genoese envoy (in 1397), 363 Simona, niece of William of Villehardouin; wife of Guglielmo Spiritual Franciscans (Fraticelli or “Bisoci”), 151, 173, 224

I da Verona (fl. 1255), 78 Spoleto, 150, 169; duchy of, 231

Simona of Aragon, daughter of Alfonso Fadrique; wife of | Sponza, palace (at Ragusa), 356

Giorgio II Ghisi (from 1327), 156n Sracimir (Stracimir, Sracimir), John, son of John Alexander;

Sinai, Mount (Jabal Misa), 283 Sismanid tsar of western Bulgaria ca. 1360-1396: 287, Sion (Sitten), bishop of (Guichard Tavelli 1342-1375), 286n 348, 349n Siphnos, 428 Stampalia, see Astypalaea Sirello di Pietro (of Ancona), Latin archbishop of Thebes — Stavros, 419

1351-ca. 1357: 455, 457 Stella, Giorgio, Genoese chronicler (ff. 1420), 197, 379, 394,

Sigman, John, son of John Alexander; Sigmanid tsar of 398

eastern Bulgaria ca. 1360-1393: 290, 300-304, 329n Stenimachus, 62 Si§manids (Shishmanids), tsars of Bulgaria 1323-1396, Steno, Michele, doge of Venice 1400-1413: 326, 390, 391,

see John Alexander 1331-1371, John Si&8man ca. 394-396, 400, 402-404 1360-1393 (eastern), John Sracimir ca. 1360-1396 Stephen, see also Etienne

(western) Stephen V, son of Bela IV; Arpad king of Hungary 1270-

Sisopolis, see Sozopolis 1272: 111 Sivino da Caristo, Italian at Negroponte (by 1262), 81n Stephen, brother of Louis I of Hungary; clatmant to Naples “Sixth Crusade” (1228-1229), 55 (in 1345), 199n

Sixtus IV (Francesco della Rovere), cardinal 1467-1471, Stephen, Latin archbishop of Athens (ca. 1300), 151

pope 1471-1484: 118 Stephen, Latin archbishop of Corfu (in 1296), 150, 151n

Skiathos, 377; lord of, see Geremia Ghisi Stephen, Latin archbishop of Thebes 1312~—d. by 1326: 447

Skoplje, 62 in 1346: 462

Skopelos, 377, 426; lords of, see Geremia and Filippo Ghisi_ Stephen (de Pinu), titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople

Skorta, 31, 437 Stephen de Insula, bishop of Neutria 1350-1367: 288

Ghisi (fl. 1396), 357

Skyros, 377, 408, 409, 410n, 426, 462; lord of, see Geremia Stephen de Kanizsa, brother of John; Hungarian magnate Slavs, 3, 25, 26, 61, 63, 68, 254n, 290n, 342, 357n; see also Stephen Dragutin, son of Stephen Urosh I; Nemanyid king

Bulgarians, Melings, Serbs of Serbia 1276-1282: 130 Smithfield, 246 Stephen Lackovic, voivode of Siebenbiirgen (Transylvania)

Smyrna (Izmir), 33, 72, 91, 160, 181, 190n, 191-195, in 1396: 355

197—199, 201-205, 207, 208, 212-223, 227, 229-231, Stephen Lazarevic, son of Lazar I; ruler of the Serbs 233-240, 243, 247, 285, 286, 328, 341, 455; captains of, 1389— 1427: 350, 355

see Barnaba da Parma, O. Dolfin, N. Benedetti, Stephen Urosh (UroS) I, Nemanyid king of Serbia 1242P. Raccanelli, O. Cattaneo; Latin archbishops of, 328, 1276: 74, 75, 85, 106 and see Paulus, Francis(?), Thomas de Savigny Stephen Urosh II Milutin, son of Stephen Urosh I; NemanSmyrniote crusades (1343-1351), 184-215, 218, 220-223, yid king of Serbia 1282-1321: 166n

456 Stephen Urosh IV Dushan (DuSan), grandson of Stephen

Sobieski, John, king of Poland 1674~— 1696: 1 Urosh II Milutin; Nemanyid king of Serbia 1331-1345,

Sofia (Sardica), 329 “emperor” 1345-1355: 3, 213~215, 225, 226, 451 Soissons, 7, and see Margaret of Soissons; countess of, see Stephen Urosh V, son of Stephen Urosh IV Dushan; Isabelle of Lorraine Nemanyid king of Serbia 1355-1371: 290 Soranzo, Giovanni, doge of Venice 1312-1328: 154n, 177, Stip, 62 448-452 Stiris, 444; abbey (of S. Luke) at, 438, 444; abbot of, 414; Soranzo, Marco, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1345-1347: lord of, see W. Fadrique

202, 454 Straits, see Bosporus, Dardanelles

Soranzo, Pietro, Venetian envoy to Cairo (in 1366), 274 Strambaldi, Diomedes, Cypriote chronicler (ca. 1540), 382

Soriano, 134 Strategopoulus, Alexius, Byzantine general (ff. 1261), 62n,

Sosandri, 76 85, 88n, 89,347 90, 92—94 Soscus,monastery, 86, 88 Straubing,

Soverani, Marino, Venetian skipper (ff. 1366), 294n, 295n = Strez, Dobromir, nephew of Ioannitsa; Asenid lord of Prosek

Sozopolis (Sisopolis), 302, 304-306, 308-310, 391; Latin (d. ca. 1213), 35

bishops of, see Ambrosius, G. Conti Stromer, Ulman, Nuremberg chronicler (d. 1407), 351

Spain, I, 110n, 144, 169, 194, 316n, 342, 370; crusaders Strymbakon, Orthodox bishop of Cassandrea (in 1213), 30 from, 166n; kings of, 2, and see Philip II 1556-1598; Strymon, river, 45, 62

soldiers from, 427 Suboto, 130

Spalato (Split), 228, 357, 367, 404; archbishop of, see Suffolk, earl of (Robert de Ufford), 253, 254

Ugolino de Malabranca Suleiman, son of Bayazid I; governor of European Turkey,

Spanopoulus, George, Byzantine official (in 1347), 213, 215 contender for sultanate 1402-1411: 306n, 329n, 376-

Sparta, bishop of, see Lacedaemonia 380

INDEX 509 Sully, see Hugh le Rousseau de Sully; lord of, see Guy de la III of S. Omer, Giorgio II Ghisi, Roger de Lluria,

Trémoille Antonio I Acciajuoli; Orthodox metropolitan of, 24n,

Suriano, Jacopo, Venetian envoy (in 1403), 380 29n; veguer of, see Nicholas de Ardoino

Susa (in Italy), 291, 308n Theobald I, count of Bar 1191-1214: 7

Susa (Sisah, in Tunisia), 331, 334 Theobald III, count of Champagne 1197-1201: 7

Swabia, duke of, see Philip of Swabia Theodora, daughter of Theodore II Lascaris (ft. 1258), 76

Switzerland, 366 Theodora, of Mesembria (ff. 1366), 304

Sybert of Beek, 14th-century Carmelite polemicist, 171 Theodora Petraliphas (Petraliphina), wife of Michael II Synadenus, John, Byzantine general (fl. 1278), 426 Ducas (m. by 1230, d. after 1271, canonized), 59, 60, 73, Syria, 2, 24, 106, 108, 109, 121, 129, 174, 241, 266, 275, 276, 85 278, 281-284, 286, 287, 292, 329n, 330, 339n, 345, Theodore, Byzantine official (in 1275), 121, 123, 125 348n, 382, 384n, 385n, 387, 388, 393, 394; rulers of, 97, | Theodore, Orthodox (and Catholic) bishop of Negroponte

and see Aiyubids, Mamluks; waters off, 291, 294 (in 1208), 410, 411

Syros, 462 Theodore Ducas, half-brother of Michael I; ruler of Epirus

1215-1230, “emperor” of Thessalonica 1225-1230 (d.

1254), 29, 36, 41n, 43—45, 50-61, 69, 70, 72, 76,81, 406,

Taberner, A., Aragonese envoy (in 1278), 139n 416, 417

Tacconi, Isnard, Dominican; Latin archbishop of Thebes Theodore I Lascaris, brother of Constantine; Byzantine 1308-1311, 1326-1342, bishop of Pavia and titular emperor (1205) at Nicaea 1208-1222: 13n, 43, 44n,

patriarch of Antioch 1311-1319: 453, 455 52, 406

Taddeo de’ Pepoli, lord of Bologna 1337-1347: 199, 204, Theodore II Lascaris, son of John III Vatatzes; Byzantine

210n emperor at Nicaea 1254-1258: 57n, 71n, 72—77, 81, 84,

Taddeo di Firenze, Angevin jurist (ff. 1280), 127n 85, 92; wife of, see Helena (Asenina)

Tagliacozzo, battle of (1268), 105 Theodore II Palaeologus, son of Giovanni II; marquis of Talleyrand, Elias (of Périgord), cardinal 1331-1364: 226, Montferrat 1381-1418: 398, 399

244, 245, 258, 294 Theophanes, Orthodox metropolitan at Nicaea (in 1274),

Tana (Azov), 320, 329, 358n, 389 114, 115, 135

Taranto (Tarentum), princes of, see Manfred, and Louis, Thera (Santorin), 19n

Philip (2), and Robert of Taranto Thermia (Cythnus), 462

Tarascon, 434 Thermopylae, 22, 28, 45, 50, 79, 387, 416, 417n; Latin ‘Tarchaneiotes, Andronicus, nephew of Michael VIII Palaeo- bishopric of, 408, 409, 429; bishops of, 409n (Arnulf logus (fl. 1267), 422, 423n 1208-1212), 462, 466 Tarchaneiotes, Macarius Glabas, uncle of John V Palaeologus; Thérouanne, bishop of, see R. Saquet

Byzantine monk (ff. 1367), 311 Thessalonica (Salonika), 3, 16, 17, 21, 24n, 28, 30, 42-45, 50,

Tarentaise, 123n, and see Innocent V (Pierre de Tarentaise); 51, 53, 55, 56, 58-63, 67, 73-75, 77, 83, 85, 110, 144,

archbishop of, see Jean de Bertrand 183, 301, 315, 317, 320, 321, 329, 341, 377, 416, 417, Taronas, Viach chieftain (ff. 1259), 87 440; dean of, 47; governors of, 30, 69, 74; Gulf of, 45;

Tatars, see Mongols Latin archbishop of, see Garinus; Orthodox metro-

Taygetus, Mount, 25, 63, 68 politans of, 30, and see C. Mesopotamites Tekke, 376; emir of, 240 Thessalonica, ‘“‘despotate” of, 58, 61, 63, 64, 67; despots of, Temesvar, count of, 352n see Ducae; lordship and kingdom of, 17-19, 21, 25n, 27,

Tempe, 45, 57 29, 35, 39, 40, 50-53, 56, 83, 105, 411, 415, 416, 418n;

Tempier, Etienne, bishop of Paris 1268-1279: 113 lords and (from 1209) kings of, see Boniface I (of MontTemplars, or Knights Templars, military order, 13, 28n, 38, ferrat) 1204-1207, Demetrius 1207-1224; titular kings 66n, 165, 168n, 169, 170, 186, 230, 447; grand master of, see Boniface II 1230—1253, Hugh (IV of Burgundy) of, see Jacques de Molay 1298-1307; master of, see 1266-1273, Robert (II of Burgundy) 1273-1305, Louis

William of Beaujeu 1273-1291 of Burgundy 1313-1316

Tenedos (Bozcaada), 3, 239n, 307, 317-326, 329, 392, 455; Thessaly (Vlachia), 22n, 29, 35, 39, 42, 43, 45, 51, 53, 59, 60,

Venetian captains of, see Z. Mudazzo, G. Memo 73, 81-83, 85-87, 89, 129, 143, 329, 422-495 435,

Tenos, 326; lords of, see Ghisi 438-442, 451 Terra di Lavoro, 150 Third Crusade (1189-1192), 2, 4

Terracina, 338 Thomas, Franciscan; Latin archbishop of Paros and Naxos Thalassinon, 439 Thomas I d’Autremencourt, lord of Salona 1205—ca. 1211: Teutonic Knights, military order, 38, 346n (from 1357), 457

Thamar (“Catherine”), daughter of Nicephorus I Ducas and 35 Anna; wife of Philip I of Taranto 1294-1309 (d. 1311), Thomas II d’Autremencourt, son of Thomas I; lord of

435, 436 Salona ca. 1211-—d. after 1258: 40, 79, 416, 420n, 421

Thebes (Thebai, Estives), 19n, 20n, 22, 23, 28, 29, 33n, 42,49, Thomas III d’Autremencourt, grandson of Thomas II; lord 65-67, 78, 80, 86, 89, 95, 129n, 156, 157, 206, 233, 258, of Salona 1294-1311: 151, 435, 438-440; wife of, 451 298, 328, 329, 405, 406, 408, 411-418, 420, 421, 423— Thomasde Kapolya, archbishop of Kalocsa 1358~ 1367: 289

425, 432, 433, 437, 440-447, 452, 456, 458-462, 466— Thomas de Savigny, Latin archbishop of Smyrna 1362-

473; Articles of, 459; dean of, see M. Oller: lady of, 1373: 247

see Bonne de la Roche; Latin archbishops of, 29, 37,46, Thomas de Ufford, English noble (ff. 1366), 253

47, 50n, 64, 66, 96, 149, 411-414, 420, and see Thomas Ducas, son of Nicephorus I and Anna; despot of I. Tacconi, Stephen, Philip, Sirello di Pietro, Paulus, Epirus 1296-1318: 438 Simon Atumano; lords of, see Albertino da Canossa, Guy Thomas of Verona (“Tommasaccio”), son of Boniface; lord

I de la Roche, Bela, Nicholas II, Othon, and Nicholas of Larmena (d. 1326), 450

510 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Thrace, 11, 16, 18, 27, 52, 55-57, 62, 72, 73, 75, 92, 93n, MS. at, 155n; peace of (1381), 322, 326, 327, 329, 366, 164n, 166n, 193n, 213, 215, 225, 226, 245n, 246n, 441 389, 393, 396, 397, 401, 403, 455

Tiber (Tevere), river, 315n, 341 Turkey, 204, 217, 230, 237, 252, 264, 266, 287, 312n, 344,

Tiepolo, Jacopo, Venetian podesta in Constantinople (in 348n, 360n, 368, 377, 380, 400; in Europe, see Rumelia;

1219), doge of Venice 1229-1249: 44n, 52n, 430 see also Anatolia, Turks in Tiepolo, Lorenzo, doge of Venice 1268-1275: 111 Turks (“Agarenes”), 1-3, 6, 33n, 41, 61, 73, 85, 88, 97, 99, Timur (Lenk, “the Lame”; Tamerlane), Timurid Gur-khan 100n, 121, 127n, 137, 143, 144, 146, 149, 154, 159,

1369-1405: 223, 358n, 376, 377, 379 160, 162—164, 166, 177, 179-204, 206-239, 243-246,

Timurtash (Pasha), Ottoman general (ff. 1397), 472n 248, 258-260, 264, 275, 279, 280, 285-291, 293, 298-

Tirnovo, 20, 55, 56, 91, 303, 305n, 329, 350 300, 302, 306, 307, 309, 311-318, 320-329, 341-346,

Tlemcen (Tilimsan), 330 348-359, 361, 362, 364, 367, 370—382, 386, 400, 404,

Tongres, dean of, see Radulph de Rivo 408n, 425, 437, 441, 446, 448-451, 453n, 454-456,

Tonnerre, county of, 44 458-461, 463, 465, 468, 471-473, and see Ottomans, Tornikes, Constantine, Byzantine logothete (ff. 1201), 21n Seljuks, Turcomans Tornikes, Demetrius, brother of George; Byzantine logo- Turnu-Severin, 348

thete (f7. 1193), 4n Tuscany (Toscana), 50, 147, 169, 173n, 193, 231, 254;

Tornikes, George, Orthodox metropolitan of Ephesus (in soldiers from, 452; vicariate of, 133

1156), 4n, 22n Tusculum, cardinal-bishops of, see G. Court, Bessarion;

Torresella (“Torexela”), Venetian prison in the doge’s see also John XXI

palace, 391, 393 Tvrtko I, ruler of Bosnia 1353-1391: 344

Torriani, Lodovico, Latin bishop of Coron 1357-1359, Tyre (Sur), 96n, 106, 108

patriarch of Aquileia 1359-1365: 233n Tyrol, Austrian, 366

Tortosa (Tartiis), 279, 282 Tyrrhenian Sea, 330

T , 289

Toti, Francesco, 14th-century Franciscan polemicist, 171 Tzakones (Laconians), 26, 63, 68

Toucy, see Anseau and Narjot of Toucy Tzepaena, 62, 72, 73 Toulon, 265n Tzurulum (Chorlu), 18, 57 Toulouse, 331; archbishop of, see Geoffroy de Veyrols;

Hospitaller prior of, see Raymond de Lescure . ,

Touraine, duke of, see Louis (1) 1386-1391 Ugolino de Malabranca, archbishop of Spalato 1349-1388:

ours, coinage 165346 . Tower of Galata,of, 10,49, 11n150, Ulnavi,

Trachinian lain (Thalassinum) 87 Umur (Pasha), son of Mehmed; emir of Aydin 1334-1348:

Traiane olin in 19 181-183, 189, 191, 192, 193n, 194, 207, 209, 211-216

Trani ns 86 109n Union of the Churches, I, 2, 3n, 4, 14, 41, 58n, 65, 70, 77, 84, Trans Wwania (Siebenbir en), 61, 355 95, 98-102, 106-110, lin, 112n, 115-122, 124, 125, Trapeni 338° yo 228, 126n, 229, 129-132, 134,289, 135, 138, 177, 189,309-311, 213, 214, pant 140. va , 3351 994-2996, 280n, 295,143, 306, 308,

see Comneni, Grand , ; Trevisan, Venetian family, 323 ; .

Trat (Trogir), 228, 404

Trebizond (Trabzon), 18, 52, 320, 329, 358n; emperors of 313, 315, 320, 329, 424, 425 2ZON)s B02 94s OEMs OEM > CMP > Urban II (Odo of Lagery), pope 1088-1099: 1, 108

Treverneis, Savoyard 1366), 304 107, Urban IV (Jacques pope 1261-1264: ornels, 2aveycrusader : , 96,(in98-102, 108, 112,Pantaléon), 123, 138n, 166, 42093n, 95, Trevisan, Venetian envoy (in 1411), Urban V (Guillaume de Grimoard), pope 1362-1370: 173, Sal, Jacopo, JACOPOs : yw 176, 177, 326 187, 232n, 233n, 238, 243-253, 255, 258-263, Trevisan, Zaccaria, Venetian envoy (in 1402), 379n

Treviso, 200n, 260n, 281, 307, 322, 343, 361, 365, 366, 400 264n, 267n, 272-277, 279, 280, 282, 283, 285-291, 294,

; ’ 7.403; ? , ; ,podesta , , , 306, 308-311, 317, 319, 327, 456-459, 463, 401, of, 242 313-315, 468n. 470

Tricoryphus, 90 Urban VI (Bartolommeo Prignani), pope 1378-1389: 173n, Trier, archbishops of, 173

;. 331, 333n, 342n, 172, 463n, 464n, 468, 469, 471 Trikkala, 438, 439 . : a Urbino, 231 Trinacria, see Sicily rR Antelme . . Urtiéres, lord of, see

Triphylia, 162n 280, Uris.331 939 Tripoli (in Africa), , Tripoli (in Syria; Tarabulus), 108, 277n, 278, 279, 387, 393

Tripolitania, 330 Vabres, bishop of, see Pierre d’ Aigrefeuille

Trissonia, 151 Valaincourt, Frankish baronial family, 417 Troyes, 96n Valania (Baniyds), 279 Tuare, Piero, Venetian armorer (fl. 1366), 296 Valencia, 62n, 383, 391; kingdom of, 467 Tulle, bishop of, see Laurent d’Albiars Valenciennes, see Henri de Valenciennes Tunis, 107, 141n, 167n, 330, 338, 339; “kings” of (rulers of | Valentinois, count of, 285

Tunisia), see Hafsids Vallaresso, Giacomo, Venetian envoy (in 1392), 339

Tunisia, 339; crusade to (1270), 2, 106, 107; crusade to Valois, house of, 2, 181, and see Catherine, Charles, and (1390), 331-340, 360, 375, 384; rulers of, see Zirids Isabelle of Valois, Philip (VI of France) 972~—1148, Muwahhids (1148-1230), Hafsids 1230-— Valona, see Avlona

1574 Varambon, lord of, see Pierre de la Palu

Turcomans, or Turkomans, 241n Vardar (Axius or Naxius), river, 17n, 35, 45, 62, 74, 75, 81

Turenne, viscount of, see G. Roger (III) Varna, 303, 305

Turin (Torino), bishops of, 126 (Gaufrido de Montanaro Varouchas, Greek archontic family in Crete, 178n 1264-1300), 286n (Bartolommeo d’Este 1362-1364); Vasilipotamo, 380, 381, 384

INDEX 51] Vatatzes, see John III (Ducas) Vatatzes from, 36, 79, 254, and see Beatrice, Boniface, Felisa, Vatican, palace {at Rome), 133, 134n, 176, 177; archives of, Francesco, Giberto (2), Guglielmo (2), Marulla, and 129, 146, 148, 176, 187, 313, 466; registers of, 168n Thomas of Verona; lords of, see Scaligeri

Vatondas, 427 Veteranitza, 439, 444, 451, 454, 471

Veglia (Krk), 404 Veyrol, Domenico, Genoese skipper (ff. 1366), 295n, 301n,

Velbuzd 62 304 Veles, 62,(Kistendil), 74n Via Egnatia, 44, 109

Velestino, lord of, see Berthold I Vibod, Pierre, crusader (in 1366), 302n Veligosti, 25, 26, 31, 79, 127; Latin bishops of, 38; lords of, | Vicemano, Jacopo, Venetian skipper (ff. 1383), 325

see William and Jacques de la Roche Vicenza, 243, 372, 396, 425

Vélines, archpriest of (Arnaud de Cervole), 232 Vidal de Villanova, Catalan envoy to Avignon (in 1309),

Velletri, cardinal-bishops of, see Ostia and Velletri 163, 175

Vendramin, Venetian family, 323 Vidin, 287, 288, 300, 301, 303, 304, 306, 348, 349 Vendramin, Andrea, Venetian (fl. 1370), 284 Vienna (Wien), 260n, 347, 348

Veneto, 166, 254, 325, 364 Vienne, see Jean de Vienne; coinage of, 152; Council of

Venice (Venezia), 7, 9, 34, 49, 78, 79n, 80n, 135, 137n, 144, (1312), 168n, 170, 446, 447

145, 150n, 177, 183n, 190, 191, 193, 197-200, 202,204, Viennois, 293, 302; dauphin of, see Humbert II 1333-1349; 205n, 210, 212, 213, 215n, 216, 219, 227, 232, 236, 242, governor of, 285; see also Dauphiné 243, 245n, 246n, 249n, 250-256, 260-263, 264n, 273, Vieste, 90n 275, 278, 279, 281, 283, 284, 287, 293-296, 299n, 300, Vignoso, Simone, Genoese admiral (fl. 1346), 206, 207 307-309, 312, 315, 316, 319-326, 339, 343, 346, 347, Villani, Giovanni, Florentine historian (d. 1348), 139, 182n,

357, 360, 363, 365, 366, 372, 377-379, 381, 383, 390- 193, 199

401, 430, 431, 451, 453n, 471, 472; bishops of, see Villani, Matteo, Florentine chronicler (d. 1363), 211 Castello, bishops of; individuals from, 356, and see Paolo _—_—Villehardouin, Champenois family, 19n, 31, 35, 51, 68, 83,

da Venezia; merchants from, 2, 6, 167, 294, 344, 364; 103, 104, 127, 143, 148, 152, 432, and see Geoffrey (3),

MS. at, 155n Isabelle, Marguerite, and William of Villehardouin

Venice, republic of, 7, 12n, 17, 19, 28n, 34-36, 37n, 68, Villeneuve (near Nogent), 360 78-80, 96n, 99, 111, 134n, 146, 149, 152, 154, 159, Villeneuve-lés-Avignon, 175, 176, 185, 220, 243, 244, 469 165-168, 170, 177, 178, 180-185, 195-202, 210, 216, Vincent of Beauvais, Dominican anthologist (d. 1264?), 97 218-222, 224, 227, 229, 231, 236, 239, 240, 242, 249- — Vincenti, Ettore, Genoese skipper (ft.-1366), 295n, 302 252, 254, 255, 258, 259, 260n, 262-264, 274, 276-279, Virtt, count of, see G. G. Visconti

281-283, 287-293, 312, 314, 317, 318, 320-326, 328, Visan, 196 342-344, 346, 347, 357-359, 365, 367-369, 377-380, Visconti, ducal family at Milan 1277-1447 and at Pavia: 382, 384n, 388-404, 412, 428, 430-432, 448-451, 172, 187, 188, 197, 231, 247, 253, 291, 292, 327, 329, and 453-455, 471, 472; doges of, 9, 10n, 19, 56, 79, and see see Gregory X (Tedaldo Visconti) E. Dandolo 1192-1205, P. Ziani 1205-1229, J. Tiepolo Visconti, Bernabd, brother of Galeazzo II; tyrant of Milan

1229-1249, R. Zeno 1253-1268, L. Tiepolo 1268- 1354-1385: 232n, 243, 246-248, 260, 279n, 291

1275, J. Contarini 1275-1280, G. Dandolo 1280-1289, Visconti, Filippo Maria, son of Gian Galeazzo; count of Pavia

P. Gradenigo 1289-1311, G. Soranzo 1312-1328, F. 1402-1412, duke of Milan 1412-1447: 398

Dandolo 1329-1339, B. Gradenigo 1339-1342,A.Dan- Visconti, Galeazzo II, nephew of Lucchino; tyrant of Pavia

dolo 1343-1354, M. Falier 1354-1355, G. Gradenigo 1354-1378: 291-294, 305, 307; wife of, see Blanche 1355-1356, G. Dolfin 1356—1361, L. Celsi 1361-1365, of Savoy M. Corner 1365-1368, A. Contarini 1368-1382, M. Visconti, Gian Galeazzo, son of Galeazzo II; tyrant of Pavia

Morosini in 1382, A. Venier 1382-1400, M. Steno 1378—1402, of Milan 1385-1395, duke of Milan 13951400-1413, T. Mocenigo 1414-1423; possessions of, 1402; 291-293, 332, 340, 346, 347, 360n, 375, 396; sons 33, 38, 357, 371, and see Coron, Modon, Negroponte; of, 291n; wife of, see Isabelle of Valois ships of, 44, 55-57, 92-95, 100, 135, 144, 151, 163, Visconti, Gian Galeazzo, son of Gian Galeazzo and Isabelle 166, 177-180, 184, 185, 188n, 191, 198, 200-202, (b. 1366, d. 1376), 291, 292 205-207, 209, 210, 212, 216, 220, 222, 230, 231, 236, Visconti, Gianmaria, son of Gian Galeazzo; duke of Milan 240, 249, 251, 253, 258, 262, 267, 273, 276-278, 280- 1402-1412: 398 283, 287-292, 294, 295, 302, 303, 320, 325, 326, 329, Visconti, Giovanni, brother of Lucchino; archbishop of Milan

343, 344, 346, 347, 350n, 356-359, 364, 371, 378-385, 1342-1354, tyrant 1349-1354: 190, 204, 210n

387-397, 402, 404, 426 Visconti, Lucchino, tyrant of Milan 1339-1349: 204, 210n

Venier, Andrea, Venetian consul (in 1365), 262n, 269 Visconti, Valentina, daughter of Gian Galeazzo and Isabelle; Venier, Antonio, doge of Venice 1382-1400: 324, 325, 339, wife of Louis I of Orléans (from ca. 1389), 291n, 332,

358, 359, 363n, 366, 367, 372n 347n

Venter, Marino, Venetian envoy (in 1366), 274, 2976 Viterbo, 63, 82n, 95, 103- 106, 108, 126, 128, 133, 134, 135n,

Venier, Tito, rebel in Crete (ff. 1364), 255 176, 177n, 308, 309, and see Marco da Viterbo; treaty of Venieri, Venetian family in Crete, 249, 254, 255 . (1267), 103—105, 143, 148, 152, 433, 437 Vizya (Bizye), 73 Vento. Pietro Italian baron (fi. 1208), 27n Vlachia, see Thessaly, Wallachia

Venturino , , ada, Bergamo, Vlachs, 85, 87, 88, 346, 348, 353-355, 367, 379; tsars of, Dominican preacher (f1. 1343), 190 see Asenids Vercelli, 308n Vladislav (Ladislas) Jagiello, grand duke of Lithuania 1382-

Vernon, Francis, English traveler (ff. 1675), 420n 1401, king of Poland 1386-1434: 344

Veroli, bishop of, see Leoterio Vodena (Edessa), 69, 75, 81, 82n, 85 Verona, 172, 188, 197, 204, 210n, 213, 243, 396: individuals Voghera, 243

512 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Voleron, 83 Yolande, sister of Henry d’Angre; wife of Peter of Courtenay Volga, river, 61, 108n 1193-1219, Latin empress of Constantinople 1217Volos, 53; Gulf of, 22n, 53, 60, 69n, 82, 424 1219: 44, 45

Vonitza, 90, 435, 452 Yorkshire, 398 Vostitza (Aegium, Aigion), 439; barony of, 31, 154; lordsof, Ypres, 402 see Niccolo and Nerio 1 Acciajuohi

Voyusa, river, 81, 136

Vrachori (Agrinion), 435 Zaccaria, Genoese family in the Archipelago and Morea, 206 Vranas, Alexius, Byzantine diplomat (f1.1401),370,372-374 Zaccaria, Venetian family, 323

Wales, 409 Guglielma Pallavicini

Zaccaria, Bartolommeo, Genoese (ff. 1330), 454; wife of, see

Wallachia (Vlachia), 349; voivodes of, see Ladislaus, Mircea ZCcaria, Benedetto, Italian diplomat (ff. 1279), 138 Walsingham, Thomas, English chronicler (d. ca. 1422), 274n | 2accaria, Centurione I, son of Martino; Genoese captain (in

Warasdin (Varazdin), 347 210n

War of the Fight Saints (1376- 1378), 173, 329 1345), lord of Chalandritsa (in 1361), 202, 203, 208,

Warin, see Garinus Zaccaria, Centurione IJ, grandson of Centurione I; lord of Warwick, earl of, see T. Beauchamp Arcadia 1401-1432, prince of Achaea 1404-1430 (d. Wenceslas (of Luxemburg), son of Charles IV; king (IV) of 1432), 162

Bohemia 1363-1419, of Germany 1376-1378,emperor Zaccaria, Maria, daughter of Centurione I; wife of Pedro

Westminster, 246 1402-1404: 162 Westphalia, 171, 268n Zaccaria, Martino, Genoese co-lord of Chios 1314—1329 (uncrowned) 1378-1400 (d. 1419), 358 “Bordo” de San Superano (to 1402), regent of Achaea

William, see also Guglielmo, Guillaume (d. 1345), 180n, 181, 186, 187n, 190-194, 202, 203,

William IJ, king of Sicily 1166-1189: 3, 141 214, 217, 218 William, lord of Larissa (in 1215), 40 Zaccaria, Marulla, daughter of Bartolommeo and Guglielma; William de Almenara, captain and castellan of Livadia before wife of John Fadrique (from 1350), 454

1370—ca. 1380: 445 Zaccaria, Ottaviano, Genoese (ff. 1348), 214, 217, 218

William de la Pole, lord of Castle Ashby (ff. 1366), 253 Zane, Andrea, Venetian podesta of Treviso (in 1362), 242 William de la Roche, son of Guy I; lord of Livadia, duke (1) Zanobi della Strada, Florentine humanist (d. 1361), 232n,

of Athens 1280-1287, bailie of Achaea 1285-1287: 236n

(Ducaena) Cephalonia

422n, 423, 427, 432, 433, 441; wife of, see Helena Zante (Zacynthus), 3, 37n, 38, 319n, 381; lords of, Sێ William de la Roche, brother of Guy I; lord of Veligosti and Zara (Zadar), 5n, 8, 10, 13, 197-201, 228, 254n, 286, 297,

Damala 1256-1264: 79, 80, 417, 420n 307, 356n, 403, 404; archbishop of, see Nicholas de

William of Beaujeu, master of the Templars 1273~ 1291: 113 Mathafaris; peace of (1358), 307n, 322, 403, 404 William of Moerbeke, Dominican; Latin archbishop of Zaratoria, Latin bishop of, 37, 413, 414

Corinth 1278-1286: 115 Zarnata, 26n

William of Ockham, Franciscan theologian (d. 1349), 172 Zawila, 334

William of Randazzo, son of Frederick H of Sicily; duke Zealots, 183 ;

(I) of Athens 1317-1338: 453 Zeitounion (Lamia, Gitone), 28, 45, 87, 424, 432, 438-444,

William of Villehardouin, son of Geoffrey I; prince (II) of 451, 452n, 454, 471; Latin bishops of, 461, 462, 466; lord

Achaea 1246-1278: 31, 36n, 38, 49, 50, 68-70, 77-80, of, see Rainerio da Travaglia

82-84, 86-89, 91, 92n, 98-100, 102-105, 112n, 127, Zemena, 36n, 37n, 38

: . . . : O, O, O O, DISNO

131, 143, 148, 153, 154n, 420—425, 427, 431-433; wife Zeno, Carlo, Venetian commander (in 1403), 379-385,

of, see Anna (Ducaena) Zen Jacope grandson of Carlo; bishop of Feltre and

eee advig pavarian imperial family, 172, 178, and see Belluno 1447-1460, of Padua 1460-1481: 385n, 389,

. 1207: 18n, 29n

Wyclif, John, English reformer Zeno, (d. Marino, 1384), 173 390n — . Venetian podesta at Constantinople 1205Xanthia, 52 Zeno, Pietro, lord of Andros 1384-1427: 378, 380, 463n

Xeros, Leo, Orthodox metropolitan of Athens (d. 1153), 22n Zeno, Pietro, Venetian bailie at Negroponte 1331-1333

Xyleas, Byzantine official (ff. 1257), 74-76 (d. 1345), 179, 180, 182, 185n, 192, 193n, 194, 217

Zeno, Ranieri, doge of Venice 1253-1268: 70, 79, 80, 91, 96,

Yakhshi, emir of Karasi (in 1334), 182 100, 431, 432

Yelbogha al-Khassiki, Mamluk regent of Egypt (d. 1366), Ziani, Niccolo, duke of Crete (in 1318), 177

266, 277, 278 Ziani, Pietro, doge of Venice 1205-1229: 35, 37n, 407n

Yolanda (“Irene”) of Montferrat, granddaughter of Boni- Zirids, Berber dynasty in Tunisia 972-1148: 331 face II; wife of Andronicus II Palaeologus 1284-1316: Ziyanids (Banu ‘Abd-al-Wad), Berber dynasty in western

440 Algeria 1236-1556: 330

Yolande of Bar, daughter of Robert; wife of John I of Zonklon, see Port-de-Jonc

Aragon-Catalonia 1384-1395 (d. 1431), 464n Zorzi, see Giorgio