The Pantarch: A Biography of Stephen Pearl Andrews 9781477305133

Citation preview

The

Pantarch

A Biography of Stephen Pearl Andrews

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

By Madeleine Β. Stern The Life of Margaret Fuller Louisa May Alcott Purple Passage: The Life of Mrs. Frank Leslie Imprints on History: Book Publishers and American Frontiers We the Women: Career Firsts of Nineteenth-Century America The Pantarch: A Biography of Stephen Pearl Andrews Juveniles So Much in a Lifetime: The Story of Dr. Isabel Barrows Queen of Publishers' Row: Mrs. Frank Leslie

Plate 1. Stephen Pearl Andrews as a young man. Courtesy Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York.

The Pantarch A Biography of Stephen Pearl Andrews

by Madeleine B. Stern

UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS, AUSTIN

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 68-18386 Copyright © 1968 by Madeleine B. Stern All Rights Reserved

FOR LEONA ROSTENBERG

"A friend may well be reckoned the masterpiece of nature"

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to the late H. Bailey Carroll, editor of The Southwestern Historical Quarterly; Dr. David V. Erdman, editor of the Bulletin of The New York Public Library, and Dr. Myron H. Luke, editor of The Journal of Long Island History for permission to reprint chapters which originally appeared in these periodicals. It is my great pleasure to thank the following persons for their help and co-operation in the preparation of this biography: Mrs. Alice Alben, librarian, Centenary College of Louisiana, Shreveport, Louisiana; Mrs. Irma Andrews, New York City; Miss Gertrude L. Annan, librarian, New York Academy of Medicine, New York City; Mrs. Ewing Baskette, Tucson, Arizona; Mrs. Amy O. Bassford, East Hampton Free Library; Mr. Paulo E. de Berrêdo Carneiro, president, Maison d'Auguste Comte, Paris, France; Mr. V. J. Courville, clerk of the Supreme Court of Louisiana, New Orleans, Louisiana; Miss Rena Durkan, curator, Edward Hitchcock Memorial Room, Amherst College, Amherst, Massachusetts; Mr. Verne Dyson, Los Angeles, California; Mr. John Forbes, office manager, The Woodlawn Cemetery, New York City; Mr. Burt Franklin, New York City; Mr. William P. Greenlee, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas; Miss Josephine L. Harper, manuscripts curator, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin; Mrs. Virginia R. Hawley, The Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio; Mrs. Sylvia Henry, East Hampton Free Library; Dr. James J. Heslin, director, The New York Historical Society, New York City; Mr. Robert E. Hoag, reference librarian, the St. Paul Public Library, St. Paul, Minnesota; Mrs. Miriam Y. Holden, New York City; Mr. Leroy H. Lafferty, foreman of cemeteries, Norwich, Connecticut; Mr. Carl B. Lyda, deputy, the Supreme Court of Texas, Austin, Texas; Dr. David C. Mearns,

χ

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

chief, Manuscript Division, the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Sir James Pitman, London, England; Mr. Ray Reynolds, Grossmont College, El Cajon, California; Mr. H. Roseman, Brooklyn, New York; Mrs. Muriel Streeter Schwartz, New York City; Mr. Ronald A. Seeliger, newspaper librarian, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas; Mr. Donald Streeter, lona, New Jersey; Miss Elfa H. Streeter, Hinsdale, New Hampshire; Mr. George H. Templin, clerk, the Supreme Court of Texas, Austin, Texas; Miss Elsie M. Tharp, First Baptist Church, Houston, Texas; Mrs. Alene Lowe White, The Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio; Mr. Jerome K. Wilcox, librarian, The City College, New York City. It is impossible for me to thank adequately my friend and partner, Miss Leona Rostenberg of New York City, for my gratitude is as immeasurable as her constructive criticism, her encouragement, and her abiding understanding. New York City

CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

ix

Introduction by Louis Filler

xv

I. NEW ENGLAND ROOTS

3

II. LOUISIANA IN TRANSITION

13

III. LONE STAR

34

IV. DON QUIXOTE IN LONDON

47

V. POTHOOKS FOR FREEDOM

58

VI. MODERN TIMES

73

VII. BROWNSTONE UTOPIA VIII. MOUTHPIECE OF THE MILLENNIUM

87 . . .

103

IX. THE COURT OF THE PANTARCHY .

.

.

.

122

X. "PROTAGONIST OF HUMANITY" .

.

.

.

139

Notes Works Cited Index

159 180 199

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

Stephen Pearl Andrews as a Young man (Frontispiece) . Title Page of Andrews' First Published Work . . . Title Page of Phonotypic Reader First Lesson in Phonography Labor Dollar Title Page of Charter of University of the Pantarchy . . Title Page of Alphabet of Philosophy Letter Written in Alwato (Following page 94) Stephen Pearl Andrews Procession of the Internationals Group Portrait Discussion of Phonography Specimen of Phonography Amherst Academy Modern Times Stephen Pearl Andrews

29 66 61 80 126 136 145

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

INTRODUCTION

Acorns into Oaks: Notes on the "Marginal" and "Sub-Marginal" in American History It is always amazing how old self-evident realities have to be rediscovered. The reason appears to be that historical materials from which those realities have to be drawn tend to erode. They become blurred or lost. We no longer have them clearly at hand. So we compensate by imagining what they are, or were, and by judging them as though we actually understood their content. Stephen Pearl Andrews has certainly been part of such materials, and has experienced their fate. Moreover, we have tangibly before us a variety of current hypotheses which interpret reality for us. They tell us that Andrew Jackson was a great reformer; that slaves were like Jews in German concentration camps; that abolitionists like Garrison secretly hated Negroes, but that Radical Republicans like Thaddeus Stevens were sincere and did not threaten the Office of the Presidency with their assault on Andrew Johnson. They tell us that these are all important people, unlike "marginal" ones like Andrews. Such vivid assertions, authoritatively phrased, suffuse our minds and reassure us that all is well with our information and grasp of affairs. Facts and figures—historical figures, that is—which conflict with the pat generalizations rate as impediments to smooth historical statement. They wander about the era or subject, creating mental conflicts and confusion. But if we are not determined to try to live comfortably with nonsense, it becomes our privilege to welcome them rather than resist their challenge. We must return to the original sources, look into the old debates, and renew knowledge of what were once urgent points and arresting individuals. For they may well, in new form, become significant once more. The world has turned topsy-turvy before. Are we all agreed that Andrew

xvi

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Jackson was a great emancipator, rather than the slaveholding frontier aristocrat his Tennessee neighbors knew? Is the evidence complete that "Uncle Tom" was contemptible in his human qualities? Or that Wendell Phillips stinted his admiration for freedom? Or that Radical Republicans were not, in fact, endangering our political system of checks and balances? Our à la mode intellectuals cannot answer these questions. They can only feed our vaguer yearnings for a better world which will somehow not demand better and more realistic detail. Stephen Pearl Andrews has been one of the historical figures whom the pundits have demoted not only as "marginal" but even as "submarginal." It has never been established how we can distinguish one from the other. It is like calling somebody a "tenth-rater." There are rarely careful computations made with ninth- and eighth-raters, to go no further. What must one do to be important? How do we avoid being marginal? Andrews was principal in an effort to keep Texas free of slavery, and, if necessary, to join her to the British Empire in order to do so. He brought shorthand to America, as it happens for idealistic purposes. I grant you that many of his closely held views on human nature and life were conjectural and outlandish. But he did create out of them a utopia in the great tradition of utopias. He merits the attention to this aspect of his personality that all social experimenters do. They are innovators and theorists. A wise society remembers them because they have probed our human capacities and contributed to the resources we require for necessary social change. I do not think anyone need apologize at length for Andrews' drastic views on marriage and sex. We are said to be living in the midst of a "morals revolution." We have manifest need for formulating a firm ethic based on experience, if we are not to slide down into casual chaos. Andrews was at the center of thought and action in this regard, and, therefore, anything but marginal. His present biographer has long been a dedicated and competent student of our past. Miss Stern's forte has been an interest in people, particularly reformers, and notably women. Her studies of Margaret Fuller, Louisa May Alcott, and the very remarkable Mrs. Frank Leslie have f ocussed on persons of character who struggled with their destiny as Americans. Without being an enthusiast herself, Miss Stern has been

Introduction

xvii

sympathetic to their problems and careers, and presented them with a sense of their purpose. She adds here another panel to her researches. Andrews lacked Margaret Fuller's genius and Alcott's popularity. Much of his life was anticlimactic, following brilliant beginnings. But before this occurred, Andrews had been a pioneer in Southern abolitionism. He had been associated with the great Myra Clark Gaines case, which accreted a literature of its own. He had worked with Lewis Tappan, Josiah Warren, the spectacular Victoria Woodhull, and others who are unlikely to be forgotten in our annals. There is much yet to be done before we are as familiar even with these, as able to employ them in our comparisons and other historical references, as we should be. One must begin somewhere, and it is not for persons who have done nothing with the field, relegating it to marginality, to instruct others who have done much. It is not for people who have dined on such cardboard nourishment as the "Barnes Thesis" and other glib hypotheses in the reform field to direct further work involving it. So excellent a student of slavery as Kenneth M. Stampp, for instance, is inadequately informed on antislavery: a division of scholarship not calculated to raise sophistication in either area. As a result, Stampp can complain of a "bewildering recital of obscure names"—Andrews' being one of them— "without identification." A healthy history does not ask for simplistic identifications but is itself a strong tissue of interrelated personalities. The fact is that history is indivisible. The student who is not courteous and receptive to the values in Andrews' life will not be sufficiently receptive to the values in Robert Owen's life, or Edward Bellamy's life, or Henry George's, or many other lives which have patently affected our thought and decisions. We need to relate such figures to each other more than we do. Our society always tends toward atomization. To make sense of its movements takes imagination and intellectual effort. The very idea of "Utopia" has been made a limiting concept rather than the creative, emancipating avenue of thought and action its partisans intended it to be. Ultimately, if one cannot appreciate the vital features of Andrews' life and works, he will learn little enough from more "charismatic" people. W e have flattered ourselves that Andrews was part of a "stammering century." If he was, how are we to characterize our own? It be-

xviii

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

comes us better, I suggest, to approach him and his times more modestly and with a will toward appreciation. We will thank Miss Stern for her researches and, not incidentally, for her patient bibliographical achievements. They are bound to serve future students, and serve them well. As Henry James liked to say, there is still something to be added. Louis FILLER Antioch College

The

Pentrch

A Biography of Stephen Pearl Andrews

"Andrews was a remarkable figure who requires full-scale treatment." —Louis Filler

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

Chapter I NEW ENGLAND ROOTS

STEPHEN Pearl Andrews was ushered into the world on the eve of the War of 1812. He left it at the time of the Haymarket Riot in 1886. Both events were tragic and perhaps needless, yet both marked a victory of a kind. Andrews' life had much in common with them. During his seventy-four years his life intersected almost every social movement of this country. He saw the Republic welded into a nation. Indeed, against his own will, he helped annex a new state into the Union. He saw that Union divided by a Civil War his precepts might have averted. He saw and fought the rise of Big Business, the trusts and monopolies, the growing power of government to interfere with the principle he cherished most—the freedom and sovereignty of the individual. Throughout his life he was the reformer incarnate, eccentric, almost but never quite succeeding. Always he attacked whatever infringed upon individual freedom, from the slavery of the Negro to the oppression of the laborer, from monopoly in land to currency regulations, from arbitrary spelling to rigid marriage laws, from censorship of the press to orthodoxy in religion. In place of the inequities he tore down, he built—or tried to build —new systems. The freedom of the slave could be bought, he argued; unionization would lift labor's oppression; the labor dollar would make cost, not profit, the limit of price; a universal language, based upon phonetics, would unite mankind; free love would loosen the restrictions of marriage; free debate would unite all sects. His gods were freedom and unity. Everywhere he saw analogies—

4

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

between science and religion, between mind and matter. He envisioned a United States of the World in which all men spoke the one language he had discovered and lived out their lives as individual sovereigns who needed no government but his own Pantarchy. Pearl—for so he was called—eludes pigeonholing. He was an anarchist who helped form a socialistic community. He was a believer in individual freedom who regarded himself as the only Pantarch of humanity. He was supremely logical and absurdly mad. He was deeply serious and he became the butt of ridicule. He was an Admirable Crichton who turned into a Don Quixote. Pearl Andrews was born in New England, the son of a Baptist minister whose home was a hotbed of theological discussion. He came to manhood in ante-bellum Louisiana, an abolitionist in the heart of the South's "peculiar institution." Almost singlehandedly, he tried to free the slaves of Texas. Failing, he introduced Pitman shorthand into this country—his first step in serving up a universal language that all men, including slaves, could read. On the Pine Barrens of Long Island he helped establish a community of individual sovereigns. Although he was twice married, he championed free love against the conservatism of Horace Greeley and the fence-straddling of Henry James, Sr. He campaigned for a woman President—the seductive Victoria Woodhull. He added comic relief to the cause célebre of the 1870's, the Beecher-Tilton scandal trial. He looked the philosopher, with his keen eyes, his thick beard, his long Roman nose. There was a magnetism about him that attracted a coterie of admirers, mostly female. He talked interminably before the Manhattan Liberal Club and he wrote books that might well have reformed the world could the world have understood his often turgid prose. He developed a Science of Society and a science of all the sciences. "There is a unity of the sciences . . . which only the science of that unity can reveal," 1 he said with his usual cryptic insight. He dreamed of living forever, for death was an arbitrary interference in life. Many of his books were stillborn and he himself was buried at the end in an unmarked grave in Woodlawn Cemetery. He failed in almost everything he attempted, as did the War of 1812 and the Haymarket Riot. He was born too late: He took all knowledge for his province—philologist, social philosopher, lawyer, even physi-

New England Roots

5

cian of sorts, abolitionist, reformer, phonographer—he was almost a Renaissance man in the nineteenth century. He was born too soon: The United States of the World that he envisioned might not have been so absurd a dream a century later. A man out of his time, he none the less reflects his time. His life mirrors the century—its ills and all the panaceas proffered for those ills by the antitobacco men and the antislavery men, the vegetarians and the dress reformers, the agrarians and the freesoilers. "I have made it the business of my life to study social laws," he wrote. "I see now a new age beginning to appear." 2 Pedantic, ridiculous, careless of his appearance, he was a source of amusement to many. Dynamic, profound, a supreme believer in himself, he was a prophet to a few. The new age he saw "beginning to appear" is still unembodied. The man who saw it is a footnote in American history. The footnote must be expanded and his story told. Pearl Andrews failed to shape a new age, but in his vision of it he mirrored an age that needed and still needs reshaping. He failed as prophets fail, who point to the millennium forever.

In an autobiography of nearly three hundred pages which carried him to his twenty-fourth year and which remains unpublished, Stephen Pearl Andrews announced (p. 21) his entry into the world: "I was born on the 22d of March A.D. 1812, in the town of Templeton . . . [in] the Parsonage, two miles north of the main village of the town." He was born with a triple birthright: a love of freedom, a devotion to learning, and a strong tendency to contrariness, all of which he inherited from his father. The Reverend Elisha Andrews, having been frequently admonished by his own father, "If you cannot conquer Pike's Arithmetic, how can you expect to be able to combat the evils of life?" 3 had proceeded to conquer both. He had left his father's Vermont farm in his teens to live with an aunt in New York's Saratoga County, and while walking in the woods had experienced a conversation between his own soul and Christ. So converted, he had been baptized and united with the Baptist Church. Besides teaching and surveying, the young convert was ordained pastor of the church in Fairfax, Vermont, "in the

6

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

open air, in front of a loghouse." 4 Having married Wealthy Ann Lathrop, he accepted the pastoral charge of the Baptist Church in Templeton, Massachusetts, in 1800, and so prepared the background for the arrival of his eighth and last child, Stephen Pearl. Through violent storms and deep snows, the Reverend Elisha— dubbed the Apostle of the Baptists—visited neighboring towns with his message of grace. A thickset man of middle height and grave air, he rode on horseback, a book in his hand, so absorbed in its contents that he often passed familiar friends without recognition. He taught himself Greek, Hebrew, and German with the polyglot skill he would pass on to his youngest child. If, during a pastoral visit, he came upon a book that interested him, he would keep on reading, ignoring what was said to him—and this power of dedicated if impolite concentration he would also pass on to his son Pearl. The Reverend Elisha kindled at the discussion of a theological topic, as Pearl Andrews would kindle at a philosophical topic. Neither dress, nor personal appearance, nor the conventional rules of social life interested him. His thoughts dwelled rather upon some evangelical theme and then, the tears flowing down his cheeks, he would make salvation attainable. An earnest Federalist, Elisha Andrews would at his death leave to his son his final ecclesiastical blast upon the Established Church—still in manuscript. Long before that time he had instilled in him the love of controversy and personal freedom that was to dominate his life.5 Pearl Andrews' mother shaped his future, too. Wealthy Ann Lathrop, a small, strong, and vigorous New Englander, had been early orphaned and lived with her uncle, Colonel Stephen Pearl. Elisha, visiting the Colonel's home as a surveyor, had met her there and married her in 1792. The Lathrop heritage would make a strong imprint upon Stephen Pearl Andrews, for the family "fearlessly proclaimed in Old and in New England the great truth that man is not responsible to his fellow man in matters of faith and conscience."6 Elisha Andrews referred to his wife as the "Vice President." 7 Certainly the burdens of the household fell upon her shoulders, "even," as Pearl Andrews would recall in his Autobiography (p. 25) "to the negotiations for my fathers salary, for securing a homestead and building a home." Handsome, dignified, full of energy, the "Vice President" must often have brought the warmth of more immediate comfort to a

New England Roots

1

boy whose father dwelled upon the colder comforts of the hereafter.8 Four brothers and three sisters preceded Stephen Pearl. Three of the four brothers would become Baptist clergymen; the fourth, a lawyer, would change the course of Pearl Andrews' life. By the time he was born in 1812, most of his brothers and sisters were well on their way to maturity. Elisha, Jr., entered Brown University when Pearl was only three, and four years later moved to Louisiana to open a school there. At that time Thomas joined him in the South and proceeded to study law.9 Meanwhile, Pearl, the baby of the family, was early evincing the tendencies he had inherited. At the age of three he "declined peremptorily sleeping any longer in the same bed" with his mother. Soon after this declaration and separation, my mother made a visit . . . some two hundred miles away. . . . On her return home she arrived in the night, and without waking me removed me to her own bed. In the morning, my first manifestation, . . . was one of vehement indignation at the outrage . . . upon . . . my "Individuality." I think this is the earliest event to which my memory goes back distinctly.10 So began a life that would consist of a long series of assaults upon the "individuality" of Stephen Pearl Andrews. At the same age of three he engaged in a conversation with his brother Erastus, who assured him that three years before he had not existed. To this devastating remark Pearl Andrews replied, with the unfaltering belief in himself that would follow him to his grave, "I have always lived." 11 Against a background of "stinted circumstances" and hard work in the Templeton parsonage, Pearl spent his first and perhaps most formative years. With his sister Ann he attended the village school, learning no more than two letters of the alphabet. Then, when he was four, his background shifted, for his father lost his parish. With the outbreak of the War of 1812, the Reverend Elisha Andrews openly sided with the Federalists and opposed the war—a point of view that alienated his congregation and eventually led to his dismissal. Banished to "the sterile hills of New Hampshire," the family moved to Hinsdale in February, 1816.12 During the next twelve years, Pearl Andrews lived in the thick of political and theological discussion. Talk of Napoleon at St. Helena,

8

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

the Temperance Movement, and the Peace Movement echoed in his ears. My theological education especially was in no sense neglected.... I was, I think, the favorite child of my father. I was taken into all his confidences, taught the most minute... discriminations of philosophical and metaphysical speculations and beliefs. Church history and mental philosophy constituted the staple of my early reading, and introduction to the elements of Latin and Greek acquired at my own home before going abroad to school, and a smattering of Hebrew, Syriac and Chaldaic.13 Despite the poverty of the Hinsdale home, it took on the characteristics of a caravansary where "the first minds were wont to assemble." While the Reverend Elisha preached to small and obscure congregations in rural New England, Pearl devoured his father's books—the works of the Scottish philosophers, Dugald Stewart and Thomas Brown, Whelpley's Compend of History that introduced him to the secular state of the world, Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History. From this I passed into general reading of all sorts, dwelling especially in theology and mental philosophy. . . . The instant I could hurry through any task imposed upon me I returned . . . to the study of my books. . . . I passed to . . . poetry and light literature, . . . During the same period I began at home, under the instruction of my father, the study of Latin and Greek, with geometry, surveying and other branches of mathematics not taught in the country schools. Each new field of knowledge furnished a new and rich feast for my mind.14 It was a feast that would never sate him; it was a feast that made him, as he was not averse to admitting, "wise beyond my years." Besides attending winter and summer school in the village, he studied grammar with his sister Ann—the two children seated in the chimney corner by the light of a woodfire without a candle. His love of books naturally detracted from his usefulness "as a worker and helper of the family in the struggle for life," a struggle that would always interest him less in practice than in theory.15 Pearl's unquenchable thirst for knowledge, coupled with his physical infirmities gave him a reputation, among some, of laziness and uselessness—another foreshadowing of what lay ahead. I was sneered at and reviled a t . . . until I felt myself hunted by fiends. . .. My extreme sensitiveness became a cause of new persecutions, new tor

New England Roots

9

tures and new shrinkings from contact with my surroundings. My schoolmates and play-fellows found that they had the power to make me suffer, and they delighted to make use of it. . . . On one occasion . . . a boy twice my own size caught me and placed me in a deep hole dug by some animal in the vicinity of the school-house, and covered me in with dirt, threatening to bury me alive. . . . the fear of death was . . . one of the intensest... of my early experiences.16 Freud was not present to analyze this childhood. Yet the child who feared being buried alive would grow into the man whose works would be buried alive and whose body would eventually lie in an unmarked grave. With the fear of death came the desire to escape death forever: "I think it was when I was not more than eleven or t w e l v e . . . that I entertained the thought and the hope possibly that some great event would occur during my life-time which would remove the necessity of dying." 17 The child's fear would lead to the man's belief that somehow man could live forever. Between his fears and his hopes he engaged in a struggle of the soul. His father's preachings took a strong hold upon his vivid imagination. He tried desperately to come into the presence of Christ on earth: He stood on the bank of a frozen stream in a New England winter and saw others buried beneath the waters in the rite of baptism, but burdened by a sense of sin he could not pass that terrible ordeal. Yet there had been no inner turmoil, no doubt, no hesitation in his mind when four black men—escaped slaves—sought lodging at the home in Hinsdale. His mother, governed by practicality, had told them there was no room in the little house. The child, Pearl Andrews, had said, "These are my brothers, and we have beds enough in the house, for I will give up my bed, or will sleep with them." 18 They would remain his brothers all his life. For them he would eventually make the ultimate sacrifice of a man of thought: giving up the contemplation of his own soul and turning to action. In 1827, when Pearl Andrews was fifteen, his brother Elisha, Jr., who had opened a Female Seminary in Jackson, Louisiana, died of consumption. Elisha's widow, Jane Andrews, continued the Seminary. A year later, Pearl's brother Thomas arrived home from Louisiana where he had entered the practice of law.19

10

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

To the eager young Pearl, his brother Thomas seemed "one of the most superb and accomplished gentlemen . . . rich, half-brotherly, halfpaternal." 20 He came in the full glory of his growing success as an attorney, and he came with money to send his youngest brother to Amherst Academy, the forerunner of Amherst College. For two years, 1828 and 1829, Pearl Andrews was enrolled in the Classical Department of the Academy in Amherst, a sheltered and secluded New England village that still "suggested a military post, bristling with 'colonels'." 21 Rooming first at Mr. Wait's and then in the Academy itself, Pearl savored his first real taste of formal education. "Amherst," he wrote in his Autobiography (p. 58), "is a beautiful inland town, about eight miles from Northampton, . . . overlooking the Connecticut Valley. . . . in many respects I look back upon that period of my life as one of the happiest which I have ever enjoyed." In the building which housed one large school room and two recitation rooms the principals "affectionately endeavored in their intercourse with the pupils, to cultivate their manners, minds, and morals." 22 Pearl Andrews seems to have responded to those affectionate endeavors. He applied himself industriously to his studies in Gould's Latin Grammar and Goodrich's Greek Grammar, Hedge's Logic and Upham's Intellectual Philosophy. As a member of the Classical Department, he had "access to instruction in French" from Mr. James Carpenter, "an American gentleman who had acquired a thorough knowledge of the Language by residence in French society."23 Indeed, Pearl was to develop such a mastery of French that he would one day write his own French Instructor. The $5.00 paid for his tuition, plus 12½ cents per quarter for contingencies was well invested. "I believe," he recalled in his Autobiography (pp. 57-58), "that I worked harder than any other scholar," although he was not averse to joining and even leading expeditions into the surrounding country, "sometimes to the top of Mount Holyoke early in the morning." As important as his language studies to his future development, was his introduction to natural science through the lectures of Professor Edward Hitchcock. That stern, dignified, smoothshaven New England clergyman lectured in chemistry and natural history at Amherst. He was already evincing the skill with which he would handle the delicate

New England Roots

11

relationship of science and religion in his book, The Religion of Geology and Its Connected Sciences. Hitchcock, discovering "geological proofs of the divine benevolence," proclaiming that "scientific truth, rightly applied, is religious truth," hitting upon the "unity of the divine plan" and seeing "throughout all nature, . . . one golden chain of harmony" that "links all together," was all but irresistible to the awakening mind of Pearl Andrews. "It is only a few gifted and adventurous minds," Hitchcock was to write, "that are able, from some advanced mountain top, to catch a glimpse of the entire stream of truth, formed by the harmonious union of all principles." Surely the eighteen-year-old Pearl Andrews, searching for faith, found in the magic words, "harmonious union," the one abiding faith of his life.24 "The pupils at the academy had the privilege of attending . . . lectures of Professor Hitchcock, . . . upon the science of chemistry. . . . By this means I gained my first ideas of natural science."25 These ideas which Pearl Andrews gained from Professor Hitchcock were concepts of connections, relationships, integrations. They were ideas he would expand until he surpassed his master, bridging all thought into the unitary science of all the sciences. Now, when he had just begun seeing relationships between words and between sciences, his studies were suddenly cut short. He had worked so intensely, especially at night, that his vision was weakened and he was threatened with blindess. "I was compelled to leave school, to give up my intention of entering college... and to return home with no prospect in life before m e , . . . I was compelled to abandon all use of books, to avoid the light as much as possible."26 It was when he was in this condition that his brother Thomas returned home a second time and again brought to Pearl light from the darkness. The school that their dead brother Elisha and his wife, Jane, had founded in Jackson, Louisiana, was still flourishing under Jane Andrews' aegis. Places could be found in the Jackson Female Seminary for Pearl and his sister Ann, for both were "competent to teach." Pearl's health would doubtless be improved by travel. When Thomas returned to Louisiana he would take his brother and sister with him.27 In 1830 the trio set forth on their long journey, their mother accompanying them as far as Hartford by stagecoach and seeing them aboard

12

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

the steamboat for New York. "As the boat receded from the wharf I had taken my leave of home and entered upon the new and wonderful life which lay in prospect before me."28 It would be a "new" life indeed, if something less than "wonderful" for the young New Englander who carried two gifts to the South—a love of freedom and a vision of "harmonious union."

Chapter II

LOUISIANA IN TRANSITION

TΟ eighteen-year-old Pearl Andrews the long journey south was a Pilgrim's Progress. A succession of stage coaches carried them to Pittsburgh, across and beyond the Alleghenies. Although the Ohio River was dangerously low, they found a boat that would venture the passage "and dropped down the river until we were nearly opposite the mouth of the Kanawha, when we grounded . . . upon a bar."1 After a three-day delay, the trio set forth again by flatboat and steamer for Louisville. "Over the barrens of Kentucky, or through the new and unsettled country of the Scioto, through forests and across dangerous streams,"2 they journeyed on by stagecoach for three or four hundred miles until they embarked at Memphis for the long voyage down the Mississippi. By the time they landed at St. Francisvilie, Louisiana, the travelers realized they had lost a trunk at Nashville. Thomas decided to return there to find it, leaving Ann to await his arrival at the little port town. Meanwhile, Pearl would take the twelve-mile trip inland to Jackson, Louisiana, on his own. The shy, awkward adventurer borrowed an "elegantly caparisoned" saddlehorse, mounted it "in the presence of a yard full of grinning black servants" and pursued his "solitary way through the forests . . . scouring the sides of immense plantations." Quicksand near Thompson's Creek brought Pilgrim's Progress forcibly to his mind. As night set in, he forced his reluctant horse to make the plunge and after "a succession of powerful plunges" horse and rider landed safely on the opposite side. A short mile brought him near the village and "among

14

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

the most central and palatial looking residences" he found the home of his sister-in-law, Mrs. Jane Andrews, "the surviving head of the Jackson Female Seminary."3 The lonely wanderer had arrived. Jane Andrews, sandy-haired, sharp-featured, stately, "overwhelmed" her young brother-in-law with "manifestations of the utmost joy" at his safe arrival. Skillfully, she put the green New Englander at ease, making him feel like "a man of consequence."4 Between her attentions and the ministrations of the slave, George, who waited "to make the acquaintanceship of . . . 'young Master Pearl'," 5 the weary traveler was immediately introduced to the hospitality of the South and its institutions. Jackson, on the western border of East Feliciana Parish, not far from Clinton, the court-town where Thomas lived, was, he was informed, the parish's "oldest seat of population, commerce and education." By 1830 it had attracted a stream of immigrants—"wealthy and aristocratic planters" from Virginia, Yankee merchants and professional men, along with an unfortunate "rowdy element" from the South and North made up of "the spoiled sons of wealthy planters and the corrupt offscourings of the northern . . . emigration." At the moment, despite this conglomeration of immigrants, the village presented a peaceful, cultivated surface with its College of Louisiana and its Jackson Female Seminary. Cotton was king, and slavery was the accepted economic modus vivendi. As yet nothing disturbed Jackson's superficial placidity. Conflicting points of view were glossed over wtih gentlemanly goodwill, a goodwill which Jane Andrews quickly warned the newcomer not to disturb. 6 To the shy young man from Hinsdale, Jane Andrews' residence was overwhelmingly opulent. She owned a whole group of buildings that filled the larger part of a square in Jackson's most densely populated section. On one corner Pearl was shown the main building occupied by the mistress, her assistant teachers, and a few of the older scholars. Its parlors and reception rooms, sitting rooms and music room provided, he was told, the background for school entertainments. Back of this was the principal school building including great hall, recitation rooms, and dormitories. Between the two buildings a kind of barracks housed dining hall and kitchen, smoke house and store house. In still another house, "a little remote facing the main street," Pearl was to be quar-

Louisiana in Transition

15

tered, sharing rooms with the Seminary's music teacher, "Mr. Klopstock, a fat German gentleman who knew nothing but music." 7 Shortly after his arrival the young ladies of the Female Seminary were assembled in the great institution hall to receive their new young professor, after which they all reassembled for a late supper. My introduction to the young ladies [he was to write in his Autobiography (p. 110)], . . . was so embarrassing than I have only slight knowledge of the impression which I made on them . . . and no distinct recollection of any impression which they made on me, except that of a confused luxury of feminine charms, mingled with a mere spice of ill-manners which was immediately suppressed by the glance of the keen gray eye of my imperious sister. To the eighty young ladies of the Jackson Female Seminary the beardless boy of eighteen must have presented a rather amusing "Adjunct" professor. To Pearl Andrews, blushing, mute, and awkward, the vision of these wealthy planters' daughters—every last one in white —must have suggested a challenge all but unconquerable. Yet Professor Andrews proceeded to meet the challenge. For a salary of $700 a year plus board he imparted to pupils gathered from the Tennessee line to the boundaries of Texas, the mysteries of science, mathematics, and "classical learning." "The young ladies," he recalled in his Autobiography (p. 159), "were confessedly stimulated to renewed efforts to achieve excellence in their studies; the course of their studies was somewhat enlarged, and some additions were made to the number of pupils." Professor Pearl enlarged the course of studies at Jackson Female Seminary by fitting up a room as a chemical laboratory and sending to New Orleans for chemicals and apparatus. He "astonished and delighted the scholars with a few of the simplest chemical experiments" until he destroyed a suit of clothes "for want of skill in handling the acids" and came near losing his life "by explosions."8 He was more at home with reading, elocution, and grammar, in which he "gave complete satisfaction." Indeed, he remarked in his Autobiography (p. 160), there was "scarcely any branch into which I did not introduce some improvement." Disciplining eighty young ladies presented greater problems, which Professor Pearl solved by "being their friend and companion out of school hours, and their rig-

16

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

orous master while in school." One man against eighty "blooming, brilliant, accomplished and fascinating girls" dressed in the filmiest gowns because of the heat, Pearl Andrews was introduced at once not only to the techniques of pedagogy but to the "exquisite charm of social intercourse."9 He was introduced also to the girl who would become his wife— Mary Ann Gordon, a native of Norwich, Connecticut, where some of his own Lathrop ancestors had lived.10 But at the moment the young professor had not as yet singled her out from the "nymphs of the school room,"11 all of whom seem to have enchanted him. Still another dazzlingly beautiful "nymph," Louisa Tyson, the daughter of a Mississippi planter, was to become his brother Thomas' wife.12 The Jackson Female Seminary appears to have been less of a nunnery than Professor Pearl had anticipated. Meanwhile, Pearl's sister Ann had arrived in Jackson and been exalted to the position of assistant principal of the school. Under the combined talents of the Andrews family, the Jackson Female Seminary prospered. Every week an evening was given over to musical and social entertainment graced by the town's magnates, friendly planters from the country, young gentlemen from Louisiana College, and the more advanced pupils of the Seminary. "The young ladies were ranged in unbroken columns along the wall on one or two sides of the room. The young gentlemen occupied the remaining sides. Each lady [was] taken to the piano by a gentleman and performed 'Home Sweet Home' or the 'Battle of Prague'."13 After the performance, floating islands, fruits, and creams were passed by "a sweating and hurried black servant" whose "dirty shirt-sleeves"14 frequently flapped in the guests' faces. Flanked by platoons of young ladies in low-necked dresses, Professor Pearl still felt, as he was to recall in his Autobiography (p. 147), "like David Copperfield, Very young'." Yet he was gradually losing his constrained awkwardness and gaining a sharper awareness of the South and its paradoxes. There was no doubt that the South and its young ladies were romantic. Yet Pearl had begun to notice that while the men indulged in the "most exalted and pompous sentimentalism about the virtue of their women," they practiced "the most licentious libertinism for themselves," securing "by the presence of a servile class of females all the

Louisiana in Transition

17

privileges of the harem." 15 To the future champion of women's rights, this attitude was already intolerable. He himself when offered temptation, righteously, if priggishly, resisted. "On one occasion one of the young ladies, overcome by her feelings intruded on my solitude late at night and put herself completely in my power. My self-control proved adequate for us both. I reprimanded her gently, . . . and dismissed her." 16 Professor Pearl, with the smug pedantry of extreme youth, resolved to confine his wild oats to intellectual spheres. Still, he was growing as his horizon expanded. Often he wandered around the bluffs and gulches on the banks of the Mississippi, coming to know the "new and strange and wonderfully fertile" country of the South. He saw interminable cypress swamps draped with Spanish moss. He passed rich plantations of cotton and sugar cane. He watched hundreds of great wagons drawn by yokes of oxen, groaning under heavy bales. He peered at fleets of flatboats and all the varied craft that steamed toward New Orleans. In the woods he heard the mocking birds and cardinals and orioles, smelled the magnolia and the jasmine. At Methodist camp meetings, mingling among horse jockeys and vendors of food and drink, he eyed "enticements . . . not altogether religious." 17 The mocking birds sang and after an epidemic of Southern fever the graveyard was filled. Young ladies in filmy white bloomed with their own fragrance and behind them Negro slaves glided with stealthy and noiseless step. In the Southern "gentleman," he would note in his Autobiography (p. 143), there dwelt a "curious mixture of high civilization with . . . a wild, savage venom." The South was a strange confusion, a paradox of forces almost but not quite in conflict. Pearl Andrews was there in the 1830's, at the transition time when the forces were ranging against each other, when slaveowner and slave were beginning their long confrontation. He was there and he was taking his stand. His sister-in-law tried to enlist his sympathies for the slaveowner. She was, he realized, under continual torment not only because of the "wretched conduct of her servants," who would work only under fear of "terrible punishment," but also because of the more "terrible necessity . . . of owning them." Time and again she told him of the "latent hatred of the whole people against Yankees," warning him

18

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

not to disturb the Southerners' superficial goodwill. Pearl knew Jane Andrews at last for what she was—a dignified, ambitious woman, "strong in her prejudices," who "loved the masters and . . . hated the slaves."18 If, trying to understand the point of view of the slaveowner, he wavered from his intuitive stand on individual liberty, Pearl Andrews was quickly and dramatically restored to his original, instinctive belief in personal freedom for all. To him, the slave George typified all slavery. When he had first arrived at Jackson he had found George waiting for the young master and, seated on the edge of his bed, he had pointed to a chair and told the slave to be seated. George had declined "with a manner which said modestly but plainly you have committed an indiscretion."19 In the weeks that followed, the observant young Master Pearl had learned as much about the slave George as about the slaveowner Jane Andrews. He suffered deeply: His sleeping hours were short, his labors hard from year's end to year's end, his remuneration nothing, his privileges few. He was "subjected to the lash." One night, in response to Pearl's searching questions, George had at last loosened his tongue: . . . greater more oppressive and more terrible to his proud, aspiring, dignified nature than all else was the one galling, writhing, murderous consciousness that he was a slave. Not once perhaps in his whole lifetime had he opened his heart this freely to an intelligent white man. If I had left my sister with my sympathies partially enlisted for the masters I had gone over wholly to the side of the slave. But more than all I had received a profound impression which never subsequently left me of the tremendous power of that great national machinery of oppression, American Slavery. The deep despair of George . . . seemed from that night to have taken possession of me.20 This deep despair of George represented the feelings of all slaves to Pearl Andrews. His instinctive commitment on the side of freedom had been re-enforced. It would soon become a conscious way of life. Pearl Andrews, however, was far from deifying all slaves. Some he found, as he wrote in his Autobiography (p. 113), "thoughtless and jovial," others "soured and sulky," many "exceedingly stupid, filthy and lazy." He realized, even then, that slavery was "a vigorous healthy

Louisiana in Transition

19

young giant, just gathering its strength for any conflict."21 He was prepared even to see some good in the system, for it contained "elements of the true order of Society wholly wanting in the isolated and individual freedom of Northern . . . civilization."22 But the "powerful intuition against oppression of all sorts, the same which had planted me on the side of the four fugitive slaves when a mere child," 23 prevented him from accepting the institution. Some thirty years later, when he wrote his Autobiography, he looked back upon his experience in the South (pp. 170-171) and with the historian's perspective pinpointed the time and the place: There have been two distinct periods . . . of . . . Slavery at the South, the one before and the other after it stood in the face of an organized antislavery sentiment at the North. I arrived at the South at the exact transition or turning-point between those two periods. . . . I had ample opportunity to observe the character of the institution in its quiescent mood. At that time it was not uncommon to hear slavery deplored . . . even by wealthy planters. . . . It was regretted as other people regret poverty or crime; . . . But all this was dissolved like a dream instantly by the first earnest shock of real anti-slavery sentiment at the North; a sentiment which was not mere sentiment, but which prepared to do something about it; . . . All disguises were thrown off. Slavery came rapidly to be proclaimed a divine institution; all regrets . . . were suppressed. . . . The second stage of the life of slavery in the United States of America had begun. I was present and witnessed the transition and knew well what it meant. William Lloyd Garrison did not form the New England AntiSlavery Society until 1831, a year after Pearl's arrival in Louisiana. The liberal spirit of the North and West was just beginning to take a stand against the proslavery spirit of the South. To the slaveholder the only crime was Negro-stealing, tampering with slaves through incendiary speeches or writings. The South was not yet prepared to go to war in defense of the institution, but one element of the South was prepared to take the law into its own hands. That element consisted of self-styled "regulators" whom Pearl Andrews was to know well. His brother Thomas had for years been inveighing against this dangerous, threatening, frequently intoxicated volunteer body of spies and cut-throats who enlisted themselves on the side of what they called "public order" and whose prime aim was the prompt suppression of the first symptoms of free thought on the

20

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

subject of slavery. Not long after Pearl's arrival in Jackson, Thomas was hurling defiant thunderbolts at this "whole organized band of barbarians" who periodically practiced a reign of terror in the village. Gradually the community—a microcosm of the South—was ranging itself into two hostile camps, the Andrews and the anti-Andrews forces. In the end, George was taken by a gang of ''regulators" and in the interests of the institution of slavery was either hanged or shot and his body thrown into the creek. Those dueling, desperate, "blackleg" conspirators would not be content until they had assaulted Thomas, too. Meanwhile, Pearl Andrews saw the spirit of "thugism" grow like a canker in the heart of the Southern "gentlemen." Along with whiskey and tobacco, cockfighting and horse racing, it provided an exhilarating stimulus for a latent insecurity and a growing sense of inner guilt.24 The Southern sickness was of two kinds: The fever of the soul that would kill the ante-bellum South itself; the fever of the body that killed only individuals. With the summer came that sickness, the sinking sickness that threatened death. To the ills of the body Pearl Andrews was not immune and when he lay exhausted by the Southern fever, a victim of all the horrors of the drug shop, "forty young ladies of a day would peep anxiously in at his windows, . . . or waylay the servants to learn exactly How Master Pearl is now?"25 Master Pearl had faith that he could not die without "achieving a destiny."26 After his convalescence he embarked upon one pathway of that destiny—the way that would lead him eventually to the discovery of a universal language. At school he noticed that the Yankee provincialisms in his speech occasioned mirthful comments from his scholars. On the other hand, he detected various "un-English . . . utterances on their part,"27 and so his attention was called to an analysis of speech into the elements of sound. Consumed by his subject, as he would always be consumed by any intellectual problem, he plunged into a study of comparative philology, investigating Anglo-Saxon, German, and the Scandinavian languages, delving especially into the relation between language and thought. He immersed himself in the analogies between languages. Reading Locke's Essay concerning Human Understanding, he hit upon the idea that language was the "common tie of society." In Tooke's The Diversions of Purley he read, "words are the

Louisiana in Transition

21

signs of things." Studying first one language, then another, he groped for the sounds that were common to all languages, finding in phonetics the elementary sounds of human speech. Pearl Andrews was on his way to spelling out an alphabet of nature, a universal language—a task that would occupy him literally until the day he died. "I was directed into a channel of thought which became ultimately an investigation of the laws of mind and speech expression in their relationship to each other; . . . and hence the laws of the universe at large."28 The "Adjunct" professor at Jackson Female Seminary, his mind still filled with the analogies first disclosed to him by Edward Hitchcock of Amherst, had made his first step in the direction of a science that he would one day call Universology. How much of these investigations he revealed to the young ladies of the Female Seminary cannot be known. If he ventured to discourse upon the analogies of comparative philology, they doubtless found his remarks highly humorous. It would not be the last time Pearl Andrews provided a source of amusement to his audience. The industrious young professor forged ahead. At the suggestion of his brother Thomas, he began reading the law. In addition, he contributed to the pages of the county newspaper a series of articles on the immortality of the soul and the popular science of phrenology.29 No copy of that newspaper has survived. Like many of Pearl Andrews' later writings, the essays that marked his literary debut will remain forever unread. At the time, however, they must have aroused a flurry of plaudits and helped establish his growing reputation, for Jackson Female Seminary soon lost its "Adjunct" professor to the more advanced educational institute known as the College of Louisiana, later Centenary College. Breaking rather suddenly with his sister-in-law, in whom he had begun to find "the genius of the perverse," Pearl applied for and was given the position of tutor in the Latin language at the College of Louisiana for $1,000 a year. Founded only about six years before, the College "was not endowed with all the charms" which Pearl's imagination had assigned to it. He surely missed both his sister Ann and the young lady, Mary Ann Gordon, who remained at the Female Seminary. The "rude wild crew of

22

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

so-called . . . gentlemen" who constituted his scholars presented problems difficult if not impossible to cope with. "They cast off from the cradle all ideas of discipline or obedience and are from the first young masters whose unlimited will is the law. Smoking, tobacco-chewing and drinking are apt to be early accomplishments—[they] wear concealed weapons in defense of their 'honor'." 30 The boys' offenses were often grave. They did worse than attend camp meetings without permission or ring the college bell at night. They expressed their "rampant individualism" with fists and clubs, dirks and pistols, and sometimes at night would "treat strolling professors to a shower of brickbats." 31 For Stephen Pearl Andrews, age nineteen, with his antitobacco and temperance Baptist heritage, teaching Latin to such a crew must have been all but unendurable. There were, however, compensations. The professors were frequently "gentlemen of superior learning," and with Mariano Cubi i Soler, professor of Spanish, Pearl had much in common. Compiler of a Spanish-English dictionary, authority on phrenology—a knowledge of which he believed indispensable for a good marriage—that "Spanish literary gentleman" 32 held philosophical ideas on language which Pearl Andrews shared. The study of Spanish that he had already begun was quickened under Cubi's influence. In addition to his language studies, Pearl was devoting his leisure to the reading of Blackstone "and other Elementary Law Books," for Thomas "looked on it as a matter of course" that eventually his younger brother would join him in the practice of law.33 That eventuality was realized sooner than he had expected. Only two months after Pearl had joined the staff of Louisiana College, an incident occurred which resulted in his leaving Jackson for his brother's town of Clinton and shaped his destiny for the next decade. Pearl Andrews recalled the catastrophe dramatically in his Autobiography (p. 195): ". . . the storm burst which had so long hung over our family, threatening the life of my brother. A courier came to the college informing me that the gang of cut-throats had just assaulted my brother upon the public square at Clinton and certainly wounded him severely whether mortally or not he did not know." Borrowing arms and the fastest horse in town, Pearl sped on to Clinton through "the . . . Swamp where the road was deep with mud and

Louisiana in Transition

23

the tall trees wrapped in wild vines." It seemed to him "as if I was entering literally the valley of the shadow of death." 34 He was still Christian on horseback making his Pilgrim's Progress. He found Clinton in a turmoil of excitement. His brother's left hand had been almost severed at the wrist by the stroke of a bowie knife. His assailant, a cutthroat "regulator," had been hired by a "briefless lawyer from Tennessee" who resented Thomas' championship of "the power of the law to defend the citizen." From the doors of grog shops, gangs of rowdies watched while Pearl Andrews heard the story. The assault had been made before noon, while his brother was passing through the public square from his office to the courthouse. The tendons of his forearm had been severed and his hand was permanently disabled.35 As a result of his brother's condition, Pearl decided to break with the College immediately and settle in Clinton. The court-town of Clinton in the parish of East Feliciana was near the borders of the "Piney Woods" ten miles south of the Mississippi line in the "hill country" of Louisiana. It boasted a courthouse and jail, country stores and saloons, Baptist meetinghouses and dense cane thickets. By 1831 its fertile back country had attracted enough merchants and litigious land speculators to make it a "paradise of lawyers."36 Disputes between landed proprietors, questions of boundary lines, debts, and disturbances of the public peace filled the dockets of the court and had already brought prosperity to Thomas Andrews. Thomas had recently taken a partner, Thornton Lawson of Nashville, who would later become district judge. Now, while his brother recuperated, Pearl became a student in the firm of Andrews and Lawson.37 Studying Louisiana law was a taxing, absorbing task to which Pearl Andrews gave all his intellectual powers. While its Criminal Code, like that of other states, derived from the English common law embodied in Blackstone, its Civil Code was peculiar to itself, "a piebald work, made up of shreds of civil law, modified . . . by Spanish and French decrees"38 and based largely upon Napoleonic law. Pearl must familiarize himself with the Spanish and French Codes and with Roman law and English common law. His language skills were now to be applied not only to philosophic relationships but to the practical mastery of Louisiana law.

24

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Our system of Laws, codified or embodied in the Civil Code of Louisiana, was a branch of the Civil Law, as distinguished from the Common Law of England which prevails in all the other states. . . . The Louisiana Code is based directly on the Code Napoleon, and that in turn on the Codex and Pandects of . . . Justinian. To be a thorough lawyer, therefore, in Louisiana, it is desirable, . . . to know Latin, French, and Spanish; . . . all our claims of titles went back to the Spanish grants, . . . but no lawyer at Clinton was a good Spanish scholar. I had already begun the study of that language, and now saw my advantage in continuing it I had therefore before me the acquisition of two or three distinct systems of Law; the brushing up of my Latin and French . . . the mastering of . . . Spanish . . . and an active assistance as copyist, clerk and assistant generally in the business of the office. My eyesight . . . was now fully restored and I found myself entering upon a life which of all others had for me the most of charm; a life of study mingled with practical and to some extent active exertion.39 There is little wonder that Pearl's romantic attachment to Mary Ann Gordon remained, during this period of intensive study, in the background. Rooming in the back office on Courthouse Square while his brother Thomas built an "elegant residence"40 for his future bride, Pearl divided his time between his legal tomes and the preparation of cases. While his brother "made a full statement of the case to me beforehand, and listened to my views upon every point that he chose to raise," 41 Pearl's legal skill increased as his knowledge widened. It was a time for vigilance in Clinton. White men who ventured to "destroy that line of distinction which the law . . . established between the several classes of this community" were fined and imprisoned, for "a sharp lesson" was considered "salutary" for such "aspiring mongrels." 42 Pearl observed how the partisans of slavery, to secure their peculiar institution, championed states' rights. Even his brother's partner, Lawson, hated the North and tried to convert the law student to his views. It was a time for even a philosophic student of the law to be armed, ready for a fight. "Night after night we lay upon our arms, a dozen or twenty of us camped upon my brother's premises, with an equal or larger number of half-Southern rowdies, raging through the town or howling round our quarters like so many savages . . . threaten-

Louisiana in Transition

25

ing. . . . By the time my brother had recovered from his wound, . . . the storm had vented its fury."43 By that time, too, Pearl was well on his way to a mastery of the law and Thomas' firm expanded. The town of Clinton was growing before his very eyes. In front of the Andrews and Lawson law office, a bank was built. Rows of warehouses and stores, saloons and hotels dotted the streets. On every spare lot churches went up. The court calendar was crowded with cases.44 The times were exciting and disturbing. Even Pearl Andrews thought the abolitionists in the North were meddling with matters which they could not mend and therefore would only worsen the condition of the slaves. I was not then an abolitionist in the head, although my heart was always in sympathy with the oppressed, and my sense of justice terribly offended at the oppression. . . . At bottom, I was, . . . faithful to the cause of humanity, . . . I did not hesitate to engage in . . . litigation involving the title to slaves, but my underlying sense of justice was with the slave and against the master.45 Only a bout of illness—"another fearful encounter with the fever," as he put it in his Autobiography (p. 243) —interfered with his studies. In January, 1833, he learned that his father had suffered a paralytic attack that deprived him of the use of his right hand. Old Elisha immediately learned to write with his left hand. 46 With the same buoyant resilience, the keen-eyed, long-nosed law student arose from his bed to attack his Blackstone and Justinian. In March of 1833, Pearl Andrews journeyed to New Orleans to apply for admission to the bar. His "noble," almost "leonine" head that would one day be compared with Charles Darwin's, gave sign of his maturing. He was no longer the shy, awkward boy who had come on horseback to Jackson. Brimming with ideas, fluent in languages, well coached in the groundwork of the Code Napoleon, he appeared before the Supreme Court of Louisiana at New Orleans and was examined by the three justices—the crabbed and miserly François-Xavier Martin who had been born in Marseilles, the genial and rotund Virginian, George Matthews, and the literary, silver-haired Henry Bullard from Massachusetts. On March 27, 1833, five days after his twen-

26

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

ty-first birthday, he was admitted to the practice of law in Louisiana, his admission being noted in the Minutes of the Supreme Court of the State.47 The young attorney, ready now to embark upon the practice of the law, treated himself to a week's exploration of the great metropolis. He was enchanted by the bustle and babble of tongues at the levee, where Negroes and Indians peddled their wares, and bales of cotton and hogsheads of tobacco lay on the quay. The scholarly philosopher found his taste of the "Southern Babylon" heady as he wandered the streets and alleys of New Orleans, passing oyster shops and gambling rooms, hearing the music of organ-grinders mingle with the chimes of cathedral bells.48 Filled with the sights and sounds of the South's great city, Pearl Andrews returned to Clinton. Armed with all the "nice sharp quillets of the law," a profound sense of justice, and an abiding love of all lost causes, the fully accredited attorney was ready for the bar. After the first Court term, the firm of Andrews and Lawson was transformed into T. L. and S. P. Andrews. The junior partner, busy with cases involving promissory notes and estate administration, spoke "fluently, addressing juries and the Court on all sorts of subjects."49 Death no less than life augmented the firm's legal business. In the South, as Andrews recorded in his Autobiography (p. 260), there seemed to be a "destructive mental influence" that "made men die easy." A summer epidemic of congestive fever dragged on to the fall, bringing wholesale death to Clinton. Pearl rushed "from bedside to bed-side, . . . serving as nurse, doctor, priest, notary executor and undertaker, as grave-digger even . . . without sleep for weary days and nights, . . . breathing in malaria and contagion at every breath." 50 As he worked he was struck by the apathetic "spiritual geography" 51 of the place, the baleful psychology of its latitude and longitude. After death came the settlement of estates and the "frequent litigation" that grew out of such settlements. S. P. Andrews rode the legal circuit, "a very bloodhound on the scent of evidence." Our high reputation as a legal firm called us even to distant parts of the state to attend to important suits or to act as counsellors. All of the State of Louisiana east of the river and portions of it west were repeatedly traversed

Louisiana in Transition

27

by me on horseback in passing from Courthouse to Courthouse. . . . I was at the "laying out" of the "city" of Port Hudson at the mouth of Thompson's creek, . . . I was once shot at on the bluff there, when there were only three houses, one a grog-shop in the place, by one of the old band of our enemies, . . . My professional engagements carried me to Woodville in Mississippi, to Natchez, and as far north as Vicksburg . . . and thence down the river to New Orleans.52 With his "unusual talent" and eloquence were combined an uncompromising stand against moral laxity and a strong sense of justice. Pearl Andrews could inveigh against crime at the same time that he could help spirit away a slave at night. Years later, recalling his life as an attorney in the South, he epitomized in his Autobiography (p. 265) his early attitude with a mixture of bitterness and self-righteousness: "As I have been in after-life charged with authorizing immorality and crime, it may be well to recall how far away from the idea of license I took my departure in life. Perhaps it will be seen in the end that the same sense of justice which predominated at one extremity of an exceptional life, spans the whole arch, and embraces the opposite extreme." Between his legal business, visits to Jackson to see Mary Ann Gordon and his sister Ann, and spirited discussions with his "magnificent" brother, "the chief idol of my admiration," 53 Pearl Andrews' life was full. Still studying languages, still searching out connections between the sciences, still abhorring the oppressions of slavery, he sharpened his mind, whetted his reforming tendencies, and continued to mature as a man. In the early summer of 1835, when he was only twenty-three, Pearl received a formal invitation from the citizens of the neighborhood to deliver the Fourth of July oration. The embryo idealist, ever on the scent of analogies, hit upon the idea of comparing America's independence from foreign despotism with "independence from the thralldom of a viciated [sic] appetite," and chose as his subject "the great temperance reform." The anniversary was celebrated by a monster picnic "conducted upon strict temperance principles," and Pearl Andrews, having carefully memorized his speech, arose before his audience at the Union Church near Clinton to address his "Fellow Citizens": "We are assembled," he began, "for the purpose of uniting the commemo-

28

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

ration of . . . our National Independence, with an effort to combat one of the most powerful enemies of our domestic happiness—in a word, to hold a Temperance Celebration of the Fourth of July. This is probably the first meeting for a similar purpose, on the soil of Louisiana."54 On the soil of Louisiana, where slavery was the accepted way of life, Pearl Andrews did not hesitate to condemn that way of life. His keen eyes flashing, the dynamic young orator spoke his mind with flowery eloquence: There is, perhaps, no sentiment of his nature more deeply implanted in the mind of man, than his love of Independence . . . Liberty, national or individual, personal or mental, has been considered as the greatest boon of Heaven to man. . . . Slavery has been dreaded and abhorred as some monster, breathing plagues and pestilence, and whose very touch could poison the sweet fountains of life and happiness.55 One by one he attacked the dragons that harassed free inquiry, from political parties to the prostitution of the public press, and "bestial indulgence in . . . ardent and alcoholic liquors." Slaves to grog, brandy toddies, and mint juleps were making America a nation of tipplers. Patriotism required everyone to give up his "personal indulgence." 56 The recently formed East Feliciana Temperance Society was so enthralled with the teetotalitarian views in Pearl's oration that "they raised a subscription on the spot to pay for its publication as a pamphlet." 57 It appeared the following year in twenty-two printed pages— the author's first publication in book form and the herald of many far more voluminous though far less comprehensible philosophical effusions. Meanwhile, the summer of 1835 wore on. With the continued expansion of New Orleans, business declined in Clinton. Besides, Pearl's increasingly outspoken antipathy to slavery was accepted with less fervor by the citizenry at large than by the East Feliciana Temperance Society. Thomas Andrews, married now to Louisa Tyson, urged his young brother to leave Clinton and settle in the South's metropolis. In the fall their partnership was dissolved and Pearl Andrews, linguist, orator, and attorney-at-law, moved to New Orleans.58 He was no stranger to the city. He had seen its crowded levee, that broad dike along the Mississippi where hundreds of flatboats were moored and the flags of every nation were run to the mastheads of ships. He had seen quadroons glide through the streets, along with

Louisiana in Transition

Plate 2. Title page of Andrews' first published work. Courtesy Boston Athenaeum.

29

30

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

elegant Creoles and busy merchants. He had watched the natives rush to horse races and cockfights and heard the talk of visitors at Planter's Hotel. For the next four years the colorful city that was both queen of the South and the "worst pest hole in the world" would be Pearl Andrews' home.59 At Number 45 Custom House Street, upstairs, he opened his office. Not long after, he married Mary Ann Gordon.60 The exact date of his marriage is unknown and indeed in all the nearly three hundred pages of his Autobiography, with its discursive philosophical comments on matrimony and love, economics and political thought, he makes not a single reference to the woman who became his wife. Little is known of her, except that he met her at the Jackson Female Seminary and that she hailed from Norwich, Connecticut. The man who throughout his life preached the sovereignty of the individual preached also laissez faire, hands off, in matters that concerned his personal biography. Although he published his views on the theory of free love far and wide, his own amatory practices were no one else's business. As a result, Mary Ann Gordon refuses to be clothed in flesh and blood. Where her name crops up later in Pearl's career, she appears as his abettor in free thought and bold inquiry. Yet she never ventured boldly enough on her own to be stalked by the hunting biographer. Many Gordons came from the Connecticut town at the head of the River Thames above Long Island Sound. One of them owned the brig Dart, and another dealt in dry goods and groceries. Mary Ann was possibly the child of one of them, although her name escaped the Vital Records of Norwich, as it escaped her husband's Autobiography. She remains, therefore, little more than a name, her husband's faithful aide, housekeeper, and eventually the mother of his sons. With a wife to support, Pearl Andrews now entered, for the first time on his own, into the practice of law. His voice was frequently heard amid the bustle and bedlam of litigation in the building below the cathedral where judges and jury, clients and lawyers made a hubbub in five languages. The Court of Probates with its "putting on and raising of seals," its notarial inventories and mazes of forms, became a second home to him. His practice brought him often to the capital's Supreme Court, the small two-story building, half French and half Dutch, that fronted on Canal Street.61

Louisiana in Transition

31

He came to know the justices of that Court, gauging their reactions in advance, appraising their forensic tastes shrewdly. François-Xavier Martin, 62 chief justice, "dry as a hard-baked brickbat" and nearly blind, practiced the Socratic method with attorney Andrews, proceeding by questions which he accompanied with a grunt. Judge Bullard63 was more to Pearl's taste, for the New Englander who had filibustered in Mexico now cultivated literature and history as well as the law and was first president of the recently founded Historical Society of Louisiana. Pearl Andrews would find the courts of law "admirable schools for the study of humanity." 64 In cases involving contracts or the purchase of slaves, partnerships in railroad construction or sales of property inherited by minors, whether he represented plaintiff or defendant, he delved with a student's zeal into all the perplexing problems of Louisiana's Civil Code. The very confusion of Louisiana law, with its French and Spanish Codes, intrigued him and he determined to make an exhaustive study comparing those codes with the Roman law and the English common law. The searcher after comparisons in philology was also the searcher after comparisons in law. His treatise, A Comparison of the Common Law with the Roman, French or Spanish Civil Law on Entails and other Limited Property in Real Estate, would be published four years later in New Orleans. It would be described as "an important legal work," but like his essays on immortality not a copy would survive. Now, while he was investigating the theory of the law, he was continuing its practice. One of his cases revealed his growing antislavery propensities, for he volunteered to enter the courts on behalf of the abolitionists, Arthur and Lewis Tappan, to whom New Orleans merchants were in arrears.65 Another case with which he was involved was to go down in the annals of legal history as "The Romance of American Courts: Gaines vs. New Orleans." 66 The "Strange Case of Myra Clark Gaines" was to continue for some sixty years, be appealed to the United States Supreme Court at least ten times, and be known as the longest lawsuit in American jurisprudence. Before it was settled—five years after the plaintiff's death—it would consume thousands of pages of testimony, inspire a Beadle dime novel, and test the skills of thirty lawyers.

32

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

One of the first of those lawyers retained by Myra Clark Gaines— then Myra Clark Whitney—was Stephen Pearl Andrews. Myra, the illegitimate daughter of Daniel Clark, a merchant prince of New Orleans, claimed her father's estate. Unfortunately, according to Louisiana law, Myra was an "adulterine bastard'' who could not inherit property. Her father's will would not be probated until forty-three years after his death. To this involved but challenging case Pearl Andrews devoted the next three years, conferring with the small, vivacious Myra, engaging in legal skirmishes and probing the Code Napoleon as much for the benefit of the aspiring heiress as for the enrichment of his comparative treatise on the law. Despite his preoccupation with the courts, he had time, as the months passed, for other activities. With members of Joel Parker's First Presbyterian Church in New Orleans he helped establish a Sunday School for Negro children. He joined debates on phrenology at the Lyceum on Royal Street and addressed the New Orleans Temperance Society.67 In 1837 his sister Ann married Barlow Henderson Streeter and moved to Michigan.68 August brought a return of the yellow fever to New Orleans, closing the law courts. Pearl Andrews and his wife endured the sultry, oppressive summer. Bells tolled for the dead, shutters were barred, barrels of blazing tar or pitch lined the streets to stop the spread of infection. Salvos of cannon thundered and fires were burned to purify the atmosphere, their flames illuminating the dark, noxious alleys at night. By the time the epidemic was over, Myra's husband, William Whitney, was dead.69 The yellow fever had been ushered in by the Panic of 1837, which lasted longer than the epidemic. In May, fourteen New Orleans banks had suspended payment and the state was inundated with rag money. Land went begging; losses in cotton brought on bankruptcies. In 1838, business was all but paralyzed. The fortune which Pearl Andrews had begun amassing from his law practice was swept away.70 With the economic crisis, agitation on the slavery question spread. After a speech by a northern "negrophilist," southern members stalked out of Congress. "New England's intermeddling philanthropy" inspired the South to punitive laws "respecting the carrying away of

Louisiana in Transition

33

slaves."71 In 1839 New Orleans was struck by another yellow fever epidemic. By that year, Pearl Andrews had had his fill of the queen city of the South. His brother Thomas was migrating to Looking Glass Prairie, Illinois, with his wife, where they would free the slaves she had inherited. He himself, with all Louisianians, had long been interested in the Texas struggle for independence. Free lands were available in the young Republic of Texas—headrights of 640 acres offered to heads of families, provided they emigrated there before January 1, 1840. N o longer a part of Mexico, not yet a part of the United States, Texas was an independent country where an individual sovereign could, perhaps, give freer expression of his individual opinions.72 In the nine years that Pearl Andrews had spent in Louisiana he had seethed with opinions upon many subjects. He had his thoughts on comparative law and comparative language, and he would continue to search for connections between the diverse sciences and philosophies of the world, for the great unity of law at work in the universe. Especially, he believed in the sovereignty and freedom of the individual. His life in Louisiana had intensified the love of freedom that ran in his veins. In that state, legally and morally committed to its peculiar institution, he knew he could accomplish nothing to unshackle the bonds of the enslaved. The shy, sensitive boy who had ridden on horseback to Jackson, Louisiana, had come a long way: His eyes flashed resentment at oppression of all kinds; his long nose ferreted out injustice. In the fertile field of his mind the seeds of grandiose ideas germinated. He had become a man. Armed with a letter to Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, President of Texas, Pearl Andrews set forth with his wife on his journey to the neighboring Republic. The twenty-six-year-old lawyer, "a highly respectable member of the New Orleans bar," was, it announced, visiting "Texas with views of immigration." He was "an ornament to the society of this place and . . . a very valuable citizen."73 He was also— although the letter failed to mention it—an abolitionist in the heart of the South, an alchemist almost ready to transmute his thoughts into action.

Chapter HI

LONE STAR

THE journey from New Orleans to Houston was slow and tedious in 1839. With his young wife, the tall, lean attorney who had sprouted a dignified beard "plumbed the track," tracing his way through deep mire and overflowing rivers. Yet the exhaustion that must have attended their journey was amply rewarded when they arrived. Only the year before Houston had boasted but four hundred inhabitants and pine stumps still cluttered the main street. Now as Pearl and his wife walked about they could see the city growing and changing before their very eyes. Mudholes were filled in, brick sidewalks laid, farmers' wagons laden with produce clattered by. The roads were thick with ox and mule wagons carrying cotton from north and west. They could hear the ox bells tinkle through the night on the prairie. Out of Houston mud had risen Houston's fine frame buildings. Pearl and his wife passed the market house and arsenal, hotels and jockey clubs. They watched the boats on Buffalo Bayou. Emigrants poured into the city that was built on high land whose banks, covered with evergreens, rose abruptly from the river. Although slavery was accepted here as in Louisiana, Pearl sensed a different spirit from the effete old-world atmosphere of New Orleans. He felt the spirit of the future, the spirit of "go-a-head" and "up saddle-bags" like a fresh wind over Houston.1 He had made, he was sure, a wise move that must bear good fruit. By the spring of 1839 they were well settled in Houston. Pearl opened a temporary office "at Mr. Newlands' opposite the court house"

Lone Star

35

for the transaction of his legal business and, spurred no doubt by the publication of his Comparative Treatise on the Law, contracted to translate the Texas laws into Castilian. On April 10, 1839, he inserted a "Law Notice'' in the Telegraph and Texas Register: "S. P. Andrews, attorney at law, late of New Orleans, has moved to Texas and will practice his profession in the courts of the republic. He is to be found for the present at Mr. Newlands' opposite the court house in Houston. The translation of Spanish documents connected with land titles will be attended to."2 The next day, he received his certificate for 640 acres of land in Harris County,3 and on the last of May, 1839, he signed Articles of Agreement with the acting secretary of state to translate the Texas laws into Castilian.4 He had prepared the ground for a productive, hard-working life in his new country. More important, he had clarified his attitude toward slavery.5 Although he still conceded that slavery was doing "a great missionary work" by serving as "the great indentual [sic] school of the Negro," he could not do otherwise than condemn the institution as perhaps the most demoralizing form of human oppression. His point of view could now be expressed in the simplest of terms. In the interests of humanity he must help "obliterate frontiers," especially the closed frontiers of the mind. "If I do not believe in Slavery," he concluded, "I must believe in Freedom." All the events of his life had brought him to this way of thinking. Out of rocky New England soil he had been shaped, a sovereign individual. Confronted with the oppressions of Negro slavery in Louisiana and particularly with the oppressions of the one Negro slave, George, he had been jolted into the realization that not all individuals were sovereign. His readings, his love of humanity in the abstract, his growing belief that all human beings were or should be united in freedom, were culminating now in his mind. He was developing a philosophy of freedom, of the sovereignty of the individual. He was developing also a desire to act upon his philosophy. He knew that he was not alone in this desire. The American AntiSlavery Society, which William Lloyd Garrison had helped form in 1833, was increasing its ranks. In the North opposition to slavery was growing. Lewis Tappan, the merchant-abolitionist for whom Pearl had done some legal work in New Orleans, was devoted to the cause. His

36

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

home had been sacked and he had received in the post the ear of a Negro. William Cullen Bryant, and Theodore Sedgwick, that "politician without party vices," were both undaunted in their opposition to slavery. The winds of freedom stirred briskly in the North. Andrews knew, too, that in 1833 Great Britain had resolved the question of slavery in the West Indies by liberating the slaves and voting twenty millions sterling to compensate the planters. Why, he pondered, could not a similar plan be carried into effect in Texas? If the United States government would not act, why could not Great Britain or its active anti-slavery elements be induced to lend money for the purpose of freeing slaves in the independent Republic of Texas? It was true, he realized, that Britain might gain a foothold in Texas, but better a freedom-loving British foothold than a proslavery American stranglehold. This idea, apparently so simple, so feasible, seems to have taken hold of Pearl shortly after he settled in Texas. Fired with this brilliant, easy solution to the ills that surrounded him, he journeyed to New York to confer with Lewis Tappan and outline his idea. Let Great Britain declare the slave trade piracy and treat with Texas, lending a great sum, "say of ten millions of pounds sterling, . . . if she will alter her constitution and take effectual steps to abolish slavery."6 Tappan's immediate reaction must have been one of extreme interest. Doubtless he advised Andrews to proceed cautiously, put out feelers in Texas, gain support there if possible before going any further. Four years later the audacious scheme would appear irresistible and both men would act on it. Meanwhile, back in Houston, the man who "must believe in Freedom" waited to act, sounding out the inhabitants, feeling his way. Cautiously, by indirection, he touched upon the slavery question with emigrants who crowded the streets, with land speculators armed with their omnipresent bowie knives. Over their "pork dodgers" and "dough doings" the Texans talked about Indian raids or threatened Mexican invasions, and Pearl Andrews talked back with tales of the "regulators" and their bloody deeds. The New Orleans lawyer had become a pleader for humanity by innuendo, a man with a secret mission, not quite ready for action.7 He was still a lawyer with a wife to support. Of all the mushroom-

Lone Star

37

ing wooden buildings of Houston, one of the most familiar to the young attorney was the double log cabin on Courthouse Square that served as county courthouse and jail. He entered the jail often through a trapdoor at the top to consult with incarcerated clients. In the two-room courthouse he pleaded his cases, much as he had in New Orleans— cases of land claims or land transfers, estate litigation, easy divorces, or complicated land titles. The court dockets were full and Pearl's special knowledge of Spanish civil law served him well in cases involving Mexican title deeds. His pockets were filled as his reputation grew. He was becoming a trusted, respected citizen. He was also laying the groundwork for the great work that lay ahead. Even a murderer whom he had tried unsuccessfully to prosecute held out his hand to him and said, "Andrews, you did your best and I admire you for i t " 8 His wife shared his "freedom-loving propensities" 9 but whether Andrews discussed his as yet amorphous plans with her at this time remains unknown. Certainly he must have hinted at them. Certainly she must have sensed that a lucrative law practice and increasing land wealth were not her idealistic husband's principal ambitions. On the surface all went smoothly. Only news of his father's death, in February, 1840,10 disturbed the apparently uneventful course of his life in Texas, reminding him, if he needed reminding, of his strong New England roots. He was developing a reputation for patience, judiciousness, and eloquence. He was accepted for what he appeared to be—a hard-working lawyer amassing landed property. Although he could never bring himself to subscribe publicly to a Texas constitution that recognized slavery, the rule that required an oath of fidelity from attorneys was waived for the distinguished young lawyer.11 Soon he took on a partner, William W. Swain, a man, no doubt, of like mind and like principles. Under the firm name of Andrews & Swain he continued to plead before the bar or make land transactions. Readers of Houston's Telegraph and Texas Register were advised to refer to Andrews & Swain for "three thousand acres of land, adjoining the Houston city league and near White Oak bayou, about one-half timbered,... [to be] sold low for cash, or exchanged for cord wood." 12 On July 8, 1841, the successful attorney became a father, naming his first-born son William Swain Andrews after his partner. 13 A few

38

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

months later he was admitted to practice before the Supreme Court of Texas.14 Honor and eminence attended him. His opinions, even his opinions circumspectly offered on slavery, were accepted. Here was an upright citizen of Houston who had given hostages to fortune. At this time no one could have suspected that an incendiary had planted himself in Texas. Pearl Andrews spent much of his time translating the Texas laws into Castilian, a task for which he had been promised $2.50 a page and for which he was given an advance payment of $500. In 1841 the results of his efforts appeared in print— the Constitución, Leyes Jenerales, & c. de la Republica de Tejas by S. P. Andrews, "Abogado de los Tribunales de Dicha República."15 Besides translating and practicing the law, he found time to address the friends of temperance as he had in Louisiana, doubtless coupling once again freedom from slavery to spirits with freedom from slavery of all kinds. 16 By this time Pearl Andrews had resolved not only his thoughts on emancipation but the religious struggle of his soul. In New England, during his father's lifetime, he had been unable to submit to the rite of baptism. Now, after his father's death, perhaps as a result of it, he passed "the terrible ordeal." He recorded that ordeal years later in his Autobiography (p. 5 3 ) : "In a far-off S t a t e , . . . in the presence of a . . . skeptical and contemptuous crowd, I submitted to the . . . ordinance of renunciation of the old world, and resurrection to newness of life." It is difficult to reconcile Andrews' affiliation with baptism with his later stand on freedom from the trammels of all organized religion, but then it should not be necessary to reconcile Andrews at thirty with Andrews at fifty. Just now his membership in the First Baptist Church in Houston may have helped him win converts to his cause. Among the "cane-brake preachers" who had taken "Texas fever" he doubtless proselytized in a mild, inoffensive manner, perhaps testing his "missionating" skills. Along with Robert Baylor, who traveled on horseback through the Republic with the laws of Texas in one saddlebag and the Bible in another, Brother Andrews was a moving spirit in the Education Society under whose auspices Baylor University would one day be chartered.17 Texas events moved on. The worthy member of the Houston bar, Baptist and temperance man, was still biding his time. Sam Houston

Lone Star

39

was inaugurated President of the Republic. News of the Santa Fe expedition reached town. Andrews was so well regarded that he was appointed to solicit equipment for the Houston Committee of Vigilance, gathering blankets and mounts, pistols and hatchets for the Texas army and navy in its war against Mexico. His "character for integrity and patriotism," the Telegraph and Texas Register declared, was "above reproach."18 Still cautious, he broached his plans, at first to friends, then to "leaders of opinion" in Houston. He appealed to the cupidity of Southern planters, picturing for them the advantages of hard British cash at a time when cotton prices were falling, and of industrious British emigrants who would enrich the population of Texas. It would be to their interest, he hinted, to abolish slavery on such terms. By the exchange of British money for Texas lands, slaveholders would be reimbursed for the loss of their slaves; under the protection of the British flag, expediency would be made to serve principle. "My plan," he suggested, "is for the British nation to buy up Texas, . . . and . . . make it most obviously the interest of Texas to abolish slavery."19 There must have been many slaveholders and more nonslaveholders in 1842 who opened their ears to Andrews' insinuations, for after his "private & confidential conversation" he began to sense "an undercurrent of feeling,... against Slavery," a feeling "based upon interest," he admitted, which had not "the boldneess and disregard of personal consequences requisite for leading in great enterprises."20 Still the feeling was there, he was sure. He was equally sure that he himself could provide the leadership. The time had come for the antislavery apprentice to become the journeyman. He was prepared, and he believed the citizens of Houston were prepared, for a stronger policy. The Baptist attorney now determined to address a mass meeting at the Houston courthouse to air his views in public. The young Fourth of July orator of Clinton, Louisiana, had a bolder purpose, a more daring message. He would still be moderate in his use of words, but his opinions would be made clear. The verdict of Houston must be secured before the missionary could enlarge his frontiers. It is not difficult to reconstruct that meeting:21 The small county courthouse was filled with men of various persuasions. Some friends

40

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

were there to support the orator. With them they brought their wives and children. Mary Ann Andrews probably carried her baby in her arms as she looked on tensely but proudly. Others may have wandered in from nearby saloons. Guests of the Fannin House or the Capitol Hotel may have seized the opportunity for an evening's entertainment. Farmers, land speculators, card sharps no doubt crowded in to satisfy their curiosity. A few slaveholders drifted in, probably to heckle the speaker. Perhaps, standing before them, Andrews saw the glint of a bowie knife and heard a few mutters of defiance. His task would be difficult. He must avoid any outspoken references to slavery and emancipation but at the same time he must carry his audience with him, picturing for them the glories of a free Texas, outlining its future destiny "as a new and model nation." Years later, during the Civil War, Andrews would write an unpublished essay which he would call "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," for he saw the origins of the Civil War in Texas events of the 1840's. There he would record that eventful meeting: The court-house was crowded. . . . The excitement was so intense that men, women & children vied for the opportunity to hear. I was summoned first to the rostrum, and made my speech. It was substantially the same as that which I had made to individuals. . . . I concluded by what I presumed might be characterized as a somewhat brilliant portraiture of the future destiny of Texas as a new and model nation. I knew that I was standing upon a very slender & delicate margin between the acceptance of my views by the auditory & their utter rejection both of my views & of me. I chose to avoid the words slavery & emancipation & to utter my views on those subjects somewhat more by implication than by direct statement.22 Moody and sullen at first, the audience listened halfheartedly. But there was something about Pearl Andrews that commanded attention— some flash of the visionary in his deep-set eyes, a magnetism in his tall figure and his intellectual but vibrant face. He had the lawyer's gift of eloquence and the self-assurance that came from deep personal conviction. A Kentucky lawyer in the courthouse grasped his meaning quickly. "What we have listened to means abolition, and nothing else," he exclaimed. But most of the "auditory" that dramatic night in Houston saw only the "brilliant portraiture of the future destiny of Texas as a new and model nation." They were carried over. As Andrews was

Lone Star

41

to recall, "immense & continuous . . . applause sealed the triumph of the occasion." That night in Andrews' rooms, his friends gathered to exult. He had—or he believed he had—"secured the verdict of Houston." The next move was to widen their horizons. Andrews must go on to Texas' second "most populous and influential" town, Galveston. With a few of his new converts he would leave immediately to "missionate in the island city on the gulf."23 Spirits ran high in the Andrews household as Pearl prepared for his mission. If his wife had any fears for his safety they have never been recorded. Since she shared his principles, she must have accepted his method of carrying them out. Between fear and confidence she must have wished him a devout Godspeed. With Thomas League, a shrewd and wealthy slaveholder whom he counted among his converts, Pearl embarked on the steamer for Galveston. The little boat was crowded with passengers, among them the French and British chargés d'affaires to Texas. While the vessel turned through the narrow, winding bayou, Pearl Andrews held forth on his "new & strange abolition project." Over their boiled oysters and beef steaks, the passengers discussed the issue. On the hurricane deck, the thirty-one-year-old New Englander who had lived nearly half his life in the South collared the passengers as they walked and smoked, nagging away at his "project." He heard threats from some, but more agreed than disagreed. Captain Charles Elliot, the British chargé d'affaires, was with him, favoring not only free trade and peace with Mexico, but the abolition of slavery. Hope for his scheme was high. 24 On Saturday, March 18, 1843, the Houston steamer arrived at Galveston. Galveston Island, once the retreat of pirate Lafitte, would be his testing ground. Immediately Andrews walked from one plantation to another, outlining his plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves. As he passed the wooden houses of Galveston, the grog shops and churches and attorneys' offices, he accosted every Texan he met, discussing, arguing, agitating with the "rough and wild," the "scheming," the "enterprising." Knots of people gathered at every corner. Slaveholders threatened and denounced. He sensed a growing opposition and defiance. Success would be harder to achieve in Galveston than in Houston.

42

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

When he looked back upon that scene thirty years later, Andrews recalled it vividly in "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War": "The whole little city of Galveston was fairly seething with excitement. . . . people were . . . discussing with agitated & excited voices & passionate gestures, the new & strange phenomenon of abolition actually exploded like a bombshell." A meeting had been called at Galveston's Custom House, where Andrews planned a public speech in which he would announce the necessity of forming a new constitution, abolishing slavery, and reimbursing the slaveowners with money advanced by the British government "by geting [sic] a lien upon" Texas property.25 If that speech had been made perhaps Andrews with his gift of oratory and his dynamic persuasiveness might have converted the slaveholders of Galveston. Perhaps the whole great chain of events, from the annexation of a slave state to the Mexican War, from the Compromise of 1850 to the Civil War itself, might have been altered and the country's history rewritten. As it was, Andrews' speech was never made. The presiding officer, it was announced, had been "detained."26 The meeting was promptly adjourned. Next morning the frustrated missionary found at his breakfast plate a note from a friend informing him that "an organized body of armed men" was demanding that he be turned over to them. "Counter conspirators" who had held their secret meetings at night were "now prepared to act."27 It was probably at this juncture that his companion, Thomas League, quietly withdrew, having admitted that "all he wanted was to get one thousand dollars a piece for his own slaves from the British Government. . . and then pass them across the Sabine to the States, and sell them again."28 Despite his disillusionment, despite the threats and the danger, Pearl returned to the Galveston Custom House. There he was met by "an organized Band of about 20 men" whose chief, a "fire-eating" politician from South Carolina, addressed him formally, quietly, and with all the embellishments of Southern courtesy. A boat and oarsmen were, he informed the would-be missionary, waiting at the wharf to transport him to the mainland. A riding horse and saddle would be sent by another boat to the opposite shore where Andrews would find his baggage. He was never to return to Galveston to agitate the subject. He

Lone Star

43

was then requested to accompany the "committee"—the "fully armed" and "self-constituted posse"—to the wharf. Andrews, who had arrived in Galveston with such high hopes, realized that he had failed completely. As they passed through the streets, he could smell hostility in the air. Mocking crowds gathered. At the wharf, the boat lay waiting with four oarsmen and a pilot. Andrews was ordered to step in. A final injunction was hurled at him: If he ever returned to Galveston he would be stretched from the yardarm.29 There was too much immediate danger for him to meditate long upon his failure. He was rowed to Virginia Point, where he waited overnight for his riding horse. Then, across the low, swampy flatlands, he rode, a freedom rider of 1843, back to Houston. His mission had failed. He was now labeled "an odious abolitionist, a dangerous . . . man," "a person under the ban of public reprobation." 30 The respected attorney must accustom himself to this new role. He must learn to accept immediate failure. But the future was his, for he believed this mission was right. He would never relinquish it. He had no way of knowing then that on March 19, 1843, the day after he had arrived in Galveston, a letter31 had been sent to London that would touch off a train of diplomatic correspondence, be leaked eventually to the press, and explode the whole abolition bombshell like a keg of gunpowder. The letter revealed the project of emancipating the Negroes through the exchange of land for British money. President Tyler's unofficial agent in Britain, a political intriguer and a champion of the South, General Duff Green, obtained a copy and circulated it. With its circulation, fears of British intervention in the Republic of Texas were to mount; the necessity of annexing that Republic to the United States would become increasingly apparent to the administration. The witch hunt would be on for abolitionists of Andrews' stripe.32 Back in Houston, completely unaware that his activities had already been disclosed through more or less diplomatic channels, Andrews decided upon a still bolder course of action. Instead of trying to gather converts in Texas, he would bring the whole issue to a head by going, in person, to London to negotiate a loan for the emancipation of the Texas slaves.33 By this time his wife must have been accustomed to sharing her husband with his consuming devotion to the cause. Per-

44

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

haps she shared that devotion as much as he. At all events, she made no recorded objections. Charles Elliot, the British chargé d'affaires who had been among the passengers during the voyage to Galveston, visited Pearl in Houston. He brought with him "the strongest letters of introduction and recommendation to the leading members of the British Administration then in power; . . . and to others, . . . in the opposition," for he believed Andrews' project "a good one."34 Other letters were being written, too, behind the scenes, letters to the Foreign Office, to Daniel Webster, to Lord Aberdeen—a whole battery of diplomatic correspondence touched off by Andrews' revolutionary activities,35 of which their instigator was as yet serenely unaware. While he laid his plans for uprooting himself and his family from Houston, he had enough to contend with without the knowledge of outside interference. He had given himself to a dream, to a cause in which he believed. Now he was preparing to give over his law practice to his partner and sell his lands. While he laid the groundwork for his future action, the threats and hostility mounted. One night his house was mobbed. He never recorded the details of that mobbing, but that, too, can be reconstructed: The bowie knives still flash. The murmurings grow to a crescendo until across the decades the shouts of defiance still reverberate. The air is heavy, oppressive, sultry. The gestures are ominous. A "regulator" holds up a rope, "an earnest of their purpose." Not yet willing to twist the rope around the neck of a citizen so recently held in high repute, the crowd disperses at last.36 Abandoning their little frame house in Houston, Andrews with his wife and infant son escaped that spring night across thefloodedprairies. For twenty miles they drove through water that sometimes rose to the hubs of the wagon wheels. Crossing a swollen stream, they were nearly drowned.37 If they spoke at all it must have been of practical and urgent matters. It was neither the place nor the time for philosophizing. They had been routed from their home and must find refuge, food, and lodging, safety for the child, some creature comforts. Yet perhaps Pearl gave a thought to the change that had come upon him. He had gone to Houston, a distinguished young attorney, heralded as "a very valuable citizen." Now he was a "negrophilist," a pariah.

Lone Star

45

By April 21, they arrived in New Orleans. Word of Pearl's abolitionist activities had preceded him, for there too he was a "negrophilist" and a wanted man. His friends in the Queen City immediately informed him that the "police had received strict orders to arrest" him if he attempted to pass through New Orleans. They insisted upon concealing him a few days "to secure my safe exit up the Mississippi."38 In the city where he had pleaded for Myra Clark Whitney, spoken on temperance, and been "an ornament to . . . society," he lay in hiding with his wife and child, avoiding the search. The proselytizer had become the fugitive. A few days later the family boarded the boat in secret from a point some miles above the main landing. They were on their way north at last. After the long voyage up the Mississippi, they continued east and Pearl left his family in his wife's home town of Norwich, Connecticut. While the New Orleans papers39 exploded their wrath at the "individual" they derided as "an enthusiast of the same order as Parson Miller and Jo Smith, with as little prospect of making converts," the man who had eluded his enemies reached New York. His name, the Louisiana press announced, had been left "with the civil authorities" and he had been warned "never to venture in our midst again." Pearl Andrews had left Texas and Louisiana behind him, but his intimate knowledge of the South would be forever a part of him. It had fanned the coals of his philosophy into the flame of action. For him there was no treason except treason to the sovereign, liberty. In New York he conferred with men "whose minds were alike organized," communicating to them "the details of the events which had occurred in Texas."40 With Lewis Tappan especially he met frequently. As secretary of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Tappan clearly perceived the international aspects of the struggle against slavery in the United States. He was "impressed with the importance and feasability [sic]" 41 of Andrews' mission. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society members were planning their second World's Convention in London during the month of June. The time, Tappan conceded, was ripe for action. Before Andrews went abroad, however, he suggested they go together to discuss the project with John Quincy Adams. On the last day of May, 1843, the two abolitionists journeyed to

46

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Quincy. Adams, aged, austere, brusque, received them and listened with a high degree of interest. Despite his strong support of the Monroe Doctrine, he believed with Andrews now that "the freedom of this country and of all mankind depended upon the direct, formal, open, and avowed interference of Great Britain to accomplish the abolition of slavery in Texas." But Adams was still shrewd, suspicious, with the suspicion born of extraordinary political talent. He "distrusted the sincerity of the present British Administration in the anti-slavery cause." None the less, he wished Pearl Andrews "God speed."42 Consumed completely with his mission, unable to examine his methods from any point of view but his own, Andrews dismissed Adams' distrust of Britain from his mind, but treasured the God speed. He was armed with letters of introduction from Theodore Sedgwick to Lord Morpeth, from Charles Elliot to Brougham and Palmerston.43 He was ready to sail—a self-constituted ambassador to England on a voyage that might have changed the course of history. At the last moment, Lewis Tappan decided that his Mercantile Agency needed him less than the cause of liberty and joined Andrews on his mission. On June 1, 1843, the two men boarded the Royal Mail Steamship, Caledonia, for Liverpool.44 Both were sure that slavery was "about to die of apoplexy" and that they were the executioners who would give it the coup degrâce.45Pearl Andrews, ebullient, hopeful, confident of the rightness not only of his end but of his means, saw nothing but brightness before him.

Chapter IV

DON QUIXOTE IN LONDON

IT was an auspicious time to arrive in London. The attractions of the city—its gray buildings, its cluttered alleys, its lavender sellers—may have evoked Andrews' admiration but did not divert him from his purpose. This was no grand tour for artistic enrichment but a political trip with a humanitarian end. Andrews was no tourist with Baedeker in hand but a self-appointed ambassador with a plan of strategy up his sleeve. Aesthetic interests never played any pronounced part in his life and now, even on this, his first and only trip abroad, he observed the externalities with only half an eye. His sights were set inward, on the spirit of the place, and for his designs, the spirit seemed propitious. Antislavery, he realized, was "highly respectable' across the water. The Second World's Convention held by the British and Foreign AntiSlavery Society the week of June thirteenth was no underground meeting, no rally to be disrupted by hecklers, but the soundingboard of a movement that "wore gold slippers."1 At Freemasons' Hall, Great Queen Street, he could see the noble peers of England smile upon this convention, along with the Duchess of Sutherland, Mistress of the Robes. All the great leaders of the cause were there—George Stacey and Richard Cobden; the patriarch of abolition, Thomas Clarkson; Joseph Sturge, who marched to the podium swinging his square figure from side to side. Although Andrews never spoke at this convention, he listened. From what he heard he felt his mission must succeed. The British Foreign Office was ripe for his proposals. A committee, headed by Lewis Tappan and Pearl Andrews, was im-

48

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

mediately formed. Thanks to Tappan's last-minute decision to accompany Pearl to London, the committee was designated the "Tappan Committee"2 and Andrews, prime mover of the plan, was relegated to second place. Even at the outset his name was destined to be forgotten by historians of the antislavery movement. On June nineteenth the "Tappan Committee" formed a deputation to Lord Aberdeen,3 the austere, reserved foreign secretary who had "sat at the feet of Pitt and practised in the school of Castlereagh,"4 but who resembled nothing so much as a nonconformist minister. After Tappan had spoken, Andrews was "called upon for a full exposition of the facts" and of his "purposes and views."5 Into the ears of the haughty old Scottish peer, the thirty-one-year-old lawyer who had been ousted from Texas elaborated his plan. As he spoke, there was something in his voice and manner that "conveyed an impression of warning never uttered in words,"6 a warning that now, at this place and at this point in time, a chance had arisen to right wrong and avert future disaster. His objects, he said, were to prevent the annexation of a slave state to the Union, to curtail the extension of slavery over the country, and to persuade the British government to accomplish those objects. The means were simple. Britain should lend a sum of over a million pounds to Texas on security of her public lands or raise that sum in exchange for Texas lands on one condition—that the Republic of Texas amend her constitution to abolish slavery. The money thus advanced would be applied to the purchase and emancipation of the slaves. It would become an indemnity for the abolition of slavery. If Britain would guarantee the payment of interest on the loan, then, he went on with eloquence, Texas would not only free her slaves but pledge not to be annexed to the United States. As for himself, he recommended outright payment for lands which would then become Britain's "bona fide property."7 With what shrewd insight Lord Aberdeen must have relished the proposal, foreseeing the opportunity for a British foothold in the Republic of Texas. His reaction was all that Pearl could have wished. "Her Majesty's Government," Aberdeen replied, "would employ all legitimate means to attain so great and desirable an object as the abolition of slavery in Texas." If Texas would allow the British agent to

Don Quixote in London

49

select the lands and "adjudge the quantity," there was no doubt the British government would secure payment of the money to Texas. As for himself, he opposed slavery everywhere. Needless to say, no sinister or underhand policy would be adopted. 8 What Aberdeen said was perhaps less important than what he left unsaid. He did not mention the fact that Her Majesty's government could already envision a free Texas as a market for British goods and a means of undermining the American tariff. Nor did he add that free men with money made better customers than slave laborers. The words sugar and cotton were never referred to. Yet the Foreign Secretary must have savored the thought of a new source of raw material for Britain, a new market for surplus manufactures, an enormous field for British emigration. The flowering tree of emancipation that Andrews was planting in Britain had economic roots. Andrews cared less about the roots than the flower, less about the means than the end. The day after the "Tappan Committee" had presented its plan to Lord Aberdeen, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society convened again at Freemasons' Hall to report the results of the interview.9 Andrews listened with exultation as resolutions were passed opposing annexation and declaring that "the British Government, . . . might at this crisis render the most important aid . . . by g i v i n g . . . sanction to the efforts of those who are struggling to terminate slavery in Texas." Lewis Tappan spoke, excoriating Texas as a "republic of fugitives from justice and bankrupts in character." "There never was so good an opportunity before for Great Britain, by her political, moral, and fiscal power," he declared, "to . . . redeem that country from slavery." Lord Morpeth rose to move a resolution in support of the venerable John Quincy Adams. The Countess of Carlisle elegantly joined the applause. The British sun had smiled upon the seeds of abolition that a Texas lawyer had scattered. Its flower was almost in his hand. After the convention closed, Andrews persisted with his negotiations. He consulted with the antislavery leaders Scoble, Stacey, and Sturge. He visited Lord Morpeth who "took a deep interest in the subject" and coupled his advice on procedure with a permit to visit York House, the private palace of his sister, the Duchess of Sutherland.

50

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

He interviewed commoners and peers, all who had a hand in government. He met Lords Campbell and Brougham and Palmerston, elaborating his plan, pushing his cause.10 He met another individual, too, a man who, like himself, had come from Texas and who could have sped his plan to swift and official fruition. The brilliant Ashbel Smith,11 who had been the first surgeongeneral of the Republic of Texas, was a Southern gentleman long in dignity if short in stature. For his ugly, bearded face he had been dubbed " O l d Ashbarrel" in Galveston. He had also been appointed the Republic's chargé d'affaires to England and France. Unfortunately for Andrews, unfortunately for the slaves of Texas, this physician-politician opposed the abolition plan and was shortly to repudiate both scheme and schemer. At the moment, with Southern courtesy, Smith gave Andrews an introduction to Henry Addington, under secretary of state for foreign affairs, provided he himself could be present at their meeting.12 Despite this proviso which, unaccountably, does not seem to have disturbed Andrews, he accepted, unaware that " O l d Ashbarrel" was writing to the secretary of the Texas Treasury: "I am to day to present Mr Andrews . . . to Mr Addington. . . . I have deemed it best to do so as this course puts me in possession of the matters proposed to be treated of with the British Government to wit the abolition of Slavery."13 On the mighty scaffolding of British diplomacy, Pearl Andrews was soaring courageously, and blindly. His plan, he thought with joy, was maturing. He was busy negotiating with peers, helping to prepare drafts of addresses urging abolition to Santa Anna, President of Mexico, and to Sam Houston, President of Texas.14 Even news from America encouraged him, for an armistice between Texas and Mexico had been proclaimed.15 On July eighteenth Andrews wrote a long, optimistic letter to John Quincy Adams, informing him: I have been, from the first, received and treated with the utmost courtesy and my suggestions seem to have made all proper impression upon the ministry. They have recently informed me that they have already commenced acting upon them at Mexico, and intend opening negotiations directly with Texas also. I am fully satisfied of their honest intentions to use their influence in the matter so far as practicable.16 On the surface, certainly, all intentions seemed honest. Slavery ap-

Don Quixote in London

51

peared to be "fast going to the pit whence it sprang." To the "God of the oppressed" Andrews and Tappan sang a "Laus deo." They were the shapers of the greatest event of an "eventful age." 17 In August, Lord Brougham brought the subject of Texas to the attention of the House of Peers and announced that he was "irresistibly anxious for the abolition of slavery in Texas" which "must ultimately end in the abolition of slavery in America." The austere Earl of Aberdeen stated the government's determination "to do all that could properly be done" to secure that purpose.18 Andrews could not know that both slavery's fate and his own had been sealed only two days after he had written his encouraging letter to John Quincy Adams. On July 20, 1843, Ashbel Smith had had an interview with Lord Aberdeen that expunged all of Andrews' past and future efforts and gave a prolonged and dangerous lease on the life of slavery in Texas. On that day, unknown to Pearl Andrews, Smith, in his official capacity as Texas representative to Britain, stated that "Mr. Andrews' coming to London about abolition was his individual act wholly unauthorized by the G o v e r n m e n t . . . of Texas." He added to his Lordship that "any compensation received by Texas from a foreign power for the abolition of slavery would be derogatory to our national honor and degrade . . . us in the eyes of the world." 19 In a few phrases, "Old Ashbarrel" had reduced Pearl Andrews to a meddling nonentity and his cause to inevitable failure. From time to time, Smith embellished those phrases. Andrews, he believed, was working for "a free negro state" in Texas which "would be an eternal festering thorn in the side of the United States." He was one of a band of "remorseless fanatics," "wretched pedlers in humanity," who were "plotting to crush out the Anglo Saxon race in Texas." He distrusted Andrews as much as he distrusted British interest in the Republic.20 In August—the same month when the abolition project was being cheered in the House of Peers—Ashbel Smith wrote two letters repudiating Andrews and undermining his scheme. One was sent to Anson Jones, secretary of state of the Republic of Texas: "I cannot speak in terms of commendation of the parties generally with whom Mr. S. P. Andrews has formed relations in London. They are chiefly violent abolitionists . . . animated by motives of sordid and Jesuitical

52

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

fanaticism, and unscrupulous in the means they employ to accomplish their purposes."21 The other was sent to Lord Aberdeen: ". . . the parties . . . having for their object the abolition of Slavery in Texas, are in no manner recognized by the Texan Government, and . . . their proceedings in the matter . . . are wholly unauthorized, disclaimed and disapproved of by the Government of that country."22 The hostile forces were closing ranks behind the scenes. Andrews, ignorant of the letters that were filling the diplomatic pouches, was all unknowing in an impossible position. Unaware of his assailants, and with a political naiveté that stirs the impatience of an objective viewer, he persisted confidently in his negotiations. He believed he had won Britain's support. He held his final interview, attended his last conference, and prepared to leave a country he thought he had conquered. Tappan had already left for home. Andrews packed his bags, tossing into them a set of manuals on the new shorthand writing devised by Isaac Pitman which an admirer had given him at the antislavery convention. Serene, filled with a sense of accomplishment, he would relax on board ship and sharpen his wits with a study of Pitman's system. Meanwhile, the backstage correspondence continued in the form of confidential letters and diplomatic dispatches. In them all "a certain S. P. Andrews" was castigated as a dangerous individual who was "using Texas as a catspaw for undermining the bordering states" and giving Britain a foothold on the American continent. The name of Andrews cut "a conspicuous figure" as a "scamp" who was throwing the people of the United States by the ears.23 Before long that correspondence, instigated by a visionary abolitionist named Pearl Andrews, would culminate in the annexation of a slave state to the Union. Only then, when the correspondence was published to accompany the President's message on annexation, would he himself realize the part he had played in bringing about the very object against which he had struggled. A trio of diplomats, official and unofficial, were pulling the wires behind scenes that would set the stage for the annexation of Texas. Ashbel Smith was one. He had reported Andrews' every move—all his "busy and meddling projects"—to the Texas cabinet.24 General Duff Green, President Tyler's unofficial ambassador to Europe, a man with a

Don Quixote in London

53

trinity of passions for money, Calhoun, and the South, was another. He had dispatched the alarming news of Andrews' machinations from London.25 Abel P. Upshur, the Virginia plantation owner who had succeeded Webster as secretary of state, was the third. Like Calhoun, Upshur feared a British-dominated Texas as a "lamb in the embrace of a wolf." His dispatch to the United States chargé d'affaires to Texas "blazoned" the "consequence" of Stephen Pearl Andrews to the State Department and foreshadowed the annexation of Texas. A movement of this sort [he wrote] cannot be contemplated by us in silence. . . . It cannot be permitted to succeed without the most strenuous efforts on our part to arrest a calamity so serious to every part of our country. . . . The establishment in the very midst of our slave-holding States of an independent government forbidding the existence of slavery; . . . could not fail to produce the most unhappy effects. . . . . . . Few calamities could befall this country more to be deplored than the establishment of a predominant British influence and the abolition of domestic slavery in Texas.26 With this letter, occasioned by the report of Pearl Andrews' negotiations in London, the United States stood upon record as proslavery in its international relations and laid its plans for the more immediate annexation of Texas. To some, the reports of Andrews' agitations were unbelievable.27 They were dismissed as a "fabricated" tale, a "plot" imported without evidence from London, a falsehood manufactured to arouse enthusiasm for annexation. Even the United States chargé to Texas dismissed the intrigue as a "ridiculous transaction played off in London." But the Secretary of State would not be moved from his course. From the State Department he sent word to Edward Everett, American minister at London, that "the movements of Great Britain, with respect to African slavery, have at length assumed a character which demands the serious attention of this Government." 28 By the time those dispatches were sent, the man who had triggered them was happily reading Isaac Pitman's phonographic manuals on shipboard. He believed he had fulfilled one mission through his negotiations in London. Now the student of comparative philology who had delved with such apparent success into political diplomacy was fired by the possibility of still another mission. Here, in Pitman's phonetic

54

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

writing, he saw a new approach to the teaching of reading and writing, a scythe to cut the absurdities and irregularities of orthography. The man who saw connections everywhere envisioned an easy, rapid method to instruct the illiterate Negro. There was no end to what he could accomplish. St. Stephen, almost singlehandedly, had slain the dragon, slavery. Now, armed with Pitman's shorthand, he would slay the dragon, ignorance. There is an indication that, before taking up his new crusade in the East, Andrews returned to Texas some time in September, 1843, to confer with sympathizers in the Republic upon his efforts in Britain. W. S. Murphy, chargé d'affaires in Texas, reported to Upshur that, "On his return, the citizens having found out the object of his mission to London, and that he had been making propositions to the British Government for the abolition of slavery in Texas, drove him, by force from the State [sic], denying him the privilege of return." 29 Despite this rejection, Andrews' belief in the ultimate success of his negotiations persisted and after an overland journey he reached the Eastern seaboard by October. Passing through New York, he visited Lewis Tappan and ingenuously expressed the gratitude he felt for the attentions he had received across the sea. His plans were set. He could not return again to Texas, he knew, until abolition had been accomplished officially there. He would settle in the "Free States" and promote emancipation.30 He was neither equipped nor eager to practice law in the North. Instead, he would bring his family to Boston and open a phonographic depot where he would teach illiterate Negroes to read by means of the new Pitman shorthand. By November, 1843, the Andrews family were settled in Boston after what must have been a warm, happy, and triumphant reunion. Then, while Andrews was working with his phonetic charts and phonographic manuals, the ball that he had done so much to shape rolled on in Washington and the press unsheathed its sword, not at the dragon, slavery, but at St. Stephen. In February, 1844, a gun aboard the battleship Princeton exploded, killing Secretary of State Upshur. His place was taken by John C. Calhoun. A few months later, Calhoun reported that a treaty for the annexation of Texas to the United States had been signed by the two

Don Quixote in London

55

governments and would be sent to the Senate for its approval. He explained that ". . . the step was forced on the Government of the United States in self-defence, in consequence of the policy adopted by Great Britain in reference to the abolition of slavery in Texas. It was impossible for the United States to witness with indifference the efforts of Great Britain to abolish slavery there." 31 Now Pearl Andrews knew that his mission had boomeranged. He who had worked so idealistically, at the risk not only of his livelihood but of his life, for the abolition of slavery in Texas, had catapulted the United States into the annexation of a slave state. He had hastened the very event he had tried to avert. He had failed utterly. In April, 1844, while Andrews set up his phonographic charts and studied the language of phonetics, he could find in the language of the press the part he had played in American history. His guns had all misfired. On the first page of the April 27, 1844, issue of the New York Evening Post he could read, along with the proposed treaty of annexation, the documents that accompanied it, the documents that at last revealed the futility of all his efforts. Andrews was, of course, aware that the action he had unwittingly precipitated had been building up for several years. In September, 1836, Texas had voted for annexation, only to be turned down by an administration sensitive to antislavery sentiment. Although Lamar had opposed annexation, Sam Houston had unsuccessfully espoused it, until, in the 1844 election, annexation had become a campaign issue. The work that Tyler had begun, Polk would finish. Despite Andrews' protests, despite the protests of all the Legion of Liberty, a "slaveholding expansionist"32 pledged to annexation was sent to the White House. On July 4, 1845—ten years to the day after Pearl had delivered his own Independence Day oration in Clinton, Louisiana— the treaty of annexation was ratified in Texas. What had the ten years brought him? The boy who had spoken so eloquently in Clinton, the lawyer who had practiced in Houston, the dreamer of dreams of freedom had become a thirty-three-year-old specialist in Pitman shorthand whose dreams and schemes had failed. Despite the initial shock of failure, to which he would become more and more accustomed as he lived, he still believed and would ever believe in freedom. He was not alone. The Liberty Party had been organ-

56

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

ized by members of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. With Henry B. Stanton and the poet, Whittier, Pearl Andrews became a member of the Party's Business Committee.33 He might have failed in Texas and in London. In Boston there were still crusades to champion. The venerable Massachusetts congressman, Samuel Hoar, had been mobbed in Charleston; Charles Turner Torrey, the abolitionist preacher, had been arrested for helping fugitive slaves cross the border and was sentenced to six years at hard labor in the Maryland State Penitentiary. Andrews left his phonographic depot to visit Baltimore on Torrey's behalf and while there he sent a prophetic letter to the Baltimore press: Such is the all-pervading vigilance of the slave-power, that the anti-slavery movement, . . . visits the fountains of truth by night, and haunts secret places for fear! . . . Occasionally, a bold spirit, here and there, . . . makes for himself a new declaration of independence. The numbers of such will soon increase; and when the little phalanx thus called by Heaven to the liberation of their country from its sorest evil, shall have made good their right to speak and to act, the immense mass of latent sentiment already existing and suppressed, will burst forth like a pent-up torrent.34 Pearl Andrews had already made good his right to act, although his act had failed. Now he made good his right to speak. When the Liberty Party convened at Salem in December, 1844, his voice was heard.35 A month later, at a Liberty Convention he moved resolutions for schools "equally open" to all children and for an antislavery Memorial to the Massachusetts Legislature.36 He would continue to fight the crime of slaveholding until the government of the United States concurred that slaveholding was a crime. The great connector would connect the oppression of the Negro with the oppression of woman, the oppression of poverty with the oppression of ignorance. He would pursue the clash against oppression in all its malevolent forms throughout his life. Now in 1845, when he was still in his early thirties, he had to face the fact that his immediate purposes had failed. To his defeat in public life was added a profound private grief, for his beloved brother Thomas had died of malaria.37 Failure and grief would often beset him. Yet he would be able to emerge from both with a buoyant resilience until he died. The tall, striking dreamer with the deep-set eyes and the

Don Quixote in London

57

impressive beard had already developed a supreme self-confidence, his armor against a heedless world. Only in the most ironic of ways had his country heeded him when he negotiated with the British government. Impractical, ingenuous, unrealistic, and quixotic, he had lacked the shrewdness to cope with British masters of diplomacy and American lovers of the status quo. The end had engrossed him, not the means to the end. At all costs, even at the cost of a British-dominated territory, he had believed that slavery must be expunged. If his country had agreed with him, how would the future chain of events been forged? Surely, as the years passed, and Pearl Andrews turned to other causes, he must have speculated upon the consequences his success might have had. Slavery certainly would not have been extended. The Mexican War would have been avoided, although its substitute might well have been another war with Britain. The Civil War might not have divided the nation. The country's history would have been reshaped and the name of the shaper would have been a name to conjure with. 38 Now his name was Cassandra. He had been repudiated and his mission had failed. He was an audacious meddler who could not foresee the consequences of his acts, a fanatic peddler of subscriptions for improving the human race. He was also a courageous enthusiast, a dreamer of visions, a humorless idealist. He could be no other. Between his New England heritage and his life at the South he had been molded into the shape he was. He was becoming accustomed to failure as the temporary concomitant of his dreams. It would not disturb him or alter his purposes, for imbedded within him was the confidence that one day, somehow, he would succeed. He was still the missionary. He had failed at Galveston and he had failed in London. But Boston lay before him, a new and greener field for conquest. Freedom inscribed in phonetic pothooks on the blackboard of a phonographic depot could still cry out, could still be heard.

Chapter V

POTHOOKS FOR FREEDOM

AT 21 School Street, almost opposite Otis Clapp's publishing house, Pearl Andrews hung out his shingle. His Phonographic Institution would, he was sure, become the center of a Grand Writing and Printing Reformation. In his hand he held the means of quickening communication between mind and mind. As he studied Isaac Pitman's loops and dashes he saw in them more than a new mechanical approach to writing. Here was a whole philosophical system that could open the door to all languages, perhaps even to the one universal language he had dreamed of in Louisiana. Here, on a span of strokes and circles, he could build a bridge to freedom, to enlightenment, even to internationalism.1 It was a grandiose dream to conceive from the slim sixteen-page Manual of Phonography written by Isaac Pitman of Bath, England. But then all of Pearl's dreams were grandiose. One day he would write, "All splendid dreams are prophecies if they are truly splendid." 2 Only in the most ironic of ways would his phonographic dream be realized. Stephen Pearl Andrews, one of the most unbusinesslike of men, was about to introduce to his country a system that would become entrenched in the life of American business. He imported that system not to make men rich, but to make them free. Texas was annexed largely because of his efforts to avert annexation. Now phonography, in which Andrews saw a sesame to liberty, would be used as a sesame to commercial enterprise. The hooks and curves that he interpreted as cabalistic symbols heralding a golden age would become prosaic signs for en-

Pothooks for Freedom

59

try in an office notebook. Surely he had a Nemesis whose name was Irony. Now, while his wife prepared for the birth of another child, Pearl Andrews prepared for phonographic reform. More and more he resembled "a type of pure intellect," almost an "unmalevolent Mephistopheles," 3 as he cornered his prospects. His alert eyes glowing with a subtle knowingness, he buttonholed all who would listen: New Englanders bent on reform, the antislavery men and the antitobacco men, the teetotalers and the champions of women's rights. Here, he told them, fired with the zealot's conviction, was a way to dispel the absurdities of orthography. Surely there were not sixty words in the English language pronounced as they were spelled. To spell plough and tough, though and through without any regard to their pronunciation was "as if a man were called John in the house, Jim out of doors, Joe on horseback, Jerry when leaning against the fence, and nothing at all when walking with his wife!" 4 Besides, he added, his index finger raised like a pointer to heaven, although there were only two sounds in the word though, it took twenty-two pen strokes to write it. Now, with Isaac Pitman's new art, he could teach a man to write as fast as a woman could talk. With complete absorption Andrews mastered Pitman's system of phonetic writing. With a single sign it could represent a single sound. Pitman was a Swedenborgian, and Swedenborg held everything to be either male or female. The consonants, the bones of the language, were masculine; the vowels, its flesh and blood, feminine. How naturally the use of heavy and light strokes developed from such a concept. The system was so simple that it could be demonstrated on a blackboard in ten minutes. It enchanted "the philosophic mind by the beauty and simplicity of its principles." 5 Between his lectures for the Massachusetts Liberty Party, Andrews canvassed for supporters, patrons, and students. The publisher Otis Clapp, a believer, if not in the phonographic reform, at least in a good neighbor policy, lent $500 for the cause.6 From Isaac Pitman himself Andrews received "$1,400 or $1,500 worth of . . . books." 7 He lectured and proselytized in his wife's home town, Norwich, as well as in Boston's Warren Street Chapel. He issued his own Phonographic ClassBook in 1844, the first appearance of Pitman shorthand in America,

60

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

prefacing it with the announcement that "Phonography is . . . a new mode of communicating thought, six times briefer than the present, giving also the exact sound of every word." Pupils, their imaginations captured by this shortcut to literacy, trooped in. "I began teaching," Andrews recalled, "before I was sure of writing a hundred words correctly, . . . but I was so loud in my proclamations of the matchless excellence of the system that pupils flocked in; . . . I practiced day and night, to gain a little facility in writing." 8 Modestly, in the second-floor front room in 21 School Street, the ousted abolitionist of Texas, the blundering would-be diplomat of London, had embarked upon another mission. While Andrews was proclaiming, singlehandedly, "the advent of a new era in education,"9 supporters of his language reform were about to join him from upstate New York. Unknown to him, two men, afire as he was with revolutionary phonetics, were about to take a long journey, part of it on sleigh, to share the great adventure that had begun on Boston's School Street. One of these men was Augustus French Boyle;10 the other was Boyle's student, Oliver Dyer. Boyle was exactly what his initials hinted — " A Fiery Boanerges." Born in England, he had studied in Edinburgh, London, and Brussels and at fourteen had gone to sea as a midshipman in the service of Don Pedro. He had emigrated in 1837 to America, where he had taught French and, struck by the incongruities of English spelling, had begun, much as Andrews had, a study of the sounds of the language with the aim of constructing a phonetic alphabet. Enthusiastic, impetuous, energetic, he had taught at Genesee Wesleyan Seminary in Lima, New York, and imparted his enthusiasm to his brightest pupil, Oliver Dyer. Dyer,11 who had been born in a log cabin in Porter, New York, before the Erie Canal was opened, had become a village schoolmaster at the age of seventeen. The tall, slim boy with florid face and thin, light hair had been struck by the difficulties of teaching children to spell. He had gone on to Genesee Wesleyan Seminary to prepare for the ministry, but there he had met the "Fiery Boanerges" and been diverted to a ministry of another kind. Boyle had read a newspaper account about a proposed reform in English spelling. He promptly decided to pull up his roots and join the

Pothooks for Freedom

61

philological revolution. With Dyer he left Lima for New York City to discuss the matter with the editor whose hand was at the public pulse, that "Tribune" of the people, Horace Greeley. In short order the two young men were informed that a "man in Boston" already had "a complete system of phonetic spelling, which he . . . brought over from England." 12 The next day, with their little country trunk on "a sort of a sled," the two enthusiasts took the boat to find the "man in Boston." At 21 School Street they saw the sign, "Phonetic Institute," and climbing to the second floor front met Pearl Andrews. The solitary reformer was about to become a triumvirate. The battle was on to arouse sober and chilly Boston. Another revolution was at hand. With such support no accomplishment was beyond Pearl Andrews. Boyle served as partner in the enterprise and Dyer as "all-round man." Their capital consisted partly of loans and donations, but mostly of "intellect, energy and devotion." 13 From the lecture platform, Pearl eloquently talked "to the great mass . . . at the top of . . . [his] lungs," a tall man whose head matched his large frame, whose extraordinary command of language cast the spell of rational orthography upon his ever increasing audience.14 The powerful alliance followed theory with practice. Their audiences were requested to hand in sentences which were transferred to a blackboard in phonographic characters. Before the close of the lecture, mirabile dictu, the listeners discovered they could read simple phonography! At Boston's Tremont Temple, at Lowell and Salem, at Plymouth and New York City, in private homes and before the august Academy of Arts and Sciences, Andrews carried the crusade with his two cohorts, pleading, exhorting, expounding. Sometimes he detained his listeners "for double the usual time without the slightest sign of impatience on their part." 15 The Academy of Arts and Sciences rewarded him by electing him a Fellow.16 His enthusiasm was contagious. New Englanders were almost convinced they could overthrow the Tower of Babel with a pothook. At the end of every successful lecture Andrews organized classes. "Lusty lads fond of their skates and jealous of their holidays" gave up both to spend their Saturdays with Pearl Andrews and "his magical blackboard." 17 With a piece of chalk and a wet sponge he was revolu-

62

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

tionizing language. While he spoke, Boyle displayed charts mounted on rollers and worked by silken cords and tassels. A gentle wildfire ran through the classes. Several hundred met as early as five on summer mornings to see Pearl Andrews write word-signs and phraseograms and hear him expound a system in which the hand could keep pace with the voice. In return for five dollars, Andrews offered his students a twelvelesson course in the new alphabet of nature. With the hot and impetuous Boyle and the droll but sedate Dyer, he lucidly promulgated the phonetic gospel. He had all kinds of classes—large popular classes for the hundreds, smaller classes for scientific men, classes that met daily, semi-weekly, and weekly. Later on, moving to Washington Street, the triumvirate offered grander facilities, "a sales-room, a study and work room, and a large and elegant Hall for public instruction." 18 Boyle spread the gospel farther afield, traveling to Syracuse, Rochester, and Providence with his message. Still later, the trio was joined by another traveling teacher, Theron C. Leland.19 The country was awakening, the cause was onward, and Pearl Andrews—father of two boys now—savored the heady taste of success. In 1845 he had enough supporters to form the American Phonographic Society, of which he became president. The preamble of its constitution set forth the tenets of the reform: Whereas, the extreme irregularity and confusion . . . in our orthography . . . and the cumbrous and tedious methods of writing now in use, give rise to evils of immense magnitude; and whereas, Mr. Isaac Pitman, of Bath, England, has brought to a wonderful degree of perfection his brief and beautiful method of writing, called Phonography, . . . and has completed a printing alphabet for the English language . . . and, whereas, these improvements . . . promise to be of great advantage to mankind, by . . . tending to universalize education; . . . by promoting a free intercourse among the nations of the earth, . . . therefore, . . . we have formed . . . a Society.20 Along with a fifty-cent initiation fee, applications for membership were to be written in phonography. Between caring for her two sons, Willie and Thomas, and managing her household, Mary Ann Andrews had naturally been taught the new system and now, along with the eminent abolitionist, William Lloyd Garrison, she became a member of the Society's executive council. In time, other phonographic so-

Pothooks for Freedom

63

cieties were formed to further the cause and "co-operate with . . . Messrs. Andrews and Boyle." 21 Lectures, classes, and societies were important, for they formed the backbone of the movement. But Andrews wanted a more dramatic way of advertising his cause. He found it in public exhibitions. In May of 1845, at Tremont Temple, he held two such exhibitions. A committee, chosen from the audience, tested the students. Gold pencils were distributed as prizes and so successful was the new experiment that "at the close of the exercises, . . . the whole audience rose to their feet."22 Other exhibitions followed. In Brooklyn, an illiterate mechanic was taught to read from a sermon in so short a time that "several gentlemen" in the audience "grasped their hats convulsively" amid "repeated bursts of applause." 23 In New York City, an infant prodigy no larger than General Tom Thumb mounted a chair and translated sentences handed in by the audience into phonographic characters on a blackboard.24 While he rejoiced in his success, Andrews realized that although he had demonstrated the rapidity with which the white illiterate could be taught to read and write, he had not yet publicly indicated the connection between his phonographic zeal and his abolitionist zeal. He had not yet shown to the world that for the Negro, too, he could provide a shortcut to learning. In March of 1846 he seized the opportunity to fill this gap, to dramatize the fact that he could cut the bonds of intellectual slavery. For his experiment he chose four colored adults "totally ignorant of the rudiments of written language." For one month he gave them free instruction in phonography. Then, in his own Phonographic Institution, he announced he would test them publicly. The hall was "filled with the literati of 'modern Athens'." The inspecting committee included the abolitionist Charles Sumner, the educator George B. Emerson, and the economist Amasa Walker. The pupils were seated on the platform. The stage was set. Then, as Andrews pointed with his rod to a phonographic character on the blackboard, the illiterate Negroes read the sound until they had pronounced a word. First they read words of one syllable, then phrases containing several syllables, then whole stories. He had proved his point. On a

64

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

span of Pitman symbols he had crossed the bridge from illiteracy to literacy, from slavery to freedom. The audience rose tumultuously. "Let it be known the Union over," they cried, "let it startle those who hold in galling bonds their fellowbeings—let it rejoice the oppressed, and urge philanthropists to new exertions in the cause of humanity, that those who are ignorant of a letter to-day, may know, in One Month, how to read!"25 Andrews was convinced that the exhibition was prophetic of the downfall of slavery. What was more, he had convinced others. Lewis Tappan was profoundly interested in this new approach to the greatest evil of the times.26 John Neal, the Portland writer, decided that phonography was "one of the greatest discoveries of the age." 27 William Lloyd Garrison saw in it a "system . . . which brings order out of chaos, . . . and is perhaps next in importance to the discovery of printing." 28 Phonographic mottoes were hung at the Anti-Slavery Fair in Faneuil Hall, coupling the two reforms.29 Horace Mann, secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education, inclined a willing ear.30 Gradually, phonography was introduced into the curriculum of the common schools and academies. The New York Mercantile Library Association offered a course in phonography. Augustus French Boyle was offered an instnictorship in phonography at New York's Free Academy, the antecedent of City College. Oliver Dyer left the firm to organize a Philadelphia high school class in Pitman shorthand from which the most famous phonographers of all time would emerge.31 Andrews was deeply gratified with his success. Yet it was only a succès d'estime that put no money in his pockets. With a third child now on the way, he needed money not only to support his family, but also to continue his proselytizing. Besides, he owed Isaac Pitman for the books that the master sent overseas in tea chests and for three hundred pounds he had advanced to introduce phonography into America.32 As fund-raiser, Pearl Andrews was less successful than as reformer. Lewis Tappan, he found, was freer with his advice than with his purse, although he offered to be one of ten persons "responsible each for $50." 33 Gerrit Smith, the philanthropist and reformer, offered a draft for $500, 34 but his generosity was not always contagious. When Pearl set forth on a fund-raising tour he fell ill and had to return. 35 The need for funds became desperate, especially now that he was is-

Pothooks for Freedom

65

suing his own shorthand manuals, the earliest American publications in phonography, a series of books that could be used in his classes and sent to the farthest reaches of the country to teach freedom through the new alphabet of hooks and curves. While he taught, lectured, and organized public exhibitions, Andrews, with his partner Boyle, was also publishing pioneer manuals that disseminated the new art in America. His activity rose to a peak. He spent his days in a frenzy of activity, consulting with printers, investigating various printing processes, writing stories for his phonographic books, reading proofs. His Phonographic Depot was alive with activity. When Boyle taught, Andrews sat beside him, taking notes for his phonographic readers while his assistant, Theron Leland, cut up dictionaries for the firin's word-books.36 The books rolled from the press—The Complete Phonographic Class-Book, Phonotypic Readers, Phonographic Reporter's Books—and along with them he offered charts, labels, and phonographic letter paper. He issued phonographic wafers advertising high-sounding mottoes: "Woman and her rights," "Liberty or death," and he sold pencils embossed in phonotypy with his own name.37 Not content with books, Andrews ventured into the magazine field, launching the first phonographic periodicals in America: The American Phonographic Journal, The Anglo Saxon, and later The Propagandist. He even tried his hand briefly on an English-Spanish paper, La Aurora. He used his phonographic journals not merely as a means of diffusing the new system among the "charmed circle" of shorthand enthusiasts, but as a medium of reform. When he was not lecturing or making fund-raising trips, he was writing articles on slavery and tobacco, the Mexican army and factory labor. He even put his wife to work on his magazines to select choice bits on "Fourierism" or "Life in Russia."38 It would be interesting to know what he did when his long day's work at the Phonographic Depot was over. With hands still wet from printer's ink, he doubtless sat down to a meal in which he took no interest. His mind alive with new ideas for furthering the cause, he probably brushed the crumbs from his rusty suit and gave a shorthand lesson to his eldest son, Willie. While Mary Ann cleared the table, young Thomas may have played with phonographic pencils or cut up phono-

66

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Plate 3. Title page, Firt Book of Andrews & Boyle's Series of Phonotypic Readers. Printed in Phonotypy. Courtesy New York Public Library.

Pothooks for Freedom

Plate 4. Thefirstlesson in Phonography (New York, 1847). Broadside in Author's collection.

61

68

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

graphic wafers inscribed "Push Phonography and make the fur fly." By the time Andrews' third and last son, Charles Lathrop, arrived, the phonographic fever was at its height and the family treasury at its nadir. One aspect of the publishing business Andrews did not concern himself with. He spent no time going over the firm's ledgers, for they kept "no running accounts."39 Had the ledgers been kept, however, they would have seldom balanced. Phonographic printing was difficult and expensive. It cost $40.00 a week to keep The Anglo Saxon alone going, "exclusive of rent and remuneration to those connected with it, except the compositors and pressmen." 40 His papers were suspended from time to time before they were eventually discontinued. On one occasion the firm's mail books, containing the names of subscribers and envelopes for an entire number, was stolen. With characteristic bravado, Andrews attributed the theft to "some villain who was envious of our success."41 Success was relative, and Pearl Andrews sometimes had a taste of it. On January 6, 1848, while Pearl was seeing his manuals through the press, John P. Hale, the first antislavery man elected to the United States Senate, rose up in that chamber to oppose the Mexican War and assert that the negotiations of "a Mr. Andrews" might have averted that war. "What right," Hale demanded, "had our Government to interfere? . . . what should every American heart have said when it was found that a scheme of this kind was on foot? Should they not have burst out in thankful aspirations to Almighty God." 42 One isolated voice, five years too late, had vindicated his London efforts. Perhaps in another five years his efforts to universalize Isaac Pitman's loops and dashes would be appreciated. The golden age was just around the corner. Boston had applauded the public exhibitions of the phonographic reform, but had failed to balance his exchequer. Perhaps in New York City he would find the alchemy to transmute his ideals into the coin of the realm. He was weary of Boston. Once again Andrews uprooted his family and set up his Phonographic Depot in New York's Sun Building, where the publisher, Moses Beach, was gathering the news of the day from pony express and carrier pigeon.43 Along with lessons in Pitman's hooks and curves, he offered, with

Pothooks for Freedom

69

his partner Boyle, all the advantages of an American Phonetic Institution and Phonographic Reporting Academy. He himself would be "Lecturer on Comparative Etymology, and on the application of Phonetics, to the acquisition of foreign languages." 44 The New-York Historical Society was sufficiently interested in Pearl's philological investigations to invite him to lecture on his "Discoveries in Chinese." 45 But New Yorkers generally seemed no more eager to study comparative etymology and phonetic writing than Bostonians. Apparently it was not the place, but the time. Pearl Andrews had been born too soon. The golden age lay not in New York, but in the future. The crisis had to be faced. Without adequate capital and without paying subscribers he could not continue his school or his publications. The business might support one family. It certainly could not support two. Even Pearl Andrews whose large head was ever in the clouds could see that. One partner had to resign, temporarily of course. Why the choice fell upon the senior partner is not clear. Perhaps his inability to keep accounts was deeper rooted than Boyle's. Perhaps his wife pressed for the move. Perhaps they flipped the last coin in the firm's exchequer. At all events, the decision was made. Pearl Andrews, father of American phonography, would seek new employment for a time. As he explained: The business being . . . small, in consequence of the previous embarrassments of Mr. Boyle and myself . . . which had caused it to decline, . . . it was arranged, that either Mr. Boyle or myself should step out of the business entirely, to relieve it from the burden of the support of both of us, until the time for its extension should arrive, which we anticipated to occur in about six months . . . . After considerable fluctuation and doubt upon the subject, it was finally decided that Mr. Boyle should remain in the business, . . . and that I should step out of it, and provide from other sources the means of supporting myself and family, until, by the growth of the enterprise, it should again demand my labors in it. Under this arrangement it was essential that whatever business I should enter should be temporary, and if connected in some manner with Phonography, it would be all the better.46 Pearl Andrews, thirty-seven years old, with a wife and three small sons to support, needed temporary employment preferably of a phonographic nature. In 1849 such opportunities were few and those few his own pioneer work had made possible. Certainly the most interesting of

70

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

those opportunities lay in the nation's capital. The year before, the United States Senate had, thanks to the Andrews and Boyle phonographic propaganda, voted to contract with two Washington newspapers to print verbatim reports of its proceedings and debates from shorthand notes. A young New Hampshire man, Henry M. Parkhurst, had organized a corps of phonographic reporters for the Democratic organ, the Union, and Pearl Andrews now arranged with him for temporary work.47 At the same time he contracted with Greeley's Tribune "to act as its senatorial correspondent from Washington." 48 Leaving his family in New York, Pearl moved to the capital to attend the long session of 1849-1850. Despite the "wearisome, neverending discussions," the spouting of Honorable Members in bitter cold or "Sahara-like" heat, the session must have been profoundly interesting to the abolitionist and believer in universal man. The nation's great played their distinctive roles in the Senate Chamber while Pearl took notes on Mormons or Indian titles, fugitive slaves or the approaching statehood of California. Sam Houston was there from Texas—"Old San Jacinto"—in his sombrero and Mexican blanket, whittling pine sticks or muttering at long-winded speakers. Jefferson Davis, lame from a wound in the Mexican War; Stephen Douglas, "The Little Giant"; Daniel Webster orating in resonant thunderous tones; Henry Clay sweeping his long arms in the air—all tangled in debate while Pearl trapped their remarks in loops and dashes.49 After he had finished his day's assignment for the Union, he sent his letters on Senatorial proceedings to the Tribune, inserting in them his personal views on reforms in land or commerce.50 He not only took notes on petitions, but also drew one up himself, praying Congress to print all its proceedings in phonotypy, a device that would make them "readily accessible to all, both learned and illiterate." 51 Neither Congress nor the nation was quite ready for Andrews' innovations. When he returned from Washington he found that as yet his business debts had not been paid off. Even with the salary he had earned he still had a pocketful of unpaid bills. He owed "not much less than $10,000." 52 None the less, before he desisted from his efforts, he wanted one more fling in the cause of phonography. By this time he had discovered a printing process that would produce phonotypes cheaply and effec-

Pothooks for Freedom

71

tively. He had also discovered a way to conquer those "antagonistic relations of society" that had prevented his reform from becoming a commercial success.53 One auspicious evening in Boston, Pearl Andrews had attended a People's Sunday Meeting at which Josiah Warren, a Yankee jack-ofall-trades, had lectured on "Equitable Commerce." Warren, short and thick-set, with a serene countenance and a restless eye, had founded a Utopian colony in Ohio and had also experimented in printing "to emancipate this mighty power from the exclusive control of 'capital'."' Moreover, he had patented a new process for stereotype plates that he had named "Universal Typography." 54 Andrews was convinced that with this method he could launch a new phonographic periodical. His partnership with Boyle was amicably dissolved.55 Probably using some of the proceeds of his Washington venture, Andrews issued, entirely on his own, a magazine which he dubbed The Propagandist. In it he clipped the philological tail of the national petticoat, substituting a Bloomer dress of Josiah Warren's type fonts. Since the periodical was not only "the organ of Phonographers generally," but also "the organ of myself," he saw no reason for "employing the untrue pronoun W E . " 5 6 Into The Propagandist he poured the effusions both of his Pitmania and of his egomania, using the magazine as a mouthpiece for his views on woman's rights and labor's rights, the readjustment of the alphabet and the equitable readjustment—according to the gospel of Josiah Warren—of commerce. Despite his insistent urgings he could not attract enough subscribers. The Propagandist, born on November 6, 1850, died a very natural death two years later. As the editor sadly mused: "It is the misfortune of nearly every thing in the nature of reform that in the present antagonistic relations of society the same thing is both a reform appealing to the benevolence and brotherly feelings of those engaged in it, and a commercial transaction appealing equally, as commerce is now arranged, to the selfish and warring elements of our nature." 57 The golden age was still as far around the corner as it had been when he had set up his Phonographic Depot on Boston's School Street. Yet Pearl Andrews could see it so clearly. In that golden age all men would speak a universal tongue based upon phonetics, "the World's Vernacular," the "Single Grand Planetary Language." 58 Some day he

72

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

would find "The One Alphabet for the Whole World."59 And then, when all mankind could read a Sermon on the Mount printed in phonotypes from a universal alphabet, wars and evil and injustice would cease. The curves that Isaac Pitman had invented would become a rainbow, a great arc encircling the globe. Meanwhile he must work to end those "antagonistic relations of society"60 and bring equity to commerce. The phrase he had heard as it had fallen from Josiah Warren's lips—Equitable Commerce. Now at the mid-century he would harken to it boldly, bring it to life, act it out as he must act out all his splendid dreams. Still clad in the armor of phonotypes, Pearl Andrews must move on and tilt with yet another windmill.

Chapter VI MODERN

TIMES

BY the mid-century, Pearl Andrews had sloughed off several lives. He had abandoned his law practice to preach abolition. Now his phonographic crusade was eclipsed by his agitation for equitable commerce. Josiah Warren had invented the phrase; Andrews had discovered it; now he would proselytize for it. By uniting himself with the short, stubby, plain-faced Yankee—America's first philosophical anarchist—Pearl Andrews would lay his claim to a place in the new science of sociology. Warren had let fall another phrase when he discussed the new approach to equity in commerce—"Cost the Limit of Price." By this he meant that an object was worth what it cost to produce and nothing more. A pair of shoes, for example, should be priced not according to its scarcity or the profit it might bring to the middleman, or even according to its value to the consumer, but simply according to the cost of the leather, the pegs and the thread that went into it, along with the time taken to put it together. The time element was important, for time was money. Indeed, after the fall of Robert Owen's communal society, New Harmony, Josiah Warren, one of its supporters, had opened what he called a Time Store in Cincinnati where he had sold goods at cost plus a charge for the time spent in serving customers. To Pearl Andrews, fresh from his bout with an imbalanced exchequer, the phrase, "Cost the Limit of Price," was the magical answer to all the ills that surrounded him, the bridge which he could cross to a new science of society.1 How many ills society was heir to! Andrews and his family had

74

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

already suffered from most of them. At the greengrocer's, Mary Ann reported that sand was sold for sugar and aquafortis for wine. One day her dollar could buy twenty-five pounds of flour, but another, only ten. Though the market fluctuated, prices were always exorbitant at the great dry goods establishments.2 To Andrews the ills were more far-reaching. They had their root in government interference with individual rights, in the plunderous profit system that demeaned the dignity of labor, even in the tyrannical and rigid laws that made incompatible marriages indissoluble. Privilege, usurpation, injustice enslaved not only the Negro, but all mankind. 3 But now, listening to Josiah Warren, "Counsellor in Equity,"4 Pearl believed he had heard the formula that would set the world to rights. In equitable commerce and its system of "Cost the Limit of Price" he was sure he had found the framework for utopia. With the small proceeds left from his other lives he would set forth and preach the gospel according to the new saint of equity. With his customary "immoderate zeal" he seized every man he met by the buttonhole and instead of discoursing on the beauties of phonography outlined the glories of equitable commerce.5 Mary Ann's modest parlor he converted into a lecture hall, inviting any who would come to meet the small, homely nonconformist whom he dubbed the "Euclid of the Social Sciences."6 While Warren munched his ideas in a corner, Pearl Andrews dominated the scene, tall and commanding, a new fire in his deep-set eyes. Even at a séance held in the home of the phrenologist-publisher Lorenzo Fowler, the medium was interrogated about the cost principle and its most effective presentation to the world.7 If some turned from Andrews groaning that he was "a universal bore," 8 he was undeterred. If others objected to his visionary principles, he agreed there might be one objection: they made the laws of God unnecessary. During the winter of 1850 his efforts were tangibly rewarded. The New York Mechanics' Institute invited Pearl to lecture on "The True Constitution of Government." Oblivious to his own empty larder and his sons' shabby dress, he sat down to write a forty-four page discourse whose precepts would feed and clothe the world. Coupling the formula

Modern Times

75

of "Cost the Limit of Price" with his own pregnant phrase, "The Sovereignty of the Individual," he produced a sociological masterpiece at a time when sociology had scarcely been heard of. Published as The Science of Society, his book would be the first and perhaps the most lucid expression of what would come to be called American anarchism. Now, with his lengthy manuscript in hand and his worn suit carefully brushed by Mary Ann's weary but willing hand, he mounted the platform of the Mechanics' Institute to bring utopia to the Empire City. "The True Constitution of Government," he explained, piercing his audience with his keen eyes, was based upon two doctrines. Every individual must be his own sovereign, subject only to the condition that he assume the consequences of his own actions. In addition, commerce must be equitable, based upon the practice of "Cost the Limit of Price." The three great movements of all time—Protestantism, Democracy, and Socialism—had asserted the supremacy of the individual. Luther, posting his Theses, had announced the right of private judgment in matters of conscience. The American Declaration of Independence had struck out for that right in political issues. French Socialism had demanded that right in social affairs. Standing there, before the New York Mechanics' Institute in the 1850-1851 season, the electric reformer with the large frame and the leonine head was carried aloft on two winged phrases. He could not foresee the complex society of a later century when individual sovereignty would be applied to states' rights and the radical theories of the extreme left would become the philosophic standard of the extreme right. He could see only, after his readings in Saint-Simon and Fourier, Swedenborg, Proudhon, and Josiah Warren, that the best government was the government that governed least and the best commerce was the commerce regulated only by the individual laborers. Every man must be his own nation. Milk must be sold at "ten minutes a quart," corn at "three minutes per pound." 9 Andrews had hit upon another credo and he exploited it whenever occasion arose and often when it did not. To some he was a bore, to others a pedantic egoist, to still others a figure of fun. At an Industrial Congress of Workingmen to which the Fifth Ward Reformers sent him, every time he rose to speak the chairman adjourned the meeting.10

76

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

With humorless composure he brushed off such snubs. He had found the theoretical groundwork for equity and on wings that no defeat could clip he sailed serenely into the empyrean. The principle had been formulated and it was a good one. What was needed, he agreed with Warren, was a field in which to practice it, a community where individual sovereigns could put the cost principle into operation. If Mary Ann wondered audibly how he could expect to band anarchistic individuals into a community, he doubtless smoothed his beard, accused her of verbal quibbling, and commented that if every individual in a community pursued his own pleasure and benefit he would be contributing to the pleasure and benefit of every other individual. The two reformers set out together to search for their new Eden— the short Yankee inventor and the tall, forceful discoverer. Early in 1851, when the frosty air nipped his long Roman nose, Andrews ferried to Brooklyn with the saint of equity and then, after a two-hour journey by railroad, arrived at Thompson's Station in Long Island. Even while they walked from the station, Pearl, glancing at the range of highlands to the north and the Great South Bay to the south, believed that here he could fulfill his new mission.11 The Pine Barrens of Long Island, some forty miles east of New York City, had little to recommend it to a more objective viewer. The area was filled with a heavy growth of scrub oaks which would have to be uprooted. Water would have to be carried in buckets from Dr. Peck's fruit farm. The soil was impoverished. Sparks from the railroad might start forest fires, and there was not even a cow path in sight.12 Pearl Andrews dismissed such minor flaws with a wave of the hand. The air was pure; the ground was solid. Roses would bloom where the scrub oaks stood. Broad avenues could be marked out. The place would become "a veritable Eden." He even had a name for the model village that would flourish there. He would call it "Modern Times" and the era of its founding would be known as the "Utopian Era." 13 The "Utopian Era" began on March 20, 1851, when Mr. Hawkins, the local surveyor, mapped out the village of Modern Times in the township of Islip, Suffolk County.14 Pearl had pinpointed his Eden on a map and found a local habitation for a new society. Now he had only

Modem Times

77

to people it. He must inspire all the friends of equity to buy acres in Paradise Regained. Communal life in nineteenth-century America was not the wildly impossible absurdity it became in the century that followed. Robert Owen's New Harmony had had staunch adherents; a band of "Separatists" had united to found Zoar, Ohio; the Shakers had flocked to New Lebanon; the Perfectionists had experimented with the sexual teachings of John Humphrey Noyes at Oneida; the Transcendentalists had danced to the tune of attractive labor at Brook Farm. Why, then, could not lovers of equity be found to uphold the standard of "Cost the Limit of Price" at Modern Times? Pearl ferreted out subscribers for the ideal life but at the same time maintained his home in New York. While Mary Ann kept the household going and supervised the upbringing of their three sons, Pearl developed a procedure for buying and selling land on the cost principle. He would sell no more than three lots to any one person. One acre would be priced at $22.00, a sum that represented its actual cost plus expenses for surveys and deeds.15 He himself, on April 5, 1851, purchased in his wife's name, perhaps with his wife's savings, a lot in the village, later on adding eighteen acres to his holdings in the new Eden.16 Back and forth he journeyed between the city and Modern Times, buying and selling, inspecting and supervising. Andrews' very first customer for a stake in the village was a carpenter of a philosophic turn of mind named John Metcalf. Having bought the first plot of ground, Metcalf built a little shanty among the scrub oaks and proceeded to move his family—the first family of individual sovereigns—to the scene.17 Modern Times was abuilding. With unexpected practicality, Andrews sought out for the first residents of the equitable village colonists who would be adept at building something from nothing—tinsmiths and mechanics, masons and blacksmiths, farmers and harness makers. Men who had been oppressed laborers exploited by profiteers were attracted by the notion of becoming individual sovereigns in their own empire. With enthusiasm they cleared away the stunted pines and tough oak brushwood of that empire and built neat cottages among the piles of sand and lumber, lime and mortar. Warren's method of making sun-burnt bricks out of lime and

78

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

gravel reduced the cost of materials considerably. Soon a well was constructed, streets and avenues laid out. Some roofs might be made of paper, but a profusion of sunflowers and crimson prince's feathers hid a multitude of defects. Andrews could see the wilderness blossom like the rose. Before long he was sure the colonists would support themselves by raising vegetables for the New York market. A primary school would give instruction to the children of individual sovereigns. Trades would be taught in Josiah Warren's "College." 18 Pearl divided his time between selling land and airing his theories to the world. At Boston's Music Hall he lectured on the new science of society that contained "the elements of a world-wide social revolution." 19 He copyrighted Warren's writings and urged him to revise his Practical Details in Equitable Commerce, for which he provided a preface claiming that here was "the only basis of principles ever announced, upon which men of all possible races, creeds, occupations, predilections, and grades of development... can live in . . . harmonious intercourse with each other." 20 To all prospective residents Pearl presented copies of his own Science of Society and Warren's Practical Details. He urged them to read the books and visit Modern Times. Somehow he infected them with his convictions and they came to the equity village—over a hundred eventually21—individual sovereigns bringing their individual skills and their even more individual crotchets. Abolitionists and champions of women's rights, vegetarians and antitobacco men—all were enchanted with the possibility of riding their hobbies unmolested by government interference. Clairvoyants who harkened to the rappings of spirits could exercise their extrasensory powers for the benefit of the community. Dr. Edward Newbery, a phrenologist-dentist who carried his medicine kit in his walking stick, could extract aching teeth while he charted the phrenological bumps of individual sovereigns. Isaac Gibson, a Quaker who had trekked overland from Ohio in a covered wagon, could plant the evergreens he had brought with him. Theron C. Leland, formerly of the Phonographic Depot, would record the progress of the community in Pitman's pothooks.22 Andrews, enthusiastic, exuberant, his eye ever fixed on a distant star, circulated among the settlers. Sometimes he brought his wife and children with him to observe the progress of Modern Times. Sometimes he

Modem Times

79

came alone. Always he commanded attention, standing erect and tall, his beard waving in the breeze, his eyes prophetic. He needed no coaxing to share his philosophy with the converts. "We are not Fourierites," he taught them. "We do not believe in Association. . . . We are not Communists; we are not Mormons; we are not Non-Resistants." What did they believe then, if they did not believe in combined labor or combined interests? They believed simply that "every man stands on his own individuality in thinking and working," that every man must protest against "all laws which interfere with individual rights." This was the principle that united them. Fay ce que voudras was their motto— provided only they exercised their individualism at their own cost.23 Economically their life was based upon the principle of "Cost the Limit of Price." Warren's Time Store24 had already put that principle into operation. On its wall was a clock with a dial beneath it. When a colonist came in and requested a few yards of cotton cloth, the storekeeper immediately set the dial to mark the time. He then attended to the customer. Checking the original bill of sale, he ascertained the wholesale price of the cloth and charged the buyer that price plus a fee for the amount of time he had spent in selling it with an additional five per cent to cover rent and incidental expenses. A customer inclined to pass the time of day with the storekeeper would presumably have to pay for the privilege. The whole process, whether applied to molasses or corn, buckets or drygoods, was really quite simple. Of course purchasers were expected to pay for their merchandise with the coin of the Utopian realm, not with greenbacks but with labor notes. One hour's labor was equivalent to twelve pounds of corn and there were labor notes in varying denominations. In fact, there was nothing to prevent any one from making out his own labor notes, for by this system every man was his own banker. Profit was nonexistent. To Pearl Andrews, observing the commercial transactions in the Time Store, even the purchase of a keg of molasses was an Arcadian act and the ticking of the store clock was the harmonious music of the spheres. He did not expect everyone to agree with him—as yet. The unModern Timers of New York City were obviously not geared to the wheels of equitable commerce and hence might understandably decline to trade their merchandise for labor notes. Andrews was neither surprised nor discouraged to find the first winter on Long Island "very se-

80

S T E P H E N PEARL ANDREWS

Plate 5. The Labor Dollar. Courtesy East Hampton [Long Island] Free Library and Mrs. Ewing Baskette, Tucson, Arizona.

Modem Times

81

vere." Journalistic wits might quip about "Hard Times at 'Modern Times','' 25 but he believed the village showed progress. By the end of twelve months it had some fifty or sixty residents.26 The merchant Edward D. Linton was planning to set up a paperbox factory.27 Before long there would be a dining saloon for the individual sovereigns where everything, even to the sugar bowls, was "minutely Individualised" and labeled with the owner's name. 28 There was no doubt that the fame of the experiment was spreading. A Boston merchant, A. B. Keith, had borrowed a leaf from the Bible of equitable commerce and opened a "House of Equity" for importing and selling flour without profit.29 The British Association for the Advancement of Science in Glasgow had been regaled with an account of the village.30 Closer home, Andrews' own Science of Society had been well reviewed and characterized as "the best work extant" on "the great questions of social relations." 31 The London Leader had called the author "a superior theorist" whose style was "clear and substantial— perspicuous without prolixity." 32 Encouraged by their "superior theorist," the Modern Timers on April 4, 1853, published their "Card—To the Public" in the NewYork Tribune (page 5 ) , inviting additional settlers to the new Eden and outlining the way of life there: We take this method of informing our fellow-citizens, who are desirous of bettering their conditions in life by escaping from hostile competition, and obtaining and retaining for themselves the full results of their own labor, that an opportunity is presented .. . such as we believe exists nowhere else. . . . The object of the settlement is to furnish an opportunity to exchange labor equitably (bringing up the labor of women to the same prices as that of men, etc.,) according to the plan expounded in "The Science of Society," by Stephen Pearl Andrews, and "Equitable Commerce" and "Practical Details in Equitable Commerce," by Josiah Warren. . . . There is no combination or association, but certain co-operative advantages offered, which, . . . persons are free to accept or reject. The settlers on the ground at the opening of this spring, all comfortably housed, and beginning to establish various trades and branches of business, are about 70. . . . There are great facilities for building here. . . . The climate is salubrious and delightful. Modern Times had much to recommend it. After a day spent in the equitable exchange of labor, colonists could enjoy an evening discuss-

82

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

ing politics or trade, sex or marriage. Members of the "Philosopher's Club" could play a kind of intellectual shuttlecock where, "except that all were unorthodox, each had an opinion of his or her own." Along with dances and serenades, madrigal singing and amateur theatricals, the oral reading of works by Andrews and Warren naturally formed one of the staple pleasures of the equity village.33 Henry Edger, who had practiced law in London, joined the colony to spread the doctrine of Auguste Comte and establish a Positivist Society among the apostles of equity.34 A preacher of a different persuasion, the Unitarian pastor, Moncure Daniel Conway, paid a shorter visit, discoursing on the "Spirit of the Age" after the individual sovereigns had joined in singing "There's a Good Time Coming."35 Others came and went—members of the Hopedale Community, Ambrose Cuddon from London, the Codmans, whose home became the center of a Festal Group of Modern Timers.36 Among them all Pearl Andrews circulated, brimming with new ideas, spreading his invincible optimism, kindling the wits of the settlers. The village he had helped create boasted now a post office and a railroad station as well as "an excellent road six miles long." Rain and snow might penetrate the roofs, but the champions of equity could contemplate the Andrews version of the millennium in their neat white and green cottages. On streets that stood "square with the meridian" Pearl Andrews surveyed his handiwork and found it good.37 He found it good but not quite good enough. Josiah Warren might be content with applying the doctrine of individual sovereignty to commerce, but Andrews insisted upon applying the doctrine more broadly. Government, he held, interfered not only in trade but in marriage. Although his own marriage with Mary Ann had lasted amicably for nearly twenty years, he had observed less fortunate unions sanctioned by law that turned a wife into a private prostitute. Prurient outsiders ruled by Dame Grundy might be horrified by the phrase, "free love." Indeed Josiah Warren himself thought it "more troublesome than a crown of thorns."38 But not Pearl Andrews. If he did not believe in slavery, he must believe in freedom. He had fought the enslavement of Negroes. Now he must fight the enslavement of women. Free love was nothing more than "the antithesis of enslaved love."39 To free love from the bonds of law, Pearl Andrews now entered the lists in a battle that would

Moderm Times

83

eventually destroy the village where the new era of social science had been ushered in. His literary pyrotechnics crackled first in the pages of the New-York Tribune where, with Henry James, Sr., and Horace Greeley, he engaged in a debate on free love, marriage, and divorce. Greeley took up the cudgels for conservative, traditional, and indissoluble marriage. Pearl dismissed him as a bigot. Henry James, Sr., the mystical Swedenborgian, pleaded for a middle course, a "foggy betweenity." Pearl castigated him as "a mere jet d'eau of aspiration, . . . breaking into spray and impalpable mist." As for himself, he struck out against all bonds, all government interference. To freedom of the press and of speech, of trade and of thought, must be added freedom of the affections. He repudiated "the interference of the State in his morals," announced that "freedom in love w a s . . . the culminating point, towards which all other reforms tend," and proclaimed himself before the world "a Free Lovite." 40 It would be interesting to know how closely Andrews applied his theory to practice. His bump of amativeness was abnormally large. Whether Mary Ann was sufficiently endowed by nature to satisfy it completely is questionable. Perhaps, among the individual sovereigns on the distaff side of Modern Times, Pearl Andrews indulged in intercourse not always philosophical. If so, he kept those extracurricular relations to himself. His preachings he proclaimed unhesitatingly from the roof tops. His practices were private, the personal concern of the two individual sovereigns currently engaged in them. In his own inelegant phrase, they were nobody's business but his own. Hence they were excluded from even his biographer's prying. 41 Other Modern Timers were less circumspect about their private lives. Now that their co-leader had made his pronunciamento on free love, conjugality in the village took on an air of spontaneity. Colonists tied a red thread on their finger to announce themselves wed and untied it when they regarded themselves unwed.42 Gratified no doubt by such immediate and dramatic application of his theories, Pearl went on to formulate a new science of love.43 This he did with arithmetical exactitude. Man, he believed, was onethird feminine. Therefore man's love was two-thirds physical and onethird spiritual. Woman on the other hand was one-third masculine.

84

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Hence her love was two-thirds spiritual and one-third physical. Apparently, in Andrews' connecting mind, the science of mathematics could be the bridge to the freedom of the affections. At this point Horace Greeley decided that Tribune readers had had enough of Andrews on free love and promptly closed its columns to the philosopher. To continue his enlightenment of Modern Timers and of any others who might wish to follow the discussion, Andrews published the whole debate, including his rejected replies to Greeley, in a book which he entitled Love, Marriage, and Divorce, and the Sovereignty of the Individual. In person he sallied to Brooklyn to orate for two and a half hours on free love before Henry Ward Beecher and his congregation, doubtless leaving his wife at home.44 He must have succeeded in enlightening Beecher, for the pastor was to put the new doctrine into practice some years later in a scandal that would rock the country. Two newcomers to Modern Times needed no enlightenment from Andrews, for they were sufficiently enlightened already. Dr. Thomas Low Nichols and his wife, Mary Gove Nichols,45 had lived together in passional harmony long before they allowed the law to sanctify their union. At Port Chester, New York, these two Fellows of the Royal Society of Individual Sovereigns had established what they called the American Hydropathic Institute, where young ladies were instructed in the art of harmonious living and Andrews' treatise on Love, Marriage, and Divorce was used as a textbook. Some of the more correct young ladies of that Institute had decamped and the place had been put up for sale. The Nicholses, looking for fresh fields, now found them in the Pine Barrens of Long Island. There the whiskered, red-haired Dr. Nichols informed Pearl Andrews he would build another educational institute called "Desarrollo"46 or "Unfoldment." Pupils of the "School of Life" would be offered a gymnasium and a picture gallery, a model kitchen and a reservoir. They would listen to "sweet music," engage in cheerful labor, and each would be "a law unto himself." Andrews was enthusiastic not only about the plans for "Desarrollo," but also about Mrs. Nichols who, though plainlooking, seemed to him "a noble and pure-minded American woman" whose investigations of "the sexual relations" were inspiring.47 Mrs. Nichols, in turn, doubted whether Mrs. Andrews' "gravitational frequency" could gratify Pearl's "excessive amative

Modem Times

85

propensity." 48 Whether that "propensity" was revealed to her merely by his phrenological bump, and whether she proceeded to gratify it herself remain, like much of Andrews' personal life, speculative. At all events, the Nicholses did excavate a cellar and lay a concrete wall for "Desarrollo," and conjugality at Modern Times became more and more spontaneous. Andrews' Love, Marriage, and Divorce, together with Dr. Nichols' treatise on "the Most Intimate Relations of Men and Women," Esoteric Anthropology, provided the settlers with practical handbooks. Individual sovereignty, having dominated the countingroom, now dominated the boudoir. It was observed that at Modern Times: The arrangements of marriage were left entirely to the individual men and women. They could be married formally or otherwise, live in the same or separate houses, and have their relation known or unknown. The relation could be dissolved at pleasure without any formulas. . . . Privacy was general; it was not polite to inquire who might be the father of a newly-born child, or who was the husband or wife of any one.49 Owen, it was said, "begat New Harmony; New Harmony (by reaction) begat Individual Sovereignty; Individual Sovereignty begat Modern Times; Modern Times was the mother of Free Love." 50 Obviously, there was much begetting. Certainly no theory Andrews had ever preached had taken hold so promptly. In fact, he was beginning to perceive that the community was harvesting far more than he had intended to sow. Although its residents might frown at eavesdropping, the press did not. To the newspapers, individual sovereignty meant nothing more than "No questions asked." The equity village on Long Island was excoriated as "a stench in the nostrils of all lovers of morality" and the "Free Lovite," Pearl Andrews, was castigated as "notorious." The father of three sons, now in his early forties, sat by and watched his idealistic theories dissolve into a rope of sand.51 When he visited Modern Times after the free love furor, he found it besieged by fanatics and faddists. A blind German paraded naked in the streets. A single-minded woman insisted upon living on beans until she died. Even the Nicholses abandoned the excavated cellar of "Desarrollo" for a harmonic home in the West. The whole tenor of the village

86

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

was changing. It was becoming the refuge for lovers not of equity and freedom, but of the bizarre. Pearl Andrews watched Modern Times disintegrate. What free love had begun, the Panic of 1857 and later the Civil War would ultimately end. Though Henry Edger would still lecture on Positivism, Josiah Warren would abandon Modern Times for Boston. Its very name would be changed to the prosaic Brentwood. A ship sailing from Montauk Point would carry the survivors of the equity village to South America. Under Brentwood's busy feet, the dust of Modern Times would settle.52 Meanwhile, Andrews still believed his dream had been a good one in which "the elements of a world-wide social revolution"53 might have germinated. Failure, like success, was only a word. How often he had faced it. But then, what man born too soon had not? Equity and free love could be preached from other platforms. An individual sovereign could act out the dictates of his conscience as compulsively in New York as in the Pine Barrens of Long Island. An idea had come to him one evening in his parlor when he and Mary Ann were holding open house for a coterie of Modern Timers— another scheme to benefit and free mankind. Now the perennial and impractical optimist would slough off the failure of Modern Times, approach the reform from yet another angle, emerge once more in the plumage of the phoenix. To Pearl Andrews—abolitionist, phonographer, sociologist—no cause was ever entirely lost. Unperturbed by immediate failure, he pursued an ignis fatuus that glowed irresistibly in the distance. He who had possessed his dreams was becoming possessed by them. Obsession was taking the place of conviction. It was as if he were bent on self-destruction to save the world. The golden age still glittered round a corner and all his splendid dreams were still prophetic.

Chapter VII

BROWNSTONE UTOPIA

ONLY Pearl Andrews could have conceived an involved Union from a parlor entertainment. Though the culinary bounty proferred to guests by Mary Ann must have been meager, it was a sidedish to the host's intellectual feasts. In his home, while his boys were in or approaching their 'teens, Pearl gathered together a collection of free lovers, philosophers, and reformers whom he treated to the delights of vocal and instrumental music and to the more rarified pleasures of his sparkling if sometimes abstruse conversation. These "ladies and gentlemen of a high order of intellect, . . . rare intelligence and cultivated minds" must have responded with relish to his monologues on the science of society and communal life, freedom of the affections and spiritualism, for the circle of his admirers and hangers-on increased.1 At this point, when Mary Ann wearied perhaps of converting her parlor into her husband's lecture platform, Andrews conceived the idea of renting a small hall for his guests and charging a fee for the privilege of listening to his oratory. He rented space on Bond Street, near the Bowery, and fixed the price for initiating visitors into the nature of the impending social revolution at ten cents. The group who gathered there he named the League Union of the Men of Progress.2 The League was a secret society of men and women for whom no subject, even the inflammatory subject of free love, was too sacred to discuss. "The highest law governing individual conduct"3 was simply attraction. Every member was an individual sovereign though the sovereign of all the individuals was Pearl Andrews. So, in a small hall on Bond Street, he planted the germ of the mystical and complex organization of phi-

88

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

losophers that he would one day call the Pantarchy. The chief of the League already had a penchant not only for extravagantly ambitious schemes, but also for scientific pigeonholing. The League was not just a league but, on paper at least, a nexus of departments in which, conceivably, individual sovereigns could exercise their individual talents and propensities. In Andrews' first confidential bulletin he outlined these departments which he characteristically described as Grand Orders. There would be, for those of a theological turn of mind, a Grand Order of Religion; for those who loved the law, a Grand Order of Justice; for philanthropists, a Grand Order of Charity; for aesthetes, a Grand Order of the Beautiful; for scientists, a Grand Order of Science and the Unity of the Sciences; for adventurers of the mind, a Grand Order of Discovery. To students of society he offered a Grand Order of the Social Relations which aimed at an equally "grand Domestic Revolution." 4 Perhaps he was inspired to this last Grand Order by his wife's preoccupation with her children, for the "grand Domestic Revolution" was to begin with a universal nursery. There, the skillful ministrations of "scientific and professional nurses, matrons and physiologists" would succeed, where natural mothers had failed, in lowering the rate of infant mortality. Pearl went so far as to formulate Tract No. 1, entitled "The Baby World," 5 to enlighten prospective mothers. But they appear not to have appreciated his efforts in this direction, for the vast crèche that he envisioned never got beyond the tract stage. Pearl was more successful with his Grand Order of Recreation. Apparently the free spirits who flocked to his standard were better connoisseurs of societary pleasure than of societary science, for they were more than willing to pay their dimes for an evening's entertainment. The Bond Street hall was so popular among congenial individual sovereigns that Andrews decided to detach the Grand Order of Recreation from the League, rename it the "Club" and hire larger space for the paying guests.6 At last he had hit upon an idea that was both popular and lucrative. At 555 Broadway, over Taylor's saloon, the Club members flowed in, bringing their axes to grind and their hobbies to ride. What a conglomeration they must have been—bloomerites in pantaloons and round

Brownstone Utopia

89

hats, partisans of individual liberty late of Modern Times, atheists, infidels and philosophers, even "perfumed exquisites" from Gotham. 7 Some had affinities for learning, others had affinities for reform, many had affinities for one another, but most had affinities for Pearl Andrews. Radiating magnetism, he moved among his disciples. The Utopian Fourierist, Albert Brisbane, harkened to his thoughts on communal life. The literary phonographer, Edward Underhill, appreciated his comments on Pitman shorthand. The ladies, attracted perhaps by his large bump of amativeness, sat with Mary Ann at his feet while he discoursed on equity or universal brotherhood. For the more serious minded he instituted lessons in phonographic shorthand. For those who loved the Gallic tongue he engaged George Batchelor, with whom he was collaborating on a French grammar, to give instruction in French. He invited Joshua Ingalls to lecture on agrarian reform. If conversation slackened, he provided card games and backgammon, waltzing and comic songs. For individual sovereigns who wished to become acquainted with other individual sovereigns he arranged introductions.8 To control the flow of traffic at 555 Broadway, he appointed a "corps of servitors" of varying status designated by red, white, or blue stars. As floor manager he selected a philosophic young lawyer from his wife's town of Norwich, Thomas Harland, who wore a scarf with a star on his right shoulder. Any member of Pearl's "star police" would gladly give information about dancing or lessons or smooth the way for "introductions and acquaintanceship."9 The club above Taylor's saloon flourished. In time its membership numbered in the hundreds. As entrepreneur of a combination soirée dansante, free discussion group, and friendship bureau, Pearl Andrews was finding his forte. To his vexation, however, he noticed that for one reason or another there was a preponderance of men among those who flocked to 555 Broadway. To discourage this imbalance he raised the admission price for unaccompanied gentlemen to twenty-five cents. The results were not exactly what he had anticipated. In retaliation, single men simply invited any available women to accompany them and lower their admission fee to ten cents. They even went so far, it was hinted, to pick up on the street "a companion from the demimonde." 10 The name of the hinter was Dame Grundy. Her implication was unmistak-

90

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

able. The Grand Order of Recreation, embodied by Mr. Andrews' "Club," was nothing but a nest of free lovers. The New-York Tribune put Dame Grundy into print: We have for sometime been aware [it righteously announced] of the existence in this city of a body of persons united in a secret society for the purpose, not merely of discussing those principles of extreme social lawlessness known by the general term of Individual Sovereignty, but also of carrying them into practice, especially in the sexual relations. As soon as this fact came to our knowledge, we did not fail, . . . to set on foot an investigation . . . the main idea which draws and holds together this motley party is Free Love, or Passional Attraction,... 11 Chief Andrews, it decided, had organized a "Free-Love'' club "to reduce his disgusting theory to practice." While the law enforcement officers followed the clues gratuitously afforded them by the Tribune, Chief Andrews was confined to his home with a respiratory ailment. He was, therefore, in merciful absentia when, on October 18, 1855, his Grand Order of Recreation was raided by the metropolitan police. As they entered, rowdies gathered at the entrance, hooting like demons. The police took over the evening's receipts along with the "corps of servitors," hauling both to the Eighth Ward Station House. The disciple of Fourier, Albert Brisbane, was charged with disorderly conduct; the young floor manager, Thomas Harland, was accused both of keeping a disorderly house and of assault and battery. The prisoners were taken to the Tombs and locked in separate cells.12 On his sick bed Pearl Andrews fulminated helplessly about a world that crucified its benefactors through "the brute instincts of an ignorant populace." 13 The next day the charges were dismissed and the prisoners released, but the Grand Order of Recreation, tarred with slander, had gone the way of Modern Times.14 In every man outside the Andrusian circle there seemed to be an imp of the perverse that doomed Pearl to be misunderstood. In 1855 he must have sunk to his nadir. Everything he conceived, even the club over Taylor's saloon, seemed misbegotten. He himself was ill, and by the end of the year the wife, who for twenty years had tolerated with equanimity and mild forebearance his fecund dreams and his sterile deeds, was dead. Pearl Andrews was a widower with no

Brownstone Utopia

91

apparent means of livelihood and with three sons, the eldest now fourteen, to school and support. Since he never recorded his reactions to his loss, they must remain speculative. His capacity for emotion was always eclipsed by his restless intellectualizing. His egocentricity always surpassed, if it did not preclude, his altruistic impulses. He was indeed a type of pure intellect, molded as much by his readings as by external events. Yet he needed companions, if they were only disciples, and his life was no closet drama. Though he may have been emotionally undeveloped, he had a strong erotic strain. What had Mary Ann meant to him beyond being his housekeeper and the mother of his sons? Was he capable of grief, of desperation? In his dedication to the principle of Individual Sovereignty he insisted at all times upon privacy and so drew a heavy veil over his inmost feelings. Perhaps for a time after Mary Ann's departure, the science of society and the pleasures of philology, libertarian philosophizing, and even the doctrine of Individual Sovereignty itself lost their lure. If they did, future events would indicate that the loss was transitory, for Pearl Andrews was soon to embark with renewed zest upon his adventures of the mind. Having survived his wife's death, Andrews succumbed for a time to a dyspeptic ailment. Following a new cure imported from Germany and known as the "hungry cure," he fasted for twenty-one days. The Admirable Crichton was playing the role of St. Jerome in the desert. Toward the end of his fast, although he was "almost a skeleton," he found he had never before been "so clear and active mentally." He stayed at home, reading Swedenborg and the mystics, brushing up on his Owen and Fourier, writing fragmentary essays on universal science and "the atom in space," finding the antidote to dyspepsia in what he called "Abstract Something" and "Abstract Nothing." During the last ten days of his "cure" he was "freely rubbed two or three times a day by the hands of a person who seemed to exert a vivifying influence upon me." 15 Years later, Andrews sent to The New York Herald an account of his medical experiment and the convalescent period that followed it: . . . one of the most delightful periods of my life [he recalled], if not indeed the most delightful. The mere physical part of life was almost a

92

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

state of bliss. The flesh that came upon my bones anew was like the flesh of a babe, and all my senses were abnormally acute. . . . I have ever since regarded that period of starvation as having effected a marked physical regeneration in my system and secured me a valuable prolongation of life.16 This strange period does in fact seem to mark a turning point in Andrews' life. He emerged from it rededicated to all his lost causes, but closer to the "lunatic fringe** in his methods of bringing them to fruition. Andrews attributed his "regeneration** to the starvation element in his cure. His biographer is more inclined to attribute it to the ministrations of the masseuse whose hands and whose person exerted so "vivifying" an influence upon the widower. Her name was Esther Hussey Bartlet Jones. To that name she was shortly to add another, for in 1856 she became the second Mrs. Stephen Pearl Andrews. 17 Where he met her is uncertain. Perhaps she was a member of the Grand Order of Recreation, invited there by Thomas Harland who was later to marry her daughter by a prior union.18 At all events, they met, she exercised her extraordinary skill in massage, and they married. Esther, markedly different from the retiring Mary Ann, was a dominant, stalwart woman, "commanding in figure,** emancipated in intellect. At an early age she had freed herself "from the narrowing conditions of a sectarian education"—an allusion to her Quaker ancestry. Later she had freed herself "from the equally contracting influences of a false moralism"—an allusion to her prior marriage and her separation from Mr. Jones. Esther Andrews was obviously "narrowed by no petty ideas of conventionalism.** She could, therefore, respect Pearl Andrews' individual sovereignty. Since she was also endowed by nature with "an iron constitution,** she could withstand it. Forty to his forty-four, she was "a great lover, rich passionally, magnetically, affectionally and sentimentally.** In short, she was all that the author of Love, Marriage, and Divorce could have desired. As a fillip to this intoxicating mixture, Esther Andrews not only had "wonderful magnetic powers of healing,** but also exercised unusual spiritualistic ability. When entranced she became the medium for profoundly sagacious communications. When not entranced she was "eminently domestic," carrying "devotion and exquisite taste into the kitchen, the laundry and the nursery.**19 She was a capable stepmother for three growing boys, as well as a suitable Pantarchess for an incipient Pan-

Brownstone Utopia

93

tarch. Esther Andrews was altogether a new woman, one-third masculine, two-thirds feminine, the perfect embodiment of Pearl's scientific theory of the affections. Out of his fast, his massage treatments, and his second marriage, Andrews emerged, filled with renewed determination to reform the world. He was indeed revivified. Moreover, he had hit upon another scheme for realizing his dreams. On the ruins of Modern Times and the Grand Order of Recreation he would build yet another community of individual sovereigns. This time his citadel would be neither the Pine Barrens of Long Island nor a loft over Taylor's saloon. This time he would settle for a group of brownstone houses on New York's Fourteenth Street which he would call the Unitary Home. 20 There, in what amounted to a co-operative boarding house, he would live with his sons, his new wife, and as many congenial followers as he could accommodate. He needed an entrepreneur for his Brownstone Utopia, for he would be too busy formulating principles to carry them out. For this post he selected Edward F. Underhill, phonographic expert, Tribune reporter, and veteran of the Club. Tom Harland, whose experience as floor manager of the Grand Order of Recreation qualified him for advancement, would be manager of the Andrusian commonwealth on Fourteenth Street. There, near the Academy of Music, visionaries in search of comfort at moderate prices would find the societary philosophy of Modern Times and the societary pleasures of the recreational Club rolled into one. The formula of "Cost the Limit of Price" would, of course, govern all transactions. Whether the same formula governed the original transaction whereby Andrews or his entrepreneur rented the brownstones in the first place is questionable. Perhaps the owner of the property, dazzled by his eloquence, took him on faith or on credit. Perhaps the cures effected by Esther Andrews' marvelous powers of healing had harvested a nestegg now hatched for the purpose. Perhaps, in a trance, she had so mesmerized the owner that he accepted labor notes in place of greenbacks. Pearl Andrews proceeded to adapt the cost principle to life in a New York brownstone. Rent he would base upon the location and cubic space of rooms as well as upon the use of communal parlors, dining room and kitchen. Supplies were to be purchased wholesale and à la

94

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

carte meals provided on the European plan. On the cost principle, where profit was nonexistent, thirty cents paid for a five-course banquet in the late 1850's. Besides carrying out Josiah Warren's formula of "Cost the Limit of Price," the Unitary Home flew Andrews' banner emblazoned with the magic phrase "Individual Sovereignty." There would be no intrusion of any kind upon privacy. Those who wished the pleasures of the communal parlors could enjoy soirées dansantes or soirées parlantes. Those who were disinclined to such delights were under no obligation to partake of them. Those who wished merely to stand on the street could listen to the strains of Il Trovatore resounding from the nearby Academy of Music. Andrews had no trouble at all in attracting denizens to his Unitary Home. They came in flocks, those "birds of strange plumage," from strange lands and strange pasts, to spend a season on Fourteenth Street. They came with their eccentricities, their pet reforms, and their pet antipathies, a motley crew of colorful individualists attracted by a sovereign individualist more bent than ever on perfecting the human race. The dramatis personae who played their parts against the background of the communal parlors on Fourteenth Street included an apostate monk, Father Achilli,21 who had been charged with seduction and had sued Cardinal Newman for libel; a homeopathic physician who boiled his breakfast chocolate in his shaving cup; and a Gargantuan baritone who consumed five meals a day before operatic performances. The church was represented by a Massachusetts pastor, Charles Wentworth Upham, who was to record the Salem witchcraft delusion and who was not averse to discussion of spiritualistic manifestations. Literature and the Fourth Estate sent many delegates to the Unitary Home, among them the dark and fascinating Irish romance writer Edward Maturin; the striking, swarthy journalist Charles Congdon; and the poet Edmund Clarence Stedman.22 During a "financially precarious period," Stedman, who had struck up a friendship with Tom Harland in Norwich, took up quarters with his family in the rear of the Brownstone Utopia and, after observing the cost principle in operation, was moved to write a telling couplet: And if a host together fall What need of any cash at all.23

Plate 9. Stephen Pearl Andrews. Courtesy Mr. Donald Streeter, lona, New Jersey.

Plate 10. Procession of the Internationals December 17, 1871. Andrews in the line of march. From Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, January 6, 1872.

Plate 11. Group portrait with Stephen Pearl Andrews in the center. Courtesy Mr. Verne Dyson, Los Angeles, California.

Plate 12. From Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 7 (July, 1877), 106-107. Courtesy New York Public Library.

Plate 13. Specimen of Andrews' phonography.

Plate 14. Amherst Academy, where Andrews studied 1828-1829. From William S. Tyler, A History of Amherst College (New York, 1895.)

Plate 15. Sketch of Modern Times, Long Island, New York. From the A. J. Macdonald Papers, Yale University Library.

Plate 16. Stephen Pearl Andrews. Courtesy Mr. Donald Streeter, lona, New Jersey.

Brownstone Utopia

95

By 1860 the Unitary Home provided a happy refuge for impecunious scribblers who took to the cost principle with as much alacrity as they exercised their rights as individual sovereigns. It also formed the backdrop for the birth of the Pantarchy. In that year, Pearl Andrews, signing himself "Andrusius, Pantarch" formulated the Constitution or Organic Basis of the Pantarchy which he defined as "a new spiritual Government for the world, including a new Church and a new State, with all other Subordinate Institutions, Educational, Informational, Honorary, etc., etc., etc.; which are universal in their scope and nature." 24 The connecting links of thought which Andrews had begun to perceive at Amherst were now welded into one elaborate chain. He had founded a new, universal society for all men everywhere. Theologically it provided an antidote to Rome in what he designated the New Catholic Church.25 It had a place for everything, provided only it sought and carried out "the Laws of Order and Harmony in the Universe," 26 —for sociology and modern science, for domesticity and finance. Since every aspect of life was interrelated, the Pantarchy was "a Grand Composite Order of Government, reaching with its influences every department of human affairs."27 Andrews was enough of a philosopher to "combine things in interpretive synthesis," to interrelate mind and matter, church and state. He was not enough of a philosopher to doubt. He had studied his Plato, but he had not digested his Descartes. The Pantarchy was the most ambitious and most grandiose scheme he had yet projected. As a good Platonist, he believed that "only a philosopher-king is fit to guide a nation." As a better Andrusian, he believed that only he himself was fit to guide a Pantarchal complex of nations. As he put it in Article XI of the Constitution: "As Head of the Pantarchal State, . . . is the Individual, self-elected, but powerless except as he is voluntarily acknowledged and obeyed, . . . The office of this functionary is the Pantarchate; his title, Pantarch; his function, the service of all." 28 Pearl the Pantarch had elected himself to the purple. His scepter was the philosopher's stone. On January 12, 1860, the Pantarch invited a few disciples to the Unitary Home to outline the details of one small but important part of his master plan. He wished simply to establish an employment office,

96

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

but unlike most employment offices his would supply help and information on literally every aspect of human endeavor. His Universal Bureau of Supply and Demand was to be "an institution for the interchange of information upon all subjects of public and individual interest," a "Universal Intelligence Office." It would provide teachers and students, stonecutters and sewing-girls, authors and businessmen, with information on all pertinent subjects, from the arts and sciences to inventions and travel routes, from commodity markets to the laws of all countries. It was, apparently, a catharsis for Andrews to get his plans on paper. What happened after that was up to his disciples.29 Their name, understandably, was never legion. The second Mrs. Andrews was one of them. So also was the gifted young Edward Freeland, the son of a deacon of Beecher's Plymouth Church. Usually, more women than men were responsive, attracted less perhaps by the principles of Pantarchism than by the personality of the Pantarch. The circle30 would increase from time to time, fall off, increase again. At his deathbed, a generation later, Pearl would be cared for by the last surviving Pantarchan. Just now, however, there were not enough Pantarchans to put the "Universal Intelligence Office" into practice, though there were apparently enough to inspire a sneering critic to doggerel rhymes: Things must have come to a pretty fine pass When a man doesn't know that a Pantarch's an ass; "An ass," say the spirits at once, in a whirl Of anger, "No, sir, not an ass but a pearl."31 At the Unitary Home, the Pantarchans, when they were not writing or dancing, drinking beer or reading Comte and Spencer, listened to Pearl's disquisitions on Chinese etymology or the new social era. Visits from the jovial chief of the Oneida community, John Humphrey Noyes, or the New Lebanon Shaker, Frederick Evans, enlivened the communal parlor. The Unitary Home celebrated a wedding when Tom Harland succumbed to the vivacious beauty of Esther Andrews' daughter, Pearl Andrews' stepdaughter, Irene.32 Their son, Henry Harland, born on March 1, 1861, would one day edit The Yellow Book and write The Cardinal's Snuff-Box.33 But now, when the future novelist was born, the Civil War was only a month away. All Andrews' efforts to abolish slavery and unite

Brownstone Utopia

97

the world into a Pantarchy of Individual Sovereigns had been unable to muffle the guns of Sumter. The war that gave to Modern Times the ultimate coup de grace, also dispersed the denizens of the Unitary Home. Pearl Andrews, nearing fifty, moved his family to Waverley Place, set up his walnut desk, and, armed with his pen, prepared to fight out the rebellion on a vast and interminable field of paper. Although his own part in the Civil War was purely literary, Pearl sent his sons to the battlefront. William, the eldest, interrupted his law studies to serve as Lieutenant with the Ninth New York Infantry. Thomas and Charles both volunteered. Andrews' wife provided the author with both his meals and a soundingboard, doubtless easing the strain of profound thought with "Vivifying" massages and encouraging messages from the spirit world. He returned to his youth, there on Waverley Place, reliving the early days in Templeton, the studies at Amherst, and especially the confrontation with slavery in Louisiana. His Autobiography occupied much of his time and nearly three hundred pages, although he carried it no farther than his twenty-fourth year. This was altogether fitting, for, as Bull Run gave way to Antietam and Fredericksburg to Gettysburg, Pearl was convinced that he had held the solution to the problems of slavery in his hands long before the opening of hostilities. This conviction was even more apparent in other papers he drafted in which he narrated the dramatic story of his abolitionist work in Texas and in London. After reviewing his "emancipation project," the public meeting in Houston, the Galveston fiasco, and the interview with Lord Aberdeen, he gave his essays a title that epitomized his awareness of the part he had played in the movement. He called them "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," indicating his belief not only that the Civil War had had its roots in Texas of the 'forties, but that he himself had planted those roots. The solution to the problem of slavery that he had suggested in Houston had been rejected. He held forth another now, a Pantarchal solution. While the guns echoed at Vicksburg and Chickamauga, he turned from his autobiographical narratives to draft two "Addresses." One, "to the Inhabitants of the USA and of the World at Large upon the Slavery Question and the Present Crisis in American Affairs," was indited on behalf of "the Political Department of the Pantarchy." It

98

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

suggested that "the leading minds of the South . . . make a study of social science" and "trust the whole matter to the Pantarchal philosophy," which, through its ability to think and act objectively, would adjust all grievances. The second, "Address to the People of the United States of America," called for a change of leadership, a rallying round "a unitary mind," the cessation of "arming in unlikely anticipation of aggression," the discarding of the whole system of arbitrary taxation, and the granting of women's rights. "I have made it the business of my life," he concluded, "to study social laws. I see now a new age beginning to appear." 34 The "new age" would urgently need a new language, a universal language for universal man. Much of Pearl's time was consumed with the herculean task of constructing that language. He turned back to the phonetic studies that had coincided with his phonographic work and hit upon an extraordinary discovery. "Every elementary sound of the human voice," he decided, "is inherently laden by nature herself with a primitive significance."35 A universal language, therefore, already existed, hidden in the speech sounds of nature. All Pearl had to do was discover it. This would take more time than it would take for the war to be won. But in due time, out of the lingual Paradise that had been lost in some remote past, he would regain that tongue and restore to "all the nations of the earth . . . one speech."36 The Continental Monthly in May, 1864, printed his essay on the possibility of "A Universal Language." It also printed his more extensive disquisition on "The Great American Crisis," in which he sagaciously observed: " . . . had we been ready and desirous, as a people, to do justice to the black man, we should have escaped the horrors of a great war. . . . if we are . . . prepared to be simply just, we shall be saved . . . more national suffering."37 By the time of Lee's surrender, Andrews' desk was stuffed with manuscripts, many of which remained unpublished, and his shoulders were bowed from the long sedentary campaign he had waged. Two of his sons returned from the front, William dividing his time between the law and the stage, Charles preparing to take up the study of dentistry. Thomas never returned. The Pantarch had lost a son in a war which he firmly believed he could have averted. In the Andrews household the antidote to grief was study. Pearl

Brownstone Utopia

99

buried his long nose in philosophical texts while William and Charles pursued professional instruction. Even Esther Andrews took to the classroom, entering the Eclectic Medical College of the City of New York for the "free and untrammeled investigation and practice of medicine." After the successful mastery of "remedies that act in accordance with physiological laws," she was graduated in 1868, an accredited eclectic physician.38 How did they live during those years when, without any apparent source of income, they pursued their intellectual adventures? Was there, perhaps, a small legacy from Pearl's mother, who died on April 12, 1863, in Hinsdale? Were there donations from Pantarchal disciples? Was Esther earning fees for magnetic healing and the dispensing of medicinal plant remedies? Perhaps the family treasury, like her studies, was eclectic, gathered from a variety of philanthropic sources. Whatever the source of their income, they managed to live without expending any noticeable effort in earning it. It is true they changed their address from year to year, moving from Waverley Place to Fourth Street, from Fourth to Warren, from Warren to Charles. Hounded perhaps by landlords uninitiated in the cost principle, they followed the northward trend of Gotham's development to Thirteenth Street and eventually landed on Thirty-third Street. Wherever they lived, Pearl's home provided a center for Pantarchans. It was a refuge for "fugitive husbands and wives" escaping the "peculiar institution" of legal but incompatible marriage.39 It formed the background for group studies in etymology and the construction of the still embryonic universal language. One unkind observer later recorded his memories of that philological work in progress and though his pen was dipped in gall it reconstructed a picture of the Andrusian household: He moved from house to house for years, and in whatever tenement he was there was a Pantarchy, and the great business of making a new language went on. He would have little seances, and consider what was the proper expression of an act or a thing by experiment; half a dozen women and nearly as many men would sit around formulating words for the great dictionary of the future. The head of the class, perhaps some grass widow, would try her feeble head on that word which represented the movement

100

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

of a fish between the time when he saw the bait and the instant he darted at it. For such an interregnum Andrews thought there must be a word invented. The grass widow would . . . perhaps suggest . . . "gum." No. 2 would . . . suggest. . . "gam." No. 3, . . . "gom." . . . So it would run down the list, until . . . Andrews would be seen in A State of Mental Cyclonism. His eyes would roll; his gray hair would stand up; he would slip out of the door and walk in the hall. . . . In a minute or two Andrews would burst back into the room with a profound wave of his hand, and announce that the proper word was "gim."40 Not all of Andrews' efforts were directed at the construction of a universal language. By the end of the 1860's, he joined the committee of a labor organization that called itself "The New Democracy, or Political Commonwealth," his wife serving as First Vice-President. Its aims were all-embracing, for it strove to harmonize all reforms "upon the higher platform of a complete political social science." It struck out against corruption in railroad companies and the traffic in public lands. It advocated not only labor reform, but also equal rights for women. 41 More and more Andrews perceived that one reform was inextricably bound to another, that the law of unity was the law of nature. With the opening of the new decade he plunged into the formulation of that law. In line with Spencer and Swedenborg, Fourier and Hegel, he synthesized, searching out analogies, bridging the gulf between the material and the spiritual, until he came up with a new science which he called Universology. Irresistibly drawn to the magic of numbers, he claimed to have discovered three fundamental principles in the universe—the principle of unism or unity, the principle of duism or disparity, and the principle of trinism which, in a complex, hinge-wise way, compounded the first two. There was, he concluded, but one essential science which combined all sciences—the science of the universe itself. To the exposition of that science he now gave himself, preparing in turgid and involved prose a book that he would call The Primary Synopsis of Universology—"primary" since it would be followed in the fullness of time by a far more detailed and involved tome on the subject. Thanks to the philanthropy of a wealthy and devoted Pantarchan, one Mrs. E. Thompson, the Primary Synopsis would be published in 1871. 42 Meanwhile, word of its preparation spread not only among

Brownstone Utopia Pantarchans but among less kindly disposed critics. As The Standard put it:

101

New-York

Mr. Andrews has done better even than to discover the method of all methods—he has taught the whole world, nay, the entire universe, to hinge upon himself. The earth no longer turns upon its axis, but upon Stephen Pearl Andrews.... Mr. Andrews is without doubt the greatest and the wisest of living men. Since the days of Betsy Trotwood and Mr. Dick no one has had so remarkable a mission in the world.43 The New-York Tribune was equally unresponsive: "At present," it cogitated, "Duism, or the Spirit which differentiates, seems to be unfortunately prevalent in Europe; but when all governments are united in the Pantarchy, dissensions will of course cease, and the world be ruled on the great principle of a Hinge-wise Complexity."44 Sniffing a likely candidate for an article on "The Queer Philosophers," The World sent a reporter in 1870 to interview the Pantarch, who received him courteously, outlined his contributions to mankind, and reviewed his part in the great nexus of events that had resulted in the annexation of Texas and led eventually to the rebellion and the emancipation of the slaves. "Mr. Andrews's Texan abolition movement," the interviewer wrote, adopting the apparently contagious Andrusian style, "stands, therefore, historically, according to himself, in a remarkable sense pivotally and causatively related to this whole chain of events." At Andrews' remarks on the new Pantarchal science of Universology, the interviewer confined himself to a less prolix comment—the simple exclamation, "Whew!" 45 Pearl Andrews remained unmoved by the caustic or tongue-in-cheek gibes at his theories. At fifty-eight he still believed himself as he had always believed himself, "just on the eve of accomplishing something great" 46 and despite the acerbity of the press, he was not alone in this belief. Early in 1870 he had met a beautiful and unusual woman who had had a checkered if mysterious past and was to have a respectable if incredible future. At the moment she was enjoying a remarkable and fruitful present, for she was about to launch both a stockbrokerage concern and a weekly newspaper. Pearl Andrews, who had a soundingboard in his wife, was about to have a mouthpiece. His views on worn-

102

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

an's rights appealed to a woman who throughout her life had insisted upon exercising those rights. Pearl Andrews had met the colorful and extraordinary Victoria Claflin Woodhull. The Pantarch was on the eve of joining her in her new venture. The Fourth Estate was about to be graced not only by a femme fatale, but by a slightly superannuated enfant terrible.

Chapter VIII

MOUTHPIECE OF THE MILLENNIUM

IN 1870, although he had for some time begun to manifest a fanatic eccentricity, Andrews was at his zenith. At fifty-eight, he impressed his more receptive acquaintances, among whom he would soon number the free love enthusiast, Victoria Woodhull, as "a type of pure intellect... quiet but alert," with a "subtle leer of knowingness about the eyes." His placid, "almost smiling expression," coupled with his shabby dress, gave him the air of a gentle, courteous scholar.1 A reporter who took a long, keen, and almost phrenological look at him at this period noted that he was "tall of stature, large of limb, bowed of shoulder—from stooping over his study table, in all probability." Mr. Andrews has a long, large, high head, broad at the base of the brain, and rising powerfully in the forehead and from the ears forward and upward. His complexion is "sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought," . . . His head is really very fine, but from the eyes down the oval face is that of the bird-of-prey type. The eyebrows are arched, the eyes full and gray, penetrative but still furtive in expression; the eyelids are full and drooping, giving a hooded expression to the organs beneath, though with a quiver in them which is doubtless due to a habit of gaining time while studying you. There is a droop at the corners that, combined with the deep lines of the nostrils, and the as deep ones at the corners of the long, thin-lipped, drooping and sarcastic mouth, with the long upper lip, long oval face, voluptuous and rather cruel aquiline or strong Roman nose—verily a hawk's beak— would give a decidedly sinister expression to his face, were it not partially relieved by the intellectual power that is unmistakenly seen there. He wears a full beard, grayish in hue, as is his hair. Stephen Pearl has been a very handsome man,.. .2

104

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Reactions to Pearl Andrews reached their height of contradictoriness in 1870. To some he was "a colossal," an even "diseased" egotist and "sterile pedant" with an inclination for libidinous living,3 to others a man of extraordinary "extemporaneous power" whose scholarship and "intuitive suggestion" were unrivaled, whose brain was "audaciously d a r i n g . . . with an original and remarkable grasp and comprehension."4 There is no doubt that he was endowed with "an iceberg of a brain," 5 nor that by 1870 his mind had been "stretched enormously" until it had grasped the different sides of complex truth. 6 He had a kind of "three-story head [trinismally organized]" according to his own conception of the magic number three.7 His thought—the thought of thirty years—had crystallized. The principles to which he had devoted his life were ready for enunciation. He, too, was ready. As he put it: I am full of talk; and none of it will be trivial or unimportant. I have been restraining myself these many years, in order to complete the discovery of the science, and that done, I am now ready to overflow with utterance. I am a natural enthusiast, . . . and when an enthusiast holds still a dozen or fifteen years . . . it may be inferred that he was busily occupied with something important. That important thing, in my case, was the discovery in question.8 Almost all his life Pearl Andrews had in his own way been lighting candles against the darkness of the nineteenth century—the darkness of free competition and profit making, of the state's arbitrary interference in human life, the "canting moralism of our rotten civilization."9 Now he was ready to combine all his candles into one great incandescence. He was ready to refute the croaking prophecies of impossibility. He was ready, if necessary, to be thought absurd. Whether his handful of followers, soon to include Victoria Woodhull, grasped his philosophy is not at all certain. For a time, at least, they accepted it. The philosophy which he was now prepared to promulgate could be better grasped a century later by a global world familiar with the science of relativity and the mysteries of the fourth dimension. It was a philosophy of reconciliation and analogy, for Pearl Andrews, having taken all knowledge as his province, was a man bedeviled by analogies. From the days of his Amherst studies and his Louisiana observations he had glimpsed the unity of science and philosophy. From his diverse readings in philosophy he had formulated an eclectic phi-

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

105

losophy of his own that would combine the Pythagorean doctrine of numbers, the Swedenborgian doctrine of correspondences, Fourier's universal analogy, Spencer's classification of the sciences. From Hegel and Bakunin, from Hitchcock and McCosh, from Comte and Thoreau, he had picked the plums to use as ingredients in his colossal pie. He believed in "All that has ever been believed in, in the Past; revised, clarified, systematized, by the Light of Knowledge." 10 The universe that was his apple, his oyster, he was now prepared to share with a public which he believed hungry for Andrusian philosophy. That philosophy was capable of reconciling all differences—matter and mind, poverty and wealth, individualism and socialism, chaos and order, freedom and slavery, equality and inequality, the just and the unjust, the odd and the even. It could reconcile all conflicting systems of thought by coordinating them "in a Higher Complex Unity." In his own science of universal analogy Andrews combined all the analogues of the cosmos.11 He called his science Universology, the science of the universe, one science for the whole world which would show how all the other sciences were related to each other. Before the days of atomic science Pearl Andrews had harkened to a subtle echo of sameness that pervaded all things. He called his philosophy Integralism. Coupled with Universology it was to cover the whole ground of nature, science, and art. He had discovered three fundamental principles in the universe which, lured by the magic of numbers, he named Unism, the tendency to unite; Duism, the tendency to divide; and Trinism, the reconciliation of Unism and Duism. He called his practical sociology Pantarchism or the Pantarchy. The Pantarchy was the institution which would administer in society whatever was dictated by the science of Universology and the philosophy of Integralism. He had sensed, long before the efforts to build a United Nations, a general spirit of wholeness and oneness in human affairs. His Pantarchy was to be a universal government that would result in a millennial state, a "voluntary association of those who are like-minded in their diversity . . . a higher sort of Internationalism." 12 Since a new science and a new philosophy required a new language, Pearl Andrews had provided one. From his studies in some thirty Ian-

106

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

guages, including Hebrew and Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and Chinese, as well as Pitman phonetic shorthand, he had discovered an alphabet of sounds inherent with meaning and upon that base he had built the universal language of Alwato. He admitted, of course, that it was God who had actually conceived the language originally, and it had taken several millennia until Stephen Pearl Andrews had discovered what would soon become the vernacular of the planet.13 Not everyone lent a willing ear to the philosophizing of the Grand Reconciliator. Some were tempted to describe his preoccupation with Unism, Duism, and Trinism as a devotion to the "Surd, the Absurd, and the Absurdo-Surd."14 He himself could smile benignly at the scoffers, for he felt he stood somewhere between Bakunin and Swedenborg, holding the key that would unlock all the antithetical mysteries of the universe. Spiritualist and scientist, a moralist without religion, a religionist without morals, he had studied almost all there was to be studied in the world. He had delved into theology; he had practiced law; he had begun to join his wife in the study of medicine; all languages, all thought had been his province. Who, then, was better equipped to serve to the world the philosophy that would reconcile all philosophies, the science that would unite all sciences, the practical way of life that would bring about a federation of all nations? There was room for everything in Pearl Andrews' system: for spiritualism, since he would extend science to the region of spirit—and Victoria Woodhull was a spiritualist; for a kind of pre-Bergsonian elan vital that saw death not as the end of life but as an unnecessary detour along the road to immortality—and Victoria Woodhull believed herself immortal; for women's rights and for free love—and Victoria Woodhull was the exponent of both. Andrews' Primary Synopsis of Universology, to be published in 1871, was now in press. "Possibly," one reviewer would comment, "Mr. Andrews may understand what he means to say."15 Whether Victoria Woodhull understood remains highly questionable. Yet, attracted by the Pantarch and by his championship of the rights of women, she was determined in 1870 to give him the chance to say it. Victoria Woodhull 16 was shortly to become the first woman candidate for the Presidency, the first woman broker in the nation, and the first woman to point an accusing finger at the country's bulwark of

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

107

morality, Henry Ward Beecher. In 1870, when Pearl Andrews met her, she was already a biographer's "natural," a product of the times against which she inveighed, a microcosm of the century's eccentric philosophies and reforms. She was, to boot, a charming and beautiful microcosm of vanguard thought, a slight and "sparkling little creature" whose magnetic eyes were as dazzling as her brilliant oratory. Victoria was lithe and elastic, free and graceful, with a variable expression that intrigued many a connoisseur, including the experienced proponent of free love, Stephen Pearl Andrews. How much he knew of her history is uncertain. There were aspects of it that she refrained from publicizing. She had been born in September, 1838, at Homer, Ohio, one of a family of ten, all of whom bore fanciful names and fanciful histories. Her father, Reuben Buckman Claflin, was described by some as an eminent lawyer descended from a ducal family and by others as a conniving fraud. Her mother, Roxanna Hummel Claflin, was said to be a lady of royal German ancestry; she was also said to be a shrewish termagant born out of wedlock. Anything was possible for the procreators of the daughter whom they named after England's Queen. Victoria's early life reflected the fluid society of the country. With her family, especially with her sister Tennessee, she had earned money as a spiritualist and clairvoyant, a mesmerist and magnetic healer, a dispenser of an elixir of life and a cancer cure. During her early days as part of this family side show in the mammoth attraction that was America, Victoria, aged fifteen, picked up the first in her series of "husbands." She would, in due course, be "married rather more extensively than most American matrons." Her first matrimonial adventure was shared with Dr. Canning Woodhull, an incipient alcoholic by whom she had two children. After serving a turn on the California stage, she met her second "husband," James Harvey Blood, a virile colonel late of the Sixth Missouri Volunteers, spiritualist, intellectual, and reformer, with whom she joined forces in 1866. Not long after, during a sojourn in Pittsburgh, the spirit of Demosthenes, with whom she had been familiar since childhood, directed Victoria to move her ménage to New York. She obeyed the ethereal ukase, setting up a household that included two "husbands," two parents, and sister Tennessee. The spirit of Demosthenes was reliable, for not long after

108

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

her removal Victoria met Commodore Cornelius Vanderbilt who, it was said, so profited from the tips she dispensed during her clairvoyant trances that he provided an entrée for her into Wall Street. In February, 1870, the firm of Woodhull, Claflin & Company formally started business at 44 Broad Street. Victoria and Tennessee in their dark blue walking suits, their close-cropped hair topped with jockey hats, created a sensation as the Bewitching Brokers of Broad Street. But Victoria's interests were not confined to puts and calls or bulls and bears. She was interested in the efficacy of all dynamic spirits; she was interested, perforce, in the rights of women and the joys of free love; and when she met him in 1870, she was profoundly interested in the man whom some referred to as the greatest champion of women's rights and the father of free love: Stephen Pearl Andrews. Andrews returned the interest. He saw in Victoria Woodhull a dramatic heroine in the spectacle of reform, a charming instrument, a magnetic and useful ally. His interest in her was heightened when he learned that, with her sister Tennie and her husband, Colonel Blood, she was about to launch a radical periodical known as Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly. On an eventful day in 1870, Andrews climbed the three flights of crooked, rickety stairs to the Woodhull office. The philosopher was ready to negotiate with the publishers. Seated on a sofa, Victoria received him graciously while Colonel Blood stroked his magnificent sidewhiskers.17 Andrews was happy to accept an editorial post on the newspaper, although his position would be one in deed but not in name and although he would receive little or no remuneration for his outpourings.18 As he put it, "I have many things of immense importance which I want to communicate. . . . through the publication of books, . . . through lectures and public meetings . . . by teaching in classes, and . . . by conversations. . . . But after all these methods there remains what is probably the most efficient of all—the newspaper."19 Victoria Woodhull and Tennessee Claflin, believing in Andrews' capacity and reforms and needing material for their projected sixteenpage weekly, agreed to give to the Pantarch "the free opportunity to talk himself out."20 The first number of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly was issued from Park Row on May 14, 1870. Barring suspensions for bankruptcy and

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

109

obscenity charges and other "minor irregularities," it would continue until June 10, 1876. The historian of American magazines, Frank Luther Mott, has characterized it as a "strange and incongruous periodical" and as the "most spectacular advocate of suffrage in the period." 21 It was, indeed, both. It ran a wide and often ruthless gamut, covering the new, the sensational, the off-beat. It exposed with gusto the latest scandals in prostitution, railway frauds, and financial swindles. It endorsed with equal gusto the newest reforms in free love, woman suffrage, and industrial justice. Its original motto, "Onward and Upward," was changed to "Progress! Free Thought! Untrammeled Lives!"—a motto that accurately characterized not only the paper but its publishers. Although it was said that Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly was "edited in one world and published in another," it was very much of this world.22 It was very much of Pearl Andrews' world, too. Along with endorsements of clairvoyants, magnetic physicians, and gifted mediums, it advertised the writings of its "almost . . . editor," 23 Stephen Pearl Andrews, and by August, 1870, the "Lady Brokers' Paper" announced that it had become "The Organ of Universal Science . . . Universal Government. . . Universal Religion . . . The Universal Language . . . and of all the Unities." 24 While there was room in the Weekly for Colonel Blood's articles on bond issues, Victoria Woodhull's views on the social evil, and for advertisements of brokerage houses, by the summer of 1870 it had become principally the organ of the Pantarch. Despite his lack of remuneration—a lacuna probably filled by the sale of his pamphlets or contributions from friends of the Pantarchy— Pearl Andrews could and undoubtedly did rejoice. Now, when he had more to say than ever before, he had found a mouthpiece. The opinions that he had shared with his wife or with like-minded denizens of the Unitary Home could now be imparted to the ever widening circle of subscribers to Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly. In his "EPISTLE EXTRAORDINARY—No. I," Andrews reviewed his purposes: I want to make this newspaper a thousand times more than a mere newspaper; and I will make it, . . . into a sort of a walking University, going about all over the country; coming into your parlors and workshops and kitchens; settling the great questions of government and labor and life in

110

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

a way that a child can understand them; teaching science and art by a new and charming method.25 Into the Weekly Pearl Andrews poured the thoughts he had been cogitating for thirty years. He outlined, for the benefit of America's parlors and workshops and kitchens, the fundamental propositions of the Universal Government of the Future—"the United States of the World" 26 —and some time later La Woodhull donned a blue broadcloth suit with a double-breasted chinchilla cloth coat to present its constitution to the National Woman Suffrage Association in Washington.27 He issued his encyclicals on the New Catholic Church which would reconcile the unism of old Catholicism and the duism of Protestantism—a concept that prompted the New York Dispatch to comment, "The battle is between Pope Pius and Pantarch Stephen. 'May the best man win!' " 28 Pantarch Stephen was in his element. From an apparently limitless source he produced a torrent of words on the funding of the national debt and the conquest of evil, on stirpiculture and a new race of human beings, on phonetics and alphabets, on mediums and woman's rights. His "Cardinary Woman's Rights Doctrine'' announced to the nineteenth-century lords of creation that "Woman's Ability To Earn Money . . . is a better protection against the tyranny and brutality of men than her ability to vote" 29 —a doctrine to which Esther Andrews must have responded, "Amen." By May of 1871, Victoria Woodhull was so charmed by the Pantarch's eloquence that she gave him space for a "Weekly Bulletin of the Pantarchy." It has always been my intention [Andrews wrote] at a certain point in the growth of the Pantarchy to establish a newspaper organ to represent it. . . . I have at length hit on the device for effecting this end. . . . I propose planting this BULLETIN OF THE PANTARCHY in the heart of the larger journal, WOODHULL & CLAFLIN'S WEEKLY, and of making as much or as little of it from week to week as the humor prompts. . . . Records of progress and development, expositions of discoveries and principles, plans for future operations, correspondence with Pantarchians and enquirers, and miscellany bearing on Pantarchal affairs will fill the columns of THE BULLETIN.30 Fill it they did—disquisitions on every phase of human society recon-

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

111

structed on Andrusian principles. Since "the ideal of the Pantarchy was too grand, sublime, and many-sided to be grasped at once by the human mind," 31 the Pantarch presented it in weekly doses. He offered his thoughts on free love, caustically observing that "the words Free and Freedom are everywhere honored, except in the connections Tree Niggers,' Tree Women,' Tree Thinking' and Tree Love'." 32 He mused on what he called "The Double Doubleness of Things," announcing that "there is . . . a tremendous screw loose in our whole social constitution," a pronunciamento he attempted to elucidate by asserting that "the male screw demands the female screw, and without the conjunction of the two the weight is not lifted—the work is not done." 33 He undertook to instruct Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe on the nature of marriage, informing the author of Pink and White Tyranny, "I know more on this subject... than she has hitherto known from the cradle upward. I say to her that I am her legitimate master and teacher on that whole matter." And having rapped Mrs. Stowe's fingers, he concluded that "there is no other possible conception of purity than that of Free Love."34 Andrews even admitted to his columns articles that derided him, apparently enjoying any reference to his name, whether laudatory or derogatory. Among the more quotable in the latter category was the remark: "Mr. Andrews takes as many positions as a chameleon can colors; and he is like Pat's flea, when one gets one's finger on him he's not there." 35 As far as Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly was concerned, Pearl Andrews was very decidedly "there." In addition to his weekly Pantarchal Bulletin, he introduced into the newspaper a Bureau of Correspondence of the Pantarchy. As he explained: The labors that I have taken upon myself to endeavor to better the condition of the world, through these many years, and especially my recognized sympathy with women in their false and terrible conditions, have called out a wonderful mass of "confidences" and "appeals" which are sometimes heartrending. My pigeon-holes are stuffed with these cries of distress. Letters from all parts of our own country and abroad have overwhelmed me with a correspondence so great that I have often been compelled to seem cruel in failing to respond to it. . . . I propose using the columns of the "Bulletin" in some measure as the depository of these confidences.86 The Bureau of Correspondence of the Pantarchy, thus begun,

112

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

blithely undertook to "answer any question (admitting of an answer) upon any subject" at the price of ten cents for a postal card reply to a single inquiry and twenty-five cents for a 'letter of advice, information, or sympathy and consolation." With a Board of Managers headed by an ardent Pantarchan, Theodora Freeman Spencer, Pearl Andrews supplied the solutions to all questions of Pantarchal interest, from reform and spiritualism to unitary life and the new language.37 With deep regard for its most voluble and profound columnist, Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly printed not only his own views but also an impressive array of "Scientific Testimonials of the Extent and Importance of the Universological and Philological Discoveries of Stephen Pearl Andrews" which assured subscribers that with the advent of Pearl Andrews "a new era in the history of the world" had been inaugurated, an era that would introduce to the race of man "a Paradisic Existence whose pleasures will transcend the highest imaginings of so-called Utopian dreamers." 38 As usual, not everyone concurred. As The New-York Standard put it, Stephen Pearl Andrews' "organ is Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly— a journal that will be lifted into everlasting fame as the original mouthpiece of a science too grand for common mortals to talk about. . . . There is only one man—and two women—in the world to-day who knows what the Pantarchy is." 39 With the two women to whom the Standard referred, Pearl Andrews' relationship became closer and more personal as his association with their Weekly strengthened. As a result either of their brokerage exploits or the increased circulation of their paper, or profitable contacts with the spirit world, Mesdames Woodhull and Claflin had been able to establish themselves in what was described as "A Modern Palace Beautiful." There, as the months passed, the Pantarchal presence became, for some, an added attraction. In the Woodhull household Pearl Andrews found a second home, another podium from which to lecture, a stage on which he played the role of Interpreter to La Woodhull's Madame Roland. The Thirty-eighth Street Woodhull mansion—a four-story American basement with a massive brownstone front—boasted within its "gorgeous portals" gold chandeliers, purple velvet curtains, and "swinging censers of exotic perfume." A "wondrous dome," gilt and

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

113

frescoed, blinded the eyes with "a flood of light beaming through a circular sheet of glass, painted in the most exquisite colors" and picturing, appropriately, "the loves of Venus in delicate lines.'' Against this opulent background the publishers of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly planned their salon as a kind of "ladies' club house," a "Zodiac Palace" for sovereign individuals whose lives and thoughts and speech would be "untrammeled." As The Revolution and the New York World observed: Stephen Pearl Andrews will be associated with the ladies in making the club-house a court or centre of attraction for thinkers and reformers. His residence in this city has partaken of that character for many years, and in the present instance Mesdames Woodhull and Claflin will add to such attractions the element of wealth, which, unhappily, has been one of the few attractions of which Mr. Andrews was destitute.40 Pearl Andrews was more than a coadjutor in this resplendent domain of Carrara marble mantels and Brussels carpets. For a time, while his wife took "a voyage for the recovery of her health," he was actually a resident.41 Going down to the publication office for an hour or two every day, he spent the major part of his time in the mansion. When he was not preparing articles for the Weekly or writing speeches on free love for Victoria Woodhull, he held forth on Pantarchal themes for the benefit of enlightened visitors. Andrews later described the guests who assembled for social pleasure, discussion and séances at the "Modern Palace Beautiful." . . . for many years past my own residence, wherever I have been, has been a kind of center around which have gathered the radical, advanced minds on the basis of science and progressive reform; . . . going to Mrs. Woodhull's to reside, I transferred to her house that portion of my influence that attracted persons to me; and I found that Mrs. Woodhull had also a very wide acquaintanceship with leading men and women, and great power of attracting and interesting; . . . our combined powers were . . . exerted for the purpose of making this household a center of agitation in behalf of radical reform. . . . Perhaps the household resembled nothing . . . so much as . .. the salon of Mme. Roland during the First French Revolution— a rendezvous for men of genius, and women of genius, and the men interested in radical progress, and the women of similar interest.42 These men and women of genius included generals and judges,

114

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

bankers and labor leaders, women's rights proponents and newspaper editors, among the last, the handsome Theodore Tilton, introduced by Andrews. Despite the apparent respectability of its habitués, the Woodhull household raised Dame Grundy's eyebrows, mainly because of the presence in it of both Victoria's "husbands"—the now sick and alcoholic Dr. Woodhull and his successor, Colonel Blood. Pearl Andrews' eyebrows were raised only when his hostess was familiarly addressed as "Vic" or "Vickey." Otherwise he vigorously approved every "untrammeled" aspect of the ménage.43 "The Psyche Club House,"44 as the Woodhull residence was sometimes called, was the scene of lofty discussions on the tendencies of government or the efficacy of spirit guides. Pearl, "flourishing his sledge hammers and Damascene sabres of logic and wit,"45 led his listeners along Pantarchal paths or observed with interest a mediumistic exhibition enacted by La Woodhull or by his wife after her return. Occasionally, no doubt, visitors were treated to monologues and readings by Pearl's eldest son, William, who combined his work at the Internal Revenue Office with a stage career. Smiled upon by the spirits of both spheres, the Thirty-eighth Street mansion represented for Andrews a kind of "Pantarchal family Head Quarters" where "many of the elements of the true millennial society of the future" were illustrated in the present.46 Certainly one of the principal subjects of discussion concerned with a millennial society was the International Workingmen's Association, for at this period the Balmoral Brokers of Broad Street and their leading partner in reform joined the First Communist International.47 As a member of the "New Democracy," Andrews had in 1869 made overtures to the General Council of the International in London to affiliate with the International Workingmen's Association founded by Karl Marx in 1864.48 The "New Democracy" had been disbanded, but Andrews had not desisted from his efforts and, largely at his instigation, its members now organized in its place two native American sections of the International. Section 12, which became for a time the leading American section, was headed by Mesdames Woodhull and Claflin.49 The Broad Street brokers, making an ideological about-face, exposed the machinations of Americanfinanciersand proceeded to add

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

115

a vivid touch of color to debates on the referendum and voluntary socialism. At Andrews' prodding, they added also several strange new tenets to the labor doctrines of the International. Meeting two Sundays a month at the brokerage office on Broad Street or in the Woodhull parlors, they endorsed not only the acts of the Paris Commune, but woman suffrage, free love, and a universal language. Seeing analogies everywhere, Pearl Andrews perceived in the objects of the International the same objects he had worked for in his "Grand Order of Justice." Section 12 was swiftly transformed into yet another instrument of the Alwato-speaking Pantarchy. As he put it, since "the system of government of the world was going into a great unification, so must the language." 50 The parent organization, especially its conscientious German element, seems not to have fully appreciated the delights of international word-building or the efficacy of the Pantarchal system. They were, apparently, more interested in establishing an eight-hour day than in encouraging a single standard for the sexes, and not at all impressed by Madame Woodhull's dazzling eyes or Pearl Andrews' dazzling thoughts. As a result, the members of Section 12 were castigated as "pseudo-Communists," "sensation-loving spirits" who merely played with the labor movement. The trade unionists and Marxists repudiated the "bourgeois intellectuals" and parlor "radicals" who were becoming a divisive force in the International. The issue was referred to the General Council in London; the organization was split and by 1872 the entire Pantarchal brigade was expelled.51 Section 12 had none the less made itself felt. On December 17,1871, it had joined the Communist procession in honor of Louis Nathaniel Rossel, member of the French Commune and a favorite of Gambetta, who had been executed by the Thiers government at the age of twentyseven. Victoria Woodhull and Colonel Blood, Tennessee Claflin and Stephen Pearl Andrews had all marched in the parade from Cooper Institute to Thirty-fourth Street, along with the colored troops, the Cuban revolutionists, and the painters' society. A catafalque drawn by six gray horses draped in black followed the drum corps. In their buttonholes the gentlemen of the International wore red ribbons. This

116

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

public demonstration of "Honor to the Martyrs of the Universal Republic" 52 was followed two weeks later by a far more significant demonstration. On December 30, Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, having announced itself as "revolutionary to nearly all the established customs and usages of society,"53 printed in its columns the first English translation to appear in America of Marx's Communist Manifesta. The translation was preceded by a statement doubtless penned by Pearl Andrews: We reproduce an important document, principally the production of Karl Marx, the world-famous leader of the "New Socialism," which will be read with great interest at this time, when the progress of the "International Workingmen's Association" makes the historical evolution so clearly described in this manifesto one which should be understood by those who are desirous of comprehending the movement.54 With the publication of the Manifesto, Section 12 and its arbiter, Stephen Pearl Andrews, made their most important literary and historical contribution to the International. Believing as he did in internationalism of thought, language, and government, Andrews had for a time been able to use the IWA as a lever to exert his purposes. He had still another purpose, and Section 12 would in a few months' time have still another crowning achievement. In May of 1872, after their official expulsion, its members would call a convention of all the "male and female beings of America" to meet at Apollo Hall and create a new political party.55 Pearl Andrews, having struck at barriers of the mind all his life, was about to strike at still another. He was prepared to endorse the candidacy of a woman for the Presidency of the United States. The seeds of this new and radical idea had been planted some time before, perhaps during a woman's rights discussion in the parlors of the Woodhull mansion. On March 29, 1870, the bewitching broker had dispatched a pronunciamento based upon Andrusian logic to The New York Herald, where it appeared a few days later: As I happen to be the most prominent representative of the only unrepresented class in the republic, and perhaps the most practical exponent of the principles of equality, I request the favor of being permitted to address the public through the medium of the Herald. While others of my sex devoted themselves to a crusade against the laws that shackle the women of

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

117

the country, I asserted my individual independence; . . . while others sought to show that there was no valid reason why woman should be treated . . . as a being inferior to man, I boldly entered the arena of politics and business and exercised the rights I already possessed. I therefore claim the right to speak for the unenfranchised woman of the country, and . . . I now announce myself as a candidate for the Presidency.56 With this announcement, written by Andrews with the help of Colonel Blood, Victoria's charming little jockey hat had been hurled into the ring. If something came of her proposed candidacy, a woman President with a Pantarchal secretary of state could issue trinismal ukases in Alwato from the White House. Even if nothing came of it, the Andrusian concept of woman's rights would gain extraordinary publicity. During the months that followed, between his articles for the Weekly and his medical studies under Esther's guidance, between his investigations of Godin's Fourieristic Palace of Industry at Guise and visits to what was left of Modern Times, Pearl Andrews found time to develop a Pantarchal platform for the self-announced candidate. After exhibiting charts on Universology before the New York Liberal Club, he addressed the National Woman's Suffrage Convention to give Place aux Dames, and one particular "dame" seemed to be succeeding in securing a lofty "place." 57 Fortified by the philosophy of Pearl Andrews and the beneficence of her spirit guide, Demosthenes, Victoria Woodhull donned a blue naval costume and Alpine hat to present her Memorial to Congress. Its Andrusian thought was unmistakable. No new amendment was required to enfranchise women. If women were citizens, their right to vote was already guaranteed by the Constitution. All that was needed was that Congress enforce that right. Although Victoria's Memorial impressed the suffragettes, notably Susan B. Anthony, whose benign finger marked off the speaker's elocutionary pauses, the Congressional Committee's majority report recommended that it be laid on the table. None the less, Victoria, armed with the Constitution, had made it clear that "with the right to vote sex has nothing to do." With undeniable logic she proceeded to "ask the right to pursue happiness by having a voice in that government to which I am accountable."58 Her voice kept pace with Andrews' pen. The brokerage office was

118

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

converted into campaign headquarters for the political aspirant and a Victoria League was organized to support her candidacy. In a "Great Secession Speech" at Apollo Hall in May of 1871 she eloquently repeated the Andrusian syllogism: "All persons . . . are citizens. Citizens have the right to vote. Women have the right to vote." 59 At the evening session of the Woman's Rights Convention, Victoria reread her Memorial on suffrage and, according to the Tribune, "many persons went to sleep during its delivery."60 The public found the resolutions prepared by Stephen Pearl Andrews and read by the chairman, Paulina Wright Davis, less soporific and more alarming. His "startling, and pregnant propositions" were, characteristically, three in number: First—That it is no longer the suffrage question but the social question entire, and the complete social enfranchisement of the sexes, which are to be discussed and vindicated on this platform. Second—That a new government, adapted to the wants of the whole world, . . . has to be inaugurated, . . . to complete the political revolution in behalf of woman's rights. And Third—That. . . the inquisitional impertinence of an investigation into the personal characters of women who are able and willing to cooperate in the movement, . . . shall be completely and definitely set aside and ended.61 The results of his trinity of propositions were not all that Andrews could have wished. According to a historian of the woman's rights movement: The notorious Stephen Pearl Andrews prepared a set of involved and intricate resolutions which were read by Paulina Wright Davis, the chairman, without any thought of their possessing a deeper meaning than appeared on the surface, but they fell flat on the convention, and were neither discussed nor voted upon. The papers got possession of them, nevertheless, declared that they were adopted as part of the platform, read "free love" between the lines, and used them as the basis of many ponderous and prophetic editorials.62 While Andrusianism had been much apparent at Apollo Hall in May of 1871, Stephen Pearl Andrews himself had not been present. Less than a week before, he had suffered perhaps the greatest personal loss of his life, for his wife had died. On May 6, 1871, Esther Hussey Bartlet Jones Andrews, who had for so long been familiar with the

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

119

workings of the spirit world, made that world her own. The tragedy occurred at the time of the first convention of the American Labor Reform League which Andrews and Josiah Warren had attended. Upon his return home he learned of her death. There is no doubt that he had loved his second wife more deeply than he had ever loved any individual other than himself. She had shared his life and his thoughts, and his reaction to her death was so overwhelming that it can only be described as Pantarchal. After the funeral he sat down to write for Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly an extraordinary memorial: ESTHER.

Died (as Men Phrase Such Events), on the Sixth of May, 1871, in New York, ESTHER B. ANDREWS, (née HUSSEY,) W I F E OF STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS WHO INDITES THIS in memoriam.

And so has passed to a new state of existence the great woman, to help there, . . . and still more potently than here, the work of the inter-penetration and inter-revelation of these Two Worlds, which is now so rapidly progressing. Esther Bartlet Andrews has lived here one of the vailed [sic], obscured, hidden great female men of the earth. Her mission was one of profound significance, but not to be executed in the glare of public notoriety. Allied with one whose life has been hitherto only a preparation, a laying of foundations, she has been content to serve in that work wherever and howsoever service was needed, and by her powerful and perpetual co-operation through a long course of necessary sacrifices, to yield such help as no other woman could have given, . . . She has wrought and suffered, vicariously, in the saviorship of the future female world. . . . Illustrating in her character integralism, which is the reconciliation of all contrariety, she was the most impressible medium for the spirits of other spheres, and was yet of the most pronounced individuality in her own independent personality.... In a word, this grand woman was one of the Queen Women—the Queen Woman of the Moral and Social world. . . . She now enters the heavens, to reign morally and socially there;. .. She excels Mary, "the Mother of God," as much as the age we live in excels the first Christian century; and may she be held in that esteem by all true Pantarchians, in perpetuum.63 This remarkable eulogy naturally produced a "strange impression," causing ordinary readers to "smile rather than weep." 64 Andrews cared

120

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

little for the reactions of ordinary readers. He had lost not only his wife but his Pantarchess. Yet, so imbued was he with the sense of his own individual sovereignty, that he was able to face his grief, live with it, and eventually rise above it. Almost immediately he resumed his residence at the Woodhull mansion and his work for the Woodhull campaign.65 Having prepared for his candidate a speech on "The Principles of Social Freedom," he hovered at the foot of the Steinway Hall stage while she delivered it, following her words in manuscript. At its climax the fascinating financier announced, "Yes! I am a Free Lover! I have an inalienable, constitutional, and natural right to love whom I may, to love as long or as short a period as I can, to change that love every day if I please!"66 Upon this startling plank, the Woodhull platform was constructed while the Herald commented that Mrs. Woodhull was quoting the Bible in favor of promiscuity67 and Frank Leslie's Budget of Fun, having noted an amorous glimmer in Theodore Tilton's eye, proposed "Theodore Woodhull for president and Victoria Tilton for vice!"68 At length, in May, 1872, at an Apollo Hall convention, Victoria Woodhull was formally nominated as a candidate for the Presidency of the United States. Resolutions prepared by Andrews were read. The Equal Rights Party was officially inaugurated. Judge Carter of Cincinnatti stepped to the platform and announced, "I propose the name of Victoria C. Woodhull to be nominated President of the United States." A scene of "wildest enthusiasm" followed. Men jumped on the seats, threw their hats in the air, and shouted. Women screamed and waved their handkerchiefs. Then, "as if by magic, with a single mind, the vast audience arose en masse while the name of Victoria rang loud and long." Victoria, her face beaming under her highcrowned Neapolitan hat, shook hands with the gentlemen and kissed the women. A grand rally at Cooper Institute ratified the nomination, Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly blossomed forth as a campaign sheet, banners were planned, bonds announced, and, to the tune of "John Brown's Body" La Woodhull's constituents chanted "Victoria's marching on!" The first woman in the history of the country had been nominated for its highest office.69 While Victoria campaigned, through lectures and the columns of

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

121

her Weekly, Andrews polished up her platform. She would completely reconstruct the most important functions of government, remove the "oppressive weight" which capital laid upon labor, and advance the freedom of woman and the emancipation of the worker. As he saw it, "it would, . . . be the rightful and the graceful thing for the American people . . . to elect Victoria Woodhull President by acclamation, if it were upon no other grounds . . . than that she is a woman." 70 The American people were never given the opportunity to respond to Andrews' suggestion. By November, 1872, when they re-elected Grant at the polls, the Equal Rights Party had no electoral ticket and its erstwhile candidate was in Ludlow Street Jail on the charge of sending obscene literature through the mails.71 Her mentor had much to preoccupy him. Besides attacking the narrow, reactionary ideology of the self-appointed censor, Anthony Comstock, he was seeing through the press his longest, most elaborate, and least comprehensible tome, The Basic Outline of Universology. If his principles could not be promulgated by the occupant of the White House, indoctrination in the Pantarchy could take other forms. What better form than an ocean of printers' ink in which to sink or swim?

Chapter IX

THE COURT OF THE PANTARCHY

THE Basic Outline of Universology was published by subscription in 1872. The list of subscribers included Peter Cooper, David Dudley Field, and the well-known scientist Professor Youmans, along with a few of Andrews' early associates: the phonographer Augustus French Boyle; the manager of the Unitary Home, Edward F. Underhill; the collaborator in the author's French textbooks, George Batchelor; and Thomas Harland, husband of Esther Andrews' daughter. Yet, for all these supporters, the subscribers' list numbered only 133 names. Had it not been for the bounty of Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, "a woman of wealth and large-hearted philanthropy," the great work to which Andrews had given so many years of thought would never have seen the light of day. Mrs. Thompson, a "public-spirited widow" of New York, coupled broad interests with her enormous fortune. In a few years' time she would purchase for $25,000 a painting of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation to present to the United States. Now, for only $5,000 she gave to Pearl Andrews the opportunity to publish what he regarded as his major work. 1 He dedicated it appropriately to the two women who had supported and sustained him during his all but interminable labors: To my much-loved and respected wife, Esther B. Andrews; to the self-sacrificing and devoted woman; to the faithful coadjutor, wise and prudent adviser, and judicious critic, . . . and to her friend and mine, the early appreciator and patron of Universological Science, Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson.

Court of the Pantarchy

123

The thick quarto volume contained nearly 80 pages of vocabulary and 764 pages of text including a "Digested Index" of over 120 pages. Its title page alone was enough to discourage all but the most intrepid intellectual adventurers: The Basic Outline of Universology. An Introduction to the Newly Discovered Science of the Universe; Its Elementary Principles; and the First Stages of Their Development in the Special Sciences. Together with Preliminary Notices of Alwato (ahlwah-to) the Newly Discovered Scientific Universal Language, Resulting from the Principles of Universology. A diagram drawn, along with other charts and illustrations, by Andrews' versatile son, William, adorned the title page and below it appeared a motto from Plato, "God perpetually geometrizes." Andrews, too, perpetually geometrized in this, his most ambitious book, the distillation of his philosophy. In it he elaborated his doctrine of cosmical analogues, relating music and mathematics, theism and atheism, the horizontal and the perpendicular, the absolute and the relative. In it he flew to the empyrean on the wings of the spirit of Unism, Duism, and Trinism. According to the author, this was the "gate" through which "mankind may pass ultimately to the Reconciliative Harmony of Ideas." 2 For most readers, unfortunately, the pathway to that gate was blocked by Andrews' arid style and difficult ideology. His profuse commentaries and annotations failed to throw light upon such sentences as, "The Cardinal Numbers, Hinge-like or Pivoted, . . . are, . . . the principal domain of Numbers," 3 or, "The Pelvis is the Something-, . . . and the Skull the Nothing-Domain, . . . of the Abstractismus."4 Occasionally, however, the courageous reader, plunging through the brushwood, could find a paragraph or two that conveyed not only a lucid but an almost exuberant expression of the author's global credo: . . . the spanning of One Ocean by Telegraph, and the Other by Steam Navigation, belting the earth with vital Communication by this New Highway of Commerce; the definitive reversal of the currents of intercourse from the Old Eastern to the New Westerly Direction, . . . the Completion, in this age, of the toilsome researches of Physical Geography which have busied the world for thousands of years; . . . the Triumph of Freedom, Education, and Religion in the issue of the Great American War, and the definitive Intervention of the "American Idea" in the affairs of the World, marrying the two Hemispheres; the rapid Consolidation of Nationalities, as by the

124

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Growth of Russia, and other European Dominions, in Asia, and the extinction of the smaller States of Europe; the Planetary Abolition of Slavery; the War upon Intemperance and other Social Evils; the Incipient and Progressive Emancipation of Woman; the Advent of Modern Spiritism and Spiritualism, as indicative of the closer embrace of the two Worlds; the wonderful development of the Arts and Sciences; . . . the New Universal Language undergoing Development; and, finally, and more than all, THE UNIFICATION OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE through the Discovery of the Unity of the Sciences, together with the foreshadowing of a Pantarchal Régime, or Universal Spiritual Government for Mankind, . . .—these are some of the indications, . . . that THE PRESENT is the birth of a Total New Order of Events on the Planet.5 Those "indications" were, alas, not apparent to many. "Serious controversy against such phantasmal productions as this," one reviewer considered, "is out of the question. As well set out to vanquish a lunatic by logic"; 6 while another frankly stated, "I have been totally unable to make anything out of 'Universology,' . . . The whole system might be summed up as a fac-simile of St. Patrick's proof of the Trinity from the three-leaved clover."7 After a partial perusal of the mighty tome, the writer J. T. Trowbridge, was inspired to send a poem to The Atlantic Monthly in which he confessed: I read and read on, by divine curiosity Fired, in pursuit of one still missing page, One leaf, to redeem this portentous verbosity, Then—Well, I just flung down the book in a rage.8 Pearl Andrews still patiently waited. He had not expected immediate acceptance. Indeed, at the conclusion of The Basic Outline he had written: Whether this Treatise shall meet at once with the welcome reception and grateful appreciation of many minds,—the anticipation of which has served to brighten my solitary pathway in the deep recesses of abstract contemplation for thirty years,—the Event alone can determine. . . . the same patience which I have summoned . . . shall be summoned again to enable me to wait. . . . At least, having now accomplished a First Stage in my Labors, I shall seize the opportunity partially to rest, while yet busily and even laboriously engaged in the preparation of other ulterior and related Works.9 In 1872, when Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, as well as the Pantarchy, was at its height, there was little opportunity for the discoverer of the unity of the sciences to rest. He had long believed that the Pant-

Court of the Pantarchy

125

archy could be established only by converting the whole world into "A Great Practical School (or University) Constantly in Session" constantly studying "Every Branch of Knowledge, Philosophical, Scientific, Practical and Artistic." 10 Although his aims were, as always, grandiose, global, and planetary, he was willing to begin with a nucleus. Now, when, thanks to his voluble utterances in Woodhull & Claftin's Weekly, his name was better known than ever before, he was ready to inaugurate a pedagogical institution which he dubbed The Normal University of the Pantarchy. The working Pantarchists themselves were still an extremely small group of unknown initiates. Mary Leland,11 wife of the phonographer and reformer Theron C. Leland, had joined them, along with the New York lawyer and physician Horace Dresser.12 A few trance mediums and reformers completed the number of integral philosophers who, for a time, basked in the reflected notoriety of their leader. His students rarely numbered more than twenty, most of them women disciples—"polyandrous pantarchists"—who doubled as amanuenses.13 In spite of this meager support, Pearl Andrews in March, 1872, actually chartered his Normal University of the Pantarchy, filing articles of corporation in Washington, D.C. 14 This "First Class Working University" had "Planetary purposes," 15 among them nothing less than "the Grand Mutual Reconciliation of Humanity" and "the Virtual Inauguration of a Millennial Order on this Planet." 16 Those purposes were to be implemented by a hierarchy of professorships which would ultimately embrace "Ten Thousand" to accommodate "a Student Population of a Half Million Souls."17 Now, with only twenty students, Andrews was content with professorships of Universology and Integralism, Alwato and Pantarchism, stirpiculture and pneumatology or the science of spirit existence, along with more mundane professorships in political economy, medicine, jurisprudence, theology, technology, and sociology. A Constitution and By-Laws were indited for the Pantarchal University and a seal was devised to symbolize a "Tri-Unismal Union." Stephen Pearl Andrews named himself president of the Board of Managers, president of the University or chief of the professoriat and professor of Integralism.18 The actual working of the University did not match its impressive

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

126

OHAETEB, OR

ARTICLES OF CORPORATION OF

THE NORMAL UNIVERSITY

OF THE PANTARCHY; As an Institution of Learning, Theoretical and Practical, of the Grade of a First Class Working University, with Planetary purposes, for instruction in all the Higher Aspects, and in the Higher Domains, of Abstract and Concrete Science; Metaphysical and Practical Philosophy; Technology, or Science in the Trades and in Art; and, with the aid of Illustrative Object-Teaching, in every Department of Human Affairs; Incorporated under " an Act" of the Congress of the United States, "to provide for the Creation of Corporations in the District of Columbia by General Plate 6. Title page of Charter. Courtesy Mr. Verne Dyson, Los Angeles, California.

Court of the Pantarchy

127

plan. Because of lack of funds, no accommodations could be rented in Washington and the University's headquarters remained wherever the Pantarch happened to be—either in the Woodhull Mansion or later in his own home on West Fifty-fourth Street. The spirit world came to his assistance, for a medium known as "Sidney" reported that Benjamin Franklin was ready to co-operate in the great work. At the moment, Andrews felt a greater need of "one or more millionaires" than of Poor Richard's creator. None the less he persisted, teaching to augment "the circle of . . . appreciation."19 It is not impossible to reconstruct a session of the Normal University of the Pantarchy. Since all but one of the professorial chairs appear to have been chairs in name only, the school was limited to courses in Integralism conducted by Pearl Andrews. He was assisted, however, by three or four working admirers—J. West Nevins, his "volunteer aid-de-plume," 20 Michael Clancy, an "earnest laborer in the search after universal principles," 21 and David Hoyle, a manager of the Bureau of Correspondence of the Pantarchy.22 These gentlemen doubtless hung the charts that illustrated the lecture, started the question period off with a challenging query, and served as general factotums. The students, grouped around the Pantarch, fixed their eyes upon his lynx-like countenance and allowed themselves to be led on to speculations ever more lofty, to questions ever more daring. For his handful of followers Andrews embarked upon his monologues, pointing his finger at the charts that delineated the "Comparology of an immensity of diverse subjects."23 When his lecture ended he proceeded to answer any and all questions. What was "Up" and what was "Down"? "Every Point in the Sky may be Up, and Every Point Down." Science had taught him to accept apparent contradictions until he could perceive that "from the Centre of the Earth it is alike Up, to Every other Point in Space."24 From scientific analogies he moved on to other spheres of thought, to the social agitation of the day, "the true status of Woman in Society, and the true Relations of the Sexes."25 Nothing was alien to Pearl Andrews; no discussion was taboo; the archpriest of integralism bestrode the universe like a colossus, unlocking for his tiny band of priests and priestesses the gate that opened to the "Reconciliative Harmony of Ideas." 26 Sometimes, perforce, he resorted to Alwato as a medium for the expression of ideas for which there were no ade-

128

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

quate words in English. And sometimes his disciples joined in the delightful labor of word-building to enlarge the vocabulary of the universal language. Second only to creative philosophy itself was the teaching of that philosophy, especially to an audience so small as to be captive. Pearl Andrews was content with his still microcosmic university that must foreshadow the planetary university of the future. When he was not teaching or issuing ukases from "the Court of the Pantarchy,"27 he was inditing his weekly Pantarchal Bulletin, writing voluminous letters to the Positivist philosopher, Henry Edger, counseling liberals and spiritualists alike, and expounding his "peculiar views" before the American Labor Reform League.28 By 1875, when he was still preparing the world for the benefits of the Pantarchy, Pearl Andrews was called to a different kind of podium. He was subpoenaed from "the Court of the Pantarchy" to the Brooklyn City Court to give evidence in a trial that was to rock the nation. During the years when he had been enunciating his universological principles, a scandal had been brewing that involved not only Henry Ward Beecher, Theodore Tilton, Victoria Woodhull, and many of the bigwigs of the country, but the Pantarch himself. Eventually it would be known as the Beecher-Tilton Scandal29 and the nation would be shocked to learn that Henry Ward Beecher, the distinguished pastor of Brooklyn's Plymouth Church, had enjoyed an extramarital relationship with one of his parishioners, Elizabeth Tilton, wife of Andrews' friend, the phonographer, editor, and writer Theodore Tilton. On a summer night in 1870, the small, dark-haired Mrs. Tilton, mother of four, had confessed her adulterous acts to her tall, handsome, and impressionable husband. The outraged Tilton, fulminating against Beecher, had exploded the story to the woman's rights leader, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who, in turn, had reported it to Victoria Woodhull. Victoria Woodhull was not shocked by the deed. The translation of sexual freedom from theory to act had long been one of her standards. What bothered Madame Woodhull was Beecher's hypocrisy. Moreover, she had been sore tried by various members of the Beecher family. Harriet Beecher Stowe, the pastor's sister, had caricatured her in a novel, My Wife and I, and another sister, Catherine Beecher, believed her "either insane or the hapless victim of malignant spirits." Her own

Court of the Puntarchy

129

tripartite domestic arrangement had been the subject of malicious gossip. Henry Ward Beecher was, like Caesar's wife, above suspicion. Victoria Woodhull was not. The thorn rankled. Now, with Mrs. Stanton's revelation, she had the ammunition for her guns. She fired them first in a letter to the Times and The World: One of the charges made against me is that I lived in the same house with my former husband, Dr. Woodhull, and my present husband, Colonel Blood. . . . Dr. Woodhull being sick, . . . and incapable of self-support, I felt it my duty . . . that he should be cared for, . . . I esteem it one of the most virtuous acts of my life; but various editors have stigmatized me as a living example of immorality I know that many of my self-appointed judges . . . are . . . tainted with the vices they condemn; . . . For example, I know of one man, a public teacher of eminence, who lives in concubinage with the wife of another public teacher, of almost equal eminence.30 Her guns, still muffled, were fired a second time in a speech before a small convention of spiritualists in Boston.31 The third time she fired them they were unmuffled, and for that thunderous blast she employed the services of the most forthright champion of free love, Stephen Pearl Andrews. The November 2, 1872, issue of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly lit the sparks under the bonfire. In that issue appeared two articles. One, entitled "The Philosophy of Modern Hypocrisy," revealed the debauches of a broker, Luther C. Challis; the other, entitled "The Beecher-Tilton Scandal Case," revealed Henry Ward Beecher's liaison with Elizabeth Tilton. For the first article, ostensibly, Victoria Woodhull was charged by the self-appointed guardian of public morality, Anthony Comstock, with sending obscene literature through the mails and, instead of appearing on a Presidential electoral ticket, she appeared in Ludlow Street Jail. Actually, it was her libelous exposure about America's most eminent preacher that brought about her brief incarceration and the temporary suspension of her paper. That exposure had been penned in part by Stephen Pearl Andrews. It ran to four pages and began with the announcement: "I propose, as the commencement of a series of aggressive moral warfare on the social question, to begin in this article with ventilating one of the most stupendous scandals which has ever occurred in any community."32 It

130

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

"burst," as it was intended to do, "like a bomb-shell into the ranks of the moralistic social camp." 33 Eventually it evoked a library of pamphlets and poems, songs and burlesques, set off a train of trials, arrests, and re-arrests, and started a scandal that would hold its own for three long years. Within hours of its appearance copies of the issue sold for as high as $40.00. 34 A conflagration more searing than the great Boston Fire had been kindled. As "The Great Social Earthquake" 35 erupted, gossip flared. The inner life of Victoria's "Famous Family of Free Lovers" made sensational copy.36 Andrews, it was said, had put the free love theory into practice with a variety of partners, including not only Victoria Woodhull herself, but Victoria's "tender" niece.37 As for Beecher, he had been initiated into the doctrine by none other than Pearl Andrews. 38 By October, 1873, the illustrious pastor could no longer remain aloof. At that time Theodore Tilton was formally read out of Plymouth Church. A committee of parishioners, appointed by Beecher to investigate the "rumors," exonerated him completely. Frustrated, impetuous, aghast at a world that believed Beecher innocent because it did not wish to believe him guilty, Theodore Tilton in August, 1874, swore out a complaint against the minister, charging him with "having willfully alienated . . . Mrs. Tilton's affections for her husband." 39 On January 11, 1875, the case came to trial—a case that would last six months, consume over 2,700 printed pages of testimony, and, before it ended in disagreement, give to Pearl Andrews an unequaled opportunity for self-expression. Beyond the midway point in the trial, after more than a million words had been uttered about Mr. Tilton's bad company and Mrs. Tilton's adultery, about social revolution and monogamic marriage, Stephen Pearl Andrews was called by Tilton's lawyers in rebuttal. They hoped to prove that Beecher had been more intimate with the Pantarch than with Tilton and that Tilton's views of marriage resulted principally from opinions expressed in Beecher's own home. What they succeeded in doing was giving to the "Pontiff of Free-Loveism" an audience for an autobiographical narrative and a philosophical recital. Both Tuesday, May 4, and Wednesday, May 5, 1875, were, as the Times put it, field days "for the plaintiff in the Beecher case. The rush for admittance was as great as at any time during the trial, and the

Court of the Pantarchy

131

room was filled to overflowing At a few minutes past the hour Mr. Stephen Pearl Andrews took the witness stand." 40 Interest, which had heightened at word that Andrews would testify, may well have faltered in the course of his answers to Mr. Fullerton's questions. In reply to the query, "Since your residence in New-York what has been your occupation?" the Pantarch elaborated: I came to New-York City as an educationist; I was engaged in the business of introducing phonography and phonographic reporting; in founding this profession that is serving you now as it is, Sir. . . . My occupation from that time on has been, almost entirely, new and somewhat rare scientific and philosophical investigations—some efforts toward social reorganization—social construction. . . . I have been almost as voluminous an author as Mr. Beecher. . . . My first publications, when I resided in Texas, were legal translations connected with the Spanish language.41 Into his answers Pearl Andrews proceeded to throw all that he had done and all that he hoped to do. From his work in Texas and London for the abolition of slavery to his phonographic manuals, from his treatise on The Science of Society to his debate on free love, from his investigations in Universology to his "special elaboration of a new universal language," 42 he dilated, warming to the theme of himself. At his remarks on his consultation with Lord Aberdeen in London, "the whole statement of which would be another chapter in untold history," Mr. Fullerton quickly interjected, "Yes, Sir; I don't propose to go into it." 43 And, the Pantarch's "intellectual character" having been sufficiently elaborated, the court adjourned. When court resumed, the witness continued his autobiography, stating that he wished to add to the list of books he had written "a work on the Chinese language . . . in which I attempted to do, and perhaps did, for the Chinese written system what Champollion did for the Egyptian hieroglyphics"—to which Mr. Fullerton replied with a rather abrupt question: "When did you become acquainted with Mr. Theodore Tilton?" 44 To the million words already spoken in the trial, it soon appeared that Pearl Andrews might well add a million of his own. In their course he listed the distinguished visitors to the house of Woodhull and acknowledged that he had partially written the explosive article for Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, giving it a "literary . . . and . . . philosophic cast."45 He outlined with gusto his view of "the relation

132

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

of the sexes" as "a department of human life which should be relegated to the jurisdiction of the individuals immediately concerned."46 As the Times reported, "Mr. Andrews having got through with universology, alwato, Chinese metaphysics, and other matters of which he has exclusive knowledge, and has written works about, of which he is the exclusive reader, . . . descended to affairs more immediately connected with his presence on the witness-stand."47 Neither his presence nor his volubility cast any notable light upon those affairs. Despite—perhaps partly because of—Andrews' prolonged testimony, the jurors failed to agree and the trial ended in a hung jury. Although Victoria Woodhull promptly revived her Weekly to resume her anti-Beecher crusade, Beecher emerged from the scandal comparatively unscathed, finding that for him the wages of sin were $1,500 a lecture.48 Tilton, less fortunate, eventually abandoned the country to write poetry and play chess in a Parisian café. Andrews, besides having enjoyed his own field day in court, had found the public appetite for his views on free love so sharpened by the scandal that he was able to resume his great debate of twenty years before. After the exposure of the Beecher Scandal by Woodhull & Clafliris Weekly, Andrews' erstwhile opponent, the Swedenborgian, Henry James, Sr., was prompted to write a letter to one "H.Y.R."—Harvey Y. Russell, printer of The Saint Paul Daily Press—in which he declared, "the gospel of free-love . . . turns my intellectual stomach." On February 19, 1874, under the heading, "Morality vs. Brute Instinct," The Saint Paul Daily Press published the letter (page [ 2 ] ) , and Mr. Russell sent a clipping to Pearl Andrews. So, against the background of the Beecher-Tilton case, the free love ball was bounced back and forth again, much as it had been some twenty years before against the background of Modern Times and Andrews' "Club." The Pantarch, fortified in his views by the experience of the last two decades, again dismissed James' utterances as "balderdash" and reminded him that "the free lovers . . . have merely asserted the law of individual freedom, instead of,... social constraint, as the safer and better medium through which to conduct to the higher development of mankind."49 The correspondence was published, not in the Tribune this time, since Greeley had died, but in the columns of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly. Without descending from his ivory tower, the Pan-

Court of the Pantarchy

133

tarch allowed himself a sneer at James' aspersions: "I am not conscious of sweating so hard, spiritually,'' he wrote, "over the effort to be good as Mr. James deems it requisite; and e i t h e r . . . I never get to be so good as his ideal good man is, or . . . it comes more natural to me. Perhaps I was sanctified somewhat earlier, and have forgotten my growing pains." 50 Having converted, to his satisfaction, the doctrine of individual sovereignty endorsed by his old and recently deceased friend, Josiah Warren, to the realm of the affections, Andrews closed the discussion in the May 16, 1874, issue. He had added little to his original hypotheses despite the passage of twenty years. He had simply reminded the world of the steadfastness of his views and the authority of his name. By the time the controversy had been fully re-aired, the Pantarch, with a few minor exceptions, ceased contributing to Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly. His association with the fascinating financier and political aspirant to the Presidency had given him a journalistic mouthpiece when he most needed it. In due time the Weekly would die and Victoria would leave her native shores for England, repudiate the free love doctrine of Pearl Andrews, and marry John Biddulph Martin, partner in one of the oldest and most respectable banking houses of London. 51 While La Woodhull cultivated her productive garden overseas, the Pantarch continued to cultivate the ground he had made his own. As the last five years of the 'seventies ran their course, Pearl Andrews persisted with his Normal University of the Pantarchy, filing with the recorder of deeds in Washington its annual reports. Still goaded by lack of funds, he thought it best "to delay issuing diplomas" and confessed that "both the numbers of the students and their grading are necessarily subject to uncertainty and irregular variation."52 Although the number of students seldom exceeded twenty, he was able to set up a branch in Suite 4 of the Hotel St. Elmo in Boston and there, and in his own home on West Fifty-fourth Street, he restricted his courses to lessons in Alwato. 53 His star pupil was one Theodora Freeman Spencer, an early Pantarchal supporter. So advanced was Theodora that she was eventually able to carry on a correspondence with Andrews in the universal language, the key to which was unfortunately lost when she departed the

134

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

earthly sphere.54 Although Pearl Andrews prepared and published The Primary Grammar of Alwato as a textbook for his classes, in which he stated (page 5) that "the several parts of speech and grammatical definitions" were "substantially the same . . . as in the naturismal languages," they were apparently not sufficiently "naturismal." To later generations inhabiting the modern Tower of Babel, Alwato was unfortunately consigned to the domain of the dead languages. For Andrews in the late 'seventies both the language and the Universological thought behind it were still very much alive. One medium for the promulgation of Pantarchal principles was De Garmo Hall on the corner of Fourteenth Street and Fifth Avenue. Under the auspices of one Elijah R. Schwackhamer, a series of "reformatory and scientific meetings" was arranged primarily to give to Pearl Andrews the opportunity to spread the doctrine of his "New Catholic Church," the theological branch of the Pantarchy. Every Sunday morning, after "Master Benedict" had played the piano and a few short selections of poetry had been read, the Pantarch delivered his "sermon." The "sermon," recorded by a lady reporter called "Ghirardini," concerned any aspects of the Pantarchal order uppermost in Andrews' mind. He might discuss the "Science of Classification" or the "Classification of Science," "Organization by Orchestration," or Alwato. Charts depicting the Universological Map of the World or Organismology elucidated the discourse, while the Pantarch used blackboard and pointers to drive home to his listeners the theme of the unity of all sects in the higher religious life. According to "Ghirardini," his sermon was always "a treasury of rare knowledge, presented with the choicest grace of rhetoric." It closed with music and with the passing of two oval baskets of red willow. On Sunday afternoons members of the First Metropolitan Congregation of the New Catholic Church were offered either "a spiritual communion season, open for mediums" or "a Social and Spiritual Conference for the free interchange" of ideas. Since the New Catholic Church was the "Church of The Grand Integral and Final Reconciliation," it aimed at the "co-operative unity of all" through Universology. Since it hoped to reconcile all creeds through their very divergencies, it demanded nothing of its members, not even separation from their own particular sects. The Church of Humanity at Science Hall was

Court of the Pantarchy

135

an indirect outgrowth of Andrews' New Catholic Church, and so perhaps, more indirectly, was the Ethical Culture Society. For Andrews himself it was simply one more device to tear down the barriers of the mind, reconcile differences, and integrate mankind. 55 To this end he spoke and wrote as the decade ended. His Alphabet of Philosophy was an attempt to show that "all the ideas we possess are . . . evolved from a primitive Single Pair of Ideas"—Kant's Something and Nothing or "Aughty and Naughty," a "Somethingized Nothing" or a "Nothingized Something." 56 His Ideological Etymology presented to the American Philological Association a new method of classifying words on the basis of the ideas they express—ideas of division, unity, and transition between the two. His unpublished "Sciento-Philosophy or the Philosophy of the Sciences" was "An Essay at Ultimate Solutions." In 1877 he found a new organ for his ideas in The Radical Review published by the youngest Pantarchist, Benjamin R. Tucker.57 Tucker, the son of a New Bedford grocer, had discovered at the age of four that the Episcopal Prayer Book misquoted the Bible. The remainder of his life would be devoted to rectifying all errors theological, philosophical, and sociological. His eventual solution would be found in individualist anarchism, of which he would become the chief American exponent. Before that time, Tucker, still in his 'teens, had met Josiah Warren and Victoria Woodhull, becoming the ardent disciple of the former and the even more ardent disciple of the latter. He had been corresponding secretary and general agent of the New England Free-Love Society and had translated Proudhon's What Is Property? before May, 1877, when, at the age of twenty-three, this handsome, mild-mannered libertarian issued the first number of The Radical Review. To its columns Pearl Andrews contributed one of his most important economic essays, "The Labor Dollar," in which he upheld the regulation of bargain and traffic by equity alone and elaborated upon the method of exchange that had been used at Modern Times.58 In his devotion to Pantarchal philosophy Andrews did not neglect the more immediate causes of the day. He still upheld the nine demands of liberalism and inveighed against the Comstockian censorship that sent the radical pamphleteer, Ezra Heywood, to prison for sending so-called obscene publications through the mails. He endorsed

136

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Plate 7. Title page. Courtesy Mr. Verne Dyson, Los Angeles, California.

Court of the Pantarchy

137

the efforts to harmonize labor and capital in the newly established associative society at Vineland, New Jersey. He still believed that only through Universology could a social and industrial revolution be effected. In 1878 Andrews moved to his son Charles' home on East Thirtyfourth Street. This tall, slender, bearded young man was already an agnostic with a keen interest in atheism and in anarchism as a philosophy.59 He was also a dentist and doubtless through his connections with the American Dental Association that body actually introduced at its meetings a report on Alwato and Universological nomenclature in dental terminology.60 The nondental public was still not fully receptive to the Pantarch's ideas. In The Index, edited by the "Free Religionist," Francis Ellingwood Abbot, "Varying Views of Universology" were presented. There Andrews was acclaimed by one reader as a philosopher "greater than Aristotle, Bacon, Descartes, Spinoza, or Comte." Another was less optimistic: When I lately subscribed to your good little paper [he wrote], I little thought what an intellectual banquet was in store for me in the perusal of those wonderful articles on the "Science of Universology." . . . all is clear now; I am a changed man. The Betweenity of the Palpal no longer separates the Dummheit of Hegel from the Spundinudlichkeit of Oken, because the Kanteo-Mentology, hitherto veiled in the dim twilight of the Betwixt, has dawned clearly in my mind since I began the study of those papers. I read Universology constantly to my wife; and when friends come in to enjoy an evening, I read it to them, . . . If, perhaps, my friends do not come around so frequently as they did before, it is probable they are staying at home to ponder over the philosophy of Mr. Andrews.61 Mr. Andrews was neither amused nor shaken. Mr. Andrews, still searching for "ultimate solutions," had in preparation a long line of works that would adjust not only the alphabet but the life of the planet. If the ranks fell away from De Garmo Hall or readers mocked in the pages of The Index, there were other meeting halls and other organs for the dispensation of the new philosophy. The Liberal Club was one medium for the free exchange of free ideas. Some day there would be a grander medium, a Colloquium where Buddhist and Brahman, Jew and Christian, infidel and atheist would, under the omniscient eye

138

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

of the Pantarch, reconcile their differences and unite. At the age of sixty-eight Pearl Andrews still scattered seeds for the grand Universological harvest of the future.

Chapter X

"PROTAGONIST OF HUMANITY"

DURING

the last six years of his life, Pearl Andrews availed himself of three organizations for the spreading of his gospel. Two of them had been founded by others, but he used their platforms, much as he had used the columns of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, to enunciate Andrusian principles. The third he himself was instrumental in founding. All three became for him a kind of Normal University of the Pantarchy. Before them he stood, still tall and large-framed, his "noble, leonine head and face" with its full beard now bearing strong resemblances to Charles Darwin's. His keen eyes fixed his listeners as he inveighed against corruption and with an "extraordinary" command of language adumbrated the perfections of a society built upon Universological doctrine.1 The Manhattan Liberal Club became for Pearl Andrews a kind of theoretical branch of the all but defunct Normal University of the Pantarchy. Founded in 1869 as the New York Liberal Club, the society had split in 1877. The vital spark remained with the splinter group that called itself the Manhattan Liberal Club. It met every Friday evening in the German Masonic Hall on East Fifteenth Street for the purposes of diffusing information on "Scientific, Social, Political and Religious subjects" and of comparing views by means of "Lectures, Discussions, and the Circulation of Books." An outgrowth of the need for a free-thought exchange, it offered an "open arena for debating all isms, ologies, and reforms." It held with Jefferson that "error of opinion may be safely tolerated when truth is left free to combat it."

140

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

It did not aim to unseat the hobby rider or even to save him from his delusions. It merely questioned him. Indeed, its philosophy could be summed up as an interrogation point.2 One of its founders had been Thaddeus B. Wakeman, 3 a farmer's boy from Connecticut, who had studied law, worked for abolition, and become a freethinker. He did not always agree with Pearl Andrews but, with a shrewd glance from his spectacled, sultry eyes, he always listened to him. The members of the Manhattan Liberal Club, representing a multitude of professions and interests, agreed only to discuss and disagree. Robert Eccles,4 editor of the Popular Science News, was one. Dr. E. B. Foote, Jr.,5 the hygienist and vegetarian, a "neomalthusian crank" who waved the banners of eugenics and sexual emancipation, was another. Andrews' old associate, the phonographer Theron C. Leland,6 now a total disbeliever in Christianity and a devout scientific materialist, aired his beliefs with buoyant wit. Edward King, 7 "one of the peculiarities of the club," sometimes held that Pearl Andrews was dishonest, but listened to him none the less. Dr. Newberry,8 "apostle of Human Perfectibility," who wearied his audience exhorting them to be perfect, was privileged to be wearied in turn when Pearl Andrews took the floor. During his last years, Andrews was a faithful attender at almost every meeting of this club. He became its vice-president and at nearly every meeting his voice was heard, either with comment or with lengthy discourse.9 A ripple of applause accompanied him to the platform, where a tall, glittering brass lamp enabled him to read his lecture. He spoke mainly on theoretical subjects before this group of freethinkers—on "The Social Organism," illustrating the relationship between the individual body and the body of society;10 on "The Unitary Drifts in Modern Philosophy," demanding a "Universal International Nationality based on Individuality and Human Rights"; 11 on Mormonism, announcing, "The moment that we put arbitrary limits upon freedom there is no freedom."12 He regaled his club with a criticism of Herbert Spencer, concluding that whereas state socialism proposed to establish equity by compulsion, Pantarchism would establish it by "Guided Spontaneity."13 He presented his club with the "Key to Universology,"14 and on a night when the thermometer registered zero he discoursed on "Individuality, Anarchism, and Pantar-

""Protagonist of

Humanity"

141

chism" until the cold breezes in the German Masonic Hall scattered his audience.15 The Manhattan Liberal Club, an assemblage of devotees of free thought, was Andrews' mouthpiece. On Friday evenings he roused himself from his week's speculations to present his conclusions to those who upheld, if not "Untrammeled Lives," untrammeled thought. His presence was looked for, his influence was felt in a group so consecrated. As an accredited delegate to the Centennial Congress of Liberals, he had some years before offered resolutions to adopt the motto, "In things demonstrated and certain, unity; in whatsoever can be doubted, free diversity; in all things, charity."16 In the Manhattan Liberal Club, during his early seventies, Pearl Andrews found unity in diversity and diversity in unity. He even found what had so often been withheld from the Pantarch—the charity of tolerance. Through another organization Andrews was able to exert an influence less theoretical and more practical. The Union Reform League17 had been formed, partly through the efforts of Ezra Heywood, who had himself suffered the persecution of "gag law," not to speculate, but to lead to action. With a membership that included labor agitators, dress reformers, and sufragettes, it was a more militant group than the Manhattan Liberal Club and it was dedicated less to the delights of free thought than to the brandishing of a verbal club against the corruption that "stalked abroad in stately arrogance." There were evils in society that must be overcome: The growing corporations of the 1880's presented the threat of monopoly; the great banks wielded a control over the currency; the state intervened more and more in personal freedom and civil liberties; the influence of Anthony Cornstock was so pervasive that hundreds had been sent to penitentiaries and sometimes actually caged in jail for sending so-called obscene matter through the mails. In order to present a united front against inequities of all kinds, a "Co-operative Enterprise" in "all Schools of Reform," the Union Reform League had first convened in Princeton, Massachusetts, in the summer of 1879. Its objects were "to repeal legislative restrictions of natural rights; to diffuse knowledge for the promotion of individual and social improvement, and to encourage co-operative action in all progressive movements."18 Here was a platform upon which

142

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Pearl Andrews could plant both feet and by the time of the League's second convention in July of 1880 it was he who presided at the Princeton Town Hall. Then, and again in 1881, he chaired the meetings and presented the resolutions. Under his aegis, the Union Reform League became "an Individual Sovereign auxiliary of the Pantarchy."19 As the Manhattan Liberal Club served as a forum for Pantarchal theory, the Union Reform League became a kind of testing ground for the practical workings of the Andrusian system. It endorsed everything the Pantarch endorsed, from Suffragism, "the political expression of woman's desire to be mistress of her own person and destiny," to Trade Unionism which voiced "the protest of plundered, . . . millions of the wages class." It inveighed against compulsory reading of the Bible in public schools and, while it endorsed temperance, it attacked as invasions of liberty all laws that prohibited the sale of spirits. A nineteenth-century Civil Liberties Union, the League demanded the abolition of poll-tax qualifications for voters as well as of laws that taxed citizens to support war. Especially, it co-operated in repeated efforts to repeal the Comstock Statutes which imposed "ten years imprisonment and $5000 fine . . . to punish those who . . . impart knowledge to promote physiological discretion in the conception and birth of children." 20 Since, like the Modern Timers, the Reformers held that labor was the source of wealth, they supported service as the only equitable basis of ownership. Labor reform that would "put wealth into the hands that create it," land reform which would restore to human beings their "Natural Right to land," money reform which would make labor the only basis of exchange—these were the tenets alike of the Union Reform League and of the Andrusian science of society.21 The League was the Pantarchy's sociological arm. In 1881, presiding at its convention, Pearl Andrews offered resolutions on the science known as sociology and its relation to his philosophic system: "While all the sciences constitute a grand pyramid," he proclaimed, "of which Mathematics is the basis and Sociology the apex, . . . the appropriate name for the whole pyramid . . . is Universology." The Union Reform League accepted the nomenclature, scaled the pyramid, and elected Stephen Pearl Andrews president. It even went so far as to report its

"Protagonist of Humanity"

143

meetings, not in Alwato, but in a reformed spelling, and it advertised not only the pleasures of Mrs. Heywood's Mountain Home, but the Pantarchal publications of its presiding spirit.22 Those publications showed no signs of diminishing. Andrews found another organ for his latter-day disquisitions in The Truth Seeker, a journal edited for a time by De Robigne Bennett,23 a popularizer of free thought who had joined a Shaker community, dispensed quack medicines, and been jailed for publishing pamphlets on the degradations of married women. The Pantarch's thoughts on a variety of subjects, from Charles J. Guiteau,24 assassin of Garfield, to the meaning of money25 and ' T h e New Civilization"26 found a place in its pages. Still another means for the circulation of his views was afforded him by a firm known as S. P. Lathrop & Co. This was located at his son Charles' home at 201 East Thirty-fourth Street, where Andrews resided. S. P. Lathrop was a maternal relative, while the "& Co." apparently consisted of Andrews himself and such of his Pantarchal followers who were endowed with a superfluity of earthly riches and philanthropic inclinations. S. P. Lathrop & Co. sold Andrews' earlier writings and published his later ones, among them his Elements of Universology, An Introduction to the Mastery of Philosophy and the Sciences, (With special reference to the Science of Music). In that work, besides developing the analogous theses of Universology, Andrews enunciated a thought far in advance of his time, a thought that indicated his search for a kind of universal energy pervading all things. "Universology," he wrote (page 5 ) , "is the science of the Unity in Variety of all possible phenomena, in all the spheres of Being; in the same sense as that in which 'the students of molecular physics have discovered the unity in the seemingly so totally different phenomena of light and of sound'." Perhaps Stephen Pearl Andrews might have found a larger niche in a world familiar with Einstein's work on relativity and the atomic researches of nuclear physicists. In such a world his metaphysical vaporizing might have taken on more substance. As it was, during the early 1880's, his thoughts arrested principally the small group of Pantarchists who visited him at East Thirty-fourth Street. At his son Charles' home the little Andrusian circle was welcome. William Andrews 27 joined it occasionally, sharing with it the hot-blooded radicalism that flowed in his veins, or varying his father's

144

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

pontificating with lively anecdotes and amusing stories. The young mathematician Charles de Medici could be relied upon for thoughtful comments conciliating Darwinism and theology, for he had recently written a treatise entitled Groundwork of Classification on principles approved by the archpriest of classification and conciliation.28 Mary Tillotson's remarks on dress reform were provocative, since she was preparing a history of the "Science Costume Movement'' which would be printed in the improved spelling. She herself was less provocative to Pearl Andrews, for, in a rather extraordinary letter prompted apparently by her proposal of marriage, he wrote: "When women assume the free role, and take the liberty 'to propose' as men have done in the past, they take also the liability of men, to be rejected; . . . The only alliances, . . . which I desire . . . are those which . . . help me to . . . diffuse the knowledge of, . . . Universology."29 Although Andrews was never to marry again, his circle, even in his declining years, consisted primarily of "the women who . . . understand my teachings."30 One of the most understanding continued to be Theodora Freeman Spencer, with whom the Pantarch kept up a lengthy correspondence in Alwato when he was not in residence. For the most part, aside from his visits to Princeton, Massachusetts, to officiate at conventions of the Union Reform League, Andrews did not venture far. His Friday evenings were devoted to the sessions of the Manhattan Liberal Club and in 1882, at the age of seventy, he was all but completely engrossed by the meetings of a third group of thinkers whom he had been instrumental in assembling. The Colloquium 31 was for Pearl Andrews not merely another Pantarchy in miniature, but the culmination of his life work. Like all his life work it would not live up to his expectations. None the less, it would provide him with the final podium from which to hold forth and it would reflect the discoveries that still teemed in his searching mind. Unlike the Union Reform League and even the Manhattan Liberal Club of which it was an outgrowth, the Colloquium consisted of a body of trained theological thinkers with markedly divergent points of view. The idea for the free exchange of ideas, particularly on religious subjects, had been originally suggested by the Baptist minister and president of Rutgers College, the Reverend Dr. George W. Sam-

"Protagonist of Humanity"

Plate 8. Letter written in Alwato by Andrews to Theodora Freeman Spencer, March 30, 1880. Courtesy Mrs. Muriel Streeter Schwartz, New York City.

145

146

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

son, and the name, "Colloquium," had been contributed by the elder Rabbi Adler, but it was Pearl Andrews—the minister who had never been ordained, the preacher without benefit of congregation—who actually organized the association. It was he who issued the call, devised the platform motto, enunciated the principles and attempted to make of the Colloquium a Sanhedrim of all the schools that boasted the tallest pulpit on the planet. Andrews' Sanhedrim was the meeting ground not only for the representatives of Judaism, the eminent Rabbis Gottheil and Huebsch, but for the ministers of various Christian denominations, for, according to Andrews, it was they who, to a great extent, ruled the population. The Colloquium would be his club of freethinkers, his Normal University of the Pantarchy and his New Catholic Church rolled into one "Church of 'All-Religions'," the "Universal Church of the New Order." Answering his call, seeking a common ground, came delegates from many sects—a Congregational minister, the stately Dr. Newman who had once been Grant's pastor and had preached on plural marriage; an Episcopal minister, the Reverend Joseph H. Rylance; the pastor of the Church of the Messiah, the tall, gray-haired Reverend Robert Collyer. With the ministers came a physician, Dr. Louis Elsberg; a University president, Dr. Samson; and a freethinker, Thaddeus Wakeman. Others responded, too, sitting in at meetings—an associate Reformed clergyman, John Forsyth; a writer on temperance and spiritualism, Dr. Newton; a learned Reform rabbi, Dr. Kaufmann Kohler. Buddhists and Brahmans, Mohammedans and Confucians would have been welcome, too, for the theme of Andrews' Colloquium was, like the theme of Universology, "Variety in Unity and Unity in Variety." It met wherever space was available—in Dr. Collyer's study, Dr. Newman's vestry, or even in a parlor of the Windsor Hotel on Fifth Avenue. Its first meeting was held on March 8, 1882, just two weeks before Andrews' seventieth birthday, and at his call it reassembled in the spring to think aloud and listen, to discuss and converse. In his 32 "COLLOQUIUM D O C U M E N T N O . I," presented to the membership, Pearl Andrews announced the platform motto, a variation of the motto he had once submitted to the Centennial Congress of Liberals: "In things proven, Unity; in whatsoever can be doubted, Free Diversity; in things not trenching upon others' rights, Liberty; in all things, Char-

"Protagonist of Humanity"

147

ity." The motto was the nucleus of his life thought; the Colloquium became its sounding board. The Pantarch, still tall but showing the signs of advancing age in the grayness of his beard and the increasing stoop of his shoulders, resembled not so much the benevolent Mephistopheles of earlier years as the patriarch and prophet when he stood before his peers to enunciate his reconciliative, universal grand design. The design was still the same. In a paper on " O u r Differences, Unities, and Purposes," 33 he reminded the theologians of the "two, primordial principles in the constitution of things," the principles of Unity and Difference or Unism and Duism. The very oppositeness of religion and science, church and state, like that of man and woman, rendered them "counterparts, . . . the necessary complements of each other." Andrusian Integralism would combine them in the higher form of unity he called Trinism. The Universal Church, of which the Colloquium was the nucleus, would not prohibit divergency but would protect the exercise of individualism. This was Andrews' discovery—the attainment of unity through disunity, scepticism, and heresy. "We have been looking for unity purely and simply through the principle of Unity, which is like lifting a great weight by mere hand labor, while the new method, that of looking for unity through the mediation of difference, is like the introduction of leverage into machinery."34 Reflecting "unity through the mediation of difference," the Colloquium, Andrews predicted, would be "a grand working centre, . . . with an arena no less than the entire social destiny of mankind." 35 The mere fact of its existence, he held, marked an epoch. He rose to oratorical heights as he described its expected sphere of influence: . . . the leading object of this Club, . . . should be, . . . to inaugurate certain great planetary enterprises, looking to the greater unity of the nations, and a higher perfection in the administration of all human affairs. This whole world is destined, at no distant day, . . . to become one people. China is not so far distant from us to-day as South Carolina was at the time of our Revolutionary War, and every year all the people of the world are approximating nearer and nearer to each other. We compass the earth in less than a hundred days, and yet it has . . . no less than two or three thousand different languages, and as many different forms of government. . . . while we have as yet no body of persons anywhere, . . . which is charging itself with meeting the new contingences which the future is thus urgently thrusting upon us. I propose that this Colloquium shall begin to fill this

148

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

void, and that all such questions as a Universal language, a Universal government, the Unity of Religions, and the like, should be deliberately accepted by us as the staple subjects for our consideration. I have, myself, an ocean of facts and ideas and propositions to submit on all these subjects,... I contemplate a body . . . which shall . . . divide into sections charging themselves with all the great branches of unitary human affairs.36 For a variety of reasons, Andrews' conception of a League of Nations and a League of Religions, directed by this body of trained thinkers, never materialized. In the course of some three years of meetings at which the Andrusian system was pondered and discussed, Volume I of the Colloquium's Transactions was published by S. P. Lathrop & Co. Volume I was not followed by later volumes. Along with all his other grand designs, the Colloquium suffered an untimely end. The world was not yet ready to consolidate on the Pantarch's terms. Moreover, while the members of the Colloquium were prepared to accept Andrews' insistence upon applying the scientific method to religious and sociological thought, they balked at accepting his idea that that method was the Messianic method heralding the second coming of Christ. His pronunciamento that "Jesus foreshadowed,... the future advent of the Scientific Method" 37 was not altogether palatable, especially when it was accompanied by a hint that the Pantarch might be identifying himself with the Messiah. By 1885, when the Pantarch showed unmistakable signs that he was not immune to the ills of aging flesh, the meetings ceased, the membership dispersed, and the Colloquium was dead. Not so its leader. Although he suffered from kidney and bladder disorders and was often unable to take nourishment, he continued his labors. Tended now by a dwindling corps of Pantarchal devotees led by the ever faithful Theodora, he converted his son Charles' home into a literary factory and his sickroom into a study. He was writing compulsively now, as if he knew his days were numbered. At night he asked for pen and paper and when he was moved under the light he wrote on until Charles or Theodora stopped him. Despite his pain, he eagerly welcomed the printer who came with proofs and immediately roused himself to correct them. When Theodora gently remonstrated with him, he replied, "What is my good compared with that of the whole world? Don't bother me with this. What if I do add a little suffering and shorten the time a little?" 38

"Protagonist of Humanity"

149

So, from his sickbed, the Pantarch dictated or wrote his pamphlets: Protestantism, Libertarianism, and Democracy, the "Universal Church of the New Order," The One Alphabet for the Whole World—some of which S. P. Lathrop & Co. promptly printed as The Universal Tract Society Tracts.39 He was still the leader of the "nodus of integral geniuses" who constituted the "true regency" of the planet. The fact that those "integral geniuses" were "hardly known to the world" and that he himself was derided more often than he was applauded made no difference whatsoever. His time was still to come.40 In August, 1885, Andrews, ordered to the country by his physician, selected the home of Charles Codman in Brentwood, Long Island. Since Brentwood had once been known as Modern Times, it was a suitable retreat for the philosopher of universal equity, who, after more than thirty years, was reminded of struggles still unresolved and purposes still unrealized. Despite his weakness, he listened with "cordial approval" while Codman read to him a manuscript by the Positivist, Henry Edger, on a proposed league of all religions.41 He was impelled more than ever to get all his thoughts on paper so that others could continue the labors he had begun. Back home, Andrews worked intensively upon his Dictionary of Alwato and of Universal Ideas while Theodora Spencer took notes from his dictation. The discoverer of the one alphabet for all the world hoped to complete it for the public within the year.42 He wished, too, he told his devoted amanuensis, to announce to the world that he, the Pantarch, was the reincarnated Christ. Gently Theodora dissuaded him.43 Perplexed, fretful, but acquiescent, he sank back against the pillows but his bony finger still pointed at the millennium. To the question, "Are you troubled with any doubts or difficulties in your mind?" he answered in a manner fitting for a philosopher, "No, I am perfectly content to meet whatever is inevitable."44 The next day, May 21, 1886, he asked to be raised up in bed to add a touch to his Dictionary of Alwato. In a whisper he dictated to his amanuensis the change of a few words in the title. Then, "with a smile of recognition," he closed his eyes. At seventy-four he still believed that he had discovered the greatest of all the sciences; he was still certain that, despite his unfinished work, the millennium was at hand. Yet the Pantarch had

150

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

been unable to withstand his last derider, that unnecessary interruption, death.45 On Sunday afternoon, May 23, funeral services were held in the Liberal Club rooms at Masonic Hall. Since the city had few tears for reformers, it was left to the "heretics" to honor his memory, and the "brotherhood and sisterhood of born radicals" filled the hall.46 Before Andrews' sons and old associates, the gentlemen of the Liberal Club, the trained thinkers of the Colloquium, and the faithful few of the Pantarchy, Τ. Β. Wakeman delivered his oration.47 It was less a eulogy than a biography in essence of the "veiled prophet." Wakeman reviewed the acts and the thoughts of a lifetime, the abolition crusade in Texas and the introduction of Pitman phonography into the country, the construction of a universal language and the contemplations of a man who had "made Philosophy a business," the philosophy of reconciliation that sought analogies and built an integral system upon them. After Wakeman's lengthy discourse, the president of Rutgers College, Dr. Samson, offered a few "Remarks," recalling the "noble friend." After the services the Pantarchal remains were taken to Woodlawn Cemetery. Since Pearl Andrews had been more widely known "twenty years ago than at the time of his death," 48 the newspapers did not neglect the "plots" of the Chicago "anarchists" in the current "Haymarket hysteria" to give wide coverage to his career. None the less, they recalled its varied aspects,49 from his legal counsel for the famous Myra Clark Gaines in Louisiana to his antislavery crusade in Texas, from his negotiations in Britain to his Pitmania, from his mastery of many tongues to his discovery of one tongue for all the world, from his work for Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly to his Pantarchal philosophy. Benjamin Tucker's periodical, Liberty, accorded him perhaps the fairest tribute when it stated: "Stephen Pearl Andrews is dead. More mental force went out with him than is left in any one person on the planet.. . . We are too close to him in time to judge him justly."50 Others judged him, none the less, for better and for worse. A member of the "circle-band" of mediums reported that after his "transition" he had been warmly welcomed to the "spiritual world." . . . I watched with interest the arisen souls who flocked around to give

"Protagonist of Humanity"

151

him greeting. Among them I saw the apostle of freedom, Charles Sumner, with his good friend William Lloyd Garrison, and not far off the silvertongued orator, Wendell Phillips, . . . then came those who when on earth were weary, worn and sad, . . . who had gained encouragement . . . from this man, . . . with smiling, radiant faces they joined in giving him a warm greeting.51 The Reverend William Rounseville Alger was less sanguine about Andrews' past and future life. In a long doggerel poem entitled "Stephen Pearl Andrews as a Protagonist of Humanity" he wrote: He ever thought, this reasoner strong, He was the foremost man on earth What was it held him back so long From throne and crown seen since his birth ? . . . prurient flesh & piercing mind Dulled down ideal imagination And made the heart lag far behind The autocratic aspiration.... . . . By many a different lure enticed, A long-haired, high-cheeked, motley crew, Who hailed him as a Yankee Christ. . . . The new Messiah of the Stews.... "To one vast system round & whole If you the universe have brought, May God have mercy on your soul, For men will understand it not!" . . . His Universologic Book On Basic Outlines of the All, With no one on its leaves to look, Lies draped with dust against the wall.52 While the medium's report of Andrews' life in the spirit world cannot be corroborated, Alger's weak quatrains can. On one point at least he was right. The Basic Outline of Universology was ignored for almost a century until current annoucement of the Burt Franklin reprint. Other works by Pearl Andrews—especially his Science of Society which was re-issued several times—have fared better. Even his unpublished writings attracted interest from time to time. In 1889, his son William appears to have contemplated publishing them, for a Pantarchist in Washington wrote him a letter stating, "I

152

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

have figured up the amount of manuscripts, & c. in the trunk which will be in shape for publication and find that they amount to 2377 pages of three folios to a page. . . . I will get the MSS. ready & send them on as soon as I can."53 William abandoned the project, but in 1916 A. L. Leubuscher, erstwhile Professor of "Aro-Ki-Therapy," the "Adjustment and Movement Cure," considered the possibility of editing Andrews' "great philosophical, metaphysical, linguistic, & sociological works." 54 Finally, in 1925, an Andrews relative gave the Pantarch's voluminous papers to Professor John R. Commons, "creator of American labor history," who presented them, as part of his important collection on labor and industry, to the University of Wisconsin.55 According to The National Cyclopœdia of American Biography (VI, 443), "His unpublished works will fill several volumes. His manuscripts have been collected and arranged, and it is intended that they shall be published." In 1933, the collection was transferred to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin where, at long last, the Andrews manuscripts, though as yet unpublished, have ceased to gather dust. In a sense, the works of Pearl Andrews were more fortunate than their creator. The Pantarch's remains, placed in the Receiving Mausoleum of Woodlawn Cemetery, were undisturbed for nearly four years. Then, in 1890, because of nonpayment of rent, they were removed and buried along with three other bodies in what is known as Lot A, Range 100, Grave 13, near the North Border. In his funeral oration to Pearl Andrews, Τ. Β. Wakeman suggested a lengthy epitaph to be inscribed upon his tomb, an epitaph that would record for all time his theory of unity in diversity, his principles of complements and analogues, his philosophical answer to the universal interrogation point. As it turned out, the Pantarch was buried in a grave marked by neither stone nor name nor number.56 The philosopher who saw the world as one, the reformer who hailed the approaching millennium, has become anonymous in the end. Even his dust has lost its identity. In his net, Pearl Andrews caught everything but an adequate discipleship. Primarily, despite his dynamic personality, he failed to attract a powerful following because of his humorless insistence upon his own leadership. A world that might conceivably have accepted his

"Protagonist of Humanity"

153

version of the Pantarchy could not accept the often crusty and unapproachable Pearl Andrews as Pantarch. His ego intruded upon his system until at the end it took on Messianic proportions and he was scorned as a megalomaniacal and even amoral crank. To this major flaw he added a minor one—a prose style which, at once verbose and arid, reflected a pedantic and legalistic predilection for unnecessary synonyms. His prose, as he advanced in years, lost its earlier lucidity and became a thicket of brushwood all but impossible to penetrate. Then, too, his excessive devotion to numbers, especially the number three, led many to discount his theories as a hodgepodge of magic and mysticism. In addition, his system—the science of Universology, the philosophy of Integralism, the government of the Pantarchy—was too all-embracing to be grasped by more than a handful of followers. His claims for it were often ludicrously grandiose and extravagant. It was a planetary system, propounded in an age whose scope of interests was narrower, more limited than his own. In this respect, as in others, he was far in advance of his times. Yet if, as Thoreau wrote, " O u r thoughts are the epochs of our lives; all else is but a journal of the winds that blew while we were here," then Pearl Andrews' life was epochal indeed. For there is no doubt that he was consistently "a courageous and independent thinker" to whom no field of thought was alien.57 His greatest eccentricity lay in his refusal to allow others to think for him. In 1885, in ' T h e New Civilization," he wrote: A lifetime . . . has been expended by me in studying to find out the significance of the present age, the destiny of man on the planet, and the Universal Laws . . . by which humanity can be definitively forwarded in its struggle for self-perfection,... I discovered early that reform was struggling blindly,... and that reformers . . . must become scientific. . . . the science of man . . . involved the necessity of the discovery of those general scientific truths which permeate all nature, . . . in order to the possession of any true science of social affairs, we must first have . . .an absolute science of universal things,... Somewhat more unconsciously, I had been a long time in the pursuit of this same universal solution—the scientific key to all knowledge. Reinforced by this perception of the necessary relationship of universal science to social science, I was stimulated anew to the double purpose of becoming, if possible, both philosopher and reformer in one. . . . for more than fifty years,

154

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

my life has been a series of continuous intellectual investigation, . . . tempered, . . . by equally continuous efforts at experimentation and practical applications, partly upon a large public arena, but far more extensively within the immediate range of my own school of reform, and of my own personal surroundings.58 What were the results of this lifetime devoted to the discovery of universal laws? Andrews himself predicted that "for a century to come," his three great catchwords—Universology, Alwato, and Pantarchy—would "fall from the lips and flow from the pens of the whole world more frequently . . . than any other. The time is ripe," he wrote in 1885, "for the definitive announcement of the Organic Unity of Mankind." 59 At his death, one newspaper asserted, "The world at large is unable to determine whether he was a crank or the founder of a great system of philosophy."60 Today, though the time may not yet be ripe for the "definitive announcement of the Organic Unity of Mankind," it is certainly ripe enough for an objective appraisal of the definitive announcer. Where, in the hierarchy of the world's doers and thinkers, reformers and philosophers, does Stephen Pearl Andrews belong? In the history of American reform he must be accorded a place as one of the founders of the early abolition movement. Had he been martyrized in the course of his antislavery agitation in Texas, that place would long since have been accorded him, and with Elijah Lovejoy and John Brown his name would have been known to the history books. Although his abortive work in Britain backfired and hastened the annexation of Texas as a slave state, his bungling interference was courageous. It was high-handed, but it was also high-minded, and by its very failure it altered the course of American history. Andrews' acts on behalf of civil liberty were based upon his philosophy of civil liberty. "The moment that we put arbitrary limits upon freedom," he wrote, "there is no freedom." 61 He was immersed in the Locke-Jefferson tradition that insisted upon individual initiative and distrusted government interference. Out of that tradition and out of his borrowings from Kant's Protestant spiritual freedom and Thoreau's civil disobedience, from Bakunin's anarchism and Spencer's principles of ethics, he emerged with an arbitrary insistence upon the sovereignty of the individual. The interference of government in personal liberty

"Protagonist of Humanity"

155

could move him to profanity, whether it was interference in free trade or free thought, free land or free love. His version of individual sovereignty, with its proviso that it infringe not upon the individual sovereignty of others, led to other widely disparate versions of the same philosophy. Benjamin Tucker's complete repudiation of the state was one outgrowth of it. Another was the Blodgett Health Colony of young anarchists in Florida, to whom Andrews was a god.62 Ayn Rand's peculiar views on American free enterprise rest heavily upon the Andrusian doctrine of individuality and so, most ironically, does the Goldwater concept that governmental activity must be limited and decentralized to protect man's freedom. Like his crusade in Britain, Andrews' insistence upon individual liberty in the nineteenth century has backfired until, in the twentieth century, it has become a standard held aloft by a radical not of the extreme left, but of the extreme right. In his introduction of Pitman phonography into this country Andrews ultimately achieved success. Indeed, at his death, The New-York Times dubbed him the "father of the present phonographic reportorial system."63 Yet even here his success was tinged with failure, for Pitman shorthand was accepted by this country not to carry out Pearl Andrews' purpose and provide a shortcut to learning for the underprivileged, but primarily to provide a shortcut to business transactions for the world of commerce. In line with his interest in phonography was his interest in printing and spelling reform. His attempt at "a Scientific Adjustment of the . . . Roman Alphabet" 64 was endorsed by only a scattering of reformers in the nineteenth century. Not until George Bernard Shaw provided the means for a reform of the alphabet and Pitman's descendant, Sir James Pitman, provided the resources of his publishing firm, was any widespread notice given to this project. By that time, Andrews had been forgotten and his name was absent from all reports about the use of the new alphabet. Like the great Italian humanist, Pico della Mirandola, who mastered more than twenty languages and believed that all languages were "rational divisions of one universal language," Pearl Andrews scaled the Tower of Babel in an attempt to thrust it down. On the basis of the sounds of nature he constructed—or discovered—a universal language which, he wrote, would open the way to the "intellectual unification of all parts of the universe" and would be "to the two or three thousand

156

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

languages on the earth what the railroad is to the common road; reconciling differences, harmonizing mankind; . . . inaugurating the intellectual, scientific, and social millennium." 65 His universal language, Alwato, based upon phonetics, proved all but incomprehensible. It heralded other attempts at one tongue for all the world, among them the more popular Esperanto. But the Tower of Babel still stands. In the realm of economics, Pearl Andrews' concepts proved no more acceptable than his universal language. Upholding the equity system at Modern Times, he adopted the principle laid down by Adam Smith that labor is the true measure of price. Filtered down through Proudhon with his advocacy of "three acres and a cow" for all, through Fourier with his denunciation of poverty, and through Josiah Warren, the motto "Cost the Limit of Price" was emblazoned upon Andrews' banner, a banner which he never ceased from waving. Despite the equity system of Modern Times, despite Andrews' theories on the nature of money and the labor dollar, a sceptical world has continued to negotiate with the coin of the realm. Politically, Andrews was akin to Kant who, applying a moral sense to politics, advocated a world federal republic or "Cosmopolitical Institution." Believing himself the most likely leader of such a republic, Andrews offered a Pantarchy that was not merely international but planetary in scope. The "Universal International Nationality" that he envisioned was based upon individuality and human rights. It was not "a mere loose association of states—but a true organic, o p e r a t i v [ e ] , . . . government, touching every branch of human affairs." This definition Andrews presented before the Liberal Club in 1884. 66 It took the world another thirty-six years to establish its abortive League of Nations and twenty-five more to found its United Nations. Those organizations, based to a large extent upon Andrusian ideals, adumbrated his grandiose design. The Pantarchy, dismissed as an unrealistic dream in the nineteenth century, might well have been adopted in the twentieth, when survival itself impinges upon unity. In the field of sociology there is no doubt that Pearl Andrews was among the first to apply the scientific method to the study of social affairs. Borrowing from Spencer and Comte, who have been called cofounders of sociology, he insisted that only a scientific key could unlock the secrets of social relations. "The science of man and of society," he

"Protagonist of Humanity

157

wrote, "must be a derivation from the lower sciences."67 His Science of Society, one of the most lucid expositions in defense of this thesis, is Andrews' "lasting monument." "It will be remembered," Benjamin Tucker wrote, "when the Pantarchy, Alwato and Universology are forgotten. Some day it will be reprinted and complete its author's glorious mission."68 The book has been reprinted, 69 although its "author's glorious mission" has seldom been allotted more than a footnote in the history of man in society. It was perhaps Andrews' constant emphasis upon the scientific method which he applied to every aspect of thought that alienated his readers in a century when science, despite the great discoveries that were illuminating the age, had not yet become a way of life. In this respect he was markedly in advance of his time. Moreover, there is a hint in his writings that he was searching for some universal energy, some unity in apparently totally different phenomena. Matter, like mind, he regarded as "a mere succession of changing states" and in the world of matter and the world of mind he found a congruity understandable less to the nineteenth than to the twentieth century. In applying the law of metaphor to mind and matter, he crossed almost by instinct a boundary that is today being laboriously crossed by the formulas of nuclear physicists.70 Out of his addiction to the scientific method he emerged with his magic wand of Universology, the "all-comprehensive science" based upon the fundamental analogy of all the sciences.71 Notwithstanding the obscurity of his language which veiled his concept in all but impenetrable mist, at least one reader—the historian of free thought, George E. Macdonald—has concluded that "Universology had more contacts with the common mind than Einstein's theory of relativity."72 As late as 1943, Theodore De Posteis tried to plant an Andrusian "Arbor Orbis" in his Alpha-Betic Index and Explanations to Universology. The one science of all the sciences still attracts, while it eludes, both the common mind and the scientific mind. In his continuous search for unity in diversity, Andrews exhibited at all times a Pantarchal outlook. It is not true [he wrote] that the only way to adequately understand the needs of the whole is to understand the needs of the parts. It is just as true that to adequately understand the needs of the parts it is indispensable to

158

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

comprehend the needs of the whole, and to take always as one of our points of departure the Unities of the Race, in respect to Religion, Government, Social Constitution, Language, . . . in a word, to be Pantarchical in our outlook.73 He sought that unity in his philosophy of Integralism and he called it "the third state, t h e . . . missing third term." 74 If Unism was unity without diversity, and Duism was diversity without unity, then Trinism was the union of the two—unity within diversity. Andrews' search for the oneness of all things was an outgrowth of his own special genius, a genius for synthesizing, for consolidating, for crossing boundaries, for finding analogues. Like Iamblichus, he attempted to compound all elements; like Plotinus, he sought the knowledge of oneness. If, as Plato propounded, genius lies in the ability to juxtapose, to relate the disparate, to bring metaphoric insights to bear upon all the aspects of life, then Stephen Pearl Andrews was richly endowed with genius. More than any other he resembles Pico della Mirandola, who also resolved to reconcile all religions and all philosophies until he arrived at the unity of knowledge. Much that Andrews said is still prophetic. With many of the problems with which he grappled, from civil liberties to a federation of nations, the world is still engrossed. His one science for all the universe can no longer be derided, for in today's space age it has entered the realms of possibility. Despite his eccentricities, despite his egoism and pedantry, despite his perverse addiction to the magic of numbers and his verbose and obscure terminology, Pearl Andrews, philosopher of the universe, has been to some extent vindicated. A universal answer to universal problems is still sought, a universal sociology for men to live by, a universal philosophy for men to think by. Thoreau said, "You conquer fate by thought." There is much in Andrusian thought to help men conquer fate, to dignify humanity, to unite mankind. His methods baffed and most of his missions failed. But his aims were touched with brightness and still light candles in the dark.

NOTES Chapter I.

New England Roots

1. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 260 verso. 2. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Address to the People of the United States of America," p. 5. 3. William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI, 269. 4. Ibid., VI, 270. 5. William Swain Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 4 (December 9, 1871), 11; S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," pp. 21-24. 6. Ε. Β. Huntington, A Genealogical Memoir of the Lo-Lathrop Family, p. 33. 7. Louise Streeter Ward, "Notes Made on Conversations with John J. Streeter (1849-1941) Nephew of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 1. 8. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI, 270. 9. Ibid., VI, 274-275; Huntington, A Genealogical Memoir, p. 148; S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 21; Ward, "Notes Made on Conversations with John J. Streeter," pp. 1-2. 10. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 26. 11. Ibid., p. 28 12. Ibid., p. 30. 13. Ibid., p. 23. 14. Ibid., pp. 35-36. 15. Ibid., p. 38. 16. Ibid., pp. 39-41. 17. Ibid., p. 48. 18. Ibid., pp. 31-32. 19. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI, 274-275; S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," pp. 44-45, 56. 20. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 44. 21. Frederick Tuckerman, Amherst Academy: A New England School of the Past, 1814-1861, p. 86. 22. Ibid., p. 88. 23. Ibid., p. 89; information from Rena Durkan, curator, Edward Hitchcock Memorial Room, Amherst College; Amherst Academy. Catalogue of the Trustees, Instructors and Students. November 1828; November 1829, passim; William S. Tyler, A History of Amherst College, pp. 3-4. 24. Edward Hitchcock, The Religion of Geology, pp. xv-xvi, 282-283, 510; Charles Shively, "The Thought of Stephen Pearl Andrews (1812-1886)," p. 98. 25. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 58. 26. Ibid., p. 76. 27. Ibid., pp. 66-68, 77-78. 28. Ibid., p. 79.

160

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Chapter II.

Louisiana in Transition

1. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 81. 2. Ibid., p. 90. 3. Ibid., pp. 92-96. 4. Ibid., pp. 98-99. 5. Ibid., p. 104. 6. Ibid., pp. 119-122; William Swain Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 4 (December 9, 1871), 11; H. Skipworth, East Feliciana, Louisiana, Past and Present, p. 58 and passim. 7. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," pp. 114-115. 8. Ibid., p. 160. 9. Ibid., pp. 160-162. 10. The National Cyclopædia of American Biography, VI, 442. 11. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 161. 12. Ibid., pp. 109, 148. 13. Ibid., p. 203. 14. Ibid., p. 151. 15. Ibid., p. 163. 16. Ibid., pp. 163-164. 17. Ibid., pp. 116, 175. 18. Ibid., pp. 101-103. 19. Ibid., p. 105. 20. Ibid., pp. 107-108, 112. 21. Ibid., p. 172. 22. Ibid., p. 146. 23. Ibid., p. 169. 24. Ibid., pp. 113, 122-123, 141, 159. 25. Ibid., p. 181. 26. Ibid., p. 218. 27. Ibid., p. 182. 28. Ibid., p. 189. 29. Ibid., p. 220. 30. Ibid., p. 193; Elrie Robinson, East Feliciana Politics, p. 36; information from Mrs. Alice Alben, librarian, Centenary College of Louisiana. 31. Arthur Marvin Shaw, Jr., "Rampant Individualism in an Ante-Bellum Southern College," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXXI, No. 4 (October, 1948), 881. 32. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 221. 33. Ibid., p. 155. 34. Ibid., p. 196. 35. Ibid., pp. 197-199. 36. Ibid., p. 224; Skipworth, East Feliciana, Louisiana, p. 41. 37. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 225. 38. [Edward Henry Durell], New Orleans as I Found It, p. 63. 39. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," pp. 228-229.

Notes

161

40. Ibid., p. 231. 41. Ibid., p. 230. 42. Françoís-Xavier Martin, The History of Louisiana, p. 432. 43. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 227. 44. Ibid., p. 240; Skip worth, East Feliciana, Louisiana, pp. 10, 59-60. 45. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," pp. 241-242. 46. William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI, 273. 47. Information from Mr. V. J. Courville, clerk of the Supreme Court of Louisiana; W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 11; Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 247. 48. Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860, pp. 144-146. 49. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 249. 50. Ibid., p. 255. 51. Ibid., p. 260. 52. Ibid., pp. 260-261, 264. 53. Ibid., p. 264. 54. Stephen Pearl Andrews, An Oration, Delivered on the Fourth of July, 1835, Before the East Feliciana Temperance Society, p. 3; Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 235. 55. S. P. Andrews, An Oration, Delivered on the Fourth of July, 1835, p. 4. 56. Ibid., pp. 12, 17. 57. S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 235. 58. Ibid., pp. 286-287. 59. Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, pp. 144-146; Albert Emile Fossier, New Orleans, the Glamour Period, 1800-1840, pp. 23, 394; [Durell], New Orleans as I Found It, p. 14. 60. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 12; The National Cyclopædia of American Biography, VI, 442; Samuel P. Putnam, 400 Years of Freethought, p. 689. 61. [Durell], New Orleans as I Found It, pp. 63-64, 68. 62. Nolan Bailey Harmon, Jr., The Famous Case of Myra Clark Gaines, p. 238; Lamar C. Quintero, "The Supreme Court of Louisiana," The Green Bag, III, No. 3 (March, 1891), 114-115; Martin, The History of Louisiana, pp. xxvi-xxvii. 63. Dora J. Bonquois, "The Career of Henry Adams Bullard," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXIII, No. 4 (October, 1940), 999-1039; [Louisiana, Supreme Court], The Celebration of the Centenary of the Supreme Court of Louisiana, p. 17. 64. [Durell], New Orleans as I Found It, p. 64. 65. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," pp. 11-12. 66. James Truslow Adams (ed.), Dictionary of American History, II, 366; Stephen Pearl Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 44 (January 22, 1848), 2; I, No. 47 (February 19, 1848), 2; Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.), June 12, 1844, p. 3; Harmon, The Famous Case of Myra Clark Gaines, passim; John S. Kendall, "The Strange Case of Myra Clark Gaines," The

162

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XX, No. 1 (January, 1937), 6-42; New-York Daily Tribune, July 21, 1881, p. 2; The New York Herald, February 7, 1848, p. 1, and February 8, 1848, pp. [ 3 ] - [ 4 ] ; Perry Scott Rader, "The Romance of American Courts: Gaines vs. New Orleans," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXVII, No. 1 (January, 1944), 8-178. 67. Fossier, New Orleans, the Glamour Period, pp. 242, 391-392. 68. Louise Streeter Ward, "Notes Made on Conversations wtih John J. Streeter (1849-1941) Nephew of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 2. 69. Harmon, The Famous Case of Myra Clark Gaines, pp. 214-216; Theodore Clapp, Autobiographical Sketches and Recollections, pp. 115-117, 120, 125, 130-132, 140, 203. 70. Martin, The History of Louisiana, pp. 439-440; Fossier, New Orleans, the Glamour Period, p. 504. 71. Martin, The History of Louisiana, pp. 441-442. 72. The National Cyclopædia of American Biography, VI, 442; Alfred Kingston, "Phonography in America—Its Pioneers and Practitioners. Stephen Pearl Andrews," Pitman's Journal, VIII, No. 10 (May, 1912), 229; "Stephen Pearl Andrews," The Phonographic Magazine, VII, No. 2 (January 15, 1893), 24; S. P. Andrews, "Autobiography," p. 20; Ward, "Notes Made on Conversations with John J. Streeter," p. 1. 73. R. H. Chinn, New Orleans, letter to Mirabeau B. Lamar, December 24, 1838.

Chapter III.

Lone Star

1. Mrs. Matilda Charlotte Houstoun, Texas and the Gulf of Mexico, I, 262, 276; O. Fisher Allen, The City of Houston from Wilderness to Wonder, pp. 18, 26; Clarence Peckham Dunbar and William Hunter Dillard, Houston, 18361936, Chronology and Review, p. 6; Ed Ellsworth Bartholomew, The Houston Story, p. 147; William Ransom Hogan, The Texas Republic: A Social and Economic History, p. 67. 2. Telegraph and Texas Register, April 10, 1839, p. 3. 3. Abstract of Land Certificates Reported as Genuine and Legal, by the Travelling Commissioners Appointed under the "Act to Detect Fraudulent Land Certificates," p. 122; "Third Class Certificate No. 169," April 11, 1839. 4. [David G. Burnet], "Articles of Agreement Made and Entered into This 31st day of May 1839, between David G. Burnet, Acting Secretary of State of the Republic of Texas, of the One Part, and Stephen P. Andrews of the Other Part." 5. Stephen P. Andrews, "Address to the Inhabitants of the USA and of the World at Large upon the Slavery Question," unpaged; Stephen Pearl Andrews, "The Great American Crisis," The Continental Monthly, IV, No. 6 (December, 1863), 658-670. 6. Annie Heloise Abel and Frank J. Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on AngloAmerican Relations, 1839-1838, pp. 56-58; "The Tappan Papers," The Journal of Negro History, XII, No. 2 (April, 1927), 183-185. 7. Boston Post, June 21, 1843, pp. 1-2.

Notes

163

8. William Swain Andrews, "Excerpts from the Autobiography," p. 5; William Swain Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 4 (December 9, 1871), 12; Samuel Oliver Young, A Thumb-Nail History of the City of Houston, Texas, from Its Founding in 1836 to the Year 1912, p. 53. 9. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 12. 10. William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI, 274. 11. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 12. 12. Telegraph and Texas Register, December 29, 1841, p. 3. 13. W. S. Andrews, "Excerpts from the Autobiography," p. 1. 14. Information from Mr. Carl B. Lyda, deputy, the Supreme Court of Texas, Austin. 15. Thomas Winthrop Streeter, Bibliography of Texas 1795-1845, Part I, Vol. II, #477; Texas Treasury Papers: Letters Received in the Treasury Department of the Republic of Texas, II, 599; Texas [Republic] Congress, House of Representatives, Fifth Congress, Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, pp. 28-35. 16. Telegraph and Texas Register, March 9, 1842, p. 3. 17. Winnie Allen and Corrie Walker Allen, Pioneering in Texas, p. 121; Z. N. Morrell, Flowers and Fruits from the Wilderness: or Forty-Six Years in Texas and Two Winters in Honduras, pp. 138, 215; James Milton Carroll, A History of Texas Baptists, p. 229; Walter Prescott Webb (ed.), The Handbook of Texas, II, 236-237; information from Miss Elsie M. Tharp, First Baptist Church, Houston. 18. Telegraph and Texas Register, May 4, 1842, p. 2. 19. Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, pp. 59-60; "The Tappan Papers," pp. 186-187; Niles' National Register, XIV, No. 19 (July 8, 1843), 293. 20. Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, p. 59. 21. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 12; S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 22. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 23. Ibid., unpaged. 24. Ibid., unpaged. 25. Joseph Eve, Galveston, Texas, letter to Daniel Webster, March 29, 1843. 26. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 27. Ibid., unpaged. 28. Wilbur Devereux Jones, Lord Aberdeen and the Americas, p. 91 n. 18. 29. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged; W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," pp. 12-13; Charles Francis Adams (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, XI, 379-380; Ephraim Douglass Adams (ed.), "Correspondence from the British Archives concerning Texas, 1837-1846," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVII, No 1 (July, 1913), 204-205; Lyon G. Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 275. 30. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged.

164

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

31. Boston Post, June 21, 1843, pp. 1-2; British Sessional Papers, 1844, XLIX, No. 455 and Enclosure. The letter referred to was from Alexander J. Yates, Galveston, March 19, 1843, to S. Converse, London. 32. Congressional Globe. Appendix. 28th Congress, 1st Session (1844), p. 480; Νties' National Register, XVI, No. 13 (May 25, 1844), 196-197. 33. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 13. 34. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 35. Ephraim Douglass Adams (ed.), British Diplomatic Correspondence concerning the Republic of Texas—1838-1846, pp. 167-168, 229-231, 261262; British Sessional Papers, 1844, XLIX, No. 455 and Enclosure. 36. Dictionary of American Biography, I, 298-299; Charles T. Sprading, Liberty and the Great Libertarians, p. 236; W. S. Andrews, "Excerpts from the Autobiography," p. 6. 37. The National Cyclopædia of American Biography, VI, 442; W. S. Andrews, "Excerpts from the Autobiography," p. 7. 38. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 39. Niles' National Register, XIV, No. 15 (June 10, 1843), 231; The New York ]ournal of Commerce, May 25, 1843, p. 2; New Orleans Bee, May 16, 1843, p. 1. 40. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 41. Ibid., unpaged. 42. C. F. Adams (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, XI, 379-380. 43. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 13; S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 44. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 45. C. F. Adams (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, XI, 380.

Chapter IV.

Don Quixote in London

1. Ashbel Smith, Reminiscences of the Texas Republic, pp. 53-54; National Anti-Slavery Standard, July 27, 1843, p. 31; Henry B. Stanton, Random Recollections, p. 31. 2. Harriet Smither, "English Abolitionism and the Annexation of Texas," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXII, No. 3 (January, 1929), 195; Ephraim Douglass Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 18381846, p. 138. 3. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged; E. D. Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, pp. 137-139; A. Smith, Reminiscences of the Texas Republic, p. 52; Niles' National Register, XIV, No. 23 (August 5, 1843), 363, and XVI, No. 11 (May 11, 1844), 169; Smither, "English Abolitionism and the Annexation of Texas," p. 195. 4. Algernon Cecil, British Foreign Secretaries 1807-1916, p. 92. 5. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged. 6. W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 4 (December 9,1871), 12. 7. Annie Heloise Abel and Frank J. Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on AngloAmerican Relations, 1839-1838, pp. 239-240; Justin Harvey Smith, The Annexation of Texas, p. 115.

Notes

165

8. J. H. Smith, The Annexation of Texas, p. 89; William Sumter Murphy, Galveston, Texas, letter to A. P. Upshur, September 24, 1843. 9. Νiles' National Register, XIV, No. 23 (August 5, 1843), 363; J. F. Johnson, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, Called by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and Held in London, from Tuesday, June 13th, to Tuesday, June 20th, 1843, pp. 303-305. 10. S. P. Andrews, "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," unpaged; George P. Garrison (ed.), "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1908, II, 1100; Louis Filler, The Crusade against Slavery, 1830-1860, pp. 175176. 11. Ashbel Smith, Yellow Fever in Galveston, Republic of Texas, 1839, pp. v, 2-6; Walter Prescott Webb (ed.), The Handbook of Texas, II, 620-621. 12. Garrison (ed.), "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas," II, 1110. 13. Ibid., II, 1110. 14. Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, p. 145 n. 113; "The Tappan Papers," The Journal of Negro History, XII, No. 2 (April, 1927), 272. 15. Ashbel Smith, Paris, letter to William Bryan, August 12, 1843; Garrison (ed.), "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas," II, 1118-1119. 16. Stephen Pearl Andrews, London, letter to John Quincy Adams, July 18, 1843. 17. Lewis Tappan, New York, letters to S. P. Andrews, November 7, 1843, January 9, 1844. 18. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, LXXI, 916-917; Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, p. 145 n. 113. 19. Garrison (ed.), "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas," II, 1116-1117; J. F. Jameson (ed.), "Correspondence of John C. Calhoun," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, II, 867. 20. A. Smith, Reminiscences of the Texas Republic, p. 53. 21. Anson Jones, Memoranda and Official Correspondence relating to the Republic of Texas, p. 237. Smith's letter was dated Paris, August 2, 1843. 22. Ashbel Smith, Paris, letter to the Earl of Aberdeen, August 1 [?], 1843. 23. Niles' National Register, XVI, No. 13 (May 25, 1844), 196-197; A. Smith, Reminiscences of the Texas Republic, p. 54. 24. Ashbel Smith, 3 St. James Street [London], letter to William Henry Daingerfield, July 6, 1843. 25. Jesse Siddall Reeves, American Diplomacy under Tyler and Polk, pp. 127-128; H. von Hoist, The Constitutional and Political History of the United States, II, 628-630. 26. Abel Parker Upshur, Washington, D.C., letter to William Sumter Murphy, August 8, 1843; Samuel Flagg Bemis (ed.), The American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy, V, 95-96. 27. David Lee Child, The Taking of Naboth's Vineyard, p. 16; [Thomas Hart Benton], Thirty Years' View, II, 585; William Sumter Murphy, Gal-

166

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

veston, Texas, letter to A. P. Upshur, September 24, 1843. 28. Niks' National Register, XVI, No. 11 (May 11, 1844), 166; United States Senate Documents, 28th Congress, 1st Session, V, No. 341; A. P. Upshur's letter to Everett was dated Washington, D.C., September 28, 1843. 29. William Sumter Murphy, Galveston, Texas, letter to A. P. Upshur, September 24, 1843. 30. Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, pp. 148, 171. 31. United States Senate Documents, 28th Congress, 1st Session, V, No. 341. The citation is from Calhoun's letter to Benjamin E. Green, dated Washington, D.C., April 19, 1844. 32. Charles Maurice Wiltse, The New Nation, 1800-1845, p. 187. 33. Abel and Klingberg (eds.), A Side-Light on Anglo-American Relations, p. 177; Emancipator and Weekly Chronicle (Boston), January 15, 1845, p. 149. 34. American and foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, II, No. 2 (November, 1844), 16. 35. Morning Chronicle (Boston), December 11, 1844, ρ [ 2 ] ; December 17, 1844, p. [2]. 36. Ibid., January 11, 1845, p. [2]. 37. "Stephen Pearl Andrews," The Phonographic Magazine, VII, No. 2 (January 15, 1893), 24. 38. Ibid., pp. 25-26; "The Queer Philosophers," The World (New York), October 2, 1870, p. 1; W. S. Andrews, "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 13; Thaddeus B. Wakeman, "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews. Funeral Oration," The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 25 (June 19, 1886), 386.

Chapter V.

Pothooks for Freedom

1. Alfred Kingston, "Phonography in America—Its Pioneers and Practitioners. Stephen Pearl Andrews," Pitman's Journal, VIII, No. 10 (May, 1912), 229; Thaddeus B. Wakeman, "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews. Funeral Oration," The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 25 (June 19, 1886), 386; New England Shorthand Reporters' Association, Proceedings of the New England Shorthand Reporters' Association at the Fourth and Fifth Annual Meetings, 1894-1895, III, 49. 2. "The Queer Philosophers," The World (New York), October 2, 1870, p. 1. 3. John Townsend Trowbridge, "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," The Independent, LV, No. 2830 (February 26, 1903), 499. 4. Stephen Pearl Andrews, Various Papers on Phonotypy and Phonography, p. 16. 5. Stephen Pearl Andrews and Augustus F. Boyle, The Complete Phonographic Class-Book (1847), p. 5. 6. Stephen Pearl Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 19 (July 16, 1851), 4. 7. Otis B. Goodall, "Augustus French Boyle," The Phonographic Magazine, VII, No. 19 (October 1, 1893), 364.

Notes

167

8. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "The Introduction of Phonography into America," Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 7 (July, 1877), 111. 9. Stephen Pearl Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 23 (September 10, 1851), 4. 10. James W. Beers, American Phonographic Pioneers, pp. 10-12, 14; S. P. Andrews, "The Introduction of Phonography into America," p. I l l ; Kingston, "Phonography in America," pp. 62-63; David Wolfe Brown, "Augustus F. Boyle and His Work," Illustrated Phonographic World, IX, No. 11 (July, 1894), 342-343; Goodall, "Augustus French Boyle," pp. 362-364. 11. Beers, American Phonographic Pioneers, pp. 10, 14; National Shorthand Reporters' Association, Proceedings of the Annual Meeting at Kentlworth Inn, Biltmore (near Asheville), N. C., August 6, 7, 8 and 9, 1907, pp. 11-12; "Oliver Dyer," Packard's Short-Hand Reporter and Amanuensis, I, No. 3 (March, 1885), 71-72; New England Shorthand Reporters' Association, Proceedings, III, 43-45; Alfred Kingston, "Phonography in America," Pitman's Journal, IX, No. 10 (May, 1913), 232-233; "Oliver Dyer of Mount Vernon," Browne's Phonographic Monthly, IX, No. 6 (June, 1884), 153-155; T. J. Griffin, "Oliver Dyer. Interview," The Phonographic Magazine, VIII, No. 4 (February 15, 1894), 52-57. 12. D. W. Brown, "Augustus F. Boyle and His Work," p. 342. 13. Stephen Pearl Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, II, No. 14 (November 1,1849), [2]. 14. Stephen Pearl Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 5 (January 1, 1851), 4; George Everett Hussey Macdonald, Fifty Years of Freethought, I, 407. 15. The Phonotypic Journal, IV, No. 39 (March, 1845), 67; V, No. 51 (March, 1846), 100. 16. American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Proceedings, I, 36. 17. Theodore Tilton, "Recollections of a 'Forty-Niner'," The Phonographic Magazine, VIII, No. 5 (March 1, 1894), 68-69. 18. The Phonotypic Journal, V, No. 51 (March, 1846), 99. 19. Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 12 (December, 1877), 204. 20. New-York Daily Tribune, August 21, 1845, p. 1. 21. New-York City Phonographic Society, Constitution, pp. 3, 11. 22. The Phonotypic Journal, IV, No. 44 (August, 1845), 181. 23. New-York Daily Tribune, December 23, 1846, p. 1. 24. Ibid., March 23, 1849, p. 2. 25. The Phonotypic Journal, V, No. 55 (July, 1846), 219-223; New-York Daily Tribune, April 18, 1846, p. 1. 26. Lewis Tappan, New York, letter to S. P. Andrews, January 9, 1844. 27. The Phonotypic Journal, IV, No. 39 (March, 1845), 68. 28. William Lloyd Garrison 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children, III, 148. 29. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 2 (January 23, 1847), [2]. 30. Andrew J. Graham, Phonographic Odds and Ends, p. 149. 31. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850),

168

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

4; Mercantile Library Association, Thirtieth Annual Report, p. 27; New-York Daily Tribune, March 23, 1849, p. 2; Franklin Spencer Edmonds, History of the Central High School of Philadelphia, pp. 133-134. 32. Stephen Pearl Andrews, New York, letter to Isaac Pitman, May 14, 1851. 33. Lewis Tappan, New York, letters to S. P. Andrews, June 3, 1846, and August 31, 1847. 34. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 19 (July 16, 1851), 4; [Gerrit Smith], Calendar of the Gerrit Smith Papers in the Syracuse University Library. General Correspondence, II, #121. 35. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 22 (August 14, 1847), [2]. 36. Beers, American Phonographic Pioneers, p. 15; Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 12 (December, 1877), 204; Kingston, "Phonography in America," p. 62. 37. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 14 (May 7, 1851), 5; I, No. 15 (May 21, 1851), 6; I, No. 17 (June 18, 1851), 4, 8. 38. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 30 (October 9, 1847), 2; I, No. 33 (October 30, 1847), 1; I, No. 52 (May 13, 1848), 1. 39. Stephen Pearl Andrews and Augustus French Boyle, The Phonographic Word-Book Number One, p. [6] at end. 40. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 22 (August 14, 1847), [2]. 41. Ibid., I, No. 51 (May 6, 1848), 2. 42. Congressional Globe, Appendix, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 54. 43. Tilton, "Recollections of a 'Forty-Niner'," p. 69; S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 23 (September 10, 1851), 4; New-York Daily Tribune, September 18, 1846, p. 4; S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 9 (May 16, 1847), [2]. 44. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Anglo Saxon, II, No. 15 (December 1, 1849), 3. 45. New-York Daily Tribune, November 7, 1849, p. 2 and Supplement. 46. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850), 4. 47. The Phonographic Magazine, VIII, No. 7 (April 1, 1894), 103; The American Reporter, V, No. 20 (May, 1852), 20. 48. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850), 4. 49. New-York Daily Tribune, August 2, 1850, p. 4; Oliver Dyer, Great Senators of the United States Forty Years Ago (1848 and 1849), pp. 116-119, 129, 223, 253. 50. New-York Daily Tribune, August 12, 1850, p. 6; September 5, 1850, p. 6; September 19, 1850, p. 5; September 20, 1850, p. 5; September 21, 1850, p. 2. 51. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850), 2-3, and I, No. 4 (December 18, 1850), 5; Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st Session, XXI, Part 2, p. 1869; United States Senate, Index to Miscellaneous Documents Printed by Order of the Senate of the United States during the First Session of the Thirty-First Congress, No. 125, p. 7. 52. S. P. Andrews, New York, letter to Isaac Pitman, May 14, 1851. 53. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 16 (June 4, 1851), 4.

Notes

169

54. William Bailie, Josiah Warren: The First American Anarchist, p. 89; Josiah Warren, "Universal Typography," The Indiana Statesman, IV, No. 26 (March 7, 1846), 3; Josiah Warren, Practical Details in Equitable Commerce, p. 93 n. 55. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850), 4. 56. Ibid., I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850), p. 4. 57. Ibid., I, No. 16 (June 4, 1851), 4. 58. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Primary Synopsis of Universology and Alwato, p. 48. 59. Stephen Pearl Andrews, Primary View of the English Standard Phonetic Alphabet, advertisement at end. 60. S. P. Andrews (ed.), The Propagandist, I, No. 16 (June 4, 1851), 4.

Chapter VI.

Modern Times

1. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Science of Society, pp. 59, 72 [page references are to the undated Bombay edition]; Josiah Warren, Equitable Commerce, pp. i, 19; William Bailie, Josiah Warren: The First American Anarchist, p. 9. 2. Josiah Warren, True Civilization an Immediate Necessity, p. 175; S. P. Andrews, The Science of Society, p. 106; Henry Edger, Modern Times, the Labor Question, and the Family, p. 9. 3. S. P. Andrews, The Science of Society, pp. 14-16. 4. J. Warren, True Civilization, p. 184. 5. S. P. Andrews, The Science of Society, p. 64. 6. Grace Adams and Edward Hutter, The Mad Forties, p. 279. 7. Charlotte Fowler Wells, "Report of Spiritualist Meetings, New York 1850," pp. 13-21. 8. S. P. Andrews, The Science of Society, p. 64. 9. Ibid., passim; The Leader (London), II, No. 76 (September 6, 1851), 845. 10. Eunice Minette Schuster, Native American Anarchism, pp. 111-112 n. 71. 11. S. P. Andrews, The Science of Society, p. 61. 12. Richmond Laurin Hawkins, Positivism in the United States 1853-1861, p. 114; H. P. Horton, "The Story of 'Modern Times'," Long Island Forum, VII, No. 2 (February, 1944), 23. 13. Josiah Warren, Modern Times, letter to Stephen Pearl Andrews, April 20, [1850]. 14. Catharine Fleet and Mary A. Andrews, "Indenture, April 5, 1851." 15. Verne Dyson, A Century of Brentwood, pp. 35-36; New-York Daily Tribune, April 4, 1853, p. 5. 16. Fleet and Andrews, "Indenture, April 5, 1851"; Louis Brooks and Wife, and Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Indenture, October 14, 1852." 17. R. L. Hawkins, Positivism in the United States, pp. 143, 155, 203. 18. Ibid., p. 115; Marcia Frailey, "History of Brentwood," p. 2; John B. Ellis, Free Love and Its Votaries, pp. 386-387. 19. Josiah Warren, The Former Title of the Work Was "Equitable Commerce," but It Is Now Ranked as the First Part of True Civilization, p. viii; Charles A. Codman, "History of the City of Modern Times," p. 2.

170

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

20. Josiah Warren, Practical Details in Equitable Commerce, p. vi. 21. Frailey, "History of Brentwood," p. 1. The number is given as seventy by A. J. Macdonald, "Materials on Ideal Communities," p. 126; the number is given as less than two hundred, referring to a later period, in James J. Martin, Men against the State, p. 81. 22. Codman, "History of the City of Modern Times," pp. 7-9; Arthur Eugene Bestor, Jr., Backwoods Utopias, p. 56. 23. "Modern Times," Sunday Dispatch (New York), October 9, 1853, p. 1; "Triallville and Modern Times," Chambers' Edinburgh Journal, XVIII, No. 468 (December 18, 1852), 396; Moncure Daniel Conway, Autobiography Memories and Experiences, I, 268. 24. Stewart Hall Holbrook, Dreamers of the American Dream, p. 43; A. J. Macdonald, "Materials on Ideal Communities," pp. 120-122; Ellis, Free Love and Its Votaries, p. 382. 25. The Leader (London), IV, No. 146 (January 8, 1853), 32. 26. Ibid., p. 32. 27. Bailie, Josiah Warren, p. 78. 28. The Periodical Letter, I, No. 3 (September, 1854), 43. 29. Ibid., II, No. 3 (March, 1856), 34. 30. William Pare, "Equitable Villages in America," Journal of the Statistical Society of London, XIX, No. 2 (1856), 127-143. 31. New York Leader, I, No. 12 (June 3, 1854), 2. 32. The Leader (London), III, No. 103 (March 13, 1852), 251. 33. Codman, "History of the City of Modern Times," p. 16; Conway, Autobiography, I, 267; Josiah Warren, Modern Times, letter to S. P. Andrews, April 17, [1852]. 34. Robert Edward Schneider, Positivism in the United States, p. 38; Alfred Owen Aldridge, "Mysticism in Modern Times, L.I.," Americana, XXXVI, No. 4 (October, 1942), 555-566. 35. Conway, Autobiography, I, 267. 36. Schuster, Native American Anarchism, p. 117; Adin Bailou, History of the Hopedale Community, pp. 241-242; In Memoriam. Emily Codman, 18261886, p. [3]. 37. Josiah Warren, Practical Applications of the Elementary Principles of "True Civilization," p. 21; R. L. Hawkins, Positivism in the United States, p. 144. 38. J. Warren, Practical Applications of the Elementary Principles of "True Civilization," p. 24. 39. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Fragments," unpaged; New-York Daily Tribune, November 8, 1858, p. 3. 40. Stephen Pearl Andrews, Love, Marriage, and Divorce, and the Sovereignty of the Individual, p. 11 and passim; Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Love, Marriage and the Condition of Woman," p. 56; Thomas Low Nichols and Mary S. Gove Nichols, Marriage, pp. 144-159; New-York Daily Tribune, September 18, 1852, p. 6; December 1, 1852, p. 5; December 16, 1852, p. 5; December 18, 1852, p. 5; November 8, 1858, p. 3. 41. Sidney Ditzion, Marriage Morals and Sex in America, p. 165; George

Notes

171

Everett Hussey Macdonald, Fifty Years of Freethought, I, 407. 42. R. L. Hawkins, Positivism in the United States, p. 156; Conway, Autobiography, I, 266. 43. S. P. Andrews, "Love Marriage and the Condition of Woman," pp. 15-16. 44. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, V, No. 9 (February 8, 1873), 9-10. 45. John Humphrey Noyes, History of American Socialisms, p. 93; BerthaMonica Stearns, "Memnonia: The Launching of a Utopia," The New England Quarterly, XV, No. 2 (June, 1942), 280-283; New-York Daily Tribune, July 21, 1853, p. 5. 46. "Institute of Desarrollo," Nichols' Journal of Health, I, No. 7 (October 1, 1853), 49-50; Nichols and Nichols, Marriage, pp. 427-430. 47. S. P. Andrews, Love, Marriage, and Divorce, p. 71. 48. Ditzion, Marriage Morals and Sex in America, p. 165. 49. Conway, Autobiography, I, 266. 50. Noyes, History of American Socialisms, p. 94. 51. William Hepworth Dixon, Spiritual Wives, II, 237-238; Ellis, Free Love and Its Votaries, p. 385; "Spencer's Social Statics," The Quarterly Review of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, X, No. 2 (April, 1856), 186. 52. J. Warren, The Former Title of the Work was "Equitable Commerce," pp. 18-19; R. L. Hawkins, Positivism in the United States, p. 123 n. 3; J. Warren, Practical Applications of the Elementary Principles of "True Civilization," pp. 17-20; Stearns, "Memnonia: The Launching of a Utopia," p. 286; The Fortnightly Review, I, No. 4 (July 1, 1865), 434. 53. J. Warren, The Former Title of the Work was "Equitable Commerce," p. viii.

Chapter VII.

Brownstone Utopia

1. New-York Daily Tribune, October 16, 1855, pp. 5-6. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid.; Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 4 (June 10, 1871), 6; III, No. 24 (October 28, 1871), 12. 5. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 24 (October 28, 1871), 12. 6. New-York Daily Tribune, October 16, 1855, pp. 5-6; Oscar Comettant, Trois Ans Aux Êtats-Unis, pp. 94-95, 219-220, 228; Laura Stedman and George M. Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 175. 7. New-York Daily Tribune, October 16, 1855, p. 6. 8. Ibid., 6-7; Joshua King Ingalls, Reminiscences of an Octogenarian, p. 156. 9. New-York Daily Tribune, October 16, 1855, p. 6; Stedman and Gould, Ufe and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 175. 10. Ingalls, Reminiscences of an Octogenarian, pp. 156-157. 11. New-York Daily Tribune, October 16, 1855, pp. 5, 7; October 24, 1855, p. 4. 12. Ibid., October 19, 1855, p. 5, and October 20, 1855, p. 5; Stedman and Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 176.

172

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

13. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 4 (June 10, 1871), 6. 14. Ingalls, Reminiscences of an Octogenarian, p. 157. 15. The New York Herald, July 18, 1880, p. 10; Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Fragments," unpaged. 16. The New York Herald, July 18, 1880, p. 10. 17. Stedman and Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 174; information from Mr. Leroy H. Lafferty, foreman of cemeteries, Norwich, Connecticut. 18. Albert Parry, "Henry Harland: Expatriate," The Bookman, LXXVI, No. 1 (January, 1933), 2. 19. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 5. 20. Stedman and Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 151-177. The Unitary Home appears in the New York City Directories for 1859-1860 at 106 East 14th Street. 21. Giovanni Giacinto Achilli, Dealings with the Inquisition, p. 22; [G. G. Achilli], Achilli vs. Newman. A Full Report of the Most Extraordinary Trial for Seduction and Adultery Charged against Dr. Achilli, pp. 14-15. 22. Stedman and Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 161-168, 171, 173. 23. Ibid., I, 153. 24. Stephen Pearl Andrews, Constitution or Organic Basis of the Pantarchy, p. 1. 25. Ibid., p. 1. 26. Ibid., p. 2. 27. Ibid, p. 8. 28. Ibid., p. 9. 29. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 13 (August 12, 1871), 10. 30. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 31. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Primary Synopsis of Universology and Alwato (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 32 Stedman and Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman, I, 164, 177. 33. Parry, "Henry Harland: Expatriate," p. 2. 34. Stephen Pearl Andrews' "Addresses" are unpaged. 35. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "A Universal Language: Its Possibility, Scientific Necessity, and Appropriate Characteristics," The Continental Monthly, V, No. 5 (May, 1864), 532. 36. Ibid., p. 543. 37. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "The Great American Crisis," The Continental Monthly, V, No. 3 (March, 1864), 314. 38. Eclectic Medical College of the City of New York, Annual Announcement (1867), p. 3, and (1868), pp. 4, 6; Eclectic Medical College of the City of New York, Register of Graduates, p. 3. 39. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 6. 40. S. P. Andrews, The Primary Synopsis of Universology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy).

Notes

173

41. The Revolution, IV, No. 17 (October 28, 1869), 261. 42. John Townsend Trowbridge, "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," The Independent, LV, No. 2830 (February 26, 1903), 499. This refers to Mrs. Thompson's subsidizing The Basic Outline of Universology; since The Primary Synopsis is dedicated to Mrs. Thompson, one may conclude that she also paid for its publication. 43. The New-York Standard, August 27, 1870, p. 2. 44. New-York Daily Tribune, August 10, 1870, p. 4. 45. "The Queer Philosophers," The World (New York), October 2, 1870, p. 1. 46. Robert Edward Schneider, Positivism in the United States, p. 79.

Chapter VIII.

Mouthpiece of the Millennium

1. John Townsend Trowbridge, "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," The Independent, LV, No. 2830 (February 26, 1903), 499, 501. 2. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 3. Ibid.; Trowbridge, "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," p. 501. 4. The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 28 (July 10, 1886), 436; Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VI, No. 6 (July 12, 1873), 7; S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 5. S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy ). 6. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 9 (July 15, 1871), 11. 7. Ibid., Ill, No. 24 (October 28, 1871), 13. 8. Ibid., Ill, No. 10 (July 22, 1871), 10. 9. Ibid., Ill, No. 11 (July 29, 1871), 11. 10. S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology, p. 310. 11. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Primary Synopsis of Universology and Alwato, p. 128. 12. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VI, No. 10 (August 9, 1873), 5; Stephen Pearl Andrews, "The Pantarchy Defined—the Word and the Thing," Banner of Light, XXXIII, No. 12 (June 21, 1873), 3. 13. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 7 (July 1, 1871), 7; III, No. 9 (July 15, 1871), 10. 14. "The Queer Philosophers," The World (New York), October 2, 1870, p. 1. 15. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 5 (June 17, 1871), 10 [notice reprinted from The New-York Standard of May 27, 1871]. 16. Emanie Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull (1838-1927), passim; Madeleine B. Stern, We the Women: Career Firsts of NineteenthCentury America, pp. 251-272, 372-379; Samuel Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor: An Autobiography, I, 55; Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, III, 443-444; Robert Shaplen, Free Love and Heavenly Sinners, pp. 128-129; Irving Wallace, The Square Pegs: Some Americans Who Dared To Be Different, pp. 112-113.

174

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

17. [Beecher-Tilton Trial], "Scrapbooks Compiled in the Office of The Independent during the Beecher-Tilton Trial," VIII, unpaged. 18. [Theodore Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher. Action for Criminal Contempt Tried in the City Court of Brooklyn, Chief Justice Joseph Neilson Presiding, Verbatim Report, III, 400. 19. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 10 (July 22, 1871), 10. 20. Ibid. 21. Mott, A History of American Magazines, III, 95, 443. 22. Stern, We the Women, p. 260. 23. [Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher, III, 400. 24. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 16 (August 27, 1870), 1. 25. Ibid., Ill, No. 10 (July 22, 1871), 10. 26. Ibid., I, No. 11 (July 23, 1870), 8. 27. Alma Lutz, Created Equal: A Biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1815-1902, pp. 215-216; Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull, pp. 146-148. 28. New York Dispatch, August 7, 1870, p. 4. 29. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 19 (September 17, 1870), 9-11. 30. Ibid., Ill, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 5. 31. Ibid., I, No. 16 (August 27, 1870), 5. 32. Ibid., Ill, No. 15 (August 26, 1871), 11. 33. Ibid., Ill, No. 6 (June 24, 1871), 6. 34. Ibid., Ill, No. 11 (July 29, 1871), 10. 35. Ibid., IV, No. 5 (December 16, 1871), 4. 36. Ibid., Ill, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 6. 37. The Word, IV, No. 1 (May, 1875), 3. 38. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 23 (October 22, 1870), 5; Scientific Testimonials of the Extent and Importance of the Universological and Philological Discoveries of Stephen Pearl Andrews, p. 8. 39. "The Pantarchy," The New-York Standard, August 27, 1870, p. 2. 40. The Revolution, VI, No. 13 (September 29, 1870), 201; The World (New York), September 24, 1870, p. 5. 41. [Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher, III, 390. 42. Ibid., Ill, 392. 43. Ibid., Ill, 401. 44. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VI, No. 24 (November 15, 1873), 8. 45. New York Dispatch, August 7, 1870, p. 4. 46. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 7 (July 1, 1871), 7. 47. Lillian Symes and Travers Clement, Rebel America: The Story of Social Revolt in the United States, p. 121. 48. Ibid. 49. John Rogers Commons and others, History of Labour in the United States, II, 210-213; Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull, p. 82. 50. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 10 (July 22, 1871), 11. 51. Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, I, 55-57; William Zebulon Foster, History of the Three Internationals, p. 121. 52. Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, January 6, 1872, p. 263.

Notes

175

53. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 6 (December 23, 1871), 10. 54. Ibid., IV, No. 7 (December 30, 1871), 3-6. 55. Yurii Mikhailovich Steklov, History of the First International, p. 277. 56. The New York Herald, April 2, 1870, p. 8. 57. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 11 (January 27, 1872), 14. 58. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage (eds.), History of Woman Suffrage, II, 443-445; Victoria C. Woodhull, A Lecture on Constitutional Equality, pp. 3-4. 59. Paulina W. Davis, A History of the National Woman's Rights Movement, for Twenty Years, pp. 117, 120; Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 1. 60. New-York Daily Tribune, May 13, 1871, p. 5. 61. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 9. 62. Ida Husted Harper, The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, I, 384. 63. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 2 (May 27, 1871), 5. 64. The Golden Age, I, No. 14 (June 3, 1871), 5. 65. [Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher, III, 390. 66. Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull, pp. 131, 135. 67. The New York Herald, November 21, 1871, p. 10. 68. Mott, A History of American Magazines, III, 448. 69. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 28 (May 25, 1872), 7; Stern, We the Women, p. 265. 70. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 18 (September 10, 1870), 9; Stern, We the Women, p. 265. 71. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, V, No. 8 (December 28, 1872), 3, 6.

Chapter IX.

The Court of the Pantarchy

1. John Townsend Trowbridge, "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," The Independent, LV, No. 2830 (February 26, 1903), 499; J. C. Derby, Fifty Years among Authors, Books and Publishers, p. 90; Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology (penciled note in Brown University's copy). 2. S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology, p. 47. 3. Ibid., p. 153. 4. Ibid., p. 326. 5. Ibid., pp. 303-305. 6. Ibid, (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 7. The Index, VIII, No. 375 (March 1, 1877), 105. 8. John Townsend Trowbridge, "The Missing Leaf," The Atlantic Monthly, XXXI, No. 188 (June, 1873), 705. 9. S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology, pp. 639-640. 10. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Primary Grammar of Alwato, p. 24. 11. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, III, No. 4 (June 10, 1871), 7. 12. Ibid., Ill, No. 26 (November 11, 1871), 12. 13. Robert Edward Schneider, Positivism in the United States, p. 176. 14. Normal University of the Pantarchy, Charter, or Articles of Corporation, p. 8.

176

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

15. Ibid., p. 1. 16. Ibid., p. 7. 17. Ibid., p. 7. 18. Ibid., pp. 9, 14-15. 19. Normal University of the Pantarchy, "Annual Reports . . . 1872, 1875, 1876," unpaged; Stephen Pearl Andrews, New York, letter to Henry Edger, August 14,1872; "Medium's Report," Andrews Papers, unpaged. 20. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 16 (August 27, 1870), 6. 21. Ibid., Ill, No. 4 (June 10, 1871), 7. 22. Ibid., VIII, No. 10 (August 8, 1874), 14. 23. S. P. Andrews, The Basic Outline of Universology, p. 641. 24. Ibid., p. 638. 25. Ibid., p. 232. 26. Ibid., p. 47. 27. S. P. Andrews, New York, letter to Henry Edger, August 14, 1872. 28. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, V, No. 25 (May 24, 1873), 13. 29. [Theodore Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher. Action for Criminal Contempt Tried in the City Court of Brooklyn, Chief Justice Joseph Neilson Presiding, Verbatim Report, III, 387-406, 518-519; Heywood Campbell Broun and Margaret Leech, Anthony Comstock: Roundsman of the Lord, pp. 96-98, 100-105; Paxton Hibben, Henry Ward Beecher: An American Portrait, pp. 278, 283-285, 310; Emanie Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull (1838-1927), pp. 172, 175-176, 183-184, 228-229; Robert Shaplen, Free Love and Heavenly Sinners, passim; Madeleine B. Stern, We the Women: Career Firsts of Nineteenth-Century America, pp. 266-268; [Joseph Treat], Beecher, Tilton, Woodhull, The Creation of Society, passim; Francis P. Williamson, Beecher and His Accusers, passim. 30. The World (New York), May 22, 1871, p. 3; The New-York Times, May 22, 1871, p. 5. 31. Hibben, Henry Ward Beecher, p. 283. 32. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, V, No. 7 (November 2, 1872), 9. 33. Ibid., 9. 34. Hibben, Henry Ward Beecher, p. 284. 35. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VIII, No. 18 (October 3, 1874), 4. 36. The New York Herald, November 10, 1872, p. 10. 37. [Joseph Treat], Beecher, Tilton, Woodhull, The Creation of Society, p. 12. 38. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VIII, No. 10 (August 8, 1874), 13. 39. Shaplen, Free Love and Heavenly Sinners, pp. 185, 199. 40. The New-York Times, May 6, 1875, p. 3. 41. [Tilton], Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher, III, 387. 42. Ibid., Ill, 387. 43. Ibid., Ill, 388. 44. Ibid., Ill, 389. 45. Ibid., Ill, 395. 46. Ibid., Ill, 405. 47. The New-York Times, May 9,1875, p. 10. 48. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, V, No. 19 (April 12, 1873), 7.

Notes

177

49. Ibid., VII, No. 20 (April 18, 1874), 6. 50. Ibid., VII, No. 22 (May 9, 1874), 6. 51. Sachs, "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull, pp. 290-291, 302-304. 52. Normal University of the Pantarchy, "Annual Report . . . 1876," unpaged. 53. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Primary Grammar of Alwato, p. 23. 54. Theodora Freeman Spencer, letters to S. P. Andrews in Alwato, undated. 55. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, VII, No. 5 (January 3, 1874), 10; VII, No. 6 (January 10, 1874), 10; VII, No. 8 (January 24, 1874), 6-7; VII, No. 10 (February 7, 1874), 7; Syllabus of the Sunday Exercises at De Garmo Hall, p. [3]. 56. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Alphabet of Philosophy, pp. [ 2 ] - [ 3 ] . 57. Steven T. Byington, "Benjamin Ricketson Tucker," Man!, VII, No. 8 (August, 1939), 517; Charles A. Madison, "Benjamin R. Tucker: Individualist and Anarchist," The New England Quarterly, XVI, No. 3 (September, 1943), 444-446, 452; George Schumm, "Benj. R. Tucker—A Brief Sketch of His Life and Work," The Freethinkers' Magazine, XI (July, 1893), 436-440; Benjamin Ricketson Tucker, Individual Liberty, passim. 58. The Radical Review, I (August, 1877), 287-307. 59. The New-York Times, September 6, 1933, p. 17. 60. American Dental Association, Transactions of the American Dental Association at the Twentieth Annual Session, 1880, pp. 133-134. 61. The Index, VIII, No. 378 (March 22, 1877), 141.

Chapter X.

"Protagonist of Humanity"

1. "Death of the Only Pantarch"; George Everett Hussey Macdonald, Fifty Years of Freethought, I, 407. 2. E. B. Foote, Jr., and Thaddeus B. Wakeman, The Manhattan Liberal Club, pp. 2-5, 7-9. 3. Social Science Review, II, No. 10 (April 28, 1888), 1-2. 4. Stephen Pearl Andrews, "The Social Organism. Lecture Delivered before the Manhattan Liberal Club, New York, September 1, 1882," unpaged. 5. Samuel P. Putnam, 400 Years of Freethought, pp. 731-732. 6. Ibid., pp. 761-762. 7. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 3 (January 19, 1884), 35. 8. Ibid., p. 35. 9. Colloquium, Transactions of the Colloquium. With Documents and Exhibits, I, 3. 10. S. P. Andrews, "The Social Organism," unpaged. 11. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 45 (November 8, 1884), 718. 12. Ibid., XI, No. 12 (March 22, 1884), 180-181. 13. Ibid., XI, No. 18 (May 3, 1884), 278-279. 14. Ibid., XI, No. 44 (November 1, 1884), 699. 15. Ibid., XI, No. 3 (January 19, 1884), 35. 16. Centennial Congress of Liberals, Report of the Centennial Congress of Liberals, and Organization of the National Liberal League, at Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July, 1876, p. 156.

178

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

17. The Evolutionists: Being a Condensed Report of the Principles, Purposes and Methods of the Union Reform League, pp. 3-4, 14. 18. Ibid., pp. 3-4. 19. Ibid., p. 5; The Word, X, No. 6 (October, 1881), 2-3. 20. The Evolutionists, pp. 5, 9. 21. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 22. Ibid., pp. 3, 6-7, and passim. 23. Milton Embick Flower, James Parton, the Father of Modern Biography, p. 160; Putnam, 400 Years of Freethought, pp. 694-697. 24. The Truth Seeker, IX, No. 1 (January 7, 1882), 9. 25. Ibid XI, No. 10 (March 8, 1884), 151, 154. 26. Stephen Pearl Andrews, 'The New Civilization," The Truth Seeker Annual and Freethinkers' Almanac 1885, pp. 91-97. 27. Unidentified Newspaper Clippings, Collection of Miss Elfa H. Streeter, Hinsdale, New Hampshire. 28. Charles de Medici, Belmont Hotel, letter to S. P. Andrews, March 9, 1879. 29. Stephen Pearl Andrews, New York, letter to Mary E. Tillotson, June 11, 1884. 30. Ibid. 31. Colloquium, Transactions of the Colloquium, I, 3-24; Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Universal Tract Society Tracts.—No. 3, p. 1. 32. Colloquium, Transactions of the Colloquium, I, 5. 33. Ibid., I, 7-8. 34. Ibid., I, 14. 35. Ibid., I, 14-15. 36. Ibid., I, 19-20. 37. Ibid., I. 10. 38. The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 22 (May 28, 1886), 345. 39. Thaddeus B. Wakeman, "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews. Funeral Oration," The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 25 (June 19, 1886), 387; S. P. Andrews, The Universal Tract Society Tracts.—No. 3, passim; Stephen Pearl Andrews, Elements of Universology, advertisement at end. 40. S. P. Andrews, The Universal Tract Society Tracts.—No. 3, p. 6; S. P. Andrews, "The New Civilization," p. 95. 41. Charles A. Codman, Brentwood, New York, letter to Henry Edger, August 31, 1885. 42. S. P. Andrews, "The New Civilization," pp. 93-94. 43. E. F. Spencer, Vineland, New Jersey, letter to William S. Andrews, June 24, 1895; Liberty, I, No. 7 (October 29, 1881), 1. 44. The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 22 (May 29, 1886), 345. 45. Wakeman, "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews," p. 387. 46. The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 22 (May 29, 1886), 344-345. 47. Wakeman, "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews," pp. 386-388. 48. "Death of the Only Pantarch." 49. New-York Daily Tribune, May 23, 1886, p. 2; The New York Herald,

Notes

179

May 23, 1886, p. 11; The New-York Times, May 23, 1886, p. 7. 50. Liberty, IV, No. 4 (June 19, 1886), 4. 51. Stephen Pearl Andrews, The Basic Outline of Un'iversology (newspaper clipping in Brown University's copy). 52. Michael A. Clancy, typescript on W. R. Alger's poem, "S. P. Andrews as a Protagonist of Humanity," with typescript of poem. 53. Michael A. Clancy, Washington, D.C., letter to William S. Andrews, February 23, 1889. 54. A. L. Leubuscher, letter to Mrs. Albert K. Owen, August 10, 1916. 55. Information from Miss Josephine L. Harper, manuscripts librarian, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 56. Information from Mr. John D. Forbes, office manager, the Woodlawn Cemetery. 57. The Popular Science Monthly, XXII (November, 1882), 125. 58. S. P. Andrews, "The New Civilization," pp. 91-93. 59. Ibid., p. 97. 60. "Death of the Only Pantarch." 61. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 12 (March 22, 1884), 181. 62. Joseph Ishill (ed.), Free Vistas—Vol. II, p. 280. 63. The New-York Times, May 23, 1886, p. 7. 64. S. P. Andrews, Elements of Un'iversology, advertisement at end. 65. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 3 (January 19, 1884), 42. 66. Ibid., XI, No. 45 (November 8, 1884), 718. 67. S. P. Andrews, "The New Civilization," p. 91. 68. Liberty, IV, No. 4 (June 19,1886), 4. 69. It was reprinted in Liberty (1886-1888); in Boston by Sarah E. Holmes in 1889; in Bombay by the Libertarian Social Institute in the twentieth century. Cost the Limit of Price, part of The Science of Society, was translated into German as Das Kostenprinzip. A condensation of the first part appeared under the title "True Constitution of Government" in the official journal of The School of Living of Brookville, Ohio, Balanced Living, XVII, No. 2 (February, 1961), 41-45. 70. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 3 (January 19, 1884), 42. 71. The Popular Science Monthly, XXII (November, 1882), 124. 72. Macdonald, Fifty Years of Freethought, I, 408. Currently, Burt Franklin, of New York City, is planning to reprint The Basic Outline of Un'iversology and The Primary Synopsis of Un'iversology. 73. Liberty, III, No. 22 (January 23, 1886), 1. 74. The Truth Seeker, XI, No. 45 (November 8, 1884), 718.

WORKS CITED Stephen Pearl Andrews UNPUBLISHED Andrews Papers. State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Four Boxes. These include: "Address to the Inhabitants of the USA and of the World at Large upon the Slavery Question." Box 1. "Address to the People of the United States of America." Box 4. "Autobiography." Box 2. "Constitution and By-Laws of the Pantarchal University." Box 1. "First Sequential Exposition of the Constitution of the Pantarchy." Box 1. "Fragments." Box 4. Letter to Mary E. Tillotson, from New York, June 11, 1884. Box 1. "Love Marriage and the Condition of Woman." Box 4. "Possibility of a Universal Language." Box 3. "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War." Box 2. "Sciento-Philosophy or the Philosophy of the Sciences: An Essay at Ultimate Solutions." Box 3. "The Social Organism. Lecture Delivered before the Manhattan Liberal Club, New York, September 1, 1882." Box 1. "Sociological Comparology." Box 3. "Death Certificate, May 21, 1886." City of New York, Department of Health, Bureau of Records and Statistics. Letters to Henry Edger, from New York, August 6, 1872; August 14, 1872; September 9, 1872. Maison d'Auguste Comte, Paris, France. Letters to Theodora Freeman Spencer, 1880-1883, and undated. In Alwato. Collection of Mrs. Muriel Streeter Schwartz, New York City. Letter to Isaac Pitman, from New York, May 14, 1851. Sir James Pitman Collection, London, England. Letter to John Quincy Adams, from London, July 18, 1843. The Adams Papers, Letters Received, April-August, 1843, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Massachusetts. Letter to W. W. Swain, November 29, 1844. Deed Records, Harris County, Texas, Vol. J. Letter to William Lloyd Garrison, from New York, September 20, 1855. Boston Public Library, Boston, Massachusetts. (And Augustus French Boyle.) "Elements of Phonography." Penciled Phonographic Copy Book. Manuscript Division, New York Public Library, New York City. "'Stephen Pearl Andrews vs. M. R. Gray." Decree, May 10, 1844. Cause No. 1167. General Minutes of the 11th District Courts of Harris County, Texas.

Works Cited

181 PUBLISHED

The Alphabet of Philosophy. N.p., [1876]. (Ed.) The American Phonographic Journal, I, No. 1 (January, 1846)-I, No. 2 (February, 1846). (Ed.) The Anglo Saxon, I, No. 1 (December 5, 1846)-II, No. 17 (February 1, 1850). (Ed.) La Aurora, I, No. 1 (November 22, 1845). The Basic Outline of Universology. New York: Dion Thomas, 1872. Copy containing penciled note and newspaper clippings, Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island. "Civilization a Failure," The Golden Age, I, No. 9 (April 29, 1871), 3. (Tr.) Constitucion, Leyes Jenerales, & c. de la Republica de Tejas. Houston, 1841. Constitution or Organic Basis of the Pantarchy. New York, 1860. Elements of Universology. New York, 1881. "The Great American Crisis," The Continental Monthly, IV, No. 6 (December, 1863), 658-670; V, No. 1 (January, 1864), 87-99; V, No. 3 (March, 1864), 300-317. Ideological Etymology; or a New Method in the Study of Words. New York, 1881. "The Introduction of Phonography into America," Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 7 (July, 1877), 106-111. The Labor Dollar. Boston, 1881. A Lecture on Phonotypy and Phonography: Or, Speech-Printing and SpeechWriting. N.p., [1848]. Love, Marriage, and Divorce, and the Sovereignty of the Individual. New York, 1853, and Boston, 1889. "The New Civilization," The Truth Seeker Annual and Freethinkers' Almanac 1885. New York, [1885]. An Oration, Delivered on the Fourth of July, 1835, Before the East Feliciana Temperance Society. New Orleans, 1836. "The Pantarchy," The Season, N.S. Ill, No. 24 (September 16, 1871), 186. "The Pantarchy Defined—the Word and the Thing," Banner of Light, XXXIII, No. 12 (June 21, 1873), 3. The Phonographic Class-Book. Boston, 1844. "Phonotypy and Phonography, or Speech-Printing and Speech-Writing," The Young American's Magazine, I, No. 1 (January, 1847), 55-60. The Primary Grammar of Alwato. Boston, 1877. The Primary Synopsis of Universology and Alwato. New York: Dion Thomas, 1871. Copy with inserted clippings, Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island. Primary View of the English Standard Phonetic Alphabet. [New York, 1876]. "Principles of Nature, Original Physiocracy, the New Order of Government," The Spiritual Age, I, No. 20 (September 20, 1857). Mounted Clipping. Labadie Collection, University of Michigan Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

182

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

(Ed.) The Propagandist [later, The Phonetic Propagandist'], I, No. 1 (November 6, 1850)-II, No. 26 (November 17,1852). The Science of Society. New York, 1851; Bombay, India: Libertarian Socialist Institute, n.d. The Sovereignty of the Individual. Berkeley Heights, New Jersey: Freeman Press, [1938]. "A Universal Language: Its Possibility, Scientific Necessity, and Appropriate Characteristics," The Continental Monthly, V, No. 5 (May, 1864), 532543. The Universal Tract Society Tracts.—No. 3. [New York, 1886]. Various Papers on Phonotypy and Phonography. N.p., [1848]. (And Augustus French Boyle.) Compendium of Phonography. N.p., [1848]. Folding Broadside. ( .) The Complete Phonographic Class-Book. New York, 1847, 1848, and 1851. ( .) The Phonographic Reader. Boston, [1845]; Boston, 1846. ( .) The Phonographic Word-Book Number One. New York, 1849. (And John W. Leonard [eds.].) The American Phonographer, I, No. 1 (June, 1851)-I, No. 4 (September, 1851).

Other Authors UNPUBLISHED Andrews, William Swain. "Excerpts from the Autobiography." Collection ol Mary Gardner, Santa Monica, California. [Beecher-Tilton Trial]. "Scrapbooks Compiled in the Office of The Independent during the Beecher-Tilton Trial." Mounted Clippings. New York Public Library, New York City. 8 vols. Brooks, Louis, and Wife, and Stephen Pearl Andrews. "Indenture, October 14, 1852." Suffolk County Clerk's Office, Riverhead, New York. [Burnet, David G.]. "Articles of Agreement Made and Entered into This 31st day of May 1839, between David G. Burnet, Acting Secretary of State of the Republic of Texas, of the One Part, and Stephen P. Andrews of the Other Part." Public Printing Papers, Archives Division, Texas State Library, Austin, Texas. Chinn, R. H. Letter to Mirabeau B. Lamar, from New Orleans, December 24, 1838. Letter No. 955. Lamar Papers, Archives, Texas State Library, Austin, Texas. Clancy, Michael A. Letter to William S. Andrews, from Washington, D.C., February 23, 1889. Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. . Typescript on W. R. Alger's poem, "S. P. Andrews as a Protagonist of Humanity." With typescript of poem. Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. Codman, Charles A. "History of the City of Modern Times." Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York.

Works Cited

183

. Letter to Henry Edger, from Brentwood, New York, August 31, 1885. Maison d'Auguste Comte, Paris, France. "Death of the Only Pantarch." Unlocated Newspaper Clipping. Collection of Miss Elfa H. Streeter, Hinsdale, New Hampshire. Eve, Joseph. Letter to Daniel Webster, from Galveston, Texas, March 29, 1843. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Fleet, Catharine, and Mary A. Andrews. "Indenture, April 5, 1851." Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York. Frailey, Mareia. "History of Brentwood." Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York. Gillette, H. F. Letter to Ashbel Smith, from Houston, Texas, October 20, 1843. Ashbel Smith Papers, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas. Holmes, George Frederick. "Letterbook. 1855." Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. Leubuscher, A. L. Letter to Mrs. Albert K. Owen, August 10, 1916. Collection of Mr. Ray Reynolds, Grossmont College, El Cajon, California. Macdonald, A. J. "Materials on Ideal Communities." Scrapbook. Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut. Medici, Charles de. Letter to Stephen Pearl Andrews, from Belmont Hotel, March 9, 1879. Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. "Medium's Report." Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. Munroe, Donald. "Brentwood Once 'Modern Times'." Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York. Murphy, William Sumter. Letter to A. P. Upshur, from Galveston, Texas, September 24, 1843. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Normal University of the Pantarchy. "Annual Reports for the years 1872, 1875, 1876." Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. Pitman, Isaac. Letters to Benn Pitman, from Bath, England, October 22, 1846; October 30, 1846; October 31, 1846. Collection of Sir James Pitman, London, England. Rosson, Opal T. "The Life and Career of Andrew Janeway Yates." Masters Thesis, The University of Texas, 1939. Shively, Charles. "The Thought of Stephen Pearl Andrews (1812-1886)." Masters Thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1960. Smith, Ashbel. Letter to the Earl of Aberdeen, August 1[?], 1843. Ashbel Smith Papers, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas. . Letter to William Bryan, from Paris, August 12, 1843. Ashbel Smith Papers, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas. . Letter to William Henry Daingerfield, July 6, 1843. Ashbel Smith Papers, The University of Texas Library, Austin, Texas. Smither, Harriet. "The Diplomatic Service of Ashbel Smith to the Republic of Texas, 1842-1845." Masters Thesis, The University of Texas, 1922. Spencer, E. F. Letters to William S. Andrews, from Vineland, New Jersey, June 24, 1895; July 11, 1895. Andrews Papers, State Historical Society of

184

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. Box 1. Spencer, Theodora Freeman. Letters to Stephen Pearl Andrews, undated. In Alwato. Collection of Mr. Donald Streeter, lona, New Jersey. Tappan, Lewis. Letter to John Scoble, from New York, October 31, 1843. Rhodes House Library, Oxford, England. . Letters to Stephen Pearl Andrews, from New York, 1843-1847. Tappan Letter Books, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. "Third Class Certificate No. 169," April 11, 1839. Miscellaneous Certificate File, General Land Office, Austin, Texas. Upshur, Abel Parker. Letter to William Sumter Murphy, from Washington, D.C, August 8, 1843. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Ward, Louise Streeter. "Notes Made on Conversations with John J. Streeter (1849-1941) Nephew of Stephen Pearl Andrews." Collection of Mrs. Murial Streeter Schwartz, New York City. Warren, Josiah. Letters to Stephen Pearl Andrews, April 20, [1850]-June 10, 1852; April 28, [1857]. Joseph Ishill Collection, Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Wells, Charlotte Fowler. "Report of Spiritualist Meetings, New York 1850." Charlotte Fowler Wells Miscellanea, Collection of Regional History, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS Abel, Annie Heloise, and Frank J. Klingberg (eds.). A Side-Light on AngloAmerican Relations, 1839-1858. Lancaster, Pennsylvania: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 1927. Abstract of Land Certificates Reported as Genuine and Legal, by the Travelling Commissioners Appointed under the "Act to Detect Fraudulent Land Certificates." Austin, 1841. [Achilli, Giovanni Giacinto]. Achilli vs. Newman. A Full Report of the Most Extraordinary Trial for Seduction and Adultery Charged against Dr. Achilli. New York, [1852]. . Dealings with the Inquisition. New York, 1851. Adams, Charles Francis (ed.). Memoirs of John Quincy Adams. Philadelphia, 1876. 12 vols. Adams, Edwin G. An Historical Discourse in Commemoration of the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Formation of the First Congregational Church in Templeton, Massachusetts. Boston, 1857. Adams, Ephraim Douglass (ed.). British Diplomatic Correspondence concerning the Republic of Texas—1838-1846. Austin: The Texas State Historical Association, [1918?]. . British Interests and Activities in Texas, 1838-1846. Gloucester, Massachusetts: P. Smith, 1963 [c. 1910]. Adams, Frederick Baldwin, Jr. Radical Literature in America. Stamford, Connecticut: Overbrook Press, 1939. Adams, Grace, and Edward Hutter. The Mad Forties. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, [1942]. Adams, James Truslow (ed.). Dictionary of American History. London and New York: Scribner, [1940]. 6 vols.

Works Cited

185

Allen, O. Fisher. The City of Houston from Wilderness to Wonder. Temple, Texas, [1936]. Allen, Winnie, and Corrie Walker Allen. Pioneering in Texas. Dallas: The Southern Publishing Company, [1935]. Allibone, S. Austin. A Critical Dictionary of English Literature. Philadelphia, 1858. 3 vols. American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Proceedings. Boston and Cambridge, 1848. 85 vols. . Report of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on Phonotypy. N.p., [1848]. American Dental Association. Transactions of the American Dental Association at the Eighteenth-Nineteenth-Twentieth Annual Sessions, 1878-18791880. Chicago and Philadelphia, 1879-1880-1881. American Historical Association. Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1903. Vol. II. American International Workingmen's Association. Proceedings of the First Congress. New York, 1872. American Philological Association. Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1879. Hartford, Connecticut, 1880. Amherst Academy. Catalogue of the Trustees, Instructors and Students. November 1828; November 1829. Amherst, Massachusetts, [1828]-[1829]. The Anti-Texass Legion. Protest of Some Free Men, States and Presses against the Texass Rebellion, against the Laws of Nature and of Nations. Albany, New York, 1844. Bailie, William. Josiah Warren: The First American Anarchist. Boston: Small, Maynard & Co., 1906. Baker, Alfred. The Life of Sir Isaac Pitman (Inventor of Phonography). London: Sir I. Pitman & Sons, Ltd., 1913. Bailou, Adin. History of the Hopedale Community. Lowell, Massachusetts, 1897. . Practical Christian Socialism. Hopedale and New York, 1854. Bartholomew, Ed Ellsworth. The Houston Story. Houston: Frontier Press of Texas, 1951. Becker, Beril. Whirlwind in Petticoats. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1947. Beers, James Wellington. American Phonographic Pioneers. Gaithersburg, Maryland, 1954. . Elias Longley: A Phonographic Pioneer. Gaithersburg, Maryland, 1953. . Modern Shorthand: A Synoptical History. Gaithersburg, Maryland, 1948. Bemis, Samuel Flagg (ed.). The American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy. New York: Knopf, 1928. 13 vols. Bennett, De Robigne Mortimer. The World's Sages, Infidels, and Thinkers. New York, [1876]. [Benton, Thomas Hart]. Thirty Years' View. New York, 1856. 2 vols. Bernard, Luther Lee, and Jessie Bernard. Origins of American Sociology. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, [1943].

186

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Bernstein, Samuel. The First International in America. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1962. Bestor, Arthur Eugene, Jr. Backwoods Utopias. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950. Biographical Directory of the Texan Conventions and Congresses. Austin, Texas, [1941]. Blake, Clagette. Charles Elliot R. N. 1801-1875. London: Cleaver-Hume Press, 1960. Borome, Joseph Alfred. Charles Coffin Jewett. Chicago: American Library Association, 1951. Bowen, Clarence Winthrop. Arthur and Lewis Tappan. New York, 1883. Boyle, Augustus French. A Lecture on Phonotypy and Phonography. N.p., [1848]. British Sessional Papers. 1844. Vol. XLIX. No. 455 and Enclosure. Broun, Heywood Campbell, and Margaret Leech. Anthony Comstock: Roundsman of the Lord. New York: A. and C. Boni, 1927. Brown, Karl, and Daniel C. Haskell. The Shorthand Collection in the New York Public Library. New York: The New York Public Library, 1935. Carroll, James Milton. A History of Texas Baptists. Dallas: Baptist Standard Publishing Company, 1923. Catlin, George Edward Gordon. The Story of the Political Philosophers. New York: Whittlesey House, [1939]. Cecil, Algernon. British Foreign Secretaries 1807-1916. London: G. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1927. Centennial Congress of Liberals. Report of the Centennial Congress of Liberals, and Organization of the National Liberal League, at Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July, 1876. Boston, 1876. Child, David Lee. The Taking of Naboth's Vineyard. New York, 1845. Clapp, Theodore. Autobiographical Sketches and Recollections. Boston, 1857. Cole, George Douglas Howard. Socialist Thought, Marxism, and Anarchism 1859-1890. Vol. II of A History of Socialist Thought. London: Macmillan & Co., 1954. 5 vols. Colloquium. Transactions of the Colloquium. With Documents and Exhibits. New York, 1882-1883. Comettant, Oscar. Trots Ans Aux Êtats-Unis. Paris, 1858. Commons, John Rogers (ed.). A Documentary History of American Industrial Society. New York: Russell & Russell, 1958. 10 vols. , and others. History of Labour in the United States. New York: Macmillan Company, 1918. 4 vols. Comte, Auguste. Lettres d'Auguste Comte, fondateur de la religion universelle et premier grand-prêtre de Vhumanitê, à Henry Edgar et à Μ. John Metcalf. Paris, 1889. Conway, Moncure Daniel. Autobiography Memories and Experiences. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1904. 2 vols. . Palm and Pine: A Novel. New York, 1887. Curti, Merle Eugene. The Growth of American Thought. New York and London: Harper & Brothers, [1943].

Works Cited

187

Davis, Paulina W. A History of the National Woman's Rights Movement, for Twenty Years. New York, 1871. De Postels, Theodore August. Alpha-Betic Index and Explanations to Universology. [New York], 1943. Derby, J. C. Fifty Years among Authors, Books and Publishers. New York: G. W. Carleton & Co., 1884. Dickinson, S. N . The Boston Almanac for the Year 1847. Boston, n.d. Dictionary of American Biography. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1943. Ditzion, Sidney. Marriage Morals and Sex in America. New York: Bookman Associates, [1953]. Dixon, William Hepworth. Spiritual Wives. London, 1868. 2 vols. Dorfman, Joseph. The Economic Mind in American Civilization. New York: The Viking Press, 1946. 5 vols. Dumond, Dwight Lowell. Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1939. Dunbar, Clarence Peckham, and William Hunter Dillard. Houston, 1836-1936, Chronology and Review. Houston: Business Research and Publications Service, [1936]. [Durell, Edward Henry]. New Orleans as I Found It. New York, 1845. Dyer, Oliver. Great Senators of the United States Forty Years Ago (1848 and 1849). New York, [1889]. Dyson, Verne. A Century of Brentwood. Brentwood, New York: Brentwood Village Press, 1950; Supplement. Brentwood, New York: Brentwood Village Press, 1953. Eaton, Clement. The Growth of Southern Civilization 1790-1860. New York: Harper, [1961]. Eclectic Medical College of the City of New York. Annual Announcements. New York, 1867-1868. . Memorial Volume of the 12th Class of Graduates. New York, 1875. . Register of Graduates. N.p., n.d. Edger, Henry. Modern Times, the Labor Question, and the Family. New York, [1855]. Edmonds, Franklin Spencer. History of the Central High School of Philadelphia. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1902. Ellis, John B. Free Love and Its Votaries. New York and Cincinnati, [1870]. Eltzbacher, Paul. Anarchism: Exponents of the Anarchist Philosophy. Translated by Steven T. Byington, edited by James J. Martin. New York: Libertarian Book Club, [1960]. Ely, Richard Theodore. The Labor Movement in America. New York: Macmillan Company, 1905. The Evolutionists: Being a Condensed Report of the Principles, Purposes and Methods of the Union Reform League. Princeton, Massachusetts, 1882. Filler, Louis. The Crusade against Slavery, 1830-1860. New York: Harper, [1960]. Flower, Milton Embick. James Parton, the Father of Modern Biography. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Publications, 1951. Foote, E. B., Jr., and Thaddeus B. Wakeman. The Manhattan Liberal Club. [New York, 1894].

188

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Foote, Henry Stuart. Texas and the Texans. Philadelphia, 1841. 2 vols. Fossier, Albert Emile. New Orleans, the Glamour Period, 1800-1840. NewOrleans: Pelican Publishing Company, [1957]. Foster, William Zebulon. History of the Three Internationals. New York: International Publishers, [1955]. Frantz, Joe B. Gail Borden, Dairyman to a Nation. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, [1951]. Friend, Llerena. Sam Houston: The Great Designer. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1954. Garrison, George P. (ed.). "Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1908. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1911. Vol. II. Godwin, Parke. A Biography of William Cullen Bryant. New York: 1883. 2 vols. Gompers, Samuel. Seventy Years of Life and Labor: An Autobiography. New York: E. P. Dutton & Company, [1925]. 2 vols. Graham, Andrew J. Phonographic Odds and Ends. New York, n.d. Green, Duff. Facts and Suggestions. New York, 1866. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates. London, 1843. 3rd Series, Vol. LXXI. Harmon, Nolan Bailey, Jr. The Famous Case of Myra Clark Gaines. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1946. Harper, Ida Husted. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. Indianapolis: The Bowen-Merrill Company, 1899-1908. 3 vols. Hawkins, Richmond Laurin. Positivism in the United States 1853-1861. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1938. Hawkins, Walace. The Case of John C. Watrous, United States Judge for Texas. Dallas: University Press in Dallas, 1950. Hibben, Paxton. Henry Ward Beecher: An American Portrait. New York: George H. Doran Company, [1927]. Hitchcock, Edward. The Religion of Geology and Its Connected Sciences. Boston, 1854. Hogan, William Ransom. The Texas Republic: A Social and Economic History. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, [1946]. Holbrook, Stewart Hall. Dreamers of the American Dream. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1957. Holloway, Mark. Heavens on Earth: Utopian Communities in America, 16801880. London: Turnstile Press, 1951. Houston: A History and Guide, Compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program of the Work Projects Administration in the State of Texas. Houston: Anson Jones Press, 1942. Houstoun, Mrs. Matilda Charlotte (Jesse) Fraser. Texas and the Gulf of Mexico. London: J. Murray, 1844. 2 vols. . A Woman's Memories of World-Known Men. London: F. V. White and Company, 1883. Huntington, Ε. Β. A Genealogical Memoir of the Lo-Lathrop Family. Ridgefield, Connecticut, 1884. Ikin, Arthur. Texas: Its History, Topography, Agriculture, Commerce, and General Statistics. To Which Is Added, a Copy of the Treaty of Commerce

Works Cited

189

Entered into by the Republic of Texas and Great Britain. Designed for the Use of the British Merchant, and as a Guide to Emigrants. London, 1841. Ingalls, Joshua King. Reminiscences of an Octogenarian. Elmira, New York, 1897. In Memoriam. Emily Codman, 1826-1886. N.p., n.d. Ishill, Joseph (ed.). Free Vistas—Vol. II. Berkeley Heights, New Jersey: Oriole Press, 1937. Jameson, John Franklin (ed.). "Correspondence of John C. Calhoun," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1900. Vol. II. Jay, William. A Review of the Causes and Consequences of the Mexican War. Boston, 1850. Jewett, Charles C. A Plan for Stereotyping Catalogues by Separate Titles. Washington, D.C, 1851. Johnson, J. F. Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention Called by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and Held in London, from Tuesday, June 13th, to Tuesday, June 20th, 1843. London, [1843]. Jones, Anson. Letters Relating to the History of Annexation. Philadelphia, 1852.

. Memoranda and Official Correspondence Relating to the Republic of Texas. New York, 1859. Jones, Wilbur Devereux. Lord Aberdeen and the Americas. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1958. Kennedy, William. Texas: The Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the Republic of Texas. London, 1841. 2 vols. Kent, Austin, Free Love. Hopkinton, New York, 1857. Lader, Lawrence. The Bold Brahmins: New England's War against Slavery, 1831-1863. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1961. [Louisiana, Supreme Court]. The Celebration of the Centenary of the Supreme Court of Louisiana. [New Orleans, 1913]. . Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the Supreme Court of the State of Louisiana. St. Paul, Minnesota, 1911. 62 vols. Lubbock, Francis Richard. Six Decades in Texas. Austin, 1900. Lutz, Alma. Created Equal: A Biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 18131902. New York: The John Day Company, [1940]. Macdonald, George Everett Hussey. Fifty Years of Freethought. New York: The Truth Seeker Company, 1929. 2 vols. Madison, Charles A. Critics & Crusaders: A Century of American Protest. New York: H. Holt and Company, [1947]. Martin, François-Xavier. The History of Louisiana, from the Earliest Period, with a Memoir of the Author by Judge W. W. Howe, to Which Is Appended Annals of Louisiana, from the Close of Martin's History to the Commencement of the Civil War, 1861, by John F. Condon. New Orleans, 1882. Martin, James J. Men against the State. New York: Libertarian Book Club, 1957. Matthiessen, Francis Otto. The James Family. New York: Knopf, 1947.

190

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Medici, Charles de. Groundwork of Classification. New York, 1880. Mercantile Library Association. Thirtieth Annual Report. New York, 1851. Merk, Frederick. The Monroe Doctrine and American Expansionism, 18431849. New York: Knopf, 1966. Moore, Francis, Jr. Description of Texas. New York, 1844. Morrell, Ζ. Ν. Flowers and Fruits from the Wilderness: or Forty-Six Years in Texas and Two Winters in Honduras. Boston, 1872. Morris, Lloyd R. Incredible New York. New York: Random House, [1951]. Mott, Frank Luther. A History of American Magazines. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1938. 4 vols. The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography. New York: J. T. White & Company, 1929. 13 vols. National Shorthand Reporters' Association. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting at Chautauqua, Ν. Υ., August 15, 16, 17 and 18, 1905; Proceedings of the Annual Meeting at Atlantic City, N.J., July 17, 18, 19 and 20, 1906; Proceedings of the Annual Meeting at Kenilworth Inn, Biltmore (near Asheville), N. C, August 6, 7, 8 and 9, 1907. Trenton, New Jersey, 19061907. Nettlau, Max. Der Vorfrühling der Anarchie. Berlin: F. Kater, 1925. New England Shorthand Reporters' Association. Proceedings of the New England Shorthand Reporters' Association at the Fourth and Fifth Annual Meetings, 1894-1895. Watertown, Massachusetts, 1896. 4 vols. New-York City Phonographic Society. Constitution. New York, 1849. Nichols, Thomas Low. Esoteric Anthropology. New York, 1855. . Forty Years of American Life 1821-1861. London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1874; New York: Stackpole Sons, [1937]. . Woman, in All Ages and Nations. New York, 1849. , and Mary S. Gove Nichols. Marriage. Cincinnati, Ohio [1854]. Normal University of the Pantarchy. Charter, or Articles of Corporation. N.p., n.d. Noyes, John Humphrey. History of American Socialisms. Philadelphia, 1870. Parkhurst, J. A. Henry M. Parkhurst. N.p., n.d. Post, Albert. Popular Freethought in America, 1825-1850. New York: Columbia University Press, 1943. Putnam, Samuel P. 400 Years of Freethought. New York, 1894. Reeves, Jesse Siddall. American Diplomacy under Tyler and Polk. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1907. Richard, Henry. Memoirs of Joseph Sturge. London, 1864. Robinson, Elrie. Early Feliciana Politics. St. Francisville, Louisiana: St. Francisville Democrat, 1936. Rocker, Rudolf. Pioneers of American Freedom. Los Angeles: Rocker Publications Committee, [1949]. Rockwell, Julius Ensign. Shorthand Instruction and Practice. Washington, D.C., 1893. . The Teaching, Practice, and Literature of Shorthand. Washington, D.C., 1885. Sachs, Emanie. "The Terrible Siren" Victoria Woodhull (1838-1927). New York: Harper & Brothers, 1928.

Works Cited

191

Schneider, Robert Edward. Positivism in the United States. Rosario, Argentina, 1946. Schuster, Eunice Minette. Native American Anarchism. Northampton, Massachusetts: Department of History of Smith College, 1931-1932. Scientific Testimonials of the Extent and Importance of the Universological and Philological Discoveries of Stephen Pearl Andrews. New York, 1870. Shaplen, Robert. Free Love and Heavenly Sinners. New York: Knopf, [1954]. Skipworth, H. East Feliciana, Louisiana, Past and Present. New Orleans, Louisiana, 1892. Smith, Ashbel. Reminiscences of the Texas Republic. Galveston, Texas, 1876. . Yellow Fever in Galveston, Republic of Texas, 1839» Austin: University of Texas Press, 1951. [Smith, Gerrit]. Calendar of the Gerrit Smith Papers in the Syracuse University Library. General Correspondence, 1846-1854. Albany, New York, [1942]. 2 vols. Smith, Justin Harvey. The Annexation of Texas. New York: Baker and Taylor Company, 1911. Sprading, Charles T. Liberty and the Great Libertarians. Los Angeles, California: The Author, 1913. Sprague, William B. Annals of the American Pulpit. New York, 1865. Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage (eds.). History of Woman Suffrage. Rochester and New York, 1887. 6 vols. Stanton, Henry B. Random Recollections. Johnstown, New York, [1885]. Stedman, Laura, and George M. Gould. Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman. New York: Moffat, Yard and Company, 1910. 2 vols. Steklov, Yurii Mikhailovich. History of the First International. New York: International Publishers Company, [1928]. Stern, Madeleine B. We the Women: Career Firsts of Nineteenth-Century America. New York: Schulte Publishing Company, 1963. Stiff, Edward. The Texan Emigrant. Cincinnati, Ohio, 1840. Streeter, Thomas Winthrop. Bibliography of Texas 1795-1845. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1955. 5 vols. Sturge, Joseph. A Visit to the United States in 1841. London, 1842. Syllabus of the Sunday Exercises at De Garmo Hall. N.p., n.d. Symes, Lillian, and Travers Clement. Rebel America: The Story of Social Revolt in the United States. New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1934. Tappan, Lewis. The Life of Arthur Tappan. New York, 1870. Texas [Republic] Congress, House of Representatives, Fifth Congress. Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives. Austin, Texas, 1841.

Texas Treasury Papers: Letters Received in the Treasury Department of the Republic of Texas. Austin, Texas: Texas State Library, 1955. 3 vols. Thornton, Willis. The Nine Lives of Citizen Train. New York: Greenberg, [1948]. Tillotson, Mary E. History of the First Thirty-Five Years of the Science Costume Movement in the United States of America. Vineland, New Jersey, 1885.

192

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

[Tilton, Theodore]. Theodore Tilton vs. Henry Ward Beecher. Action for Criminal Contempt Tried in the City Court of Brooklyn, Chief Justice Joseph Neilson Presiding, Verbatim Report. New York, 1875. 3 vols. [Treat, Joseph]. Beecher, Tilton, Woodhull, The Creation of Society. New York, 1874. Tucker, Benjamin Ricketson. Individual Liberty. New York: Vanguard Press, 1926. . State Socialism and Anarchism. New York, 1899. Tuckerman, Frederick. Amherst Academy: A New England School of the Past, 1814-1861. Amherst, Massachusetts: The Trustees, 1929. Tyler, Lyon G. The Letters and Times of the Tylers. Richmond, Virginia, 1885. 3 vols. Tyler, William S. A History of Amherst College. New York, 1895. [Underhill, Edward F., and Mortimer Thomson]. The History and Records of the Elephant Club. New York, 1857. United States Senate. Index to Miscellaneous Documents Printed by Order of the Senate of the United States during the First Session of the Thirty-First Congress, 1849-50. Washington, D.C., 1850. No. 125. United States Senate Documents, 28th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. V, No. 341. Urquhart, D. Annexation of the Texas. London, 1844. Van Deusen, Glyndon Garlock. Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1953. Von Hoist, H. The Constitutional and Political History of the United States. Chicago, 1881. 7 vols, and Index. Wallace, Irving. The Square Pegs: Some Americans Who Dared To Be Different. New York: Knopf, 1957. Warren, Austin. The Elder Henry James. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934. Warren, Josiah. Equitable Commerce. New Harmony, Indiana, 1846. . The Former Title of the Work Was "Equitable Commerce," but It Is Now Ranked as the First Part of True Civilization. Clintondale, Massachusetts, 1869. . Manifesto. Berkeley Heights, New Jersey: Oriole Press, 1952. . Practical Applications of the Elementary Principles of "True Civilization." Princeton, Massachusetts, 1873. . Practical Details in Equitable Commerce. New York, 1852. . True Civilization an Immediate Necessity. Boston, 1863. Webb, Walter Prescott (ed.). The Handbook of Texas. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1952. 2 vols. Webber, Everett. Escape to Utopia: The Communal Movement in America. New York: Hastings House Publishers, 1958. William Lloyd Garrison 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children. Boston and New York, 1894. 4 vols. Williams, Amelia W., and Eugene C. Barker (eds.). The Writings of Sam Houston. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1941. 8 vols. Williams, Elgin. The Animating Pursuits of Speculation: Land Traffic in the Annexation of Texas. New York: Columbia University Press, 1949. Williamson, Francis P. Beecher and his Accusers. Philadelphia, [1874].

Works Cited

193

Wilson, William Edward. The Angel and the Serpent: The Story of New Harmony. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1964. Wiltse, Charles Maurice. The New Nation: 1800-1845. New York: Hill and Wang, 1961. Wish, Harvey. Society and Thought in America. New York, London and Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1950-1952. 2 vols. Woodhull, Victoria Claflin. A Lecture on Constitutional Equality. New York, 1871. Woodward, Helen Beal. The Bold Women. New York: Farrar, Straus and Young, [1953]. Young, Frederic Harold. The Philosophy of Henry James, Sr. New York: Bookman Associates, [1951]. Young, Samuel Oliver. A Thumb-Nail History of the City of Houston, Texas, from Its Founding in 1836 to the Year 1912. Houston, Texas: Rein & Sons Company, 1912. PERIODICALS Adams, Ephraim Douglass. "Correspondence from the British Archives concerning Texas, 1837-1846," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI, No. 2 (October, 1912), 202-203; XVII, No. 1 (July, 1913), 77-78; XVII, No. 2 (October, 1913), 204-205; XX, No. 4 (April, 1917), 394-395. Aldridge, Alfred Owen. "Mysticism in Modern Times, L.I.," Americana, XXXVI, No. 4 (October, 1942), 555-566. American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, II, No. 2 (November, 1844), 16. The American Reporter, V, No. 20 (May, 1852)-V, No. 27 (December, 1852). Andrews, William Swain. "Sketch of the Life of Stephen Pearl Andrews," Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, IV, No. 4 (December 9, 1871), 11-16. Baltimore Patriot, May 17, 1843. "Biographical Sketch of the Late William Blair Lord," Browne's Phonographic Monthly, X, No. 2 (February, 1885), 33. Bishop, Morris. "This Was New York and Suburbs," The New Yorker (June 4, 1938), 32-38. Bonquois, Dora J. "The Career of Henry Adams Bullard," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXIII, No. 4 (October, 1940), 999-1039. The Boston Investigator, February 14, 1849. Boston News, March 15, 1875. Boston Post, June 21, 1843. Bridgeton, New Jersey, Evening News, June 5, 1886. Clipping. Collection of Mr. Donald Streeter, lona, New Jersey. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, IV, No. 12 (June 14, 1843), 92; IV, No. 13 (June 21,1843), 110-111. Brooklyn Times, July 29, 1893. Brown, David Wolfe. "Augustus F. Boyle and His Work," Illustrated Phonographic World, IX, No. 11 (July, 1894), 342-346. Browne's Phonographic Monthly, II, No. 3 (March, 1877)-XI, No. 6 (June, 1886). Byington, Steven T. "Benjamin Ricketson Tucker," Man!, VII, No. 8 (August, 1939), 517.

194

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

Congressional Globe. Appendix. 28th Congress, 1st Session (1844); Appendix, 30th Congress, 1st Session (1847-1848) ; 31st Congress, 1st Session (1850). The Daily Chronotype (Boston), November 20, 1846; December 22, 1846. Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, D . C ) , June 12, 1844. Dyer, Oliver. 'Old-Time Lecture-Lesson in Phonography," The National Shorthand Reporter, I, No. 4 (April, 1903), 18-19. Emancipator and Weekly Chronicle (Boston), December 4, 1844; December 25, 1844; January 15, 1845; January 29, 1845; February 5, 1845; April 15, 1846. The Evening Post (New York), April 27, 1844. The Fortnightly Review, I, No. 4 (July 1, 1865),421-434. Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, January 6, 1872; January 20, 1872. Freeland, Edward B. "The Science of Universology," The Home Journal, (July 16, 1864), [4]. The Galveston Daily News, August 11, 1918. The Golden Age, I, No. 14 (June 3, 1871), 5. Goodall, Otis B. "Augustus French Boyle," The Phonographic Magazine, VII, No. 19 (October 1, 1893), 362-364. Green, Fletcher M. "Duff Green: Industrial Promoter," The Journal of Southern History, II, No. 1 (February, 1936), 29-30. . "Duff Green, Militant Journalist of the Old School," The American Historical Review, LII, No. 2 (January, 1947), 247-264. Griffin, T. J. "Oliver Dyer. Interview," The Phonographic Magazine, VIII, No. 4 (February 15, 1894), 52-57. Hageman, Miller. "City of Modern Times Now City of Hard Times," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 5, 1904. Clipping. Brentwood Public Library, Brentwood, New York. The Harbinger, I, No. 25 (November 29, 1845), 393-394. Horton, H. P. "The Story of 'Modern Times'," Long Island Forum, VII, No. 2 (February, 1944), 23-25. Hull's Crucible, VI, No. 18 (May 5, 1877)-VII, No. 8 (August 25, 1877). Hunt's Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review, XXIV, No. 3 (March, 1851), 332-339. Illustrated Phonographic World, X, No. 4 (December, 1894), 102-103. The Index, V, No. 226 (April 23, 1874)-VIII, No. 378 (March 22, 1877). "Institute of Desarrollo," Nichols' Journal of Health, I, No. 7 (October 1, 1853), 49-50. Kendall, John S. "The Strange Case of Myra Clark Gaines," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XX, No. 1 (January, 1937), 6-42. Kingston, Alfred. "Phonography in America—Its Pioneers and Practitioners," Pitman's Journal, IX, No. 3 (October, 1912), 62-63; IX, No. 10 (May, 1913), 232-233. . "Phonography in America—Its Pioneers and Practitioners. Stephen Pearl Andrews," Pitman's Journal, VIII, No. 10 (May, 1912), 229. The Leader (London), II, No. 69 (July 19, 1851), 686-687; II, No. 76 (September 6, 1851), 844-845; III, No. 103 (March 13, 1852), 250-251; III, No. 105 (March 27, 1852), 299; IV, No. 146 (January 8, 1853), 32; IV, No. 181 (September 10, 1853), 871; V, No. 224 (July 8, 1854), 632; V,

Works Cited

195

No. 226 (July 22, 1854), 686. Liberty, I, No. 7 (October 29, 1881 )-VI, No. 11 (January 19, 1889). Madison, Charles A. "Benjamin R. Tucker: Individualist and Anarchist," The New England Quarterly, XVI, No. 3 (September, 1943), 444-467. Modern Thinker, No. 1 (1870), 96. "Modern Times," New York Leader, I, No. 12 (June 3, 1854), 3. "Modern Times," Sunday Dispatch (New York), October 9, 1853. "Morality vs. Brute Instinct," The Saint Paul Daily Press, February 19, 1874. Morning Chronicle (Boston), November 28, 1844; December 11, 1844; December 17, 1844; January 9, 1845; January 10, 1845; January 11, 1845; January 29, 1845; February 13, 1845. The Morning Star (Houston, Texas), August 15, 1843. "Mr. S. P. Andrews and the Phonetic Reform," The Phonetic Journal, XLIII, No. 12 (October 22, 1853), 342. National Anti-Slavery Standard, July 27, 1843; October 19, 1843; April 4, 1844. Nettlau, Max. "Anarchism in England Fifty Years Ago," Liberty, XV, No. 1 (February, 1906), 45-49. The New Age, II, No. 72 (March 17, 1877), 156-157; II, No. 75 (April 7, 1877), 180; II, No. 77 (April 21, 1877), 198. New Orleans Bee, May 1, 1843; May 16, 1843. New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, April 26, 1843. The New Orleans Weekly Picayune, June 5, 1843. New-York Daily Tribune, August 21, 1845-May 23, 1886. New York Dispatch, August 7, 1870. The New York Herald, February 7, 1848; February 8, 1848; April 2, 1870; November 21, 1871; November 10, 1872; July 18, 1880; May 23, 1886. The New York Journal of Commerce, May 25, 1843. New York Leader, I, No. 12 (June 3, 1854), 2. New-York Observer, November 11, 1852. The New-York Times, May 22,1871; May 6,1875; May 9,1875; May 23,1886; September 6, 1933. "The [New York] Tribune on [Stephen Pearl] Andrews." Mounted Clippings. New York Public Library, New York City. Niles' National Register, XIV, No. 15 (June 10, 1843)-XVII, No. 16 (December 21, 1844). "Oliver Dyer," Packard's Short-Hand Reporter and Amanuensis, I, No. 3 (March, 1885), 71-72. "Oliver Dyer," The Stenographer, XXII, No. 3 (March, 1907), 105-106. "Oliver Dyer of Mount Vernon," Browne's Phonographic Monthly, IX, No. 6 (June, 1884), 153-155. Oppenheim, Leonard. "Louisiana's Civil Law Heritage," Law Library Journal, XLII, No. 4 (November, 1949), 251-254. "The Pantarch," The Word, IV, No. 1 (May, 1875), 3-4. "The Pantarchy," The New-York Standard, August 27, 1870. Pare, William. "Equitable Villages in America," Journal of the Statistical Society of London, XIX, No. 2 (1856), 127-143. Parry, Albert. "Henry Harland: Expatriate," The Bookman, LXXVI, No. 1 (January, 1933), 1-10.

196

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS

The Periodical Letter, I, N o . 1 (July, 1854)-II, N o . 4 (July, 1856), and 2d Series, I, N o . 1 (September, 1 8 5 6 ) - I , N o . 9 (July, 1858). The Phonetic Journal, (June 26, 1886), 304. The Phonographic Magazine, I, N o . 12 (December 1, 1 8 8 7 ) - V I I I , N o . 7 (April 1, 1894). The Phonotypic Journal, III, N o . 26 (February, 1 8 4 4 ) - V , N o . 58 (October, 1846). The Ploughshare, I, N o . 3 (August, 1 8 5 0 ) - I , N o . 4 (December, 1850). The Popular Science Monthly, X V (September, 1879), 714-715; X X I I ( N o vember, 1 8 8 2 ) , 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 . " T h e Queer Philosophers," The World ( N e w Y o r k ) , October 2, 1870. Quintero, Lamar C. " T h e Supreme Court of Louisiana," The Green Bag, III, N o . 3 (March, 1891), 114-115. Rader, Perry Scott. " T h e Romance of American Courts: Gaines vs. N e w Orleans," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, X X V I I , N o . 1 (January, 1944), 8-178. The Radical Review, I (May, 1877), 165-169; I (August, 1877), 287-307; I (February, 1878), 793-797. The Revolution, IV, N o . 17 (October 28, 1869), 261; VI, N o . 13 (September 29, 1870), 201. Schumm, George. "Benj. R. Tucker—A Brief Sketch of His Life and W o r k , " The Freethinkers' Magazine, X I (July, 1893), 436-440. Shaw, Arthur Marvin, Jr. " R a m p a n t Individualism in an Ante-Bellum Southern College," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, X X X I , N o . 4 (October, 1948), 878-884. Shively, Charles. "An Option for Freedom in Texas, 1840-1844," The Journal of Negro History, L, N o . 2 (April, 1965), 77-96. Smither, Harriet. "English Abolitionism and the Annexation of Texas," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, X X X I I , N o . 3 (January, 1929), 194196. Social Science Review, II, N o . 10 (April 28, 1888), 1-2. "Spencer's Social Statics," The Quarterly Review of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, X , N o . 2 (April, 1856), 185-218. Stearns, Bertha-Monica. "Memnonia: T h e Launching of a Utopia," The New England Quarterly, X V , N o . 2 (June, 1942), 280-289. . " T w o Forgotten N e w England Reformers," The New England Quarterly, VI, N o . 1 (March, 1933), 60-73. "Stephen Pearl Andrews," The Phonographic Magazine, VII, N o . 2 (January 15, 1893), 24-27. " T h e T a p p a n Papers," The Journal of Negro History, XII, N o . 2 (April, 1927), 183-304; XII, N o . 3 (July, 1927), 426-427. Telegraph and Texas Register (Houston, T e x a s ) , April 10, 1839; December 29, 1841; March 9, 1842; May 4, 1842; August 30, 1843. Tilton, Theodore. "Recollections of a Torty-Niner'," The Phonographic Magazine, VIII, N o . 5 (March 1, 1894), 68-70. "Triallville and Modern Times," Chambers' Edinburgh Journal, XVIII, N o . 468 (December 18, 1852), 395-396.

Works Cited

197

Trowbridge, John Townsend. "The Missing Leaf," The Atlantic Monthly, XXXI, No. 188 (June, 1873), 704-706. . "A Reminiscence of the Pantarch," The Independent, LV, No. 2830 (February 26, 1903), 497-501. The Truth, N.S. I, No. 1 (June, 1884), 42-44. The Truth Seeker, I, No. 5 (January, 1874)-XIII, No. 28 (July 10, 1886). Underhill, Edward F. "Biographical Sketch of Theron C. Leland," The Phonographic Magazine, VI, No. 9 (September, 1892), 361-362. "The Union Reform League," The Word, X, No. 6 (October, 1881), 2-3. Wakeman, Thaddeus B. "The Life and Services of Stephen Pearl Andrews. Funeral Oration," The Truth Seeker, XIII, No. 25 (June 19, 1886), 386388. Warren, Josiah. "Universal Typography," The Indiana Statesman, IV, No. 26 (March 7, 1846), 3. The Weekly Union (Washington, D.C.), January 12, 1850; February 2, 1850; April 27, 1850; May 11, 1850. "William Blair Lord," The Phonographic Magazine, IV, No. 6 (June 1, 1890), 172-173. Wish, Harvey. "Stephen Pearl Andrews, American Pioneer Sociologist," Social Forces, XIX, No. 4 (May, 1941), 477-482. Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, I, No. 1 (May 14, 1870)-XII, No. 2 (June 10, 1876). The Word, IV, No. 1 (May, 1875), 3. The World (New York), September 24, 1870; May 22, 1871. Yarros, Victor S. "Philosophical Anarchism (1880-1910)," Journal of Social Philosophy, VI, No. 3 (April, 1941), 255-262. Zion's Herald and Wesleyan Journal, XVI, No. 1 (March 12, 1845), 1.

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

INDEX Abbot, Francis Ellingwood: edits The Index, 137 Aberdeen, George Hamilton Gordon, Fourth Earl of: reaction of, to Andrews' emancipation project, 48-49, 51; mentioned, 44, 47, 52, 97, 131 abolition: Andrews an advocate of, 4, 31, 33, 63, 73, 96; Andrews' early attitude toward, 25; growth of, in North, 3 5 36; Andrews' project for, 36, 39-46, 4 8 53, 54-55, 97, 101, 150; champions of, at Modern Times, 78; Andrews' place in history of, 154; mentioned, 47, 124, 140 Academy of Arts and Sciences: elects Andrews a Fellow, 61 Achilli, Giovanni Giacinto: 94 Adams, John Quincy: Andrews' visit to, 45-46; Andrews' letter to, 50, 51; mentioned, 49 Addington, Henry: 50 Adler, Samuel: and Colloquium, 146 Alger, William Rounseville: "Stephen Pearl Andrews as a Protagonist of Humanity" by, 151 Alwato: taught in Normal University of the Pantarchy, 125, 127-128, 133134; and dental nomenclature, 137; correspondence in, 144, 145; dictionary of, 149; mentioned, 106, 115, 117, 123, 132, 143, 154, 156, 157. SEE ALSO universal

language American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society: organizes Liberty Party, 55-56; mentioned, 45 American Anti-Slavery Society: 35 American Dental Association: 137 American Hydropathic Institute: 84 American Labor Reform League: 119, 128 American Philological Association: 135 American Phonetic Institute and Phonographic Reporting Academy: 69 American Phonographic Journal, The: 65 American Phonographic Society: 62 Amherst Academy: Andrews studies at, 10-11; mentioned, 21, 95, 97 Amherst College: 10 Amherst, Massachusetts: 10

anarchism: American, 75, 135, 155; discussed by Andrews, 140; Bakunin's, 154 Andrews, Ann (S.P.A.'s sister). SEE Streeter, Ann Andrews Andrews, Charles Lathrop (S.P.A.'s son): birth of, 68; in Civil War, 97, 98; studies of, 99; career of, 137; home of, 143, 148; at Andrews' funeral, 150 Andrews, Elisha (S.P.A.'s father): early life of, 5-6; marriage of, 6; appearance and characteristics of, 6, 7; loses parish, 7; influence of, upon Andrews, 8, 9; illness of, 25; death of, 37, 38 Andrews, Elisha, Jr. (S.P.A.'s brother): death of, 9; mentioned, 7, 11 Andrews, Erastus (S.P.A.'s brother): 7 Andrews, Esther Hussey Bartlet Jones (S.P.A.'s second wife): marriage of, to Andrews, 92; described, 92-93; and Pantarchy, 96; daughter of, 96, 122; medical studies of, 99, 106; and "New Democracy," 100; death of, 118-120; as dedicatee of Basic Outline of Universology, 122; mentioned, 97, 101, 109, 110, 113, 117, 122 Andrews, Jane (Elisha, Jr.,'s wife): contines Jackson Female Seminary, 9, 11, 14; sympathies of, for slaveowner, 1 7 18; Andrews breaks with, 21 Andrews, Louisa Tyson (Thomas' wife): 16, 24, 28, 33 Andrews, Mary Ann Gordon (S.P.A.'s first wife): at Jackson, Louisiana, 16, 21, 27; character of, 30, 37, 41, 43-44, 92; marriage of, 30, 82; journeys north with Andrews, 44-45; children of, 59, 62, 77, 88; learns phonography, 62; assists on Andrews' magazines, 65; at "Club," 89; death of, 90-91; mentioned, 24, 32, 33, 34, 36, 40, 44, 69, 74, 75, 76, 77, 83, 84, 86, 87, 91 Andrews, Stephen Pearl: birth of, 3-4, 5; philosophy of, 3-4, 95, 100, 104-106, 123-124, 150, 153-154, 158; accomplishments of, 3-5, 152-158; death of, 3, 149-150; characteristics and appearance of, 4, 5, 7, 8-9, 25, 40, 56-57, 59, 61,

200 91, 103-104; early life and family of, 4, 7, 8-9; early schooling of, 7, 8, 9; at Amherst Academy, 10-11, 104; journey of, to Louisiana, 11-14; teaching and life of, in Jackson, Louisiana, 14-17, 21, 104; early attitude of, toward slavery, 17-19; philological studies of, 20-21, 22, 105-106; teaching of, at College of Louisiana, 21-22; Universology of, 21, 100, 101, 105, 117, 122, 123, 124, 131, 132, 134, 137, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 153, 154, 157; studies and apprenticeship of, in law, 22, 23-24, 25; life of, at Clinton, Louisiana, 22, 24-25; admission of, to bar, 25-26; on abolition, 25, 31, 33, 73, 154; law partnership and legal work of, 26-27; Fourth of July Oration of, 27-28, 29, 45, 55; first marriage of, 30; legal practice and life of, in New Orleans, 30-32; sons of, 30, 37, 62, 68, 69, 77, 85, 87, 91, 92, 93, 97; journey of, to Houston, Texas, 33, 34; life, legal work, and antislavery efforts of, in Texas, 34-39; translation of Texas Laws by, 35, 38, 131; project of, to liberate Texas slaves, 36, 39-46, 101, 131, 150, 154; baptism of, 38; journey north of, 44-45; antislavery negotiations of, in England, 47-53, 54, 57, 68, 97, 101, 131, 150; involvement of, in diplomatic correspondence and annexation of Texas, 52-53, 54-55, 58, 154, 155; introduction by, of Pitman shorthand to United States and phonographic crusade of, 53-54, 58-71, 73, 150, 155; emancipation efforts of, 54, 55-56, 59; phonographic manuals of, 65, 68, 131; phonographic reports of Senate proceedings by, 70; as Senatorial correspondent to Tribune, 70; petition of, to Congress, 70; interest of, in equitable commerce, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79, 81,156; lectures of, on "The True Constitution of Government," 74-75; and Modern Times, 76-86, 132; and free love, 82-85, 90, 106, 107, 108, 111, 129, 130, 131, 132133; League Union of the Men of Progress of, 87-88; "Baby World" of, 88; "Club" of, 88-90, 93, 132; Pantarchy of, 88, 95-96, 97-98, 99-100, 101, 105, 109, 110-112, 115, 121, 124-125, 127128, 134, 140-141, 142, 144, 150, 153, 154, 156, 157; turning point of, 92; second marriage of, 92, 93; Unitary Home of, 93-97, 109; universal language of,

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS 98, 99-100, 105-106, 109, 112, 115, 123, 124, 131, 148, 150, 155-156; interviewed by The World, 101; relationship of, with Victoria Woodhull, 1 0 1 102, 106-108, 112, 113-114, 116-118, 120-121, 130; Integralism of, 105, 127, 147, 153, 158; Alwato of, 106, 115, 123, 127-128, 132, 133-134, 137, 143, 144, 145, 149, 154, 156, 157; work of, for Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 108-112, 113, 116, 117, 119, 125, 128, 131, 132133, 139, 150; and International Workingmen's Association, 114-115, 116; Normal University of the Pantarchy of, 125-128, 133, 139, 146; part of, in Beecher-Tilton Scandal and Trial, 128132; Colloquium of, 137-138, 144, 146-148; and Manhattan Liberal Club, 137, 139-141, 142, 144, 156; and Union Reform League, 141-142, 144; writings of, in The Truth Seeker, 143; Universal Tract Society Tracts by, 149; funeral of, 150; manuscripts of, 1 5 1 152; influence and appraisal of, 152158. SEE ALSO Integralism, Pantarchy; Universology —, works of: "Autobiography," 5, 6, 10, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 25, 26, 27, 30, 38, 97; French Instructor, 10; A Comparison of the Common Law with the Roman, French or Spanish Civil Law on Entails and other Limited Property in Real Estate, 31, 32, 35; "A Private Chapter of the Origin of the War," 40, 42, 97; The Phonographic Class-Book, 59; The American Phonographic Journal, 65; The Complete Phonographic Class-Book, 65; La Aurora, 65; Phonographic Reporter's Books, 65; Phonotypic Readers, 65, 66; The Anglo Saxon, 65, 68; The Propagandist, 65, 7 1 ; "Discoveries in Chinese," 69, 131; The Science of Society, 75, 81, 131, 151, 157; Love, Marriage, and Divorce, 84, 85, 92; New French Instructor, 89; Constitution or Organic Basis of the Pantarchy, 95; "Address to the Inhabitants of the USA and of the World at Large upon the Slavery Question and the Present Crisis in American Affairs," 97-98; "Address to the People of the United States of America," 98; "The Great American Crisis," 98; "A Universal Language," 98; The Primary Synopsis of Universology, 100-101, 106; The Basic

Index Outline of Universology, 121, 122-124, 151; The Primary Grammar of Alivato, 134; Ideological Etymology, 135; "The Labor Dollar," 135; "Sciento-Philosophy," 135; The Alphabet of Philosophy, 135, 136; Elements of Universology, 143; An Introduction to the Mastery of Philosophy, 143; "The New Civilization," 143, 153; Dictionary of Alwato and of Universal Ideas, 149; The One Alphabet for the Whole World, 149; Protestantism, Libertarianism, and Democracy, 149; "Universal Church of the New Order," 149 Andrews, Thomas (S.P.A.'s brother): sends Andrews to Amherst Academy, 10; takes Andrews to Louisiana, 11, 13; clashes with "regulators," 19-20, 2 2 23; influences Andrews to study law, 21, 22; law office of, 23, 25; Andrews' worship of, 27; marriage of, 28; migrates to Illinois, 33; death of, 56; mentioned, 7, 9, 14, 16, 24, 25 Andrews, Thomas (S.P.A.'s son): in Civil War, 97; death of, 98; mentioned, 62, 65 Andrews, T. L. and S. P.: 26, 28 Andrews, Wealthy Ann Lathrop (S.P.A.'s mother): marriage of, 6; early life of, 6; characteristics of, 6; and Andrews, 7, 9; death of, 99; mentioned, 11 Andrews, William Swain (S.P.A.'s son): birth of, 37; learns phonography, 65; in Civil War, 97, 98; studies of, 99; career of, 114; joins Andrusian circle, 143144; at Andrews' funeral, 150; and Andrews' manuscripts, 151-152; mentioned, 44, 45, 62, 123 Andrews and Boyle: 63, 70 Andrews and Lawson: 23, 25, 26 Andrews and Swain: 37 Anglo Saxon, The: issued by Andrews, 65, 68 annexation of Texas: opposition to, 49; Andrew's part in, 52, 55, 58, 101, 154; the President's message on, 52; treaty of, 54-55; Texans vote for, 55; mentioned, 42, 43, 48, 53 Anthony, Susan B.: 117 Antietam, Maryland: 97 Anti-Slavery Fair (Boston): 64 Aristotle: 137 Atlantic Monthly, The: 124 Aurora, La: issued by Andrews, 65

201 Bacon, Francis: 137 Bakunin, Michael: 105, 106, 154 Baltimore, Maryland: Andrews' visit to, 56 Baptist Church: in Templeton, Massachusetts, 6; in Houston, Texas, 38 Batchelor, George: Andrews collaborates with, 89, 122 Bath, England: 58, 62 Baylor, Robert: 38 Baylor University: 38 Beach, Moses: 68 Beecher, Catherine: 128 Beecher, Henry Ward: enlightened on free love by Andrews, 84, 130; accused by Victoria Woodhull, 107, 129; involved in scandal, 128-130, 132; mentioned, 96, 131 Beecher-Tilton Scandal and Trial: Andrews' testimony at, 130-132; mentioned, 4, 128-132 passim Bennett, De Robigne Mortimer: 143 Blackstone, Sir William: 22, 23, 25 Blodgett Health Colony: 155 Blood, James Harvey: relationship of, with Victoria Woodhull, 107; and Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 108, 109; mentioned, 114, 115, 117, 129 Boston, Massachusetts: Andrews' phonographic depot in, 54, 58, 60, 71; Andrews lectures in, 59, 61, 78; phonographic exhibitions in, 68; People's Sunday Meeting in, 71; spiritualist convention in, 129; fire in, 130; branch of Normal University of the Pantarchy in, 133; mentioned, 56, 57, 61, 86 Boyle, Augustus French: and phonographic reform, 60-61, 62; early life of, 60; offered instructorship at Free Academy, 64; as partner of Andrews, 65, 69; dissolution of partnership of, 71; mentioned, 122 Brentwood, New York: 86, 149 Brisbane, Albert: 89, 90 British Association for the Advancement of Science: 81 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society: World's Convention of, 45, 47, 49, 52 Brook Farm, Massachusetts: 77 Brooklyn, New York: 63, 76, 84, 128 Brougham, Henry Peter, Baron Brougham and Vaux: 46,50,51 Brown, John: 154 Brown, Thomas: 8 Brown University: 7

202 Brussels, Belgium: 60 Bryant, William Cullen: 36 Bullard, Henry: 25,31 Bull Run, Virginia: 97 Bunyan, John: Pilgrim's Progress by, 13 Calhoun, John Caldwell: succeeds Upshur, 54; mentioned, 53 Campbell, John, First Baron: 50 Carlisle, Georgiana Dorothy Cavendish, Countess of: 49 Carpenter, James: 10 Carter, Judge: 120 Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Viscount, Second Marquis of Londonderry: 48 Centenary College: 21. SEE ALSO College of Louisiana Centennial Congress of Liberals: 141, 146 Challis, Luther C : 129 Champollion, Jean François, le Jeune: 131 Charleston, South Carolina: 56 Chicago, Illinois: Haymarket Riot in, 3, 4, 150 Chickamauga, Tennessee: 97 Cincinnati, Ohio: Time Store in, 73; mentioned, 120 City College (New York City): 64 Civil Liberties Union: 142 Civil War: Andrews' writings on, 40, 42, 97, 98; and Modern Times, 86, 97; mentioned, 3, 57, 96, 123 Claflin, Reuben Buckman: 107 Claflin, Roxanna Hummel: 107 Claflin, Tennessee: 107, 108, 112, 113, 114, 115 Clancy, Michael: 127 Clapp, Otis: 59 Clark, Daniel: 32 Clarkson, Thomas: 47 Clay, Henry: 70 Clinton, Louisiana: Andrews settles in, 23; described, 23; growth of, 25; epidemic in, 26; decline of, 28; mentioned, 14, 22, 24,27,39,55 "Club," the: organized by Andrews, 8 8 90; mentioned, 93, 132 Cobden, Richard: 47 Codman, Charles Α.: visited by Andrews, 149; mentioned, 82 Codman, Emily: 82 College of Louisiana (Jackson): Andrews teaches at, 21-22; Andrews breaks with, 23; mentioned, 14, 16 Colloquium, the: envisioned by Andrews, 137-138; described, 144, 146-

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS 148; Document No. 1 of, 146; Transactions of, 148; mentioned, 150 Collyer, Robert: and Colloquium, 146 Commons, John R.: and Andrews Papers, 152 Compromise of 1850: 42 Comstock, Anthony: Statutes of, 142; mentioned, 121, 129, 141 Comte, Auguste: and sociology, 156; mentioned, 82, 96, 105, 137 Congdon, Charles: 94 Constitucion, Leyes Jenerales, & c. de la Republica de Tejas: translated by Andrews, 38 Continental Monthly, The: 98 Conway, Moncure Daniel: visits Modern Times, 82 Cooper, Peter: 122 Cooper Institute: 115, 120 "Cost the Limit of Price" (Cost Principle) : practiced at Modern Times, 77, 79, 156; practiced at Unitary Home, 9 3 95; mentioned, 3, 73, 74, 75, 99 Cubi i Soler, Mariano: 22 Cuddon, Ambrose: 82 Darwin, Charles: Andrews compared with, 25, 139; Darwinism of, 144 Davis, Jefferson: 70 Davis, Paulina Wright: 118 De Posteis, Theodore Α.: Alpha-Betic Index and Explanations to Universology, by, 157 "Desarrollo": 84, 85 Descartes, René: 95, 137 Douglas, Stephen: 70 Dresser, Horace: 125 Dyer, Oliver: and phonographic reform, 60-61; 62; early life of, 60; in Philadelphia, 64 East Feliciana Temperance Society: 28, 29 Eccles, Robert: 140 Eclectic Medical College of the City of New York: 99 Edger, Henry: at Modern Times, 82, 86; mentioned, 128, 149 Edinburgh, Scotland: 60 Einstein, Albert: 143, 157 Elliot, Charles: 41, 44, 46 Elsberg, Louis: and Colloquium, 146 Emerson, George B.: 63 Equal Rights Party: 120, 121 equitable commerce: practiced at Modern

Index Times, 79, 81, 156; mentioned, 72, 73, 74 Evans, Frederick William: 96 Evening Post, The (New York) : 55 Everett, Edward: 53 Fairfax, Vermont: 5 Female Seminary (Jackson, Louisiana). SEE Jackson Female Seminary Field, David Dudley: 122 Foote, Edward Bond, Jr.: 140 Forsyth, John: and Colloquium, 146 Fort Sumter, South Carolina: 97 Fourier, François Marie Charles: 75, 90, 91, 100, 105, 156 Fowler, Lorenzo Niles: 74 Franklin, Burt: 151 Fredericksburg, Virginia: 97 Free Academy (New York City): 64 Freeland, Edward: 96 free love: advocated by Andrews, 3, 4, 30, 82, 106, 107, 108, 111, 129, 130; and Modern Times, 82-83, 85; Andrews' debates on, 83-84, 131, 132-133; and League Union of the Men of Progress, 87; and "Club," 90; and Victoria Woodhull, 103, 106, 108, 113, 120, 130; endorsed by Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 109 111; and International Workingmen's Association, 115; mentioned, 118, 155 free trade: 41, 155 Freud, Sigmund: 9 Fullerton, William: 131 Gaines, Myra Clark (Whitney): Andrews' legal work for, 31-32, 45, 150; history of, 32 Galveston, Texas: Andrews' abolition mission in, 41-43, 97; mentioned, 44, 57 Gambetta, Léon Michel: 115 Garfield, James Abram: 143 Garrison, William Lloyd: and phonography, 62, 64; mentioned, 19, 35, 151 Genesee Wesleyan Seminary: 60 Gettysburg, Pennsylvania: 97 Gibson, Isaac: 78 Glasgow, Scotland: 81 Godin, Jean Baptiste André: 117 Goldwater, Barry: 155 Goodrich, Chauncey Allen: Greek Grammar by, 10 Gordon, Mary Ann. SEE Andrews, Mary Ann Gordon Gottheil, Gustav: and Colloquium, 146

203 Gould, Benjamin Apthorp: Latin Grammar by, 10 Grant, Ulysses Simpson: 121, 146 Greeley, Horace: conservatism of, 4; and phonographic reform, 61; on free love, 83-84; death of, 132; mentioned, 70 Green, Duff: exposes Andrews' abolition project, 43; and annexation of Texas, 52-53 Guise, France: 117 Guiteau, Charles J.: 143 Hale, John P.: opposes Mexican War, 68 Harland, Henry: The Cardinal's Snuff-Box by, 96; The Yellow Book by, 96; mentioned, 96 Harland, Irene: 96, 122 Harland, Thomas: at "Club," 89, 90, 92; at Unitary Home, 93; marriage of, 96; mentioned, 94, 122 Hartford, Connecticut: 11 Hawkins, E.: 76 Haymarket Riot: 3, 4, 150 Hedge, Levi: Logic by, 10 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich: 100, 105, 137 Heywood, Angela F. T.: 143 Heywood, Ezra Hervey: and Union Reform League, 141; mentioned, 135 Hinsdale, New Hampshire: 7, 8, 9, 14, 99 Historical Society of Louisiana: 31 Hitchcock, Edward: influence of, upon Andrews, 10-11, 21, 105; The Religion of Geology and Its Connected Sciences by, 11 Hoar, Samuel: 56 Homer, Ohio: 107 Hopedale Community: 82 Houston, Sam: inaugurated President of Texas, 38-39; advocates annexation, 55; in United States Senate, 70; mentioned, 50 Houston, Texas: described, 34; courthouse of, 37, 39-40; Telegraph and Texas Register of, 35, 37, 39; First Baptist Church of, 38; Committee of Vigilance of, 39; mass meeting on slavery at, 3 9 41, 97; Andrews' departure from, 44; mentioned, 34, 36, 43, 55 Hoyle, David: 127 Huebsch, Adolph: and Colloquium, 146 Iamblichus: 158 Index, The: 137

204 individual sovereignty: opposed by government interference, 3; preached by Andrews, 30, 33, 35, 75, 91, 92, 120, 140, 154-155; practiced at Modern Times, 77, 78-79, 81, 82, 83, 84; and free love, 85, 133; and League Union of the Men of Progress, 87-88; and "Club," 89, 90; and Unitary Home, 93, 94, 95; and Pantarchy, 97; later versions of, 155; mentioned, 3, 142 Ingalls, Joshua King: 89 Integralism: philosophy of, 105, 147, 153, 158; taught in Normal University of the Pantarchy, 125, 127; mentioned, 119 International Workingmen's Association: Section 12 of, 114-115, 116; Andrews' association with, 114-115, 116 Islip, New York: 76 Jackson, Louisiana: Female Seminary of, 9, 11, 14; described, 14; mentioned, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, 33 Jackson Female Seminary (Jackson, Louisiana) : Andrews presented to pupils of, 15; Andrews teaches at, 15, 21; mentioned, 9, 11, 14, 15, 16, 21, 30 James, Henry, Sr.: discusses free love, 83, 132-133; mentioned, 4, 132 Jefferson, Thomas: 139, 154 Jones, Anson: 51 Jones, Esther Hussey Bartlet. SEE Andrews, Esther Hussey Bartlet Jones Jones, Mr. : 92 Kant, Immanuel: 135, 154, 156 Keith, A. B.: "House of Equity" of, 81 King, Edward: 140 Klopstock, Mr. : 15 Kohler, Kaufman: and Colloquium, 146 labor notes: 3, 79, 80, 156 Lamar, Mirabeau Buonaparte: opposes annexation, 55; mentioned, 33 Lathrop, S. P.: 143 Lathrop, S. P. & Co.: publishes works by Andrews, 143, 148, 149 Lathrop, Wealthy Ann. SEE Andrews, Wealthy Ann Lathrop Lathrop, family: 6, 16 Lawson, Thornton: 23, 24 Leader (London): 81 League, Thomas: 41, 42 League of Nations: Andrews' concept of, 148; mentioned, 156

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS League Union of the Men of Progress: 8 7 88 Lee, Robert Edward: 98 Leland, Mary: 125 Leland, Theron C : and phonography, 62, 65; at Modern Times, 78; and Manhattan Liberal Club, 140; mentioned, 125 Leslie, Frank: Budget of Fun by, 120 Leubuscher, A. L.: 152 Liberal Club. SEE Manhattan Liberal Club Liberty. 150 Liberty Party: 55-56, 59 Lima, New York: 60, 61 Linton, Edward D.: 81 Liverpool, England: 46 Locke, John: Essay concerning Human Understanding by, 20; mentioned, 154 London, England: Anti-Slavery Convention in, 45, 47; General Council of the International in, 114, 115; mentioned, 43, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60, 68, 82, 97, 131, 133 Long Island, New York: as scene of Modern Times, 4, 76, 79, 84, 85, 86, 93 Looking Glass Prairie, Illinois: 33 Louisiana: ante-bellum period of, 4; Female Seminary in, 7, 11; "hill country" of, 23; laws of, 23-24, 31, 32; Supreme Court of, 25, 26, 30-31; temperance in, 28; and slavery, 28, 34, 35, 97; Historical Society of, 31; press of, attacks Andrews, 45; mentioned, 9, 19, 33, 38, 58, 104, 150 Louisville, Kentucky: 13 Lovejoy, Elijah: 154 Lowell, Massachusetts: 61 Luther, Martin: 75 McCosh, James: 105 Macdonald, George E.: on Universology, 157 Manhattan Liberal Club: history and purposes of, 139-140; Andrews and, 140141, 144, 156; and Pantarchy, 142; Andrews' funeral services at, 150; mentioned, 4, 137 Mann, Horace: and phonography, 64 Marseilles, France: 25 Martin, François-Xavier: 25, 31 Martin, John Biddulph: 133 Marx, Karl: Communist Manifesto by, 116; mentioned, 114 Massachusetts Board of Education: 64 Matthews, George: 25 Maturin, Edward: 94

Index Medici, Charles de: Groundwork of Classification by, 144 Memphis, Tennessee: 13 Metcalf, John: at Modern Times, 77 Mexican War: opposed by John P. Hale, 68; mentioned, 42, 57, 70 Mexico: armistice of, with Texas, 50; mentioned 31, 33, 39, 41 Modern Times, Long Island, New York: site chosen for, 76; progress of, 77-78, 81, 82; settlers at, 77, 78, 81, 84; cost principle practiced at, 77, 79, 135, 156; championed by Andrews, 78-79, 82; advertised, 81; diversion at, 81-82; free love at, 83, 85, 86, 132; decline of, 8 5 86; and Civil War, 86, 97; mentioned, 89,90,93, 117, 142, 149 Monroe, Doctrine: 46 Montauk Point, New York: 86 Morpeth, George Howard, Sixth Earl of Carlisle, Viscount: 46, 49 Mosheim, John Lawrence: Ecclesiastical History by, 8 Mott, Frank Luther: 109 Murphy, William Sumter: 54 Nashville, Tennessee: 13, 23 Natchez, Mississippi: 27 National Cyclopedia of American Biography, The: on Andrews' manuscripts, 152 National Woman Suffrage Association: 110 National Woman's Suffrage Convention: 117 Neal, John: and phonography, 64 Nevins, J. West: 127 New Bedford, Massachusetts: 135 Newberry, Dr. : and Manhattan Liberal Club, 140 Newberry, Edward: at Modern Times, 78 "New Democracy, The": 100, 114 New England Anti-Slavery Society: 19 New England Free-Love Society: 135 New Harmony: 73, 77, 85 Newlands, Mr. : in Houston, Texas, 34, 35 New Lebanon, Massachusetts: 77, 96 Newman, John Henry: 94 Newman, John P.: and Colloquium, 146 New Orleans, Louisiana: described, 26, 28, 30; expansion of, 28; Andrews' residence in, 28, 30; courts of, 30-31, 32; yellow fever in, 32, 33; paralysis of business in, 32; Andrews' return to, on way north, 45; press of, attacks Andrews,

205 45; mentioned, 15, 17, 25, 27, 34, 35, 36,37 New Orleans Temperance Society: 32 Newton, Alonzo E.: and the Colloquium, 146 New York, New York: Andrews lectures in, 61, 75; phonographic exhibition in, 63; Free Academy of, 64; phonographic depot in, 68-69, 131; Andrews' homes in, 77, 86, 99, 113, 127; Unitary Home in, 93; northward trend of development of, 99; Woodhull menage in, 107, 112114, 120, 127; mentioned, 12, 36, 45, 54, 70, 76, 78, 79, 122, 125, 150 New York Daily Times: 129, 130, 132, 155 New-York Daily Tribune: Andrews as senatorial correspondent to, 70; on Modern Times, 81; on free love, 83-84; on Andrews' "Club," 90; on Andrews' Primary Synopsis of Universology, 101; on Victoria Woodhull, 118; mentioned, 93, 132 New York Dispatch: 110 New York Herald, The: 91, 116, 120 New-York Historical Society, The: Andrews lectures at, 69 New York Liberal Club: 117, 139 New York Mechanics' Institute: Andrews lectures at, 74, 75 New York Mercantile Library Association: course in phonography at, 64 New-York Standard, The: 101, 112 Nichols, Mary Gove: at Modern Times, 84-85 Nichols, Thomas Love: at Modern Times, 84-85: Esoteric Anthropology by, 85 Normal University of the Pantarchy: 125128, 133, 139, 146 Northampton, Massachusetts: 10 Norwich, Connecticut: Andrews lectures at, 59; mentioned, 16, 30, 45, 89, 94 Noyes, John Humphrey: visits Unitary Home, 96; mentioned, 77 Oken, Lorenz: 137 Oneida, New York: 77, 96 Owen, Robert: 73, 77, 85, 91 Palmerston, Henry John Temple, Third Viscount: 46, 50 Panic of 1837: 32 Panic of 1857: 86 Pantarchy: beginnings of, 88, 95; Constitution of, 95; Universal Bureau of Sup-

206 ply and Demand of, 96; philosophy of, 98, 150; and universal language, 9 9 100; criticized, 101; as government, 105, 140, 153, 156; and Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 109, 110-112, 128; Bureau of Correspondence of, 111-112, 127; and International Workingmen's Association, 115; Normal University of, 125128, 133, 139, 146; theological branch of, 134; discussion of, by Andrews, 140141; and Union Reform League, 142; and Manhattan Liberal Club, 142; mentioned, 4, 97, 121, 124-125, 144, 154, 157 Paris, France: Commune of, 115 Parker, Joel: 32 Parkhurst, Henry M.: 70 Pearl, Colonel Stephen: 6 Peck, Edgar F.: 76 Pedro I, Don Alcantara: 60 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 64 Phillips, Wendell: 151 Phonetic Institute: 61. SEE ALSO Phonographic Depot Phonographic Depot (or Institution) : purpose of, 58; public exhibition in, 63-64; moved to New York City, 68; mentioned, 56,65,71,78 phonography: Andrews' crusade for, 5 8 71, 73, 155; explained, 59, 60; introduced into school curriculum, 64; earliest American manuals in, 65; taught at "Club," 89; relation of, to universal language, 98; mentioned, 150 phonotypy: printing process for, 70-71; mentioned, 65, 72 phrenology: Andrews writes on, 21; Andrews debates on, 32; and Modern Times, 78; mentioned, 22 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni: Andrews compared with, 155, 158 Pitman, Isaac: and phonography, 52, 53, 54, 58, 59, 62, 68, 72, 155; Manual of Phonography, 58; books sent to Andrews by, 59; Andrews' debt to, 64 Pitman, Sir James: 155 Pitman shorthand: introduction of, to United States by Andrews, 4, 54, 59-71, 150, 155; Andrews' philosophic view of, 53-54, 58-59; and universal language, 106; mentioned, 52, 55, 78, 89. SEE ALSO phonography

Pitt, William: 48 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: 13, 107 Plato: 95, 123, 158

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS Plotinus: 158 Plymouth, Massachusetts: 61 Polk, James Knox: and annexation, 55 Popular Science News: 140 Port Chester, New York: 84 Porter, New York: 60 Port Hudson, Louisiana: 27 Portland, Maine: 64 Princeton, Massachusetts: Union Reform League convenes in, 141, 142, 144 Propagandist, The: issued by Andrews, 65, 71 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph: What Is Property? by, 135; mentioned, 75, 156 Providence, Rhode Island: 62 Quincy, Massachusetts: 46 Radical Review, The: 135 Rand, Ayn: 155 Revolution, The: 113 Rochester, New York: 62 Rome, Italy: 95 Rossel, Louis Nathaniel: 115 Russell, Harvey Y.: 132 Rylance, Joseph H.: and Colloquium, 116 St. Francisville, Louisiana: 13 Saint Paul Daily Press, The: 132 Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvroy, Comtede: 75 Salem, Massachusetts: 56, 61, 94 Samson, George W.: and Colloquium, 144, 146; at Andrews' funeral, 150 Santa Anna, Antonio López de: 50 Schwackhamer, Elijah R.: 134 "Scientific Testimonials of the Extent and Importance of the Universological and Philological Discoveries of Stephen Pearl Andrews'': 112 Scoble, John: 49 Sedgwick, Theodore: 36, 46 Shaw, George Bernard: 155 slavery (Negro): attacked by Andrews, 3, 28, 56, 57, 82, 96; as southern modus vivendi, 14, 28; Andrews' attitude toward, 17-19, 25, 27, 35; transitional stage of, 19; and states' rights, 24; legal cases concerning, 31; agitation on, 3 2 33; opposed in North, 35-36; in West Indies, 36; and Great Britain, 36; Andrews' project for abolition of, 36, 3 9 46, 48-53, 54-55, 101; international aspects of, 45; mentioned, 20, 64, 65, 97, 124

Index Smith, Adam: 156 Smith, Ashbel: opposition of, to Andrews' emancipation project, 50, 51-52; and annexation of Texas, 52 Smith, Gerrit: aid of, to phonography, 64 sociology: Andrews' science of society as, 4, 75, 78, 156-157; new science of, 73, 148; and Pantarchy, 95, 105; taught in Normal University of the Pantarchy, 125; and Union Reform League, 142 Spencer, Herbert: criticized by Andrews, 140; and sociology, 156; mentioned, 96, 100, 105, 154 Spencer, Theodora Freeman: Andrews' letter to, 145; devotion of, to Andrews, 148, 149; mentioned, 112, 133, 144 Spinoza, Baruch: 137 spiritualism: believers in, at Modern Times, 78; practiced by Esther Andrews, 92, 97, 114, 118-119; Andrews and, 106, 112, 127, 150-151; Victoria Woodhull and, 112, 114, 129; mentioned, 94, 124 Stacey, George: 47, 49 Stanton, Elizabeth Cady: 128, 129 Stanton, Henry B.: 56 State Historical Society of Wisconsin: and Andrews Papers, 152 states' rights: and slavery, 24; and individual sovereignty, 75 Stedman, Edmund Clarence: at Unitary Home, 94 Stewart, Dugald: 8 Stowe, Harriet Beecher: Pink and White Tryanny by, 111; My Wife and I by, 128 Streeter, Ann Andrews (S.P.A.'s sister): studies with Andrews, 7, 8; journeys south with Andrews, 11, 13; at Jackson Female Seminary, 16, 21, 27; marriage of 32 Streeter, Barlow Henderson: 32 Sturge, Joseph: 47, 49 Sumner, Charles: 63, 151 Sutherland, Harriet Elizabeth LevesonGower, Duchess of: 47, 49 Swain, William W.: 37, 44 Swedenborg, Emanuel: 59, 75, 91, 100, 105, 106 Syracuse, New York: 62 Tappan, Arthur: 31 Tappan, Lewis: Andrews' legal defense of, 31; abolitionism of, 35-36; Andrews outlines antislavery project to, 36, 45; joins Andrews in London mission, 46;

207 and "Tappan Committee," 47-48; speech of, at antislavery convention in London, 49; interest of, in phonography, 64; mentioned, 51, 52, 54 "Tappan Committee": 47-48, 49 Telegraph and Texas Register: 35, 37, 39 temperance: Andrews' oration on, 27-28, 29, 45; advocated by Andrews, 38; endorsed by Union Reform League, 142; mentioned, 8, 22, 32, 124 Templeton, Massachusetts: 5, 6, 7, 97 Texas, Republic of: slaves in, 4, 36, 55; struggle of, for independence, 33; free lands in, 33; laws of, translated by Andrews, 35, 38, 131; Andrews' project to free slaves in, 36, 39-46, 48-53, 54-55, 101, 131, 150, 154; Supreme Court of, 38; Sam Houston as President of, 38-39; war of, against Mexico, 39; Andrews' return to, 54; mentioned, 15, 37, 56, 60, 70, 97. SEE ALSO annexation of Texas Thiers, Louis Adolphe: 115 Thompson, Elizabeth: 101, 122 Thoreau, Henry David: 105, 153, 154, 158 Tillotson, Mary: 144 Tilton, Elizabeth: 128, 129, 130 Tilton, Theodore: and Victoria Woodhull, 114, 120; and Henry Ward Beecher, 128, 130; mentioned, 131, 132 Time Store: at Cincinnati, 73; at Modern Times, 79 Tooke, John Home: The Diversions of Purley by, 20 Torrey, Charles Turner: 56 Trowbridge, John Townsend: poem of, on Andrews, 124 Truth Seeker, The: Andrews' writings for, 143 Tucker, Benjamin Ricketson: and Radical Review, 135; early life of, 135; and Liberty, 150; repudiation of state by, 155; on Andrews, 157 Tyler, John: and annexation, 55; mentioned, 43, 52 Tyson, Louisa. SEE Andrews, Louisa Tyson Underhill, Edward Fitch: at "Club," 89; at Unitary Home, 93; mentioned, 122 Union: 70 Union Reform League: history and purpose of, 141-142; Andrews and, 142, 144; and Pantarchy, 142 Unitary Home: residents of, 94-95; Pantarchy and, 95; end of, 97; mentioned, 93, 109, 122

208 United Nations: 105, 156 United States Senate: and annexation of Texas, 55; John P. Hale's speech in, 68; Andrews' shorthand reports of proceedings of, 70 universal language: purposes of, 3-4, 155156; Andrews' early interest in, 20-21, 58, 71-72; discovered and constructed by Andrews, 98, 99-100, 105-106, 131, 150, 155-156; discussed in Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 109, 112; and International Workingmen's Association, 115; discussed in Basic Outline of Universology, 123, 124; and Colloquium, 148. SEE ALSO Alwato

Universal Tract Society Tracts, The: 149 University of Wisconsin: and Andrews Papers, 152 Universology: Andrews' early concept of, 21; as science, 100, 101, 105, 117, 122, 123, 134, 143, 146, 153, 157; mocked, 124; taught in Normal University of the Pantarchy, 125; and New Catholic Church, 134; views of, in The Index, 137; and Manhattan Liberal Club, 140; and Union Reform League, 142; mentioned, 131, 132, 144, 154, 157 Upham, Charles Wentworth: at Unitary Home, 94 Upham, Thomas Cogswell: Intellectual Philosophy by, 10 Upshur, Abel Parker: and annexation of Texas, 53; death of, 54 Vanderbiit, Cornelius: 108 Vicksburg, Mississippi: 27, 97 Vineland, New Jersey: 137 Wait, Mr. : 10 Wakeman, Thaddeus B.: and Manhattan Liberal Club, 140; and Colloquium, 146; Andrews' funeral oration delivered by, 150, 152 Walker, Amasa: 63 War of 1812: 3 , 4 , 7 Warren, Josiah: early life of, 71; "Universal Typography" of, 71; views of, on equitable commerce, 71, 72, 73, 74, 156; Time Store of, in Cincinnati, 73; influence of, upon Andrews, 75, 156; and Modern Times, 77-78, 79, 82, 86; writings of, copyrighted by Andrews, 78; Practical Details in Equitable Commerce by, 78, 81; Time Store of, in Modern Times, 79; Equitable Commerce by, 81; views of, on free love, 82; death of, 133; and Benjamin R. Tucker, 135

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS Washington, D.C.: Andrews reports Senate proceedings in, 70, 71; mentioned, 54,110, 125, 127, 133, 151 Webster, Daniel: 44, 53, 70 Whelpley, Samuel: Compend of History by, 8 Whitney, Myra Clark. SEE Gaines, Myra Clark (Whitney) Whitney, William: 32 Whittier, John Greenleaf: 56 woman's rights: championed by Andrews, 17, 71, 98, 101-102, 106, 108, 110, 117, 118, 124; advocates of, at Modern Times, 78; and "New Democracy," 100; and Victoria Woodhull, 106, 108, 114, 116-118; and Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 109; and International Workingmen's Association, 115; and Normal University of the Pantarchy, 127; and Union Reform League, 142; mentioned, 59 Woodhull, Canning: 107, 114, 129 Woodhull, Claflin & Company: 108 Woodhull, Victoria Claflin: candidacy of, for Presidency, 4, 106, 116-118, 120121; meeting of, with Andrews, 101, 107, 108; and woman's rights, 102, 106, 108, 110, 116-117; and free love, 103, 106, 108, 113, 120, 130; and spiritualism, 106, 107, 112; appearance of, 107; early life of, 107; relationship of, with Andrews, 112, 113, 130; salon of, 113— 114, 131; and International Workingmen's Association, 114-115; Memorial of, to Congress, 117, 118; and Henry Ward Beecher, 128-129; charged with obscenity, 129; later life of, 133; and Benjamin R. Tucker, 135; mentioned, 104, 132 Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly: duration of, 108-109; Andrews' work for, 108-112, 113, 116, 117, 119, 125, 128, 131, 132133, 139, 150; printing of Communist Manifesto by, 116; attacks on Beecher in, 129-130, 132; free love debate in, 132-133; mentioned, 113, 120-121, 124 Woodlawn Cemetery: 4, 150, 152 Woodville, Mississippi: 27 World, The (New York): "The Queer Philosophers" in, 101; mentioned, 113, 129 Youmans, Edward Livingston: 122 Zoar, Ohio: 77