The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research 3031161920, 9783031161926

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Ian Menter Editor-in-Chief

The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research

The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research

Ian Menter Editor-in-Chief

The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research With 46 Figures and 73 Tables

Editor-in-Chief Ian Menter Department of Education University of Oxford Oxford, Oxfordshire, UK

ISBN 978-3-031-16192-6 ISBN 978-3-031-16193-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

The Significance of Teacher Education The global significance of teacher education has never been greater than it is today. In this world where migration, inequality, climate change, political upheavals, and strife continue to be manifest in many locations around the world, governments and scholars alike are increasingly considering what role education systems can play in achieving stability and managed, sustainable economic development. With growing awareness that the quality of educational provision is closely related to the quality of teachers and teaching, teacher education has moved into a key strategic location in international debate and discussion. This proposition is as true and pertinent in the global south and east as it is in the northern and western worlds. However, much of the scholarship on teacher education hitherto has had a strongly western/northern focus, and this handbook has sought to take some steps – modest ones admittedly – to address this imbalance.

The Development of Teacher Education Research As I point out in my own introductory chapter, the field of teacher education research is one that has developed relatively rapidly over recent years, albeit from a rather slow start in the late twentieth century. The underlying commitment of this handbook is that it is essential that the development of both policy and practice in teacher education is based on and informed by research of the highest quality. Given the political attention teacher education has received in recent decades and the simultaneous growth of populist and/or nationalist politics in many parts of the world, it is vital that the research community commits itself to interacting with the communities of policy and practice at national and international levels. Only through such interaction can it be ensured that teacher education develops positively and equitably and is of the highest quality.

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Preface

The Impact of the Global Pandemic The handbook was commissioned in 2020, just as the phenomenon of the COVID19 global pandemic was emerging, leading to major disruptions to the lives of human beings all over this planet. Its impact was felt strongly within education, including within teacher education. Several chapters in the handbook explicitly address the impact which the pandemic and associated “lockdowns” had on teacher education, but I would also like to acknowledge the courage and conviction shown by teachers, teacher educators, as well as by teacher education researchers, in response to these unprecedented challenges. While the education of many students was adversely affected, teachers and teacher educators have strived to ensure both that these impacts were minimized and that sustained efforts have subsequently been made to address the damage done. Furthermore, the research community has been assiduously contributing to our understanding of the social, emotional, psychological, and pedagogical effects of the pandemic.

Peace and Security We should also acknowledge the incredible fortitude of those teacher educators, teachers, and researchers who have to undertake their professional work in situations of conflict and instability. During the time of preparation of this handbook, we have seen destructive conflict within Europe and continuing instability in many other parts of the world. Simultaneously, climate change has been leading to famine, destructive fires, and flooding. Wherever these events occur, education and teacher education are affected and the challenges of making adequate provision increase.

The Handbook The handbook is organized into eight main sections. Each of these has been edited by one or two section editors. I have been very fortunate in establishing a superb team to bring the whole handbook together. The section editors have taken a leading role in identifying and commissioning contributors to the handbook, leading to the creation of a cutting-edge compilation of innovative and definitive chapters which demonstrate not only the rapid growth of the field, mentioned above, but also the increasing methodological diversity that has so enriched our collective scholarship, and will continue to do so. The contributors to the handbook, the authors of all the chapters, come from many countries and between them have an incredible range of experience and expertise. Most of them are based in universities where teacher education is a key activity. It is well known that in some contexts the university contribution to teacher education has been under pressure from politicians and policymakers, for either ideological and/or economic reasons. The work collected in this handbook provides evidence of the important role that university-based teacher educators and

Preface

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researchers play in maintaining quality – as well as equity and justice – in the provision of teacher education. As editor-in-chief, I thank all of these contributors for making the effort to record the aspects of their important work within these chapters. The future of teacher education depends as much on continuing this research activity as it does on the provision of programs offered to aspiring and serving teachers, in partnership with teachers in schools and colleges. The editorial team has been ably assisted throughout our work, with immense patience and care, by Salmanul Faris Nedum Palli, our Editorial Assistant/Project Coordinator at Springer in Chennai, India. We are deeply indebted to him for his invaluable contribution to the handbook. Oxford, UK March 2023

Ian Menter Editor-in-Chief

Contents

Volume 1 Part I 1

Introduction

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1

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3

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33

Teacher Education Research in the Twenty-First Century Ian Menter

Part II

The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers

2

The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers Moira Hulme

..........

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3

Teacher Quality: The Preparation, and Utilization of Teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nick Taylor

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4

Rethinking the Complex Determinants of Teacher Shortages . . . . Beng Huat See, Stephen Gorard, Rebecca Morris, and Ourania Ventista

5

Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Melissa Barnes and Russell Cross

103

Stayers: In the Long Run. A Comparative Study of Retention in Two Swedish Teacher Generations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Per Lindquist and Ulla-Karin Nordänger

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8

Newly Arrived Migrant Teachers and the Challenges of Reentering Work: Introduction to the Swedish Teaching System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Elin Ennerberg and Catarina Economou Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “Place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply . . . . . . . . . . . . Tanya Ovenden-Hope, Rowena Passy, and Philly Iglehart

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143

163 ix

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Contents

9

Reshaping the Teaching Profession: Patterns of Flexibilization, Labor Market Dynamics, and Career Trajectories in England . . . Cécile Mathou, Marc A. C. Sarazin, and Xavier Dumay

Part III 10

11

12

13

14

15

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Pre-service Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trevor Mutton

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Developing a “Research Literacy Way of Thinking” in Initial Teacher Education: Students as Co-researchers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tone M. Eriksen and Lisbeth M. Brevik

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School-Based Teacher Educators: Understanding Their Identity, Role, and Professional Learning Needs as Dual Professionals . . . . Simone White and Amanda Berry

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Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Furlong

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Specialized Educational Knowledge and Its Role in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jim Hordern

299

Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States . . . Kara Mitchell Viesca, A. Lin Goodwin, Anu Warinowski, and Mirjamaija Mikkilä-Erdmann

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Assessment in HE Initial Teacher Education: Competing Contexts Discourses and the Unobtainable Pursuit for Fidelity . . . Caroline Elbra-Ramsay

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The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clare Brooks

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Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education: A Scoping Review of Web-Based Applications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Enda Donlon

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The Many Meanings of Practice-Based Teacher Education: A Conceptualization of the Term . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inga Staal Jenset and Kirsti Klette

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Contents

Part IV 20

21

22

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Continuing Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

From Benign Neglect to Performative Accountability: Changing Policy and Practice in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nicole Mockler Doubt, Skepticism, and Controversy in Professional Development Scholarship: Advancing a Critical Research Agenda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Linda Evans

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An Inquiry into Teacher Agency and Professional Development: The Introduction of the Early Career Framework in England . . . Mark Hardman, Becky Taylor, and Caroline Daly

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School-Based Teacher Educators: A Scottish Manifesto Aileen Kennedy and Linda Bell

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Regulating and Reifying Teacher Professional Development: Teachers’ Learning under Global Policy Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . Ian Hardy

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Continuing Professional Development: Negotiating the Zip . . . . . . Geert Kelchtermans

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Postgraduate Research as a Vehicle for (Trans)forming Teachers’ Professional Development: Opportunities and Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marta Kowalczuk-Walędziak, Amélia Lopes, and Isabel Menezes

Part V

Teacher Education for Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Teacher Leadership in the Classroom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tatiana Baklashova, Margery McMahon, and Roza A. Valeeva

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Developing a Model of Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change in Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dong Nguyen

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599 601

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Middle Leaders in the Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christine Forde and Kathleen Kerrigan

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Standards for School Leadership and Principalship Margery McMahon and Deirdre Torrance

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Laying the Foundations for Leadership: Research-Informed Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lauren Boath, Cristina Mio, and Stephen McKinney

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Contents

External Change Agents in Professional Learning: The Case of the General Teaching Council Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . Pauline Stephen and Charlaine Simpson

Part VI 33

Teacher Identity and Professionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Anchoring Teacher Professional Learning and Development in Context: How Schools Enable Teachers to Thrive . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qing Gu

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Reframing Teacher Professional Identity and Learning . . . . . . . . Douwe Beijaard, Maaike Koopman, and Gonny Schellings

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Professionalism in Practice: Contextual Differences in Understandings, Practices, and Effects of Teacher Autonomy . . . . Christopher Day

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745 763

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Pedagogical Change and Professional Courage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rupert Knight

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Advancing Teacher Professionalism in Rural China: An Equality-Oriented Policy Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wei Liao and Yi Wei

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Subject Disciplines and the Construction of Teachers’ Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ian Thompson

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Recent Trends in Teacher Identity Research and Pedagogy Brad Olsen, Rebecca Buchanan, and Christina Hewko

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Volume 2 Part VII 40

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Policy Studies in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Policy Problems: Policy Approaches to Teacher Education Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Emma Towers and Meg Maguire

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Trans-inclusive Policy and Opportunities for Trans-affirming Teacher Education: An Ontario Case Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jenny Kassen

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Shoring Up “Teacher Quality”: Media Discourses of Teacher Education in the United Kingdom, United States, and Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nicole Mockler and Elizabeth Redpath

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Contents

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Critiquing Teacher Well-Being Policy in England: Developing a Values-Based Approach to Promote Trainee Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Helen Damon, Richard Brock, Alex Manning, and Emma Towers Policy, Teacher Education, and Covid-19: An International “Crisis” in Four Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tom Are Trippestad, Panagiota Gkofa, Sawako Yufu, Amanda Heffernan, Stephanie Wescott, Meg Maguire, and Emma Towers

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Initial Teacher Education and Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1013 Martin Mills and Bob Lingard

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Policy and Practice in Increasing BME Teachers’ Access to ITE and a Leadership Career in the Teaching Profession in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1035 Uvanney Maylor

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Teacher Education in India: Virtual Capture of the “Public” . . . . 1061 Poonam Batra

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Standards and Stories: Educational Policy and White Supremacy in the Lives and Work of White Teachers . . . . . . . . . . 1081 Audrey Lensmire

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Preparing and Supporting Beginning Teachers for the Challenges of Teaching in Urban Primary Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . 1091 Lisa Gaikhorst and Monique L. L. Volman

Part VIII

Comparative Studies in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Need for Comparative Studies in Teacher Education . . . . . . . 1111 Maria Teresa Tatto

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A Cross-National Analysis of Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1133 Motoko Akiba, Alex Moran, Kyeongwon Kim, and Xiaonan Jiang

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Centering Multilingual Learners and Countering Racism in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1157 Jeff Bale and Lisa Lackner

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Spatial Perspectives: A Missing Link for Comparative Teacher Education Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1183 Clare Brooks, Qian Gong, Ana Angelita Rocha, and Victor Salinas-Silva

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Contents

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Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education Between Canada and China in a Globalized Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1207 Shijing Xu and Michael Connelly

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Teacher Education Perspectives in the Ibero-Latin American Context: A Comparative View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1237 Maria Assunção Flores, Juanjo Mena, Maria Inês Marcondes, and Elvira G. Rincon-Flores

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Learning to Teach Equitably: Theoretical Frameworks and Principles for International Research and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . 1259 Karen Hammerness, David Stroupe, and Kavita Kapadia Matsko

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Teacher Education in Post-Soviet States: Transformation Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1293 Aydar M. Kalimullin and Roza A. Valeeva

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Intercultural Education: The Training of Teachers for Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1313 Sylvia Schmelkes and Ana Daniela Ballesteros

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The Development Discourse of “Quality Teachers”: Implications for Teacher Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1337 Michele Schweisfurth

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Issues Related to Teacher Preparation in Southern Africa Rachel van Aswegen, Jacob Elmore, and Peter Youngs

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The Political Economy of Teacher Training in Latin America: A Review of the Research Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1379 Noel McGinn and Ernesto Schiefelbein

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The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1403 Jo B. Helgetun

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Cases of Four International Reforming Contexts: Prelude to the Pandemic and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1431 Cheryl J. Craig, Maria Assunção Flores, Maria Inês Marcondes, and Darlene Ciuffetelli Parker

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Teaching Diverse Students: A Comparative Analysis of Perspectives from South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong . . . . . . 1461 A. Lin Goodwin, Andrew Pau Hoang, Monaliza M. Chian, and Melissa Au

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Teacher Leadership in Cross-National Perspective Gerald K. LeTendre

. . . . . . 1353

. . . . . . . . . . . . 1489

Contents

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Learning to Teach: Building Global Research Capacity for Evidence-Based Decision-Making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1511 Maria Teresa Tatto, Ian Menter, Katharine Burn, Christopher M. Clark, Sakiko Ikoma, Gerald K. LeTendre, Diane Mayer, and Trevor Mutton

Part IX

Globalization and Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Globalization, Teachers, and Teacher Education: Theories, Themes, and Methodologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1563 Tore Bernt Sorensen

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Global Discourses, Teacher Education Quality, and Teacher Education Policies in the Latin American Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1593 Annelise Voisin and Beatrice Ávalos-Bevan

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From Global to Local: Policy Vernacularization as Assemblage, Refoulement, and Meld . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1611 Elena Revyakina and Conor Galvin

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The OECD, the Vehicularity of Ideas, “Wormholes,” and the 2018 Initial Teacher Education Curricular Reform in Mexico Israel Moreno Salto, Susan L. Robertson, and Artemio Arturo Cortez Ochoa

. . . 1639

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Reframing Global Education in Teacher Education from the Perspectives of Human Capability and Cosmopolitan Ethics . . . . 1661 Suzanne S. Choo

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Globalizing Teacher Education Through English as a Medium of Instruction: A Vygotskian Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1685 Thi Kim Anh Dang and Russell Cross

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Shadow Elite of Transnational Policy Networks: Intermediary Organizations and the Production of Teacher Education Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1709 Elena Aydarova

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Globalization and the Impact of ICT on Teachers’ Work and Professional Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1731 Gerald K. LeTendre

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1753

About the Editor-in-Chief

Ian Menter is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in the UK and was President of the British Educational Research Association (BERA), 2013-15. He is Emeritus Professor of Teacher Education and Emeritus Fellow of Kellogg College, at the University of Oxford. He previously worked at the Universities of Glasgow, the West of Scotland, London Metropolitan, the West of England, and Gloucestershire. Before that he was a primary school teacher in Bristol, England. He is now a Visiting Professor at three UK universities. His main research interests are in research, policy, and practice in teacher education, including comparative studies of this topic. Recent edited and co-edited publications include Teacher Education in Russia (Routledge) and The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education in Central and Eastern Europe (Palgrave Macmillan). His monograph, Raymond Williams and Education, was published by Bloomsbury in 2022.

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Section Editors

Qing Gu IOE, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society University College London London, UK

Moira Hulme University of the West of Scotland Ayr, Scotland

Meg Maguire School of Education, Communication & Society, Faculty of Social Science & Public Policy Centre for Public Policy Research, King’s College London London, UK

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Section Editors

Margery McMahon School of Education University of Glasgow Glasgow, Scotland

Nicole Mockler Sydney School of Education and Social Work University of Sydney Sydney, Australia

Trevor Mutton Department of Education University of Oxford Oxford, UK

Tore Bernt Sorensen Educational Governance Hertie School Berlin, Germany

Section Editors

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Maria Teresa Tatto Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College Arizona State University Tempe, AZ, USA Honorary Research Fellow University of Oxford Oxford, UK

Emma Towers School of Education, Communication and Society King’s College London London, UK

Contributors

Motoko Akiba Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA Melissa Au The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China Beatrice Ávalos-Bevan Center for Advanced Research in Education, Institute of Education, University of Chile, Santiago, Chile Elena Aydarova Department of Educational Foundations, Leadership, and Technology, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Tatiana Baklashova Institute of Psychology and Education, Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia Jeff Bale Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada Ana Daniela Ballesteros Universidad Iberoamericana Mexico City, Mexico City, Mexico Melissa Barnes Faculty of Education, Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Poonam Batra Formerly with the Central Institute of Education, University of Delhi, Delhi, India Douwe Beijaard Eindhoven School of Education, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands Linda Bell University of the West of Scotland, Ayr, Scotland Amanda Berry Faculty of Education, Monash University, Clayton, VIC, Australia Lauren Boath School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Lisbeth M. Brevik University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway Richard Brock King’s College London, London, UK Clare Brooks UCL Institute of Education, London, UK xxiii

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Contributors

Rebecca Buchanan University of Maine, Orono, ME, USA Katharine Burn Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Monaliza M. Chian The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China Suzanne S. Choo National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, Singapore Darlene Ciuffetelli Parker Faculty of Education, Brock University, Toronto, ON, Canada Christopher M. Clark University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA Michael Connelly OISE, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada Artemio Arturo Cortez Ochoa Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Cheryl J. Craig Department of Teaching, Learning and Culture, Texas A&M University, TX, USA Russell Cross Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Caroline Daly Institute of Education, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society, London, UK Helen Damon Counselling Psychologist in Independent Practice, London, UK Thi Kim Anh Dang Faculty of Education, Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Christopher Day University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK Enda Donlon Institute of Education, Dublin City University, Dublin, Ireland Xavier Dumay Institute for the analysis of change in contemporary and historical societies (IACS), UCLouvain, Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium Catarina Economou Faculty of Education and Society, Malmö universitet, Malmö, Sweden Caroline Elbra-Ramsay York St John University, York, UK Jacob Elmore University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA Elin Ennerberg Faculty of Education and Society, Malmö universitet, Malmö, Sweden Tone M. Eriksen University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway Linda Evans Manchester Institute of Education, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK

Contributors

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Maria Assunção Flores Research Centre on Child Studies, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal Christine Forde University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK John Furlong University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Lisa Gaikhorst Research Institute of Child Development and Education, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Conor Galvin College of Social Sciences and Law, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland Panagiota Gkofa Sociology of Education, Greece, King’s College London, London, UK Qian Gong Nanjing Normal University, Nanjing, China A. Lin Goodwin Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China Lynch School of Education and Human Development, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, USA Stephen Gorard Durham Evidence Centre for Education, Durham University, Durham, UK Qing Gu UCL Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK Karen Hammerness American Museum of Natural History, New York, NY, USA Mark Hardman Institute of Education, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society, London, UK Ian Hardy School of Education, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia Amanda Heffernan Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Jo B. Helgetun GIRSEF, Institute for the Analysis of Change in Contemporary and Historical Societies, University of Louvain, Louvain la Neuve, Belgium Christina Hewko University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA Andrew Pau Hoang The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China Jim Hordern Department of Education, University of Bath, Bath, UK Moira Hulme University of the West of Scotland, Ayr, Scotland Philly Iglehart Institute of Education, Plymouth Marjon University, Plymouth, UK Sakiko Ikoma American Institutes for Research, Arlington, VA, USA Inga Staal Jenset Department of Teacher Education and School Research, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway

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Contributors

Xiaonan Jiang Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA Aydar M. Kalimullin Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia Jenny Kassen Education, Western University, London, ON, Canada Geert Kelchtermans Center for Innovation and the Development of Teacher and School (CIDTS), KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium Aileen Kennedy School of Education, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland Kathleen Kerrigan University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Kyeongwon Kim Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA Kirsti Klette Department of Teacher Education and School Research, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway Rupert Knight University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK Maaike Koopman HU University of Applied Sciences, Utrecht, The Netherlands Marta Kowalczuk-Walędziak University of Białystok, Białystok, Poland University of Daugavpils, Daugavpils, Latvia Lisa Lackner Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada Audrey Lensmire Augsburg University, Minneapolis, MN, USA Gerald K. LeTendre Penn State College of Education, The Pennsylvania State University, State College, PA, USA Wei Liao Beijing Normal University, Center for Teacher Education Research, Key Research Institute of the Ministry of Education of China, Beijing, China Per Lindquist Department of Education and Teachers’ Practice, Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden Bob Lingard (ACU & UQ) Australian Catholic University and University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia Amélia Lopes University of Porto, Porto, Portugal Meg Maguire King’s College London, London, UK Alex Manning King’s College London, London, UK Maria Inês Marcondes Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil

Contributors

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Cécile Mathou Institute of Social Sciences (ISS), University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland Kavita Kapadia Matsko Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA Diane Mayer Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Uvanney Maylor Institute for Research in Education, University of Bedfordshire, Bedford, UK Noel McGinn Graduate School of Education of Harvard University, Swampscott, MA, USA Stephen McKinney School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Margery McMahon School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Juanjo Mena University of Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain Isabel Menezes University of Porto, Porto, Portugal Ian Menter Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Mirjamaija Mikkilä-Erdmann Department for Teacher Education, Center for Research on Learning and Instruction (CERLI), University of Turku, Turku, Finland Martin Mills (QUT & UCL) Queensland University of Technology, Australia and University College London, Brisbane, Australia Cristina Mio School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Nicole Mockler The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Alex Moran Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA Israel Moreno Salto Faculty of Human Sciences, Autonomous University de Baja California, Mexicali, Mexico Rebecca Morris Department for Education Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK Trevor Mutton Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Dong Nguyen School of Education, Durham University, Durham, UK Ulla-Karin Nordänger Department of Education and Teachers’ Practice, Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden Brad Olsen The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, USA Tanya Ovenden-Hope Institute of Education, Plymouth Marjon University, Plymouth, UK Rowena Passy Plymouth Institute of Education, University of Plymouth, Plymouth, UK

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Elizabeth Redpath The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Elena Revyakina College of Social Sciences and Law, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland Elvira G. Rincon-Flores IFE, Tecnologico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico Susan L. Robertson Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Ana Angelita Rocha State University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Victor Salinas-Silva Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Valparaíso, Chile Marc A. C. Sarazin Moray House School of Education and Sport, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK Gonny Schellings Eindhoven School of Education, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands Ernesto Schiefelbein Univesidad Autonoma, Santiago, Chile Sylvia Schmelkes Universidad Iberoamericana Mexico City, Mexico City, Mexico Michele Schweisfurth School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Beng Huat See Durham Evidence Centre for Education, Durham University, Durham, UK Charlaine Simpson School of Education, University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, Scotland Tore Bernt Sorensen Taube Centre for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland Groupe interdisciplinaire de Recherche sur la Socialisation, l’Education et la Formation (GIRSEF), UC Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium Pauline Stephen General Teaching Council Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland David Stroupe Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Maria Teresa Tatto Division of Leadership and Innovation, Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA Nick Taylor JET Education Services, Johannesburg, South Africa Becky Taylor Institute of Education, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society, London, UK Ian Thompson University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Deirdre Torrance School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Emma Towers King’s College London, London, UK

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Tom Are Trippestad Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Bergen, Norway Roza A. Valeeva Institute of Psychology and Education, Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia Rachel van Aswegen University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA Ourania Ventista Durham Evidence Centre for Education, Durham University, Durham, UK Kara Mitchell Viesca University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Lincoln, NE, USA Annelise Voisin Center for Advanced Research in Education, Institute of Education, University of Chile, Santiago, Chile Monique L. L. Volman Research Institute of Child Development and Education, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Anu Warinowski Faculty of Education, University of Turku, Turku, Finland Yi Wei Peking University, China Institute for Educational Finance Research, Beijing, China Stephanie Wescott Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Simone White School of Education, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Shijing Xu University of Windsor, Windsor, ON, Canada Peter Youngs University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA Sawako Yufu Graduate School of Teacher Education, Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan

Part I Introduction

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Teacher Education Research in the TwentyFirst Century Ian Menter

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Precept 1: “By Their Teacher Education ye Shall Know Them” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Precept 2: Context Matters – History, Culture, and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Precept 3: In Tension – Research, Policy, and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Significance of Teacher Education Research in the Twenty-First Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationships Between Teacher Education and Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Themes in Teacher Education Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodologies in Teacher Education Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Structure of this Handbook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

The purpose of this chapter is to offer a rationale for both the contents and structure of The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research. Firstly, three “precepts” underlying teacher education research are set out. In combination, these precepts create an argument for adopting an anthropological approach to the study of teacher education. The chapter then turns to a discussion of the significance of teacher education as a field of research and the reasons for the substantial expansion of activity within the field over recent decades. Three relationships between teacher education and research are then outlined, followed by the identification of a number of key themes within the field. A discussion of the most commonly deployed methodologies ensues, illustrated by reference to chapters in the handbook. An explanation of the structure of the handbook is then offered with a brief account of what is covered in each section. Drawing on what has preceded, the conclusion affirms the value of adopting an anthropological I. Menter (*) Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_85

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perspective in the undertaking of teacher education research, a perspective that is all too frequently underplayed in the field. Keywords

Teacher education · Research · Methodologies · Anthropology

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to offer a rationale for both the contents and structure of The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research (Parts of this chapter draw on and update earlier publications by the author including Menter, 2017a, b). This introduction first sets out three “precepts” underlying teacher education research, which together amount to a call for taking an anthropological approach to the study of teacher education. The case for such an approach is developed at various points in the chapter. Following the introduction the chapter turns to a discussion of the significance of teacher education as a field of research and the reasons for the substantial expansion of activity within the field over recent decades. Three relationships between teacher education and research are then outlined, followed by the identification of a number of key themes within the field. A discussion of the most commonly deployed methodologies ensues, illustrated by reference to chapters in the handbook. Before the conclusion of the chapter, an explanation of the structure of the handbook is offered and a recognition of a degree of serendipity is acknowledged in the ways in which some chapters have found their way into one section rather than another. Drawing on what has preceded, the conclusion asserts the enormous value of adopting an anthropological perspective in the undertaking of teacher education research, a perspective that is all too frequently underplayed in the field. Such a perspective can greatly enrich our understanding of the social and cultural significance of teacher education. It can also serve as a reminder of how much of the Anglophone research on teacher education has a western and/or northern orientation. Those who undertake teacher education research may benefit from reflecting on three precepts that help us to make sense not only of matters of policy and process in the field but also of the wider social significance of teacher education.

Precept 1: “By Their Teacher Education ye Shall Know Them” Most teacher education is organized at the level of the state, sometimes the nationstate and sometimes a state within a federation of states. This no doubt largely reflects the level at which schooling systems are organized, and it is usually assumed that teachers should be educated for the particular system within which they are intending to work. At a time of increasing globalization of our national economies and cultures, education and teacher education continue to be mainly organized at the

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national and/or state level – although that of course is not to deny the significant influence of global forces within these national systems (Green, 1997; Rizvi & Lingard, 2010). So, through reviewing and analyzing a nation’s teacher education system we are appraising what it is that teachers should know, what they should be able to do, and how they should be disposed, in order to help in the formation of the future adult citizens of that society, in perhaps 10 to 20 years’ time. Teacher education may be taken to be highly symbolic of how a society sees its future and is therefore strongly indicative of its underlying values. Perhaps it is a realization of this that has turned teacher education into such a center of political interest in the past 20 to 30 years in many countries. However, these values and commitments are not necessarily simply implemented within the society. There may well be considerable resistances, adaptations, and “accommodations” that are made as policy processes are played out. Indeed, these contestations themselves are significant sociologically and are frequently indicative of deep underlying conflicts within the society. It is for reasons such as this that the study of teacher education policy is of enormous interest not only to educationalists but also to anthropologists, sociologists, and political scientists.

Precept 2: Context Matters – History, Culture, and Politics We come to understand the nature of any teacher education system through examining the history, culture, and politics of that system and of the society (Fig. 1). Such a perspective provides a sound methodological underpinning in seeking to make meaning of teacher education in particular contexts. The particular educational traditions in any setting may be identified within the teacher education system and will reflect the relative influences of, for example, Western European thought, Eastern philosophies, religious teachings, and political ideologies. We do need help from historians and cultural theorists, also indeed from anthropologists, in order to understand fully how and why our own contemporary approaches in teacher education are as they are.

Fig. 1 Context matters

History

Politics

Culture

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Fig. 2 In tension

Research

Policy

Practice

Precept 3: In Tension – Research, Policy, and Practice The relationship between research, policy, and practice in teacher education is far from straightforward, it is complex and dynamic but is a very important aspect of what it is that teacher education practitioners and policymakers are all interested in. As was found in the twelve-nation study carried out by Tatto and Menter (2019), there are often significant tensions between these fields, and the processes of influence are far from the virtuous cycle depicted in Fig. 2, as many chapters included in this handbook illustrate. Examples of these tensions are apparent in England for example in the very language used, with politicians referring to “teacher training,” while most practitioners refer to “teacher education.” In the USS, departments of education in universities have long struggled to maintain their status as being on equal terms with other departments (Labaree, 2004). When these three precepts are combined, it may be proposed that they amount to an anthropological perspective. We are seeking to make sense of teacher education policy and practice in various contexts, in particular to understand processes of cultural transmission through the processes of teacher education over time and space. While the “sociological imagination” (Mills, 1959) offers deep understanding of the relations between individuals and society, an “anthropological imagination” may offer a perspective that is spatially broader and temporally longer. Anderson-Levitt describes anthropology as “the holistic study of human beings” (Anderson-Levitt, 2012: 5). In assembling a major work such as the present Handbook, we may aspire to such ambitions in our collected analyses of teacher education.

The Significance of Teacher Education Research in the TwentyFirst Century In light of the three precepts outlined and looking now at the past development of teacher education research, we can say that there is no single history of the field around the world. There are notable differences between continents as well as within continents (e.g., in England and Wales, see Dent, 1977). Until the nineteenth century

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however, it would be a reasonable generalization, at least in the northern hemisphere, to suggest that the teaching profession was closely associated with universities and with religious organizations. It was the emergence of state provision for schooling in many countries from the late nineteenth century onwards that led to the rapid expansion of systematic approaches to the preparation of teachers in diverse locations. In particular the establishment of “normal schools” was a feature in Europe as well as in north and south America (see Tatto et al.; Voisin and Avalos-Bevan). These schools not only provided education for children but were the sites for an apprenticeship style of training for prospective teachers. As state education systems expanded, colleges of education began to emerge, enabling the creation of larger classes of study for trainee teachers and sometimes the provision of experimental classrooms or schools where groups of trainees could observe teaching and be evaluated by others in their own teaching (Cruickshank, 1970; Gosden, 1972). The twentieth century saw the rise of social science disciplines including psychology and sociology and the contribution that these subjects might make to the education of teachers was recognized. So we began to see the steady “academisation” of teacher education, the introduction of a body of specialized professional knowledge that was judged to be important. As this process continued, so the direct involvement of universities in teacher preparation increased (see Alexander et al., 1984). This in turn was associated with an increasing “professionalisation”Professionalisation of teaching and thus, for example, in England we saw, by the early 1970s, the call for teaching to become an “all-graduate” profession (James, 1972). So, while many secondary school teachers had a first degree before they entered teacher training, many of those working with younger children had entered teaching with some form of certificate that had not led to a degree as such. At the same time as this was happening, the large number of Colleges of Education were being amalgamated in a program of “rationalisation”Rationalisation and then were being incorporated into universities or polytechnics. The UK polytechnics themselves were converted into universities late in the twentieth century, so that by the end of the twentieth century, teacher education – especially initial or preservice teacher education – may be seen to have gone through a process of “universitisation”Universitisation (Menter et al., 2006; Burn & Menter, forthcoming). Similar patterns of development were happening in many other countries, or took place later, as in Australia, although each system had a distinctive trajectory, as reflected in many chapters in this handbook (e.g., see: Helgetun). In many countries in the southern hemisphere, the colleges of education continue to be the main providers of teacher education. While the move toward the academy as a key contributor to the education of teachers was a common trend in most parts of the world, the late twentieth century saw some quite significant disruption of this trajectory. In the USA and in England in particular there was a surge in the introduction of “alternative” routes into teaching. Sometimes these have arisen in the context of teacher shortages, that is the supply of teachers failing to meet the numbers required by the schools, but quite often these innovations have been associated with ideological critiques of the nature of university-led teacher education (Thomas et al., 2021).

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The political focus on teacher education has been intensified by the publication of a number of transnational reports on teaching and pupil attainment. The PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) studies published by the OECD (Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development) have heightened policymakers’ concerns about the attainment of young people in core subjects across the world. The OECD also commenced an ongoing international survey TALIS (Teaching and Learning International Survey) which has offered comparisons of the experiences and needs of teachers across many nations (OECD, 2009, 2014, 2018). Research from the school improvement and school effectiveness movement has indicated that the quality of teaching is a key factor in raising school-level attainment. Several transnational reviews, especially those carried out by the McKinsey corporation (McKinsey and Co., 2007; Barber & Mourshed, 2007), have suggested that the quality of teaching is one avenue through which politicians and policymakers may have a real impact on the quality of their schools. In parallel to these developments in policy and their effects on the practices of teaching, how has the field of education as an academic subject been developing? And, consequently, what have been the contributions of these developments to teacher education research? As has already been indicated, the field of education as a subject of study has been informed by a range of cultural traditions as well as by a range of scholarly disciplines. Alexander’s major study of Culture and Pedagogy (Alexander, 2000) explored these matters in relation to primary/elementary schooling in England, France, India, Russia, and the USA. Focusing more directly on teacher education and on education as a field of study, an important collection of chapters by scholars from a diverse range of six countries (France, Germany, Latvia, Australia, China and the USA), assembled by Whitty and Furlong (2017), shows how cultural and academic traditions may interact to shape the approaches taken within particular contexts. They conclude that: Education as a field of study does face serious challenges as it tries to respond to the everincreasing demands made on it in the increasingly globalised, competitive world of school and university systems. But despite these challenges, real though they are, what we have come to recognise is the huge intellectual resources enshrined in the different traditions we have identified. (Furlong & Whitty, 2017: 49)

Furlong (2013) had earlier followed the trajectory of education as a field of study in the UK, noting some of the differences demonstrated across the four main jurisdictions of England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales (see also, Teacher Education Group, 2016). Furlong subtitled his book “Rescuing the university project?”, expressing his concern that what he calls the discipline of education was being severely weakened by attacks on the higher education contribution to teacher education, most powerfully launched in England (see also Childs & Menter, 2013). Such tensions, conflicts, and debates have been recognized in many recent collections of works on teacher education across a range of countries, including those by Darling-Hammond and Lieberman (2012), Townsend (2011), and Tatto and Menter (2019). Many of the issues are also discussed elsewhere in this handbook.

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As recently as 2000, however, teacher education research appeared to be a significantly underdeveloped component in the processes of reform and development. With some notable exceptions, there was a severe paucity of rigorous, largescale, or well-theorized research, especially in relation to policy and practice. This was as true in the USA (Zeichner, 2005) as it was in the UK (Menter et al., 2010b). While many important studies of teaching and learning and studies in the philosophy of education had influenced professional practice and indeed had influenced teacher education per se during the twentieth century, there was a lack of interrogation of organized teacher education and also a lack of accumulation of the knowledge derived from such research as existed. The present handbook is indicative of a growing global interest in teacher education, with considerable evidence of a wide range of studies now being carried out in many parts of the world. However, this particular expression of the potential burgeoning of teacher education research is not the first of its kind. Earlier examples from the USA include very large collections published in association with scholarly organizations such as the Association of Teacher Educators (ATE) and the American Educational Research Association (respectively Cochran-Smith et al., 2008 and Cochran-Smith and Zeichner, 2005). The first edition of the ATE collection was published as long ago as 1990. Other more recent collections not associated with particular organizations but also demonstrating the enormous global rise in teacher education research include those edited by Clandinin and Husu (2017), Peters, Cowie and Menter (2017), Akiba and LeTendre (2018), and Mayer (2021).

Relationships Between Teacher Education and Research As is demonstrated in many of the publications referred to above, much of the teacher education research that has been and continues to be undertaken is carried out by people working as practitioners within the field. That is not the only form of teacher education research however. It is proposed here (following Menter, 2017b) that there are three main forms that teacher education research may take. In addition to research in teacher education, we may also identify research on teacher education, carried out by external researchers. A third form may be described as research around teacher education, that is research that has a wider purview, connecting with other disciplines and/or other arenas of social activity. In this section consideration is given to what may be meant by each of these terms and how the topics adumbrated in the previous section may be approached under each heading. Although all three approaches may broadly be seen as educational research falling under the wider umbrella of social sciences, they may nevertheless have different disciplinary bases, as we shall see. Research in teacher education: This, the most common approach to teacher education research remains very important. If we see teaching itself as an enquirybased profession, then it is important that teacher educators model an enquiry approach in their own work. In a major inquiry into the relationship between teacher education and research carried out in 2013–14 by the British Educational Research

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Association (BERA) in partnership with the Royal Society for the Arts (RSA) the model of teaching and teacher education that emerged as most productive is one that is enquiry-based. The inquiry report (BERA-RSA, 2014) called for all teachers to be “research literate” – that is, all teachers are entitled to be equipped with the appropriate skills to evaluate educational research, but also with the capacity to engage in enquiry themselves. An implication of this is that all teacher education programs should seek to provide trained teachers with these qualities. The idea of “teacher as researcher” has a long tradition, not least in the UK, where that phrase was coined by Lawrence Stenhouse (see Stenhouse, 1975), who saw teachers as being, in their very essence, curriculum researchers. Stenhouse, however, like many of those who have followed in that tradition believed that teacher research must be rigorous. One of the common criticisms of much teacher research is that it is not only small-scale but also that it can tend to be unsystematic and therefore of poor quality. In developing the idea of the teacher as a researcher in the USA, Cochran-Smith, Lytle, and their collaborators endorse the importance of rigor and also introduce the idea of teacher inquiry as stance, that is adopting an explicit values position (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 2009). Research on teacher education: Research which steps back from the practice and seeks to analyze and understand teacher education in a more “detached” way is still all too scarce. Very often such research is carried out by policy researchers who are interested in how programs are developed and in their effects. This approach to research often overlaps with effectiveness models that were mentioned above, but can also be very revealing of motives and values and may well challenge assumptions. The best example of such research in the UK is still – albeit, more than 20 years old – the Modes of Teacher Education (“MOTE”) work carried out during the 1990s by Furlong and a number of colleagues (Furlong et al., 2000). The study was independently funded (in contrast with some of the other research on teacher education that has been funded by the government and its agencies) and sought to ascertain how reforms of teacher education in England during the early 1990s were “transforming teacher professionalism.” There is a need for more of this kind of research to be undertaken, it should be theoretically informed and should include work that is large-scale and longitudinal and that uses a full range of methods. One recent example is the SETE (“Studying the Effectiveness of Teacher Education”) study carried out in Australia by a large consortium of researchers from several different institutions (Mayer et al., 2015). This is an important and recent example of research on teacher education – although having been carried out by a team of teacher education practitioners, it also has elements of research in teacher education. Similarly, although carried out by a sole researcher, Brooks’ study of Initial Teacher Education at Scale (Brooks, 2021 see also ▶ Chap. 17, “The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making,” by Brooks) adopts a strong theoretical framework (drawn largely from geography) to identify a number of “quality conundrums” that shape policy and practice in the field. Some comparative education studies of teacher education also may be seen as good examples of research on teacher education (see ▶ Part VIII, “Comparative

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Studies in Teacher Education,” of this handbook). The IEA Teacher Education and Development Study in Mathematics (TEDS-M) is the largest and more methodologically rigorous international comparative study of the policies and opportunities to learn that impact the outcomes of initial teacher education on the knowledge, pedagogy, and beliefs of future primary and secondary teachers in seventeen countries including Botswana, Canada, Chile, Chinese Taipei, Germany, Georgia, Malaysia, Norway, Oman, Philippines, Poland, Russia, Singapore, Spain, Switzerland, Thailand, and the USA. The study which used national representative samples of teacher education programs was implemented by a team of educationists in every country and has important implications for policy and practice, not only for mathematics education but also more broadly (Tatto et al., 2018b). The “home international” study of teacher education policy and practice in the UK and Ireland is another example (Teacher Education Group, 2016). It is very valuable to contrast and compare approaches – not least in neighboring jurisdictions – to identify how different values and understandings of teaching may lead to very different approaches to teacher education. What has not been attempted to a great degree, however, are efforts to ascertain the effects of such different approaches on outcomes. Indeed, in England, where there is now an enormous variety of entry routes into teaching (see Murray & Mutton, 2016), there have been some attempts to make sense of this, but some have not been fully independent, with funding coming from government sources (e.g., Hobson et al., 2006). Some more recent studies have attempted to identify the different effects of approaches to ITE that are school-led and those which are partnership based (Whiting et al., 2018; Brown, 2018; Tatto et al., 2018a). Research around teacher education: If research on teacher education is relatively scarce, then research around teacher education is even scarcer. If it is agreed that approaches to teacher education have a deep symbolic significance culturally and sociologically in any social system (as was argued in the introduction to this chapter), then this dearth of theoretically well-informed and often interdisciplinary work is not only surprising, it is a matter of concern. The term “research around teacher education” refers to research that seeks to understand teacher education in a broader context, for example taking historical, anthropological, political science, or social theory perspectives. This is work that is likely to be essentially interdisciplinary and is designed to explore the relationship between teacher education and the wider society. In the UK, two examples may be cited. The first is a study that seeks to draw explicitly on sociology, psychology, and philosophy in developing a deeper understanding of how teacher education might be reformulated in the twenty-first century, through the application of these disciplines. Edwards, Gilroy, and Hartley (2002) offer a stimulating challenge to contemporary teacher educators through their multiple disciplinary lens. Furlong’s study, referred to earlier (Furlong, 2013), while less explicitly interdisciplinary in nature (being mainly sociological) nevertheless steps well outside the usual constraints of the study of teacher education, by looking at the institutional and societal setting of teacher education during the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century. This creates a set of significantly deeper insights

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than are achieved in much teacher education research, that simply takes teacher education as a self-contained system. An example of more broadly based analysis of teacher education within a European context emerges from a study of “Teachers Careers” in Belgium, England, and France. Drawing on sociological explorations of the changing nature of work and employment in the twenty-first century, Dumay and colleagues are able to examine the links between teacher education policy and practice on the one hand and the segmentation of the teaching workforce on the other. The work is also notable for its strong historical element and indeed goes well beyond the bounds of Europe (Dumay & Burn, forthcoming). For further examples of work which seeks a wider theorization in this volume, see ▶ Chaps. 72, “Globalizing Teacher Education Through English as a Medium of Instruction: A Vygotskian Perspective,” Dang and Cross, and ▶ 69, “From Global to Local: Policy Vernacularization as Assemblage, Refoulement, and Meld,” Revyakina and Galvin. There remains a great dearth of serious anthropological work on teacher education. Given the arguments made earlier about the symbolic significance of teacher education, this must be an area for urgent attention, most likely to be undertaken by anthropologists and educationists working in partnership. There has certainly been valuable work in the anthropology of education, especially in the USA (e.g., Spindler, 1974; Anderson-Levitt, 2003, 2012), although very little of it has focused on teacher education. The central “method” of anthropology, namely ethnography, has however had a very significant impact on education research, although again little of it has focused directly on teacher education (see Mills & Morton, 2013). Some comparative study has sought to link the practices of teaching with wider cultures, among the most eminent of these is Alexander’s five-nation study, referred to above (Alexander, 2000). Alexander does discuss the processes of teacher education for primary/elementary school teachers in considerable detail, and this work remains an excellent example of an attempt to make these wider linkages. The three relationships: As we have seen, one characteristic of teacher education research is that much of it is conducted by those who are also its practitioners, whether as teacher educators or as managers. The history of research in teacher education is complemented by research on teacher education and intricately related to the trajectory over time of teacher educators as an ill-defined, under-researched, and sometimes beleaguered occupational group within Higher Education (Labaree, 2004; Ellis & McNicholl, 2015). But it is to be hoped that the wider significance of teacher education in contemporary societies can be explored through an increasing range of activity in research around teacher education. Histories of particular teacher education institutions and biographies of early teacher educators (e.g., Grier, 1937; Heward, 1993; Simon, 1998; Aldrich, 2002; Thompson, B., 2017) reveal that some research was undertaken throughout the twentieth century, but, on the whole, the focus was on curriculum development and, to a lesser extent, on learning and teaching or practices of teacher education. Only a few well-researched accounts of the development of teacher education were produced, although during the second half of the twentieth century, important

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empirical work on the nature of teaching was starting to be carried out in many parts of the world (e.g., Galton et al., 1980; Hattie, 2008). Teacher research, practitioner research, and action research have all been influential in teacher education, although perhaps less consistently than might be expected. During the 1970s and 1980s further attempts were made to learn about effective practices in teaching through empirical classroom-based work. Policy developments in the 1980s and then upheavals in the 1990s gave rise to a new wave of policy-related research, although again very little of this was focused on teacher education per se. It should also be noted that a number of important journals, creating opportunities to publish teacher education research, were established in the second half of the twentieth century, including, Teaching and Teacher Education, The Journal of Teacher Education, The Journal of Education for Teaching, Teachers and Teaching: Theory and Practice, The European Journal of Teacher Education, The Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education, Teaching Education, and Professional Development in Education. While some of these have a distinct geographical base, they do all have an international scope. Professional and research bodies that have been important in supporting teacher education research include in the UK: UCET, the Universities’ Council for the Education of Teachers and BERA, the British Educational Research Association, in Europe, the Association of Teacher Educators in Europe (ATEE), the European Educational Research Association (which has had a network on teacher education research from a very early stage). In the USA the equivalent bodies include AERA, The American Educational Research Association, as well as the Association of Teacher Educators (ATE). In India, there is the Indian Association of Teacher Educators (IATE). In Australia, we have ATEA, the Australian Teacher Education Association as well as the Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE), and in Japan, The Japanese Society for the Study of Teacher Education. All of these organizations normally hold conferences on a regular annual basis. In summary then, it is clear that there is now a tradition of research in and on teacher education in many parts of the world, which has generated several significant studies and a supportive infrastructure of journals, conferences, and networks. But it may be reiterated that there remains scope for significant development and expansion of research around teacher education.

Key Themes in Teacher Education Research The way in which this handbook has been structured is discussed more fully in a subsequent section of this chapter. However, there are several distinctive themes in teacher education research that may be seen as “cross-cutting” or transversal and in this part of the chapter a number of these are identified. These are themes that are relevant to most or all of the Handbook sections and reflect concerns arising in the communities of teacher education policy and practice. Furthermore, it is the case that all of these themes are significantly interconnected.

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The quality of teachers and teaching: What kinds of people make the best teachers? There has been a widespread assumption that those people with the best knowledge and understanding of their subject will make the best teachers, but there is little hard evidence of this. It may be just as important that potential teachers have a range of social skills and an intellectual curiosity about learning. In most settings, early years and elementary or primary school teachers are required to teach across a wide curriculum range and thus their “subject knowledge” has a different connotation from that term applied to secondary or high school teachers. Good levels of literacy and numeracy are also judged to be important for all teachers and have in some settings led to specific entrance requirements relating to these matters. Aspects of recruitment and employment are most explicitly focused on in ▶ Part II, “The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers,” of the Handbook, but aspects of “teaching quality” – what this term means and its contested nature – emerge in all sections of the Handbook (e.g., Voisin and Avalos-Bevan). In recent years, teaching quality has increasingly been cast in terms of “performativity.” There have been growing trends to identify correlations between “inputs” to teacher education and the results achieved in students’ assessments. The complexity of the processes occurring between “inputs” and “outputs” in teaching is considerable and while policymakers and politicians tend to seek simple cause-andeffect explanations for what makes “a good teacher,” the reality is that there are so many factors influencing these processes and relationships that it can be very difficult to provide the “easy answers” that are being looked for. Nevertheless, given the cost of providing teacher education programs from public funds, it is more than legitimate that there should be efforts made to ensure that the best “value for money” is achieved. Concerns such as these are frequently amplified by the continuing evidence of correlations between socioeconomic and ethnic background of children and their school attainment. Issues of equity and the prevalence of such correlations can lead to efforts toward “closing the gap” between the educational outcomes of children from the richest and poorest families. The persistence of educational inequalities is most marked in some of the wealthiest countries (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009; Dorling, 2015) and does not lend itself to a “quick fix” or indeed any easy solutions (Childs & Menter, 2018; Menter, 2021). Nevertheless there is some teacher education research that seeks to address these issues and offer some policy and practice proposals to address them (Zeichner, 2009; Cochran-Smith, 2004; Thompson, I., 2017). The nature of professional knowledge: What is it that an aspiring teacher needs to know? Again, this is a subject that has been much discussed and researched over many years. While a simple view would have it that a teacher needs to know their subject and “how to teach,” recent work following the influence of Lee Shulman (1987) has suggested a typology of aspects of necessary professional knowledge, including not only subject knowledge but also pedagogical subject knowledge, general pedagogical knowledge as well as classroom management and communication skills (see Philpott, 2014). The twelve-nation study led by Tatto and Menter (2019) sought to identify the particular forms of knowledge prioritized within

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teacher education programs within each country and found great diversity in the ways in which this knowledge was constructed. The TEDS-M study led by Tatto (2013) in 17 countries explored the nature of the professional knowledge needed to teach mathematics. Taking a different approach Whitty and Furlong (2017) showed the influence of longstanding cultural traditions around the nature of knowledge on teacher education systems. Theory and practice: Closely related to questions of professional knowledge are understandings of the relationship between theory and practice and the relative importance of each in the processes of teacher learning. The “academisation”Academisation of teaching has been noted in many countries, but also in the recent past a return to former “practice-based” approaches to teacher learning, for example through employment-based routes of entry into teaching has emerged (Thomas et al., 2021). On some occasions this debate about the nature of professional knowledge for teachers gets translated into a debate about the relative significance of educational theory and teaching practice. While most contemporary scholars suggest that this is an unhelpful and misleading dichotomy, it does nevertheless tend to be one that appeals to some politicians who deride educational theory as variously distracting, misleading, or even subversive (see Murray & Mutton, 2016). Much contemporary scholarship refers to the importance of an integrated approach to professional learning, as a way in which to dissolve this binaried way of thinking. The concept of “practical theorizing”Practical theorising was developed in the UK by McIntyre (Hagger & McIntyre, 2006; Burn et al., 2022) and has influenced a number of recent developments, some of which promote the idea of “clinical practice” (Burn & Mutton, 2014). Such integrated approaches emphasize the need for experiential learning that is informed by careful, systematic, and researchinformed analysis. Sites of learning: This debate in turn leads to another key element in teacher education research – the relative importance of the main sites of learning. The history of teacher education across the world demonstrates how the role of higher education has become increasingly important during the twentieth century. From early practices which very much emphasized the idea of the teacher trainee as an apprentice, learning mostly in the classroom from observing and modeling their own actions on those of experienced teachers, the recognition of the need for beginning teachers to understand the processes of teaching and learning and, for example, the influence of social situations on student learning have been linked to the growth of educational sciences. So it was that increasingly, teacher education programs became some form of dual provision between school settings and higher education settings. Where this duality was seen as providing two distinctive experiences for the learner teacher, it often reinforced the distinction between theory and practice and more recent developments have emphasized the importance of genuine collaboration between schools and higher education institutions in developing integrated approaches to student teacher learning and their sites. A comparative study of policy and practice in England and the USA is a good example of an investigation of these issues (Tatto et al., 2018a).

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Contributions of the school and of the university: What then are the distinctive roles of the school and the university if they are to work collaboratively? A major contribution to this discussion was provided by Furlong (2013) in his analysis of “the university project” in teacher education (see also ▶ Chap. 13, “Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View,” by Furlong in this handbook). Through exploring the university contribution to teacher education, mainly within the UK, he demonstrated how, if teaching is seen as a complex and morally based activity, then the key role of the university is in pursuing what he calls “the maximisation of reason” (p. 176). This pursuit is not of course unique to teacher education. He suggests that that is the overall distinctive contribution of the university in advanced societies and draws on the great traditions of higher education to demonstrate this. Within teacher education however, that maximization of reason is exemplified most visibly through the provision of research-based approaches in teacher education, including ensuring that beginning teachers have ready access to the best educational research and also that they develop the skills not only to evaluate and, where appropriate, to utilize that research, but also to engage in enquiry-oriented practice themselves. Curriculum and assessment within teacher education: What then do student teachers need to learn and experience and how should they be assessed? The particular combination of school experience and of academic study that can lead to the best learning experience for the beginning teacher is a topic that has taxed teacher educators as well as policymakers (Menter, 2016). The pattern of sites of learning (between school and university) is only a part of the issue. For integrated approaches to teacher education there are many questions about what is best learned where and from whom? What input should be made by university staff? What should be the role/s of school-based staff? Most integrated programs have a clear and explicit division of responsibilities that involve a range of roles. Often the university provides a professional tutor and a subject tutor, while the school provides a general professional tutor and a subject mentor. But the learning experiences may take place in university classrooms and school settings. Sometimes professional seminars are held in school settings while much of the detailed subject planning work and assessment of pupil learning is discussed on a one-to-one basis between student and subject mentor. The assessment of student teachers is commonly done partly at least on the basis of criteria that are elaborated as “standards” for the beginning teacher. But who is to assess the achievement of these standards and how? Again the most advanced collaborative partnership schemes set out a very clear set of responsibilities for those involved, but the assessment of student performance is often done jointly by school and university staff. Social justice and teacher education: An area of growing interest in teacher education research has been around issues of social justice. While, following Bernstein (1970), teacher education “cannot compensate for society,” any more than schooling can, the continuing inequalities in societies all around the world persist and are closely connected to educational outcomes. The situation in developing countries can be very challenging (see Bashiruddin, 2018). There has been

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much interest in seeking to promote teacher education that may lead to great equity and to improved social justice (Tickly & Barrett, 2013; ▶ Chaps. 46, “Policy and Practice in Increasing BME Teachers’ Access to ITE and a Leadership Career in the Teaching Profession in England,” and ▶ 47, “Teacher Education in India: Virtual Capture of the “Public””). Examples include work looking at teachers themselves (Maylor, 2016; Moreau, 2019), teacher education programs (Cochran-Smith, 2004; Zeichner, 2009; Thompson, B., 2017), and modes of assessment of preservice teachers (Hextall et al., 2001). Many of these inequalities appear to have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, not least through the impact of the “digital divide” on learners, as digital technologies have taken a more prominent role in pedagogy, both in schools and in teacher education (see Trippestad et al). The continuum of professional learning: It is now widely agreed that teacher education and professional development should be seen as a continuum. What then is the relationship between preservice teacher education and ongoing professional learning? It may be assumed that there are some fundamentals that need to be achieved before a new teacher can be judged to be qualified – or in the words of the Australian government report, become a “classroom-ready teacher” (TEMAG, 2014). These fundamentals are frequently defended as the standards for initial entry into the profession (Kennedy, 2016). What then do new teachers need to develop subsequent to entering the classroom for the first time? Many new teachers talk about classroom management, planning, and assessment as the biggest challenges of their early days in school. These topics are often the focus for continuing training and support during what is often referred to as the induction phase of teaching. Once the early career teacher has gained some further confidence in these areas, it may be that their ongoing learning may focus on the further enhancement of their subject knowledge and understanding or they may choose to develop specialist expertise for example in teaching children with special educational needs or teaching children for whom the language of instruction is an additional language to their own first language. Or more broadly, a number of teachers choose to develop their expertise in educational leadership, perhaps with a view to becoming a subject leader (head of department or faculty) or a school leader (assistant or deputy principal for example). All of these further undertakings may be part of an accredited award, such as a master’s program or a professional doctorate, or they may be pursued in a more independent way, depending on what is available and on the disposition of the teacher concerned. Professional identity – teachers and teacher educators: The relationship between teacher education and professional identity is one that has attracted interest over many years (see Huberman, 1993; Day & Gu, 2010) and has led to life history research that seeks to follow the trajectory of teachers’ development from their preservice education through their professional lives (Goodson & Sikes, 2001). More recently, there has been an awakening of equivalent interest in the professional identities of teacher educators and the transitions that may be made as teachers move from the school setting into a higher education setting (Lunenberg et al., 2014, review some of this literature; see also Murray & Kosnick, 2013). The interest in professional identity arises from concerns about how teachers and teacher educators

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understand their work, their roles and responsibilities, and what are the factors that influence these. Furthermore it is assumed that these matters will also relate to their “performance” and “effectiveness.” A review of literature on teacher education carried out for the Scottish Government in 2010 (Menter et al., 2010a) suggested that four paradigms of teacher professionalism could be identified, as follows: • • • •

the effective teacher; the reflective teacher; the enquiring teacher; the transformative teacher.

These four paradigms could be seen as lying on a continuum between more restricted and more extended forms of teacher professionalism (Hoyle, 1974). The governance of teacher education: The tendency for teacher education systems to be managed at the level of the state was noted earlier. However, the meaning of “the state” can vary considerably and there is an underlying research question concerning the best level of government that should be responsible for teacher education. In the USA, for many years it was the responsibility of each individual state to make arrangements for the certification of teachers and for their preparation, training, and development (Tatto & Clark, 2019). In the UK, that responsibility now falls to each of the four main constituent nations (Teacher Education Group, 2016). In Australia, each state has some responsibility but as in the USA, the federal government has been taking an increasing interest in teacher education (Mayer, 2019). In India, variations between states are further complicated by the involvement of private sector organizations (see Batra). Many issues relating to governance arise in ▶ Part VII, “Policy Studies in Teacher Education,” of this handbook, focusing on policy studies (see also Furlong et al., 2009), and also in ▶ Part IX, “Globalization and Teacher Education,” on globalization. There is a further important question of the balance of responsibility for particular aspects of the provision between politicians, policymakers, and professionals (teachers and teacher educators). In both developed and developing nations there have been examples of quite strong tensions between the policy community and the communities of practice (e.g., see Helgetun or Tatto & Parra-Gaete, 2019). As suggested earlier, teaching and teacher education have become matters of considerable political significance and the knowledge, experience, and expertise of teachers and teacher educators have sometimes been overridden by the efforts of politicians to popularize their efforts to “improve” the profession. Teacher education has become tangled up in the politics of populism (Eatwell & Goodwin, 2018; Mockler, 2022). The role of teacher trade unions and other professional organizations has also been very important in some settings (Compton & Weiner, 2008). While unions have often tended to be most concerned with matters of pay and working conditions, they have also exerted some influence over the nature of teacher education. In the case of Scotland where a professional body, The General Teaching Council, was established as long ago as 1965 (Matheson, 2015), the dominant teacher union was well

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represented in this body and shaped policy and practice in teacher education to a significant extent. The COVID-19 pandemic has also revealed a range of relationships between politicians and professionals as governments have attempted to respond to the challenges of maintaining educational provision – including within teacher education – at the same time as schools, colleges and universities were closed down for lengthy periods (see Trippestad et al). The use of digital technologies as media for learning and communicating escalated rapidly during these experiences. In his chapter in this volume, LeTendre focuses on ICT as a globalizing force and its impact on teachers’ work and professionalism. The topics discussed in this section represent at least a major part of the range that face teacher education researchers as they strive to improve our understanding of policy and practice in the field. In the next section we turn to consider something more about how teacher education research is undertaken and with what methodological approaches.

Methodologies in Teacher Education Research Teacher education research may be seen as a subset of educational research and many of the same issues that arise within teacher education also exist in that broader field. Much of what takes place under the name of educational research is seen to be within the wide scope of the social sciences. Furlong argues that educational research: . . .has gone through a number of stages of development, but, actually, the truth is more complex. Over the past 130 years, dominant discourses of educational research have certainly changed, but rather than one approach being succeeded by another, with old traditions withering away, the reality is that new ones have simply been added to previous traditions. As a result, today educational research is multivocal, embracing a range of different traditions each of which might claim different historical roots. (Furlong, 2013: 21–22).

So, while educational research may now appear to have social science at its core, nevertheless there may still be a clear overlap with the humanities. For example, much historical and philosophical research in education can be seen as falling under that umbrella (McCulloch & Richardson, 2000; Higgins, 2011) and educational work within cultural and media studies may be seen also to be better described in this way (e.g., Hansen, 2011; Menter, 2022). Quantitative versus qualitative approaches: If however, educational research now tends to be seen as predominantly a social science, what kind of methodological approaches may be taken? In the USA, in the latter part of the twentieth century, there were major tensions between quantitative and qualitative approaches, sometimes referred to as “paradigm wars.” To some extent, these tensions reflected a struggle between positivism and interpretivism (St Clair, 2009). Major research funders – particularly government sources and large corporate organizations –

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have tended to favor the former, especially since the latter part of the twentieth century. There was also an influence from the media, with journalists strongly favoring stories in which numbers could be included. Something of the same “warfare” has been experienced in the UK more recently, as again government sources have been seen to strongly favor a particular form of quantitative research in education, the randomized controlled trial, the RCT (Gorard et al., 2017). In drawing comparisons with medical science, it has been argued that the comparison of the experiences of intervention and control groups, analogous to one group receiving a new drug and another group being given a placebo, will obviously lead to greater efficiency in education research (Goldacre, 2013; see also Torgerson & Torgerson, 2009). Action research: In promoting these quantitative approaches, some scorn has been applied to small-scale qualitative research (by Goldacre, 2013, for example). Yet, as was suggested earlier, there is a very important tradition within education of what has variously been called action research (Elliot, 1991) or practitioner research (Campbell et al., 2004). Indeed the idea of “teacher as researcher” was developed very significantly in the UK by Lawrence Stenhouse (1975) in his groundbreaking work, drawing not least on ideas from John Dewey. Stenhouse argued that the best researchers of education were teachers themselves. He saw teachers as curriculum researchers in particular, being in the best place to make decisions, based on evidence, about what should be taught – as well as how. The idea is that of an educational science in which each classroom is a laboratory, each teacher a member of the scientific community. (Stenhouse, 1975: 142)

Randomized controlled trials: It is curious that the resurgence of interest in “evidence-based teaching” in the UK (Thomas & Pring, 2004), as well as elsewhere, seems often to ignore these important developments and to emphasize so exclusively one particular methodology, the randomized controlled trial (RCT). It is not that RCTs do not make an important contribution as one of a wide repertoire of approaches. However, large-scale RCTs in education are very difficult to implement (Gale, 2018) and small-scale RCTs are only likely to have wider significance if they can be closely associated with each other – as some current moves within the Teaching Schools movement in England seek to do (Childs & Menter, 2018). Meta-analysis and systematic review: The importance of accumulating evidence in education research is one reason that systematic review and meta-analysis have become such important elements of the field (Gough et al., 2012; Hattie, 2008). Analyses of published research were a key element in the national studies reported in Tatto and Menter (2019). Many reviews of literature have been carried out in the USA, including a survey covering a period of 80 years by Cochran-Smith and Fries (2008). A literature review carried out for the Scottish government considered international literature, including policy documents as well as research (Menter et al., 2010a). Theoretical perspectives: Revisiting the three relationships between teacher education and research that were discussed in an earlier section of the chapter, it is

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no surprise that, given the prevalence of research in teacher education, there is much use made of various forms of practitioner research. In light of the balance of teacher education research toward small-scale self-study approaches it is also not surprising that the field has been somewhat lacking in the development of theory. The development of theory in educational sociology and psychology during the twentieth century, as applied to students and schools was very significant (see for example Halsey et al., 1997) but relatively little of this work (with some honorable exceptions) derived from teacher education. However, in the twenty-first century, there have been more serious efforts both to apply theory and to develop theory within the field of teacher education. Thus, for example, we have seen the application of various forms of sociocultural theory in teacher education. Building on the work of Vygotsky, cultural-historical activity theory has been used to examine the nature of relationships and the processes of learning within teacher education (Ellis et al., 2010; see also ▶ Chap. 72, “Globalizing Teacher Education Through English as a Medium of Instruction: A Vygotskian Perspective,” by Dang and Cross in this volume). Other sociocultural concepts such as “communities of practice” have become influential (Wenger, 1998) and increasing use is being made of “complexity theory” (e.g., Hardman, 2019). The rapid development of policy sociology in education from the 1980s onwards has also influenced teacher education research, as many of the chapters in this handbook demonstrate, especially in the sections on policy studies, comparative studies, and globalization (6, 7, and 8). Critical theory and critical pedagogy, derived in part from Habermas (1987) and Freire (1971), respectively, have also been influential, not least in the USA (e.g., Apple, 1996; Giroux, 1983). Postmodernism has been a significant element within social theory for several decades and the influence of post-structural linguistics and Foucauldian theory has been clear (Ball, 2013). A range of educational research has been influenced by these developments, but again these trends are less apparent in teacher education research (but see ▶ Chap. 73, “Shadow Elite of Transnational Policy Networks: Intermediary Organizations and the Production of Teacher Education Policies,” by Aydarova in this volume). Some exceptions include Phelan’s text which links developments in curriculum theory with teacher education, under the heading of “complicating conjunctions” (Phelan, 2015) or Fenwick’s and Edwards’s (2010) exploration of actor-network theory, although this relates more particularly to ongoing professional learning for teachers. Feminism and anti-racism have also had an influence in teacher education research. The longstanding issues deriving from the “feminisation” of the teaching profession, in many contexts, have led to studies about gender issues in teaching and teacher education (for example Moreau, 2019; Skelton, 2007). Similarly, the ethnic imbalance of the teaching profession, again in many contexts has led to enquiries into teacher recruitment practices as well as studies of the impact of racism on teachers from minority ethnic groups (▶ Chap. 46, “Policy and Practice in Increasing BME Teachers’ Access to ITE and a Leadership Career in the Teaching Profession in England,” Maylor, in this volume).

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Furthermore, within the idea of research around teacher education, examples may now be found of the deployment of forms of linguistic and discourse analysis (e.g., Mockler, 2022) or of spatial theories (e.g., Brooks, 2021) in the study of teacher education. It could still be argued that there has been relatively little systematic use of political economic theory with the study of teacher education, although there are some examples of this in the Handbook, for example the ▶ Chap. 61, “The Political Economy of Teacher Training in Latin America: A Review of the Research Literature,” by McGinn and Schiefelbein in ▶ Part VIII, “Comparative Studies in Teacher Education,” and ▶ Chap. 69, “From Global to Local: Policy Vernacularization as Assemblage, Refoulement, and Meld,” Revyakina and Galvin and by ▶ Chap. 72, “Globalizing Teacher Education Through English as a Medium of Instruction: A Vygotskian Perspective,” Dang and ▶ Cross in Part IX, “Globalization and Teacher Education.” If political economy is one underused perspective then, as suggested earlier, the paucity of sustained anthropological work is all the more surprising (but see ▶ Chap. 73, “Shadow Elite of Transnational Policy Networks: Intermediary Organizations and the Production of Teacher Education Policies,” by Aydarova in this volume – she draws explicitly on anthropology). One of the important functions of a handbook such as this one is to identify strengths and weaknesses in the field as currently constituted. The collective wisdom, expertise, and insights offered in the chapters included here aspire to address this challenge, not least in relation to research methodologies.

The Structure of this Handbook The handbook has been produced in eight sections. Each of these sections has been edited by one or two leading figures with expertise in the topic covered in that part of the book. These eight categories are not intended to be a definitive typology of teacher education research – there might have been more or fewer sections and indeed there could well have been a different approach to organizing the work, for example by taking the themes listed earlier in the present chapter or the methodological approaches in the foregoing section. The first part on “The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers” is where a focus on the economics of the teaching workforce comes through most strongly. In her introductory chapter Moira Hulme draws attention to the interaction of the three aspects that determine whether an education system is appropriately staffed by qualified teachers. As she points out, the supply of teachers has been found to be very challenging in many countries at particular times and ensuring the quality of those recruited and retaining them within the profession may relate to many factors. Pay and conditions of work are among the most obvious of those but questions of personal fulfillment can also play a part (as also shown in ▶ Part VII, “Policy Studies in Teacher Education,” of the Handbook on Professional Identity). Chapters in this section show how the reforming of education systems in different parts of the world can have a serious impact on these matters.

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The second and third sections each focus on a particular phase of teachers’ careers, the first of these being concerned with preservice or initial teacher education. Trevor Mutton has gathered together chapters that deal with some of the longstanding concerns about this phase, including the nature of beginning teachers’ learning and the relationship between higher education and schools in the provision of ITE. Chapters in this section look at the nature of professional learning for teachers, the kinds of knowledge that they may need, and the concept of research literacy as an aspect of that knowledge. As Mutton the inherent tensions in initial teacher education around the integration of theory and practice continue to offer challenges for those working within school-university partnerships. Whilst there are many positive indications of the way in which such integration is taking place, this has to be seen against a background of ITE policy reforms internationally, many of which result in the privileging of the technical aspects of teaching at the expense of the development of wider aspects of teacher professionalism, including the capacity to make informed professional judgments says in his introductory chapter. In the section on Continuing Professional Development (CPD) the chapters are concerned with the nature of teachers’ learning once they have qualified to enter the profession. This has been an area of increasing interest as recognition has grown that over the working life of a teacher, their professional needs will change as will the skills and knowledge that they require to respond positively to the ever-changing policy contexts of education in which they find themselves working. As Nicole Mockler discusses in her introductory chapter there has been growing awareness of the importance of further learning and development for teachers following their initial qualification. However, this has frequently been associated with the creation of statements of “teaching standards,” which have commonly led to a performative dimension within CPD. It is Mockler’s contention that accountability should rather be of an “intelligent” nature, responsive to the context and conditions in which teachers are working. The following chapters in the section come from several national contexts and some of them explore in particular the connections between teacher research and CPD. The subsequent section on Teacher Education for Leadership also represents in some ways a third phase in many teachers’ careers, but may also be seen as a different, although related, category of educational work. The demands on middle and senior leaders in schools are not only educational but also managerial and collegial. Leaders need to be able to generate respect from those whom they are responsible for and responsible to, to lead learning and build community. Margery McMahon in her own introductory chapter, written with colleagues Roza Valeeva and Tatiana Baklashova, discusses the role of teacher education in developing and embedding leadership skills and dispositions from preservice and beyond. Other chapters in the section focus on particular stages of educational leadership and the learning needs of teachers and aspiring leaders at those stages. Again we see several examples of the value of research-based approaches to teacher learning. Questions around “Teacher Identity and Professionalism,” which is the focus of the fifth section, have emerged as being critical over the recent past. How a person becomes a teacher is not only related to the processes discussed in previous sections,

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but also to questions around personality, values, and the life course as well as to the wider professional and social contexts in which teachers are working. Qing Gu has gathered together chapters that not only clarify definitions of professional identity, professionalism, and related concepts, but also, as she says in her own chapter, ..... importantly, provide insights into what it means to be a professional teacher in an era of unprecedented reform. As Day argues in his chapter, this is closely associated with having a strong technical culture (i.e. knowledge base), service ethic, professional commitment, as well as collegial and individual professional autonomy that give the students the opportunity to develop their personal, social and academic potential. The final three sections of the handbook also deal with wide-ranging “generic” categories which clearly can relate to any or several of the categories focused on in the foregoing sections. Policy studies in education developed rapidly in the late twentieth century as new forms of governance influenced the reshaping of education systems and therefore of the teaching profession. In section 6, “Policy Studies in Teacher Education,” Meg Maguire and Emma Towers (Maguire and Towers) discuss in their own chapter how analyzing policy can be greatly assisted by seeking to identify “what the problem to be addressed” actually is and how it is defined. The later chapters in this section look at several instances of problem definition within teacher education and what emerges strongly from the section as a whole is how important it is to be clear about the values which shape policy in teacher education. Social justice is a strong theme in this section. ▶ Part VIII, “Comparative Studies in Teacher Education,” draws together a number of comparative studies in teacher education. The section editor, Maria Teresa Tatto, notes how although comparative studies in education have a long and significant history, studies with a specific focus on teacher education have been a relatively recent development, by and large. In the chapters within the section we can see how comparison may be valuable between just two contexts, such studies often have a qualitative approach, whereas it is also possible to achieve insights through multicountry studies, often drawing on quantitative data. Throughout the section, questions of scale, “context sensitivity,” and “unit of analysis” emerge as significant. We may also note that there are comparative studies that have been included in other sections of the handbook, simply reflecting the fact that, although comparative, they have also had a focus within one of the other section categories. Similar comments could be made about the final section, with its attention to globalization. Although globalization as an economic and social phenomenon has a very long history, its impact on education systems, including on teacher education, has developed significantly in the more recent past, as noted for example by Rizvi and Lingard (2010), by Spring (2015) or, in a different way by Sahlberg (2011). Tore Bernt Sorensen has gathered together some excellent examples of studies that consider how globalization has had an effect on the development of teacher education. Sorensen points out in his introductory chapter that the section aims to demonstrate the continued pertinence of the globalization concept in making sense of contemporary developments in teacher education and thereby give momentum to new thinking and research. Accordingly, the section addresses issues that are central for understanding the complex relationships between teacher education and

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globalization, including global quality discourses, major agents and dynamics in the globalizing education policy field, the expanded access to and use of ICT technology, English as a global language, cosmopolitanism, and the theorizing of “context.” In this way, the section directly responds to the urgent need for research around teacher education, adopting a rich array of educational, anthropological, psychological, political science, sociological, and especially interdisciplinary perspectives to explore the complex relationships between teacher education and globalization. These eight sections together demonstrate the contemporary strength of teacher education research as well as the range of methodologies that can be effectively deployed in pursuing important issues, many of them enduring issues, as discussed in an earlier section of this chapter. They also demonstrate the range of approaches taken across the three modes of teacher education research previously outlined. The balance within the handbook is toward the “middle ground” of research on teacher education, but there are several examples of research in and around teacher education.

Conclusion This introductory chapter to The Palgrave Handbook on Teacher Education Research has sought to explain the approach taken to constructing the volume. In reviewing the chapters in the first published edition of this handbook, it is again striking how a synthesis of all that has been written and collected here may be seen to offer a strongly anthropological perspective on the significance of teacher education within contemporary global culture. In so many chapters we see how the authors have located their analyses within the history and culture of particular societies. Furthermore, when we see the full assemblage of chapters, we get a strong sense of the ways in which teacher education reveals much about the contemporary world and the changes we are experiencing. Educational research during the twentieth century was dominated by the disciplines of psychology and sociology, often accompanied by history and philosophy. In the UK, we may consider influential texts in education studies such as Tibble’s The Study of Education (1966) or the collection by Furlong and Lawn (2011). In these books, there is no mention of anthropology. This is a curious omission and one that it is time to rectify. If anthropology focuses on culture and in particular on the transmission of culture, then surely education must be a matter of central concern, for that is surely what education is – the transmission of culture, whether the educational processes are formal or informal. Indeed, philosophical anthropologist Tim Ingold has entitled his recent book Anthropology And/As Education (Ingold, 2018). We did see a surge of interest in ethnographic studies in education during the 1960s–1980s but these tended to be set within a sociological rather than an anthropological framework (see Delamont, 2012). In western scholarship this gap has been partly filled in the USA, for example by Spindler (1974) and more recently by Anderson-Levitt (2003, 2012) and most

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notably in the UK by Alexander (particularly in Culture and Pedagogy, 2000). Such attempts to make links between culture and teaching provide a basis for extending these studies into teacher education, a key site for determining what it is that societies value in their visions of the future. That is to say, the ways in which teachers are prepared for and supported in their work can reveal a great deal concerning the aspirations for citizens of the future, as well as the present. As this handbook is updated and developed, the intention is to broaden the geographical scope of the work included. It is perhaps significant that the largest section currently is that on comparative studies in education and this leads us to recognize the increasingly international nature of the teacher education research community. It is to be hoped that we can see more efforts to increase the scale of teacher education research studies as well as to pursue more longitudinal work which considers the long-term aspects of teacher learning and development. These were both noted as relative weaknesses earlier in this chapter. The first publication of this handbook has been achieved during an unprecedented (in our lifetimes) experience of a global health crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic has severely disrupted the practice of teacher education, as discussed in several of the chapters, but it has been heartening to see how the research community has seen this as a challenge and opportunity to continue our endeavors and indeed to respond creatively to the new challenges.

Cross-References ▶ From Benign Neglect to Performative Accountability: Changing Policy and Practice in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers ▶ Global Discourses, Teacher Education Quality, and Teacher Education Policies in the Latin American Region ▶ Globalization and the Impact of ICT on Teachers’ Work and Professional Status ▶ Globalization, Teachers, and Teacher Education: Theories, Themes, and Methodologies ▶ Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working ▶ Policy and Practice in Increasing BME Teachers’ Access to ITE and a Leadership Career in the Teaching Profession in England ▶ Policy Problems: Policy Approaches to Teacher Education Research ▶ Policy, Teacher Education, and Covid-19: An International “Crisis” in Four Settings ▶ Teacher Education in India: Virtual Capture of the “Public” ▶ Teacher Leadership in the Classroom ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared ▶ The Need for Comparative Studies in Teacher Education ▶ The Political Economy of Teacher Training in Latin America: A Review of the Research Literature

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▶ The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers ▶ The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making ▶ Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View Acknowledgments Many thanks to Meg Maguire, Nicole Mockler, Margery McMahon, Tore Bernt Sorensen and Maria Teresa Tatto, who offered very helpful comments on a draft of this chapter.

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Part II The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers

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The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers Moira Hulme

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Teacher Gap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy Options and Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Financial Incentives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes to the Level of Pay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes to Pay Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ Work Lives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational Appeal and Turnover . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Retention and Job Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Challenges to the supply of well-prepared and effective teachers persist across diverse education systems. This chapter considers the sociopolitical and technical complexity of reconciling demand and supply in the recruitment and retention of teachers. Within finite expenditure, workforce planning must balance need across school phases, subjects, and localities, taking into account teacher mobility and turnover, changing demographics, curriculum policy, and future learning needs. As a result, it is not uncommon for teacher shortages, underrepresentation, and oversupply to coexist. This chapter outlines the impact of patterns of differential attrition on teaching quality and educational equity, and considers alternative policy strategies to secure and diversify the teacher workforce.

M. Hulme (*) University of the West of Scotland, Ayr, Scotland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_81

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Keywords

Attrition · Compensation · Turnover · Retention · Workforce design

Introduction This chapter introduces the Teacher Supply section of the Handbook of Teacher Education Research. It starts by explicating the scale and dimensions of the “teacher gap,” which is understood as the persistent mismatch between the supply and demand for trained teachers experienced by many nations and territories (Allen & Sims, 2018). Each of the chapters that follow in this section address in more detail the challenges to teaching quality and educational equity that are presented by the endemic complexity of managing teacher supply. Drawing on empirical research in different school systems, the chapters in this section explore how national governments have recalibrated teacher development pathways to address emergent need, the rationale for reform, and the impact on the teacher workforce. The opening chapter frames the section by identifying dominant teacher policy discourses and the policy levers advanced to initiate change. It then considers remunerative approaches to increase labor supply and retention, principally changes to the level and structure of teachers’ pay. Attention then turns from fiscal levers to consider the influence of occupational appeal and job quality on teacher turnover and retention.

The Teacher Gap A shortage of qualified teachers is a recurring theme in international literature (OECD, 2018, 2020; UNESCO, 2019). Variation occurs across regions, countries, and economies but is evident in both high income and developing economies. Persistent challenges with teacher supply are recorded in the United States (Sutcher et al., 2016), Australia (Kelly et al., 2019), New Zealand (Ministry of Education, 2021), the United Kingdom (Allen & Sims, 2018), and continental Europe (European Commission, 2018; Federičová, 2021). A shortage of trained teachers is most acute in sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia, where participation in primary education and expansion of secondary education has increased demand (Chap. 3, “Teacher Quality: The Preparation, and Utilization of Teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa”). On this basis, meeting the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4 of “inclusive and equitable quality education for all” by 2030 will require action to “substantially increase the supply of qualified teachers, including through international cooperation for teacher training in developing countries, especially leastdeveloped countries and small island developing States” (SDG4 Target 4.c). The positive impact of pedagogically well-trained teachers on student progress and wellbeing is widely acknowledged in the international literature and is particularly pertinent in low-income countries where shortages are severe.

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Various factors influence the demand for teachers, the most obvious of which are demographic changes in the size of the school-age population and the proportion of teachers reaching retirement. Workforce planning aims to achieve a balance in employee turnover between retirals and new entrants according to need across school phases, subjects, and localities, taking into account teacher mobility (i.e., the movement of trained teachers between schools, geographical areas, or from teaching into education-related roles or other occupations). Teacher shortages are associated with under-recruitment to teacher preparation programs, high rates of early career attrition (i.e., entrants leaving the profession within 5 years of qualification), and high teacher turnover (i.e., school-to-school mobility and teachers leaving the profession) (Nguyen et al., 2020). In addition, demand for teachers is affected by national/regional policy for schools such as diversification of the upper secondary curriculum, the regulation of class sizes (teacher:pupil ratio) and teachers’ class contact time, the raising of the school leaving age, and pressure on the staffing budget of schools in times of fiscal restraint (See & Gorard, 2020; See et al., 2020). More specifically, the distribution of teachers is patterned by differential attrition or poor retention in certain areas (Sims, 2020), and underrepresentation in others. Shortages are most marked in school subjects with higher alternative graduate employment options – such as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM subjects); certain fields – such as special education, mother tongue/first language medium education (e.g., Gaelic or Welsh-medium in the United Kingdom (UK); or Maori-medium in New Zealand); specific settings – for example, economically disadvantaged/underserved areas, rural and remote schools, and coastal areas (▶ Chap. 8, “Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “Place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply”). In addition, a culturally diverse student body is often served by an ethnically homogenous teacher workforce. The profile of the school workforce in many countries indicates a need to redress an underrepresentation of teachers of color, migrant, and bilingual teachers (Hernández-Johnson et al., 2021), and action to address a persistent gender imbalance, especially in promoted posts. Greater inclusivity in the teacher workforce could be achieved through enhanced support for teachers from the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans (LGBT) community and disabled teachers. As a result of shifting needs and systemic barriers to diversity it not unusual for education systems to have a teacher surplus in some areas, while sustaining shortages and under-representation in others. Many European education systems report an uneven distribution of teachers, particularly Germany, Greece, Spain, Italy, Lithuania, Liechtenstein, and Montenegro (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice, 2018). It follows that strategies to address problems with overall teacher supply may be less powerful than those that seek to understand and address specific areas of localized need, and the structural, institutional, and cultural factors that pattern need. The composition and distribution of the teacher workforce and the rate of teacher turnover matter because they are inextricably linked with educational equity. While turnover is comparable to allied (semi-)professions (e.g., nursing, social work), it is regarded as particularly damaging in teaching due to the detrimental impact on the school communities left behind (Sorensen & Ladd, 2020). High rates of

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(nonmandatory) teacher mobility have consequences for equity policies. In countries with higher levels of social segregation, equitable deployment of experienced teachers is hindered by the migration of teachers from high needs schools in disadvantaged areas. Turnover is highest in the first years of teaching and among schools with a higher proportion of students with special/additional needs, minority students, and students from low socioeconomic backgrounds (Federičová, 2021). As a result, recent attention to teacher supply has focused not only on those who exit, but how the quality of teaching and learning is affected by higher levels of less experienced teachers and “reluctant stayers” (Li et al., 2016) in areas of acute deprivation.

Policy Options and Tools Strategies to redress a growing teacher gap are varied. Despite the enthusiasm for evidence-informed policy and practice, choice of policy levers is also political, influenced by past policy decisions, and prevailing culture and values. Public policy decisions are seldom neutral, empirical, and technical. Debating policy options entails deliberation on what is valued and how best to achieve desired ends with available means. Political decision making involves access to analysis, best evidence, and expert opinion, but can also be driven by ideology, personal experience, and prejudice. Several commentators have noted that the range of voices contributing to public debate and resultant policy options has narrowed in the field of teacher education and teachers’ work (Cochran-Smith et al., 2018; Zeichner, 2018). For Spencer (2013) this elision amounts to the erasure or “symbolic annihilation” of teacher educators from debate on what matters most (p. 303). In anglophone nations of the Global North highly charged debate on teacher education and teaching quality has polarized between conservative “modernizers” opposing traditionalists who seek to preserve professional jurisdiction. For example, in the UK the then Education Secretary Michael Gove berated university-based teacher educators and teacher unions as “enemies of promise” for challenging market-based solutions to the “problem” of teaching quality and teacher supply (Gove, 2013). Such policy framing enables certain narratives to gain traction including the value of decentralization, school autonomy, and labor flexibilization. Within neoliberal policy regimes, “disruptive innovation” (Ellis et al., 2019) is used to leverage market-oriented change in public sector cultures that are characterized pejoratively as change averse. This is evident in the valorization and accelerated expansion of practice-driven, non-university pathways into teaching, while simultaneously destabilizing and discrediting traditional models of teacher education. There have been numerous reforms of teacher education policy internationally that have re-oriented teacher preparation by prioritizing clinical practicum experiences and core subject knowledge (Mayer, 2021). Policy rhetoric exhorts the urgency of reform to maintain national economic growth and improve student outcomes. Employability or being “classroom ready” has achieved a high priority in the political reform of teacher education in England, the United States, and

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Australia. Zeichner and Conklin (2017) have described how think tanks and advocacy organizations act as “echo chambers” repeating and reinforcing preferred narratives of change in a process of “knowledge ventriloquism” (p. 4). Supranational agencies (OECD, World Bank) advocate the flexibilization of labor relations to enhance efficiency and productivity in publicly funded schools (▶ Chap. 9, “Reshaping the Teaching Profession: Patterns of Flexibilization, Labor Market Dynamics, and Career Trajectories in England”). Flexibilization entails changing work practices wherein employers no longer use internal labor markets or guarantee long-term job security, and may incentivize, reassign, and redeploy employees more easily. Labor market flexibilization underpins the World Bank’s promotion of incentive policies that link pay or tenure to performance. The World Bank has consistently argued that “most teacher training is ineffective” and in-service training too often leads to “changes in teacher knowledge but not practice” (WB, 2018, pp. 131–132). Policy advocacy has centered on attracting highly qualified entrants, rapid diversification of pathways and providers, increased market competition with programs promoted by philanthropists and edu-business, gatekeeping through teacher eligibility tests (Barnes and Cross 2022) and standardized licensure exams (that have a differential impact on diverse candidates), and compensation strategies to incentivize teacher performance within autonomous self-managing schools (WB, 2018; OECD, 2018). Against this background, the following section considers targeted strategies that have been trialed to accelerate and diversify the supply of teachers in different national contexts in the twenty-first century. Attempts have focused on increasing the number of pull factors drawing prospective candidates to the role and retaining them in service. These include financial incentives for training and deployment in areas of high need, and improving teachers’ pay and possibilities for career progression. Other strategies to encourage throughput include relaxing perceived barriers to entry, for example, through the creation of shorter “fast track” routes, increasing the number of alternative certification providers, adjusting minimum entry requirements, streamlining admission for career changers, returning teachers and migrant teachers, providing pathways to qualification for para-teachers (unqualified), or temporarily relaxing entry requirements/emergency measures. Equally supply can be increased by reducing the number of push factors influencing teachers’ exit decisions, such as introducing flexible working, and adjusting the workload and working conditions that contribute to occupational well-being. Labor flow can be amenable to direct manipulation using government policy levers such as national minimum training requirements, recruitment target setting, claw back for overrecruitment and penalties for under-recruitment to training courses, and low employability ratings. Other aspects of workforce planning entail tackling more intractable challenges, such as the perceived attractiveness and prestige of teachers’ work, or regional macroeconomic imbalances that affect the wider labor market. In addition, recent work on de-colonizing the teacher education curriculum highlights the subtle influence of “micro-aggressions,” “stereotyping,” and “color blindness” that work to exclude and “push out” diverse teachers (Carter Andrews et al., 2019, p. 8). Equality

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and diversity concerns feature at each stage of recruitment, selection, certification, induction, and career development. Fierce debate on the kinds of teachers that are needed, and relatedly the content, location, and duration of their preparation, compounds the technical complexity of workforce design. Balancing the quantitative dimensions of teacher supply and demand is challenging. Workforce planning depends on access to reliable data for modeling to generate robust forecasts of future need. Missing and inaccurate data can compromise effective planning and timely intervention. Modeling relies on accurate estimates of serving and prospective teachers, forecasts of population growth, future needs in specific subjects and geographical areas, and anticipating the impact of new approaches to learning and future learning needs. An overreliance on year-by-year labor market monitoring can inhibit medium- and longer-term forward planning and strategic scenario building. Rapid adjustment to address under- or oversupply can have longer-term negative consequences. For example, a stop-start reactive (and politicized) approach to managing fluctuations in teacher supply through adjusting the level of training places in the UK had a detrimental impact on the stability (and viability) of university Schools of Teacher Education (Universities, 2014). Challenges for planning are compounded by data gaps in underfunded research areas. It is difficult to draw general conclusions about teachers’ reasons for leaving or moving from extant research. Findings are not easily compared due to the diverse range of national contexts and different research designs employed. Most studies of teacher career intentions are generated through crosssectional surveys. There are few longitudinal datasets that permit a more nuanced exploration of teacher career decisions over time (▶ Chap. 6, “Stayers: In the Long Run. A Comparative Study of Retention in Two Swedish Teacher Generations”). Workforce design is impaired where data quality and relevance is poor, and where data-rich systems have weak capacity or willingness to make optimal use of data to support planning.

Financial Incentives In addition to reform of the training pipeline through diversification of providers and pathways, strategies to improve the supply of teachers have centered on pecuniary rewards. Recruitment and retention are influenced by job security and average teacher salaries relative to other professions requiring a comparable level of qualification. Prevailing macroeconomic conditions influence occupational choice and turnover. At times of economic recession and graduate underemployment or unemployment, the flow of highly qualified applicants to teacher preparation courses increases and teacher turnover falls (e.g., following the 2008 global economic crisis or the 2020 coronavirus pandemic) (Worth & Faulkner-Ellis, 2021). Traditionally, teaching is seen to offer job security (private benefit) in uncertain times. There is some evidence to suggest that effective teachers (in terms of value-added measures or impact on raising student attainment) enter the profession during recessions (Nagler et al., 2017). However, as the wider labor market recovers and the

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availability of more prestigious, higher paying graduate employment opportunities increase, so too does the outward flow of entrants who were recruited and trained during downturns in the business cycle (West et al., 2020). Male secondary teachers are at greater risk of attrition. Retention strategies have focused on reducing movement out of the sector and regulating mobility within teaching. In centralized systems attempts to regulate labor migration are made through formal transfer schemes. For example, teacher rotations are used in Japan, Korea, and China to promote professional renewal (Seebruck, 2019; Liao et al., 2019). Where teacher transfer systems are inefficient (including, at the extreme, unethical practices such as bribery, nepotism, or political influence), the equitable distribution of teachers is impaired, for example, India (Ramachandran et al., 2018). In decentralized contexts, pay flexibility and financial incentives are the preferred instruments to influence teachers’ preferences and employment choices.

Changes to the Level of Pay More attractive starting salaries and prospects for career progression increase the appeal of teaching and help to redress contracting supply. Clearly capacity to increase teacher salaries in publicly funded schools depends on the resource available to national governments and the acceptable trade-off between spending on salary and non-salary budget items, such as pedagogy, administration, and the school estate. Teacher supply is linked with the level of government expenditure on education (as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP)), and the prioritization and efficiency of that spend (▶ Chap. 3, “Teacher Quality: The Preparation, and Utilization of Teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa”). Salaries account for the largest proportion of school expenditure. Protracted periods of wage restraint in the public sector and an erosion of collective bargaining have reduced the relative value of teacher salaries in several European countries. Widening sectoral income inequalities in some non-European countries has a produced a marked wage disadvantage, which is most acute in expanding economies that have experienced rapid labor market changes, for example, China (Liu & Xie, 2021). In the poorest territories the payment of teacher salaries relies on donor assistance by aid agencies and nongovernmental organization (NGOs). Low pay and unreliable payment can increase the pressure on teachers to take second jobs outside teaching or private tutoring outside teaching hours to supplement their salary (Mulkeen et al., 2017). In low-resource contexts there is greater use of nonmonetary benefits, such as free or subsidized housing or medical care, to fill the teacher gap in the short-term. Developing countries have seen a rapid growth in the number of “contract teachers” or “para-teachers” (i.e., teachers who receive remuneration but are not entitled to additional benefits, e.g., paid leave, pension or health insurance). Contract teachers comprise a third of public-school teachers across 12 countries in Africa and India (Glewwe & Muralidharan, 2015). The contentiousness of contract teacher employment is mediated where this is positioned as the first stage in career progression rather than a permanent alternative to trained

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teachers, but this is not typical. In some contexts, communities contribute to the costs of running local schools by paying a proportion of the salary of contract teachers. Reliance on fees paid by local parents in marginalized rural and remote communities adds to the precarity of poorly paid teacher employment. In fragile and conflictaffected states teachers are often underpaid or not paid in a timely manner. Failure to develop an effective teacher salary system exacerbates retention problems, increases class sizes, and impedes progress toward access to education for all. High income countries have deployed a range of strategies to attract prospective teachers to train to teach priority subjects in locations of greatest need. For teachers of priority subjects in secondary state-maintained schools these include training bursaries, (tuition fee) loan forgiveness on qualification, and early career payments or “golden hellos” on appointment to first posts. Compensation schemes have targeted the retention of highly effective teachers in hard-to-staff areas in high income countries. A systematic review by See et al. (2020) of research on financial incentives to recruit and retain teachers in challenging schools/areas concluded that loan forgiveness, higher salaries, or wage premiums appear effective in attracting teachers. However, they also maintain that “it is not clear that such external motivation is desirable, or attracts the best teachers, and it is quite clear that the attraction is not lasting” (p.692). There is little evidence that the introduction of bursary schemes to attract candidates to train in shortage subjects in England has been successful, or whether applicants to such schemes have an ambivalent commitment to the profession and are consequently more at risk of moving on (Worth et al., 2018).

Changes to Pay Structure In addition to relative salary levels, the structure of teacher pay has attracted policy interest. The introduction of variable merit pay, performance pay, or “strategic compensation” has been trialed in many countries as an alternative to incremental progression through salary scales (stable pay grades) established by way of collective bargaining practices or pay by seniority alone. Through appraisal schemes, school leaders are empowered to offer time limited pay increments to staff who undertake additional responsibilities and conditional bonuses for meeting performance targets. While there are different approaches to merit pay, all equate merit with increased productivity in terms of student attainment. For example, incentive designs in China include “class average achievement levels” at the end of the school year, or “class average achievement gains” from the start to the end of the school year, or “pay-for-percentile incentives,” that is, rankings of individual students within comparison sets (Loyalka et al., 2019, p.5). Other schemes include “loss aversion” where teachers receive a bonus at the start of the year, a proportion of which is taken back if students do not make expected progress, for example, Chicago Heights, Illinois (Fryer et al., 2012). Merit pay aims to promote efficiency by only increasing remuneration for demonstrably more effective teachers. A meta-analysis by Nguyen et al. (2020) found a lower likelihood of teacher turnover in schools with

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a merit pay system. However, extracting clear messages from research is problematic given the variability in the incentive designs being compared and the interaction of incentives with other complementary policies such as school funding. In providing incentives, the wage system conveys clearly to employees which elements of their work are most valued. While basing a portion of teacher pay on performance rather than seniority alone may appear attractive, there are difficulties in matching compensation to contribution in teaching. The measurable impact attributed to individual teachers is influenced by the classes they are assigned, the contribution of previous teachers (and their families) to students’ learning, the school context and intake, and the prevailing assessment regime. Moreover, strategic compensation is open to distortion through gaming, for example, the allowed absence of low performing students on test days (Cuesta et al., 2020) and practices of “educational triage” or allocating students differential prospects and attention through ability grouping (Bradbury et al., 2021). In other words, value added schemes may incentivize teachers to focus their efforts on higher value-added students. Strategic compensation thus individualizes and responsibilizes through its focus on individual teacher performance rather than collective goals.

Teachers’ Work Lives As outlined above, early responses to the problem of labor supply have tended to focus on extrinsic economic incentives. In contrast, an ecological understanding of teachers’ work draws attention to the interaction of individual, organizational, and broader contextual factors. Taken together, these factors contribute to what is variously described as teacher resilience, persistence, and sustainability (Day & Gu, 2014; Mansfield, 2020).

Occupational Appeal and Turnover While higher salaries are associated with job satisfaction, pay is not the only measure of value. The relative attractiveness of teaching as a first career choice is influenced by the non-pecuniary rewards and recognition (status and social value) attached to this work. Motivation to teach is influenced by the social benefit or “altruistic value” of the role (McLean et al., 2019). In accounting for career choices, prospective teachers often express a service-orientation and are drawn to the perceived public and ethical value of education work. It is therefore concerning that societal perceptions of teaching are low in many countries. On average across the 32 OECD countries that participated in the 2018 Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS), only 26% of teachers believe that teaching is valued by society (OECD, 2020, p. 76). There is wide cross-country variation. Fewer than 10% of teachers think their profession is valued in Argentina, Croatia, France, Portugal, and Slovenia. The highest ratings (above 50%) were recorded in Vietnam (92%), Singapore (72%), the United Arab Emirates (72%), Korea (67%), Kazakhstan (65%), Alberta

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Canada (63%), South Africa (61%), Shanghai China (60%), Finland (58%), and Saudi Arabia (52%) (OECD, 2020, p. 77). Unsurprisingly TALIS 2018 records an association between the extent to which teachers feel valued in society and their reported job satisfaction (fulfillment and gratification in work), with implications for job performance and career longevity. A decline in occupational appeal contributes to attrition (Wiggan et al., 2021). Countries where teaching has a high social value and highly competitive entry have fewer shortages, including Finland and Ireland. Finland, Singapore, and Ontario, Canada, exhibit average annual teacher attrition rates below 5% (Carver-Thomas & DarlingHammond, 2017). In contrast, attrition rates for early career teachers (i.e., teachers with less than 3 years of experience) in Australia (Kelly et al., 2019), the UK (Allen & Sims, 2018), and the United States (Sutcher et al., 2016) are between 30% and 50%.

Teacher Retention and Job Quality Teachers’ declining job quality is a decisive influence on retention. Green (2021) defines job quality as, “those objective job characteristics which affect how people’s needs are met through work” (p.387). Drawing on European Parliament classifications, Green organizes job characteristics into “four ‘intrinsic’ domains – work intensity, skills and discretion, social support and physical working conditions, and three extrinsic domains – pay, prospects (including security), and working time quality (including hours)” (p.388). The affective well-being of teachers is influenced by factors external to the workplace and by organizational dynamics within the workplace. Occupational well-being is a trade-off between the demands made through work and the resources that can be used to mediate demands, that is, what is commonly referred to as the job demands–resources model. The level of discretion (control) or professional agency that teachers command over their work is a key resource and protective factor against attrition. A reduction in the degree of control teachers exert over their working lives is associated with the rise of managerial and market forms of accountability in education (Perryman & Calvert, 2020). Space for professional judgment in the core areas of pedagogy, curriculum, and assessment has contracted with increased external evaluation of teachers’ work (Worth & Van den Brande, 2020; Oosterhoff et al., 2020). Tension between professional values and performative work cultures increases identity dissonance, a cause of attrition. The intensification of teachers’ work, combined with the erosion of teacher autonomy over decision-making, contributes to emotional exhaustion and burnout (Toropova et al., 2021). High rates of work-related stress, anxiety, and depression are reported by the teacher workforce in many countries, leading to low job satisfaction and an increase in presenteeism (i.e., working while not fully engaged or productive) and sickness absence (Kidger et al., 2016). Teachers recount administration-heavy workloads, insufficient support from school leaders in addressing disruptive behavior, and the negative impact of school budget cuts and bureaucracy on their working

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lives (Flores, 2020). Poor work conditions and low well-being exacerbate teacher shortages by creating a negative cycle: a poor psychosocial working environment produces high rates of absence, which increases workload and class sizes, increasing stress, and intentions to leave. Rising rates of attrition have directed attention to the relational and emotional dimensions of teacherhood, and the positive contribution of teacher cooperation and a supportive workplace culture to retention (Kelchtermans, 2017). Relational resilience is cultivated where professional relationships are built on trust and respect. Predictably, teachers who are prepared well, who develop a sense of professional belonging, experience collegial support and have a positive perception of their self-efficacy are more likely to remain in the profession (Sims, 2020).

Summary This chapter introduced contemporary challenges in the supply, recruitment, and retention of teachers. While between-country and regional differences are evident, a manifold “teacher gap” is apparent in diverse geopolitical contexts. The distribution of trained teachers and the composition of the teacher workforce in particular localities reflect a legacy of cultural, structural, and institutional priorities patterned by local need. An uneven distribution of teachers – marked by oversupply, undersupply, and underrepresentation in some areas – is compounded by differential rates of attrition. Governments and supranational agencies have articulated a range of strategies to attract prospective or returning teachers to the profession and, more latterly, to reduce the intensity of push factors prompting trained teachers to leave. The selection of policy tools to leverage supply and reshape the teacher workforce inevitably reflects dominant narratives around what matters most. Where the problem of teacher supply is associated with market inefficiency and recalcitrant training providers (job quantity), “disruptive innovation” is used to rapidly expand and diversify the number of pathways and providers. Fast track, practice-driven pathways are a preferred source of redress to accelerate professional “readiness.” In addition, removing perceived labor market rigidities allows the promotion of “strategic compensation” to more closely align remuneration with productivity gains. Flexibilization (of labor) and metrification of merit (audit systems) enhance external accountability through arm’s length governance or steering at a distance. In contrast, where the problem of teacher supply and retention is associated with occupational attractiveness and job quality, strategies are orientated towards improving professional standing, task discretion, and career progression. Strategies to increase occupational appeal and foster teacher resilience include competitive entry, masters-level preparation, enhanced early career support (mentoring and protected time for professional learning), opportunities for collaboration, and support for career-long development. There is broad consensus on the important contribution that teachers make to the public good. However, as described above, there is less agreement on how best to motivate and retain teachers. Where the management of teacher supply focuses on

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extrinsic rewards, teachers are approached as entrepreneurial agents who seek to maximize personal benefit rather than driven by altruistic values. Although teachers are commonly regarded as the principal agents reducing the opportunity gap for young people (enabling positive outcomes irrespective of background), inclusivity is rarely a feature of the teacher workforce. While strategies to address the highest levels of need have focused on the quantity and quality of entrants to teaching (access and preparation), research increasingly draws attention to job quality and sustainability. Simply hiring more teachers in the absence of improving work conditions is unlikely to reduce teacher absence, turnover intentions, and attrition. Workforce design for quality retention requires a shift from overreliance on economistic approaches to labor supply toward longitudinal multidimensional analyses of the factors that influence occupational well-being and professional growth.

Cross-References ▶ Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “Place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply ▶ Newly Arrived Migrant Teachers and the Challenges of Reentering Work: Introduction to the Swedish Teaching System ▶ Reshaping the Teaching Profession: Patterns of Flexibilization, Labor Market Dynamics, and Career Trajectories in England ▶ Rethinking the Complex Determinants of Teacher Shortages ▶ Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality ▶ Stayers: In the Long Run. A Comparative Study of Retention in Two Swedish Teacher Generations ▶ Teacher Quality: The Preparation, and Utilization of Teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa

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Mansfield, C. F. (Ed.). (2020). Cultivating teacher resilience. International approaches, applications and impact. Springer. Mayer, D. (Ed.). (2021). Teacher education policy and research: Global perspectives. Springer. McLean, L., Taylor, M., & Jimenez, M. (2019). Career choice motivations in teacher training as predictors of burnout and career optimism in the first year of teaching. Teaching and Teacher Education, 85, 204–214. Ministry of Education. (2021). Schooling Kaiako/Teacher turnover rates. https://www. educationcounts.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0019/207064/Teacher-Turnover-IndicatorReport.pdf. Accessed 11 Nov 2021. Mulkeen, A., Ratteree, W., & Voss-Lengnik, I. (2017). Teachers and teacher policy in primary and secondary education. Discussion Paper Education. Bonn: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH. Nagler, M., Piopiunik, M., & West, M. (2017). Weak markets, strong teachers: Recession at career start and teacher effectiveness. Working Paper 21393. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Nguyen, T. D., Pham, L. D., Crouch, M., & Springer, M. G. (2020). The correlates of teacher turnover: An updated and expanded meta-analysis of the literature. Educational Research Review, 31, 100–355. OECD. (2018). Effective teacher policies: Insights from PISA. PISA, OECD Publishing. OECD. (2020). TALIS 2018 results (volume II): Teachers and school leaders as valued professionals. TALIS, OECD Publishing. Oosterhoff, A. M. G., Oenema-Mostert, I. C. E., & Minnaert, A. E. M. G. (2020). Aiming for agency. The effects of teacher education on the development of the expertise of early childhood teachers. Teaching and Teacher Education, 96, 103176. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2020. 103176 Perryman, J., & Calvert, G. (2020). What motivates people to teach and why do they leave? Accountability, performativity and teacher retention. British Journal of Educational Studies, 68(1), 3–23. Ramachandran, V., Beteille, T., Linden, T., Dey, S., Goyal, S., & Chatterjee, P. G. (2018). Getting the right teachers into the right schools: Managing India’s teacher workforce. World Bank Group. See, B. H., & Gorard, S. (2020). Why don’t we have enough teachers? A reconsideration of the available evidence. Research Papers in Education, 35(4), 416–442. See, B. H., Morris, R., Gorard, S., & El Soufi, N. (2020). What works in attracting and retaining teachers in challenging schools and areas? Oxford Review of Education, 46(6), 678–697. Seebruck, R. (2019). A case study of how education labour markets are organized in Japan: Mandatory teacher rotation in Japanese public schools. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 39(3), 323–337. Sims, S. (2020). Modelling the relationships between teacher working conditions, job satisfaction and workplace mobility. British Educational Research Journal, 46(2), 301–320. Sorensen, L. C., & Ladd, H. F. (2020). The hidden costs of teacher turnover. AERA Open. https:// doi.org/10.1177/2332858420905812 Spencer, I. (2013). Doing the ‘Second Shift’: Gendered labour and the symbolic annihilation of teacher educators’ work. Journal of Education for Teaching, 39(3), 301–313. Sutcher, L., Darling-Hammond, L., & Carver-Thomas, D. (2016). A coming crisis in teaching? Teacher supply, demand, and shortages in the U.S. Learning Policy Institute. Toropova, A., Myrberg, E., & Johansson, S. (2021). Teacher job satisfaction: The importance of school working conditions and teacher characteristics. Educational Review, 73(1), 71–97. UNESCO. (2019). Teacher policy development guide. UNESCO. Universities, U. K. (2014). The impact of initial teacher training reforms on English higher education institutions. Universities UK. West, M. R., Nagler, M. & Piopiunik (2020) How the Coronavirus Crisis May Improve Teacher Quality. Recession hiring boosts teacher quality and student learning. Education Next, 20(4).

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https://www.educationnext.org/howcoronavirus-crisis-may-improve-teacher-quality-recessionhiring-student-earning/ Wiggan, G., Smith, D., & Watson-Vandiver, M. J. (2021). The national teacher shortage, urban education and the cognitive sociology of labor. Urban Review, 53(1), 43–75. World Bank. (2018). World development report 2018: Learning to realize education’s promise. World Bank. Worth, J., & Faulkner-Ellis, H. (2021). Teacher labour market in England: Annual report 2021. NFER. Worth, J., Lynch, S., Hillary, J., Rennie, C., & Andrade, J. (2018). Teacher workforce dynamics in England. NFER. Worth, J., & Van den Brande, J. (2020). Teacher autonomy: How does it relate to job satisfaction and retention? National Foundation for Educational Research. Zeichner, K. (2018). The struggle for the soul of teacher education. Routledge. Zeichner, K. M., & Conklin, H. G. (2017). Beyond Knowledge Ventriloquism and Echo Chambers : Raising the Quality of the Debate in Teacher Education. In Zeichner, K.M. The Struggle for the Soul of Teacher Education (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315098074.

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Teacher Quality: The Preparation, and Utilization of Teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa Nick Taylor

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background: Access, Quality, and Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Life Cycle of a Teacher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Politics of School Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Practices in SSA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage of the Education Budget Allocated to Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Financial Support to Student Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Selection into ITE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qualifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Course Content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Practicum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Work Experience and Induction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . License to Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Performance Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Continuous Professional Development (CPD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Promotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This entry occurs against the background of two related developments in schooling. First, regarding progress toward universal primary schooling, the United Nations has reported that the net enrolment rate in the developing regions of the world had reached 91% in 2015. In parallel with the expansion of access, there is a general disappointment in learning attainment. N. Taylor (*) JET Education Services, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_1

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This simultaneous growth in numbers and weak learning outcomes has led to an increased focus on teacher selection, preparation, deployment, and management. Thus, Sustainable Development Goal 4 targets a substantial increase in the supply of qualified teachers by 2030. Measuring the situation with respect to this goal in 2018, UNESCO (SDG 4 data book: Global education indicators 2018) predicted that by 2030, less than half of Africa’s primary and lower secondary teachers will be adequately qualified. Ostensibly, planning the supply of teachers is a matter of economic modeling, where the temptation is to maximize outputs and minimize cost. Thus, countries may opt for shorter initial teacher education (ITE), with the to intention supplement ITE through in-service training. Studies of high-performing systems, however, reveal this to be a strategy which traps school systems in a high-access/poorquality vicious cycle. The argument that follows starts from the position that in order to optimize teacher capacity – a key determinant of school performance – the entire life cycle of the teacher should be considered, and the specificities of key nodes in the cycle elucidated in order to customize appropriate policies for each domain. Keywords

Initial teacher education · Continuing professional development · Practicum · Sub-Saharan Africa · Teacher knowledge · Teacher quality · School performance

Introduction This chapter draws on a previous research project on teacher education in subSaharan countries conducted in 2018 (Taylor et al., 2019), and examines the economics of teacher supply in term of policy drivers. Three such drivers stand out: the need to improve teachers’ understanding of the subjects they teach, to sharpen their expertise in conveying that knowledge to their learners, and the need to make teaching an attractive profession in order to attract and retain the most motivated and able young people. In what follows, a model is outlined which identifies key nodes in the life cycle of a teacher, from the time he/she enters formal schooling, progresses through the grades, is selected into ITE and prepared for teaching, and then emerges into the world of work and embarks on a 40-year career path. This model provides a framework for describing the policies and intended practices in 48 sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. A survey was conducted and the results collated into a sketch of the spectrum of choices made by countries at each of these nodes. Four country case studies provide interesting insights into typical slippages between policies and practices. The chapter ends with recommendations for a hypothetical school system, in which practices in successive domains are integrated into those occurring at other points in the cycle, each contributing to building teacher capacity. But first a brief look at the context of teacher capacity in SSA is presented.

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Background: Access, Quality, and Teachers Regarding progress against Millennium Development Goal 2 – achieving universal primary schooling – major progress has been made in the last two decades. Thus, the United Nation was able to report that the net enrolment rate in the developing regions of the world had reached 91% in 2015, up from 83% in 2000; the literacy rate among youth aged 15–24 had increased globally from 83% to 91% between 1990 and 2015; and the gap between women and men had narrowed (UN, 2015a). Furthermore, the number of out-of-school children of primary school age worldwide had fallen by almost half, to an estimated 57 million in 2015, down from 100 million in 2000. SSA has had the best record of improvement in primary education of any region since the Millennium Development Goals were established, achieving a 20 percentage point increase in the net enrolment rate from 2000 to 2015. In parallel with expanding access, there is a general disappointment at the lack of progress in learning the foundation skills of reading and mathematics. UNESCO’s International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa notes that national monitoring reports, and regional and international assessments confirm significant gaps in learning achievements within and across countries – with large numbers of learners in the early primary grades lacking in foundational reading and mathematics skills, primary level dropout rates still high across SSA, and many children reaching adolescence without basic numeracy skills (IICBA, 2016). This simultaneous growth in numbers and concerns about quality in developing countries has led to an increased focus on teacher production and quality, with the global and regional literature pointing to the paramount importance of teacher quality in assisting students to learn (Barber & Mourshead, 2007; IICBA, 2016). This concern finds expression in Sustainable Development Goal 4, and in particular Target 4c: By 2030, substantially increase the supply of qualified teachers, including through international cooperation for teacher training in developing countries, especially least developed countries and small island developing States. (UN, 2015b)

Measuring the situation with respect to this goal in 2018, UNESCO could find data in only 55% of SSA countries, and what this data reveals is not encouraging: The proportion of trained primary and lower secondary teachers had declined to the point where, by 2030, less than half of Africa’s primary and lower secondary teachers will have the training they need to do their jobs (UNESCO, 2018). The Atlantis Group, a group of former ministers of education and heads of government from 25 countries across six continents, using data from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS), predicts that, should this trend continue, it will spell disaster for pupils in the SSA region, already home to over half of the world’s out-ofschool children of primary school age, and where 202 million children currently are not meeting the minimum proficiencies for reading and mathematics (Atlantis Group, 2018). Without international assistance, the Atlantis Group predicts, it will be next to impossible for many African states to recruit and adequately train the

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17 million more teachers UNESCO estimates will be needed across the region in the next 12 years. New and more effective approaches to the preparation, deployment, utilization, compensation, and conditions of service for teachers, accompanied by more effective school leadership, are needed to achieve higher standards of education in SSA. This implies an education system that attracts, and retains, a well-trained, motivated, and effective teaching staff. It also implies a system that supports teachers in the classroom as well as in their continued professional development (CPD). These are the issues addressed below, in the interest of maximising returns on investment.

The Life Cycle of a Teacher The present paper understands schooling to be a cyclical process during which successive cohorts of learners progress through school, enter university as student teachers, and graduate as teachers into the world of work where they nurture the next cohort through the cycle (Fig. 1). From the birds-eye perspective afforded by Fig. 1, it is clear that the teacher cycle is 60 years long, from birth to retirement, and the policies and practices required to raise the standards of education are likely to require around a 30-year cycle to achieve significant systemic effects. Long-term policy consistency, in turn, implies budget predictability over the same period. The economics of teacher supply is not only about an annual budget, but it needs to factor in medium- to long-term efficiency gains likely to be effected by moving toward a high-performing system. At various stages of the school cycle, leverage points for quality assurance occur. For example, high school graduates must reach certain levels of attainment to enter into an initial teacher education (ITE) program (point 3 in Fig. 1), students must reach a certain standard to graduate as certified teachers (point 6), and teachers are often held to specific standards in order to retain their teaching certification (point 8) or to enjoy progress and promotion throughout their careers (point 11). If the quality of schooling is understood as nurturing academic excellence in children (along with many other habits, qualities, and skills), and if it is assumed that the more knowledgeable teachers are about the subject(s) they are responsible for, and the more skilled they are at sharing this knowledge with their learners, then school performance will be optimized. It follows from this proposition that two key questions at each point in the cycle is: How to exert maximum leverage on teacher knowledge and skill? and What resources are required to exercise these in classrooms? One set of answers might be to select students into ITE programs according to a rigorous process which screens for both academic ability and motivation; the education of candidate teachers is similarly thoroughgoing, involving intensive disciplinary study and practical classroom experience, culminating in a degree with a strong research focus. In addition, the management of educators in highperforming systems is focused on supporting and further educating teachers, and the systematic development and promotion of leadership. In Table 1 these leverage

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Fig. 1 Potential points for quality qssurance in the preparation, deployment, and support of teachers. (Source: Taylor et al., 2019)

points are listed, against a set of policy choices which, logically, might be exercised in pursuit of quality. These policy choices have in fact been identified in certain high-performing systems, including Singapore, South Korea, Finland, Japan, Ontario, Boston, and Shanghai (Darling-Hammond et al., 2017). These are either developed Western countries or they are situated in the “Far East.” No African or South American jurisdiction has achieved the kind of rapid growth in quality exhibited by these countries over two to three decades. Explanations for these differences are generally vague, gesturing to the deep-seated influence of culture and a traditional reverence for book learning.

The Politics of School Reform What the kind of “best-practicology” implied in Table 1 does not list are the reasons why, for example, Uganda can never “become Finland,” through policy decisions alone. In addition to the kind of policy recommendations shown in Table 1, an

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Table 1 Predicted “best practices” for teacher supply and utilization

Policy terrain Preparation

Deployment, accountability, and management Support

QA opportunities (Fig. 1) Selection (3) Education (4–6) Teaching practice (5) Induction (6, 7) Management (9, 11) CPD (10)

Logical “best practice” 1. Selection of the best graduates from the school system into ITE programs 2. Intensive preservice education in disciplinary and pedagogic knowledge accompanied by extensive in-school work under experienced mentors 3. A management and promotion regime which systematically identifies, nurtures, and rewards talent in the allocation of leadership responsibilities 4. A focus on in-school CPD which is linked to teachers’ daily work, and led by curriculum leaders within the school

Source: Adapted from Taylor et al., (2019)

analysis of the political economy (PE) is required in order to understand the possibilities for reform. This is the view of Pritchett (2018, p. 36) who declares that: “The differential cost effectiveness of schools across countries is a political, not primarily economic, question,” and implores policy researchers to stop devoting themselves to producing results about reforms that are politically impossible. The disappointing figures regarding outcomes in many developing countries do not pertain ubiquitously: a few standout examples achieve high growth rates simultaneously in enrolment and learning outcomes. Vietnam is a case in point, with poor Vietnamese children having much higher scores than rich children in Peru, despite Vietnam starting its upward trajectory with relatively low levels of per capita income (Pritchett, 2018; London, 2021). Examples such as these beg two questions: What can be learnt from countries like Vietnam about improving learning outcomes under conditions of underdevelopment? And: How much of the Vietnamese miracle is due to wise policy choices and adequate resourcing and how much is due to what London (2021, p. 2) terms “. . . the manner in which education systems are embedded in and entangled with social relational, institutional, and normative features of their social environment”? Following the PE approach, Levy et al. (2018) classify political settlements according to whether their configuration of power is dominant or competitive, and whether institutional rules are personalized or impersonal, resulting in a two-by-two typology. In this regard, South Africa practices what Pritchett (2018) has called “isomorphic mimicry” on a grand scale: Designed as a standard Weberian bureaucracy, with hierarchical institutional arrangements and rule-bound behavior, in reality the situation far more closely resembles that of a clientelist state: institutional arrangements are fragmented and constantly negotiated, and principal/agency interactions are personalized and frequently corrupt. Under such circumstances public governance and the political system are based more on deals than on rules.

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The result in South Africa’s case is a highly inefficient state characterized by widespread incompetence, corruption, and questionable ideological decisions: The country delivers most services (electricity, water and sanitation, and public transport) poorly, and one would not expect education to fare any better (Mboweni, 2021). At point 11 in Fig. 1, for example, promotions frequently occur through nepotism and bribery (DBE, 2016) rather than through the reward of expertise. And because leaders at school and district level are responsible for executing the functions at points 9 and 10, one would expect these functions to be poorly performed, expectations which are frequently borne out in the research literature (DPME/DBE, 2017). Logic, supported by the research evidence, suggests that the four sets of policy choices shown in Table 1 would be best for any system. But the question is: How to give effect to such choices in the specific political context of any particular country? Making the choice is not enough: All countries express intentions to improve learning, but for most these goals are not achieved. To illustrate these conclusions, the data drawn from a study on secondary education on the continent is used to illuminate policies and practices in SSA countries around the key leverage points shown in Table 1.

Practices in SSA Method Two sources of data inform what follows: a market scan of 48 SSA countries using a desktop search, email, and telephone requests, and four country (Rwanda, Uganda, Senegal, and South Africa) case studies conducted by means of interviews and a literature search (Taylor et al., 2019). A detailed set of 70 research questions guided the collection of data on policies and practices at each of the nodal points shown in Fig. 1, from point 3. Information gathered through the market scan is skewed in that most countries in Southern and Eastern Africa are fairly well accounted for, whereas Central and West Africa is underrepresented, with the main exceptions being Nigeria and Burkina Faso. Answers to most of the questions (i.e., to 35 or more of the 70 questions) were obtained for 16 (33%) of the countries, aside from the four country case studies. No data was found at all for the following 12 countries: Central African Republic, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Sao Tome and Principe, Sudan, Togo, and Western Sahara. Despite the difficulties encountered by the study, the data derived from various avenues accumulated to the point where well over half the cells in the matrix (research question x country) came to be populated by the end of the search, providing a rich source for descriptive analysis. Nevertheless, it would be risky to draw general inferences from the scan because little information was found from one quarter of SSA countries, a limitation compounded by the fact that a desk-based scan of practices tends to capture official policy statements, rather than actual practices. With some notable exceptions – Uganda, Rwanda, and South Africa – many

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Ministries of Education, if not the majority in SSA, do not maintain websites, and this places a severe limitation on obtaining government reports, which should be a primary source of the kinds of information sought by the study. The case studies point out that in some countries there is a significant gap between the stated policies and actual practice, but the market scan methodology makes it difficult to assess the scale of this gap. For example, the policy may require that every teacher have a satisfactory assessment each year, but if the assessment is cursory and all teachers are rated as satisfactory, this is unlikely to have any real impact on quality. Similarly, it is difficult to assess the coverage or quality of CPD, or the actual quality of ITE from published documents. However, notwithstanding these limitations, sufficient data is available to provide a description of typical practices across the region, even though subregional differences are not distinguishable.

Percentage of the Education Budget Allocated to Teacher Education Most of the data derived from the scan referred to total education budgets and not teacher education as a discreet category. It may be interesting to review countries’ education budgets in terms of the UNESCO benchmarks for education spending as a whole: 20% of total government budget or 6% of gross national product (GNP) UNESCO (2015). The scan revealed a wide variation in the proportion of the national budget allocated to education. In Angola, for example, teacher education received 6% of the total budgetary allocation for education, while the Seychelles allocated 22% of its education budget to education development, which includes teacher education and a range of other development activities. In Swaziland, teacher training programs were allocated 2.6% of the education budget; Uganda spent 0.4% of its total education budget on teacher education; and Zimbabwe 18.8%. While the quantum of funding is important, its effects are determined not only by how much is spent, but critically also on the prioritization and management of the spend. The point is most powerfully illustrated by comparing Uganda to South Africa (SA) (Taylor et al., 2019). SA spends something in the order of 20 times as much per primary school child than Uganda does (UNESCO 2017) but the SACMEQ test scores on Grade 6 maths and reading have been tracking each other closely over the last decade. Part of the inefficiency in the SA system is that consumption spending (principally on civil servant salaries) has been dominating investment (in teacher education, schools, and books) for more than two decades (Spaull et al., 2020).

Financial Support to Student Teachers The literature indicates a number of examples of ITE students receiving funding, including Botswana and Gambia, where all students have their tuition, teaching practice, and personal upkeep paid for. In Namibia, funding is offered in the form of

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a loan, while bursaries and scholarships are available from the private sector and the University of Namibia. Various kinds of support to student teachers are offered by countries as widely dispersed as Swaziland, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Mauritius, Seychelles Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Kenya and Mozambique Uganda, Ghana, and Benin. In South Africa, some 14% of Bachelor of Education (BEd) students are awarded a Department of Basic Education bursary. Students who do not succeed in acquiring this bursary are able to access financial support through the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS), available to all students who meet a very low means test. Started as a loan scheme, under pressure from students, this has essentially become a grant system. Unfortunately, the NSFAS is chronically inefficient in managing and disbursing the large fund available; in all likelihood this is due, at least in part, to the incompetence, nepotism, and corruption endemic to the SA state.

Selection into ITE Teacher status and working conditions are inextricably linked with the recruitment, training, salaries, and management. There are two aspects to selecting trainee teachers. The first relates to selecting the right number of teacher trainees, which involves forecasting the needs of the country, taking into consideration the increase or decrease in student numbers, teacher attrition, and specific subject needs. The second issue in the admission of students into ITE relates to selecting the right type of candidate. This is important as the candidates selected will in part determine the quality and level of the content of the ITE. The first of two McKinsey reports on the world’s best performing school systems (Barber & Mourshead, 2007) found that the most effective mechanisms for selecting candidates for ITE acknowledge that, for a person to become an effective teacher, they need to possess a high overall level of literacy and numeracy, strong interpersonal and communication skills, a willingness to learn, and the motivation to teach. In many countries these conditions are not met, as shown in the results of the SACMEQ teacher tests. In SA, students entering the Bachelor of Education (BEd), a four-year degree which culminates in a qualification to teach, enter with weak disciplinary knowledge in languages and mathematics. A Ministerial Task Team into the quality of the National Senior Certificate, taken at the end of 12 years of school, determined that: The level of most learners and teachers’ proficiency in English is too low to use English as LoLT [the language of teaching and learning] optimally, and so to realise their potential. (DBE, 2014, p. 76)

In addition to leaving school with poor academic literacy, in SA the weakest of school leavers entering higher education go into education or nursing (CETAP, 2020, p. 18).

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The competencies of the students recruited into ITE programs will influence course content: The more highly educated students are on entry, the higher the level of content they will be able to engage with during ITE. During the long process required to raise the performance of a school system, selecting more academically able students will, at the start of the process, not alter skill levels much, given the quality of applicants and the poor status of teaching, but as the system slowly starts to rachet up through a combination of practices at points 1–11 (Fig. 1), so the quality of entrants will rise, speeding up a virtuous cycle. Who applies to be a teacher is to a considerable extent dependent on the status of the profession. Ways of raising the status – advertising, salaries, management, physical conditions, and resources – are all important. In many countries, a decline in prestige, poorer working conditions, and relatively low salaries has not helped to attract the best candidates into the profession (OECD, 2018). Schleicher (2018) calls for improvement in the profession’s general status and competitive position in the job market. But this cannot be achieved by fiat, or advertising. In the long term, the performance of the system determines the public view of schooling: The better the performance, the more satisfied public perception is about schools and teachers, and teaching becomes an attractive profession for school leavers. The market scan found information on teacher recruitment for 28 countries. Of these, the large majority (26) require a prospective secondary school teacher to hold an upper secondary school leaving certificate or its equivalent (corresponding to the United Kingdom’s GCE or Advanced Levels (A levels)). Nine of these 26 countries (Angola, Burundi, Madagascar, Rwanda, Senegal, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) will also accept holders of lower secondary school leaving certificates (corresponding to the UK former General Certificate of Secondary Education [GCSE]) but only into programs which prepare teachers for lower secondary schools. On the other hand, Burkina Faso appears to allow a prospective secondary school teacher to have only a lower secondary school leaving certificate. Almost as many countries (20) select applicants into teacher education programs on the basis of additional entrance examinations and/or interviews, in conjunction with a certain minimum level of academic achievement as indicated on their school leaving qualifications. Nine countries examine applicants, six interview them, and another five do both. Just three of the 20 countries for which information was found, namely Kenya, Madagascar, and South Africa, accept prospective secondary school teachers solely on the basis of their being secondary school graduates. Of the 14 countries which examine candidates, the main focus is on applicants’ scholastic abilities in mathematics and languages, coupled with critical thinking, problem-solving, and communication skills. Importantly, two countries go beyond applicants’ academic qualifications and proficiency to consider more personal or socio-psychological aptitudes: applicants’ attitude to education (Namibia) and motivation to teach (Djibouti). In SA, students applying for the Department of Education bursary are interviewed and required to show commitment to a teaching career, including an interest in working with young people, enthusiasm for a professional career in teaching, and readiness to face and surmount difficult challenges and

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personal integrity. They must furthermore be committed to teach in any school in which they are placed by a provincial education department. The market scan data suggests, from the information available, that in the majority of cases, African countries require the same or a better level of education from those permitted to teach in secondary schools than they do for primary level teachers. In this regard, Kenya, Madagascar, and South Africa could be said to be at one end of the ITE selection spectrum, being relatively unselective of prospective teachers (although they do require upper secondary school leaving certificates), with Namibia and especially Djibouti at the opposite end, in that they appear to apply the most rigorous selection criteria.

Qualifications Lewin (1999) has devised a typology of preservice teacher programs that identifies four main pathways to becoming a teacher. The scheme takes into consideration their duration, entry requirements, curriculum, teaching practice, teaching styles, and certification requirements. Essentially, these reduce to two types: those requiring a degree before entering schools and those that entail some or other placement before training, with or without accompanying study. A major part of the reason for the existence of the large numbers of unqualified teachers found in many SSA countries is the tendency to adopt the latter approach, in order to cater for the increased demand for teachers under the pressure of expanded primary and secondary schooling across the continent. Cost considerations are also motivating experiments with teacher preparation and deployment moving away from longer, more rigorous preservice training. Our model predicts that this is a shortsighted practice, given that ITE provides a critically important time to address the poor academic literacy and weak subject knowledge which many students bring to their post-school studies, a point elaborated below. The market scan provided information on the types and nature of ITE qualifications in 29 SSA countries. Of these, 14 offer diploma and degree qualifications, and 3 offer these as well as certificate qualifications. Four countries offer degrees only; three offer diplomas only and three offer certificates only (Burkina Faso, Liberia and Gambia). Lesotho and Malawi offer certificates and diplomas. While ITE degrees commonly consist of 4 years of study (in 14 of the 21 countries offering degrees), in a few countries, teaching degrees are awarded after 2 or 3 years. Teaching diplomas range between 2 and 4 years, while certificate study is usually 2–3 years.

Course Content It has been noted above that in many SSA countries students in colleges of education and universities may have poor knowledge of the subjects they are expected to teach, especially where the status of teaching is low and the educational standards of entrants to teacher preparation courses are poor. In some cases, subject content

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takes up to 80% of the teacher preparation time (Lewin, 2000). Even where trainees had completed senior secondary school, studies have found that the curriculum they were faced with in the colleges involved repeating most aspects of the secondary school curriculum in an attempt to improve their subject knowledge base. This leaves little time for considering how to teach the concepts and skills needed by early learners in mathematics and reading, or in the intensive and extensive engagement with children, and how they learn that this would require. Even worse, too little time may be spent teaching prospective teachers the subject content they will be expected to teach when qualified, as is the case in SA (Taylor, 2021). Ultimately primary school teachers’ skills in delivering reading pedagogy and language development for their learners are inextricably linked to the cognitive sophistication of their own language proficiencies. How literate should primary school teachers be? The SACMEQ teacher test in English comprehension indicate that around a quarter of Grade 6 language teachers are struggling to complete simple retrieval tasks, and around half score poorly on tasks requiring inferential reasonings, while only one-third are relatively skilled at completing interpretive or evaluative tasks (Taylor & Taylor, 2013). It would seem logical that if the country is to get increasing numbers of children scoring in the upper bands of the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) comprehension ladder, then all teachers should themselves exhibit proficiency in these higher order skills. To quote an aphorism coined in one of the earliest canonical texts in the study of “high-performing” school systems: “The quality of an education system cannot exceed the quality of its teachers” (Barber & Mourshead, 2007, p. 19).

The Practicum The opportunity for prospective teachers to gain practical teaching experience in a classroom is a critical component of any ITE program. Such hands-on experience not only prepares prospective teachers for the classroom, but also enables them to apply the content and pedagogical elements of their training to the reality of the school environment. For instance, Darling-Hammond’s (2014) review reveals that teaching practice with coursework is helpful for teacher candidates to understand the knowledge and apply concepts they are learning in the course. Liu et al. (2017, p. 175) describe Singapore’s approach to the practicum as follows: . . .the practicum. . . is conceptualised as the spine of the teacher education programmes. It provides shape and support to the programmes and helps frame the courses.

Akyeampong et al. (2013) found that trainee teachers in a number of East and Central African countries might be visited once or twice during their practicum by college staff but often this was jeopardized through lack of funds or the distance from the college. Ghana was exceptional in that there is a formal mentoring system to enrich trainee knowledge and skills (Akyeampong & Asante, 2005). In no other

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country did tutors draw on the practicum as a learning opportunity back at the college. Indeed, tutors in Mali and Tanzania noted that trainees on the practicum revert to the way they were taught to read rather than adopting the new practices they learnt at college. Without specific guidance from experienced teachers or consistent supervision from tutors, problems encountered by trainees in class (such as whether their pupils learn what was intended or not and how to understand and interpret the school curriculum) remain unsolved or are not experienced as being problematic by trainees (Akeampong et al., 2013). These examples make it clear that more intensive in-school work, under expert mentors, is what is needed during ITE, in order to prepare the teacher for what is to follow and to set them on the path to being effective teachers. Almost all countries in the market scan stated that the teaching practice or practicum component of ITE qualifications is assessed through summative (usually preceded by formative) in-school lesson observations, which may be undertaken not only by teacher educators but also by school mentors and leaders, as in Cameroon, Nigeria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Only Sierra Leone indicated that there may be insufficient capacity to test whether students have acquired the necessary practical skills, although it is known from other research that training institutions often lack capacity to adequately assess all students’ classroom abilities.

Early Work Experience and Induction According to Maciejewski (2007), a decade ago the dominant trend in education, as relates to the socialization of new teachers, remained one of a sink or swim mentality, where new teachers assume the complete duties of a veteran teacher. New teachers’ experiences were invariably described in terms such as “shock,” “battle,” and “challenge,” and reference was made to perceived gaps between theory (what they were taught) and practice (what the actual school situation requires); a lack of support from school leaders, fellow teachers, and education officials; and heavy workloads, difficult working conditions, stress, and high attrition rates. In the face of such experiences, the Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) (OECD, 2008) found that, in developed countries, there is a growing trend toward the development of teacher induction programs as a way to support new teachers. Teacher induction is a professional development program that incorporates mentoring and is designed to offer support, guidance, and orientation for new teachers during the transition into their first teaching jobs. These programs help teachers through their first year of teaching by supporting ongoing dialogue and collaboration among teachers. However, the survey found that the quality of these programs varies considerably: Some are administrative introductions while others are year-long partnership programs, and such variation probably accounts for the fact that the TALIS study could not find a relationship between the presence of induction programs and new teachers receiving useful feedback on their teaching. In the market scan, over two-thirds of the 23 countries for which information was found on these practices provide formal induction programs, which is usually school

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based and conducted by education officials, sometimes in conjunction with university or college staff. Among the seven countries that have no formal induction programs, Sierra Leone and South Africa are planning to introduce them. The need for a formal induction period is underlined by the difficulties encountered by many newly qualified teachers during their first year of teaching. Information on these experiences was found for 11 countries. In 12 countries, senior teachers are specifically tasked with mentoring student teachers, and in five of these – all from Southern and Eastern Africa: Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, and Tanzania – these mentor teachers work together with university lecturers (who may or may not be subject experts). In Ghana, district officials work alongside mentor teachers, while in Kenya county education officials appear to do this job alone. In a couple of instances (Burkina Faso and Lesotho), “specialists” or “consultants” are involved.

License to Practice Of 21 countries for which data was found on this issue, 16 have a formal teacher licensing process. Information on the nature of the licensing process was available for only seven countries: In most of these, application to the appropriate licensing body and provision of evidence that an ITE qualification has been awarded is sufficient for registration as a teacher. In other words, it is a bureaucratic function, with no QA role.

Performance Management Teacher performance management is a continuous process for evaluating and supporting the work of teachers, so that the goals and objectives of the school are more effectively achieved, while at the same time benefiting teachers in terms of recognition of performance, professional development, and career guidance. The objectives of implementing teacher performance management systems fall into three categories: accountability, staff motivation, and teacher professional development. It is considered best practice to have a formal appraisal and performance management system in place to aid in transparency and establish clear expectations for teachers and their managers, particularly as regard the standards that teachers must comply with. Teacher absenteeism, late coming and leaving early, and being frequently “missing” from classes even when at school are common problems in SSA countries (Bonga, 2005; DPME/DBE, 2017). Bonga (ibid.) attributes this partly to weaknesses in management and inspectorate systems, and low teacher morale resulting from heavy workloads and poor incentive structures. Teachers are usually not sanctioned by school leaders or school inspectors for not being on duty. In fact, inspectors rarely visit schools in the rural areas of some African countries where inspector-teacher ratios can be as high as 1:700 (Mulkeen,

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2010). Those who do visit, seldom use centralized or standardized systems to report weaknesses in schools or individual teachers. As Akyeampong and Asante (2005) have stated: School visits often focus on factors like the number of books and quality of facilities, not pedagogical issues. Consequently, vices such as lateness, absenteeism, drunkenness, etc. abound, while circuit supervisors do relatively little – just check staff numbers and enrolments rather than offer professional advice and support to teachers. In South Africa a Ministerial Committee (DOE, 2009) examined the anomaly between poor school performance and high teacher ratings on the performance appraisal system (the Integrated Quality Management System, IQMS) and came to three conclusions. First, most teachers do not know how to conduct an effective analysis of teacher performance, neither do they know how to prioritize teacher development needs. Second, the criteria for evaluating teacher performance do not include measures identified in the research literature as constituting effective teaching, such as time on task, appropriate use of textbooks and materials, good communication, motivation, and the importance of positive feedback. Third, the intentions of using IQMS to identify and remediate gaps in teachers’ knowledge and skills are not met, due to a preponderant focus on the other intention of the IQMS, which is to approve a salary notch increase. Many of the conclusions regarding performance appraisal reached by the South African ministerial committee were replicated by a study commissioned by the African Union (African Union, 2017). This study looked at whether school teachers are appraised or evaluated on a regular basis, how information is gathered to assess teachers’ performance, and what the results of teacher performance evaluations are used for. The study found that assessment of teachers is not a common or transparent practice in SSA, and where it is carried out, little sensitization is offered to the teachers as to how they will be appraised or what indicators will be used to determine performance. In some countries, appraisal is not carried out for pedagogic feedback or support purposes, but mainly for purposes of administration or discipline. This means that teachers’ performance is separated from rewards and career opportunities as well as their own personal growth, and teachers work without a clear plan or goals to achieve. In the market scan formal appraisal and performance management systems were found to be in place in 15 countries, although lack of capacity, inadequate enforcement, and limited effectiveness are common complaints. In five countries, an inspectorate conducts performance assessments; in another six appraisals are the responsibility of school managers and/or local education officials. In SA, the IQMS outcomes tend to be dominated by a friendly peer review component (DOE, 2009).

Continuous Professional Development (CPD) For Musset (2010) ITE and CPD serve complementary but different purposes and cannot substitute for each other. ITE provides teachers with a solid base of the knowledge and the skills that they will need for their task. For primary school

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teachers, this entails high proficiency in both languages and mathematics, with a good understanding of one or two other disciplinary fields, in addition. For secondary school teachers the base is a degree in one or two of the subjects they will be teaching. Three or four years of full-time study in a degree program should, at the very least, produce teachers who have mastered the subject content they will be teaching. In addition, intense practice in classrooms should lay the foundation for effective teaching. CPD, on the other hand, provides opportunities for teachers to update their knowledge and skills, and to adapt these to changes in the teaching environment. This is a fundamental distinction and failure to take sufficient account of it enables policymakers to adopt Lewin’s (1999) Type 4 approach to teacher preparation, where teachers are employed in schools with little or no training, on the assumption that their competence will be built through CPD activities. In the face of financial constraints, countries continue to attempt to use CPD to upskill or qualify teachers hired with few or no qualifications. It seems that the pattern of recruiting unqualified primary teachers locally, then providing opportunities for upgrading to qualified status through in-service training, has become a second path into the profession in much of sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, according to the UIS, less than half of the teachers in classrooms in Angola, Benin, Equatorial Guinea, GuineaBissau, Madagascar, Niger, Senegal, and South Sudan are trained (UNESCO, 2015). In terms of ensuring that teachers are adequately equipped with the knowledge resources required to teach effectively, alternate pathways such as these must be considered to be a poor substitute for degree study prior to practice. If Musset’s distinction between ITE and CPD is taken seriously then this approach should be recognized as a false hope: CPD cannot make up for weak skills in literacy and/or mathematics resulting from 12 years of poor schooling. For a start, there is simply not enough time available in a teacher’s life – perhaps around two afternoons per term – to bridge the large knowledge gaps revealed, for example, in the SACMEQ teacher test results. Second, teachers are busy people – children, parents, and spouses – and devoting time to the hard work of disciplinary study is tough. The point is emphasized by research findings regarding the efficacy of CPD, which conclude that professional development in the form of short workshops has little effect on teaching practice, and that an effective program should last at least for several days, must be subject matter specific in its content and emphasis, and must take into account the instructional goals and the challenges faced by the school in which the teacher is working (McCutchen et al., 2002). The African Union (2017) study found the provision of CPD is not well grounded on the continent, and the resources needed to establish high-quality training and support frameworks are generally lacking within the ministry budget allocations. The process of professional development is carried out through ad hoc, in-service programs mounted by ministries of education and other development partners at country level. Thus, where CPD is practiced, infrequent, poor-quality programs heighten the sense of neglect felt by teachers (Bennell & Akyeampong, 2007). On a more positive note, Darling-Hammond et al. (2017) report that the idea of learning

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communities, in which teachers meet with other teachers to discuss ideas and issues in their practice, is the most effective form of CPD. In the market scan, formal CPD programs were found to be available in 16 out of 22 countries for which information on this practice was found. In a few countries, teachers are expected to acquire a certain number of CPD “points” over time, which translates into 80 h every 3 years in places like Burundi and South Africa. Djibouti, which does not seem to require “points,” nevertheless expects teachers to devote 32 h per year to professional development activities. In 11 countries, CPD appears to be ad hoc. Half of all CPD programs are offered both in and out of school and offered in school only in just two countries. The programs tend to focus on upgrading, on familiarizing teachers with curriculum developments, and, most frequently, on improving subject content and pedagogical knowledge. One CPD model has demonstrated significant effects on early grade reading, which is a type of structured pedagogy (Kim & Davidson, 2019), involving lesson plans issued to teachers, reading materials for learners, and in-school coaching of teachers by external coaches. This program model has been particularly successful in Kenya: Following the success of a pilot, the Tusome program was successfully implemented in all primary schools in the country, resulting in a marked improvement in a range of indicators, letter/sound fluency, oral reading fluency, comprehension, and emergent reading (Piper et al., 2018). A very similar model has been piloted in South Africa: While the Early Grade Reading Study (EGRS) has shown promise in two pilots, one in EFAL (Taylor et al., 2018) and the other in HL (Kotze et al., 2020), it has yet to demonstrate efficacy under “normal” conditions of district management. This is what is left when the benefits bestowed by EGRS – additional funding and management, reading and teaching materials, regular visits by coaches an intense public gaze – are removed. Will teachers continue with the program or will they revert to what they were doing before the EGRS arrived? Until external validity can be demonstrated policy recommendations based on this model are premature. The systemic success of Tusome in achieving national rollout is a very significant advance in the field of CPD. However, it is pertinent to ask how far interventions based on a structured pedagogy approach can get in advancing teacher proficiency up the ladder of the PIRLS processes of reading comprehension, and hence of moving a significant proportion of children in the same direction. Learning any knowledge discipline is both a continuous and discontinuous process. Continuous in the sense that the progress of any learner through something like the PIRLS benchmarks (Mullis et al., 2009) rises relatively smoothly, as reflected in test scores. On the other hand, a child scoring in the middle reaches of the Intermediate PIRLS International Benchmark (IB) performs qualitatively differently from one performing in the middle of the Low IB. Thus, the former is able only to “understand the plot at a literal level and to make some inferences and connections across texts,” while the latter rarely, if at all, gets beyond being “. . . able to recognise, locate and reproduce information that is explicitly stated in texts, and make straightforward inferences.” It is reasonable to assume that a teacher who is herself performing at the Intermediate IB, as most SACMEQ Grade 6 teachers appear to be (Taylor & Taylor,

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2013), would be unable to assist learners to perform at the Advanced IB. It seems unlikely that a structured pedagogy intervention would succeed in ratcheting up teachers’ knowledge and skills to the extent that they are able to perform at least at the highest (or at least the penultimate) PIRLS benchmark. Is ITE capable of doing this? Surely, with so much more time available, working with 19-year-old plastic minds, full of youthful idealism, the chances are that this is the point of maximum leverage for upgrading teachers’ disciplinary knowledge. Note that this should not be taken as an either/or choice between ITE and CPD: Both modalities of teacher development have their place and optimal benefit should be sought from both.

Promotion The promotion of teachers is essential not only to having quality teachers in leadership positions, but also to teacher motivation and a sense of professional development. According to Cordeiro (2009), successful organizations promote CPD throughout employees’ careers to achieve intended organizational and individual goals. As in many other professions, promotion of teachers is often directly linked to an incremental remuneration structure based on hierarchical job groups which determine upward mobility. A career path should provide meaningful rewards and financial and nonfinancial incentives to motivate teachers to progress, be linked to significant CPD options, and be equitable, allowing equal opportunities in career progression. Systems of promotion must be well designed if they are not to have an adverse effect on teacher motivation and retention. According to Saha and Dworkin (2009), if rewards are allocated only on nonperformance factors, such as seniority, job title, or across-the-board pay raises, employees are likely to reduce their efforts. Worse still is the exercise of corrupt practices, the likes of which are apparently operating on a widespread scale in South Africa – including “buying” posts and manipulating appointments and procedures to favor certain candidates (DBE, 2016). In Africa, a perennial complaint is that career progression opportunities are limited, are unlinked to professional development, and that salaries increase slowly over time. Promotion to school leadership positions is not typically based on performance and merit, rather on years of service and other nonprofessional factors, including nepotism and corruption. As a result, not many teachers and school leaders perceive a correlation between teaching effort and attractive career outcomes. An earlier study focusing on teacher motivation and incentives conducted in SSA (Bennell & Akyeampong, 2007) found that teachers were facing a motivation crisis and, as a result, learners were not taught properly due to low job satisfaction and motivation levels among teachers. One of the reasons cited was apparent irregular promotions, particularly in rural schools. In the market scan, 11 out of 18 countries with information on this issue reported that the promotion of teachers to senior positions depends on further training, and in most cases such training is associated with obtaining a higher qualification such as a

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degree or postgraduate qualification. In the other seven countries for which information was obtained qualifications may also play a role. Whether or not further training is required, in some instances (such as Senegal and Uganda) the possibility of promotion also depends on the existence of a vacancy.

Conclusion If the proposition is taken seriously that one of the main goals of schooling is to nurture in children a love of and proficiency in literacy, numeracy, and certain specialist subjects, then it would seem to follow that, in order for learners to attain the highest levels of academic achievement, their teachers should show at least equal proficiency. This is not the case currently: SACMEQ teacher tests reveal that the majority of Grade 6 teachers in the region exhibit lower levels of proficiency in reading and maths than those required of their learners by the curriculum (Taylor & Taylor, 2013). This paper accepts the logic of this proposition, and in Fig. 1 identifies a number of key points in the school system at which leverage can be applied in building teachers’ knowledge and skills. It has been argued above that the manner in which teachers are deployed and managed is dependent on the political economy (PE) of the country, but without well-educated teachers to promote into positions of leadership, the system loses efficiency whatever the state of the political economy. Under a well-managed system, well-educated teachers grow into experienced curriculum leaders and administrators in schools and higher levels of the system, able and willing to mentor and guide younger teachers, coordinate meaningful CPD within and across schools, and identify and develop the best candidates as future leaders. Building a highperforming system is a slow process, as a critical mass of competent educators builds up in the system. It requires steady policy choices and dedication to a high degree of meritocracy at every point in the school cycle over decades. For much of SSA, how to attract and retain talented individuals in the teaching profession remains an issue. Enhancing the status, morale, and professionalism of teachers was adopted as one of the 12 main strategies for achieving the objectives set by the Dakar Summit (UNESCO, 2000). However, this is more easily said than implemented: According to Moon (2007, p. 1): . . . millions of teachers, particularly in Africa and parts of Asia continue to live and work in conditions of poverty. In this respect the vision set out in the 1966 Declaration remains unfulfilled.

Conditions of service and salary levels play an important part in establishing the status of teaching. Thus, while the first McKinsey report found no correlation between teacher pay and school performance, this occurs under conditions in which a minimum threshold of service conditions are met: Unless school systems offer salaries which are in line with other graduate starting salaries, many potential applicants to ITE programs would choose a career path other than teachings, no

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matter how idealistic they may be about the key role played by teachers in building society (Barber & Mourshead, 2007). However, because of the large numbers of teachers required, and the many competing demands on the fiscus, this threshold is difficult to sustain in many poor SSA countries. Under these conditions, prioritizing education above competing fiscal demands requires a long-term vision, driven by an unshakable belief that quality teachers are essential to building the kind of caring, well-educated and skilled citizens of a prospering nation, and holding that belief for two or three decades. The budget required to achieve these policy goals can be justified in terms of the efficiency gains likely to be achieved with stronger teacher knowledge and skill: faster throughput rate of learners, higher cognitive skills attained, and contribution to knowledge generation and utilization. The market scan indicates that many SSA countries have adopted, or are in the process of adopting, a number of key elements of best practice with respect to teacher education, deployment, and support: Several are attempting to select more academically able students into ITE, provide high-quality degree courses, induct newly qualified teachers by means of in-school mentoring and supervision, and to link CPD systematically to performance management and to well-defined career pathways. In addition, the case studies, undertaken in countries which differ widely in geographic location, political history, and resource availability, tell a more nuanced story, indicating that the positive signs identified by the market scan often exist more in the intention than the practice. Data from the four case studies provides a closer look at the relationship between policy, practice, and outcomes, thus affording insights into actual practices and their impact. The Rwandan study, for example, concluded that the country’s policymakers in education are targeting most of the “best practices” described in Table 1 (Taylor et al., 2019). In addition, the country has placed ICTs at the center of its drive toward achieving middle-income status by 2020, and developed an education policy, within the framework of the Vision 2020 and the national strategy on ICT. A number of partnership projects between the ministry, donors, and NGOs have been working in schools in the last 15 years and as a result the ratio of users per computer is high by SSA standards (16:1 in primary schools and 28:1 in secondary schools). However, research on the use of computers in schools concludes that the potential of ICT will not be realized by the mere introduction of computers and ICT infrastructure. This study argues that without a shift in practices of teaching and learning with ICT in schools, young people are not likely to learn how to exploit the capabilities offered by access to electronic tools and media. The case studies were conducted as descriptions of policy and practice, and not as PE analyses. In the case of SA, the PE analysis conducted by Levy et al. (2018) complement the case study in revealing that, under the conditions of incompetence (a consequence of nepotism) and corruption endemic to the SA state, there can be no commitment to the kind of rational, coherent, and long-term approach to teacher education advocated in Fig. 1, however fervently the best intentions are enshrined in official policy choices. Nevertheless, further analysis reveals that there may be much that can be done to improve the quality of schooling, even within a poorly functioning state sector. In

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SA, for example, those parts of the schooling system responsible for the production of teachers (universities and teacher colleges) enjoy relative autonomy from those parts which deploy and manage teachers (the state). In such situations policy choices 1 and 2 in Table 1 may be pursued even under a highly corrupt and inefficient state. Indeed, in the strong professions, such as medicine, the SA system for producing excellent doctors and world-class research operates at a high level, under the same corrupt and inefficient government. For this to happen in the education sector would depend on university-based teacher educators adopting a professional approach to teaching, which entails finding a “sufficient consensus” on what teachers should know and be able to do on graduation, and committing to ensuring that their students attain these standards. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen to what extent a supply side increase in the knowledge, skills, and work ethic of new graduates can have a systemic effect without changes in the political economy. In any event, reform of both domains is essential if an accelerated uptick in learning is to be achieved. The SA case illustrates two principles with respect to educational change. One, selecting the right policy is not nearly enough. An assessment of the PE of education is necessary to understand inhibitions to and facilitating factors for success of the policy in practice. Two, the PE of any country is unique and gaps need to be found of circumventing, or transcending, political obstacles to change. At the end of the day, however, no country that has not pursued a long-term national development plan, within which a plan for school reform is closely integrated, has seen the kind of spectacular fall in poverty rates in countries which maintain high-performing school systems.

Cross-References ▶ Issues Related to Teacher Preparation in Southern Africa ▶ Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality ▶ Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States

References African Union. (2017). AU study on teacher training, working and living conditions in member states. African Union. Akyeampong, K., & Asante, K. (2005). Teacher motivation and incentives: A profile of Ghana. Centre for International Education; University of Sussex. Akyeampong, K., Lussier, K., Pryor, J., & Westbrook, J. (2013). Improving teaching and learning of basic maths and reading in Africa: Does teacher preparation count? International Journal of Educational Development, 33, 272–282. Atlantis Group. (2018). Collapse of teacher training across Africa demands global leadership. Statement issued by the Atlantis Group, 6 June 2018. Downloaded on 26 July 2018 from https://www.varkeyfoundation.org/opinion/collapse-of-teacher-training-across-africademands-global-leadership#.W1Ys3xcxahI.twitter

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Barber, M. & Mourshead, M. (2007). How the world’s best-performing school systems come out on top. McKinsey & Company. Downloaded on 25 March 2019 from https://www.mckinsey.com/ industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-best-performing-school-systems-comeout-on-top Bennell, P. & Akyeampong, K. (2007). Teacher motivation in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia (DFID educational paper no. 71). Department for International Development. Bonga. (2005). Disciplinary issues in the Malawi School System. Paper presented at the National Education Conference. MIM. CETAP. (2020). The national benchmark tests. National report: 2019 intake cycle, Centre for Educational Testing for Access and Placement, University of Cape Town, viewed 18 May 2020, from https://nbt.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/NBT%20National%20Report%202019.pdf Cordeiro, C. (2009). Educational leadership: A bridge to improved practice. Pearson. Darling-Hammond, L. (2014). Want to close the achievement gap? American Educator, Winter 2014–2015: 14–18. Darling-Hammond, L., Burns, D., Campbell, C., Goodwin, A., Hammerness, K., & Low, E. (2017). Empowered educators: How high-performing systems shape teaching quality around the world. Jossey-Bass. DBE. (2014). Ministerial task team report on the National Senior Certificate (NSC). Department of Basic Education. DBE. (2016). Report of the ministerial task team appointed by Minister Angie Motshekga to investigate allegations into the selling of posts of educators by members of teachers unions and departmental officials in provincial education departments. Department of Basic Education. DOE. (2009). Ministerial committee on a National Education Evaluation and Development Unit. Final Report.Government gazette no. 32133, 17 April 2009. Government Printer. DPME/DBE. (2017). Implementation evaluation of the National Curriculum Statement Grade R to 12 focusing on the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS). Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation/Department of Basic Education. IICBA. (2016). Teaching policies and learning outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa: Issues and options. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa. Kim, Y.-S. G., & Davidson, M. (2019). Promoting successful literacy acquisition through structured pedagogy: Global reading network critical topics series. Prepared by University Research Co., LLC. (URC) under the Reading within REACH (REACH) initiative for USAID’s Building Evidence and Supporting Innovation to Improve Primary Grade Assistance for the Office of Education (E3/ED). Available at http://www.edu-links.org. Kotze, J., Taylor, S., Fleisch, B., Cilliers, J., Mohohlwane, N. & Thulare, T. (2020). Can virtual coaching improve teaching practice and student learning? Experimental Evidence from South Africa. Unpublished mimeo. Levy, B., Cameron, R., Hoadley, U., & Naidoo, V. (Eds.). (2018). The politics and governance of basic education: A tale of two South African provinces. Oxford University Press. Lewin, K. (1999). Counting the cost of teacher education: Cost and quality issues. Multi-site teacher education research (MUSTER) project, discussion paper no. 1. University of Sussex. Lewin, K. (2000). Mapping science education in developing countries. The World Bank, Human Development Network. Liu, W., Koh, C., & Chua, B. (2017). Developing thinking teachers through learning portfolios. In O. Tan, W. Liu, & E. Low (Eds.), Teacher education in the 21st century: Singapore’s evolution and innovation. Springer. London, J. (2021). Outlier Vietnam and the problem of embeddedness: Contributions to the political economy of learning. RISE working paper. Downloaded on 16 June 2021 from https:// riseprogramme.org/publications/outlier-vietnam-and-problem-embeddedness-contributionspolitical-economy-learning

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Maciejewski, J. (2007). Supporting new teachers: Are induction programs worth the cost? District Administration, 43, 48–52. Mboweni, T. (2021). The pillar of the state. Budget Vote 8 Delivered by Minister of Finance, 20 May 2021. Pretoria: Ministry of Finance, Republic of South Af'rica. McCutchen, D., Abbott, R. D., Green, L. B., Beretvas, S. N., Cox, S., Potter, N. S., & Gray, A. L. (2002). Beginning literacy: Links among teacher knowledge, teacher practice, and student learning. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 35(1), 69–86. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 002221940203500106 Moon, B. (2007). A global overview of curret policies and programmes for teachers and teacher education. Prepared for the joint ILO/UNESCO Committee of Experts concerning Teaching Personnel. Accessed 15 July 2018 from http://www.ciep.fr/sources/conferences/CD_ professionnalisation/bak/pages/docs/pdf_interv/Moon_Bob_en.pdf Mulkeen, A. (2010). Teachers in Anglophone Africa: Issues in teacher supply, training, and management. World Bank. Mullis, I., Martin, M., Kennedy, A., Trong, K., & Sainsbury, M. (2009). PIRLS 2011 assessment framework. International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement. Musset, P. (2010). Initial teacher education and continuing training policies in a comparative perspective: Current practices in OECD countries and a literature review on potential effects (OECD education working papers, no. 48). OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/ 5kmbphh7s47h-en OECD. (2008). The experience of new teachers: Results from TALIS 2008. OECD. OECD. (2018). Effective teacher policies: Insights from PISA. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/ 10.1787/9789264301603-en Piper, B., Destefano, J., Kinyanjui, E., & Ong’ele, S. (2018). Scaling up successfully: Lessons from Kenya’s Tusome national literacy program. Journal of Educational Change, 19, 293–321. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10833-018-9325-4 Pritchett, L. (2018). The politics of learning: Directions for future research. RISE-WP-18/020. Downloaded on 15 March 2021 from https://riseprogramme.org/sites/default/files/publica tions/RISE_WP-020_Pritchett.pdf Saha, L., & Dworkin, A. (Eds.). (2009). International handbook of research on teachers and teaching. Springer. Spaull, N., Lilenstein, A., & Carel, D. (2020). The race between teacher wages and the budget: The case of South Africa 2008–2018. Research on Socioeconomic Policy (RESEP). Stellenbosch University. Schleicher, A. (2018). Valuing our teachers and raising their status. How communities can help. International Summit on the Teaching Profession. Paris: OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10. 1787/9789264292697-en. Taylor, N. (2021). The dream of Sisyphus: Mathematics education in South Africa. South African J Childhood Educ, 11(1), a911. https://doi.org/10.4102/sajce.v11i1.911 Taylor, N., & Taylor, S. (2013). Teacher knowledge and professional habitus. In N. Taylor, S. Van der Berg & T. Mabogoane (Eds.), Creating effective schools: Report of South Africa’s National School effectiveness study (pp. 204–233). Cape Town: Pearson. Taylor, S., Cilliers, J., Prinsloo, C., Fleisch, B., & Reddy, V. (2018). The early grade reading study sustainability evaluation: Technical report. Department of Basic Education. Accessed at:https:// www.education.gov.za/Portals/0/Documents/Reports/EGRS/EGRS%20I%20Wave%204% 20Report%202019.pdf?ver¼2019-05-31-111638-587 Taylor, N., Deacon, R. and Robinson, N. (2019). Secondary education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Teacher preparation and support. Overview Report. Available at www.jet.org.za. Unesco. (2015). Education 2030: Incheon Declaration and Framework for Action. http://hdl. handle.net/11162/118764 UN. (2015a). The millennium development goals report 2015. United Nations. Downloaded on 6 August 2018 from http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/pdf/MDG_Gap_2015_E_web.pdf

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UN. (2015b). Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Downloaded on 6 August 2018 from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/ transformingourworld UNESCO. (2015). Sustainable development goal for education cannot advance without more teachers. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2017). Global education monitoring report 2017/18: Accountability in education. Paris: UNESCO. Downloaded on 12 August 2018 from http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/ 0025/002593/259338e.pdf UNESCO. (2018). SDG 4 data book: Global education indicators 2018. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Downloaded on 6 August 2018 from http://uis.unesco.org/sites/default/files/ documents/sdg4-data-book-2018-en.pdf UNSESCO. (2000). The Dakar framework for action. Education for all: Meeting our collective commitments. Downloaded on 23 August 2018 from https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/ library/dakar-framework-action-education-all-meeting-our-collective-commitments

4

Rethinking the Complex Determinants of Teacher Shortages Beng Huat See, Stephen Gorard, Rebecca Morris, and Ourania Ventista

Contents Introduction to the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Secondary Data Analysis and Policy Documentary Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Factors Influencing Teacher Demand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Factors Influencing Teacher Supply . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Survey of Undergraduates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Characteristics of Potential Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 How are Potential Teachers Different from Non-teachers in their Choice of Career? . . . . . 90 What Are the Important Influencing Factors? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Systematic Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 Search Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Screening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Data Extraction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Synthesizing the Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Most Promising Approaches for Attracting Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Most Promising Approaches to Retain Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

Abstract

Teacher shortages have long been a policy concern for many countries worldwide. Despite wide-ranging policy initiatives and billions of pounds spent addressing the issue, shortages are still being reported, especially in the secondary sector and for some subjects. This recurrent teacher supply “crisis” is complex, and has no one simple cause or set of causes. The number of teachers in and B. H. See (*) · S. Gorard · O. Ventista Durham Evidence Centre for Education, Durham University, Durham, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] R. Morris Department for Education Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_2

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required by schools is linked to a wide array of factors that include cohort birth rates, the supply of graduates overall and per subject area, the economic context (the relative attractiveness of teacher pay and conditions), curriculum demands, workload, teacher retention, changes to retirement and pension ages, and the subjective opportunity structure as it appears to young people considering careers. Most prior research has considered only a few of these factors in isolation, or as a snapshot of the overall problem. This tends to distort the relative importance of each factor and so gives misleading results. To address the complex issue, a multi-pronged approach is advocated, which looks into policy decisions, longitudinal data on teacher numbers and teacher vacancies, numbers applying to teacher training, individuals’ decision-making processes, and robust evaluations of policy interventions. This chapter describes how a combination of these methodological approaches is a better way to understanding, and perhaps helping find a solution to, the persistent shortages of teachers. Keywords

Determinants of teacher supply · Multi-methods of investigation · Longitudinal time-series analysis · Survey · Systematic review

Introduction to the Problem The teacher supply issue is a recurrent phenomenon facing many countries in the world. As pupil populations are projected to increase dramatically, international organizations, such as the OECD (Schleicher, 2012) and the European cooperation in education and training (ET 2020), have called for an urgent need to address this issue, and a new approach to tackle teacher shortages (European Commission, 2015). The causes of teacher shortages are complex and there is presumably no one cause or set of causes. The number of teachers in and required by schools is linked to a wide array of factors that include cohort birth rates, the supply of graduates overall and per subject area, the economic context (the relative attractiveness of teacher pay and conditions), curriculum demands, workload, teacher retention, changes to retirement and pension ages, and the subjective opportunity structure as it appears to young people considering careers. However, most prior research has considered only a few of these factors in isolation, or a snapshot of the overall problem, or at key variables in isolation, such as the number of teacher vacancies (e.g., Podolsky & Sutcher, 2016; Smithers & Robinson, 2008). This tends to inflate the relative importance of each factor leading to misguided conclusions. Previous studies have tended to be merely correlational and often attribute problems of teacher supply to poor working conditions and relatively poor pay of teachers compared to similar professions (American Federation of Teachers, 2007; Borman & Dowling, 2017; Eteach, 2018; Foster,

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2018; Hayes, 2017; House of Commons, 2017; Lynch et al., 2016; Public Accounts Committee, 2016; Sutcher et al., 2016; Walker, 2015; Worth & De Lazzari, 2017). Most studies of the supply pipeline also exclude through the research design, those individuals who do not apply for teaching or who have dropped out (e.g., Heinz, 2015; Matthias, 2014), ignoring the very people who can best explain the barriers to teaching (see Gorard, 2013). Relying on these kinds of studies for evidence, policy solutions consequently tend to be short-term and directed at economic factors rather than also structural, societal and sociological ones. Researchers have then suggested many possible reasons for the shortage of teachers, and a host of initiatives have been implemented to solve the problem. Many of these involve the use of monetary incentives (such as bonus incentives, higher wages, bursaries and scholarships), reduction in teachers’ workload, and providing professional development, mentoring and induction for novice teachers. All of these are aimed at making teaching appealing to attract and retain teachers. Despite heavy investments in such programs, the shortages persist, especially in subjects like maths and science. The latest secondary recruitment figures in England show that the number of applications to initial teacher training has increased for the first time in 2020, a result of the pandemic, but significant shortfalls are still seen in key subjects (e.g., physics, maths, modern languages, design & technology). The DfE 2020 annual report indicates that teacher shortage remains a high risk (Speck, 2020) and schools are still short of high-quality teachers. This suggests that the issue with teacher shortages is more than just a consequence of economic events and pay. Reanalyses of statistics on teacher demand and supply show that the recent historical patterns of teacher numbers are not closely, and/or inversely, related to the economic and employment cycles (See, 2004; See, 2011; See & Gorard, 2020). Teacher shortages are at least partly created by government policies, as much as by the mere increase in student numbers. For example, policy changes in admissions to teacher training, curriculum changes, extension of school leaving age, the number of schools and the school funding system can have the effect of increasing or decreasing teacher demand and supply. When analyzing teacher shortages, it is necessary to consider how these policies have impacted on the demand and supply of teachers. But the effects of these educational policies are rarely considered in research on teacher shortages. Consequently, our understanding of the issue remains substantially incomplete. The teacher supply “crisis” is more than about pupil and teacher numbers. The demand and the supply of teachers are influenced by a complex interaction of factors. Therefore, to understand the issue better a multi-pronged approach is advocated, which looks into policy decisions regarding planning on teacher numbers, policy reforms in education, admissions policies regarding teacher training, longitudinal data on trends in demographics, changes in economic events, and individuals’ decision-making process in their choice of teaching as a career. This chapter describes such a multi-pronged approach to understanding the complex determinants of teacher demand and teacher supply. It therefore challenges the current conventional approach. Understanding the factors influencing teacher

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supply is a key step toward finding a solution. This alternative approach involves time series analyses to explore the complex interactions among the many variables of both teacher demand and supply. Understanding these potential determinants will enable us to gauge if current policies to influence teacher supply are appropriate. The approaches also involve a review of international studies to establish evidence for current approaches to reducing teacher shortages based on pay, improved workload, and widening routes to teacher training. For a more comprehensive understanding of the issue, information about undergraduates’ career decisions, plans, and motivations will need to be considered. The combination of the results from the secondary data analysis, systematic review, synthesis of evidence on the most promising approaches, and the analysis of undergraduate career motivations together provides a more complete picture for a targeted strategy to tackle the recurring teacher supply problem. Throughout this chapter, the focus is on the secondary sector as this is where the shortages are most persistent, especially with some subjects. Data on teacher numbers is taken from England.

Secondary Data Analysis and Policy Documentary Analysis The time-series analysis of official data includes statistical data from the: • • • •

DfE Schools, Pupils and their Characteristics School Workforce Census Statistical First Release on initial teacher training entrants and intake targets, Higher Education Statistics Agency data on the number first degree graduates in shortage subjects • UCAS (Universities and Colleges Admissions Service) data on applications and acceptances into initial teacher training • School Teachers’ Review Body reports Policy reports include those from the: • • • • • •

School Teachers’ Review Body National College of Teaching and Leadership National Audit Office (NAO) Public Accounts Committee (PAC) House of Commons Education Committee Inquiry reports Universities UK

The analyses use data from 1990 to 2019 (where available). This period has seen six changes of governments and a series of education reforms. For this reason, these data are analyzed in tandem with education policy decisions during those periods as changes in education policy initiatives can have an important impact on teacher demand and supply.

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Factors Influencing Teacher Demand In the UK, as in many other countries, the number of teachers needed is assumed to be largely based on the projected pupil population, pupil:teacher ratios, and projected number of teachers entering and leaving. Such estimations are then likely to indicate a “shortage” because if the proportion of pupils enrolled is increasing, the rate of growth of the school population will exceed for a few years the number of graduates and teacher trainees from which potential teachers are drawn. Teachers take time to develop. Figure 1 shows that changes in teacher numbers in England are generally in line with changes in pupil numbers although perhaps lagging behind pupil numbers by a year on occasions. Crucially, from 2014 onwards pupil numbers (the lower line on the graph) had started to rise while teacher numbers continue to fall. This is often taken as a signal that there is a shortage of teachers, which then trigger the rush of policies to increase recruitment and retention. However, it is more likely that this gap was due to a delay in response to initial teacher training targets, which had been revised downwards from 2009 onwards to 2013/14. As can be seen in Fig. 2, the number of entrants to postgraduate secondary teacher training programs generally followed fluctuations in the intake targets. Recruitment numbers fell quite rapidly for several years from 2008/2009 to 2011/ 2012 before rising again between 2014/2015 and 2017/2018 in line with intake targets. In 2015/2016, the intake target was dramatically raised (an increase of 33%). Although recruitment had also increased, it did not rise as quickly as the target. The recent recruitment crisis may have more to do with the sudden raising of recruitment

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targets than simply a shortage of interested graduates. The major change was that the targets increased much faster than the growth of recruits over the last 3 years. Given that the bulk of entrants come from fresh graduates who take 3–4 years to develop (this is the duration of an undergraduate degree), it is highly unlikely that the system can produce extra graduates within a year to meet any sudden increase in targets. Recent DfE figures show that recruitment target for modern foreign languages fell from 88% to 62%, but this was due to a large increase in the target from 1,600 in 2018/2019 to 2,241 in 2019/2020. The recruitment numbers themselves were largely maintained. Recruitment targets appear to be adjusted on a year-to-year basis perhaps in response to education reforms. For example, the dramatic increase in intake targets for 2015/2016 was probably a response to the raising of the education and training leaving age from 16 to 17 in 2013 and then to 18 in 2015. This reform inevitably increased the demand for teachers as more teachers were needed to cater to these students who would otherwise have left the system. Another education reform introduced in the mid-2000s was the English Baccalaureate (EBacc). The Ebacc is a school performance indicator where schools are measured on the number of pupils that take GCSEs in core subjects (including English, math, science, one humanities (history or geography), and a language), and on how well their pupils do in these subjects. Although the concept was introduced in 2010, it was expected that all secondary school pupils will take these five EBacc subjects by 2020. This will naturally further increase the demand for teachers in these subjects, especially the traditional shortage subjects, such as math and the sciences. The problem here lies

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not in any of these policy changes in themselves, but the fact that they are made with immediate effect and no serious consideration of the changes to demands for teachers. The Teacher Supply Model (TSM) used in England to estimate the number of teachers needed in any given year is not able to anticipate such policy changes which may change at any time during an incumbent Government’s tenure. The TSM has to make a number of assumptions in anticipation of such policies. For example, in the 2017/2018 estimate the TSM made a number of assumptions based on policy changes in the math curriculum, the introduction of the new GCSE, and the removal of the option to take Core Science from 2016 which means that some pupils will have to take two instead one science subjects at GCSE. All of these will increase the number of teaching hours for teachers and hence demand in certain areas. However, these assumptions can only be built into the model when the policy changes have been confirmed. Where they have not been confirmed in advance planning is based on a range of scenarios and the central estimate is often taken (DfE, 2017). Such short-term adjustments will almost certainly create a shortage or apparent shortage. Planning 3 or 4 years ahead could help ameliorate the discrepancy between targets and recruitment, by allowing phased growth rather than demanding near impossible growth over 1 year. The above examples suggest that the shortage of teachers (in terms of shortfall between intake targets and recruitment) is not simply a case of difficulties in attracting people into teaching. It is also the misalignment in timing between supply and demand – where an increase in demand is not met by a proportionate increase in supply at the right time. There are other factors that can exert a demand on teachers, which are rarely considered in research on teacher shortages. One of these is school funding. School funding and teacher vacancies are positively correlated because as funding increases, schools can afford more teachers, demand for teachers increases and hence so do teacher vacancies (which is the number of posts advertised). There are two historical periods which clearly demonstrated this. When the new UK Labor government came into office in 1997, education was made a priority and huge investments were made. Spending per pupil grew rapidly from 1999 onwards with the biggest increase between 2000 and 2001 (Fig. 3). This coincided with the biggest increase in teacher vacancies. The number of teacher vacancies appeared to have plunged to its lowest in 2010. This is unlikely to be due solely to changes in economic events as the change is too sudden. The sudden decline in teacher vacancies is also the result of changes in the timing of data being reported. Previously teacher vacancies were reported in January, but from 2010 onwards vacancies were reported in November, which explains the relatively low level compared to previous years. While funding has declined from 2013 onwards, number of vacancies has continued to rise. This suggests that another factor is at play. Any increase in the number and diversity of schools can also have implications for teacher demand. From 2011 the number and type of schools increased, under the Coalition government. This period saw the introduction of Free Schools, Studio

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Schools and University Technological Colleges, as well as expansion of the Academy schools. This created a growth in the number of new small schools like free schools, at least in their early years, and too often not in areas of greatest demand for places. Although small in pupil numbers these schools create a high demand for teachers as they need the full complement of staff almost from the outset (again without any advance planning for this). This has led to an increase in the demand for teachers and hence teacher vacancies (Fig. 4). The long-term trend shows a close relationship between the number of schools and the number of teacher vacancies.

Factors Influencing Teacher Supply Government policies can affect the supply of, as well as the demand for, teachers. The teacher supply ‘crisis’ from 2014 onwards can be said to be partly a consequence of policies that have limited the number of teachers being trained. For example, in 2013 there was a move toward increasing teacher training in schools (as opposed to in higher education) via the School Direct route, to allow schools more control over recruitment and retention of teachers. This saw the number of initial teacher training places allocated to higher education institutions and universities reduced significantly. Universities reportedly had to turn away qualified applicants. This was because the now defunct National College of Teaching and Leadership (NCTL, tasked with providing a sufficient number of qualified teachers) refused to increase the number of limited places offered to universities (Universities

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UK, 2013). In 2015/16 universities were allowed to recruit only up to 75% of capacity (NAO 2016), and transfer of capacity between routes and subjects were not permitted. Teachers in shortage subjects like physics and math are traditionally trained at universities, so limiting the number of training places for universities led to a reduction in the number of math and science teachers trained. At the same time, a large number of applicants were rejected – they were either unplaced or had offers withdrawn. UCAS (Universities and Colleges Admissions Services) data for 2014 to 2018 show that under 60% of applicants to teacher training in England were accepted over the five-year period from 2014, a period when talks of a teacher supply crisis re-emerged (Fig. 5). In the 2019 cycle, the acceptance rate was 66%, including those with conditional placements. Most of the unsuccessful applicants did not secure a place because they did not meet the conditions of their offer. However, it is often unclear what these conditions were as they can vary among training providers. Those being rejected by some institutions had much higher prior qualifications than those accepted by others. Acceptance rates are low across all subjects. Figure 6 shows that in the 2019 cycle of recruitment less than 30% of applications across all subjects were successful. Note that these refer to applications not applicants. Application figures tend to be higher because applicants can make more than one application to different providers. London is the area of England with the highest teacher vacancies (Fig. 7), and the highest number of applicants for teacher training, but also the lowest acceptance rate (Fig. 8). The question needs to be asked about the selection process – why are so many applications, especially for shortage subjects such as math, rejected at a time when there is a shortage of teachers?

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Number of applications

Fig. 5 Applicants and acceptances to all ITT routes for England 2014 to 2019. (Source: UCAS Teacher Training statistics – applicants and acceptances by end of cycle 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019. www.ucas.com. *Acceptance figures include those who have accepted their conditional offers)

Placement rates (including conditional placed)

Fig. 6 Acceptance rates of all applications by subjects (2019). (Source: UCAS Teacher Training statistics – applications and acceptance rates by end of 2019 cycle. Data for applicants by subjects is not available)

Accounts from schools and teacher training providers suggest that they are cautious about the kind of applicants they accept for training because they are assessed by Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education) on their selection process and completion rates. They are therefore less likely to accept applicants that they are less sure about. In the year 2018, recruitment cycle over 80% of applications to

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450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 East Midlands

East of England

North East North West

London

South East South West

West Midlands

Yorkshire and the Humber

Fig. 7 Number of teacher vacancies by regions (2019). (Source: DfE School workforce census 2019) All states

Acceptance rate

9000

80%

8000

70%

7000

60%

6000 50% 5000 40% 4000 30% 3000 20%

2000

10%

1000 0

0% North East Yorkshire & North West The Humber

East Midlands

West Midlands

East of England

London

South East South West

Fig. 8 Number of applicants and acceptance rates (2019). (Source: UCAS Teacher Training statistics – applicant and acceptance rates by end of 2019 cycle)

shortage subjects like math and physics were rejected despite the removal of the cap on the number of teachers to be trained (Ward, 2018). This suggests that it is not the relatively poor pay and unattractiveness of teaching that put people off wanting to go into teaching as London is the most expensive area to live in. It may simply be a case of the selection process of teacher training providers which severely curtails opportunities for the majority of applications. The DfE has suggested that teacher training providers were overly selective (H. Ward personal communication, 22 May 2018). It is possible that training providers select applicants on what they think would be the

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likely end results. Such wastage in the system at a time when there is a high demand for teachers is difficult to understand. This is an area that needs further exploration – to understand why candidates are rejected, and whether many of these rejections are justified. This summary of our analyses of policy decisions and secondary official data illustrate the point that the supply “crisis” is not solely due to economic events although the boom and bust of the economy can have some influence on the number of people going into teaching or staying on. Therefore, government incentives like bursaries and scholarships may have a limited effect in attracting and retaining teachers, under current conditions. One way to understand how much financial incentives make a difference to individuals’ decisions to go into teaching is to find out more about undergraduates’ career motivations and the key influencing factors in their career choices.

Survey of Undergraduates Most previous surveys relevant to teacher supply have included only those who are already in teaching or applying for training. The research in this field largely ignores the key group who have considered teaching as a profession but have decided against it. This group could potentially add to the numbers going into teaching. A review of 41 studies (Heinz, 2015) found only two studies that included respondents who did not already want to be teachers. Understanding the barriers and facilitators for this large group is necessary to improve teacher supply. Those already in training may have relevant views on teaching but whatever the problems they face these have not deterred them so far. Studies based on existing trainee teachers suggest that salary and other financial considerations are seldom key motivators (Davies & Hughes, 2018). Incentives like bursaries and scholarships might only attract those who have no intention to stay on as teachers (Higher Education Policy Institute 2017). The National Audit Office (2016) also expressed doubts about the usefulness of such incentives. Trainees tend to report intrinsic motivators like enjoyment of working with children (Goller et al., 2019) or being inspired by their own teachers or a family member (Heinz, 2015). A survey can be a useful method in helping to understand potential teachers’ career motivation. To get a representative view of undergraduates’ perceptions, a national survey of all undergraduates that represent a broad spectrum of participants from a range of faculties – including math, science and engineering, medicine, arts & humanities, social sciences, languages, business and economics, law and architecture – was administered. The survey results reported in this chapter includes a total of 4469 valid responses from undergraduates in 53 higher education institutions across England including redbrick, ancient, post-1992, and plate glass universities (representing both old and new universities). The questionnaire asks students about their background (gender, ethnicity, parents’ educational, and occupational background), their current education (year of study, major subject area of study), their entry qualifications, what they look for in a

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career, and the sources of information about careers they have found useful. Only then does it ask whether they have considered teaching, and which factors attract them to, or deter them from, teaching. A question about the attractiveness of government financial incentives in influencing their choice of teaching as a career is included to help estimate the attractiveness of such factors. Responses to some items are categorical, and many are ratings on a scale from 0 (no importance) to 10 (most important). Students were asked if they have considered teaching, applied to do teacher training, and if so, do they have a firm intention to teach. Strategies to improve the recruitment of new teachers have to consider those who are attracted to teaching, as well as those who have not considered teaching. The latter group forms the potential pool of graduates who could have entered teaching. Those who intend to be teachers have made up their mind about their career choice. Focusing on this group only will lead to misleading conclusions. Therefore, the key distinction to be made is between those who have expressed interest in teaching and the others. This approach is unusual and alters the kinds of findings produced by standard research based only on the views of teachers. Fuller details appear in Gorard et al. (2021).

Characteristics of Potential Teachers The analyses compare students’ responses across the three groups of students: those who did not consider teaching as a career, those who considered teaching, and those who had applied for training or who indicated a firm intention to teach. Around 62% of students had considered teaching at some point (and 38% had not), but less than a quarter of all students indicated any intention to teach. The results show that the three groups of undergraduates differ in some ways (Table 1). For example, male students were more likely than female students to have considered being a teacher, and those that did were much more likely to intend to become a teacher. Prospective teachers were less likely to be from families with professional backgrounds. There is no difference between ethnic groups in terms of their decision to teach. Prospective or possible teachers were more likely to enter university with a vocational qualification (e.g., a BTEC, GNVQ) than their peers, and are more likely to expect second class degrees (2:1 or 2:2) rather than firsts at the end of their studies (Table 2). Prospective or possible teachers also have lower tariff points on entry qualifications compared to those who have not considered teaching or had no intention to teach (Table 3). All of this suggests that higher attainers are less likely to be interested in teaching as a career. Awareness of these differences is important for developing policy and targeting resources toward those who could be attracted to the profession. The kind of courses that students take is also closely related to their career intention, suggesting that many make a decision prior to entry to university (at least for the time being). Students taking sport-related studies are the most likely to consider teaching and indicate an intention to teach (Table 4). This is reflected in the proportion of initial teacher training targets met (Fig. 9). Teacher training courses

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Table 1 Student background and their decision to teach Gender Male Female Other Parental education Have a degree Do not have a degree Not known Parental occupation Technical, health and education Clerical, administrative assistant, secretary Professional occupation (e.g., doctor, solicitor, scientist), university/ college lecturer Craft related jobs Small employer (under 10 employees) Not usually employed Unknown

Considered % 61.7 54.8 51.8 Considered % 54.6 65.5 54.7

Intend % 23.6 14.1 16.2 Intend % 15.4 26.4 18.7

63.4 60.0 52.6

21.4 20.4 14.7

66.7 58.0 67.3 53.9

28.9 18.8 30.6 20.3

Table 2 Student prior qualification and their decision to teach Prior qualification A-Level International Baccalaureate BTEC, GNVQ, other professional diploma Access to higher education diploma Scottish Highers or Advanced Highers A-Level and BTEC/IB Foundation year Other or not known Expected degree results 1st 2:1 2:2 3rd or pass Not known

Considered % 59.2 43.7 72.6 50.0 63.7 76.4 66.7 49.6 Considered % 54.5 61.2 69.9 56.7 54.9

Intend % 17.0 13.7 43.9 27.9 5.0 49.6 8.3 15.8 Intend % 16.8 21.3 30.8 20.0 17.3

for subjects like physical education (PE), English, geography and history are oversubscribed. Those who are studying subjects at university like accountancy, law, medicine, architecture and engineering are less likely to have considered teaching as a career. They may have plans in a career in their specialist subject area, and have already formed their own clear professional or vocational outcomes when they entered university. To increase the number of teachers in some shortage subjects,

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Table 3 University entry grade points and decision to teach KS5 tariff points Considered Not considered Intend to be a teacher Not intend Total

Mean 133.80 137.19 127.28 137.15 135.20

Standard deviation 23.68 20.55 25.60 21.22 22.50

Effect size
0.15
0.44

Table 4 Course of study and decision to teach

Sports-related courses Languages, English, classics Other courses Social, economic, political sciences and humanities, psychology Creative arts and design, library and information science, media studies Physical and mathematical sciences, computing, engineering and technology Business, accountancy and administrative studies Medicine, dentistry, biological sciences, veterinary sciences, agriculture, and forestry Law, architecture, building, and planning

Design & technology

Considered % 75.5 70.3 66.7 65.8 65.1 52.7

Intend % 42.8 26.2 16.7 27.0 22.9 11.8

41.7 40.4

14.2 5.6

34.1

4.2

41%

Physics

43%

Business studies⁷

56%

Other⁹

57%

Mathematics

64%

Modern and ancient languages⁶

65%

Art

69%

Chemistry

70%

Computer science⁵

79%

Music

82%

Religious education

93%

Physical education

109%

English

110%

Geography

119%

History

127%

Biology 0%

166% 20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

120%

140%

160%

180%

Fig. 9 ITT entrants as a proportion of intake targets (2019/2020). (Source: DfE Initial teacher training (ITT) census)

like math and science, might require an approach that targets students before they make their subject choice at university.

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How are Potential Teachers Different from Non-teachers in their Choice of Career? Of the 23 factors that the survey suggested, the top five factors rated as important to undergraduates’ career choice are job satisfaction/enjoyment, subject interests, career prospects, job security and pay/salary (Table 5). Workload, incentives to train, introductory bonus and job status are quite low down in influencing students’ career decisions. However, when comparisons are made between those who want to be teachers and those who have not considered teaching, there are clear differences (Table 6). Potential teachers are more motivated by having a chance to share their knowledge and give something back compared to their peers. They are less concerned with job status, career prospects, and pay (column one). Perhaps this is why studies that focus only on teachers might downplay the importance of these extrinsic motivators in comparison to the more altruistic ones. Pay and career prospects seem to be more important to the students who might otherwise have become teachers. Crucial findings like this are lost when there is no suitable comparator group in the research. Those who have considered teaching are also more likely to be influenced by financial incentives to train compared to those who have not considered teaching (Table 7). Financial incentives appear to be attractive to those who are already interested in teaching, but not those who have not considered teaching. This suggests Table 5 Factors influencing students’ career choice Job satisfaction, enjoyment Interest in my subject area Career prospects Opportunity to develop skills Job security Pay, salary Kinds of people I will be working with Intellectual stimulation Job that suits my temperament Chance to give something back Job responsibility Autonomy, scope for initiative Chance to share my knowledge Chance to use academic knowledge Ease of getting a job in that field The workload required A financial incentive to train Length of working day, holidays Status, public perception of the job Introductory bonus when starting job

Mean 8.77 7.66 7.60 7.59 7.50 7.26 7.03 6.95 6.85 6.84 6.60 6.51 6.28 6.25 6.02 5.89 5.75 5.72 4.35 4.31

Standard deviation 1.44 2.33 1.92 1.98 1.96 2.04 2.35 2.26 2.37 2.56 2.18 2.18 2.49 2.55 2.58 2.43 3.06 2.68 2.91 3.02

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Table 6 Factors influencing potential teachers’ career choice (effect sizes)

Chance to give something back Chance to share knowledge Use academic knowledge Length of working day Ease of getting job Job satisfaction Workload Job security Introductory bonus Autonomy Job status Career prospects Pay

91 Considered +0.28 +0.25 +0.12 +0.12 +0.09 +0.07 +0.05
0.01
0.04
0.06
0.12
0.13
0.23

Intend +0.44 +0.42 +0.22 +0.17 +0.28 +0.07 +0.04 +0.16 +0.01
0.02
0.05
0.13
0.27

Note: Comparison is made between those who have considered teaching, applied, and intend to teach and those who have not considered teaching. The difference is expressed as effect sizes, calculated as the difference in means between the groups and the overall standard deviation

Table 7 Influence of financial incentives to teach (effect sizes)

Incentives to teach Bursary for training Training salary Loan for tuition Loan for maintenance

Considered +0.48 +0.47 +0.42 +0.40

Intend +0.62 +0.58 +0.58 +0.57

that attracting those who have not considered teaching into teaching would need to focus on those factors that are considered important to them, such as job satisfaction, career prospects and subject interest, rather than money alone.

What Are the Important Influencing Factors? To determine the important factors differentiating those who are likely to consider teaching or not, and who are likely to report intending to become a teacher or not, two binary logistic regression models are developed. The predictors were added to the model in chronological order starting with the student family background, then year of study at university, factors relating to their desired careers, sources of information about careers, whether they intend to become a teacher, factors relating to this choice, and the role of financial incentives to become a teacher. The first model compares those who have considered teaching (n ¼ 2,049) and those who had not (n ¼ 1332). Around 60.6% of students had considered teaching at some point. So, the base figure for the logistic regression is 60.6%. This means that

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Table 8 Percentage predicted correctly at each stage of the two models

Block Base Background University Career Teacher factors Incentives to teach

% predicted correctly – Considered 60.6 61.2 65.5 68.1 70.5

Increase on previous figure – 0.6 4.3 2.6 2.4

% predicted correctly – Intend 65.1 65.6 71.1 79.4 80.0

Increase on previous figure – 0.5 5.5 8.3 0.6

71.5

1.0

80.0

0

one can predict with approximately 61% accuracy that any student had considered teaching just by guessing that they had. The second model compares those who had considered teaching and indicated that they intended to teach (n ¼ 715) with those who had considered but were not intending to teach (n ¼ 1334). Nearly two thirds of students who report considering teaching do not have the intention to teach. So, the base figure for the second logistic regression model is 65.1%. In other words, one can predict (with no further information) with around 65% accuracy that those who had considered teaching do not now intend to teach. Table 8 shows that students’ demographic background (sex, ethnicity, parental educational and occupational backgrounds) adds little to the accuracy of the predictions. Including these background information increases the accuracy by less than one percentage point from the base figure in each model. The factors that make the biggest discriminator in predicting who are likely to intend to teach are those related to the university years. Adding these factors improves the accuracy of prediction of who are likely to want to be teachers by over eight percentage points. Net of these factors, knowing students’ perceptions of teaching as a career does not help much in predicting if they intend to teach or not. The role of financial incentives makes absolutely no difference in students’ intention to teach. As explained before, financial incentives are important to those who are already considering teaching, but do not make a difference in their decision to teach or not.

Systematic Review The survey result and the longitudinal analyses of teacher demand and supply suggest that current initiatives to increase teacher recruitment and retention through monetary incentives and workload reduction may only be partial and short-term solutions. To understand what approaches are most effective in addressing the recruitment and retention issues, the third main part of our study is a review and synthesis of robust international evidence. The review concerns studies evaluating various approaches including mentoring/induction, teacher development, alternative routes into teaching, reduction in teacher workload, and financial incentives (e.g., bursaries, scholarships, bonus incentives, and salary compensation).

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Knowing more about what “works” and what does not will allow policymakers and schools to make informed and targeted decisions on strategies to use, or avoid, in order to attract and retain teachers. It is essential that the best available evidence is used to support these efforts, and that policy in this area is underpinned by it.

Search Strategy To facilitate the review, a list of relevant search terms is first developed which includes the following: teacher supply OR teacher demand OR teacher retention OR teacher shortage OR teacher recruitment AND initiative OR incentive* OR policy/scheme AND experiment OR quasiexperiment OR randomised control* trial RCT OR regression discontinuity OR difference in difference OR time series OR longitudinal OR systematic review OR review OR metaanalys* AND impact OR evaluation OR effect

These search terms are then applied to standard social, educational, and psychological databases, e.g., JSTOR, Web of Science, Science Direct, ERIC, EBSCOhost (which covers the following databases: PsychINFO, British Education Index, PsycARTICLES, etc.), ProQuest, International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, Google, and Google Scholar. Relevant studies cited in the retrieved studies and from prior reviews of the literature are also followed up. As the aim of the review is to identify approaches that show evidence of impact, the keywords also include any causal term (or a synonym) or any research design that would be appropriate for testing a causal model, such as experiment, quasiexperiment, regression discontinuity and difference-in-difference. To avoid publication bias, the review includes any published or unpublished material that mentioned these keywords. Previous reviews suggest that there were few robust experimental evaluations of policy initiatives or approaches that aim to improve recruitment and retention of classroom teachers. So, it is prudent to also include large-scale crosssectional and longitudinal studies. The search identified a total of 6,731 potentially relevant titles. Another 347 studies from prior reviews or previously known work were added to the list. These were then exported to EndNote (a reference manager) for screening.

Screening The first stage of screening removed duplicated items and those that are clearly not relevant from the titles and abstracts. A second stage of screening applied the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Studies were included if they are: • Empirical research • About activities aimed at attracting people into teaching or about retaining teachers in teaching

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• Specifically about recruitment and/or retention of classroom teachers • About incentives/initiatives/policies or schemes on teacher recruitment and retention • About mainstream teachers in state-funded/government schools • Have measurable outcomes (either retention or recruitment) Studies were excluded if they are: • Not relevant to the research questions (i.e., activities aimed at attracting and recruiting teachers) • Not primary research • Not reported in English • Not a report of research • Descriptions of programs or initiatives with no evaluation of strategies or approaches used in teacher recruitment and retention • Not about strategies or approaches to improve recruitment or retention of teachers (e.g., observational or correlational studies of factors influencing recruitment and retention) • Studies that have no clear evaluation of outcomes • Studies with non-tangible or measurable outcomes (e.g., teachers’ attitude or beliefs or perceptions) • Ethnographic studies and narrative case studies • Outcome is not teacher recruitment or retention • Focus only on specific groups of teachers, e.g., special education teachers or ethnic minority teachers • Not relevant to the context of English speaking developed countries • Recruitment and retention of school leaders, teaching assistants or school administrators • Anecdotal accounts from schools about successful strategies This process eliminated a large number of the studies, retaining only 399 records. A further 279 were excluded on the same grounds, after reading the full texts. The remaining 120 are then used for data extraction and synthesis. The PRISMA diagram (Fig. 10) tracks the number of studies included and excluded at each stage of the review process.

Data Extraction Key information was extracted from each of these 120 studies. This information assists with the synthesis and in making judgements about the credibility or trustworthiness of the findings. Such information includes the research design, sample size, group allocation, outcome measures, missing data, methods of analysis and the results. To help ensure that the evidence is robust, the review focused on studies that are scientifically sound. Each piece of research is ranked in terms of the

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Records identified through database searching (n = 6731)

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Additional records from known studies from our previous work and reviews (n = 347)

Included

Records retained after removing duplicates, and applying inclusion and exclusion criteria Recruitment = 45 Retention = 179 Recruitment & retention = 175

Records retained for data extraction (n = 399)

Synthesised

Screening

Identification

4

Studies included in the narrative synthesis (n = 120) Recruitment = 8 Retention = 90 Recruitment & retention = 22

Excluded after reading full text Recruitment = 37 Retention = 89 Recruitment & retention = 153

Fig. 10 Prisma diagram

trustworthiness of its findings based on the research design, the size of the sample, whether there is any bias or threats to the validity of the study. To do this a quality appraisal tool, also known as the “Gorard sieve” (Gorard, 2021, p. 94), is used (Table 9). This step is essential in ensuring that the findings and conclusions made in the review are rooted in the quality of the available evidence, but is often missing in most previous systematic reviews. Pulling together poor data and biased evidence, however large the pool may be, is likely to mislead if equal weight is given to poor and strong studies. Using these criteria, each study is assigned a score using a padlock system between 0 (not of any value for our review), then 1 (the minimum standard to be given any weight, including some kind of comparison), and then 4

(the best

kind of causal evidence that can be expected from one real-life study). The “sieve” reads from the top left corner starting with the design and moving right along the columns, settling on the most suitable descriptor in each column. For example, a large-scale randomized trial for a causal question may start with a 4 and if there is noticeable attrition (perhaps resulting in observed and unobserved imbalance between the groups), then it will be rated 3 or even 2. It may then drop further if the test instruments are weak (i.e., they are designed by the program developer, related to the intervention or based on participants’ self-report). Ratings can only go down and not up. The ratings take no account of whether the intervention was deemed

Comparison with poor or no equivalence (e.g., comparing volunteers with non-volunteers) No report of comparator

Balanced comparison (e.g., regression discontinuity, differencein difference) Matched comparison (e.g., propensity score matching)

Design Fair design for comparison (e.g., RCT)

Scale Large number of cases per comparison group Medium number of cases per comparison group Small number of cases per comparison group Very small number of cases per comparison group A trivial scale of study (or N unclear) Attrition not reported or too high for comparison

Substantial imbalance or high attrition

Initial imbalance or moderate attrition

Dropout Minimal attrition with no evidence that it affects the outcomes Some initial imbalance or attrition

Table 9 The quality appraisal “sieve” (here for causal studies)

Outcomes with issues of validity and appropriateness Too many outcomes, weak measures or poor reliability

Outcomes Standardized pre-specified independent outcome Pre-specified outcome, not standardized or not independent Not pre-specified, but valid outcome

Indication of diffusion or other threat, unintended variation in delivery Evidence of experimenter effect, diffusion or variation in delivery Strong indication of diffusion or poorly specified approach No consideration of threats to validity

Other threats No evidence of diffusion or other threat

0

1

2

3

4

Rating

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successful or not, or whether the report author claimed the intervention was effective. Where key information such as the amount of attrition is not reported, the piece is downgraded accordingly. The review reports the size of the effects (an indication of the size of the difference between the comparison groups). Unlike previous reviews, it does not aggregate the effect sizes as this may give a misleading impression about the efficacy of any program as studies with weak designs, such as single group pre- post-studies, studies with very small samples, or non-randomized samples tend to report very large effect sizes (Slavin & Smith, 2009). Therefore, it is not desirable to average the overall effect size (Slavin, 2020). However, the effect size for individual studies are reported where available, the direction of the effect (positive, negative, or no change) and the strength of the evidence (i.e., how secure the finding is). Where the papers report the means and the standard deviation, the effect sizes are calculated using the difference in means between the comparison groups, divided by their overall standard deviation.

Synthesizing the Evidence The research reports are sorted by outcomes according to whether they were about recruitment, retention or both. Approaches to attract and retain teachers are classified broadly under the following themes: financial incentives (e.g., signing bonuses, wage up lifts, scholarships and loans), and other non-financial incentives (e.g., alternative routes into teaching, staff development, mentoring & induction and workload reduction) or a combination. Approaches with the most number of highly rated studies showing positive effects are considered the most promising. Some approaches are rarely robustly evaluated and so presents no evidence of impact. The effectiveness of such approaches, therefore, cannot be determined. A good example of this is reduction in workload. There are no high quality studies that compare retention of teachers in schools/districts where an intervention has reduced the workload of teachers with other similar schools/districts where such an intervention is not employed. For a fuller description and the full review results see See et al. (2020).

Most Promising Approaches for Attracting Teachers The only approach that seems to have evidence of working at all is the offer of monetary inducements, but there are caveats. First, it works only in attracting those who are already interested in teaching. Second, such incentives have to be large enough to compensate for the relatively challenging working conditions and competitive enough to offset the opportunity costs of not being in better paid jobs. Monetary incentives can also attract teachers to challenging schools, but only for relatively high performing schools with lower proportions of disadvantaged children. Such incentives are more successful in attracting young female teachers, but

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less so for older or male teachers. Also, the impact of monetary incentives is temporary, and lasts only while the incentive is still active – there is no residual benefit. Once the money stops the teachers leave at the same rate as before. It is also necessary to consider the negative impact of such incentives on other schools. Where incentives are used to try and attract teachers to specific local areas or schools this could be at the expense of other schools, so may not benefit the system as a whole. There are some suggestions from less robust correlational studies that financial incentives alone may not be enough to compensate for poor working conditions, issues with school leadership, and school climate (Fulbeck, 2014; Waters-Weller, 2009). There is no evidence that widely advocated approaches, like Grow Your Own where teachers are trained and recruited from the local community, actually increase the number teachers in hard-to-staff schools. This does not mean that such ideas do not work. It is just that almost all of the relevant studies are based on teachers’ or principals’ anecdotal reports of successful practice in their own school or district. Therefore, it is not possible to say for sure if this strategy leads to increasing number of teachers, or if something else is happening. For example, economic events like a rise in unemployment can encourage people to go into teaching, which has nothing to do with any concurrent initiative to attract teachers. There is also no good evidence that making it easier for people to enter into teaching by offering different pathways helps improve recruitment. This is largely because there is so much variation in the different routes in terms of who they are targeted at, and the extent to which they are actually different from the ‘traditional’ routes on offer.

Most Promising Approaches to Retain Teachers As for retention, financial incentives do not seem to be even as effective as for recruitment. Although many studies do show positive results, the more robust studies which control for context suggest that teachers only stay while the incentive is available. Such short-term results are not useful in solving the chronic shortage of teachers. In fact, the evidence suggests that the use of discriminatory incentives may even worsen overall retention. Eligibility for an incentive, or a small incentive, seems to make little difference. Where incentives are used, they need to be substantial. In many cases, monetary incentives work only because teachers are required to commit to teach for a specified period or certain subjects in specified schools or areas as part of the contract agreement. These incentives often entail a penalty for breaking the contract, raising questions about the value of such an approach and the potential for a kind of enforced retention where teachers may feel “tied-in” to a role that they no longer wish to do. While other approaches involving mentoring, induction programs, leadership support, flexible working, professional development, and improved workload

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suggest promise, there are unfortunately very few studies where these initiatives have been robustly evaluated. And some studies show negative results. The review tentatively points to the importance of improving school cultures and ethos for recruitment and retention. Very few rigorous studies robustly evaluated interventions related to areas such as accountability, teacher stress, working conditions, behavior, workload, or levels of support from teachers/leaders, but some of the correlational and survey-based studies indicate that these could be valuable areas to explore further. Many of the interventions also seemingly address the symptoms rather than the cause of teacher shortages. As shown in the analysis of secondary data, government policies that aim to improve the situation have actually led to a reduction in the number accepted into teacher training. Manipulating the number of teachers trained in higher education institutions, and reducing school funding, have ramifications for the number of teachers in schools. A more coherent and long-term approach to policies is therefore needed.

Conclusion Tackling the teacher shortage is a complex process involving multiple stakeholders, including policymakers, teacher education providers, schools, and teachers. It requires longer-term, more joined-up planning and well-resourced, evidenceinformed policies, along with system-wide shifts in practice. While there may be cautious optimism that COVID-19 could improve recruitment issues in the short term, it will not necessarily impact retention and does not provide a sustainable approach to addressing teacher shortage on a national level (Waldegrave, 2020). The most recent DfE annual report indicates that despite an increase in the number of applications to teacher training, there are still shortage in the key subjects. Recent UCAS data shows that around 35 % of applicants to ITT did not receive an offer to train last year, and just 22 % of physics and math applications received placement offers (UCAS, 2020). These shocking figures represent a considerable waste of potential and prospective teachers at a time of national shortage. The high rejection rates raise questions, prompting us to ask why they exist. The three approaches described in this chapter begin to provide a comprehensive and holistic approach to understanding the complex determinants of teacher demand and supply. They consider a wider range of government policies that are ostensibly not about teacher supply. And there is much scope to go further with this work. Almost any economic, legal, structural, or cultural change over time could influence how many teachers are needed and/or how desirable teaching is as a career. A key finding so far is that policy changes need to be considered more carefully for their possible implications for teacher supply, and they need to be considered several years before actual implementation. The legislative program of administrations in the UK are currently naïve in terms of timing, and fragmentary.

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Research on why people do or do not become teachers should be largely ignored, if it is based only on the reports of prospective or existing teachers. As our large survey showed, a more rounded approach that includes non-teachers and those who do not want to be teachers, yields very different answers about the role of incentives, workload, and other factors that teachers might tend to emphasize. Most professionals in any profession might say, if asked, that they welcome less administration/ bureaucracy and higher salaries. But almost by definition less administration and higher salaries cannot be the reasons for them joining the profession. As with policy analyses, this approach to research can clearly be developed further. If the aim is to increase teacher supply then both research and policy needs to consider more fully which groups they are appealing to. There is little or no point in seeking to attract those already intending to teach. Similarly, the group who are following a clearly designated and different occupational trajectory (such as law or medicine) are not key here. Instead, we need to know more about the group that includes people who considered teaching but have not followed this up. What might seem attractive to them? Our substantive review findings suggest that monetary incentives, such as bursaries and scholarships are effective only in attracting those who are already considering teaching. Other kinds of financial incentives alone including wage compensation, higher salaries are not effective in attracting teachers to challenging schools and areas. They are not particularly useful in retaining teachers as they work only because of the tie-in, which may only encourage teachers to stay reluctantly. Our new review, like almost all such reviews, reveals both that many key areas have not been properly researched (such as on workload), and that most of the research in any area is not fit for purpose (having no context, or having partial coverage). This is an issue for funders, universities, and governments to address. It is an ethical issue about the use of public funding and opportunity costs as much as anything else.

References American Federation of Teachers. (2007). Meeting the challenge: Recruiting and retaining teachers in hard-to-staff schools. https://www.aft.org/sites/default/files/hardtostaff_2007.pdf. Accessed 17 August 2018. Borman, G., & Dowling, N. (2017). Teacher attrition and retention: A meta-analytic and narrative review of the research. Review of Educational Research, 78(3), 367–409. Britton, J., Farquharson, C., Sibieta, L., Tahir, I., & Waltmann, B. (2020). Annual report on education spending in England. Institute for Fiscal Studies. Davies, G., & Hughes, S. (2018). Why I chose to become a teacher and why I might choose not to become one: A survey of student teachers’ perceptions of teaching as a career. Teacher Education Advancement Network Journal, 10(1), 10–19. DfE. (2017). Postgraduate initial teacher training places and the teacher supply model, England (2017/18). https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/ 655038/SFR42_2017_TSM_Main_Text.pdf Eteach. (2018). Attract, recruit, retain: Teacher recruitment for a modern education. The Eteach report 2017 2018. Camberley, Surrey: Eteach.

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European Commission. (2015). Joint report of the Council and the Commission on the implementation of the Strategic framework for European cooperation in education and training (ET 2020). Brussels: European Commission. http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/education_culture/ repository/education/documents/et-2020-draft-joint-report-408-2015_en.pdf. Accessed 16 August 2018. Foster, D. (2018). Teacher recruitment and retention in England. Briefing paper number 7222. House of Commons Library. Fulbeck, E. (2014). Teacher mobility and financial incentives: A descriptive analysis of Denver’s ProComp. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 36(1), 67–82. Goller, M., Ursin, J., Vähäsantanen, K., Festner, D., & Harteis, C. (2019). Finnish and German student teachers’ motivations for choosing teaching as a career. The first application of the FIT-choice scale in Finland. Teaching and Teacher Education, 85, 235–248. Gorard, S. (2013). An argument concerning overcoming inequalities in higher education, Chapter 11. In N. Murray & C. Klinger (Eds.), Aspirations, access and attainment in widening participation: International perspectives and an agenda for change. Routledge. Gorard, S. (2021). How to make sense of statistics. Sage. Gorard, S., Ventista, O., Morris, R., & See, B. H. (2021). Who wants to be a teacher? Findings from a survey of undergraduates in England. Educational Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03055698. 2021.1915751 Hayes, P. (2017). Five reasons for UK’s worst ever teacher shortage. Huffpost 26 February 2017. http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/patrick-hayes/teacher-shortage_b_9319692.html Heinz, M. (2015). Why choose teaching? An international review of empirical studies exploring student teachers’ career motivations and levels of commitment to teaching. Educational Research and Evaluation, 21(3), 258–297. House of Commons. (2017). Recruitment and retention of teachers. Fifth report of session 2016–17 (HC199). House of Commons. Lynch, S., Worth, J., Bamford, S., & Wespieser, K. (2016). Engaging teachers: NFER analysis of teacher. National Foundation for Educational Research. Matthias, C. (2014). Qualitative research with shortage subject teaching candidates: The journey to teacher training. Report for the National College for teaching and leadership. DfE. National Audit Office. (2016). Training new teachers. DfE. Podolsky, A., & Sutcher, L. (2016). California teacher shortages: A persistent problem. Learning Policy Institute. Public Accounts Committee. (2016). Training new teachers. Third report of session 2016/17. House of Commons. Schleicher, A. (Ed.). (2012). Preparing teachers and developing school leaders for the 21st century: Lessons from around the World. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/ 9789264xxxxxx-en See, B. H. (2004). Determinants of teaching as a career. Evaluation and Research in Education, 18(4), 213–242. Also available: http://www.leeds.ac.uk/educol/documents/00003761.htm See, B. H. (2011). Understanding teacher supply in England and Wales. LAP Lambert Academic Publishing. ISBN 978-3-8454-2076-9. See, B. H., & Gorard, S. (2020). Why don’t we have enough teachers?: A reconsideration of the available evidence. Research Papers in Education, 35(4), 416–442. See, B. H., Morris, R., Gorard, S., & El-Soufi, N. (2020). What works in attracting and retaining teachers in challenging schools and areas? Oxford Review of Education, 46(6), 678–697. Slavin, R. (2020, April 16). Cherry picking or making better trees? https://robertslavinsblog. wordpress.com/2020/04/16/cherry-picking-or-making-better-trees/ Slavin, R., & Smith, D. (2009). The relationship between sample sizes and effect sizes in systematic reviews in education. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 31(4), 500–506. Smithers, A., & Robinson, P. (2008). Physics in schools IV: Supply and retention of teachers. The Gatsby Charitable Foundation. Speck, D. (2020). DfE: Teacher shortage remains a ‘high risk’ to education. Times Education Supplement, 5 Nov. https://www.tes.com/news/dfe-teacher-shortage-remains-high-riskeducation

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Sutcher, L., Darling-Hammond, L., & Carver-Thomas, D. (2016). A coming crisis in teaching: Teacher supply, demand and shortages in the US. Learning Policy Institute. UCAS. (2020). UCAS teacher training statistical release: 2019 full cycle, Report A and Report B. Available at: www.ucas.com/data-and-analysis/ucas-teacher-training-statistical-releases. Accessed 24 November 2020. Universities UK. (2013). Parliamentary briefing: Initial teacher training. http://www. universitiesuk.ac.uk/policy-and-analysis/reports/Documents/2013/briefing-initial-teachertrainingnov-2013.pdf Waldegrave, K. (2020). Response to NFER: ‘It is critically important that the focus not move away from initiatives which are underway to improve recruitment AND retention’. In: NowTeach. Available at: https://blog.nowteach.org.uk/post/102gfn9/response-to-nfer-it-is-critically-impor tant-that-the-focus-not-move-away-from-i. Accessed 24 November 2020. Walker, T. (2015, August 26). Want to reduce the teacher shortage? Treat teachers like professionals. NEA Today. http://neatoday.org/2015/08/26/want-to-reduce-the-teacher-shortage-treatteachers-like-professionls/ Ward, H. (2018). Exclusive: 100% rejection for aspiring teachers in shortage subjects. Times Educational Supplement. https://www.tes.com/news/exclusive-100-rejection-aspiring-teachersshortage-subjects. Waters-Weller, C. (2009). Attracting veteran teachers to low socioeconomic status schools: Initiatives and considerations, US. ProQuest Information and Learning, 69, 2979–2979. Worth, J., & De Lazzari, G. (2017). Teacher retention and turnover research: Research update 1: Teacher retention by subject. National Foundation for Educational Research.

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Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality Melissa Barnes and Russell Cross

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gatekeeping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gatekeeping in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Focus on Inputs: Gatekeeping Tests as a Solution to the Teacher Quality Problem . . . . An Australian Case: The Literacy and Numeracy Test for Initial Teacher Education (LANTITE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analyzing Teacher Education Policy: The Politics of Policy Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Introduction of the LANTITE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LANTITE in Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Impact of LANTITE: Substantive Educational Reform? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Challenges and Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

It is widely argued that excellent, or “quality,” teachers are linked to gains in student achievement. This is reinforced in education policy discourses, globally, which stress the role of quality teachers in securing strong, competitive education systems. To achieve this, the selection and preparation of teacher candidates has emerged as one key strategy in contemporary teacher education reform. With reference to the concept of gatekeeping, this chapter problematizes the discourses of inputs that has come to dominate understandings of teacher quality with respect to teacher recruitment and supply. A discourse of inputs focuses on selecting M. Barnes (*) Faculty of Education, Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] R. Cross Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_4

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high-quality candidates upon entry into teacher education, as well as ensuring those candidates exit teacher education programs “classroom ready” before entering the teaching profession. For national consistency, standardized tests have emerged as a gatekeeping mechanism to determine the quality of teacher candidates upon entry and exit from teacher education. This chapter interrogates the challenges and opportunities of standardized testing as a gatekeeper with reference to Australia’s use of standardized entry and exit tests in teacher education reform. We conclude by highlighting the implications of these reforms on the recruitment and supply of teachers and understandings of quality in teacher education. Keywords

Teacher quality · Teacher education · Gatekeeping · Standardized testing · Education policy

Introduction There has been increasing attention to the relationship between “teacher quality” and “student achievement,” alongside the argument that quality teaching can be quantitatively measured based on student learning gains, primarily evidenced by standardized tests (Gershenson, 2016; Goldhaber, Quince, & Theobald, 2019). As a result, the link between quality teaching and learning outcomes is prevalent in discussions about what constitutes a quality education within schooling contexts (K-12) (e.g., Goldhaber et al., 2019). In the global push to improve the quality of national education systems to be competitive within the global education race, given its contribution to economic advancement, a focus on improving teacher quality has been central to this endeavor at all levels of education (e.g., Australian Government Department of Education and Training [AGDET], 2016; Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020; Ledwell & Oyler, 2016). However, it is important to highlight the often overlooked, subtle shift between discussing teaching quality and teacher quality, which at times are used interchangeably. Several scholars have endeavored to distinguish between these by referring to teacher quality as the innate qualities of an individual (e.g., care and resilience) or skills and competencies (e.g., literacy and numeracy skills), while teaching quality refers to practices and instruction (Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020; Darling-Hammond 2012). In efforts to improve the quality of teaching, much of the focus has, in fact, been focused on improving the quality of teachers, with gatekeeping being one increasingly prevalent method of attempting to do so at an education systems level. This chapter focuses on “gatekeeping” as a mechanism to improve teacher quality, with particular attention to standardized testing as one powerful means by which potential future teachers are either allowed or denied access to the profession at the point of entry: teacher education programs. We begin by examining how gatekeeping is understood as a concept, especially as a strategy, to regulate admission into

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programs of higher education, before turning to how this then relates to teacher education and its implications for how quality teachers, and quality teaching, are being understood within such reform efforts to improve quality schooling more generally.

Gatekeeping Gatekeeping is understood as a strategy that controls and/or distributes access to educational resources or opportunities (Knotek et al., 2020), used by those in power to “create, mobilize, recreate and reinforce structural barriers” that control access to education (Poed, Cologon, & Jackson, 2020, p. 2). Gatekeeping strategies have been subject of extensive research in the context of K-12 schooling, with respect to how various measures have either allowed or denied access to learning for students, such as those with disability (e.g., Poed et al., 2020) or students from language minority backgrounds (Schlaman, 2020). Within higher education, two key measures to control admission are those focused on “language competence” and “educational attainment,” with the latter variously understood from scores of academic achievements through to more generic skills and aptitude. In both cases, language competence and educational attainment, standardized testing has often been used as the primary instrument by which to determine who is granted or denied entry. As Spolsky (1995, p. 1) has argued, standardized examinations have served not only educational purposes, but also political, social, and economic goals: From its beginnings, testing has been exploited also as a method of control and power—as a way to select, to motivate, to punish. The so-called objective test by virtue of its claim of scientific backing for its impartiality, and especially when it operates under academic aegis and with the efficiency of big business, is even more brutally effective in exercising this authority.

English language tests, such as the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) and International English Language Testing System (IELTS), have become increasingly powerful due to their global recognition and acceptance as a measure of an international standard of English language proficiency, resulting in burgeoning edu-businesses which have attempted to capitalize on privatized teaching programs and commercial textbooks (Barnes, 2017). Beyond university admission, these standardized tests of language competence have also been used as a condition for migration, employment, and military service (e.g., Müller & Daller, 2019). With technology now enabling these language tests to be more easily administrated and scored through the use of multiple-choice questions and algorithms, the commercial viability of international language testing has grown into a profitable global market, and a measure easily administered worldwide for university entry purposes (Barnes, 2017).

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Müller and Daller (2019) examined two English language tests – the IELTS and a cloze test (C-test) – to determine whether students from non-English language backgrounds studying nursing demonstrated adequate language proficiency to be successful in their nursing course. They also explored the relationship between both types of tests, underpinned by an assumption that not all academic language tests are appropriate for clinical contexts and that different language tests are better suited to assess and predict language skills for different academic contexts. Although they found these tests to be significantly correlated and predictors of future performance, they discovered that the IELTS was a better predictor of grades on academic topics, whereas the C-test was a better predictor of clinical topics. These findings, they argue, may help higher education institutions be better equipped to address the language demands expected of international students when they study a nursing degree. In addition to language competence, standardized tests of educational attainment have also been widely used to guide university admission decisions, such as the SAT (Scholastic Assessment Test) and the American College Testing (ACT) (Galla et al., 2019) in the USA. Galla et al. (2019) argue that generic cognitive tests (e.g., SAT and ACT) were first introduced in the USA to level “the playing field” by taking away the subjectivity of teacher grades. However, in their study which examined a national sample of 47,303 students who had applied to university for the 2009/2010 academic year, high school grades were found to be a better predictor of success during university studies than standardized measures of cognitive ability. They argue that this was due to university success requiring both cognitive ability and self-regulation competencies, which is better reflected, quantitatively, in high school grades. Yet, despite these findings questioning the validity and use of standardized tests as a gatekeeping mechanism within higher education, the economies of scale and influence offered by standardized, easily administered, external-based testing systems mean they continue to be attractive, powerful players in the educational market (Barnes & Cross, 2018; Kumar, Roberts, Bartle, & Eley, 2018). In addition to generic language and ability tests for general university entry like those discussed above, certain professional disciplines – such as law and medicine – also require prospective students to sit an additional examination to help select students from the large pool of applicants often vying for the limited number of university places available (Ellis, Brennan, Scrimgeour, et al., 2021; Gibbons, 2017). Prospective medical students in the UK, Australia, and New Zealand, for example, are required to sit exams such as the University Clinical Aptitude Test (UCAT, formerly known as UKCAT), the Biomedical Medical Admissions Test (BMAT), or the Graduate Australian Medical School Admissions Test (GAMSAT) (Ellis et al., 2021; Kumar et al., 2018). While it is suggested that these tests have strong predictive validity (e.g., Ellis et al., 2021), a number of unintended consequences have also been identified, such as the financial burden of taking the test and the accessibility of the language on the test (Kumar et al., 2018), resulting in the exclusion of certain prospective students based on socioeconomic status and/or language background.

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Gatekeeping in Teacher Education In contrast to professional disciplines such as law and medicine which have utilized standardized testing to select students for a number of limited spots available in the course from a large pool of applicants, Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programs have been criticized for intentionally accepting large number of students to meet financial targets (Dinham, 2013). It has been argued that teacher education has become a “cash cow” for universities as the course provides cheap, easy-to-fill places (Barnes & Cross, 2018). In Australia, for example, ITE programs, in some universities, have accepted large numbers of candidates by lowering entry requirements (Dinham, 2013) – some scoring “close to zero” on the standard general admission requirements (Robinson, 2018). It is argued that this has been in response to Australian universities receiving less public funding (Klopper & Power, 2014) and looking to ITE, often the largest professional undergraduate course, to meet financial targets. Despite this precarious positioning of ITE as cash cows for universities in a number of countries, others, such as Finland, have employed standardized testing in a similar way as law and medicine. The standardized test, VAKAVA, was codeveloped by the eight teacher education faculties in Finland and has been implemented since 2006. This test was designed to select teacher candidates from a large number of applicants, with approximately 800–900 successful students receiving a place from a pool of 7000–8000 applicants (Darling-Hammond, 2017; Malinen, Väisänen, & Savolaainen, 2012). The gatekeeping test aimed to increase the chances of entry for recent high school graduates, who historically struggled to compete with candidates who already had taken university-level units and then applied for the teacher education program (Räihä, 2010). In the same way, VAKAVA has enabled ITE programs in Finland to select future teacher candidates from a large pool of hopeful applicants – an educational system lauded internationally for its consistently high outcomes on global rankings (Weale, 2019) – gatekeeping tests for teacher education have become increasingly prevalent around the world as another measure policy makers have turned to in efforts to reform education systems, and the quality of its outcomes. Shaped by dominant discourses around the need for teacher quality, as discussed above, the result has been a focus on the inputs of teacher education, and the selection of its teacher candidates (Barnes, 2021b; Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020).

A Focus on Inputs: Gatekeeping Tests as a Solution to the Teacher Quality Problem Determining who enters the teaching profession has preoccupied both policymakers and university administrators and has become a central pillar in recent teacher education reform (Barnes & Cross, 2018). In this context, the problem with teacher education (e.g., Cochran-Smith, Piazza, & Power, 2013) is understood in relation to the quality of candidates admitted into teacher education programs (Barnes & Cross,

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2018). In other words, it believed that the failure of teacher education providers to select the right candidates with the competencies and skills deemed to be essential (e.g., literacy and numeracy skills) has resulted in problems with teacher quality and therefore a problem with the education system. This focus on the inputs of teacher education, or ensuring that right people enter and exit teacher education into the profession, has been mobilized as a policy solution, shaping institutional selection criteria and procedures, in a number of countries around the world (see Klassen & Kim, 2019). In response, standardized tests as a gatekeeping measure to better regulate “who gets in” to the teaching profession – at the point of teacher preparation – have become a policy solution and have been employed to address national and international pursuits to achieve teacher quality (Ledwell & Oyler, 2016; Malinen et al., 2012). The concerns surrounding the seeming decline of teacher quality in some countries, which has been linked to the declining scores on international test scores (e.g., PISA and TIMSS) (Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020), have resulted in a push for more national and state policy initiatives that focus on selecting and preparing highquality teachers through gatekeeping tests in both the USA (Dover, 2018) and Australia (ACER, 2021; AGDET, 2016; AITSL, 2011). These reforms, which have introduced additional testing and/or the lifting of teacher education entry requirements, have been proffered in the media as being viable, quick, and costeffective solutions to the teacher quality “problem” (Barnes, 2021a). Standardized tests focusing on basic skills, which assess teacher candidates’ mastery over essential literacy and/or numeracy, have been established in a number of countries since the early 2000s. Such tests include the Preprofessional Skills test (Praxis I) in the United States (e.g., Gitomer, Brown, & Bonett, 2011), VAKAVA in Finland (e.g., Darling-Hammond, 2017; Malinen et al., 2012), and the Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) Numeracy and Literacy tests in the United Kingdom (Department for Education, 2021). The Netherlands also introduced an alternative teacher entry test, Bewezen geschikt, for “second-career teachers” (Brouwer, 2007, p. 33) in the attempt to attract more teachers in a time of a teacher shortage. In the USA, gatekeeping tests have been employed in teacher education for two main reasons: to measure basic or foundational knowledge (e.g., literacy and numeracy skills) and/or pedagogical knowledge as an entry requirement, and to measure competencies and skills as a summative assessment from teacher education for teaching licensure purposes to ensure the candidates are “classroom-ready” (Ledwell & Oyler, 2016). Both types of gatekeeping assessments have traditionally been under the purview of state-level legislation (Ledwell & Oyler, 2016). In Europe, Belgium (for Flemish-speakers only), the UK (England), and the Netherlands have required teacher candidates to take a literacy and/or numeracy exam as part of the selection process (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice, 2015). In 2019, however, the UK Department for Education (English) announced that teacher candidates would no longer need to sit the Qualified Teacher Status Professional Skills tests from April 2020, but that ITE providers would instead “assure a candidate’s fundamental English and mathematics either before or during their course” (Department for Education, 2021, para. 1). Such changes highlight the tensions that can occur

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between national and state policy initiatives, as well as between government regulation and ITE provider autonomy, as providers attempt to make local decisions about who is the right candidate to enter their associated ITE program for this particular context. In light of the historical reliance on tests of literacy and numeracy skills in particular to aid in the selection of teacher candidates in teacher education at state and national levels, we present an Australian case which interrogates a recent teacher education policy introducing a federally mandated literacy and numeracy test for teacher candidates (see also Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020). We then identify the challenges and opportunities that gatekeeping tests, such as these, pose for teacher education programs around the world.

An Australian Case: The Literacy and Numeracy Test for Initial Teacher Education (LANTITE) Analyzing Teacher Education Policy: The Politics of Policy Framework This case study below examines gatekeeping in the context of teacher education, with a focus on reform efforts to improve teacher quality through the Literacy and Numeracy Test for Initial Teacher Education (LANTITE), a policy initiative introduced by the federal Australian government in 2016. Using Cochran-Smith et al.’s (2013) four-dimensional “politics of policy” framework, the authors analyze LANTITE as a policy reform measure to consider the nature of gatekeeping as an instrument for achieving such goals, and its impact on shaping understandings of “teacher quality” and “quality teacher education” with respect to the broader field. In contrast to conventional rational-linear or a “stages” orientation to policy analysis (Sabatier, 2007), Cochran-Smith et al. (2013) advance a discourse-based framework for policy analysis, arguing that a focus on discourse affords a better understanding of how “the histories of particular localities” and “the values of the people expected to put policies into practice” influence how policy comes to be, and its eventual effects as a consequence (p. 8). Drawing on Foucault’s notions of the critical relationship between power/knowledge (Sharp and Richardson, 2001), and Ball’s (2013) sociological approach to policy, Cochran-Smith et al. posit policy and policy-making as a process that is necessarily messy and complex, with policy analysis dependent upon an interrelated examination of not only what policy says, but also of the voices (and interests) represented within it. Comprising four interrelated dimensions, their “politics of policy” (Cochran-Smith et al., 2013, p. 9) framework enables a comprehensive yet systematic interrelated focus on policy formation, execution, and impact: 1. Discourse and influences: the larger political and economic issues, trends, and influences that shape policy

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2. Constructions of the problem of teacher education: the actors behind policies and how problems and solutions are framed and discussed 3. Policy in practice: the way in which polices are interpreted both individually and collectively 4. Impact and implementation: the outcomes of the policy in terms of the power relations involved Below, the first three elements are mobilized – Discourse and Influences, Constructions of the Problem, and Policy in Practice – to provide an analysis of LANTITE as a gatekeeping reform effort focused on student teacher selection. The latter section of this chapter then engages with the fourth element of their framework, Impact and Implementation, to further understand and critique not only LANTITE’s effects and consequences for practice, but also how its particular understanding of teacher education also carries broader implications for the discipline, policy, and teaching profession. Central to Cochran-Smith et al.’s framework is the interpretation of “policy cycle” after Bowe, Ball, and Gold (1992), alongside Joshee’s (2007) notion of “policy web” – both of which reinforce the need to understand policy as a connection between the creators of policy with those implementing it, and particularly the compromises and settlements that arise between groups and contested interests. The context and understanding of the background for such outcomes is, therefore, significant, as well as interrelationship between networks of policies. As Joshee (2007, p. 174) argues, any one individual policy must be understood within “the full range of policies.” Further, Cochran-Smith et al. (2013) also expand their understanding of policy to include not only the codified formal textual pronouncement (“big-P” policy), but also “little-p polices” – policy as enacted and practiced, given they argue policy is dependent upon a “process [that is] on-going, interactional and unstable” (p. 8). This echoes Ball’s (1993) understanding of policy as both discourse and practice, and accounts of policy as a “sociocultural tool” where agency is relevant in all phases of the policy cycle (Cross, 2009; see also Gale, 1999). Methodologically, this requires an approach to discourse analysis focused not only on text, but also the social actions, changes, and developments surrounding their production (discursive context) (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). For CochranSmith et al. (2013), the “politics of policy” thus understands dominant discourses being reflective of the dominant social power structures that produce such texts, and the cultural artifacts they codify (including policy, and related knowledge), resulting in the authorized “normative” account of the policy problem and associated solution. This case analysis below, summarized in brief given the limitations of space, therefore comprised Joshee’s (2007) interrelated “web” of key texts including policies (of government and teacher education providers/universities), newspapers, and research articles that foregrounded the introduction of the LANTITE, described the LANTITE itself and its implementation, and discussed LANTITE postimplementation.

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The Introduction of the LANTITE LANTITE’s introduction in 2016 was preceded by significant public and media commentary decrying Australia’s apparently dismal scores on national and international tests of schooling performance (Baroutsis & Lingard, 2017). This commentary fueled and fed into a sustained, long-term broader narrative around the poor quality of Australian teachers and teaching, and especially the failure of university-based teacher education to adequately prepare teachers to enter the profession (Gale & Cross, 2007). As a result of this context, several major policy initiatives were already underway several years ahead of the LANTITE announcement, including the 2011 introduction of the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers, through the federal government’s then newly established Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL). The Teacher Education Ministerial Advisory Group (TEMAG) was also established by the federal government in 2014, resulting in a report laying the foundation for a series of teacher education reforms centered around “inputs.” Recommendations focused, for example, on measures to achieve greater transparency in the selection of students for teacher education (TEMAG, 2014, p. x), including the means by which applicants gain entry into such courses, and clearer evidence of their readiness to teach upon course completion. AITSL oversaw many of the initiatives developed in response to the recommendations set out in the TEMAG report, including LANTITE: an instrument to determine which applicants for a teaching course met certain standards that would ensure only “the best” would enter the profession (TEMAG, 2014, p. x). The “best,” as defined by LANTITE on the basis of the TEMAG report, would be those with “levels of personal literacy and numeracy . . . broadly equivalent to those of the top 30% of the population” (AGDET, 2016, p. 6).

LANTITE in Practice Although the background to LANTITE, outlined above, suggests it was designed to be used as a selection method (i.e., at point of entry), teacher education providers were granted authority to determine when their students sat the test upon implementation. This was the result of the decision to ultimately proceed with a “soft introduction,” given LANTITE was the first time a high-stakes, externally imposed hurdle requirement had been mandated for such courses, with uncertainty about its potential impact on course feasibility if admissions (and forecasted revenue) were to be heavily (and suddenly) curtailed. This resulted in inconsistent implementation given some institutions did not require students to sit LANTITE until their final year of the program, enabling continuing income to be generated from students – despite some of these students being left ineligible to graduate upon course completion (Dinham, 2013). In practice, however, 92% of candidates ultimately passed the literacy component from the 5000-student pilot cohort, while 90% passed the numeracy component

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(Knott, 2016, para. 5). Upon its national rollout in 2016, LANTITE’s first-sit pass rate had increased to nearly 95% (Barry, 2017). Two additional resits are allowed by default for the small percentage who do fail, although more can be permitted if the applicant provides a letter of support from their provider (ACER, 2021). Test fees are usually paid by the teacher education candidate, and each sitting is $196 AUD for both components (literacy/numeracy), to recover test development costs and administration fees (ACER, 2021). LANTITE, therefore, has the potential to generate considerable revenue – nearly $4 million annually, given the approximate 20,000 candidates who require the test each year (Knott, 2016) – while also remaining cost-neutral to implement for the government. Beyond income from the test itself, opportunities for industry and the private sector, including publishers and tutoring companies, have begun to flourish with LANTITE support materials, workshops, and seminars now prominent features of the graduate student market (e.g., lantite.cambridge.edu.au, www.lantitenu meracy.com, www.lantitetest.com.au). This shift that LANTITE facilitates, from education as a public good to now being commodified for private interests, reflects the neoliberal turn that has characterized contemporary education reform more generally (Reeves, 2018). As a standardized test, LANTITE offers a cost-efficient solution to alleged claims about poor teacher quality, while also creating new economic activity and growth, through third-party financial interests that have historically had no stake in teacher education. However, with at least 95% of candidates passing LANTITE each round, questions arise about the extent to which its capacity as a gatekeeping measure is valid. Moreover, if it is ineffective, further questions then arise about why the pretense of such gatekeeping seems necessary, and continues to be maintained, despite having little apparent impact. The next section turns to consider the final dimension of Cochran-Smith et al.’s (2013) framework – “Impact and Implementation” – to discuss the extent to which LANTITE has resulted in substantive reform, drawing on a sample of quantitative and qualitative data from one of the largest teacher education providers in Australia to consider impact in relation to both numbers (test outcomes) and perspectives (of teacher education candidates).

The Impact of LANTITE: Substantive Educational Reform? A number of scholars have explored the impact of LANTITE in light of preservice teachers’ test-taking experiences (e.g., Burke, Sellings, & Nelson, 2020), yet little research has been conducted on understanding both the quantitative (e.g., test scores) and the qualitative (test-takers’ perspectives and experiences) alongside one another until recently. Barnes and Cross (2020) examined 2013 LANTITE test results and the perspectives of 109 final year teacher education graduates, gathered from a survey and focus groups, from a large metropolitan university in Melbourne, Australia, to explore the impact of this reform within this context. To date, much of the research on the selection of teachers and teacher candidates using standardized tests has revealed that minorities tend to be overrepresented in

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groups most adversely affected by these gatekeeping measures (e.g., Goldhaber et al., 2019). While many scholars have raised concerns about the impact of the LANTITE on minorities and/or those from Language Background Other than English (LBOTE) (Barnes & Cross, 2018; van Gelderen, 2017), unfortunately, there is a lack of published data examining the impact on aspects such as language background, ethnicity, and social class. Despite this, and as mentioned previously, published data revealing pass and fail rates on the LANTITE scores consistently reported a 5–10% fail rate at both the national level (Barry, 2017; Knott, 2016) and at an institutional level (Barnes & Cross, 2020). However, as Barnes and Cross (2020) argue, these fail rates must be considered in light of the number of attempts provided. For example, they reported that while 5–10% of teacher candidates in the participating institution had a fail rate of 9.9% (195 students out of 2103) on the literacy test and a 4.4% (88 students out of 2013) fail rate on the numeracy test, these rates did not include students resitting the test and passing it (Barnes and Cross, pp. 314–315). Given that teacher candidates have up to three attempts to pass the LANTITE but as many as five attempts can be given with support from their institution (ACER, 2021), the fail rate can and may be much lower. Therefore, given that the fail rate may be much lower than 5–10%, Barnes and Cross (2020) argue that LANTITE, as a reform measure, creates an impost for all teacher candidates and an additional financial burden ($98 each for literacy and numeracy or $196 for both [ACER, 2021]) but yet has limited impact, based on numbers, to substantively reform who is able to pursue a teacher education degree and enter the profession. Similar to other gatekeeping tests used for medical school selection (Kumar et al., 2018), the financial burden of taking the test is an unintended consequence that must be acknowledged when considering the impact of this reform measure. Despite the LANTITE’s limited impact on creating substantive reform with regard to the number of applicants who gain entry to teacher education (Barnes & Cross, 2020), many teacher candidates in Australia have argued that it is important to demonstrate strong literacy and numeracy skills as a teacher candidate but that a standardized test might not be the best way to do so (Barnes, 2021b). Despite the acknowledgment of the importance of such skills, teacher candidates who sat the test raised concerns about the test’s validity (Barnes, 2021b; Barnes & Cross, 2020). For example, while one teacher candidate argued that the test was valid due to its authenticity or its real-world application for teachers, another teacher candidate suggested that one might be disadvantaged by your prior schooling experiences and/or exposure to certain texts in your school (Barnes & Cross, 2020, p. 316): “I didn’t realize when I sat it that it would all be in context of what you actually do as a teacher. Like reading NAPLAN results off a graph. We can’t deny that those skills are important.” “If you’re not someone who is an avid reader, you’ve never seen that word before in your life, and it’s a disadvantage. It’s not really showing their literacy skills, it just means that they haven’t been exposed to that certain word and then they can’t answer the question because it’s asking for a synonym of it.”

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Several teacher candidates, in this same study, also mentioned that the test disadvantaged those who were from multilingual backgrounds or had studied in schools outside of Australia, as they may not have been exposed to the same reading texts, and LANTITE’s perceived overemphasis on vocabulary. In subsequent focus groups, many of these teacher candidates argued that while being from a Language Background Other than English (LBOTE) or completing your studies in another country might be a disadvantage, it would still be possible to pass the test, but they would need to put in additional time to study specifically for the test, and potentially need multiple resits. This aligns with other research that has exposed the persistent discrimination of teachers and graduate teachers from English second or additional language backgrounds, with respect to the additional hurdles in place due to being non-native speakers of English (e.g., Cho, 2010). In addition to concerns surrounding what the test aimed to measure, many of the teacher candidates argued that the test impacted how teacher candidates viewed themselves and the profession (Barnes & Cross, 2020, p. 318). Some claimed the emphasis on basic skills and the introduction of a test that most would pass, but that teacher candidates had to find the time and money to invest reminded them of the distrust of teacher competence. One teacher candidate argued, for example, that the test “set the teaching profession back how many years” and, because of the media attention given to the need for this test (see for example, Barnes, 2021a), it had positioned them as being incompetent: “they [the general public, policymakers, etc.] basically don’t think you’re literate.” A teacher candidate from another focus group reiterated this same sentiment: “It’s just the government being. . .. people being, like oh, teachers don’t know how to read and write.” These comments expose the impact that such a policy can have in shaping how the general public view teachers and teacher candidates and how this then impacts on how teacher candidates view themselves and the profession more broadly. An analysis of 30 Australian news articles from October 2016 to October 2017, just 2 months after the introduction of the LANTITE, revealed that educational policies, including LANTITE, were positioned with the media as the policy solutions for the “problem” with teacher quality in the Australian education system (Barnes, 2021a). The analysis revealed that these political messages were circulated within the media, simultaneously legitimizing the policy while characterizing teachers and teacher candidates as problematic. Given the power of the media in circulating dominant key messages on government policy, which are then consumed and interpreted by the public (e.g., Baroutsis and Lingard, 2017), care must be taken in how education and teachers are framed within news commentary.

Conclusion: Challenges and Opportunities A focus in much of the education policy literature has been highlighting the missed opportunities, unintended consequences, and/or lack of alignment between the policy aims and its impact (e.g., Barnes & Cross, 2018, 2020; Brouwer, 2007). Rizvi and Lingard (2009) argue that globalized education policy initiatives which

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aim to address global concerns about ensuring equity in education tend to have very narrow definitions and conceptions of what they are attempting to address. They argue that the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), for example, focus primarily on access to educational opportunities yet fail to address “the broader historical and political contexts that produce disadvantage in the first place’ or seriously consider ‘the conditions under which access is provided and might succeed” (p. 157). Such concerns extend to the use of gatekeeping as a policy reform instrument, evidenced by the recent teacher education reform initiatives, such as LANTITE, which have narrowed conceptions of teacher quality to result in “quick-fix” (and cost-effective) solutions to complex social, economic, and professional problems. It is unreasonable to think that standardized policy initiatives can solve all problems uniformly in all contexts. Despite this, there continues to be a push toward more national policy initiatives (Savage & O’Connor, 2019). This then assumes that standardizing policy reforms and initiatives across state and territory lines will address the seemingly comparable teacher quality concerns within our schools, without creating scope or opportunities to address the complexities of teaching and learning within each context. While education policies are intended to solve problems within education (Barnes, 2021a, 2021b; Cochran-Smith et al., 2013), it must be understood that how problems and solutions are conceptualized within these policies are often limited and therefore their impact may also have limitations. Ultimately, it is important to consider whether the benefits of the policy outweigh their unintended consequences. In the case of the LANTITE, the authors argue that the financial burden placed on teacher candidates in Australia – along with the deficit portrayal of teacher candidates and the teaching profession (e.g., lacking basic competence) – may not be worth the identification of a small percentage of teacher candidates who will be identified as not being the best fit for the teaching profession. Although, as we noted earlier in this chapter, the literature on teacher candidates’ agency with respect to education policy remains relatively nascent, there is a robust body of knowledge on the role that teachers play in interpreting education policy to meet the contextualized and individual needs of their students (Sullivan & Morrison, 2014). Similarly, educational policies must also be enacted in a way that meets the contextualized and individual needs of schools. It would seem more plausible for certain policies on teacher education to similarly shift from a national focus to ones that are more local in nature, which would allow for conceptions of teacher quality to be contextualized in a way that addresses the specific needs of the community. Nationwide notions of what constitutes a quality teacher may not seamlessly correspond with the locally determined challenges and opportunities that graduate teachers will go on to face within their communities. For example, van Gelderen (2017) warned that the LANTITE might impact the recruitment of Indigenous educators, which has always been difficult but of increased need for Indigenous communities. Similarly, a standardized literacy test that consists entirely of multiplechoice questions, such as the LANTITE, is limited in what it can assess and therefore has a narrowed conception of what constitutes “literacy” (Barnes & Cross, 2018). Additionally, as we highlighted earlier, there is significant evidence suggesting the

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multilingual speakers are often discriminated against in regard to their English language competence (Cho, 2010) rather than being acknowledged or valued for their multilingualism. Despite the limitations of standardized tests and concerns relating to multilingual speakers being disadvantaged by such tests, as well as the value of such teachers for their communities (including monolingual-centric communities that could benefit from teacher role models with multilingual competencies in terms of aspiration), policies reliant on gatekeeping solutions become the central determinant of “who is right” for the profession. The relational and contextual nature of education begs for a much broader policy approach for who is right for the profession and who is right fit for a particular school (Barnes, Moore, & Almeida, 2021). While the authors believe there is a need to ensure that the best people enter the teaching profession, they argue that a standardized test might not be the best way to achieve this aim. There is always a need to (re)consider and reform practices and approaches but through a more local approach to not only determining who is right for the profession but also being accountable to developing teacher candidates into quality teachers.

Summary This chapter examined how gatekeeping tests have been used in higher education for admission purposes, and for teacher education in particular, to distinguish among applicants by quantifying certain skills and knowledge deemed important for entry into their course or subsequent profession. Although gatekeeping tests have historically been used to select a small number of high-quality students from a large pool of applicants, more recently, gatekeeping tests have been introduced to teacher education programs as solution to address concerns relating to teacher quality. By quantifying a certain level of required basic knowledge and skills (e.g., such as in literacy and numeracy) for entry, and/or evidence of professional skills and competencies to demonstrate classroom-readiness upon completion, gatekeeping tests have increasingly become a mechanism to measure teacher quality. Efficient to administer and highly scalable across test sites and course providers, these tests have become a cost-effective solution to the seeming decline in teacher quality in a number of countries, including Australia, the United States, and Europe. Using Australia as a case study of one national gatekeeping policy initiative, namely the LANTITE, this chapter used a “politics of policy” framework (CochranSmith et al., 2013) to examine how gatekeeping tests are offered as a policy solution through a focus on “inputs,” or on the selection of high-quality teacher candidates to solve the apparent problem of poor teacher quality, and associated broader problem of declining student achievement in Australia’s schools, as measured in international rankings. However, beyond how LANTITE was formulated as a policy solution, further analysis focused on compromises and settlements made in its implementation and their subsequent effects, including a “soft introduction,” inconsistencies in when

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the test is administered, and LANTITE’s marginal impact on reducing the numbers of students who go onto doing teaching courses despite the test. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the challenges and opportunities of gatekeeping as a means of ensuring teacher quality. In particular, there is a concern that conceptions of what constitutes teacher quality could be narrowed and misunderstood through the use of standardized gatekeeping tests, which are limited in scope to what they can measure as a one-size-fits-all instrument in response to complex, multifaceted problems. The chapter argues the need to ensure the best candidates do become those who go on to assume the position of teachers in schools, but that a more local approach is warranted, responsive to locally determined challenges and opportunities that face different communities, and their needs of what constitutes a quality teacher in those contexts.

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Stayers: In the Long Run. A Comparative Study of Retention in Two Swedish Teacher Generations Per Lindquist and Ulla-Karin Norda¨nger

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Large Proportion of the First Period of Working in the Profession Is Spent on Working Within the Educational Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Who Stays, Who Goes. . . Simply a Random Harvest? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Confidence in the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . From Intent to Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

With support of data from longitudinal studies of two generations of teacher cohorts, this chapter seeks to contribute to the discussion on teacher shortages, teacher attrition, and the (re) recruitment of teachers. The following questions are highlighted: How much of their working life do individuals devote to their work as a teacher, within the school system and in the educational system as a whole? How do they view their future prospects as a teacher? To what extent are statements about future career development translated into actual action? Do the generations differ in any of the aspects described above, and if so in what ways? The results of the studies show, firstly, that the horizons of expectations for action of different teacher generations do not differ significantly. The majority of teachers in both cohorts consider their future teaching careers in a positive light. Secondly, expressed intentions of leaving the profession do not seem to be P. Lindquist (*) · U.-K. Nordänger Department of Education and Teachers’ Practice, Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_5

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realized to the extent that they are pronounced. Despite predictions of future attrition, most teachers remain in the profession. Over time, we also see that those who leave the profession remain in the school world. In other words, the effectiveness of teacher education can be seen as relatively good. Keywords

Teachers · Career trajectories · Attrition

Introduction There is nearly universal agreement that teachers matter to students’ growth and learning and there is equally widespread recognition that students should be taught by qualified and skilled teachers –“Everything begins with a good teacher” (campaign slogan used by the Swedish teachers’ union, 2019). The link between national competiveness and the quality of a country’s educational system flies high on the political agendas of both national and international debates and in the light of this, the ability to recruit, retain, and support teachers in general – and skilled teachers in particular – becomes a decisive factor for nations all around the world. This chapter sheds light on retention and attrition from a somewhat uncommon perspective since it presents results obtained from a unique set of longitudinal data. Through studies of two generations of teacher graduates in Sweden who completed their teacher education 20 years apart, 1993 and 2013, the aim is to present and compare how much of their professional time during their first 5 years after graduation was spent on teaching. The data also gives the opportunity to explicate how the different generations perceive their futures in the teaching profession, identify reasons for leaving the profession, and determine the motives for returning to it. Studies of the movement of teachers in and out of the profession – of teacher career trajectories – are often based on statistical extracts of large populations, collected on one occasion or with the support of retrospective data. Very seldom do we have the opportunity of studying career trajectories as processes over time when we can actually track the real outcomes of previously expressed intentions. In the international research community, there is an often expressed need for longitudinal studies in which a more subtle understanding of the progress of teachers and their movements in and out of the profession are apparent (Borman & Dowling, 2008).

Background UNESCO (2015) sees an alarming future shortage of teachers in half of the countries of the world and domestic forecasts show that the availability of qualified teachers in the compulsory school system in Sweden will not cover future needs. The forecast from the Swedish National Agency for Education (2019) shows that 69,000 teachers

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need to be recruited in the next 5 years while only roughly 8,000 will graduate annually from the teacher education programs in the country. The shortage is estimated at approximately 45,000 teachers, which is equivalent to the total number of teachers employed in primary schools during the school year of 2018–2019. In addition, studies of how teachers view their future careers show that nearly half the teachers in Sweden contemplate leaving the profession (Skolvärlden, 2018). The measures usually proposed for dealing with this shortage recommend increasing recruitment to the profession through various means of improving its attraction or by introducing alternative means of entering it (OECD, 2020). However, international studies show that the problem is not simply that too few teachers are recruited, but rather that too many already active teachers choose to leave the profession (Cooper & Alvarado, 2006; Goldring et al., 2014; Morrison, 2019). The image that comes to mind is of a bucket rapidly losing water because of holes in the bottom. Pouring more water into the bucket will not be the answer if the holes are not first patched (Ingersoll, 2007, p. 6).

Early attrition or leaving the profession during the first 5 years is seen as a particularly vital problem (Ingersoll, 2003; Cooper & Alvarado, 2006), which is why, in this presentation, the focus is on just these years in the descriptions of the career trajectories of the two cohorts. In international articles that are often cited (Ingersoll, 2003; Chang, 2009; Skaalvik & Skaalvik, 2011), the estimated rate of attrition during the first 5 years after graduation is given as close to 40% in countries like the UK and the USA. In Sweden, the inclination to become a teacher has diminished greatly during the 2000s (Sveriges Riksdag, 2010), as defined by the share of teachers graduating during a 5-year period who at the end of this period are still registered as teachers in the SCB (Statistics Sweden) register of teachers. The statistics show that 16% of Swedish qualified teachers seem to be working outside of the educational system (SCB, 2016). Hypothetically, a re-recruitment of these apparently lost teachers would largely eliminate the shortage of teachers. An alternative measure ought, therefore, to be an increase in efforts at retaining, supporting, and possibly re-recruiting already qualified teachers. This is essential when research results indicate that it is the “best” teachers that leave (Smith & Ingersoll, 2004) and that attrition affects both schools and the pupils’ results negatively (Ronfelt et al., 2013; Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2017). In this light, it is important to identify what teachers themselves give as being decisive in their choice of remaining in or leaving the profession, or of what would make them contemplate returning to it. Efforts to retain teachers or attempts to attract them back into the profession have to build on a well-developed understanding of how teachers experience and relate to their vocation over time. For that reason, it is important to examine how teachers perceive their future prospects in the profession. It is essentially a matter of trying to predict accurately the degree of future attrition and, thereby, gaining an opportunity of rectifying the causes for their hesitancy about remaining in the profession. However, expectations of the future also include a completely different dimension.

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How teachers perceive their future prospects in the profession affects their attainment (and retention) of professional agency, argue Priestley, Biesta, and Robinson (2017). They write: “. . .their beliefs and aspirations play a role in the achievement of agency” (a.a., p. 38). At the same time, the authors observe that the (Scottish) teachers in the study seem to be characterized by relatively short horizons of expectations: “Our data suggest that a large proportion of teacher aspirations in respect to their teaching are relatively short time in nature. . .” (a.a., p. 52), which in turn ought to mean that agency is restricted and that the opportunities to influence and determine their work as well as their incentives to alter these conditions are reduced. The sense in which teachers have a degree of independence has to be seen in relation to the resources, conditions, limitations, and opportunities in context (see Nordänger & Lindqvist, 2015), but equally also as an essential ingredient in every attempt at school improvement and the desire for reform. Thereby, short – or over time shortened – future aspirations in the profession ought to constitute both a real physical threat to education as such as well as a more basic threat to the potential for development in the educational system. Studies of career trajectories, if possible, also consider linking attitudes to work and future prospects to groupings of generations. The results of a number of studies on the work of teachers show that there is a valid point in approaching the matter from this perspective (Stone-Johnson, 2009; Wilkins, 2010; Inglehart, 1977; PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2013). These studies discuss how attitudes to the profession, linked to generation, seem to have changed from being considered a lifelong calling to becoming a job of a more temporary – explorative – nature (Rinke, 2013). Parallels may be drawn with Lortie’s classic description of the teaching profession as a temporary (female) occupation (Lortie, 1977). In a US project “The Next Generation of Teachers,” based on longitudinal data from 50 novice teachers during their first 3 years in the profession (Peske et al., 2001; Johnson & Birkeland, 2003; Johnson et al., 2005), the researchers tried to explore the possibility that a new generation of teachers might bring with them new conceptions of career. The findings suggest that new teachers approach teaching more tentatively or conditionally than older generations. In spite of this seemingly relaxed attitude to teachers’ work many of the leavers and movers expressed the same commitment and dedication as those who envision teaching as a lifelong career. With a point of departure in sociological theories on differences and similarities between generations (Mannheim, 1927/1952; Strauss & Howe, 1991), several studies describe more general differences in attitudes to work linked to the generation to which one belongs (Hansen & Leuty, 2012; Valickas & Jakštaité, 2017). Here younger generations (generation Y or the millennium generation, which in the current study is represented by the group of teachers who graduated in 2013) are described as less loyal to their institution and describe their future prospects within the organization as more short term. While generation X (in this case represented by the group who graduated in 1993) are described as being loyal to their profession, generation Y is described as being rather more loyal to themselves and their own careers. However, an approach that is based on such differences between generations

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demands care. A number of researchers have criticized the connection between values and generations. They argue that the real, major, and important decisions about education, vocation, family life, etc. are not decided by quick displacements between two generations, but by slower, and more sluggish processes where values, lifestyle, and ideologies are slowly changeable (Andersson et al., 1997).

Research Questions With the support of data from longitudinal studies of two cohorts of Swedish teachers who graduated from the same teacher education program 20 years apart (1993 and 2013), we aim to contribute to the discussion of the abovementioned problem by answering the following questions: • How much of their working time do individuals devote to their work as a teacher, within the school system and in the educational system as a whole? • How do they view their future prospects as teachers? To what extent are the statements about their future career translated into actual action? • Do the generations differ in any of the aspects described above, and if so in what ways?

The Study In the spring of 1993, 87 students graduated as compulsory schoolteachers (grades 1–7) at one of Sweden’s teacher education establishments. One of their lecturers decided, out of pure curiosity, to follow the entire group prior to and during their first year in the profession. It turned out to be their first 15 years in the profession! During the first 5 years there was an annual exchange of questions and replies, and these were followed, thereafter, by two collections of data at somewhat longer intervals. The collection of data, where the replies dealt with expectations and aspirations in the profession, the nature and character of their positions, and the difficulties and rewards experienced in the teaching profession continued until the lecturer retired in 2008, when the entire collection was placed into our hands. Through the already established relationships with the ex-students we have since been able to repeat the collection of data on an annual basis from 2012 to 2018. To date, the 1993 cohort has replied to questions on 15 occasions over a period of 25 years which has resulted in publications on more detailed understandings of movement within the profession and of leaving or remaining in the profession (Lindqvist et al., 2014a), the commitment of teachers over time (Fransson & Frelin, 2016; Frelin & Fransson, 2017), the decision of skilled teachers to leave the profession (Lindqvist & Nordänger, 2016), how teachers have experienced a restriction in their independence over time (Nordänger & Lindqvist, 2018), the value of challenging relations with pupils (Rytivaara & Frelin, 2017), and the value of teacher education (Carlsson et al., 2019). Results from the project have also been published in Swedish scientific journals (Lindqvist et al., 2014b;

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Nordänger & Lindqvist, 2015, 2020). The present chapter is based on one of these (a.a.) but further developed with the ambition to illustrate a condensed result of the total project. What is unique is that the data relates to a total study (i.e., the group studied constitutes all graduates from the compulsory schoolteacher education program 1993) in which the rate of response has been – and remains – remarkably high (see Table 1). The informants have – whether or not they worked as teachers, were on sick leave, parental leave, or had chosen another career trajectory – continued to reply to the questionnaires. Several series of interviews with differing foci have also been carried out. These have been based on a strategic selection of informants in accordance with differing theoretical perspectives. In all, interviews have been made with 48 of the former teacher trainees of the 1993 cohort. In 2013 we decided to follow a new cohort with the intention of comparing the two. These students (N ¼ 60, all who graduated from the compulsory schoolteacher education program that year) graduated from the same campus exactly 20 years after the first cohort. The idea was to ask exactly the same questions, as far as possible, as were asked of the 1993 cohort with the aim of making descriptive comparisons and also to see if the patterns that emerged from their replies differed between teacher generations, and if so how. Data from the new generation has been collected annually through questionnaires for the first 5 years of their professional lives, 2013–2018. With our data we have a unique opportunity to make comparisons over time between the patterns of response of both individuals and groups in two generations of teachers. To all appearances, the cohorts represent two generations – X and Y – whose patterns of values and general approach to their occupation, to some extent, seem to differ from each other, but also from generations previously studied. The results aspire to be mainly descriptive in nature with some reference to theoretical conclusions (the hypothesis that the new generation of teachers has a shorter perspective concerning their future prospects in the profession and are more likely to change their career trajectories). The material used as a basis for the current presentation comprises both qualitative and quantitative data extracted from the questionnaires and interviews. This type of mixed method approach enables a combination of the specific with the general and, thereby, facilitates the “mutual illumination” of quantitative and qualitative data (Cohen et al., 2011, p. 24). As a first step in the analysis, parts of the qualitative data have been subject to thorough analyses with the intention of transforming them into quantitative variables. Thereafter, in this presentation, individual intentions have constituted a basis for the qualitative illustrations of individual career trajectories which have been constructed with the help of TramineR (for a more thorough description of this analysis, see Carlsson et al., 2019). In the questionnaires, in addition to the question of whether or not the individual was still working as a teacher and what he/she was employed as if not, the following questions formed the basis of the study (Table 2): In an attempt at forming a more sophisticated picture of the extent to which the intentions of the new generation of teachers (cohort 2013) can be realized, the descriptions of teachers’ statements of their view of their future in the profession

Year Cohort 1993 2013

1993 100

1994 100

1995 100

1996 100

1997 100

1998 99

Table 1 Response rate in percent, cohort 1993 and cohort 2013 2000 93

2008 85

2012 83

2013 86 100

2014 86 100

2015 83 87

2016 80 92

2017 82 85

2018 71 77

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128 Table 2 The questions in the questionnaires used in this study

Cohort 1993 2013

Questionnaire, year 2012 2018

Response rate, percent 83 77

1993 2013

2016 2016

80 92

1993

2018

71

Questions Have you at any time during your teaching career seriously considered leaving the teaching profession (i.e., over a period of several months duration have you seriously considered this option)? What were the main reasons that prompted these considerations? How do you perceive your future prospects in the teaching profession? Will you still be in the profession in: 1 year? 5 years? 10 years? A couple of years ago you wrote that you would (“absolutely,” “probably,” and “probably not”) still be in the profession in 10 years’ time To those who replied “absolutely”: Do you still feel the same way? Which would you say are the primary reasons for your continuing as a teacher? What would give you a higher degree of motivation? To those who replied “probably”: Do you still feel doubtful about continuing as a teacher? What is the cause of your doubt? What change do you envisage that could make you want to “absolutely” continue as a teacher? To those who replied “probably not”: A couple of years ago you were doubtful about continuing as a teacher. You wrote that you would “probably not” remain in the profession in the long term. Do you still feel the same way? If so: what would motivate you, despite everything, to continue your career in the teaching profession? What tips the scales in the other direction?

over the next 10 years were supplemented with longitudinal data. In this data we can see how both cohorts of teachers were employed 2 years after the question was asked. In addition to the question as to whether they were still working as teachers, the 1993 cohort was asked how they reviewed their previous plans for the future. These statements have been collected 2 years later, but only from the 1993 cohort. The problem with this type of comparison between two generations and their career trajectories is of course the contexts in which they were instigated have changed over time. For example, the nature of teacher education has changed (from graduating as grades 1–7 teachers in 1993 to being “primary” and “secondary” teachers in 2013), as well as the labor market which both groups have entered. The reliability and results of the study have, therefore, to be discussed in the light of the differing historical contexts in which the statements have been made, a parameter

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which is valid for all research on generations. A comparison in any absolute sense cannot, therefore, be achieved. On the other hand, the questions asked of the two cohorts are identical, as are the points in time on their career trajectories when these questions have been asked (i.e., the point in time after their graduation). They have also graduated from one and the same educational institution. What is shown is how a whole year’s group of teachers describe their career trajectories and how they reply to these questions.

Context The present Swedish educational system comprises three parts: the first consists of 9 years of compulsory primary school, the second covers 3 years of upper secondary school, and the third part are composed of tertiary education at universities or university colleges. Compulsory and upper secondary schools are mainly driven by municipalities. However, around 17% of compulsory schools and 26% of upper secondary schools are public-funded charter schools (independent schools). National agency for education draws up and decides on: syllabuses for the compulsory school and for the upper secondary school, knowledge requirements for all school forms, regulations, and general guidelines. Schools are steered within a system of high degree of local responsibility. The main responsibility lies with the municipalities and the organizers of independent schools and schools. School organizers have the main responsibility for distributing resources and organizing activities so that pupils attain the national goals. Based on this, each school chooses the working approaches most appropriate for them. The work is followed up by means of systematic quality assessment (Swedish National Agency for Education, 2019). The quality of Swedish education has been intensely debated over the past decades following declining results among Swedish students in international comparisons (e.g., PISA and TIMSS). The Swedish government has been looking for ways to improve the quality of education and raise the performance level of students. The pace of reform implementation has hence been rather high over the last decades. A new education act, new curricula, new grading system, and new forms of inspection are examples of recent rather radical changes for schools, teachers, and students. The different reforms seem to be characterized by a shift toward measurability and accountability (see, for example, Beach, 2008) and has resulted in testing regimes, less maneuvering space, and increased workload for teachers. Teacher education in Sweden is 4 to 4.5 years long. It consists of two specializations: teaching in primary school, grade 1–3 and 4–6 or teaching subjects, grade 7–9 or upper secondary school. The application rate to several of the specializations is still very low. In particular to the degree in primary school education grades 4–6 and subject teacher focusing on grades 7–9, it is still an overwhelming majority of women who begin teacher education in Sweden.

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Results How much of their working lives do our graduate teacher trainees spend actually working as teachers? Who stays and who choses another career trajectory?

A Large Proportion of the First Period of Working in the Profession Is Spent on Working Within the Educational Sector The easiest way to measure the inclination to teach is naturally to count how many have actually remained in the profession after a fixed number of years. The first 5 years are usually considered the most critical in international studies (Ingersoll, 2003; Cooper & Alvarado, 2006). In our cohorts the figures are as follows: in the cohort which graduated in 1993 we can see that 74% work as teachers after 5 years and in the 2013 cohort we know that 72% replied that they do. As the response rate in the first cohort is 100% while the nonresponse in the second is much larger after 5 years, we may, however, use an interpolated value, that is to say using a statistics program to calculate a probable value from all the data that has been collected. The interpolated number of active teachers for the 2013 graduates after 5 years in the profession is 87%. We cannot see any clear signs of a greater number of leavers in the new generation of teachers. By using the statistics program to estimate this value it seems that rather more are active as teachers in cohort 2013 after 5 years in the profession. Nevertheless, this comparison may also be queried as the reason for several individuals in, cohort 1993, not being active as teachers in their fifth year due to parental leave (see Fig. 1). This type of temporary absence from the profession

Fig. 1 Time spent on different occupational activities

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does not lead very often to a permanent departure in the Swedish context (Lindqvist et al., 2014a). A more accurate picture, other than the number still employed as teachers after a given number of years, is achieved by calculating the share of the total annual worktime the groups devote to working as teachers. The most accurate general figure is that cohort 1993 has spent 85% of its total worktime over the first 5 years on being teachers, while the equivalent figure for cohort 2013 is 84%. How the remainder of their time was spent is illustrated in Fig. 1. As we can see the share of time both groups spend in working as a teacher during their first 5 years is in principle identical. Otherwise, calculated in a similar manner, there are exceedingly small differences, possibly marginally more parental leave in cohort 1993 and possibly a little more education-related work (such as teacher assistants) in cohort 2013. The differences are small, and they relate to a few individuals during a few disparate years. Figure 2 shows the general trends over time. Here we see there are some differences. Cohort 2013 started work somewhat later as some of them studied a term or two extra (in most cases to ensure they completed their teacher education and were able to graduate) and cohort 1993 took somewhat more parental leave during their first 5 years in the profession. The differences in the trends are so similar that it is difficult to express an opinion on whether these represent significant trends or simply random variations from year to year (i.e., if we had followed cohort 1994,

Fig. 2 Overview of occupations the first 5 years after graduation

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then there might also have been slight differences). So, any differences between the generations cannot be identified here either.

Who Stays, Who Goes. . . Simply a Random Harvest? Who then leaves the teaching profession? Our data gives us a unique opportunity to make a close study of attrition during a period of a little over 20 years. In cohort 1993, we can see that 44 of those who have replied state that they are still active as teachers 23 years after they graduated (2016, 63% of replies). More than half of the original group still work in the classroom. Of those that leave we can find a few examples of what Sjöstrand (1968) calls forced breaks, which can be retirement, or long-term sickness leave caused by other factors than stress in the workplace, causes that are not directly related to the nature of the teaching profession or its conditions. However, 24 self-initiated leavers from the profession (27%) can be identified in cohort 1993. Of these, seven occur within 5 years of graduation (8% of the total cohort). All of these early departures are concomitant with a radical change of employment (such as financial advisor, lawyer, and self-employed. See also Lindqvist et al., 2014a, b; Lindqvist & Nordänger, 2016). Between 5 and 10 years into the teaching profession a further six change their career trajectories. It is now that some teachers begin their educational leadership careers. A deep commitment to schools and education is the driving force. They want to have the opportunity to make a difference. Being driven by the need to do something meaningful and hopefully to make a difference is a major factor, even if on a daily basis I neither save lives nor solve the world’s problems (from a questionnaire, individual 66, cohort 93). I have consistently said no for several years because it seemed to be a job with primarily administrative and operational functions, not giving very much scope for ideas, visions, and working closely with pupils. On a study-visit to Canada, I saw that the role of the headteacher could be something other than what I had seen previously. So, the next time I was asked, I said yes. Now I work very near our pupils and staff by maintaining contacts with the work of the school on a daily basis and by running many projects within school development! (from a questionnaire, individual 76, cohort 93).

Even here a couple change their field of occupation and decide to become a journalist or a psychologist, while others have had special assignments in the school which have resulted in the appearance of new job opportunities. Only one of the teachers who leaves the profession during the first 10 years states that leaving was clearly determined by working conditions in the school. The cause was a conflict with parents which was badly dealt with by the school leadership and which, in the final analysis, led to him/her leaving his/her appointment in compulsory school and transferring to another type of educational activity. Nobody supported me in those meetings because they thought, and this is what I heard afterwards, the situation was so absurd. So somehow, we now resolve the situation, while I

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sat there and . . . I think this is uncomfortable, I now realise. But I had to sit there and bear the brunt of this without anyone. . . And I believe this happens quite often in schools, that the headteachers, not all, absolutely not. This is major generalisation. But some headteachers do not always support their teachers but are so considerate of the parents in these situations. (. . .) Anyway, the main point is that this was certainly one of the major reasons why I have not returned. So, this event influenced quite a lot. (from an interview, individual 58, cohort 93).

After 16 years in another occupation, he/she returned to the teaching profession and now writes: Today, I go to work with a smile on my face every day. I laugh heartily at least once a day with my pupils or some of my colleagues. I have a perfect position and am happy to be back . . . How long I stay is another matter . . .. 5 years, 10 years, or 15 years? (from a questionnaire, individual 58, cohort 93).

The next loss occurs around 20 years into the profession when seven teachers complete their service in compulsory schooling in order to commit themselves to in-house careers as leaders of development, head teachers, or working with in-service training. In some cases, people leave the teaching profession somewhat unwillingly: . . . until the headteacher asked me if I could consider becoming. . . move on and leave the teaching career. . . and consider becoming a headteacher . . . no, not really, I couldn’t . . . because I enjoyed so much being a teacher so I could absolutely not consider it . . . but, no, I didn’t want to. I wanted to remain a teacher, then they were to recruit a new . . . headteacher and that headteacher chose to quit before he had even begun . . . this meant that we had something of an emergency. . . and so I thought I could just help out a little bit . . . I do at least know how things work . . .overall. So, I did (from an interview, individual 26, cohort 93).

Those that leave teaching in order to change professions completely seem to have come upon the offer of alternative employment at random. It was nice to try something completely different! In a few years when my children have grown up, I might return to the teaching profession. (from a questionnaire, individual 28, cohort 93). And then the question arose as to whether I wanted to take over the well-established shop which I now run! Such offers do not grow on trees, but there are plenty of teaching jobs, if I should want to return to the school world (from a questionnaire, individual 55, cohort 93).

Another returns to the profession he/she had before studying to be a teacher and uses his/her experience as a teacher in his/her new-old job. Having read an advertisement in the newspaper he/she took the step of leaving a teaching post: . . .and then I got this job, quite unexpectedly I must say, but they thought I had experience of children and similar things . . . and of course, I had. And I thought I had a good job as a teacher. I was very happy with it, so that was not the reason why I left (from an interview, individual 41, cohort 93).

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What we can see is that roughly half of those who leave within 20 years continue their careers in the school system. “I don’t want you to describe us as people who dropped out of the teaching profession,” one of them writes. Of the others who have chosen to leave the teaching profession, only three have more or less specifically stated that their choice of leaving was a result of the nature of the job or their conditions of service. Overall, we can conclude that the efficiency of teacher education has been good in terms of rejection. As far as schools are concerned, i.e., if we do not consider the advancement to positions in school leadership as leaving the teaching profession, approximately 80% of the total worktime during all the 23 years has been spent on school activities (Carlsson et al., 2019). From a societal point of view, we can also assume that those who chose to leave the school world, despite everything, work within the educational sector and have jobs they probably would not have got (or coped with) without their teacher training. If we widen our horizons to include these individuals, then the teacher education program is even more effective. Of the total worktime over the course of 23 years, 85.4% has been spent in work which deals with education in one way or another. If we study the potential worktime (14.6%) which is spent completely outside the educational sector, we see that approximately 5% are not in paid work at all (early retirement, sickness, or disability) or spent studying. Only approximately 9% of the total and potential worktime over a span of 23 years is thereby spent in work completely outside the educational sector with no clear link to the teaching profession. But even here we can see that teaching or education-related work has been perceived as giving these former students an “added value.” In several of the interviews they describe how they have continued “acting as teachers.” So, you are still – more or less – a teacher? Yes, I really am. It is my passion! (from an interview, individual 35, cohort 93).

Confidence in the Future How do both of our generations of teachers view their future prospects in the teaching profession? After 3 years in the profession, 48 of those who replied from the 2013 cohort are still active as teachers (87%). Of those that have chosen to reply to this question, despite having already left the teaching profession, a majority say that it is quite probable that they will return. From our data we can also see that this has occurred 2 years later (Fig. 3). We can compare with the answers from cohort 1993, who after 23 years were asked to reply to the same question (Fig. 4). We can conclude that the differences are marginal. Even if no direct comparisons can be made as the question was put at different points in time in their career trajectories, it appears that confidence in the future of the new generation of teachers does not differ significantly from the old generation. The majority of those active in

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How do you see your future as a teacher? 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Left in a year Absolutely

Left in five years Probably

Left in ten years

Probably not

Fig. 3 Cohort 2013, after 3 years in the profession. Percentage of replies

How do you see your future as a teacher? 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Left in a year Definitely

Left in five years Probably

Left in ten years

Probably not

Fig. 4 Cohort 1993, after 23 years in the profession. Percentage of replies

the profession in both generations have confidence in their futures in the teaching profession (Fig. 5). Only approximately 10% of the respondents (in both groups) say that they probably will not still be in the teaching profession in 5 years’ time (Fig. 6).

From Intent to Action How do these statements of intent differ from the actual results? The longitudinal design gives the opportunity of following-up what actually happens after a further 2 years (questionnaire 2018). Here we can conclude that all those in cohort 2013 who

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I will definitely stay as a teacher 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Cohort 1993 One year-definitely

Cohort 2013 Five years-definitely

Ten years-definitely

Fig. 5 Comparison of generations X and Y regarding their futures as teachers in a 1-, 5-, and 10-year perspective. Percentage of respondents

I will probably stay as a teacher 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Cohort 1993 One year-probably

Cohort 2013 Five years-probably

Ten years-probably

Fig. 6 Comparison of generations X and Y regarding their futures as teachers in a 1-, 5-, and 10-year perspective. Percentage of respondents

replied that they probably would not still be teachers in a year’s time continue, despite everything, to work as teachers over the next 2 years. The same is the case for all who replied that they probably will still be in the profession in a year’s time. The difference between how they reply to hypothetical questions and how they then act in “real life” is clear, and in this case a positive perspective from the point of view of teacher availability. However, it is notable that half of those who answer probably not or will probably remain in the profession in a year’s time at the same time state that they have at some time seriously considered leaving the profession while only a

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fifth of the others in cohort 2013, that is to say of those that replied that they will absolutely remain, say that they have had such thoughts.

What Makes Teachers Want to Remain? A lot can have happened over a period of 2 years that affects the way that teachers see their work. In some cases, the determination to remain seems to have been strengthened. In cohort 1993, all the teachers (just over 20%) who 2 years previously answered they will absolutely still be in the teaching profession in 10 years’ time say that they still feel the same. After almost 25 years in the profession, I still think it is fun to go to work. Every morning. Furthermore, I am still largely satisfied almost every afternoon having completed work for the day. I see this as a confirmation that I have chosen the right profession (from a questionnaire, individual 59, cohort 93). Yes, I have trained as a special needs teacher, so I am now “new to the profession” and I want to learn more (from a questionnaire, individual 12, cohort 93).

Taking a break, or doing further training, also seems to have influenced those that stated that they only will probably remain in the profession in ten years’ time. When we ask them 2 years’ later whether they still feel doubtful to a continued career as a teacher, almost half of them (9 of 20) reply that they no longer feel such doubts at all. Several of them have now had the opportunity of progressing in the profession through further training: No, I have now trained as a special needs educator and I will continue with this (from a questionnaire, individual 4, cohort 93).

It seems that an important feeling is of being able to continue to contribute to the improvement of schooling. Yes, I certainly believe I will still be in the profession in ten years’ time, but it is important that I am able to progress in my profession. Which is why I am pleased that I can take a supervisors’ course in special needs education for teachers, and next year I will be a supervisor in the special input to improve pupils’ reading and writing skills (Läslyftet). It is inspirational to be in charge of this input and to see my own development, because I then improve and so does the school (from a questionnaire, individual 52, cohort 93).

To have a short break, to have the opportunity of further training, and to have the opportunity to (once again) feel that one contributes to the development of schooling seem, on the basis of our data, to be effective measures in getting those who were previously doubtful of continuing to continue their teaching careers and to overcome any doubts.

What Makes Teachers Hesitate? Almost half of the experienced teachers who 2 years previously had written that they will probably remain experience that they partially or sometimes feel doubtful about

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continuing as teachers. Two kinds of reason are given here, partly the feeling that it would be difficult to find another job equivalent to being a teacher: Sometimes I still have that feeling. But it is hard to find another job which gives so many insights and exciting challenges! (from a questionnaire, individual 77, cohort 93). No, I will still be here. I don’t know what else I would do (from a questionnaire, individual 61, cohort 93).

But here we can also see reference to the tough working conditions which make them doubtful of their future prospects in the teaching profession: Poor increases in salary, despite further training, a good deal of responsibility in the current post (from a questionnaire, individual 7, cohort 93). The unreasonably high workload, greater demands on goal completion, fewer resources, higher numbers of pupils per class, colleagues on sick and increased stress (from a questionnaire, individual 50, cohort 93).

Only 3 of the 20 teachers who in 2013 replied that they probably would remain in the profession have actually left it (one has become a school leader) or reply 2 years’ later with a clear “yes” to the question of whether they still feel the same (two individuals). In one of the cases it is about “salary” and in the other doubt has given rise to being on sick leave because of symptoms of burn out. Compared with their statements from 2016 the results of actual leaving the profession are more positive (from a teacher shortage point of view) than the statements indicated, even in cohort 1993. But even so, their negative attitudes cannot be ignored. The eight teachers who 2 years previously said that they probably would not continue as teachers for ten more years are more confirmed in their convictions. Two years later they all persist in their intentions. However, none of them has taken the initiative and left the profession. Here their arguments are clearly linked to working conditions, which are described as “hopeless” (source if this is a direct quote?). When asked what would make them change their minds, opportunities for further training, better salary increments, and reduced workload are the points raised. One of them summarizes the arguments and also suggests a personal resolution of the situation, where the joy of being a teacher can perhaps be saved: A more coherent work situation, the right to prescribe the support pupils with needs require, structured and continuous further education/training, clear pedagogical leadership from the heads, and an acceptable workload for them. At the moment, I have no considered alternative to the teaching profession, but think about what I can do to alter my situation. I have, therefore, applied for and been appointed to a new teaching position in another local authority, starting in the autumn term. I am hoping that a new start will give a positive change. I have many years left in the profession and I do not want the job to destroy me or to turn me into a teacher who no longer likes his/her job. If so, it will be time to leave. It eats away at me (from a questionnaire, individual 60, cohort 93).

What Would Cause Those Who Have Left to Return? How do those who have left the profession feel? In 2016 only two of the former teachers from cohort 1993 (N ¼ 23) thought there was a possibility that they would

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return (none of them do so within the next 2 years) while the rest say that it is not particularly likely that they will return. However, 2 years later it turns out that two of them have in fact returned! I have always kept the door ajar for the school world. Two years ago, I decided to change jobs and thought a bit about which direction I would go in. The more I thought about it the more I decided it must be now or never. If I do not try to return to schools now, then I never will. I thought a long time about what type of position I would consider. I wanted a form of resource post. (. . .) I got a quick reply and was offered a post ideally suited to me! (. . .) Today I go to work daily with a smile on my face (from a questionnaire, individual 58, cohort 93). I find it difficult to believe that I have ever said so, but I love to teach, despite the fact that a school leadership role is also attractive. Feels as if the step is quite close anyway . . . (from a questionnaire, individual 74, cohort 93).

As mentioned previously, several of those who have left the teaching profession have indicated that they, in many respects, still “see themselves as teachers,” especially those who have continued as leaders in various types of educational activity. Actually, it is the case that once a teacher always a teacher. I have continued in the educational sector. There is a good deal in the daily life of a teacher that I could not accept. That concerns children in need of extra adjustment or support, where today’s teachers are all alone and struggle (from a questionnaire, Head, Adult Education). I miss the teaching profession sometimes, and one should “never say never” (from a questionnaire, works in education leadership). I feel that it is more likely now than previously that I might return to the world of the school. I still have a few years left to work and it is possible I might do some final years in the school. We will have to see. What I miss in my current role is following my pupils’ progress and development (from a questionnaire, works at a Science Centre).

But what would be decisive in attracting them back into the profession? The following quotation is representative of just about all those in the surveys: A new working hours agreement, a good work environment with attractive assignments and a good salary (from a questionnaire, individual 32, cohort 93).

Discussion The comparisons in the study between the decisions of two generations of teachers to remain in the profession and their expectations of it, in the light of longitudinal data, say quite a lot about the current discussion of teacher shortages, teacher attrition, and the (re) recruitment of teachers. Firstly, it appears that the two generations of teachers under study do not differ in any decisive degree about remaining in the profession within the first 5 years of graduation. Secondly their horizons of expectations do not differ markedly from each other. The majority of the teachers in both cohorts are predominantly positive to their future prospects in their teaching career. Thirdly, intentions of leaving the teaching profession do not seem to be realized to the extent they are expressed. Despite predictions of leaving in the future, most remain within the profession. Over time we see that even those who leave the profession remain in the world of

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the school. In other words, for society as a whole, the efficiency of teacher education can be seen as relatively good, which is also a reason why research in the field needs to be critical of the results of studies that warn of a mass attrition from the teaching profession (see, e.g., Ingersoll, 2003; Cooper & Alvarado, 2006; Sutcher et al., 2016). The agreements between the replies of the two different generations of teachers in Sweden give reason to question how well previous research results showing differences in attitudes to their work between generations have been overemphasized (see, for example, Stone-Johnson, 2009; Rinke, 2013) and partially give a hope that the new generation will not leave the profession to the same extent as previous ones. This is especially so given that the shortage of teachers in the next few decades will be great and that this in itself will, of necessity, lead to an improvement in working conditions and salaries. On the basis of the results of the study, one can draw the conclusion that an overview of working hours together with a more systematic element of in-service breaks or sabbaticals in the profession would be beneficial for the retention of teachers. A new working hours agreement and an improved working environment seem to be the measures that would attract teachers back into the profession they have left. The study shows that prospective studies of how teachers view their future prospects in the profession certainly have something to say about how teachers experience their work situation (something which clearly should be addressed!), but probably cannot give any valid information on the future realization of intentions. That a study simply shows that many teachers entertain the idea of leaving the profession does not necessarily mean that this will actually be the case in the long run. Such prospective studies need to be supplemented with longitudinal data so that any statement of future action in the profession can be compared with the actual career trajectories of the teachers. The way we depict the situation in schools need not always be negative. The results of prospective studies of the understanding and movement of teachers in the profession also need to be discussed in a wider and comparative perspective. For example, it is first when we can determine that the data is markedly distinguished from other comparable professions that we can make any judgement about “the flight of teachers” (Aftonbladet, 2019) or to state that teachers should be seen as unusually ready-tochange career being mirrored in actual circumstances. Perhaps these observations belong to a more general discourse on attitudes to work. The results presented here can be compared to studies of how nurses in Sweden view their future career trajectories (Vårdfokus, 2019). Here 20% of nurses 5 years after qualifying say that they consider leaving the profession. However, 10 years later 95% of them are still in health care. Acknowledgments This study “Vägskäl II” has been made possible by grants from the Vetenskapsrådet (Swedish Science Council) (Reg. 2015-01390).

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Newly Arrived Migrant Teachers and the Challenges of Reentering Work: Introduction to the Swedish Teaching System Elin Ennerberg and Catarina Economou

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sweden – The Fast Track Education Context and Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background to our Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Language During the Fast Track Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Experiences in Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recognition of Skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Respect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Labor Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Formal obstacles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Formal and Informal Ways into Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

For several decades, the Swedish school system has faced both an increasing educational attainment gap and a teacher shortage. In recent years, different policy initiatives have sought to establish alternative routes into the teaching profession. One target group is migrants with a teaching background. International research shows that this group can serve as bridge builders and as extra language and social support for school children with a migrant background. However, difficulties in terms of language acquisition and validation of previous skills can impede fast labor market entry. This chapter draws on recently conducted qualitative research on a teacher education course labeled as a fast-track for introducing ArabicE. Ennerberg (*) · C. Economou Faculty of Education and Society, Malmö universitet, Malmö, Sweden e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_6

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speaking newly arrived migrant teachers to the Swedish educational system. Not only did the course enable participants to reflect upon differences in teaching styles, educational systems, and negotiations of their professional teaching roles, it also allowed them to form an impression of the Swedish teaching system and find potential contacts and paths into work. Nonetheless, many participants in the course requested a faster validation process, more Swedish language support, and help finding employment. Moreover, some were disappointed to find that their previous knowledge is devalued in local schools. Keywords

Migrant teachers · Teacher labor market

Introduction International research has previously shown that migrant teachers face different types of barriers in relation to their continued professional career. Some of these barriers can be seen as shared by other professional groups with a migrant background, whereas other challenges are more specific to the teaching profession. Individuals migrate for a variety of reasons and, perhaps more importantly, also acquire different legal statuses as migrants, for example, labor market migrants, asylum seekers, or family reunification migrants (see, for example, Crawley & Skleparis, 2018, for a discussion). Moreover, individual migrants also face very different situations with regard to labor market entry, depending on national labor market regulations (Iredale, 2005). For instance, individuals migrating to take up a particular work opportunity may already have had assistance in terms of paperwork, validation, and, most importantly, have secured a work position. However, migrants with asylum seeker status typically face a more complex route to reenter their former profession, and they are also at risk of being exploited on the labor market (Dwyer, Hodkinson, Lewis, & Waite, 2016) prior to gaining a more permanent residency status. Even after gaining residency, migrants often face various obstacles on the labor market. These barriers include a limited social network and resultant low social capital (Campion, 2018; Ryan, D’Angelo, & Erel, 2015). Relatedly, a lack of information about the national and local labor market(s) and opportunities for further education and validation can hinder or delay labor market entry (Bimrose & McNair, 2011; Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008). The group classified as refugees endure a long route to the labor market. For example, at a European Union level it takes on average 20 years for this group to reach the labor market participation rates of the native population (European Union, 2016). As a result, more effective means of integrating migrants into the labor market have been discussed widely, for example, through the potential use of active labor market policy (Bonoli, 2020; Butschek & Walter, 2014). A case in point is that many European countries use introduction programs for migrants that focus on facilitating labor market entry and language learning (Wikström & Ahnlund, 2018; Bredgaard & Thomsen, 2018;

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Ennerberg, 2020; Goodman, 2012). Even when not established on the labor market, migrants often make use of existing or new networks to build up social capital as a means to enter it (Gericke, Burmeister, Löwe, Deller, & Pundt, 2018). On an individual level, both migration and labor market entry can be seen as a transition that influences individual identity. For example, new work opportunities or unemployment can enable individuals to negotiate their occupational identities (Ashforth, 2001; Riach & Loretto, 2009). Reflection and negotiation of one’s identity can be seen as a type of “identity work” where individuals “add,” “retain,” or “subtract” elements to their identity (Lepisto, Crosina, & Pratt, 2015). Attempting to enter work in a new national context can lead to this type of reflection, where individuals simultaneously manage the migration process and potentially new professional demands (Ennerberg & Economou, 2020). Migrants who aim to reenter the teaching profession in their new home countries face challenges that relate to more general patterns of labor market entry, but which can also be understood as more specific obstacles that relate to the identity of being a teacher. In previous research related to migrant teachers, one of the most common difficulties cited is the validation of previous teaching certificates and the bureaucratic processes associated with validation (Schmidt & Janusch, 2016). In cases where national teaching certificates specify certain competencies as essential, the validation of skills may also result in a process of re-skilling or updating certain skills in order to gain an equivalent national qualification. Another aspect specific to the teaching profession is coming to terms with the particular national educational system and certifying skills according to the specific system. National education systems are often structured differently in terms of national curricula, division of year groups, and organization. However, education systems in national contexts are also influenced by international trends and form a part of transnational policy, not least as a response to international evaluations such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) (Wahlström, 2020; Wahlström & Sundberg, 2015), but also with regard to other international and global trends (Akiba, 2017; Baker & LeTendre, 2005). One of the main challenges facing migrant teachers who are no longer able to teach in their native language is the shift to teaching in a different language. Language acquisition is often a prerequisite for gaining a new teacher certification, thus delaying the process of entering work. Even when the formal language level is met, however, teachers can face different prejudices in relation to their language skills, both in relation to pronunciation and written skills (Bense, 2014). Communication difficulties can be experienced in relation to pupils and parents; moreover, such difficulties may limit migrant teachers’ confidence and teaching identity (Bigestans, 2015). Migrant teachers’ competencies and skills are often undervalued in the new national context, leading to some individuals taking up lower-level teaching positions. Another pattern noted internationally is that teachers with a migrant background, to a disproportionally large extent, teach in more vulnerable socioeconomic areas (Collins & Reid, 2012; Fee, 2010). Another difficulty is to decode national cultural expectations related to teaching, such as understanding the school system, student–teacher relations, and stereotypical expectations of migrant teachers’ values and prior knowledge (Dewilde, 2013).

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Migrant teachers have also been seen as potential role models, for example, being able to better manage relations with migrant pupils and their parents, both in terms of language skills and also as “bridge builders” in relation to their supposed understanding of the needs and expectations of this group (Georgi, 2016; Schmidt & Janusch, 2016). However, this position may not suit all teachers’ aspirations, as some prefer to focus on their more general teaching competencies and teaching identity (Bressler & Rotter, 2017). In relation to language, research has shown that teachers with multiple language skills can be an important asset in the classroom in supporting students’ learning and utilizing the language skills of both students and teachers (Putjata, 2017). This can be seen as particularly important as a means to avoid the marginalization of students with multiple language skills (Malsbary & Appelgate, 2014). More generally, recruitment of qualified teachers has been important for national governments to ensure that national school systems do not fall behind in the increasingly competitive PISA testing regimes, where students’ performances are regularly measured (OECD, 2015; Parding & Berg-Jansson, 2016). Status, salaries, and work satisfaction for the group of teachers vary internationally and impact both the recruitment of students to teacher education courses and the retention of qualified teachers in national school systems. While there might be a general need for teacher recruitment, the specific obstacles discussed above entail that migrant teachers do not always directly enter the national school system as qualified teachers. Instead, they sometimes need to enter a period of retraining. This chapter will discuss such an effort to introduce a group of newly arrived migrant teachers to the Swedish school system.

Sweden – The Fast Track Education Context and Background In recent decades, the Swedish education system has been characterized by multiple reforms regarding both teacher education training, national curricula, and assessment. One recent example is the national education reform, which introduced certification for teachers with the goal of strengthening the teaching profession through emphasizing the importance of formal education and subject competencies (Solbrekke & Englund, 2014). Currently, Swedish teacher training emphasizes both subject skills and an “educational core,” the equivalent of 1 year of full-time studies. Another measure was the introduction of a new teacher category for excellent teachers. Qualified teachers would receive a significant pay rise and take on extra responsibilities (Skolverket, 2014). Many of these changes have been framed through the perception that the Swedish school system is falling behind in international rankings. Moreover, the status and wage levels of teachers have been comparatively low, although reforms in recent years have somewhat alleviated this situation. Nevertheless, labor market projections show that there will be a continued lack of teachers in future decades (Skolverket, 2017). Collectively, these issues have led to a variety of initiatives to facilitate alternative routes into the teaching profession. For example, through targeted university courses (such as Complementary Pedagogical Education (Kompletterande Pedagogisk

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Utbildning, KPU) and Further Education for Teachers (Vidareutbildning av lärare, VAL)) individuals who already work in schools have been able to formalize their skills and gain a certificate, or individuals with certain subject skills at university level have been able to retrain as teachers. One such program, Foreign Teachers Further Education (ULV), is specifically aimed toward teachers with a migrant background, but it requires high-level Swedish skills. From a Swedish context, Bigestans (2015) investigated teachers with a migrant background who after certification had found employment in a Swedish school. Her results show that challenges for this group included teaching in the Swedish language and coming to terms with teaching in a new educational system with differences in teacher–learner relationships. In 2015, similar to many other European countries, Sweden received a large number of refugees from Syria. Prior to 2015, introduction programs for refugees and family reunification migrants already contained labor market courses and language training (Ennerberg, 2020). In 2015, the government decided to develop more targeted labor market measures to better utilize the competencies of Syrian migrants and facilitate their introduction onto the labor market (Regeringen, 2016). The result was the development of different “fast tracks,” where representatives from labor market unions and employer organizations negotiated the content and setup related to specific professions. One of these fast tracks was the Pre-school Teacher and Teacher Fast Track, which was introduced in 2016. The fast track for teachers was constructed as a 26-week long course run by six Swedish universities. With certain local adjustments, the main weekly structure of the course consisted of 2 days of theoretical work at the university, 2 days of work experience, and 1 day of vocational Swedish. Individuals who could participate in the fast track program were required to speak Arabic, have a background in teaching, and be classified as a newly arrived migrant: either through participating in the Swedish introduction program, or having finished the program in the previous 12 months, or having received a residence permit in the previous 3 years. Because the introduction course was aimed toward newly arrived migrants, there was no minimum requirement of Swedish language knowledge. Provided in both Swedish and Arabic, the introduction course sought to give participants basic knowledge of the Swedish school system and information on how to be able to continue the path to teaching in Sweden. Thus, the introduction course did not give individuals validation of previous skills, certificates, or official higher education credits. The 26-week course was made up of three different thematic modules: the Swedish school system, history, organization, and values; didactic perspectives and documentation of learning; and social relations, conflict management, and pedagogic leadership.

Background to our Study This chapter builds on qualitative research in a 2-year research project where the two authors followed two different groups (over two separate semesters) participating in the fast-track education course. The gathered material consisted of a wide range of

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data, including participant observations of the introduction course and qualitative individual and focus group interviews with course participants. Individual interviews were also conducted with school supervisors, Swedish language teachers, a university study and career guidance counselor, project leaders, and university teachers. Additionally, survey material was collected at the start and the end of the course period. The qualitative interviews were usually semi-structured interviews (Bryman, 2012), but informal interviews in relation to the observations were also conducted. At the initiation of the course, an interpreter was used for some of the interviews. At other instances, participants or university course teachers aided translation. The purpose of the interviews was to understand the interviewees’ opinions and experiences of the education and their views on continuing work in Sweden. The aim of the observations was not only to gain a deeper understanding of the teaching practices and the themes presented in the course, but also to get an additional insight into the participants’ understanding of the topics and interactions in the group. Different materials were used to highlight various aspects of the fast-track course and has resulted in published articles and chapters (Economou, 2020; Economou & Ennerberg, 2020; Ennerberg & Economou, 2020; Ennerberg, 2021a; Putjata et al., forthcoming), which this chapter builds upon. The remainder of the chapter will be divided according to the following themes: language, skills recognition and learning, and labor market entry.

Language One of the prominent themes emerging from our study is the topic of language – in relation to the language learning and prerequisites during the fast-track course, the use of Swedish and Arabic in schools, and participants’ views on the importance of language after completing the fast-track education.

Language During the Fast Track Education Due to the emphasis on speeding up labor market entry, one of the aims of the fasttrack education was to provide a route for individuals onto the labor market that combined re-professionalization activities with language learning. Accordingly, the fast-track education was set up with the use of both Swedish and Arabic as languages of instruction. During the course, some university teachers were able to teach through combining Swedish and Arabic, while others used Swedish only. The focus of the Swedish language lessons was on “vocational Swedish,” i.e., language skills related to the teaching profession. Research on multiple language learning and second language training has shown that individuals usually need 5–7 years of language training to be able to master the language, including native-born individuals (Cummins, 1996). In what has been labeled the “multicultural turn,” the emphasis on “translanguaging” practices (Conteh & Meier, 2014), i.e., the use of multiple languages in teaching, has been

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seen as positive in terms of encouraging students to utilize and develop multiple language skills to improve their learning. Moreover, by using this methodology, individuals’ multiple language skills are acknowledged and positively valued. In this regard, teachers with multiple language skills can be particularly valuable in learning settings (Putjata, 2017). The fast-track education can be seen as inspired by this methodology in terms of seeing language as a resource in the classroom and the possibilities of combining learning in Swedish and Arabic. Emboldened by this methodology, some of the university teachers acknowledged the advantages of being able to use Arabic in some lessons, thus allowing the migrant teachers to receive information in their own language and express themselves fully, and later have the opportunity to receive the information in Swedish (Economou & Ennerberg, 2020). However, other university teachers found the low level of Swedish among some of the participants an obstacle to discussing more complex material. As the level of Swedish varied among the participants, many of the migrant teachers found the language level course inappropriately adjusted to one and all. For individuals who spoke less Swedish, there was a preference for Swedish studies prior to entering the course, as they struggled to make sense of the information in lessons where Swedish was used predominantly. At the other end of the spectrum, migrant teachers who had already acquired a higher level of Swedish were frustrated at not being able to utilize these skills more in the course and would have preferred to use only Swedish in the classroom (ibid). Many participants discussed the importance of Swedish language knowledge in their role as teachers. For some, mastering the language was seen as essential to their work as certified teachers. Particularly among female migrant teachers, the need to learn Swedish fully was seen as fundamental in their joining the profession. Language learning was also expedited through the fast-track education, particularly if they were studying Swedish courses externally, for example, through local municipality evening courses or distance learning. Despite their limited language skills, the migrant teachers in the group shared their experiences of being able to help pupils in the classroom. In some schools where individuals completed their work experience, there were Arabic-speaking students, sometimes newly arrived migrants who the individual teachers could assist both in terms of aiding with subject knowledge and as a “bridge builder” in terms of explaining certain aspects of the school system (cf. Schmidt & Janusch, 2016). At other times, the teachers were able to use certain strategies to help the students, for example, by showing students how to solve maths problems despite limited Swedish skills, or by asking mentor teachers for teaching material in advance and using this material to prepare for the lessons, e.g., by studying relevant vocabulary. Other migrant teachers saw the work experience as difficult due to their lack of language skills, which impeded them from being able to learn and help in the classroom. A number of these experiences were revealed in the accounts of school supervisors, who did not fully understand the purpose of the fast-track education, and who also found communication with the migrant teachers difficult. Rather than language being used as an asset and focusing on the teachers’ actual

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competencies, the emphasis on the correct majority language was more prevalent (Putjata et al., forthcoming). For some teachers in our study, the difficulties they experienced in terms of Swedish language learning resulted in them considering teaching in Arabic as second language teachers or teaching assistants. However, this option was mainly open, at least formally, for individuals who had previously taught Arabic as a subject. Moreover, the home language instruction in schools is normally taught outside of regular school hours, sometimes leading to a more precarious/insecure type of employment than a regular teaching position. In this sense, there is a risk that the teachers in the group end up working as substitute teachers or in other marginal teaching positions (cf. Janusch, 2014; Walsh, Brigham, & Wang, 2011). On a more formal level, proficiency in the Swedish language is a prerequisite for receiving a teaching certificate through validation. Apart from any complementary subject credits, teacher accreditation is given after individuals have completed the equivalent to a C1 language course. C1 refers to the language level as described in the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR), where the highest language level is C2. The realization that formal Swedish course credits are of such great importance meant that many participants questioned the setup of the fast-track course, as the Swedish taught in the vocational course did not lead to any formal Swedish language credits. In this sense, the fast-track was seen as time that could have been better spent at full-time language learning to gain more quickly the formal language requirements required.

Experiences in Schools For some migrant teachers, the work experience in schools was seen as difficult or problematic. Some communicated a feeling of exclusion or discrimination, as the school teachers failed to include them in the classroom activities. Rather than expressing discontent, one of the strategies was to attempt to adjust to the situation to avoid receiving a negative report from the schools, thereby potentially jeopardizing future employment (Economou, 2020). The lack of Swedish skills was also cited by participants as a main obstacle to being able to take initiatives and to contribute more as a teacher in the classroom during the work experience period. A number of school supervisors agreed with this statement, arguing that the lack of Swedish skills meant that it was difficult to find a good role for the migrant teachers in the classroom (Economou, 2020). The lack of communication was seen as predominant, to the extent that the migrant teachers’ broader skills and competencies were disregarded and devalued. The devaluation of migrant teachers’ individual competencies follows a more general labor market pattern where migrants’ skills do not always “pay off” (Kogan, 2007; OECD/European Union, 2015). Though the translanguaging pedagogics worked to an extent at the fast-track during the university course, when the migrant teachers entered the everyday world of schools, the importance of Swedish as the majority language was instead reinforced. In other words, rather than focusing on the potential benefits of using multiple

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languages in the classroom setting, monolingual practices were mainly emphasized (Economou, 2020; Economou & Ennerberg, 2020). In a sense, the predominance of Swedish can be seen as the use of “linguistic capital,” whereby the importance of a shared national identity is identified through the uses of a specific language (Bourdieu, 1992). In this regard, the insistence of high-level Swedish skills to be able to contribute in the classroom can be seen as the use of symbolic capital by other actors (Economou, 2020). Migrant teachers’ own knowledge and skills were not highly valued, and aspects related to language skills – such as having an accent or failing to understand certain terminology or cultural meanings (cf. Bense, 2014; Fee, 2010; Janusch, 2014) – overshadowed other skills. The research did not include perspectives from the school children themselves.Other migrant teachers in the study noted that knowledge of the Swedish language is essential for their future teaching career, as language is one of the most important “tools” they need to be able to teach. While a certain minimum level of Swedish is then, naturally, necessary for teaching, both in terms of formal requirements and in relation to the teachers’ own professional standards, entry into the teaching profession could be facilitated by support in terms of language learning and recognition of the possibility to use multiple languages in a school setting.

Recognition of Skills Teacher Practices One of the aims of the fast-track education, as mentioned above, was to introduce participants to the Swedish school system. The theoretical part of the course thus aimed to provide participants with actual information about the history of the Swedish school system and the practical aspects of teaching in Swedish schools. In many parts of the course, migrant teachers were given the opportunity to compare the Swedish school system with that of their former home countries. Here, their own experiences as teachers could be used to compare and contrast with other individuals in the group, and also as a way to reflect upon their own experiences following the work experience period. Everything I learnt here, in the fast track, I noticed it was used at schools. For example, if a teacher has a problem [with a student], they wait until after the lesson, until everyone else has left, and they talk to that child. . . I noticed that everything I learnt in this course, they use the same rules in the school as well. (female participant, 040) The main advantage is the work experience. And the subjects we discuss, social relations, leaderships and values as well as the Swedish school system and curricula. Also, the discussions. Discussing with university teachers and between us who are students in the course. It is very good. We can exchange ideas with each other and use our knowledge about the educational systems. (male participant, 042)

One of the most prominent and widely discussed themes was the teacher’s role in the school. This theme could be seen from multiple perspectives, as participants reflected upon the teaching and lessons that formed a part of the fast-track education,

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their own past and current teaching practices, and insights or feedback on the work done by teachers in the school where they participated in work experience. Some participants considered the teaching role in Swedish and Syrian schools fairly similar and argued that they would not have to adjust their teaching methods or approach. Here, their own professional identity as teachers was not challenged by their new experiences. Rather, receiving a teacher certification was seen as a continuation of their teacher career, one which was not subject to any fundamental transformation (Ennerberg & Economou, 2020). For other migrant teachers, the Swedish educational system posed more serious challenges to what they saw as important in terms of teaching practices. The Swedish system was often portrayed as less authoritarian and more focused on democratic teacher practices, inclusion in the classroom, and less formal teacher–student relations. Moreover, evaluation of students’ skills was often discussed as a major difference. For example, emphasis on formative skills and continuous evaluation of student performances were seen as less common in the Syrian context, but formed an important part of Swedish schools. Another difference discussed was the wider variety of teaching practices in Swedish schools, where, for example, group work, participatory learning and learning activities through different Information Technology tools were more common than lecture-based forms of teaching (Economou & Hajer, 2019). Some of these contrasts were discussed more critically by some migrant teachers, who saw the Swedish school teachers as lacking authority, thus leading to a more chaotic classroom environment (Ennerberg & Economou, 2020). In some cases, the focus on student participation was seen as leading to a lack of respect for the teacher and a learning environment that was not seen as conducive to effective teaching. But the students here in Sweden they have access to a good organization, economic resources and good educational material. A lot. But boundaries for the students are missing, there is too much freedom in schools. It’s not really good for them, for the understanding of the teaching. [In the system] you lose a lot of time, a lot of the time goes to talking but you lose a lot of time in the class room and that’s not good. They lose a lot of time and they lose a lot of understand, especially in important subjects such as physics and mathematics. They have to gain time, not lose time (male participant, 042).

Here, discussions following work experience often focused on individual examples of when teaching practices failed to achieve the intended learning outcomes or to create a classroom environment conducive to learning. The perception of a lack of respect for teachers in Swedish schools resulted in some teachers doubting their career choice in this environment. Teaching in Sweden would, for some migrant teachers, require an adaption of their teacher identity (ibid).

Respect The concept of respect was discussed in detail in the theoretical parts of the course. For example, the university teacher would open up the topic by problematizing the meaning of respect to allow for discussions. These discussions concerned, for

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example, how to gain respect in the classroom, and whether and how teachers should respect students. Some of the migrant teachers found such discussions too basic, and they argued they already possessed this knowledge as teachers (Ennerberg & Economou, 2020). Other participants found the discussions to be a space where they were able to address the practical situations that might arise and how they might resolve them. Here, the legal aspects of the school system became a base for understanding teachers’ and students’ rights. For instance, one discourse focused on the different courses of action available to teachers when confronted with a violent student who might pose a danger to other students. The focus was on not only legislation, but also on interactions with school principals and requesting extra staff or support in the classroom for students with special needs. Despite discussing these issues from a theoretical perspective, some migrant teachers saw the limitations to the teacher role as difficult to adjust to, thus leading them to question whether they were actually able to adapt to the required professional role (ibid). There’s no respect. [The students] have so much freedom, they can do so many things, they can say “I don’t want to do this, I don’t want to do that”. And they sit, just sit. And you [as a teacher] can’t force them, then you will have a problem. (female participant, 041) In Syria, teachers have a lot of power. Power, not in a negative way, in a positive way. The students get a lot more information and it’s possible to control more what they should do, what the most important things are to work on. And the parents can force the children to work. But if I’m going to work here, as a teacher you don’t have so much power. (female participant, 037)

These more abstract reflections on the school system were sometimes also heightened by experiences in schools. Migrant teachers sometimes expressed a feeling of not gaining the respect they were used to as teachers, both from pupils and colleagues (Economou, 2020). Sometimes, the negative experiences at the work placement influenced their future labor market decision, resulting in them opting to focus on alternative career paths rather than attempting to work in the educational system (Economou, 2020). At other times, migrant teachers found that the work experience enabled them to use their skills as teachers. Being in the school environment called to mind their previous work, and they found that previous teaching experience could also function in a new environment. Participating in the school work therefore strengthened their commitment to continue working as teachers in Sweden.

Values The fast-track course was constructed to focus on similar topics as found in the general teacher university education. However, according to the course leaders, some of these aspects need to be approached differently, as the regular teacher students generally have a tacit understanding of the school system based on their own experiences as students (Ennerberg & Economou, 2020). This was most evident in relation to one of the most discussed topics: values in schools (värdegrund). The lessons focusing on values often took their starting point in the school curriculum and other legal texts that

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emphasized, for example, that the school education should rest on human rights and democratic principles. Moreover, the curriculum emphasizes gender equality and that schools “should actively and consciously promote students’ equal rights and opportunities, regardless of gender” (Skolverket, 2019: 7, own translation). Furthermore, the fast track course placed particular emphasis on gender equality, equal rights, and opportunities. The focus on gender equality was brought up in different ways by most of the university teachers and was discussed both in relation to work experience and theoretical lectures. The migrant teachers added to the discussion through reflecting on their own experiences teaching in their home countries and through differences their own children had encountered in Swedish schools. The topics concerned, for example, the right of boys and girls to wear different types of clothes (using the example of a boy dressing as a princess), boys and girls playing and working together, and homosexuality. For university teachers, agreeing with the fundamental principles on gender equality and sexuality was seen as values that everyone needs to observe. At the same time, this was a topic that in some ways was seen as potentially sensitive – and some of the university teachers argued that issues of value needed to be discussed on an even deeper level. Those university teachers who themselves had previously migrated to Sweden sometimes used experiences in their former home countries to contrast with the Swedish school system and expectations of gender. This allowed for discussions where participants could more freely reflect on the differences. For some of the migrant teachers in the course, these differences were framed in relation to religious expectations, where individual teachers argued that in an Islamic context, boys and girls should be socialized to behave differently and to take on different roles. Other participants disagreed, seeing the insistence on discussing gender during the course as too repetitive and arguing that they already taught with these issues in mind. Others discussed the topic of homosexuality as an important form of new knowledge they needed to learn about in order to work in Swedish schools. Finding a balance between these different viewpoints and, not least, a manner of teaching that approached the topic in a nuanced way was one of the challenges for university teachers in the course (Ennerberg, 2021b).

Labor Market Formal obstacles One of the aspects of the fast-track education that was seen as problematic by participants was the lack of formal recognition. Similar to many other countries (see, for example, Schmidt & Janusch, 2016), the validation process was experienced by many migrant teachers as bureaucratic and difficult to comprehend. The differences in national school systems and the university education system meant in practice that many migrant teachers faced a longer path of validation and re-skilling. During the fast-track education, study and guidance counselors were able to give certain limited advice on what type of re-qualification might be needed. For some

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migrant teachers, the realization that the formal route into the school system was longer than they had anticipated was a disappointment, thus making them question whether it was actually worth completing to be able to teach. In particular, older individuals saw validation of skills in addition to Swedish language practice as an impossibility. They argued that, in this sense, the fast-track education was a waste of time: time that would have been better spent focusing on language learning. because if you want to be a teacher, there’s no need for this course. You can study by yourself. You go to “Swedish level 1, 2, 3.” Then you can come to the university here and you can study. This is the way to get the certification. . . (respondent 4, 019)

On the other side of the spectrum, younger individuals often saw the formal steps as necessary to reach their goal of working as teachers. Thus, they tended not to reflect as much on the time aspects, but were more interested in receiving correct information. The information about how the system worked in terms of recognition of formal skills led many participants to conclude that the fastest route into teaching would have been to focus more on Swedish language training and thereafter directly enter the further education program (ULV) in order to focus on gaining any remaining course credits at university level.

Formal and Informal Ways into Work Although the formal routes into teaching were emphasized during the fast-track education, the work experience in schools allowed the participants to see that other ways of working in the school system may be possible in practice. For example, the official guidelines regarding teacher recruitment state that only teachers with a teacher certification are able to gain permanent employment. During work experience, participants met teachers without certification who work as teachers on a timelimited contract (i.e., employed a maximum of 2 years by the same employer) as teaching assistants or student assistants. For many migrant teachers, the lower-level jobs they have encountered are often seen as desirable options to more easily gain employment. For instance, individuals who do not want to take the longer route through retraining can see themselves in these positions. When working with students who speak Arabic, many also considered working as a second language teacher or teacher assistant helping students with Arabic as a second language. I can’t work as a main techer, Ok. I know that I know more time and I have to study more, work more with the Swedish language. Yes? But I can work with. . . as an assistant teacher or help students translate to Arabic. I can speak English as well, many students come from Turkey or Poland for example, but they only speak English, I can help them. (female participant, 045).

Other participants considered these lower-level forms of employment as an alternative to regular teaching, because they saw these positions as more viable in

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terms of their own confidence in working as a teacher in Sweden. The difficulties some migrant teachers had encountered in schools – for example, in terms of being able to work in a classroom, which they perceived as chaotic, or where teachers lacked respect from students – were reasons for considering a role such as teaching assistant as an alternative. A number also reflected on the potential added difficulties they might have in terms of getting respect from children due to their accents. For some women who wore veils for religious reasons, they considered the potential risk for discrimination and a lack of understanding from children. To have a veil, this can be an extra problem for you, especially here with teenagers.. I can’t do that. Because I had a family with so much stress and I can’t handle from here much stress for eight hours. What kind of ... How can I live? That’s why. When I think about praktik, I think it will be easier, but if I think about: “I will be a teacher. I will have the same problems.” And teenagers, we can do nothing about them. Sorry to say that. And it’s very hard to control them. And maybe they can have comments. “You are coming from blah, blah, blah. And you are ...” (female participant, 019).

Contemplating the potential stress this might cause them, some considered “easing in” to the profession by starting to work in a lower-level position until they had reached a level of acceptance at the school or from the students (Ennerberg, 2021a). Participating in work experience gave the migrant teachers the opportunity to talk to school supervisors about potential ways to get work at the particular school or to get more general career advice. This was also a topic that was brought up during the theoretical parts of the course, where the teachers requested additional information on how to find work in Swedish schools. The information given about the labor market was, however, often quite general and left many participants questioning the route into work after finishing the fast-track education. Rather than feeling that the fast track was a bridge toward a clear end goal, some participants expressed a sense of concern as to what would happen after and who to turn to for support. Previous contacts with the Public Employment Service were often portrayed as unhelpful in terms of finding work. At the same time, the opportunity to provide help and doing a good job during the work placements caused some individuals to question the system of unpaid work experience, arguing that it should be easier to find a paid position. The difficulties to find permanent, or even temporary paid employment, were thus seen as the result of unfair practices by employers (Ennerberg, 2021a). Many of the migrant teachers requested more clearly streamlined routes into the system, where they would get more help in finding adequate work, either with the help of the university or the Public Employment Service. The “missing link” in terms of the fast track in relation to the aim of more rapidly utilizing individuals’ competencies can be seen as this gap between the fast track and work, as migrant teachers were left to craft individual routes into the profession, depending on their previous skills (language and professional) and possible requirements to complete retraining. What many of them missed was a more traditional matching service that would enable them to get more practical help with finding work, rather than being left on their own to navigate the local labor market (Ennerberg, 2021a).

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Social Networks One of the more informal goals of the fast-track education, as expressed by course leaders and other organizing actors, was to give participants a sense of belonging and contact with fellow professionals. Early on in the course, many participants focused more on the time aspect and the need to quickly complete their education and validation in order to enter the labor market in some form. At the end of the course, or when interviewed thereafter, many participants appreciated the social aspects that the course had provided. During the course, many started organizing joint lunches at the university with home-cooked food. Evidently, the course had given them the opportunity to learn not only about the Swedish system, but also new aspects of their own and others’ culture. And now it’s fun, to have all these people from many other cities. Maybe in my country I wouldn’t even meet them because I didn’t go to Aleppo or something, cause I lived in [city] but now it’s fun to have all this, it’s really nice, it’s kind of a sense of home, really. I like that. Especially when we talk, “Ah in my city we do that, in my city we do that”, we say “ok, do we live in the same country?!” It was a good opportunity to know all, it was very nice really. (female participant, 060).

As someone related, the course allowed them to “find a home away from home,” thereby referring to the new connections and friendships that were created during the education (Ennerberg, 2021a). Some of these friendships extended after the course, thus allowing individuals to continue to support each other both on a personal and professional level. For example, the participants would share information about Swedish courses or work-related information. Moreover, some of the individuals communicated that they had inspired each other to keep fighting to get a teaching position on the labor market. Others expressed more plainly that a network of contacts may be useful for future teaching roles. In a more practical sense, the course participants were also able to get a reference from the school where they had completed their work experience. A small number of individuals also managed to get employment at their school, either after going back to Swedish studies or through being able to combine studies with some form of paid employment. In this sense, migrants during the course were able to build up social capital and a network they might be able to utilize in the future (cf. Gericke et al., 2018).

Conclusion In this chapter, we have discussed an introduction course directed toward newly arrived migrants with a teaching background. The course was an opportunity for participants to learn more about the Swedish school system and the formal requirements for working as a teacher in Sweden. One of the issues that many participants and teachers discussed throughout the course was the low level of Swedish language

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skills needed to participate in the course. Issues related to language were related to different aspects of the course, for example, in relation to how well individuals were able to use and process the theoretical content of the course as well as getting the most out of their work experience in schools. Moreover, language was brought up as a necessity in terms of formal requirements to get a teaching certificate, but also as a potential concern for participants in terms of how their knowledge and teaching skills would be received once employed in a school. From the perspective of university teachers and school mentors, using Swedish and Arabic was, at times, seen as an efficient way to engage participants in discussions and to use their multiple language skills. In certain school settings, migrant teachers also experienced that their Arabic skills could, indeed, be used to help pupils. Aspects of the course focusing on the culture and organization of the Swedish school system led to many discussions among participants. For some, the ideas were similar to their own previous ways of teaching. Others focused on the differences in teaching styles and the relationships between pupils and teachers. These ideas were interpreted positively by many migrant teachers, while others found that their teaching identity would be threatened by having to negotiate the differences in the classroom. For many, the lack of a clear connection between the introduction course and further help to enter the labor market was seen as problematic. While many participants were hoping to gain a teacher certificate, the majority prioritized fast labor market entry, even if this would mean entering a lower-level position such as a teaching assistant at the outset. The work experience in schools gave some participants a means to build up a network of potential labor market contacts, which, in a few cases, led to temporary work. Moreover, the course also enabled participants to build a strong connection with other teachers, resulting in both supporting relationships and the potential of useful contacts supporting each other with information and tips about future work opportunities. The different issues seen from the case discussed in this chapter are in line with previous research regarding teachers with migrant background. Language acquisition and recertification are challenges for the group that might lead to teachers taking up lower-level positions. In a long-term perspective, this could lead to teachers finding work in schools and work themselves up by applying for recertification at the same time as working in schools. For others, however, this could lead to a more unsecure labor market position. Moreover, the difficulties of reentering the teaching profession are also a potential loss of highly skilled teachers for the educational system at large. The subject knowledge, language skills, and different pedagogical outlooks are assets that can strengthen the national teaching system. Policy solutions could be geared toward giving this group clearer routes into the school system, for example, through structured local employment programs that allowed individuals to combine teaching practices with language studies while fulfilling the requirements for recertification. Moreover, continued language support in order to continue to develop as teachers may be a possible solution. The findings of this study concern teachers, but the different obstacles can be related to other migrant groups that also find difficulties entering a new local labor market, both in terms of finding

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appropriate routes into the labor market and being forced to reconsider their professional status and the application of their vocation in a new setting.

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Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “Place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply Tanya Ovenden-Hope, Rowena Passy, and Philly Iglehart

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Educational Isolation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Notion of Quality in Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenges for Securing Quality Teacher Supply (Teacher Recruitment) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenges for Sustaining Quality Teacher Supply (Teacher Retention) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion and Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Educational Isolation, conceptualized by Ovenden-Hope and Passy, identifies three combined elements experienced by schools that limit their access to the resources necessary for school improvement; geographical remoteness, socioeconomic deprivation, and cultural isolation. Educationally isolated schools are typically located in deprived coastal, rural, and ex-industrial areas in England. School performance of Educationally Isolated schools has been consistently lower than for urban schools with similarly socioeconomically deprived communities. The focus of education policy until recently on supporting schools in densely populated urban areas, such as The London Challenge, alongside urban schools’ geographical connectedness and cultural opportunities, helps understanding of differences in school performance caused by place. T. Ovenden-Hope (*) · P. Iglehart Institute of Education, Plymouth Marjon University, Plymouth, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] R. Passy Plymouth Institute of Education, University of Plymouth, Plymouth, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_7

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This chapter explores the challenges of place for securing and sustaining quality in teacher supply in England. Educational Isolation is used as the framework for examining the way in which a school’s location can limit its access to a quality workforce. The notion of “quality” in teaching is discussed in relation to the recruitment, professional development, and retention of teachers in Educationally Isolated schools. The increasing number of unqualified teachers (and school leaders) in state-funded schools in England, 25,078 in 2019, with a higher proportion in Educationally Isolated schools, is examined. The chapter concludes by demonstrating a relationship between place and securing and sustaining a quality teacher supply, and the need for the government in England to devise policies that enable equitable school access to resources for school improvement regardless of their place. Keywords

Educational Isolation · Teacher Recruitment · Teacher Retention · Quality Teaching · Teacher Supply

Introduction This chapter explores the challenges of place for securing and sustaining quality in teacher supply in England. Educational Isolation (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019) is used as the framework for examining the way in which a school’s location can limit its access to a quality workforce. The notion of “quality” in teaching is discussed in relation to the recruitment, professional development, and retention of teachers in Educationally Isolated schools. The increasing number of unqualified teachers (and school leaders) in state-funded schools in England, 25,078 in 2019 (DfE, 2020), with a higher proportion in Educationally Isolated schools, is examined. The chapter concludes by demonstrating a relationship between place and securing and sustaining a quality teacher supply, and the need for the government in England to devise policies that enable equitable school access to resources for school improvement regardless of their location. In 2019, Ovenden-Hope and Passy reported on 10 years’ of research leading to the conceptualization of Educational Isolation, which identified the three issues cited by Ofsted in 2020 as the combined elements challenging schools in accessing resources needed for school improvement; geographical remoteness, socioeconomic deprivation, and cultural isolation (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). Educational Isolation demonstrated a relationship between place and school access to resources, which includes a high quality workforce. Educationally isolated schools in England are typically located in deprived coastal, rural, and ex-industrial areas. Ofsted, the Office for Standards in Education, is the government’s inspection agency for Education, Children’s Services and Skills in England and holds schools accountable for the quality of their provision. Ofsted reported in 2020 that schools in England in geographically remote, culturally isolated, and socioeconomically

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declining areas – Educationally Isolated schools – were failing their pupils by providing the “worst” education (Ofsted, 2020: 5). The emotive and evaluative language used by Ofsted (2020) to refer to Educationally Isolated schools’ underperformance suggests the urgency needed to address inequity caused by place: . . . some of the worst education is delivered in communities that have been left out of improvements in economic prosperity. These are not leafy suburbs where there is a comfortable and thriving local economy, but typically in pockets of the country with a declining industry or jobs market and a lack of broader cultural opportunities. Often, these schools are in remote areas or on the very outskirts of major cities. In some of these areas, a pupil will go through their whole primary or whole secondary school life never having attended a good school: 13 years or more. This is failure of the highest order. (Ofsted, 2020: 5)

School performance, using Department for Education measures of Progress 8 and Attainment 8 in secondary schools, has been consistently lower in Educationally Isolated schools than for urban schools with similarly socioeconomically deprived communities (DEFRA, 2019: 7; DfE, 2019a: 7). The focus of education policy predominantly supporting schools in densely populated urban areas, such as The London Challenge, alongside urban schools’ connectedness geographically and easy-to-access cultural opportunities, helps us to understand differences in school performance caused by place. In terms of resources, and specifically workforce supply, urban schools have access to greater numbers and choice in teacher recruitment, due to factors such as density of population, numbers of co-located schools, and strong infrastructural provision in, for example, transport. In England, the recruitment and retention of teachers has been a continuing challenge for the majority of schools, regardless of location (DfE, 2019b). The additional challenge for Educationally Isolated schools has been in securing the quality of teacher supply, with coastal and rural schools having higher numbers of unqualified teachers than urban schools (DfE, 2020). In 2020 and 2021 England saw an increase in applications to initial teacher training (ITT) programs, suggesting that teacher supply may be improved for the foreseeable future. This suggestion, however, needs to be considered carefully in relation to the points discussed below. The first is that increases in trainee teachers during an economic recession, such as that caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, should be treated with caution. Teaching can appear more attractive to postgraduates during economic downturns when other postgraduate careers are not available and graduate unemployment increases (Dolton et al., 2003; Worth & McClean, 2020). Teaching may well be considered “recession proof,” because there is always a need for teachers, regardless of wider economic challenges (Hutchinson et al., 2020).The challenge of this for teacher supply is that those entering teaching as a “fallback” profession (Dolton et al., 2003) may leave teaching as and when the economy recovers. Secondly, increases in trainee teacher applications have been consistent across the phases of education (Primary Key stages 1 and 2 and Secondary Key Stages 3, 4, and 5), with applications lower for Primary (not reaching the peak seen in 2016/17 by 5000) and being subject-dependent in Secondary, with lower applications in Biology, Geography, and Design and Technology (Howson, 2021). The concern here focuses

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on the issue of quality in teaching when Science, Humanities, and Creative Arts subjects use specialists from other subjects to fill the gaps. Finally, in 2025 there is a known demographic “bulge” of students entering Secondary education (age 11) in England, which was identified as a crisis for teacher supply by the government pre-pandemic (DfE, 2019b). The student bulge means that schools will have 15% more children than in 2018 (DfE, 2019b). The knowledge that one fifth of teachers were leaving the profession after 2 years and one third by the 5th year of teaching (DfE, 2019b) compounded the sense of crisis for meeting teacher supply. Teacher supply in schools that had traditionally been hard to staff, such as Educationally Isolated rural and coastal schools, was even more problematic (Ofsted, 2020; Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2020). Increasing trainee teacher numbers may continue due to the pandemic/recession in England and allay some fears for increased teacher recruitment needs, but the likelihood is that teacher recruitment and retention will become increasingly challenging for all schools in England as the economy recovers from the pandemic (Hutchinson et al., 2020). As more graduate jobs open up in the private sector to pull existing teachers from the profession and attract those who might have trained to be teachers, securing and sustaining a quality teacher supply for an increasing population of students will be hard, especially for Educationally Isolated schools.

Educational Isolation The thinking on Educational Isolation started with the Coastal Schools Research, which was conducted between 2010 and 2017. This project consisted of four linked but separate studies that used a qualitative longitudinal research approach to examine leadership in six secondary schools located up to 5.5 km from the coast in areas of long-standing socioeconomic deprivation (indicated by multiple indices of deprivation). All the schools in these studies had a long history of pupil underperformance in examinations; pupils were drawn from populations that were predominantly white working class, were located in communities that had many cases of multigenerational, low, un-, or seasonal employment. Details of our findings and a discussion of the research methodology can be found in earlier publications (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2015; Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017). Central to the Coastal Schools Research was the establishment of geographical, socioeconomic, and cultural remoteness as contributing factors for Educational Isolation, and in turn the context for limiting school access to the recruitment and retention of teachers and leaders (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2015). The geographical isolation, poor transport links, limited employment prospects for partners of teachers, and long commutes from more affluent areas were all issues affecting workforce supply in coastal schools (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2015). The Educational Isolation Project (EIP) was conducted in 2017–2019, collecting data from school leaders in England using an online questionnaire and case study semi-structured interviews. For a full report on this research, see Ovenden-Hope and Passy (2019). Ethics approval was granted by Plymouth Marjon University and the

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research provided anonymity for participants to support verbatim contributions. The findings enabled us to establish and examine how the different aspects of Educational Isolation interact to affect school improvement, and to build a more robust conceptualization of Educational Isolation than one based purely on location (e.g., Odell, 2017) as we did in the former Coastal Schools Research. Educational Isolation is defined in its broadest sense as: “a school experiencing limited access to resources for school improvement, resulting from challenges of school location” (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019: 4). The three key locational/placebased elements of Educational Isolation are geographic remoteness, socioeconomic deprivation, and cultural isolation (from opportunity and diversity). Schools experiencing all three of these place-based challenges were found to have more limited access to a high-quality school workforce, funded school improvement interventions, and school support than schools in urban, affluent, or culturally diverse or accessible areas (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). The importance of geographic location, socioeconomic conditions, and cultural opportunities/diversity for schools is shown in Fig. 1. Educationally Isolated schools in England are typically located in coastal and rural places in England. In 2020, 3268 state maintained schools in England were rural primary schools (DfE, 2020), constituting 19% of all primary schools. Five hundred and fifty-one secondary schools (for students aged 11–16) were in rural and coastal areas (Gov.uk 2021) in 2020, forming 16% of secondary schools in England in 2020 (DfE, 2020); coastal schools are included with rural schools through the Rural-Urban classification system that does not differentiate between these types of location. There are 84 local authority areas in England defined by the government as “countryside living”; of these 34 are coastal. In 2019, The Centre for Education and Youth in 2019 (para 10 – 15) argued that pupils in rural and coastal schools from persistently disadvantaged backgrounds have lower attainment at the end of secondary schooling than pupils from similar backgrounds in non-rural schools: Notably, in rural areas the relationship between poverty and educational outcomes is particularly strong. So although pupils in rural schools with low deprivation attain highly, schools in deprived areas are really struggling. . . Geography, demographics and

Fig. 1 Educational isolation. (Source: Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019: 4)

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community/economic context play a critical role in moderating the relationship between poverty and educational outcomes.

Given that nearly a fifth of students attend a rural or coastal school in England, these findings are significant in showing the impact of place on education and the need to understand why this inequity in outcomes persists. Educational Isolation provides an explanation for the lower performance in these schools, with limited access to a high quality workforce central to understanding this inequity. Educational Isolation is complex but has three place-based elements: geographical remoteness, socioeconomic disadvantage, and cultural isolation, which, when experienced by a school together, act to limit that school’s access to resources required for school improvement. In the research, participants regarded higher student examination scores as the end result of school improvement, but it included different activities and forms of support – for instance, setting up apprenticeships with local businesses, opening school facilities to local groups, encouraging entrepreneurship, and making pupils feel “special” – that were at the heart of their approach. The aim was to offer students an education that “had the potential to be emancipatory” (Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017: 233). The concept was developed with a focus on schools in England (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019), but it can be applied internationally. The fact that a school’s place can limit access to resources is important, but the focus of this chapter is on the way Educational Isolation affects quality in teacher supply in England.

The Notion of Quality in Teaching “Quality” in teaching is a notion used by the Department for Education to explain performance, justify focused types of professional development (such as the new National Professional Qualifications), and generally explain why some schools serve their students better than others (Allen & Sims, 2018; Sutton Trust, 2011)). It is generally accepted that high-quality teaching has a positive impact on learning, particularly for students from disadvantaged backgrounds, who are said to gain approximately 1.5 years’ worth of learning in 1 school year when taught by a good teacher, as opposed to only half a years’ worth of learning with a poor teacher (statistics from Sutton Trust, 2011; Allen & McInerney, 2019; Allen & Sims, 2018; Social Mobility Commission, 2017, 40). However, there is no agreed or commonly used definition of good teaching (Kime, 2015; see also Grigg, 2015; House of Commons Education Committee, 2012) or “quality” teaching (Steadman & Ellis, 2021; Flores, 2019). The lack of definition for quality teaching is challenging when considering how the government in England focus on “good” and “quality” teaching as the marker for school improvement; as Liston Borko and Whitcomb (2008: 111) state, it is “a key policy lever to narrow achievement gaps.” However, it can be difficult to distinguish between teacher quality and teaching quality, and there is little agreement about the different attributes that make up a “good teacher”; their practices are generally

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included, but contribution of their qualification and professional development can be regarded as debatable (Steadman & Ellis, 2021), making the focus on which to “measure” quality difficult to determine. The proxy for quality teaching is often “effectiveness” (Skourdoumbis, 2017), but this has led, as Steadman and Ellis (2021: 2) argue, to: . . .an enduring and (to many policy makers) persuasive economistic view of teacher effectiveness [that] prioritses the relationship between teachers and student achievement, seen as a proxy for success in the labour market, or access to further or higher education.

As Steadman and Ellis suggest, often a very close link is made between measuring the quality of teaching and pupil outcomes, and this frequently takes the form of results on high-stakes assessments (Muijs, 2015; Greaves et al., 2019; Allen & Allnutt, 2017; EEF online; Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, 2013). Respected educational organizations that focus on evidence-based research are among those who have fallen prey, at least at times, to this circumscribed view. For example, the EEF’s online Teaching and Learning Toolkit evaluates strategies to improve teaching and learning by assessing the average impact they have on pupil attainment, and in a 2011 report, the Sutton Trust commented, “improving the effectiveness of teachers would have a major impact on the performance of the country’s schools, increasing the attainment of children across the education system” (2011: 5). Comparable to the lack of agreement on what makes for high-quality teaching, there is also no agreement about how to measure the quality of teaching. Different methods include, but are not limited to, classroom observation, student perception surveys, stakeholder views, or interrogating data or artifacts, all of which have drawbacks as well as benefits (Grigg, 2015). For example, while lesson observations may be useful in particular contexts for professional development and accountability, studies have noted the complexity of such a measurement, with variations in ratings caused by different interpretations of the same behaviors or by different conceptualizations of aspects of instruction (Lindorff et al., 2020). Similarly, measuring the quality of teaching through pupil achievement or progress data is recognized as problematic (Kime, 2015; Muijs & Reynolds, 2018; Sutton Trust, 2011), not least because it is difficult to identify and control for factors that impact on pupil progress and achievement (Grigg, 2015). In addition, the way in which the roles of teacher and learner are perceived influences what is viewed as high-quality teaching and learning, which in turn influences what to measure and how to measure it (Claire & Moss, 2020; Grigg, 2015). A continued emphasis, especially in the area of policymaking, on measuring pupil achievement may be at risk of overshadowing other methods for evaluating teaching quality. Ofsted has adopted a somewhat broader view of measuring teaching quality that goes beyond solely performance-based methods. The new Education Inspection Framework from 2019 recognized specific attributes that contribute to effective implementation of teaching in relation to subject knowledge, assessment, planning, teaching practice, and classroom management, reflecting information in the

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Teachers’ Standards and measured via classroom observation, artifacts and stakeholder views (DfE, 2011; Ofsted, 2019). Ofsted’s Education Inspection Framework may have moved toward a more general focus on teaching and learning, but the Ofsted inspection body appear to have repackaged their performative agenda, together with the curriculum, in specific judgments under “Quality of Education” (Kayembe, 2020; Ofsted, 2019). As in the Sutton Trust report (2011), effective teaching continues to be linked with an improvement of student scores: Ofsted explicitly links quality with results of students in high-stakes exams and the qualifications they obtain (Ofsted, 2019). Thus, Ofsted’s judgment of teaching quality may include methods that can measure, for example, critical thinking skills, ability to collaborate, or resilience, but the goal of the teaching that is measured remains as increased attainment. If the role of teacher is viewed solely or mainly as facilitating the acquisition of knowledge or qualifications, as opposed to, for instance, development of self-efficacy or socialization, whatever method of measurement used will view teaching quality through this lens. While there may be a lack of consensus about what makes for effective or highquality teaching, no one would argue that improvements in teaching quality are not worth pursuing, since the negative impact of underperformance in teaching is significant. And this impact is disproportionately felt in schools that are Educationally Isolated, as they serve disadvantaged communities where the pupil attainment gap is widest (Allen & Sims, 2018). Ofsted has acknowledged the challenges faced by the geographical isolation and high levels of disadvantage for these schools, and associates improvements in reducing the attainment gap via school improvement with, among other things, upholding high standards of teaching as referenced in the Teachers’ Standards (Ofsted, 2020: 31–33). In England, despite a range of initiatives to combat inequality, the attainment gap between disadvantaged pupils and their peers stopped closing in 2018 and looks likely to widen, with estimates after the first pandemic lockdown in 2019 suggesting a widening of between 11% and 75% (Hutchinson et al., 2020: 9–18; EEF, 2020). Defining and measuring quality of teaching is therefore problematic, but the notion of quality remains present as an indicator for school improvement and school performance. The EIP identified a high quality workforce as a key resource; our research shows that Educationally Isolated schools have limited access to high-quality teachers. The school leaders who participated in this research and identified as being in an Educationally Isolated school characterized their workforce as consisting of those who: • Were unlikely to seek employment elsewhere and had “settled” for only teaching in that school due to issues such as housing prices or lack of opportunity for a local school move, thereby creating a “lack of churn” and an inward-looking attitude to school improvement • Were successful in finding employment despite being weak applicants as a consequence of low applicant numbers, predominantly because their schools were underperforming or were in remote and/or economically declining areas • Were more likely to be early career teachers in year one or two due to the high attrition of newly qualified teachers (NQTs) (who left due to feeling isolated from

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other NQTs or through lack of opportunities for professional development (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019)) This consistent reporting on the poor quality of the workforce in Educationally Isolated schools demonstrated to us that a high-quality teacher supply was challenging in these schools due to their place. In other words, a high-quality teaching supply was considered to be one that provided well-qualified and experienced teachers for the roles being advertised and a sustained improvement of the teachers within the schools through effective professional development (with those who needed to leave the profession or school having the opportunity to do so). Teaching quality was therefore seen in the EIP as practices and qualifications that enabled school improvement. A 2019 Sutton Trust report surveying over 3000 teachers in England about recruitment difficulties and teacher shortages found schools serving disadvantaged communities were more likely to be staffed by teachers who do not have Qualified Teacher Status (QTS), who have a few years’ experience, and who are nonspecialists in science and Maths, which negatively affected pupil attainment and contributed to the attainment gap (Allen & McInerney, 2019). Allen and Sims’s (2018: 445-446) research supports this belief: the chances of a pupil having an unqualified, novice or out-of-subject teacher are 88, 32, or 49% higher, respectively, for students in the most disadvantaged quintile of schools (top 20%) than for those in the least disadvantaged quintile (bottom 20%). Similar situations occur internationally (OvendenHope, 2021; Niklasson, 2020; Liu & Li, 2020; Allen & Sims, 2018).These findings echo the challenges identified by school leaders of Educationally Isolated schools in securing and sustaining a quality teacher supply (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). While improving the quality of teaching is regarded as beneficial, it is not straightforward, particularly for Educationally Isolated schools that already have limited access to continuing professional development and school support as a consequence of their place (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). Determining specific aspects of teaching quality for improvement is subjective for all the reasons noted above. Allen and McInerney’s (2019) suggestions for improvements in attracting teachers to work in schools serving disadvantaged communities (Educationally Isolated schools) are an appropriate starting point for enhancing teaching quality, for example, the funding professional development from pupil premium and that training places allocated meet local supply needs. The specifics of how to improve teaching quality will undoubtedly be a subject for continued discussion, but emphasis on this serves to highlight the need to treat teachers as the professionals they are, rather than the commodity they have become (OvendenHope, 2021). Difficulty recruiting high-quality teachers is partly due to the low status of teaching as a profession (Cordingley & Crisp, 2020), and it leads to vacancies in schools, particularly with deprived intakes. Filling positions with unqualified teachers further undermines the status of teaching, making it harder to recruit high-caliber candidates (Coughlin, 2015). This “status-based crisis for teacher supply” (OvendenHope, 2021: 73) is compounded by poor working conditions (Cordingley & Crisp, 2020), which again disproportionately affect schools serving disadvantaged communities (Allen & McInerney, 2019; Ovenden-Hope et al., 2020).

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Further, evidence from the USA suggests that retention of high-quality teachers is more common in affluent schools and those with stable leadership, and the lowest performing schools have an overall turnover significantly higher than average, seemingly exacerbating the problems of recruitment and retention in the most disadvantaged schools (Collins & Schaaf, 2020; see also Social Mobility Commission, 2017). On the other hand, Educationally Isolated schools in rural and coastal areas struggle to recruit “new blood”; teachers remain in schools because other teaching positions in the area are limited, few new teachers join because employment opportunities for partners are limited, and school improvement stagnates because it tends to be inward-looking. This results in lower-quality teaching due to a deficiency of new ideas and approaches (Collins & Schaaf, 2020; Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019; Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2020; Social Mobility Commission, 2017). A significant issue affecting the quality of teacher supply is the way agencies responsible for this engage with the process. Ovenden-Hope (2021: 72) argues that the teacher supply process is currently closer “to the commercial production and maintenance of a product than it is to the training and development of a professional.” By allowing teaching to become a “job” (service) that can be done by any seemingly competent adult (commodity) without a teaching qualification or in some cases a degree, undermines the status and value of teaching as a highly skilled profession (Ovenden-Hope, 2021). It is suggested that Educationally Isolated schools will only see changes in the quality of their workforce once agencies responsible for teacher supply rethink how they perceive the teachers. These agencies, such as the Department for Education in England, need to understand the specific and place-based challenges in teacher supply (Allen & McInerney, 2019) in order to target resources to mitigate them.

Challenges for Securing Quality Teacher Supply (Teacher Recruitment) As suggested earlier, teacher recruitment and retention for schools in England is a national challenge (NEU, 2019; DfE, 2019b; Foster, 2019). The number of unfilled posts has been increasing at a time in which overall pupil numbers are also increasing (NEU, 2019), and significant reductions in teacher trainee applications and acceptances were reported from 2010 (Helm Siddiqu & Ratcliffe, 2017) until the recent Covid-19 pandemic. The increase in trainee teacher applications across England since 2020 suggests that any shortfall in teacher recruitment may be met by a new stream of Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs). However, teaching is part of the public sector in England and considered a secure area for employment (Hutchinson et al., 2020) and an increase in Initial Teacher Training (ITT) applications is a known response to economic recession. This means that the increase in teacher supply is very likely to be temporary, with prior recessions demonstrating an increase in teacher attrition as the economy recovers and other postgraduate level jobs become available in the private sector (Dolton et al., 2003). This will impact on

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Educationally Isolated schools already disproportionately challenged in securing quality teacher supply. In the EIP questionnaire, all school leaders, regardless of their school’s place, reported that they found it difficult to recruit shortage subject teachers (which in England are Maths, physics, design and technology), and that they had an easier time recruiting non-shortage subject teachers. However, coastal and rural schools experiencing Educational Isolation found it more difficult to recruit senior leaders, particularly headteachers and principals, than school leaders in urban areas. Small primary schools reported that they can face particular difficulties in recruiting teachers because of the anticipated heavy workload associated with a small number of staff (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). The challenges of place for Educationally Isolated schools made recruitment more difficult. The three place-based elements of Educational Isolation – geographic remoteness, high levels of socioeconomic disadvantage, and cultural isolation – combine to create a less than attractive prospect for a sustained and productive career to early career teachers (ECTs), mid-career teachers, and senior leaders. Geographical remoteness was reported by headteachers in the EIP as a first hurdle in recruitment: . . .the size of field [of applicants for teaching jobs] is not always as big as one would hope. [Our isolated location] hampers our recruitment. We are lucky if we ever get more than six applications for a post.

School leaders reported that their Educationally Isolated schools were too far away from affordable housing, cultural centers (such as shopping centers, cinemas, etc.), and employment for spouses, making “Trying to recruit young staff to coastal/rural areas is very difficult.” NQTs were believed to be less attracted to coastal and rural schools without easy access to shops, leisure facilities, and cultural diversity, all cultural opportunities that exist primarily in urban settings. For more experienced teachers and leaders, few employment opportunities for family members in the surrounding areas of these schools would make taking a job there impossible. Potential applicants were put off by housing issues resulting from the tourist status of many coastal and rural areas, with a school leader reporting that: . . .the high cost of housing does make a long-term commitment difficult for young staff, and rental properties are expensive due to the amount of holiday opportunities in the area.

Those teachers not considering relocating had the challenge of a long and expensive commute to consider as this school leader demonstrates: I think we also struggle in terms of getting quality staff because we’re . . . remote . . . An awful lot of teachers that live and work in [local city] would be going, Oh I don’t want to . . . commit to that finance [for travelling] every day.

The geographical remoteness of Educationally Isolated schools was reported by school leaders in the EIP as part of their experience in securing a quality workforce.

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School leaders in coastal and rural schools reported on the additional challenges caused by socioeconomic deprivation in their location and the associated lack of economic opportunity and employer engagement. In areas of low-wage, under-, or unemployment, school leaders in the EIP found that pupils had little incentive to work hard at school if their community offered few employment opportunities. These children displayed little expectation of leaving the area for work and did not relate school to future employment prospects. Contributory factors to teacher recruitment were challenging student behavior, poor attainment, and overall lower school performance than that in urban schools with similar levels of socioeconomic deprivation (DfE, 2019a). As the EIP (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019) and our previous research (OvendenHope & Passy, 2015) shows, being a school located in a “coastal town with poor transport links and declining industry” (EIP school leader) can produce significant difficulties for teacher recruitment. An EIP school leader sums up how it feels trying to access resources, such as quality teachers: [We are a] small school, bottom of food chain.

The third place-based element of Educational Isolation, limited cultural opportunities and/or cultural diversity, appears to cement difficulties in securing a quality teacher supply in coastal and rural schools. Schools have to work harder to offer children a cultural awareness that is part of the fabric of urban areas, as articulated by an EIP school leader: [There’s] an awful amount of stuff we have to teach that you wouldn’t teach in a school where you have that cultural diversity because children are just exposed to it . . . It creates quite an insular feel.

This lack of diversity in coastal and rural areas and additional workload required to mitigate it can be off-putting to teachers and school leaders looking for employment, which this school leader recognizes: We are culturally very different to the rest of the country, with the indigenous Cornish identifying themselves as Celtic rather than English, and those attitudes towards “outsiders” of any race, culture or colour of skin can be difficult.

Teachers or NQTs who are used to more cosmopolitan attitudes and resources are more likely to find it hard to adjust to different cultural expectations and thereby less likely to apply for a role in a coastal or rural school.

Challenges for Sustaining Quality Teacher Supply (Teacher Retention) In pre-Covid-19 times the proportion of teachers leaving the profession in England has increased every year since 2010 in primary schools (Worth & De Lazzari, 2017). It has been shown that teacher attrition for ECTs from all schools in England is high,

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with 13% of teachers leaving teaching within 1 year of qualifying and 30% leaving within 5 years (House of Commons, 2017). Specific data on teacher retention for coastal and rural schools is not available in the school workforce in England reports produced annually by the government. The challenges of geographic remoteness for Educationally Isolated schools has been shown above to impact on teacher recruitment, but these challenges also affect sustaining a quality teacher supply. Distances involved to engage with school-toschool support and/or continuing professional development (CPD) restrict and reduce opportunities; providing limited access to this resource for teachers and school leaders. A school leader in the EIP articulated the specific challenges for teacher development clearly: It's much more difficult developing those [school-to-school] links because of the actual time it takes to travel to another school and to actually make contact and get involved . . . also a lot of the rural schools are smaller, so if you've got fewer staff you can't really have a member of staff who just disappears for a meeting for half the day.

High-quality CPD can make a difference in retaining teachers, but long distances and relatively few staff in smaller schools means that it can be difficult to find the time to release teachers for CPD: In the rural school I worked in, the meetings that were held were very few and far between . . . If your school is 20 miles from the nearest school that’s similar to you, then that makes a huge difference . . . a lot of the rural schools are smaller, so if you have fewer staff you can’t really have a member of staff who just disappears for a meeting for half the day.

Teacher absences from the classroom can mean that primary children in particular lose continuity in the teaching, an important factor in supporting their learning. And the distances make networking more difficult, once again because of the time taken in traveling. Technology such as Zoom or Teams can alleviate this problem, as has been shown during the Covid-19 pandemic. While these challenges meant that retention of good teachers was often difficult, school leaders in the EIP reported a problem with teachers that did not want to, could not (for reasons such as not being able to afford to move), or would not leave the area. Teachers would move schools within the Educationally Isolated area rather than move to a new location: There is a real coastal churn of staff [here] – for example if someone is underperforming in one school, they just move on to the next school.

Similarly, school leaders in the EIP reported a “lack of churn” of teachers within their school, stating that “many long-serving teachers do not see themselves working anywhere else.” Some teachers appeared to remain in the school for the majority of their career, which meant that other staff had little or no chance of promotion and left as soon as the opportunity arose, as this leader concurred:

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Talented teachers and middle leaders often leave. We have a lot of staff who have been here a long time so internal promotion opportunities are low.

A static staff in coastal schools can result in school improvement tending to be inward-looking, with teachers resistant to new ideas and techniques (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2015); a school leader in the coastal schools research commented “What you don’t get is a lot of refresh.” It can also mean that the leadership faces a destabilizing change when a number of teachers reach retirement age at the same time, as this school leader reported in the EIP: We have had a very stable staffing structure for a number of years. However, nearly 50 per cent of staff are approaching retirement from 2016–19, so this will be a particular challenge for us.

Teacher retention is also affected in Educationally Isolated schools by the high levels of socioeconomic deprivation in the community, which is played out in part through lower student aspiration, as this school leader in the EIP explained: Without much work out there, and what work there is typically low-paid, low-skilled work . . . that means there's not much money at home. And there's not much incentive for folks, you know parents, to say look if you [student] work hard you can get on and get a good job in [the town].

Another leader in the Coastal Schools Research explained how socioeconomic factors in the community were affecting educational engagement in coastal schools: I mean I've thought about it with the seaside thing . . . It’s the redundancies in the 80s and early 90s where a huge amount of males were made redundant . . . Now we're teaching . . . probably the second generation of kids that have gone through a whole life [without seeing their parents employed] . . . I think that's got a lot to do with it. They just, they don't see, they don't connect school with employment.

The result of high levels of socioeconomic deprivation on schools in these situations was the development of a reputation as challenging and possibly a poor Ofsted grading, which appeared to be a push factor for teachers, creating high levels of teacher attrition (alongside a number of teachers who are unwilling or unable to leave the area). A school leader in the EIP commented that, when she started at such a school in a coastal community, her experience was: . . . it had falling admission numbers due to a number of causes, including a bad Ofsted result ... In the years since, the school had garnered a bad reputation in the community, with parents taking children to schools they perceived as better. In an isolated coastal community with decreasing numbers of young people, I found the school with a community with no aspirations for their children. Morale amongst staff was low.

The morale of staff is a clear reason for teacher attrition in Educationally Isolated schools, which is compounded by the limited cultural opportunities and cultural

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diversity experienced by teachers. The additional workload placed on teachers to create a culturally diverse school experience mentioned in the section above on recruitment is equally relevant when considering teacher attrition. Teacher workload in small schools, schools that in England are predominantly coastal and rural, is already challenging with mixed-aged classes and increased whole school responsibilities for the few teachers employed. As a school leader in the EIP stated: We have to work quite hard just to make sure we are preparing children for modern global society and that they understand that global society doesn’t look like [this town].

The additional requirement to create cultural diverse experiences in a community where there are very few, if any, opportunities to do so can cause some teachers to leave. At the other end of the cultural spectrum, school leaders reported that teachers, particularly ECTs, left their Educationally Isolated schools because there was little to do locally for a full social life. Urban areas are typically culturally rich, with theaters, museums, clubs, bars, multiscreened cinemas, and large shopping areas. Educationally Isolated schools typically have few of these cultural opportunities nearby. It is not suggested that this is the situation in all isolated areas, but it adds to the factors mitigating against the retention of teachers who are used to more cosmopolitan opportunities for social engagement and find it hard to adjust.

Conclusion and Recommendations It is a challenge for any school in England to secure and sustain a quality teaching supply (DfE, 2019b), but for Educationally Isolated schools this is compounded by the effects of place (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2019). Schools in predominantly coastal, rural, and deindustrialized urban communities in England share similar difficulties in accessing the greatest school resource of all, a high quality workforce, based on their geographical remoteness, socioeconomic disadvantage, and cultural isolation (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2020). Quality teaching may be difficult to define, but it is clear that access to a quality teaching supply is a resource that is particularly limited by Educational Isolation. Ofsted’s Annual Report in 2016 identified increased teacher supply issues for schools in isolated and deprived areas: There is also considerable evidence that it is schools in isolated and deprived areas where educational standards are low that are losing out in the recruitment stakes for both leaders and teachers’ (Ofsted, 2016: 13)

The Social Mobility Commission, State of the Nation Report (2017: 39) also identified that there were reduced opportunities for Educationally Isolated schools to access a quality teacher supply:

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The most deprived coastal rural areas have one and half times the proportion of unqualified secondary teachers that the least deprived inland rural areas have.

With limited access to quality teaching, students in Educationally Isolated schools cannot receive an equitable education or expect a similar outcome to their peers in urban schools that have better access to resources. The Department for Education in England has started reporting on geography within some schools-based data, including workforce (DfE, 2020), which suggests some progress at the government level in recognizing the contribution a school’s place makes toward both the number and quality of teachers they recruit and retain. School leadership in Educationally Isolated schools appear more determined than the government in mitigating place-based challenges to achieve more equitable access to resources (Ovenden-Hope & Passy, 2015; Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017). Coastal school leaders have established principles and practices to secure social justice for their students: Their principle was to do what was possible to offer students in disadvantaged areas an education that, within the limits of the system, has the potential to be emancipatory. Their practices were aimed at this through improving the quality of teaching, offering a wide range of experiences, and providing practical support in the local community. (Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017: 233)

These school leaders wanted a “fair deal” (Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017) for their students regardless of their schools place-based challenges. The following recommendations are therefore posited to support opportunities for more equitable access to a quality teacher supply for Educationally Isolated schools.

Recommendation 1 Collaboration and Partnership [Leadership] has got to be collaborative. There’s got to be willingness within leadership to establish links and be part of a wider network. (Headteacher, Educational Isolation Project)

Educationally Isolated schools, as with all schools, benefit from collaboration and partnership with others schools. In relation to teacher supply, the following ways of working with other schools may be particularly helpful: • Collaboration between Educationally Isolated schools that focus on solutions for the specific challenges of teacher recruitment and retention, such as joint campaigns to attract high caliber teachers to work in remote, disadvantaged communities. • Partnership agreements between neighboring higher performing schools and poorly performing Educationally Isolated schools to share best practice, such as specific strategies to improve early career teacher self-efficacy for increased chances of their retention (Ovenden-Hope et al., 2020).

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• Partnership between schools that are within traveling distance of each other to develop school-level solutions for teacher supply, using evidence-based practice. This could be done, for example, through investment in teachers and school leaders’ professional development by sharing expert teachers between schools to facilitate high quality CPD for all in the partnership. • Collaboration between Educationally Isolated schools and schools successful in winning external funding to secure new funded opportunities through jointly developed applications. Externally funded opportunities could be targeted at interventions that would increase high quality teaching, such as the DfE School Strategic Improvement Fund that invested at school level in initiatives, for example developing the teaching of Oracy. • Partnership between the Educationally Isolated school and the community to manage local perceptions of the value of education. The school becomes the center of the community and an attractive employer. Developments such as inviting the local elderly to have lunch in the school canteen once a week, or providing space for community events, have been shown to establish positive perceptions of, and engagement with, a previously challenging to recruit to school (Passy & Ovenden-Hope, 2017).

Recommendation 2 Targeted Resources So if the DfE were to say we’re going to help rural isolation by having a fund for rural isolation so that schools can cover staff if they need to go to a meeting, that would help. (Headteacher, Educational Isolation Project)

Policymakers, funding organizations, and stakeholders in education need to consider, understand, and apply the concept of Educational Isolation when working with schools, which will allow the targeting of resources where they are needed (and have previously been limited by the school’s place). Once Educationally Isolated schools are able to leverage the possibilities in government reforms and external funding, they can focus on securing and sustaining a high quality teacher supply. An example of targeted resource for quality teacher supply in Educational Isolated schools, and a beacon of hope for more place-based school support, is the Rural Teaching Partnership (RTP) implemented in September 2021. The RTP will provide 100 trainee teachers to rural Church of England primary schools, with the Church of England and Catholic Church having the highest number of rural, coastal, and small schools in England (over 70% in 2021 (DfE, 2021). Schools participating in this initiative will have a Teach First (an Initial Teacher Training Provider) trainee teacher who will be supported with a contextualized training curriculum for working in a rural school and be supported by resources from the professional body in England for teaching, the Chartered College of Teaching. Other ways that resources could be targeted to support Educational Isolated schools in recruiting and retaining teachers could include:

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• Focused intervention funding from the government based on successful recruitment and retention strategies in Opportunity Areas in England. There are 12 government-funded Opportunity Areas in England (2017 to 2021) that have received £72 million as part of a national plan for dealing with social mobility through education. Opportunity Areas were selected based on high multiple indices of deprivation. • Stakeholder professional development events scheduled and delivered to support Educationally Isolated schools’ participation. Continuing Professional Development (CPD) could be offered through hybrid models taking advantage of improved remote working capabilities and capacities to secure engagement of geographically remote schools through accessible and cost effective platforms. Removing the need to travel for CPD will provide more equitable opportunities for all teachers, but particularly those challenged by remote locations. • Organizations that provide funded initiatives for schools, such as the Education Endowment Foundation, to create targeted contextualized support for Educationally Isolated schools, such as funding cover costs to replace staff participating in the initiative, a cost that impacts particularly on small schools with few teachers. These recommendations provide ideas that should be considered within the context of the school and possibilities allowed by the school’s place in relation to infrastructural challenges. Ultimately, school leaders will need to decide what is in the best interest of their schools when seeking to address the challenges caused by place in securing and sustaining a quality teacher supply. This chapter has attempted to present an explanation for the specific challenges in recruiting and retaining a high-quality workforce that are faced by schools that are geographically remote, socioeconomically disadvantaged, and culturally isolated. Educational Isolation clearly conceptualizes the limiting elements of a school’s place for attracting and keeping quality teachers. When these limitations are fully understood, then work can begin at both a government and systems level on creating more equitable access to the resources that support Educationally Isolated schools in recruiting and retaining quality teachers.

Cross-References ▶ Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “Place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply ▶ Global Discourses, Teacher Education Quality, and Teacher Education Policies in the Latin American Region ▶ Rethinking the Complex Determinants of Teacher Shortages ▶ Shoring Up “Teacher Quality”: Media Discourses of Teacher Education in the United Kingdom, United States, and Australia ▶ Spatial Perspectives: A Missing Link for Comparative Teacher Education Research ▶ The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers

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▶ Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared ▶ Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View

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Reshaping the Teaching Profession: Patterns of Flexibilization, Labor Market Dynamics, and Career Trajectories in England Ce´cile Mathou, Marc A. C. Sarazin

, and Xavier Dumay

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Flexibilization of the Teaching Workforce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The (Limited) Use of External Flexibility: Constraints on the Hiring of Unqualified Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Internal Flexibilization of the “Core” Workforce: Toward the Erosion of Standard Employment? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Embeddedness of Labor Markets for Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (New) Organizational Infrastructures and Internal Labor Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Patterns of Teachers’ Careers and Forms of Career Commitments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Committing to the Profession: Vocational and Subject Specialist Careers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Committing to an Organization: Corporate and Accidental Careers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Committing to the Enterprising Self: Strategic Careers and Open Careers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Annex 1 Types of embedded movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

186 189 190 191 194 197 198 199 200 202 204 207

This chapter draws on research from the TeachersCareers project, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement N
714,641). C. Mathou (*) Institute of Social Sciences (ISS), University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland e-mail: [email protected] M. A. C. Sarazin Moray House School of Education and Sport, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK e-mail: [email protected] X. Dumay Institute for the analysis of change in contemporary and historical societies (IACS), UCLouvain, Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_59

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Annex 2 ERGM Results. Models A and B, respectively, correspond to Models 2 and 3 in Sarazin et al. (In Preparation) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208

Abstract

This chapter presents an overview of a set of studies conducted in the context of the TeachersCareers project to understand the reshaping of the teaching workforce in England, and the reconfiguration of labor markets for teachers. Studies include interviews with HR and line managers on the flexibilization of HR practices and the labor market; social network analyses of teacher flows between schools in the London labor market to study patterns of teacher mobility; and trajectory analyses based on individual interviews with 47 secondary school teachers. Key results show limited external flexibilization but pervasive forms of internal flexibilization (regarding working time, pay, and job boundaries and workplaces); embedded employment relations into internal labor markets; and a fragmentation of career models and types. Results are discussed in terms of theories of liberalization, professionalism, and the institutional foundations and embeddedness of labor markets for teachers. Keywords

Teachers · Careers · Labor market · Social network · England

Introduction In a context where the link between the teaching workforce and the quality of education has been strongly asserted, teachers and teaching have come to the “forefront of the global educational policy reform agenda” (Tatto, 2007, p. 7). Some of the major policy issues include the attractiveness of the profession, the retention of teachers, the quality of initial teacher education, professional development, and career-long learning (Paine et al., 2016). Maria Teresa Tatto’s (1997) identification of persistent policy issues such as the attractiveness of the profession remains salient today. Existing research indicates a crisis in teacher supply in many countries, which could reflect a decline in the relative social and economic status of the teaching profession. Studies conducted in the USA (Strizek et al., 2006) and France (2011) find that teachers now have a higher average level of educational attainment, but that national education systems still have difficulties in attracting people with the highest academic profiles (Corcoran et al., 2004). The teacher workforce tends to be diversified in terms of the paths for entering the profession (e.g., second-career teachers, fast training tracks, etc.), contractual conditions, and levels of qualification, mostly in global south countries (Fyfe, 2007) but also in the UK (Martindale, 2019) for instance. The growing variation in teacher characteristics is reflected in the increasing fragmentation of educational provision. Research in the USA (Loeb & Reininger, 2004), UK (Sims & Allen, 2018), and Belgium (Dumay,

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2014) indicates that schools with high minority enrolments also have higher proportions of less certified and less experienced teachers and that the association between students’ and teachers’ characteristics reinforces inequalities in students’ learning environments. High rates of teacher attrition are observed in most modern educational systems (Nguyen et al., 2020), particularly among novice teachers who are more likely to be confronted with less favorable employment conditions. Despite the apparent global nature of teacher policies and teachers’ labor market issues, the literature has notably neglected the analysis of the interfaces between globalization and teachers’ labor markets, including working conditions, career pathways, collective mobilization, and industrial relations (Sorensen & Dumay, 2021). However, it is of fundamental importance to understand the role of institutional factors (global, national, local) in determining the recruitment of teachers, their allocation across schools, and their professional trajectories, for at least three reasons. Firstly, economic sociologists have consistently demonstrated that labor markets do not operate in a vacuum. Rather they are institutionally embedded (Beckert, 2009), which means that economic exchange is usually constrained and defined by noneconomic institutions (e.g., policy) while actors do not behave or decide like atoms outside a social context (Granovetter, 1985; Sarazin et al., In Preparation). In this perspective, patterns of employment relations and professional careers are embedded in institutional frameworks, which both constrain alternatives and enable teachers and employers to organize their collaboration. Secondly, comparative institutional analyses of employment or education regimes have highlighted that patterns of change linked to globalization take different trajectories depending on the interactions between historical models of regulation and current trajectories of reforms (Kalleberg, 2018; Thelen, 2014). More specifically in this chapter, we start from the premise, grounded in comparative analyses of employment systems, that England is best characterized as a case of a “market” employment regime (Gallie, 2007) following a liberal deregulation path (Kalleberg, 2018), with minimal employment regulations, the exclusion of organized labor from decision-making, and a reliance on market adjustment. Thirdly, institutionally shaped models of regulation of the teaching profession will plausibly have an impact on labor market outcomes, such as the attractiveness of the profession or patterns of mobility (see Voisin & Dumay, 2020), in the same way as different patterns of liberalization of labor markets and welfare systems impact differently on economic insecurity, transitions to adulthood, or even happiness. This chapter presents an overview of a set of studies conducted as part of the TeachersCareers project at UCLouvain together with the University of Oxford to understand the reshaping of the teaching workforce in England, and the reconfiguration of labor markets for teachers. The study team adopted as a theoretical prism the idea of the institutional embeddedness of labor markets, meaning that the reconfiguration of the teaching workforce is analyzed in light of changing political environments surrounding education and the teaching profession. The analysis presented in this chapter strives to articulate economic and work sociology with institutional analyses of trajectories of work and employment flexibilization.

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Over the last 30 years, major policy-induced transformations have likely reshaped the teaching workforce in England. Firstly, some flexible Human Resource (HR) arrangements have been progressively introduced. All schools have been required to introduce performance-related pay (PRP) for all teachers following a major reform of teachers’ pay in 2013. Even before then, schools were encouraged to individualize pay to some degree. With the new changes introduced in 2013, all schools are able to set each teacher’s pay on an individual, performance-related basis, removing pay progression based on length of service, requiring schools to revise their appraisal to reflect closer links between performance and pay. Secondly, local labor markets have become increasingly fragmented. Quite central in this perspective has been the academies program, a set of policies initiated by Tony Blair’s Labor government (1997–2010) as a means for improving underperforming schools (with the support of a “sponsor”), and later expanded under the Coalition government (2010–2015). Well-performing schools were then encouraged to “convert” voluntarily to academy status. This program has created a new type of state-funded school, which is not regulated by local authorities, and not bound to employ new teachers on the terms and conditions agreed at the national level and set out in the School Teachers’ Pay and Conditions Document (STPCD). In addition to the deregulation of pay and working conditions, regulations concerning teachers’ qualified status have been relaxed. Until 2012, leaving aside teachers in training and overseas teachers, hiring unqualified teachers was only possible under certain conditions and for a limited period of time. Since 2012, all academies can set aside regulations on teachers’ qualifications. A third, significant transformation is the diversification of entry routes into the profession (Burn & Menter, forthcoming). Recent governments have encouraged market-based and employment-based approaches, which have led to an increasingly differentiated teaching workforce. In 1993, School Centred Initial Teacher Training (SCITT) providers were granted permission to establish their own consortia, with or without university partners. Then, in 2010 the “School Direct” system was introduced, allocating an increasing proportion of training places directly to schools. The rise in school-based training routes means more and more teachers are expected to find their first permanent posts where they have been trained, blurring the distinction between training institutions and workplaces. These training routes could also provide new modes of socialization into the profession. This is particularly true of the Teach First program, a founding affiliate of Teach For All launched in 2003 with the aim of recruiting highly qualified graduates. Based on a set of studies including interviews with 28 HR and line managers, social network analyses of teacher mobility between schools from 2013 to 2016, and interviews with 47 secondary school teachers, this chapter presents an overview of our key findings related to three analytical dimensions: the flexibilization of the teaching workforce, the institutional embeddedness of labor markets for teachers, and the reconfiguration of teachers’ careers.

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Flexibilization of the Teaching Workforce This first section looks at the flexibilization of teachers’ employment relations in England in the context of an accelerated deregulation of work and employment conditions and of educational provision. Looking at the two types of regulatory changes described above (the deregulation of pay and working conditions, and the relaxation of regulations concerning teachers’ qualified status), one could expect two types of effects: an increasing diversification of teachers’ pay and working conditions, and a more widespread employment of nonqualified teachers – in the other words, internal and external flexibilization. External flexibility consists in relaxing hiring or firing regulations and using workers who are not regular employees to adjust the size of the workforce according to fluctuations in demand. It relies on different kinds of nonstandard employment relations such as workers who can be recruited and selected quickly, who are hired for finite periods, and/or who cost less than regular employees (Kalleberg, 2003). Internal flexibilization strategies instead affect “core” workers in regular full-time jobs, providing firms with temporal, functional, and financial flexibility (Atkinson, 1984). Box 1 London Fieldwork: Data and Methods

The case study is based on fieldwork carried out in three London boroughs between April and November 2019. The 32 London boroughs, each corresponding to a local authority (LA) district and governed by a London borough council, make up Greater London. The three London LAs were selected to provide contrasting cases, in terms of: (1) the academization process (i.e., the proportion of LA-maintained schools, of sponsored/converter academies, of academies in large Multi-Academy Trusts, MATs1); (2) their geographical position (inner vs. outer London); (3) the socioeconomic composition of schools – namely, proportions of pupils eligible for Free School Meals (% FSM); (4) political leadership (Labor vs. Conservative council majorities). Within these boroughs, 14 secondary schools were approached and eight accepted to take part in the study. These secondary schools (i.e., serving the 11–16/18 age range) reflect a diversity of positions on the teacher labor market, resulting from schools’ legal status (LA-maintained vs. academy), religious denomination, selective status, levels of deprivation (% FSM), current and recent Ofsted inspection results, and membership of multi-school organizations or interschool networks (namely, MATs, dioceses, and Teaching School Alliances (TSA)). School names were changed to numbers to help ensure anonymity; numbers are followed by “AC” for standalone academies, (continued) Schools brought under the control of a MAT are called “sponsored academies” and possess significantly less autonomy compared to “converter” academies.

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Box 1 (continued)

by “MAT” for academies belonging to MATs, by “LA” for Local Authoritymaintained schools and by “GS” for Grammar schools (state-funded schools which select their pupils through exam results). The study team conducted 28 interviews with individuals with responsibility over employment relations, teacher recruitment, and/or HR management: 18 were individuals working in organizations operating across schools (3 LAs, 3 Dioceses, 2 large MATs, 2 recruitment agencies, 2 TSAs, 1 trade union); 10 were senior leaders (i.e., head teachers and assistant or deputy head teachers) in the sampled secondary schools. The interview data was supplemented with evidence from DfE documents, national collective bargaining documents, trade union publications, and other available documentation (e.g., pay policies, working time policies) pertaining to the sampled schools and organizations. In these 8 schools, 47 semi-structured interviews were carried out with teaching staff whose profile varied in terms of gender, subjects taught, professional backgrounds, training routes, and seniority. All but two interviews were audio-recorded and fully transcribed and analyzed thematically using NVivo. The coding scheme combined descriptive codes and analytical categories derived from the literature. For more details on the fieldwork and methodology, see Mathou et al. (2020, In Preparation). The analysis of the fieldwork data (see Box 1) brings to light a contrasted picture, whereby external flexibilization, through the recruitment of unqualified teachers, seems to be contained by a mixture of diverse but convergent interests and norms from the State, teacher unions, and employers. Meanwhile, various forms of internal flexibilization (regarding working time, job boundaries, and workplaces) appear to be more pervasive, leading to the erosion of defining features of the employment relations (Kirkpatrick & Hoque, 2006) that have characterized regulated, permanent contracts in the state-funded education sector.

The (Limited) Use of External Flexibility: Constraints on the Hiring of Unqualified Teachers Against the backdrop of the recent deregulation of teachers’ employment, external flexibilization has remained a generally unattractive solution for educational employers, because of structural conditions, regulatory constraints, professional norms, and the “problem of value” (Beckert, 2007). Interviewees perceived numerous constraints surrounding the use of the recruitment flexibility granted to academies. First, there is considerable legal uncertainty about the relaxation of rules for hiring unqualified teachers – a category of staff only recently “normalized” – exacerbated by a context of high stakes accountability and a constant fear of Ofsted (the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills inspections).

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In addition to the confusion about which types of schools were indeed allowed to loosen the QTS (Qualified Teacher Status) requirements, recruiting unqualified teachers was described as a risk factor for failing to meet the “safer recruitment” guidelines imposed on schools. Now, for individuals with responsibility over employment relations and/or HR management, whether at local authority, MAT, or school level, safeguarding remained the absolute priority when schools got the “Ofsted call,” announcing the visit from the Inspectorate. Even staff in large MATs, endowed with extensive HR departments, expressed concerns. Hiring teachers without QTS also seemed to contravene professional norms, norms that were strongly upheld by unions. Teacher trade unions have indeed long opposed the hiring of unqualified teachers, as they deem that it endangers the status of the profession. Several school leaders and mid-level actors, in turn, were wary of antagonizing the unions, given the latter’s capacity to mobilize staff. Importantly, external flexibilization also posed a “problem of value” arising from hiring staff whose quality cannot be guaranteed. S8 for instance, belonged to MAT_A, whose policy, according to the head teacher, was to never employ unqualified teachers: “you’d have to ask the question, what are you doing as a teacher if you’re [choosing to remain unqualified]?”. This is related to a third point: the diversification of training routes (in particular school-based routes) provides new opportunities to obtain QTS while working in schools. Several interviewees expressed skepticism that teachers would want to remain unqualified: this meant potentially being paid on lower pay scales with less margin for progression and being at the bottom rung of “school hierarch[ies]” (Diocese_1, Senior manager). Given the existence of many routes for gaining QTS, including some with bursaries or salaries, supporting these unqualified teachers to obtain their QTS were described as initiatives to increase staff retention, and appeared to be a key part of schools’ efforts to differentiate themselves on the labor market. Overall, these insights suggest that the hiring of nonqualified teaching staff has not been the main channel for the flexibilization of the workforce. Academies (and LA-maintained schools in some areas) have instead made use of the leeway regarding internal flexibility granted by recent deregulation.

The Internal Flexibilization of the “Core” Workforce: Toward the Erosion of Standard Employment? Various HR strategies exist to make staff more flexible “internally,” from the transformation of working time and job boundaries to the allocation of staff to multiple workplaces. Among all the schools visited, temporal and functional flexibility measures were quite widespread, although they were most pronounced in large MATs. The intense and increasing workload of teachers in England is now wellestablished in the literature (Allen et al., 2020). The workload issue could also be intrinsically linked to the status of teachers as employed professionals, whose working time is governed by the underlying ethos of “getting the job done”

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(Mangan, 2009, p. 2). However, the recent mix of deregulation and austerity has further intensified work in different ways. The extension of working hours in large MATs especially was the main concern for trade unions, some MATs having removed limits on working time even though STPCD provisions are already very loose. MAT_A, for instance, had no limit at all on working time for teachers. One of its schools had designed extended school days, such that teachers had to be in school longer. In extreme cases, the intensification of teachers’ work leads to what Sims and Allen (2018) call a “recruit-burnout-replace” staffing model. Several interviewees reported that this model – based on a constant inflow of trainees and Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs) – can indeed be found in some large academy chains (though not the MATs included in the study), “they pay high, give them lots of benefits, work them really hard, long hours, forget all the restrictions in the STPCD” (Diocese_1, Senior manager). In the words of a senior manager in MAT_A, making sure that staff can cope with strenuous working conditions entails attracting the right people, through generating a “talent pool.” Such “talents” are especially found among the trainees of the MAT’s own training program, and among Teach First participants. Teach First, a teacher training program that aims to attract top graduates into teaching for at least a 2-year commitment, is indeed characterized by an extreme pressure placed on trainees who are in charge of a full timetable after only 6 weeks of in-house training (Bailey, 2015). Teach First trainees are thus already socialized into this culture of hard work, that “shared experience [. . .] like you were in the trenches together, you know, like you’ve both seen battle” (Charles, S8_MAT, Assistant head). The intensification of work can also take other, less visible forms, such as a close monitoring of absences. In some academies, policies (not agreed with the unions) and HR practices regarding attendance management could discourage teachers from taking time off, a concern expressed by the local trade union representative in LA_1 (where most secondary schools are academies). Another less visible form of work intensification is the reduction of noncontact time for teachers and the increase in class sizes. The latter can be a last-resort “strategy,” used not only to cut staffing costs but also to deal with acute staffing shortages, both in academies and LA-maintained schools. Secondly, interviewees reported numerous examples of task-related functional flexibility, making job boundaries increasingly porous. Functional flexibility means moving employees cross-functionally between tasks and workplaces based on the assumption that their skills are transferable (Bernhardt & Krause, 2014). This less “visible” form of flexibilization, relying on a more intense use of internal resources, was commonly used to avoid using expensive and/or unreliable external staff provided by supply agencies, whose “opportunistic behaviour” (Grimshaw et al., 2003) was vehemently denounced by our interviewees. Like non-QTS teachers, supply teachers posed a fundamental problem of value (Beckert, 2007), being “really hopeless a lot of the time” (Senior leader, S2_AC) in terms of the quality of their teaching.

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Covering for other teachers is a prime example of a situation where the definition of tasks and duties are blurred. Whereas the STPCD specifies that teachers “should be required to provide cover only rarely, and only in circumstances that are not foreseeable,” academies are by definition not bound by these regulations. Accordingly, the trade union representative in LA_1 (where academies abound) witnessed an increase in cover teaching. Interviewees in every sampled school reported instances of teachers covering for other teachers. In some academies, this internal flexibilization was even built into the organization of the school day. Thus, S8 (MAT_A) had policies on managing cover internally, which sought to avoid the use of cover supervisors and supply teachers: an extended school day (with more “free periods,” i.e., periods when teachers were not teaching their class) and lower teaching loads for some staff allowed for teachers to cover for absent colleagues. Although legitimized by the goal of providing high quality education to pupils, internal cover to “fill the gaps internally” was nevertheless deemed problematic by a member of MAT_A’s central services. In the other schools – i.e., not only those in large MATs – there was also a preference for managing absences internally. Senior leaders referred once again to the “higher” goal of providing quality education – claiming that this was preferable to using supply teachers – and the ethical tensions underpinning such decisions. Functional flexibility can also entail geographical mobility, i.e., the redeployment of staff across school networks. This type of flexibility was strongly promoted by HR managers of multi-school organizations (MATs, Dioceses), and associated with discourses lauding the “flexible” teacher enthusiastically taking up the challenge of working across schools. Meanwhile, union representatives feared that such mobility might become increasingly involuntary. Mobility across networks of schools was already embedded in some MAT-level contracts. MAT_B, for instance, created contracts whereby teachers were expected to work in two or more local schools. These contracts were supposed to help attract high quality candidates, and retain experienced, confident teachers, although a senior manager in the MAT admitted that staff tended to be, at the time, “reluctant” to move. Their description of the MAT’s future plans in terms of internal mobility implicitly suggested that some of this mobility might have to be “pragmatic” rather than a desired choice, namely, for teachers in subjects with low curriculum needs. Similarly, MAT_A tried to promote a “culture that encourages mobility” (MAT_A, Senior manager). Some key preconditions for mobility were already in place at the time of fieldwork, starting with staff contracts. Teachers on the senior leadership team in one of their schools were employed by the network, making transfers to other network schools possible. Diocese_1 had recently created a MAT in part to benefit from this advantage: because teachers’ contracts were with the trust, not with schools, staff could “technically” be asked to move to other schools. Finally, in contrast to temporal and functional flexibility, pay flexibility appeared more limited. One reason is that it was seen as opening the door to uncontrolled risks and uncertainties in a competitive labor market. It also raised problems of equity, which in turn may conflict with professional norms. As highlighted by a senior union official, most MATs have chosen a common pay structure for their employees, with

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no significant departure from the national pay scales recommended by unions. Several reasons explain this relative conformity with existing norms. First, common rules allow the mobility of staff: if an academy were to move away from teacher pay structure that is in place in other local schools, “they [would] find it very difficult to recruit teachers from other schools” (senior union official). Another reason for academies and MATs working to the old scales instead of “playing the market” is the fear of upsetting the unions and encroaching on shared norms in the profession. The individualization of pay could lead to a “two-tiered workforce where you get cheaper teachers coming in” (Trade union representative), generating “huge animosity within school[s]” (LA_3, Senior official). Academies could also have staff who were employed before academization (therefore keeping their pay and conditions under TUPE regulations) as well as new staff with different employment conditions. These various forms of internal flexibilization strategies point to the pervasive (although uneven) erosion of standard employment arrangements (Kalleberg, 2000), especially in two areas: performance of work on preset schedules and workplaces, and jobs having well-defined boundaries. This process has taken place in London schools with varying legal statuses, student intakes, and performance levels. However, the flexibilization strategies described were more intensely mobilized (though not only) by managerial staff in MATs working in specialized HR services, whose “corporate habitus” embraces processes “belonging to the modern, real world of business” (Courtney, 2015, p. 222). Finally, internal flexibilization may have benefitted from other measures, such as the proliferation of teacher qualification routes. These newer routes, namely, school-based training routes and the Teach First route, respectively, aim to encourage career changers and ambitious graduates to join the teaching profession.

Embeddedness of Labor Markets for Teachers This section reports on the embeddedness of teacher labor markets and how this phenomenon can create internal labor markets that are crucial for understanding teacher mobility. It thus expands on some of the key findings presented in the previous section about functional flexibility, which had been consistently found more prevalent in the newly created organizational ensembles such as the MATs. The effects of embeddedness on teacher mobility have been underexplored, in large part because many studies assume that teachers’ decisions to move, especially in a deregulated labor market such as England’s, are the result of teachers’ rational decision-making, which is minimally affected by institutional considerations. This perspective also supposes that teacher movements are largely independent of each other – except insofar that a teacher leaving a school will usually create a vacancy that could be filled by another “moving teacher.” Accordingly, existing studies employ methods that conform to these assumptions, and which additionally focus on either the characteristics of “sending schools” or of “receiving schools” on the likelihood of teacher movements. Much existing research therefore neglects dependencies between teacher movements, and tendencies for teachers to move to schools

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with similar institutional characteristics to those that they are leaving – phenomena that, as we will see, can contribute to the creation of organizational internal labor markets. Both phenomena can result from the embeddedness of teacher movements within social networks and organizational environments. This embeddedness stems from the uncertainties that are inherent in much economic action, including moving schools and recruiting teachers (see Beckert, 2009; Granovetter, 1985). Discerning which schools are “good schools” to work in is likely to be difficult for teachers. This will especially be the case if, as evidence suggests, teachers above all judge schools according to their working conditions and less according to more observable characteristics, such as student body composition (Simon & Johnson, 2015). Conversely, educational employers may find it hard to differentiate between job applicants. Again, this is likely to be exacerbated in teacher labor markets with high teacher turnover, such as those in England, which are likely to feature higher proportions of less experienced teachers, whose quality and intentions to stay in the profession may be more difficult to ascertain. Teachers and educational employers have several means of alleviating this uncertainty. Teachers can do this by simply moving to schools that are similar with regard to key organizational characteristics. They can thus move to schools with similar student compositions or to schools with similar styles of governance, where they can expect similar working conditions. In London, the latter types of movements may be particularly likely among sponsor-led academies, which are among the oldest and most established academies in the country (see Gunter, 2011) and whose branding and ethos may appeal to teachers that already work in similar environments (Mathou et al., 2020, In Preparation). Conversely, educational employers can prioritize hiring teachers that are working in schools similar to their own. They may thus hire teachers who are working with similar populations of students, or who are used to similar pedagogies and ways of working. Again, these latter characteristics, in England, have become tightly associated with schools’ governance structures (Mathou et al., In Preparation), such that employers in different kinds of academies, or LA-Maintained schools may be particularly likely to hire teachers from schools with similar governance structures. Another way of alleviating this uncertainty, as suggested by much literature in economic sociology (Beckert, 2009; Granovetter, 1985; Jabbar et al., 2020; Rubineau & Fernandez, 2015), is to rely on the information and trust provided by social networks. Job seekers and employers can thus turn to “connectors,” individuals who provide signals (e.g., referrals or recommendations) indicating that schools or potential hires are a good fit for the job seeker or employer. Crucially, since network ties tend to be more concentrated within schools than between schools (e.g., Sinnema et al., 2020; Spillane et al., 2015), teachers that move schools are well poised to act as connectors between colleagues and employers in their old and new schools. They may also form part of “chains” of connectors that pass on recommendations and referrals among several schools, thereby acting as key intermediaries in the brokering of trust and sharing of reliable information among groups of schools.

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These network processes are likely to lead to dependencies between mobility events, such that the occurrence of one teacher movement is associated with the occurrence of another. Some dependencies that are likely to occur are represented in Annex 1. “Dyadic” dependencies occur when a teacher movement from a school A to a school B is associated with another movement from A to B (“Entrained Movement”) or from B to A (“Reciprocal Movement”). Meanwhile “triadic” dependencies can occur when network ties connect A and B indirectly (through third-party schools C, D, etc.), for instance, because teachers moving from A to C and C to B have acted as a chain of connectors. In this way, movements from school A to thirdparty schools (C, D, etc.) and from third-party schools to school B can lead to direct teacher movements from A to B (“Transitive Closure Movement”) or B to A (“Cyclic Closure Movement”). Triadic dependencies are especially interesting to investigate, as they can effectively create internal labor markets not just between pairs of schools, but among groups of three or even more schools. To test whether, in London, (1) teachers tend to move to schools with similar governance structures and (2) triadic dependencies exist between teacher movements, Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGMs) were fitted to the School Workforce Census (SWC) (2013–2016) dataset. The data and analysis procedure are briefly outlined in Box 2. Annex B partially reproduces the results from these ERGMs, focusing on effects related to schools’ governance structures and to triadic dependencies. Full ERGM results, as well as details about these models and the analysis strategy adopted, can be found in Sarazin et al. (In Preparation). Box 2 Social Network Analysis of the London Labor Market: Data and Method

Section 3 draws on a study that employed computational models – Exponential random graph models (ERGMs) – To investigate patterns of teacher mobility in London, UK, between 2013 and 2016. The models were fit to a dataset of teacher movements constructed from the school workforce census (SWC), an administrative database consisting of an annual census of teachers in England and the schools they work in (for more details, see Sarazin et al., In Preparation). The SWC is an administrative census covering all teachers in regular service in state-funded schools in England. We restricted the analysis to London secondary schools operating throughout 2013–2016 (N ¼ 412 schools). We constructed a database of teacher and school leader movements from the SWC, consisting of all cases where staff members were recorded as working in one school in 1 census year and working in another school in the following census year. These were operationalized as binary ties between schools, which we analyzed using ERGMs: Whenever one or more staff members were recorded as having moved from a school A to a school B (from 1 year to the next) at any point throughout 2013–2016, a tie was recorded from A to B. there were 4555 such binary ties in the database, formed from a total of 5020 movements among 64,157 staff members. (continued)

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Box 2 (continued)

To test (1), we included “Homophily,” “activity,” and “popularity” parameters in the models. The Homophily parameters test whether movements are more likely to occur when both “sending” and “receiving” schools have similar forms of governance (e.g., they are both converter academies). Since such homophily effects could simply occur by chance, if schools with particular governance structures were especially prone to both “sending” and “receiving” teachers (therefore sending teachers to each other by chance), models control for corresponding “activity” and “popularity” effects. Activity and popularity effects test whether schools with particular forms of governance are especially likely to send and receive teachers, respectively. We also included similar activity, popularity, and homophily parameters (not reported here) according to levels of deprivation in schools’ student bodies, to control for the possibility that trends according to school governance could in fact be driven by schools’ student compositions. Similarly, to test (2), we included parameters for transitive closure and cyclic closure movements. Since these triadic dependencies could be driven by other trends, namely, dyadic dependencies, differential tendencies for schools to send and receive teachers, and general tendencies for indirect movements, we included parameters for these (not reported here) in our models. Finally, we included parameters to assess whether triadic dependencies were particularly likely when “sending” and “receiving” schools (schools “A” and “B” in Annex A) had the same governance structure. These parameters, added to model A to form model B, assessed whether triadic dependencies were particularly likely to foster internal labor markets among schools with similar forms of governance. Model B equally includes parameters (not reported here), which control for the tendency of schools with different levels of student deprivation to be involved in triadic dependencies, in case these tendencies explained similar results according to governance structure.

(New) Organizational Infrastructures and Internal Labor Markets The parameter estimates for activity and popularity according to governance structure in Model A show that school governance has implications for schools’ tendencies to send and receive teachers. Both converter and sponsor-led academies have positive and significant parameter estimates for activity and popularity, showing that both kinds of academies are more likely than LA-maintained schools to send and receive teachers. This is likely due to the turbulence associated with becoming an academy: indeed, most academies in London (and the rest of England), including all converter academies, have become academies relatively recently (since 2010). For sponsor-led academies, the trend could also be driven by some schools operating a “high-use-highloss” staffing model (Sims & Allen, 2018). However, the estimates for homophily show marked differences between the two kinds of academies: while teachers leaving

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sponsor-led academies, just like teachers leaving LA-maintained schools, tend to move to schools with similar governance structures, those leaving converter academies do not tend to move to other converter academies. These results indicate that there are distinct tendencies for internal labor markets to form in London among schools with similar governance structures – but only when these schools are sponsor-led academies or LA maintained. This suggests a surprising similarity between the two types of schools, which otherwise differ markedly in their governance. Model A also shows us that triadic dependencies among teacher movements are generally prevalent in London. The positive and significant parameters for transitive and cyclic closure show that, whenever there are indirect movements between A and B (i.e., teachers leave A for third schools and move to B from these third schools), direct movements are also likely to occur from A to B and from B to A, respectively. Model B, meanwhile, tells us whether triadic dependencies are more or less likely to occur when schools have similar governance structures. It shows that, while there is no particular trend for cyclic closure to occur or not occur when schools have similar forms of governance, the same cannot be said for transitive closure movements. Indeed, these movements are significantly more likely to occur when sending and receiving schools (schools A and B in Annex A) are sponsor-led academies, but not more or less likely to occur when both schools are LA maintained or converter academies. Even more significantly, the homophily effect for sponsor-led academies, which was previously positive and significant in Model A, is nonsignificant in model B. This means that, when taking into account the tendency for transitive closure to happen between sponsor-led academies, there is no additional tendency for teachers leaving these academies to move to other sponsor-led academies – or, put differently, that transitive closure among sponsor-led academies actually explains the tendency for teachers in sponsor-led academies to move to similar schools. Moreover, this result contrasts markedly with results for LA-maintained schools, among which there is no particular tendency for movements to exhibit transitive closure and for which the homophily effect remains positive and significant. Meanwhile, the overall effects for transitive and cyclic closure movements remain positive and significant. This indicates that these particular trends according to governance structure do not account for the overall prevalence of triadic dependencies among teacher movements – or, put differently, that triadic dependencies also occur more generally, regardless of schools’ governance structures.

Patterns of Teachers’ Careers and Forms of Career Commitments This final section draws on the strand of the study concerned specifically with teachers’ careers, drawing on interviews with 47 teachers (see Box 1). Two questions underpin the analysis: what does a “career” in teaching means for teachers in the context of the far-reaching transformations that are reshaping teachers’ labor market, and especially in London, with its very diverse educational landscape and particularly high levels of interschool mobility (Sarazin et al., In Preparation)? And what

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does it mean to “commit” to the teaching profession, in the context of a diversification of entry routes, roles, and school types? This strand of the study therefore aimed at uncovering the (variety of) career patterns that arise during labor market flexibilization and deregulation. To this effect, the analysis drew on an interactionist approach (Becker, 1952, 1960) while considering the institutional context shaping career trajectories to further the dialogue between research on teachers’ lives and on teachers’ labor markets (Rinke, 2008). Becker’s concepts provide solid foundations for apprehending and accounting for the diversity of teachers’ career patterns and commitments. His concept of career enables a comprehensive analysis of both the reasons for action put forward by individuals and the objective positions successively occupied by these individuals, while being attentive to the differentiated and time-varying commitments of individuals. Becker’s (1960) definition of commitment, a key concept in the study of careers, enables a dynamic and multifaceted approach to careers. First, commitments develop and evolve over time. Second, commitments are based on interests extraneous to the activity itself – Becker uses the analogy of “side bets” to understand the social mechanism of commitment. Side bets constraining a line of activity can be of different kinds, for instance, cultural expectations (e.g., not changing job too often), impersonal bureaucratic arrangements (e.g., point systems), or individual adjustments to social positions. Departing from the consistent line of activity one is engaged in will therefore have a cost (financial loss, loss of connections, of membership in a specific organization, loss of ease in doing one’s work). Importantly, commitments can be plural and based on a “complex of side bets” (Becker, 1960, p. 38) and even conflicting side bets. This plurality of commitments, combined in specific ways and evolving over time, translate into a diversity of career patterns, which can be objectively described as the successive positions occupied by individuals. The concept of career can thus be defined as the series of adjustments made by an individual to the network of institutions, organizations, and relationships in which their work is performed – resulting in movements up or down between positions differing in hierarchical rank, prestige, and income (Becker, 1952). A dynamic typological approach was adopted to account for the increasing complexity and diversity of teachers’ careers (Demazière, 2013). Based on first inductive and iterative classification process, cases were aggregated around six typical career patterns, which seemed particularly contrasted on a continuum oscillating between stable careers (commitment to one school, longevity in the career, no desire for vertical mobility) and more mobile and flexible careers. A second, more theory-led analytical process led to identify different “foci” of commitment toward which our 47 cases gravitated – the profession, the organization, and the enterprising self. The subsections below present these careers patterns, grouped under three main “foci” of commitment.

Committing to the Profession: Vocational and Subject Specialist Careers Two career patterns were centered around a commitment to the teaching profession: the “vocational” career and the “subject-specialist” career. Teachers exhibiting such

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career patterns expressed a strong sense of collective identity (anchored in a pastoral or academic vocation) and of belonging to a professional group. The prevailing view was that teachers were highly skilled professionals managing their own time and work, based on trust, without “micromanagement” or targeted scrutiny on a daily basis: “You have to be accountable to yourself” (Brian, S3_LA). These teachers had all trained at university, and most held the standard postgraduate qualification for teachers (the PGCE). They emphasized the importance of a solid training with a theoretical grounding, equipping teachers to work in a diversity of environments, as opposed to the “frying pan” model, “learning on the job,” where “you’re only basically going to learn based on the school ethos” (Jade, S3_LA). Their careers (or projected careers for those who had just started) were characterized by horizontality (moving between different subjects and roles in the same school, endorsing teacher training roles) or slow vertical progression toward middle management, with a lack of interest (or even rejection) for “managing people” or leadership roles. Vertical mobility was instead experienced as a constraint or a nuisance as it would drive them away from what constituted the foundation of their commitment to the profession: the relationship with their pupils, and the passion for their subject. Interestingly, several teachers had taken a step back after moving to middle management, because they did not feel ready or did not enjoy the management side of the role. Beyond their common “focus” of commitment, these two career patterns were typically found in different types of schools. Vocational teachers were characterized by a stable engagement in a LA-maintained school. Their commitment was underpinned by a strong sense of vocation, often nurtured by the family environment, a strong sense of responsibility in changing pupils’ lives (hence their choice of working in high-poverty boroughs and schools) and desire to play a role in the local community. Longevity and feeling “comfortable” in a school were viewed positively, as it allowed them to develop “caring” relationships with their pupils and colleagues – fostering a “family feel” or “comradery” among peers. Subject specialists would instead seek to stabilize in a school with a sixth form (the equivalent of a high school – for pupils studying for their end-of-school exams) and a homogeneous middle-class intake where you can “stretch the pupils” (Geneviève, S7_GS). We found these teachers in a high-performing converter academy (S2_AC) and a grammar school (S7_GS).

Committing to an Organization: Corporate and Accidental Careers Two variations of this type of commitment were found, translating into two careers patterns: the corporate career and the accidental career. These teachers were first and foremost committed to a career in their employing organization, often the same organization where their training and professional socialization had taken place (e.g., MAT training institute, school-direct training).

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This specific organizational socialization led them to accept or even welcome some degree of standardization instead of seeking autonomy in their daily work. Leaving the organization – whether a school or a multi-school organization – would mean losing both the ease of doing one’s work (partly based on standardization and routines) and the social networks that supported their progression in the organization. The first variation of this pattern is named “corporate careers” because their mode of commitment rests on mechanisms typical of “corporate” professionalism: development of a sense of organizational membership, a hard work ethos underpinned by the desire to contribute to the success of the organization, standardization of work processes and routines (to facilitate effectiveness), and loyalty based on rewards (Faulconbridge & Muzio, 2008). Interviewees who fit this career pattern did not talk much about their choice of profession. The reasons for entering teaching were rather pragmatic, driven by extrinsic motivations. For some, Teach First legitimized teaching (because it is a competitive, prestigious graduate scheme) and made it possible in financial terms. Others were trained through a school-based or “on the job” form of training (“School Direct,” MAT training institute,). Notably, their early professional socialization took place in an academy chain environment. This had clear consequences on their expectations regarding working conditions, practices, and routines. This type of career is characterized by an adjustment to a specific MAT. Interschool mobility is facilitated by the standardization of organizational routines and teaching practices, a common “vision” and “mindset” leading to a “smooth transition” between schools, as well as by the sharing of information internally (alleviating the risk of moving schools). As one teacher remarked, “What you’re teaching is different but it feels more like. . . moving office” (Jeremy, S8_MAT). Gladys was a typical example of a “MAT career” teacher, not feeling comfortable moving outside the MAT for fear of having to readjust to new routines and practices. She did not mind the lack of autonomy and instead perceived the positive sides of having preset routines and ready-to-use materials, or “being told what to do and how to do it.” It also provided a reassuring framework for an early career, insecure teacher. Consistency and standardization also helped her to cope with the functional flexibility that was expected from her, such as when she was provided with the material and instructions to get a quick grip on things to teach mathematics in addition to her main subject. In Larry’s case, the comfort of staying within the trust helped him to progress rapidly to a middle leadership position. In his case, a key adjustment mechanism was his integration in a network of social relations. Moving outside the trust would mean potentially losing his “trustworthy member” status and having to rebuild relationships. However, not all welcomed vertical mobility. Besides, somes teachers felt they did not match the organization’s expectations of being seen progressing. Interestingly, “flat” teaching careers seemed unproblematic overall in our interviews with teachers in LA-maintained schools.

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Accidental careers, as corporate careers, are underpinned by a commitment to one organization, and a close adjustment to the relations, routines, and positions specific to this organization. While such processes operate in all schools, they are most clearly seen among teachers embarking in a teaching career “accidentally,” who stumbled into teaching “a bit randomly.” They trained and socialized in the same school (via a school-based training route), usually taking advantage of training opportunities offered to them as existing staff members (e.g., as teaching assistants (TAs)). If it had not been for these opportunities, they may never have become teachers. These teachers subsequently adjusted very well to this one particular school, described in terms of a “family” (Rahima_S5_LA) where most of the staff have been through the same socialization process (training in the school). They also defined themselves as “locals” (sometimes former pupils) and expressed a sense of connection with the pupils. Some envisaged working in this one school in the medium to long term. Others seemed much more uncertain, drifting toward a more “open” or “non-committal” career (see described below). While the fast progression that is offered to these young teachers was seen as gratifying, as a reward for their commitment, endurance, and competence, it also entailed the constraints of a huge workload and very long hours. Interestingly, none of those who progressed early seemed driven to progress much further. Strikingly, these teachers were more apprehensive about the risks of moving school than leaving teaching. One reason was the fear of readjusting to an unknown environment, but also the suspicion that the pressure and workload would be the same or worse in other schools, without the support they had in their “training school.” In a way, these teachers had staked the ease of doing their work and coping with their work on staying in this particular school.

Committing to the Enterprising Self: Strategic Careers and Open Careers Two career patterns were found to be primarily oriented toward teachers’ own development and characterized by high levels of mobility (interschool and/or vertical mobility): the “strategic career” and the “open career.” In the case of strategic careers, the commitment to a career in the state-funded system was conditioned upon a quick improvement of working conditions, financial remuneration, and status through interschool mobility. “Strategic teachers” explicitly sought vertical mobility toward senior leadership positions. This conscious commitment was often accompanied by a lucid reflection about what they would have to forego while moving up. Having integrated the norms of recruiters, they were constrained by labor market arrangements in place in London (valorization of mobility and “making it” through rough schools, showing leadership skills, resilience, and adaptability. . .). In Becker’s words, their commitment started when they accepted to work under the market rules in force, where applicants compete to be hired in the most attractive places or roles. Adam (S2_AC), for instance, worked in

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three contrasting schools (including a sponsored academy in a large chain notorious for its high workload, a Grammar school, and a high-performing converter academy). That diversity helped him build a CV that was strong enough for him to apply for senior leadership (SLT) posts. Strategic teachers can be grouped into two profiles. First, we found first-career teachers who had mapped out a career plan, based on rapid vertical mobility, and were keen not to “miss out” on opportunities. They would often accept to move to schools perceived as more difficult schools (higher level of deprivation, bad Ofsted rating) to boost their CV, acquire valuable skills, and find their next post. Interschool mobility became necessary (not always enjoyed per se) to get them closer to a position of leadership. A second group of vertical movers were second-career teachers coming from the private sector (typically managerial positions) and seeking vertical mobility mostly to preserve their social status. Because they had entered the teaching profession quite “late,” they faced various forms of pressure and constraints to move up and follow what they perceived to be their “natural” trajectory. Dan, for instance, who entered teaching in his late 30s, and was already Head of Year in his second school, had “ambition” and saw his next step as becoming assistant head, on the senior leadership team (Dan, S1_AC). Teachers pursuing “open careers” shared a similar desire to progress and develop their career, but not necessarily in the education sector. Their commitment to teaching can be described as temporary, something they will do “for a while,” keeping an open perspective (“I’ll keep my options open”). Some had an exit plan from the start, others had taken this path with a sense that it would only be temporary. Rather than committing to a career in teaching, they were consistently engaged in developing their “enterprising self,” to refer to the notion that Smart et al. (2009) use to characterize Teach First trainees. A key leitmotiv in their discourse was the notion of not being “tied down,” not “boxed in,” rejecting a firm commitment to one determined line of activity, at least within the remit of one profession: “I don’t like commitment so (laughter) [. . .] I wouldn’t want to sign a permanent contract cause I do not know what I want to do, that would terrify me” (Dorothee, S6_MAT). Among our interviewees, such career patterns were found primarily among teachers working in large MATs and who had trained on-the-job. Such teachers tended to downplay the importance of formal training, emphasizing as a “trial and error” process. Perhaps as a result, the (varying) degrees of standardization of teaching practices and the provision of “ready to use” materials in the schools where they worked were not so much experienced as a constraint: “it doesn’t bother me like, I’ll do what I’m told” (Dorothee, S6_MAT). This attitude toward standardization is not surprising for two reasons. Firstly, training via school-based programs often gives trainee teachers a high teaching load. This turns preplanned lessons into a helpful form of support as trainees struggle to just cope with the experience of the classroom. Secondly, given their absence of long-term commitment, investing too much time into didactics and pedagogy might not be pay off.

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Their motivation to enter the profession was rather instrumental and pragmatic. For Dorothee and Charles, for instance, the training route itself (Teach First, among other prestigious graduate schemes) legitimized teaching. Similarly, Jameela chose Teach First before choosing the profession, as an “enthusiast” who developed identity projects around social issues (Gillis, 2019) but whose discourse also echoed the managerial discourse around “thriving on challenges,” hard work, and resilience (Bailey, 2015). Indeed, Teach First is not only about investing in the self but also about acquiring skills, which can be transferred to other careers. In their pursuit of self-improvement, self-actualization, and self-development (Smart et al., 2009), these teachers were looking for a role which would be challenging enough so that they do not get bored or adjust too quickly. Feeling “comfortable” was seen as a sign that they must move on. They also expressed a confident view of their position in the labor market. Charles came to School 8 to “make an impact here before moving on to something else.” His generic discourse bore little connection with the intrinsic activity of teaching, “it’s just been about getting the challenge and then the support right.” Although enjoying his time at MAT A – sharing features with “organizational” careers – he had clear plans to leave education, exhibiting the Teach First ethos to always “excel” (Smart et al., 2009, p. 41): “if it ever gets to the point where I feel like I’ve lost that passion, then I really don’t want to be that teacher” (Charles, S8_MAT).

Discussion In this chapter, an overview of findings on the reconfiguration of labor markets for teachers in London was presented. England was considered as a case of liberal deregulation, which involves the replacement of collective mechanisms of labor regulation by the imposition of market processes toward minimal employment regulations, the exclusion of organized labor from decision-making, and a reliance on market adjustment. Most specifically, studies looked at how the combination of flexibilized employment relations, the increased autonomy of educational organizations in Human Resource Management (HRM), and the diversification of entry routes into the profession, have transformed and reshaped the employment and working conditions of teachers, their mobility patterns, and their career models. The Argument Is Threefold First, a general erosion of some of the defining features of the employment relations and working conditions that have characterized regulated, permanent contracts in the state-funded education sector, particularly though not only in newly created types of organizational environments (e.g., MATs), was found. Analyses indicate that flexibilization is rather internal and functional, which leads us to suggest that precarity is more that of work than of employment per se. This can be explained by the fact that a weak regulatory framework governs contracts in the teaching sector in England: teachers are employees; access to the labor market,

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although conditioned on some training or certification requirements, is rather open; and the termination of a permanent contract is of relatively limited legal constraint for the employer. This limited flexibilization of employment thus reflects the minimal standardization needed to establish market exchanges and guarantee some “quality” of education in a context of strong accountability, rather than signaling the protection of high-quality jobs. Indeed, major changes (e.g., temporal, functional flexibility, etc.) strongly affect employment relations and working conditions within the “core” educational workforce – those employed directly by schools on full-time, open-ended contracts. Second, patterns of mobility were shown to be increasingly embedded in (new) organizational ensembles reflecting the restructured governance of education linked to academization. Social network analysis methods allowed to show how distinctive mobility patterns exist in sponsored and converted academies, and in long-institutionalized local authorities. First, both types of academies show increased levels of outgoing and incoming teacher movements compared with local authority-maintained schools, which indicate higher levels of teacher turnover in these environments. Second, LA-maintained schools and sponsored academies are distinctive in that they show distinct tendencies for “homophily”: when teachers leave these schools, they tend to move to other LA-maintained schools or sponsored academies, respectively. However, while in sponsored academies, this homophily effect is captured by the embeddedness of mobility patterns within complex forms of dependencies between movements (i.e., transitive closure); this is not the case among LA-maintained schools. These two characteristics of sponsor-led academies (higher turnover and complex forms of mobility) resonate with our findings on the flexibilization of working conditions (e.g., functional flexibility entailing geographical mobility, or the “recruit-burnout-replace” staffing model based on constant inflows of trainees and Newly Qualified Teachers) found in some academy chains, which are mostly composed of sponsor-led academies. More broadly, these distinct patterns of mobility according to organizational type possibly reflect distinctive forms of HRM and labor markets for teachers. While converter academies seem to be best described as atomized organizational environments, sponsor-led academies appear to have on average larger perimeters for teacher mobility and in some cases (e.g., MATs) forms of specialized and centralized HRM. The latter could potentially lead to new types of internal labor markets in which the rotation of personnel among schools is a central part of managing employees. Meanwhile, local authorities also appear to form internal labor markets, but of a different kind. Based on their high levels of homophily but low levels of embeddedness in complex dependencies between teacher movements, it may be that what makes teachers “stick to” local authority-maintained schools is more an identification with a particular kind of school, as opposed to specific HRM practices, for instance, linked with the use of network recruitment or the rotation of teachers among networks of schools.

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Finally, analyses of career trajectories not only revealed diversified forms of commitment leading to contrasted career patterns. They also indicated that different career patterns in part correspond to different types of schools and organizational environments, and to diversified entry routes into the teaching profession. In particular, three of the patterns identified (the accidental career, the corporate career, and the open career) are typically embraced by teachers whose socialization into the profession took place in settings and organizations that emerged 10–20 years ago. “Accidental careers” were found among teachers who entered the profession through School Direct (although not all teachers entering via this route followed this pattern). Similarly, “open careers” were found among former Teach First and school-based trainees; teachers who embraced “organizational careers,” meanwhile, were characterized by a professional socialization in MATs. In addition, teachers engaging in these contrasted career patterns tend to be found in different types of schools. Among our interviewees, teachers embracing a vocational career predominantly worked in local authority-maintained schools, although a few were found in other schools (for instance, long-serving teachers in schools that were forced to become academies). In contrast, almost all teachers whose careers fitted the “open” and “corporate” career types worked in large MATs. The deregulation of employment relations, the rise of new organizational environments (multi-academy trusts) sharing some features with large corporations (e.g. internal promotion through mobility within networks), entail different types of adjustment processes and side bets underpinning commitments to the teaching profession. In particular, corporate careers in MATs are characterized by adjustment mechanisms to the flexibilization of working conditions. Faced with particularly intense pressures and demands (which were also found outside MATs, all teachers reporting “insane” workload levels), these teachers have adjusted to their MAT’s organizational routines and standardized practices. The latter provide a familiar framework that gradually conditions the “ease of performance” of their work, to use Becker’s terms. Thus, certain teachers found stability and predictability inside a MAT, while paradoxically also embracing the managerial discourse around change, flexibility, and adaptability. Overall, studies suggest that the fragmentation of teacher labor markets jointly brought about by the diversification of organizational environments, the flexibilization of employment and working conditions, and the multiplication of entry routes, entails deep transformations to the teaching profession. The fragmentation of labor markets reflects the fragmentation of the profession, characterized by a coexistence in the same system of old forms of professionalism centered on the profession as occupational value (Evetts, 2011), with changing forms developed within new organizational ensembles or focused on the individual professionals themselves. These different cohabiting forms of professionalism are precisely shaped at the crossroads of different training programs (and related forms of professional knowledge), ways of controlling and organizing work, and labor markets and careers. They are also fueled by the shifting institutional environment of education and of the teaching profession (Helgetun & Dumay, 2021).

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Annex 1 Types of embedded movements Name of embedded movement Entrained movement Reciprocal movement

Graphical representation

A

B

A

B

A

B

Transitive closure movement

Cyclic closure movement

Interpretation When a teacher has moved fom school A to school B, another teacher is likely to do the same When a teacher moves fom school A to school B, another teacher is likely to move from B to A When teachers leave school A for third schools (C, D etc.), and teachers move to B from these third schools, another teacher is likely to move from A to B

When teachers leave school A for third schools (C, D, etc.), and teachers move to B from these third schools, another teacher is likely to move from B to A

A

B

Annex 2 ERGM Results. Models A and B, respectively, correspond to Models 2 and 3 in Sarazin et al. (In Preparation) Model A Model B Par. Est. S. E. Par. Est. S. E. Activity, popularity, homophily according to school governance structure Activity (reference group: LA maintained school) Converter academy 0.124 0.054* 0.095 0.056+ Sponsor-led academy 0.298 0.051*** 0.254 0.052*** Free school 0.082 0.142 0.012 0.15 Popularity (ref: LA maintained) Converter academy 0.150 0.054** 0.125 0.055* Sponsor-led academy 0.180 0.055** 0.128 0.057* Free school 0.019 0.098 0.039 0.1 Homophily Converter academy 0.045 0.07 0.047 0.081 Sponsor-led academy 0.292 0.089** 0.165 0.126 LA maintained school 0.223 0.064*** 0.274 0.074***

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Model A Par. Est. S. E. Triadic dependencies between teacher movements Transitive closure 0.335 0.019*** When schools A and B are both converter academies When schools A and B are both sponsor-led academies When schools A and B are both LA maintained Cyclic closure 0.124 0.016*** When schools A and B are both converter academies When schools A and B are both sponsor-led academies When schools A and B are both LA maintained

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Model B Par. Est. S. E. 0.384 0.068 0.219 0.020 0.266 0.080 0.113 0.048

0.054*** 0.059 0.084** 0.048 0.054*** 0.055 0.076 0.044

Par. Est. parameter estimate, S.E. standard error

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Part III Pre-service Teacher Education

Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Different Models of Partnership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Why Does This Matter? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Why Is This Such a Challenge? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Where Are Examples of More Fully Integrated Partnership Working to Be Found? . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

The term “partnership,” in the context of initial teacher education (ITE), is used “to carry certain theories about the nature of learning to become a teacher” (Brisard et al, Models of partnership in programmes of initial teacher education. Full report of a systematic literature review commissioned by the General Teaching Council for Scotland, GTCS Research, Research Publication No. 2. General Teaching Council for Scotland, Edinburgh, p 5, 2005). While effective partnership working has long been recognized as a key component of teacher education programs internationally, the precise relationship between center-based teacher education and the nature of the practicum experience, inherent in all forms of ITE partnerships, may vary, depending on differing conceptualizations not only of what preservice teachers need to know and be able to do, but also of the processes by which their professional learning takes place (Burn et al, Beginning teachers’ learning: making experience count. Critical Publishing, Northwich, 2015). This chapter seeks to illustrate some of these inherent tensions which are manifest both in the organizational aspects of partnership and in the models of teacher education T. Mutton (*) Department of Education, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_8

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pedagogy that underpin them and how these tensions reflect the perennial problem of the integration of theory and practice. Keywords

Initial teacher education · ITE · Teacher education partnerships · Teacher education pedagogy

Introduction As the various chapters in this section of the handbook indicate, initial teacher education (ITE) remains a highly contested area of work, frequently prone to criticism that it fails to prepare preservice teachers effectively for the reality of the classroom life that they will experience. Furthermore, ITE policy is also closely linked to international measures of competitive performance and the influences of globalization (Furlong, 2013), resulting in what appears to be a perpetual cycle of government review and reform, particularly evident in countries such as Australia (Mayer, 2021), the United States (Cochran-Smith, 2021), and England (Ellis et al., 2019). The inherent tensions in initial teacher education around the integration of theory and practice continue to offer challenges for those working within ITE. While there are many positive indications of the way in which such integration is taking place, again reflected in the chapters which follow, this has to be seen against a background of ITE policy reforms internationally (Kosnik et al., 2016; Mayer et al., 2017; Tatto & Menter, 2019), many of which result in the privileging of the technical aspects of teaching at the expense of the development of wider aspects of teacher professionalism, including the capacity to make informed professional judgments. Teacher education partnerships, often referred to as school-university partnerships (SUPs), lie at the heart of all preservice teacher education programs with a significant practicum component. They are important since, as Bills et al. (2008) noted in their systematic review of the literature on international perspectives on quality in initial teacher education: there is widespread agreement that effective school experience, and by extension the strength of the partnership between the provider and the schools, is central to the quality of initial teacher education. (2008, p 14)

Defining what might constitute “the strength” of a partnership may not, however, be straightforward and can, inevitably, lead to different interpretations as to how effective partnership work is conceptualized, what it looks like in practice, how its effectiveness is evaluated, etc. Brisard et al. (2005) suggest that the term “partnership” can be conceptualized in two different ways within the context of ITE: First, there is the use of the term partnership to carry certain theories about the nature of learning to become a teacher. These theoretical precepts concern the pedagogy and curriculum of ITE. Second, though – and this logically does take second place – there are the uses

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of the term to describe particular arrangements for the delivery of ITE. These logistical concerns include such matters as the resourcing of initial teacher education, particular balances of responsibility between different roles or the placing of and arrangements for particular forms of school experience. (2005, p. 5)

Teacher education partnerships are well researched, although with the majority of studies having been carried out in English-speaking countries and in Scandinavia. In their “research mapping” work, Lillejord and Børte (2016) identify the key characteristics of the studies that they examined and also identify three main areas: organization and management of partnership; relations and collaboration in partnership; and challenges and mechanisms for successful partnerships. They identify the triadic relationship involving the preservice teacher, the university teacher educator, and the school mentor as being where tensions in partnership working most frequently manifest themselves.

Different Models of Partnership Clearly not all ITE partnerships operate in the same way, but broad categories of partnership working have been identified. The Modes of Teacher Education (MOTE) project (Furlong et al., 1996, 2000) studied the impact of previous government policies in England on the ITE models which were in existence at the time. Their research, carried out in two distinct phases, identified three predominant models: collaborative partnerships; HEI (Higher Education Institution, or university)-led partnerships; and separatist (or complementary) partnerships. Collaborative partnerships are those which demonstrate a “commitment to develop a training programme where students are exposed to different forms of educational knowledge, some of which come from school, some of which come from HE or elsewhere” (Furlong et al., 1996, p. 44). The key aspect of a collaborative partnership is that all those involved in the planning and delivery of ITE programs (including both university and school partners) “engage mutually in negotiating the meaning of a shared agenda in which neither party’s meaning is privileged” (Edwards et al., 2009, p. 13). Collaborative partnerships therefore require an agreed curriculum and a way of working which enable preservice teachers to “build up their own body of professional knowledge” (Furlong et al., 1996, p. 44). By contrast, the HEI-led model of partnership is driven predominantly by a university-designed ITE curriculum in which the role of schools is to act as a resource to provide appropriate placement opportunities for student teachers. Responsibilities of both HEI and school staff (particularly ITE mentors), in relation to the delivery of the program, are set out by the university, which sees its role as maintaining the quality of provision throughout the partnership in order to ensure that student teachers receive comparable school-based experiences. Quality assurance thus features strongly in HEI-led models. The separatist (or complementary) partnership is one in which “school and HE are seen as having separate and complementary responsibilities but where there is

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no systematic attempt to bring these two dimensions into dialogue” (Furlong et al., 1996, p. 47). In such models, little is done to achieve integration of the separate elements of the program and it is generally left to the student teacher to make sense of what they are learning from the two different contexts. The MOTE study recognized that various aspects of each model might be present within any ITE program, leading to a range of different permutations, but that the HEI model was predominant, in spite of frequent references by ITE providers to the collaborative aspect of their partnership. All three models, however, acknowledge the necessity of schools and universities working together in partnership, whatever that partnership might look like, in order for preservice teachers to have the opportunity to gain access to different forms of knowledge, which neither the HEI nor the school is in a position to provide within its own resources (Hagger & McIntyre, 2006).

Why Does This Matter? The relationship between the university and the school in any ITE partnership will determine both what preservice teachers engaged in the program will learn, and the way in which they will learn it. Having an agreed structure and curriculum does not necessarily guarantee that the wider pedagogical principles of partnership working will be shared across all partners, and care needs to be taken lest, as Alexander warned many years ago, the “comfortable language of partnership” masks potentially damaging “intractable issues” (1984, p. 142). One central problem may often be what Zeichner (2010) has referred to as a “disconnect between what students are taught in campus courses and their opportunities for learning to enact these practices in their school placements” (Zeichner, 2010, p. 91). The reasons for such a disconnect are inevitably rooted in the perennial, but largely unhelpful “conceptual binary around ‘theory/practice’ and a related ‘universities /schools’ divide” (Murray & Mutton, 2016, p. 70). Yet the binary persists, based on a perception that “university models of teacher education overly emphasise theory, values and beliefs at the expense of actual teaching practice . . .” (Cochran-Smith et al., 2020, p. 47). This chapter aims to explore further the inherent tensions in both the organizational aspects of partnership and in the models of teacher education pedagogy that underpin them, and how these tensions reflect the perennial problem of the integration of theory and practice. ITE partnerships are therefore complex because they seek to bring together two distinct contexts (the university and the school). Brooks (2021) draws on Kemmis et al.’s (2014) theory of practice and practice architectures to highlight the way in which education practices (such as teacher education) can only be understood by “taking into account the collective nature of those practices, the specific location in which they occur and the impact this has on the social actors (both teachers and students) who take part in the practice” (Brooks, 2021, p. 164). If a partnership has a particular approach underpinning its ITE program, then it needs to be understood how this approach is reflected in the partnership structures and the practices of all those involved, both individually and collectively, and the way in which partners

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with different traditions and ways of working operate within the “third space” which is the teacher education program. Zeichner (2010) uses the concept of “third space” (p.92) as a way of addressing the perceived disconnect between what preservice teachers learn at the university (seen as privileged “academic” knowledge) and what they learn during the practicum experience (both from their own classroom teaching and from the expertise of colleagues alongside whom they are working). Zeichner argues that this results in a shift of the epistemology of ITE, in that: (t)hird spaces involve a rejection of binaries such as practitioner and academic knowledge and theory and practice and involve the integration of what are often seen as competing discourses in new ways—an either/or perspective is transformed into a both/also point of view. (2010, p. 92)

In their scoping review of partnerships as “third spaces” for professional practice in initial teacher education, Daza et al. (2021) examine studies that have used the concept (along with the notion of hybridity) to reconceptualize the relationship between schools and universities within a neutral space, where different epistemologies might be made explicit and interrogated by partners in order to provide better coherence and integration within ITE programs. They conclude that: To different extents, all the studies conceptualize the third space as a construct where identities are in constant negotiation and where epistemologies converge. The potential of the third space to a less hierarchical structure in school-university partnerships is evident across the studies. However, the studies also acknowledge tensions in the third space relating to both the participants’ relationships and the sustainability of the third space in teacher education. (2021, p. 12)

Such integration is not, however, easy to achieve and relies on partners operating in the “third space” in order to provide a coherent program, recognizing that preservice teachers need to have the opportunity to synthesize the knowledge they are gaining from different sources and to be able to identify and then apply evaluative criteria, drawn from both theory and practice, in order to make appropriate judgments about their own teaching. These judgments come as a result of what Kriewaldt and Turnidge (2013) describe as the process of “clinical reasoning” (p. 106), through which teachers, as professionals, draw on the best available evidence available to them (from both theory and practice) in order to make informed, ethical decisions in relation to their own practice. The “third space” approach highlights “the necessity of bringing research-based understandings of teaching and learning into dialogue with the professional understandings of experienced teachers” (Burn & Mutton, 2015, p. 219) within a model of “research-informed clinical practice” (p. 217). All of this, however, presupposes approaches to partnership which seek to expose preservice teachers to a range of sources of knowledge and then to integrate what they learn from these sources in meaningful ways. Policy reform over the past 10 years in England, for example, has led to the emergence of different models of ITE provision. While there has been an insistence on greater focus of the school-led contribution to ITE programs, and therefore on a revised conceptualization of

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traditional notions of partnership (which were perceived by policy makers to be too predominantly HEI-led, as the MOTE researchers had found a decade earlier), there has also been an accompanying move to reduce the influence of universities, evidenced particularly through the expansion of the number of accredited “schoolbased initial teacher training” (SCITT) providers, and through the introduction of the “School Direct model.” It is worth pausing to note the nature of each of these routes into teaching. In England, universities are not the sole providers of ITE programs. SCITT providers offer postgraduate teacher training programs that lead to Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) and will normally involve the school (or group of schools) which acts as the accredited SCITT provider working in partnership with other schools in order to deliver their ITE program. “School-direct” is a route into teaching whereby applications from prospective teacher candidates are made directly to a “lead school,” which works in partnership with an accredited ITE provider. It should also be noted that the government in England uses the term “initial teacher training” (ITT), rather than ITE, and designates all preservice teachers undertaking such programs, whether “university-led” or “school-led,” as “trainees.” Notwithstanding this diversity of routes into teaching in England, partnership working was seen to be a central feature of ITE reform from 2010, when the newly elected Conservative/ Liberal Democrat Coalition government came to power, and gave a clear signal that it wanted to “encourage more universities to follow the example of the integrated working of the best university-school partnerships” (DfE, 2011, p. 11). Integration of the ITE program was therefore central to these new partnership expectations and, subsequently, became an important focus of the government ITE inspection framework, but such integration was premised on a particular understanding of what learning to teach involved, and what sort of teacher might emerge from the training process. The assumptions that underpinned these policy reforms were clearly encapsulated in the Secretary of State for Education’s conception of teaching as a “craft” that “is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman” (Gove, 2010), a view informed by the influential 2008 Policy Exchange paper (Freedman, Lipman, & Hargreaves) which asserts that: new teachers need to acquire the craft of managing classrooms so that their pupils learn effectively. This is not achieved through the acquisition of abstract knowledge in a seminar room; it is gained through apprentice-style training in classrooms. (2008, p. 28)

This is of a similar flavor to the critique reflected more recently in the Australian Government’s response to the “Action now: Classroom ready teachers” review which identified, as a problem: the gap between the knowledge and skills universities are preparing their teaching graduates with and those that are needed for new teachers to thrive in the classroom. (Australian Government Department of Education and Training, 2015, p. 8)

Such approaches, while rooted in notions of strong school-university partnerships, nevertheless denigrate the contribution of universities (by questioning the

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relevance of the knowledge contribution that universities make) and instead promote what is essentially an apprenticeship model of professional learning. Brown et al.’s study of the impact of the School Direct suggests that the policy reform which initiated the approach has led to a context whereby: (i)ncreasingly, teaching is conceived in craft-based, technicist terms strengthened by increasing prescription and performativity measures, which require teachers to present and shape knowledge in particular ways. Within this context, conceptions of the relationship between theory and practice have been progressively replaced by conceptions of practice that integrate situated conceptions of theory responsive to the needs of practice. (Brown et al., 2015, p. 5)

It could be argued that, as a result of these reforms, it is now much more difficult for partnerships that have different epistemological and pedagogical underpinnings to continue to provide integrated programs which draw on diverse sources of theoretical and practical knowledge. Jackson and Burch (2016), however, saw the reforms as an opportunity to reconceptualize the role of the teacher educator working within ITE partnerships, within a model which they refer to as “hybridisation” (2016, p. 517), resonant of the notion of a “third space,” discussed above. Nevertheless, such hybridization is not straightforward because it is premised on the notion that there will be a shared understanding of both the way in which the role of the teacher educator might be reconceptualized, and the way in which any such reconceptualization might be determined by consideration of the type of teacher that the ITE program wants to produce. In relation to the first issue, Loughran and Menter (2019) highlight the dangers of the “technical rational” approach, which focuses on the “training” that preservice teachers need in order to be “classroom ready,” and argue instead that: teacher educators should themselves be the scholars who facilitate the learning by students of teaching about the knowledge and practice of teaching through quality teacher education programs. (2019, p. 217)

It is, however, the second issue which is the most challenging for ITE partnerships – how to secure agreement between partners as to what sort of teacher is needed and then how to agree an appropriate curriculum that achieves coherence across both settings.

Why Is This Such a Challenge? Achieving such agreement, along with program coherence, is problematic because it goes back to the argument as to what knowledge and skills preservice teachers need in order for them to be fully accredited as licensed teachers and, importantly, to sustain them throughout their professional careers. Winch et al. (2015) examine, in philosophical terms, popular conceptualizations of the teacher as “craft worker” or “executive technician” and argue that, while both

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of these reflect important aspects of teacher knowledge, neither of them is, in itself, sufficient and that “teaching as a professional endeavour” (2015, p. 210) requires other forms of professional knowledge that are related to and interact with situated expertise and technical know-how. If teachers are to act as full professionals, they also need to develop powers of judgment and reflection, including the capacity to ask critical questions in order to analyze why strategies are or are not working in particular contexts, and to draw appropriately on new ideas. Teachers thus require adaptive expertise (Berliner, 2001; Hammerness et al., 2005) to enable them to respond to the novel and unpredictable demands of the varied and changing contexts in which they work, since “expert, domain specific contextualized knowledge can often be a limited kind of knowledge” (2001, p. 473). In the United Kingdom, the Universities’ Council for the Education of Teachers (UCET) has drawn up a position statement which argues that, within collaborative partnership models, the focus needs to be on preparing teachers who are: • Competent and confident professionals who recognize and understand that educating is a professional, thoughtful, and intellectual endeavor. They learn from research, direct experience, their peers, and other sources of knowledge. • Epistemic agents, who act as independent thinkers, recognizing that knowledge, policy, and practice are contestable, provisional, and contingent. As such, teachers search for theories and research that can underpin, challenge, or illuminate their practice. They are able to analyze and interrogate evidence and arguments, drawing critically and selfcritically from a wide range of evidence to make informed decisions in the course of their practice. • Able to engage in enquiry-rich practice and have a predisposition to be continually intellectually curious about their work with the capacity to be innovative, creative, and receptive to new ideas emerging from their individual or collaborative practitioner enquiries. • Responsible professionals who embody high standards of professional ethics. They act with integrity and recognize the social responsibilities of education, working toward a socially just and sustainable world (UCET, 2020, p. 1, original emphasis).

Such a position will, inevitably, be contested by those (including not just policy makers but also many practitioners) who see the aim of ITE programs as being, above all, to prepare new entrants to the profession with the knowledge and skills they will need to be “classroom ready,” which may require little by way of educational theory. Others will acknowledge more fully the role of theory and research within ITE programs but may have differing views as to the nature of that role and its relative importance (for example, the extent to which theory should precede practice, or vice versa, or the extent to which both should be integrated). All of this has important implications for partnership working and can give rise to particular tensions (Mutton et al., 2018). First, partners may have different expectations as to the way in which preservice teachers need to be prepared (Lynch & Smith, 2012), with emphasis being placed by schools on the development of practical skills during the practicum experience more in line with a “craft” model, rather than with a wider focus on Winch et al.’s (2015) conceptualization of the teacher as a full professional.

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Second, and this is related to the first point, there may be tensions between the different partners in relation to the purpose of the ITE program; does it prepare teachers to be ready for immediate employment, or ready for career-long professional learning? In England, the expansion of employment-based routes into teaching, combined with current challenges in terms of teacher recruitment and retention, has placed an emphasis on training teachers who could be employed in the schools in which they have been trained or, if not, in partner schools within the local area. This may give rise to strong local partnerships but risks what McIntyre (2009) refers to as “preparing teachers for the status quo” (2009, p. 603) or what Edwards and Protheroe (2004) call “teaching by proxy” (2004, p. 183), that is to say, preservice teachers who are encouraged by their mentor teacher to teach in such a way as to replicate existing practice in the school in order to ensure that the curriculum is fully covered. Third, while the priority of a university in relation to its teacher education program is the professional preparation of new teachers, the priority of the schools within the ITE partnership will inevitably be the education of its own pupils, for which it has its own systems of accountability. Quality assuring the effective delivery of the ITE program will normally, therefore, be viewed as being the responsibility of the university, unless the partnership is truly collaborative (Furlong et al., 2000). Finally, when the ITE “market” is opened up to multiple routes into teaching, as in England, it can be the case that an individual school can engage in often quite complex ITE partnerships with a range of different ITE providers, giving rise to further challenges (Mutton & Butcher, 2008). The latter might include a different ITE curriculum structure within each program (with the practicum experience, for example, taking place at different times within individual programs); different expectations of mentors and the way in which they work with preservice teachers; different requirements in terms of program documentation, record, evidence keeping, etc.); and different conceptualizations of the role of the university and of the school within each individual partnership. It is also important to be aware that the “rhetorical power of partnership” (Conroy et al., 2013, p. 558) can hide more general concerns about the way in which teacher education pedagogy plays out in practice across different teacher education settings. Furthermore, Zeichner (2021) argues that much of the rhetoric around partnership reform has “lacked a deeper examination of the power and knowledge relationships that exist within partnerships” (2021, p. 1) and that where partnership development has taken place, this has often “reproduced the same hierarchical relationships.” Ellis and McNicholl (2015) also call for partnerships that are less hierarchical, particularly since such models often result in university teacher educators prioritizing the maintenance of relationships at the expense of academic work. Given the complexity of partnership working, it is not difficult to understand why truly collaborative partnerships, in which theory and practice are brought together in meaningful ways across the whole program and across different learning contexts, are difficult to achieve.

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Where Are Examples of More Fully Integrated Partnership Working to Be Found? The concerns outlined above are not unique to the English context, and the move toward models of clinical practice, based on reconceptualized partnerships between schools and universities, has been in evidence internationally (Jenset et al., 2018). Such initiatives have been underpinned by the need to bring about better integration between the university and school practicum experiences of preservice teachers, what Hammerness (2006) has defined as “the alignment of key ideas and goals across coursework and clinical work” (2006, p. 1244). The following provides some brief examples of attempts to ensure greater levels of program integration. In the United States, such an attempted coherence was a key feature of the Professional Development Schools initiative through which schools became sites for practice-based research involving teachers, teacher educators, and researchers (Darling-Hammond, 2006). Various program components came together to ensure that the desired coherence was achievable, including a strong, integrated curriculum; an enquiry-approach at all levels; collaborative assessments of preservice teachers against agreed professional standards; and carefully guided supervision of the preservice teachers by an experienced mentor-teacher during the 30 weeks of school-based clinical practice (ibid). In Australia, the University of Melbourne developed a two-year Master of Teaching (MTeach) qualification which is based on a clinical practice model that has been conceptualized around some key principles. These include the following: a central focus on improving the learning and development of school students; evidence and research-informed practice; and processes of clinical reasoning that lead to decision-making (Kriewaldt et al., 2017). Connections are made between school field experiences and university coursework throughout, with the preservice teachers supported by school-based “teaching fellows” and university-based “clinical specialists,” with the emphasis being on the development of “clinical reasoning” (Kriewaldt & Turnidge, 2013). Clinical reasoning is identified as a process by which evidence from a specific case is evaluated, drawing on knowledge derived from different sources which is subject to critical analysis. The mentor teacher has a central role in this process, needing to “model and articulate their reasoning to enable the novice teacher to deepen understanding and to synthesise both practical and theoretical knowledge” (Kriewaldt & Turnidge, 2013, p. 107). Elsewhere, similar attempts have been made to integrate theoretical and practical aspects of ITE programs through the development of particular types of universityschool partnerships, for example, the introduction of academische opleidingsscholen in the Netherlands (Hammerness et al., 2012), and through designated training schools in Finland (Sahlberg, 2012). In England, the Oxford Internship Scheme (Benton, 1990) was identified by the MOTE researchers (Furlong et al., 2000) as a genuinely collaborative model of partnership, the underlying principles of which focus on the effective integration of what are seen as the distinctive contributions of both the school and the university. These principles include the following: partnership expressed through the joint

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planning, delivery, and evaluation of the program; a single coherent program (rather than the program being perceived as time spent at the university and time spent in school); carefully graduated learning tasks intended to allow for the preservice teachers to engage in rational analysis, based on the evidence available to them; explicit encouragement for preservice teachers in the program to use ideas from diverse sources; and an emphasis on testing all ideas against the different criteria valued in each context (adapted from McIntyre, 1990, pp. 32–33). At the heart of the program is a process similar to that defined in the Melbourne MTeach model as clinical reasoning (see above), but which, in the Oxford model, is conceptualized as “practical theorising” (McIntyre, 1993, 1995; Hagger & McIntyre, 2006). Within this model: all suggestions for practice, regardless of whether they derived from research or from practical experience in specific contexts, were expected to be received: not as prescriptions to be followed, but as hypotheses to be tested. (Burn et al., 2022)

Here partnership is envisaged as a collective endeavor where the focus is always on the preservice teacher’s decision-making in light of the best available evidence, drawn from diverse sources. This approach has not, however, been without its critics, including Ellis (2010) who argues that such an approach underestimates the challenges involved in requiring preservice teachers to articulate questions about practice when they are in a position of relative powerlessness. Ellis argues that such an approach also encourages an individualistic conception of professional knowledge that does not fully take into account the interactions between individuals and their social situation of development, that is to say the context of the school in which the practicum experience takes place. He calls for practice to be opened up to more deliberate scrutiny within teacher education programs, and that preservice teachers and experienced teachers can work together to identify the problems of practice and then to reconfigure that practice. Finally, in considering programs where partnership models have been developed to encourage greater levels of integration, it is worth focusing also on recent ITE policy reforms in Wales. The background to these reforms has been set out in detail by Furlong (▶ Chap. 13, “Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View”) in his chapter in this section of the handbook, where he describes the way in which the recent reforms in Wales were driven by a view of partnership as an “epistemological concept.” This is presented in stark contrast to the way in which, in England, partnership “has largely become an organisational concept, implying that different partners have different jobs” (▶ Chap. 13, “Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View”). In Wales, the notion of partnership as an epistemological concept has not been merely an aspiration but collaborative partnership arrangements have been enshrined in the national accreditation criteria for ITE providers, so that all ITE programs must specifically prepare preservice teachers in Wales to meet the demands of a new school curriculum and to engage both with and in research as an integral part of their professional learning. Universities and

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schools are jointly accountable for the preparation of new teachers through a process of coconstructing the ITE curriculum, as the accreditation criteria indicate: There are also implications for joint planning. Only if universities and a group of ‘lead partnership schools’ jointly engage in planning the programme as a whole will it have the coherence that is needed. Finally, there is a need for joint accountability. If truly collaborative teacher education is to be achieved then ‘the Partnership’ – the HEI together with all of their partner schools – must take joint responsibility for their contributions to the programme. (Welsh Government, 2017, p. 5)

Early evidence suggests that the newly accredited ITE partnerships in Wales have been able to establish programs which are focused on developing teachers who are both research literate and research active (Furlong et al., 2021), through collaborative programs in which university and schools are working together as equal partners.

Conclusion If there is to be any serious attempt to bring theory and practice more closely together within ITE programs, then this has to be achieved through effective partnership working, but this poses something of a paradox. “Third space” working may offer a useful conceptual tool to enable partners to come together and, through this hybrid process, to understand better the way in which differing perspectives and priorities might be understood and synthesized in order to produce a mutually agreed ITE program. Having articulated and discussed different perspectives within the “third space” approach, there needs to be a vision as to how such a process might lead to greater levels of coherence, along with a strong sense of the clarity of the different roles and responsibilities of each of the partners. But in whose interests will it be to develop such approaches? If “third space” approaches are driven by the university as a way of attempting to bring about more coherence and integration within the program, then this risks reestablishing existing hierarchical arrangements, particularly if the university drives and, perhaps, even controls the “third space” work. Schools need to be persuaded that the investment in this sort of work will be of benefit, and that any discussion in relation to the pedagogical approaches within a reconceptualized program will depend on agreement as to the sort of teacher that the partnership wants to produce. In England, there is evidence that some SCITT-led partnerships may have managed to achieve effective program coherence through close partnership working, as Jackson and Burch (2016) suggest may be the case, but this has been based on a particular approach to addressing the problems of the integration of theory and practice. To provide one example of such working (detailed in Mutton et al., 2018), the program has been structured around a dominant role of the central SCITT school with a top-down delineation of generic program content and clarity of procedures and strong expectations in relation to the delivery of the program. Partner schools share a similar conceptualization of the purpose of the ITE program (to train teachers to work in the specific local schools within the

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partnership), and there is, from the beginning, an emphasis on the professional expectations of a teacher within the schools in question. Those working on the program agree that it needs to develop independence, resilience, initiative, and a sense of realism in the preservice teachers. The evidence from this and other examples suggests that new “school-led” models of partnership may have greater levels of internal coherence, but that such coherence is premised predominantly on a craft model of teaching, reflecting Brown et al. (2015) conclusions that practicalbased training is privileged over theory and analysis. Alternatively, the experience of recent ITE reform in Wales suggests that integrated partnership working, with shared understandings across all partners, may only be achieved if partnership expectations are enshrined in national statutory requirements and related accreditation criteria. Furlong (2020) confirms that it is the centrality of the model of research-informed clinical practice within the ITE accreditation criteria in Wales that has enabled closer integration within partnerships, since this enables all programs to: design spaces (through strategies such as lesson study, teaching rounds or action research) where students can indeed test out their emerging ideas; where they can test what they are learning in school against other forms of professional knowledge made available from their university and vice versa. Only in this way will they have the opportunity to develop the ‘extended professionality’ that they need. Only in this way can we ensure that programmes are indeed both ‘both rigorously practical but intellectually challenging at the same time. (Furlong, 2020, p. 53)

Returning to Zeichner’s (2010) notion of the “disconnect between what students are taught in campus courses and their opportunities for learning to enact these practices in their school placements” (2010, p. 91), this remains a perennial issue. Many of the chapters in this section seek to address the issue and offer conceptual insights as to how this disconnect might be reduced through innovative pedagogical approaches, and changing contexts will undoubtedly require new approaches to partnership working which will, in return, provide new and potentially exciting approaches to partnership research.

Summary ITE partnerships are complex systems, within which preservice teachers are required to both learn and act. This is not unproblematic, since partnership working needs to operate at both an organizational and an epistemological level, and there are often tensions in the way in which this plays out in practice. At the heart of strong partnership working is the effective integration of knowledge from a range of different sources – both theoretical and practical – so that preservice teachers are able to draw on the best available evidence in order to make informed decisions in relation to their own classroom practice. Research into initial teacher education partnerships not only identifies the challenges that arise from the complex nature

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of partnership working but also highlights opportunities to address the perennial problem of the potential disconnect within teacher education programs.

Cross-References ▶ Specialized Educational Knowledge and Its Role in Teacher Education ▶ Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View

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Developing a “Research Literacy Way of Thinking” in Initial Teacher Education: Students as Co-researchers

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Construct: Research Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Literacy as Consumption of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Literacy as Engagement with and in Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward a Theoretical Understanding: Research Literacy as Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competence as Continuum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dispositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Situation-Specific Cognitive Skills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Moving Towards Research Literacy as Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Empirical Lens to Research Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education at the University of Oslo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Co-research Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary: A Research Literacy Way of Thinking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Recent trends within teacher education have promoted the development of students’ research literacy during initial teacher education (ITE) and beyond. However, knowledge is lacking about how to operationalize research literacy and, in particular, how research literacy is implemented in ITE. This chapter discusses how research literacy can enrich ITE by allowing for the development of what has been coined here as “a research literacy way of thinking.” Research literacy is herein conceptualized as more than an engagement with research through research-based education. The argument is that to enrich the T. M. Eriksen · L. M. Brevik (*) University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_9

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understanding of how to develop research literacy in teaching and teacher education, emphasis should be placed on connecting research and education by actively engaging students in research, for instance, by inviting students to become co-researchers in ongoing projects as part of their education. Research literacy is outlined as a key construct before delving into research engagement, competence as continuum and co-research as key issues facing ITE researchers and practitioners. Together, these key issues are framed as “a research literacy way of thinking.” Used as an empirical lens, the co-research model is presented as a way to develop research literacy, comprising co-research in dissertations, in university seminars, as formative assessment and as data collection. This illustrates how “a research literacy way of thinking” has the potential to connect research and education by providing opportunities to develop situation-specific skills to connect student teachers’ dispositions and school performance during ITE. Keywords

Research literacy · Co-research · Competence continuum · Research engagement

Introduction Active student involvement has profound consequences for the future of teacher education. How can active student engagement not only in education but also in research improve teacher education? Over the past 20 years, the use of research in education has increased in popularity (Angouri, 2021) and has gained prominence as a key dimension within a range of contexts, including higher education (Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Han & Schuurmans-Stekhoven, 2017) and teacher education (BERA-RSA, 2013; Brevik et al., 2017, 2018, 2019; Gutman & Genser, 2017; Menter & Flores, 2021; Rott & Leuders, 2017; Shank & Brown, 2007). Studies have also attempted to investigate and conceptualize research use among teachers (Cain, 2015, 2016; Leat et al., 2015), but reviews have revealed an apparent disconnect between research and practice, partly because some teachers question the value of research engagement and display hesitant attitudes toward research (Dagenais et al., 2012; Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017), and partly because of different conceptualizations of research (Cain, 2015; Menter & Flores, 2021). So-called research literacy enables different forms of research engagement to better equip students and teachers in their professional development. Research literacy is thus considered an indicator of teacher professionalism and a goal of initial teacher education (ITE) to equip future teachers in becoming professionals (Brevik et al., 2022; Bullock, 2016). Teachers’ research literacy has been defined as “the ability to judiciously use, apply and develop research as an integral part of one’s teaching” (Evans et al., 2017, p. 404). This chapter discusses how research literacy can enrich ITE by allowing for the development of what has been coined here as “a research literacy way of thinking.”

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Since Hargreaves (1996) claimed that teaching is not a research-based profession, repeated calls have been made to connect the knowledge domains of education research and teaching practice. Countries that stand out as exemplary in international comparisons emphasize teacher education as research-based (Darling-Hammond, 2017; Jenset et al., 2018; Tatto, 2015). In this sense, research-based teacher education implies various kinds of research engagement (Angouri, 2021; Healey & Jenkins, 2009) and distinguishes whether students learn through reception, application or inquiry (Rueß et al., 2016). Studies emphasizing research-based teacher education are in line with research that indicates positive outcomes from teachers’ use of research, during ITE and beyond, in terms of professional development, reinvigoration and teaching practice (Brevik et al., 2017, 2018, 2019; Leat et al., 2015). Although the debate has received persistent attention, the relationship between research on teacher education, teachers’ professional development and the necessary prerequisites remains partly unresolved (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017; Leat et al., 2015; Menter & Flores, 2021; Tatto, 2015). This chapter addresses the call to develop research literacy in teacher education and the teaching profession (BERA-RSA, 2013; Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Menter & Flores, 2021) by discussing the nature of research literacy and how its inclusion in ITE can enrich the understanding of how research and teacher professionalism interrelate. In the following, research literacy is presented as a highly relevant way of developing not only research-based knowledge but also research-related skills and enquiry relevant for professional practice in the school context. This is of particular relevance to the field of ITE, in which knowledge, skills and experience are mutually influential in developing teachers as professionals (BERA-RSA, 2013; Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017; Menter & Flores, 2021). The present chapter discusses how research literacy contributes interesting – and important – insight and nuance to ITE research. The main aim is to discuss whether the development of research literacy is a prerequisite for ITE. This is done through the concepts of research engagement (Gutman & Genser, 2017), competence as continuum (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017), and the co-research model (Brevik, 2020, 2022), which together are framed as “a research literacy way of thinking.” In the following, the co-research model is used as an empirical lens to study the role of research in teaching and teacher education, along with a discussion of the implications of inviting student teachers to become co-researchers in ongoing research projects as part of their teacher education.

Key Construct: Research Literacy The term literacy is increasingly used to refer to imbuing the kinds of competencies that are required of productive participants in society in the twenty-first century. Rather than being limited to the ability to engage with written texts, it is understood as abilities enabling participation in knowledge-laden activities of different kinds in society:

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Beyond its conventional concept as a set of reading, writing and counting skills, literacy is now understood as a means of identification, understanding, interpretation, creation, and communication in an increasingly digital, text-mediated, information-rich and fast-changing world. (UNESCO, 2021)

Thus, by extending literacy as a general concept, a range of more specific conceptualizations of literacy have emerged, including the concept of research literacy. The terms research and literacy used in conjunction imply being knowledgeable or educated about ideas and principles of research (McGregor, 2018). Since the 2000s, research literacy has been applied to different areas of study to describe the kind of research knowledge that is required of professionals within specific knowledge domains. Still, research use in education may occur in both ITE and school practice without necessarily being labelled “research literacy.” An early contribution to research literacy in the field of teacher education was provided by Shank and Brown (2007). They proposed that educational research literacy entailed student teachers knowing the basic principles of research in education; specifically, “how research chapters are put together; how to read research chapters at increasingly more complex levels; how to evaluate the quality of the research” (p. 2). Although their definition attended to the notion of consuming research, they also argued the importance of shifting the perspective from being passive consumers to becoming active and critical readers who would be able to evaluate research and judge the usefulness of the findings for educational practices. As such, they recognized that the research-literate person should apply a set of skills along with their knowledge and experience. Further addressing the role of research in teaching and teacher education, BERA-RSA (2013) proposed the term “research literacy” to describe a teaching profession that is able to develop schools from within. In doing so, they crafted a visionary mindset that values not only (future) teachers’ familiarity with a range of research methods and implications for their professional practice but also their understanding of why it is important. This mindset reflects a perspective of research literacy as interconnected with professional practice: [Research literacy] refers to the extent to which teachers and school and college leaders are familiar with a range of research methods, with the latest research findings and with the implications of this research for their day-to-day practice, and for education policy and practice more broadly. To be research literate is to ‘get’ research – to understand why it is important and what might be learnt from it, and to maintain a sense of critical appreciation and healthy scepticism throughout. (BERA-RSA, 2013, p. 40)

In line with esteemed researchers in the field, this chapter argues that research literacy, to deserve the label, must be deeply and meaningfully rooted in professional practice as more than what is commonly understood as research-based (cf. Menter & Flores, 2021). While the BERA-RSA (2013) definition mainly pertains to an end state of knowing the research, it nonetheless indicates that research literacy also entails being and doing, in terms of “getting” research and the implications for teachers’ professional practice. In this sense, the nature and development of research

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Fig. 1 Research literacy as a key dimension of teachers’ professional identity (BERA-RSA, 2013, p. 10). Reproduced with kind permission from the British Educational Research Association (BERA)

literacy are underexplored. BERA-RSA viewed research literacy as a key aspect of the teacher as professional that reinforces subject and pedagogical knowledge and practical classroom experience as other pillars of teacher quality (Fig. 1). In Fig. 1, the notion of the professional teacher indicates the capacity to integrate knowledge from different sources and apply and adopt such knowledge in practice. When studying the teacher as professional, research literacy provides the opportunity to, on the one hand, identify research-based knowledge, theory and scholarship and, on the other, to engage research-related skills and enquiry. The BERA-RSA (2013) report proposed a broad and inclusive perspective on the role of research in teaching and teacher education: (i) The content of teacher education is to be informed by research-based knowledge and scholarship; (ii) Research can be used to inform the design and structure of teacher education programmes; (iii) Teachers and teacher educators can be equipped to engage with and be discerning consumers of research;

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(iv) Teachers and teacher educators may be equipped to conduct their own research, individually and collectively, to investigate the impact of particular interventions or to explore the positive and negative effects of educational practice. (p. 5, original emphasis; see also Menter & Flores, 2021, p. 122) Challenging the superiority of practice-based learning (cf. Menter & Flores, 2021), research engagement in the school context has implications for the development of professional practices beyond the school context in teacher education. Accordingly, research literacy includes the premise that research literacy is a complex concept that takes place in various contexts among student teachers and teachers alike. However, there is limited empirical evidence on how to operationalize the concept. Thus, it could be argued that “a research literacy way of thinking” proposed in this chapter resonates with the need to explore and deepen our understanding of the connections between research, knowledge and practice that characterize the field of ITE. In line with the BERA-RSA (2013) perspective on the role of research in teacher education, “a research literacy way of thinking” implies the active use of research to inform the design and structure of teacher education and the engagement in research both in teaching and teacher education. Consequently, the development of research literacy requires more than the development of researchbased knowledge and more than the ability to engage with and be consumers of research. The extensive contributions to the role of research provided by BERA-RSA concluded by inviting scholars to build on and extend the accumulated knowledge presented in their reports (Tatto & Furlong, 2015). Accordingly, this chapter aims to provide an understanding of the concept of research literacy from an ITE perspective; first, by probing the notion of research literacy as consumption of research and then by synthesizing existing literature on research literacy as engagement with and in research, thus providing an overview for future reference.

Research Literacy as Consumption of Research The debate concerning research literacy in teacher education has been fueled by comparisons across different branches. In higher education, Han and ShuurmansStekhoven (2017) suggested that research literacy training for international students should include online searches to locate digital information to get an accurate understanding and interpretation and conduct critical evaluation and synthesis of the information. Thus, in addition to research consumption, they emphasized the need to be able to critically interpret the quality of the information as an important aspect of research literacy. This perspective was also expressed by Cain (2015), who addressed the knowledge problem of teachers’ (lack of) engagement with published research. Similarly, in higher education research, Groß Ophoff et al. (2017) defined educational research literacy as “the ability to purposefully access, comprehend, and reflect scientific information as well as apply the resulting conclusions to problems with respect to educational decisions” (p. 39). This definition involves

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the notion of consuming research (cf. Shank & Brown, 2007) in terms of conducting an analysis of published research by way of understanding written and statistical information and evidence-based reasoning in the articles. The suggestion that research literacy imbues information literacy, statistical literacy and evidencebased reasoning resonates with the idea of research engagement primarily comprising reading research as a body of knowledge (cf. BERA-RSA, 2013). Within mathematics education, Rott and Leuders (2017) studied epistemological beliefs among student teachers. Although they did not use the term research literacy, their understanding of research literacy can be interpreted as engagement with research because the student teachers reflected upon mathematical research methods (i.e., logical deduction) and the research process (possible flaws in the review process). As mentioned, research literacy was considered to comprise research knowledge, critical thinking and the potential application of research findings in practice. As such, in the field of teacher education, the notion of research literacy relates, on the one hand, to expectations of research engagement as consumption, and on the other, to understanding to take part in and potentially apply research findings in their professional practice. These definitions align with the BERA-RSA’s (2013) emphasis on the need for familiarity with a range of research methods and implications for teaching, in line with perspectives on research-based knowledge and the ability to engage with and be consumers of research. However, the development of research literacy also requires going beyond mere consumption in order to “get” research and to understand why it is important and what might be learnt from it. This notion requires active engagement both with and in research as part of teaching and teacher education (Borg, 2010; Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Leat et al., 2015).

Research Literacy as Engagement with and in Research Recent contributions to the operationalization of research literacy in teaching and teacher education offer supplementary approaches to understanding the duality of the concept: research literacy as engagement with and consumption of research and research literacy as active engagement in research. The distinction between the two can be attributed to Borg (2010, p. 391): “The term “research engagement” here covers both engagement IN teacher research (i.e., by doing it) as well as engagement WITH research (i.e., by reading and using it).” The distinction was further elaborated by Leat et al. (2015), who proposed that in the distinction between these terms, there is a sense that engagement in research implies a greater degree of immersion: ‘Knowing’ readily equates to engaging with research, where research is seen as a body of knowledge to be accessed and to be acquired. Engagement in research can be discerned at least two levels. The first would see teachers using research skills and therefore developing expertise in articulating good questions, conducting interviews, choosing appropriate psychometric measures, managing and analysing data and so on. The second level of engaging in research would see significant development in identity and the self, with repercussions for the teacher’s personal agency. (Leat et al., 2015, p. 271)

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Neither Borg (2010) nor Leat et al. (2015) referred to research literacy. However, in a special issue on “educational research literacy” in the Journal for Educational Research Online, significant contributions to the operationalization of research literacy were provided, with reference to Borg (2010). In their editorial, Groß Ophoff and Rott (2017) referred to the conceptual difference between engagement with research and engagement in research. They defined research literacy as the former and connected the latter to research competence: Engagement with research corresponds with activities like engaging with or discussing research results, methods or the whole research process. Such assignments aim at promoting relevant abilities to access and appraise knowledge in complex contexts that are typical for the line of work in educational practice and will be referred to as Research Literacy in the following. By contrast, the term engagement in research refers to planning and implementing research. With the long-term objective to be able to generate new knowledge based on scientific methods and as part of a certain scientific community, this term refers to a stronger focus on action and will be labeled as Research Competence. (Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017, p. 6)

Following this, Groß Ophoff and Rott (2017) interpreted the articles in the special issue in line with the distinction between engagement with research as research literacy and engagement in research as research competence. As a consequence of excluding engagement in research from the definition of research literacy, research literacy was separated from research as a process. In contrast to Groß Ophoff and Rott (2017), Gutman and Genser (2017) argued that in teaching and teacher education, research literacy also involved engagement in research by emphasizing the research process of “identifying and defining a problem, formulating a research question and designing a research method” (p. 63). They argued that, as such, research literacy entails enabling (student) teachers to develop a critical view of their practice and acquire higher-order enquiry skills necessary for educational research to investigate them. According to Gutman and Genser (2017), these skills will enable (student) teachers to design research and to collect, interpret and use data by doing research on a practical level. They thus extended the notion of research literacy to include (student) teachers’ ability to gather and analyze data in the school context. The research literacy process, then, not only includes consumption of research and solving problems by engaging with research by way of understanding published articles but also involves developing knowledge through engagement in research, involving situated research-related skills and enquiries (cf. BERA-RSA, 2013). Whereas engagement with research aligns with the traditional understanding of literacy as reading, engagement in research underlines a more agentic perspective. To summarize, these definitions suggest that the development of research literacy involves a range of aspects, such as critical reading, application, communication and problem-solving, as potential aims and outcomes. The reviewed literature indicates a shift from mainly considering research literacy as the consumption of research and engagement with research (Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Han & SchuurmansStekhoven, 2017; Rott & Leuders, 2017; Shank & Brown, 2007) toward the notion of research literacy as also engagement in research (BERA-RSA, 2013; Evans et al., 2017; Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Gutman & Genser, 2017). Furthermore, some of

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the contributions acknowledged the importance of epistemic assumptions or attitudes for the implementation of research literacy into professional practice (Jemsy, 2018). The review revealed that the literature attends more to research literacy as a desired end than as a means to an end, thus missing out on opportunities to develop research literacy in ITE. Research literacy, in terms of reasoning, problem-solving, communication or learning all suggest that application is not a linear exercise of transferring knowledge, but instead a creative and agentic process of actively engaging in ongoing research. Underlying these kinds of engagement are positive attitudes toward research and a willingness to take part in enquiries. Complementing this review of research literacy, the present chapter proposes that the discussion of the nature of research literacy could benefit from an epistemic turn by examining research literacy in relation to competence. In doing so, the conceptual difference between engagement with research and engagement in research will be revisited to consider whether research literacy aligns with the former, whereas research competence aligns with the latter, as proposed by Groß Ophoff and Rott (2017). This distinction is key to how research engagement is framed in ITE. For this purpose, the review of the term research literacy is linked to the model of competence as continuum (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017). A theoretically founded understanding of competence in relation to research literacy invites conclusions on what it means to understand research literacy in ITE and beyond.

Toward a Theoretical Understanding: Research Literacy as Competence If research literacy is a key dimension of ITE, and if being research literate is a key dimension for professional teachers to be able to embed research knowledge in school practice, then research literacy can be interpreted as a condition for professional practice. Accordingly, there is a need to outline potential pathways to develop research literacy in terms of professional competence. In the previous sections, multiple conceptualizations of research literacy emerged within the field of teacher education. Whereas some conceptualizations separated research literacy from research competence, others proposed a component view, which aligned the concepts of research and literacy to varying degrees. First, there was a conceptual difference between research literacy as engagement with research and research literacy as engagement in research. Second, related to this conceptual difference, engagement with research was juxtaposed with the consumption of research, and by extension to research-based education. Third, there was the view that research literacy differed from research competence, where the consumption of research, engagement with research and research-based education were in combination considered research literacy, and engagement in research was considered research competence. For the purpose of unravelling the interrelation between research literacy and competence, we draw on the notion of competence as continuum, as first developed by Blömeke et al. (2015) and elaborated by Blömeke and Kaiser (2017).

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Competence as Continuum Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) conceptualized teacher competence as a “multi-dimensional construct underlying performance in the classroom that includes knowledge, skills, and affective-motivational characteristics” (p. 793). In their model, they presented competence both as an individual characteristic and as embedded in a social context. Their proposal of competence as continuum thus mirrors the conceptualization of research literacy, in that both can be developed over time through teacher education by developing lower or higher levels of competence. The continuum presupposes a professional context, comprising the educational system, teacher education and school. Acknowledging the contested and necessary nature of definitions, Blömeke et al. (2015) dismissed the dichotomy commonly presented in the literature between competence as dispositions underlying behavior and behavior in real-life situations. This perspective is relevant in trying to understand research literacy as competence, as the conceptual difference between engagement with research and engagement in research resides in a similar dichotomy. The model (Fig. 2) includes both a horizontal and a vertical continuum and comprises various levels of dispositions, situation-specific skills and performance. Aiming to overcome what they considered simplified conceptualizations, Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) suggested that competence should be regarded “as a continuum with dispositions closely related to observable performance” (p. 4). This proposal aligns with the ambition of imbuing research literacy in student teachers with the aim of developing professional teachers who are prepared for the classroom context. There is no comprehensive understanding of how the different aspects of competence relate to one another (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017). A common, simplified belief is that student teachers acquire professional knowledge in teacher education that is enacted through situation-specific skills and further developed as performance

Fig. 2 Competence as continuum model, extended version (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017, p. 4). Reprinted with permission from SAGE Pbl

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in practice. Conversely, it could be that competence development in some areas is incremental in nature, or that competencies develop in an iterative manner. This indicates that individual student teachers might develop more competence in one of these areas than in others. This variation is visualized by the vertical levels in Fig. 2 and suggests that dispositions, skills and performance are open to development throughout ITE and beyond. To a certain extent, the competence continuum aligns with the notion of research literacy as a key dimension of the teacher as professional (BERA-RSA, 2013) in the overlap between subject and pedagogical knowledge and practical classroom experience (cf. Fig. 1). This alignment will be addressed in the following sections.

Dispositions Along this continuum, Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) formulated two extremes, dispositions and performance, as a multi-dimensional set of characteristics necessary for developing professional competence. Dispositions depend upon professional knowledge and affective-motivational characteristics. The separation of the two is to some extent artificial because together, they influence how teachers use their situation-specific skills to approach a given educational situation. Although these dispositions are considered fairly deep and enduring, teacher education may provide opportunities to transform student teachers’ dispositions into observable classroom teaching through the development of situation-specific skills. Student teachers build professional knowledge as part of ITE. The view of professional knowledge as a disposition for developing competence corresponds to the knowledge aspect of research literacy, such as subject and pedagogical knowledge, knowledge of research concepts and processes and conceptual and empirical knowledge (BERA-RSA, 2013; Jemsy, 2018). For instance, future English teachers build English content knowledge, which covers school English, such as language, culture and literature, and basic skills in English, such as reading and writing. They are also expected to build knowledge of how to teach English in the classroom (Brevik & Rindal, 2020). Thus, student teachers specializing in different school subjects will have different prerequisites for developing professional knowledge, which in turn might influence the development of research literacy as competence. Whereas some will acquire a basic understanding of the principles of research literacy intertwined with their disciplinary subjects, others will develop research knowledge at a higher level. Although professional knowledge is imperative in teacher education, student teachers need to have affective-motivational characteristics and be willing to apply their knowledge in practice. Take reading comprehension as an example. A student teacher may have read and understood a research article and thus developed knowledge about different reading comprehension strategies to implement in the English classroom but may not believe in their effectiveness. In this case, it is unlikely that the student teacher will be motivated to teach any of the strategies during English lessons

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(cf. Brevik et al., 2019). This means that interest, motivation and attitudes are relevant for the transformation of knowledge into observable classroom performance. When comparing teacher dispositions for the development of competence to the development of research literacy, some similarities emerge. Whereas some researchers consider engagement with research to be sufficient for understanding research as a body of knowledge, others find that student teachers must walk the walk of engaging in research to really “get” research in order to use it in the classroom (BERA-RSA, 2013; Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017; Gutman & Genser, 2017). Moreover, teacher dispositions might mean that the consumption of research – or engagement with research – is not enough to become research literate, and that engagement in research is necessary for wanting to apply research knowledge in the school context. In line with the literature suggesting that epistemic attitudes were strong determinants of reported research use among teachers (Cain, 2015), student teachers’ attitudes and motivation toward research are also essential for “getting” research (BERA-RSA, 2013).

Situation-Specific Cognitive Skills Including both dispositions and performance in the definition of competence leaves an explanatory gap between the two. In effect, Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) proposed that fairly stable dispositions could be transformed into more variable performance in the classroom through situation-specific cognitive skills. In the field of teacher education, the horizontal continuum suggests a temporal development from dispositions (professional knowledge and affect-motivation) that might be developed before and during ITE to performance (observable behavior) in the classroom during and after teacher education. Along the competence continuum, student teachers’ dispositions influence their development of situation-specific skills. These skills refer to processes of perception, interpretation and decision-making in specific situations. Whereas student teachers’ dispositions represent a potential transformation of their knowledge or affect-motivation characteristics into classroom performance, situation-specific skills represent facets of their cognitive skills that are in play before, during and after this performance. Situation-specific skills emphasize the importance of student teachers’ awareness of how to transform knowledge and motivation. The main idea in the competence as continuum model is to see these skills as a means to an end. Perception is of utmost importance to make feasible exigent decisions in the situation, for example, concerning ongoing classroom practices, and perceptive skills are developed and enhanced by professional knowledge. Subsequently, the processes of interpretation and decision making are influenced by perception. These situation-specific processes take place within social contexts and are influenced by interpersonal interactions. In this respect, Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) acknowledged the complementarity between cognitive and situated or sociocultural perspectives, as they highlighted the different layers of situation-specific processes. These processes are to some extent included in the definitions of research literacy explored in the

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review, as most of the definitions included the idea of the application of research in the classroom, although the extent to which it was pursued varies. The simplest model of application is the notion of a linear relationship between research as a body of knowledge (consumption of research, engagement with research) and classroom performance, in the sense that research literacy provides spontaneous practical solutions. However, most of the literature dismisses the idea of direct transfer. Groß Ophoff et al. (2017) unpacked this issue in detail as they elaborated on the process of research-based reasoning. This process corresponds with the situation-specific skills of perception, interpretation and decision-making in Blömeke and Kaiser’s (2017) model. As research literacy implies making use of research knowledge, research serves the function of anchoring research-based reasoning. Accordingly, Groß Ophoff et al. (2017) outlined how research contributes to decision making by formulating questions, searching for and evaluating information, substantiating reasoning or critically evaluating given conclusions. Situationspecific skills thus contribute to the process of research engagement to solve problems, where multiple sources are integrated to make logical decisions and identify unresolved issues. Thus, by focusing on student teachers’ cognitive skills and teaching them how to develop these skills in specific situations, they could learn to see research literacy as a powerful ability for bridging gaps in their professional competence.

Performance The competence as continuum model takes a more nuanced view on the common tendency to conceptualize dispositions and performance as opposites and suggests that instead, they should be viewed as two ends of a continuum of what can be called “a research literacy way of thinking.” In the model, dispositions are illustrated as anchoring the passive end (as suggested by the engagement with research perspective) and performance as anchoring the more active end (as a broader vision of deliberate engagement in research). Although dispositions and performance represent opposite ends of the competence continuum, they are interrelated. Performance indicates student teachers’ observable behavior in the classroom, in terms of teaching. In this respect, professional competence develops through dispositions, situation-specific skills and performance in the classroom. In a similar vein, research literacy potentially develops in the overlap between subject and pedagogical knowledge and practical classroom experience. This overlap suggests that, if the competence aspect of performance is related to research literacy, student teachers need to engage in research and not only with research to develop their competence, as engagement in research involves active participation, which in turn imbues performance. This example of a student teacher who, despite consuming a research article (engagement with research) about reading comprehension strategies, does not implement such strategies in their own classroom can serve as an example. The motivation to apply the research findings might increase if the same student teacher engages in a research project that collects classroom data in which a teacher

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teaches such strategies (cf. Brevik et al., 2019). In this manner, performance is influenced by both dispositions and situation-specific processes or skills.

Level The vertical axis in the model indicates a development from lower to higher levels of competence. Accordingly, a student teacher may acquire basic subject and pedagogical knowledge through engagement with research literature yet perceive it as relevant and applicable only when the situation-specific skills of perceiving and interpreting are fine-tuned enough to frame a practical problem productively. If student teachers approach professional knowledge as a body of prescriptive answers, they may assess the relevance as less valuable than if they perceive it as a situationspecific skill to frame and process situated experiences. Blömeke and Kaiser (2017) indicated that once a basic level of professional knowledge is developed, practical experiences may enhance other aspects of competence. However, it may be that the interrelations between professional knowledge and practical experiences are mainly made visible when situation-specific skills become more advanced. In fact, activating professional knowledge for many student teachers is probably at the lower level of the competence continuum rather than at a higher, problemsolving level. This vertical axis is relevant when considering the role of research in teacher education. For student teachers to understand a research article that they find difficult, some alternatives to engaging with research and/or consumption of research would be to actively engage in research as pathways to develop research literacy or to integrate several of these elements simultaneously. From a teacher education perspective, these levels are of the utmost importance. The reviewed literature does not pertain to this hierarchy to any significant degree, as the definitions mainly portray research literacy as a desired level of competence. Whereas one way of approaching the vertical axis would be to assume that student teachers start by developing basic professional knowledge and then proceed incrementally through each component along the horizontal continuum, positive attitudes toward research literacy in teacher education may depend on more qualitative shifts in how different competence components are integrated.

Moving Towards Research Literacy as Competence This chapter has unpacked the key elements in Blömeke and Kaiser’s (2017) competence as continuum model to consider what research literacy as competence might look like. The idea of competence as a multidimensional continuum thus serves as a structure for understanding the complexity of professional decisions and actions, where the elements and processes in the continuum are shaped within sociocultural contexts. In the previous sections, the concept of research literacy was reviewed and analyzed from multiple angles along the competence continuum. This provides a multidimensional understanding of research literacy in relation to

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professional competence, where teacher education is a social practice that shapes competence. Within this understanding, the distinction made by Groß Ophoff and Rott (2017) between research literacy as engagement with research and research competence as engagement in research needs to be nuanced. Instead of distinguishing between research literacy and research competence, “a research literacy way of thinking” imbues engagement both in and with research, on different levels. Thus, acknowledging the vertical axis in Blömeke and Kaiser’s (2017) competence as continuum model, both engagement with research and engaging in research might occur on a basic or more advanced level of competence. Together, the competence as continuum model and the concept of research literacy illustrates the core aim of developing student teachers in “a research literacy way of thinking.” Opportunities to learn within teacher education are in turn shaped within a set of social and cultural assumptions of what constitutes a professional teacher and what kind of competence promotes professional teaching. One way for teacher education to contribute to developing research literacy as competence, is to encourage active participation in ongoing research projects to develop situation-specific skills in the overlap between professional knowledge and teaching practice (cf. BERA-RSA, 2013). To further explore and extend the understanding of research literacy along the vertical axis in the model of competence as continuum, the co-research model is presented next as an empirical lens to the development of research literacy in teacher education.

Empirical Lens to Research Literacy A sociocultural perspective on the role of research in teacher education recognizes that learning is a complex individual and social process that entails cognitive, affective and motivational dimensions. Despite the emphasis on and significance of research literacy, there is relatively little discussion on how the concept is operationalized in teacher education, and little empirical evidence to suggest whether or how research literacy helps develop professional competence. However, discussion suggests research literacy that students develop during their teacher education is fundamental for the development of professional knowledge, affective-motivational characteristics, situation-specific skills, classroom performance – and ultimately, professional competence. This requires ITE to find a balance between providing students with opportunities to consume research and thereby engage with research and to prioritize opportunities for student participation in research. To examine empirical evidence to this effect, the following section draws on the co-research model from the Master of Education program at the University of Oslo, where research and education was connected to develop “a research literacy way of thinking.”

Teacher Education at the University of Oslo Connecting research and education is an ambition of teacher education internationally. In line with this ambition, enabling master’s students’ active participation in

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ongoing research has been a priority for the English Didactics Master of Education program at the University of Oslo since 2015. The university runs two English didactics master’s courses that provide opportunities to be part of research projects, so-called co-research. Co-research is regarded key to active student participation and has become an established English didactics approach (Brevik, 2020, 2022). Drawing on the concept of research literacy (BERA-RSA, 2013) and the notion of competence as continuum (Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017), co-research attempts to help master’s students to become research literate and develop professional competence. Figure 3 illustrates how master’s students are invited to become co-researchers in ongoing research projects throughout the master’s program (8th–10th semester). Based on the collection and analysis of research data, they work individually and collectively in workshops and seminars, and discuss analyses with peers and researchers. Each semester represents a phase, and each phase can be seen as being unlocked with a prior phase serving as a key. That is, co-research in one phase influences the subsequent phases. Phase 1, in contrast, was informed by the aforementioned research literacy from BERA-RSA (2013). This is the basis of the co-research model, in which “a research literacy way of thinking” is developed.

The Co-research Model In the co-research model, students are invited into ongoing research projects in innovative ways. This section presents four co-research models (Figs. 4, 5, 6, and 7)

8th semester Co-research as analyses and assessment in seminars (models 1-2)

9th semester Co-research as data collection (model 3)

Fig. 3 Co-research in English didactics master’s program

Fig. 4 Co-research as formative assessment

10th semester Co-research in dissertations (model 4)

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Fig. 5 Co-research in university seminars

Fig. 6 Co-research as data collection

Fig. 7 The use of research data for dissertation

that are not exhaustive but nonetheless are useful to discuss possible approaches to develop “a research literacy way of thinking.” The models represent engagement with and in research, ranging from less to more research literacy and instantiate different aspects of research literacy as multidimensional competence. The models include the use of co-research for formative assessment (model 1), co-research in seminars (model 2), co-research as data collection (model 3), and co-research in dissertations (model 4). The presentation draws on interviews with ten former student teachers who were co-researchers during their teacher education (2015–2020) at the University of Oslo, all of whom worked as teachers at the time of the interviews (2021). The interviews were analyzed thematically based on the concepts of research literacy and professional

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competence. The selected statements attached to each model illustrate how the co-researchers perceived their participation in co-research during their master’s program.

Model 1. Co-research as Formative Assessment A major component in teacher education is assessment mechanisms designed into the courses. Well-designed formative assessment makes clear to the students the object and purpose of any assessment situation, which should be integrated and relevant to the course. Model 1 was developed as formative assessment, comprising four assessment situations throughout the semester, combining engagement with and in research on different levels (Fig. 4). Figure 4 illustrates that in the first seminar; the student teachers were provided an overview of data from a research project that were made available to them for the duration of the semester. They were invited to select a topic of interest and were provided relevant data. An example of research data was video-recorded English lessons from secondary school, covering topics such as language learning, reading and writing instruction, and the use of models for writing. The student teachers learnt that their research engagement, including transcription, video analysis, feedback, discussion and presentation comprised the basis for formative assessment throughout the semester. The four assessments were: (1) a transcription of research data, (2) a research analysis in a seminar, using selected research articles as analytical lenses, selecting a transcription excerpt as illustration and justification, (3) providing feedback to a peer co-researcher on their research analysis in another seminar, and (4) the final exam in the form of a trial lecture, resembling a research conference, where each student presented a revised version of their presentation to an audience across student cohorts. Offering the opportunity to analyze and discuss data from ongoing research projects, provided good basis for assessment: We were co-researchers, because we used many of the data they [the researchers] actually used in these projects. We discussed different research questions, we looked at [videorecorded classroom] practices, and we assessed and coded some of them: writing instruction and language learning, use of models. Therefore, we were very close to the raw material, and used it as focus to discuss the course literature. It was very useful to practice analysing material like that and have a specific focus. (NQ7)

Here, the former master’s student indicated how being a co-researcher developed their professional knowledge through discussion of research, while it also encouraged collaboration and feedback on research analyses, seemingly influencing their affective-motivational characteristics. Engagement with research occurred in their presentation of research articles and application to their analysis (task 2), and providing feedback to peers (task 3). Engagement in research occurred through transcription (task 1), analysis of raw material (task 2), and presentation of findings (task 4). The assessments were framed as legitimate tasks that could also have been undertaken by researchers, e.g., transcribing research data, doing thematic analyses and presentation at a conference. Thus, Model 1 gives evidence to the potential for

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developing research literacy as assessment, through “a research literacy way of thinking.” Despite the value of on-campus, face-to-face seminars and conferences, the Covid19 pandemic has shown the potential of technology for making available diverse formats to master’s students, not least in formative assessment. Model 1 was developed as an on-campus mode of assessment from 2018. In the spring of 2020 and 2021, it responded to the pandemic by going online, thus demonstrating its robustness as a model for formative assessment of research literacy across contexts. A discussion on what “research literacy” means in this context is significant for repositioning and framing the development of research literacy at a time where assessment forms might change.

Model 2. Co-research in University Seminars Another essential component of teacher education is university seminars. In Model 2, master’s students were invited to become members of a research project from the beginning of the 8th semester (Fig. 5). In Model 2, the master’s students were introduced to the role of co-researcher and its connection to seminars. Throughout the semester, they engaged in the research project and were trained in using tools that were used in the project. They chose theoretical and analytical approaches based on the topics in the master’s course and the selected data, which they worked with systematically throughout the semester. For example, students who were invited to become members of a video project, had access to video-recorded English lessons. They signed a confidentiality declaration, and were trained in using programs for transcription (e.g., InqScribe) and video analysis (e.g., InterAct) or statistical analysis (e.g., SPSS). They were also trained in research ethics, involving the general data protection regulations (GDPR), the importance of voluntary informed consent and teachers’ and students’ right to decline participation in research. The master’s students reported that they gained a deeper understanding of what characterized engagement in research and professional practice after having transcribed a video recoded lesson or systematized students’ survey responses. As mentioned in Model 1, the aim was to be able to evaluate to what extent their findings aligned with prior research in the field. One of the former co-researchers described how this contributed to the interconnection between research, observation data and the teaching profession: Because when you speak of school research, it is a very wide concept. When you kind of start thinking about “what should I write about?” it feels very big and inapproachable and, well, you feel like you are “swimming in a big sea” without knowing where to go. And the fact that I, when I had an idea, had support in following up on that idea and attaching it to something existing, it did something to me. So, I went from feeling like a regular student to becoming a co-researcher ... For me in particular, I think doing work with the data and then interviewing students [for my dissertation], was very, what should I say, I felt mastery. I also felt that I was doing something that was very useful for me later, because I experienced that the research questions I had were very relevant for me when I was going to work (as a teacher). (NQ8)

Here, she described research engagement as a transformative experience from “regular student” to “co-researcher.” She explained how the use of research data helped

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her conduct own interviews with students for her dissertation was relevant and useful, in line with both research literacy and competence. These forms of engagement in research align with the development of situation-specific cognitive skills in the model of competence as continuum. The statement also indicates that co-research attenskills the development of affective-motivational dispositions, expressed by use of the term “mastery” as something “useful for later” professional practice. Research-based curricula are well-suited for providing subject and pedagogical knowledge and guiding the students to develop analytical skills for complex inquiry. However, if the development of research literacy is a priority and professional competence the orientation, then a model that connects research and education is necessary – one that will address relevant thematic areas across seminars and enable master’s students to apply research to practice. Consumption of research during the master’s course in terms of engagement with research does not mean compromising more active engagement in research. On the contrary, it can and should translate to the application of professional practice in the school context, so the co-researcher has hands-on experience of the role of research.

Model 3. Co-research as Data Collection Another component of the co-research model is participation in the collection of primary (raw) data. In Model 3, master’s students were engaged from the onset of data collection, actively engaging in research along with peers and researchers in 9th semester (Fig. 6). Figure 6 shows how the co-researchers engaged in the research process of planning data collection with the research team. They were invited to workshops to learn how to use data collection tools and procedures established in the project, including the general data protection regulations (GDPR). One example was hands-on training in how to set up and use video-recoding equipment in the classroom, including the creation of a so-called blind zone for non-participating students, so they could be placed outside the camera angle. This was of importance to prepare the co-researchers for engagement in research during fieldwork, and invited them to reflect on the role of research in their education. As stated by one former co-researcher: We were divided into teams, where each of us had specific roles, and then went as a research team to a school to collect data. It was a very large project. Lots, lots of data being collected. It’s important to say that I thought it was really fun. We were sort of thrown into it without any previous experience with this kind of thing. So, we were sort of running around with our ‘heads on fire’, sort of, the first week. But then we got into it and we learned how to cooperate, and it turned out great in the end. (NQ3)

This way, the co-researchers had the opportunity to develop situation-specific skills in several steps of the research process; especially, perception and decision-making there and then, in the situation. Hence, it could be argued that Model 3 offers a broad approach to research literacy pertaining to the situation-specific skills outlined by Blömeke and Kaiser (2017). In addition, they were equipped to conduct their own research, individually and collectively as suggested by BERA-RSA (2013). The

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former co-researcher emphasized this aspect by addressing not only participation in research but also how this in turn influenced their current practice as teacher: I developed a lot of insight into how to be present in a classroom and have a research stance towards it. And that is something I really want to use actively with the students in my English classroom. I was planning a bit of research on my own, of course aligning with GDPR [general data protection regulations]. That is another thing I have become really good at, by the way [laughing]. But this year it has been so much back and forth with home schooling, so it has not been as planned. But I did manage to make a small project at the end of the year, which the students thought was pretty fun. I made them focus on making their own enquiries about youth and learning English. They made their own questionnaires for each other, anonymous of course, and sort of researched a bit within the classroom. And then presented their own work to the class. And it turned out great, they did incredibly well! (NQ3)

These statements suggest that the co-research model is of relevance to research literacy as a multifaceted concept, in terms of a sense of purpose and belonging, which aligns with affective-motivational characteristics in the model of competence as continuum (cf. Blömeke & Kaiser, 2017). Further, they expressed a strengthened understanding of the connections between research literature (professional knowledge), research data (situation-specific skills), and classroom practices (performance), hence developing a sense of relevance to their research engagement, aligning with the notion of “a research literacy way of thinking.”

Model 4. Co-research in Dissertations A fourth component is related to the parallels between research engagement during the master’s courses and the dissertation. Model 4 is one that engages master’s students in ongoing research by allowing them to use data collected by research projects in their dissertations as an alternative to collecting own research: I was not sure what the master’s was supposed to be, so I thought it was convenient to enter a project with that much data. And when I started the master’s, I felt like I had great belief in the project. We talked a lot, my supervisor and I, about what we could focus on and how to approach it, to look into what I was interested in. It felt very important right away, I felt seen and prioritised. I never felt like I did it for them [the researchers]. I did it for me. (NQ4)

By inclusion in ongoing research in the 8th and 9th semester, the master’s students built on and extended their experiences in their dissertation work. Building on their competence with co-research, some used data from the research projects as secondary data for their dissertations, while others collected own primary data. One of the master’s students reflected on these experiences: Overall, I believe that I learnt a lot during that semester, and it was perhaps the first time I was proud of something I did during my teacher education [. . .]. I developed such a sense of community with the other students, so that we could discuss our master’s projects and consider how this was important in our school subjects. I actually believe that it strengthened my desire to become a teacher. This [topic], that I was doing co-research on, is important, and something that I want to be able to do as a teacher. (NQ4)

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This view aligns with the BERA-RSA (2013) broad and inclusive perspective of the role of research; namely, that research can be used to inform teacher education and at the same time equip teachers and student teachers for professional practice. Accordingly, one former co-researcher stated: I think I became a lot more prepared for the teaching profession with the master’s, in particular, because I have observed so many classrooms, from the data in the project, how things play out. One thing is school practice, where you are in the classroom yourself; another thing is to observe those [teachers] who have been doing this for several years, how [teaching] really occurs. And that was something I believe was important for my master’s dissertation, that it is so important to see naturalistic classroom teaching. Because, well, school practice is really good, really useful, but not quite ‘real’ [...] And seeing that in those video-data, that it worked so nicely, well, I sort of became aware that she [the teacher] doesn’t necessarily spend hours making lesson plans to make it work. (NQ4)

In line with this statement, the co-research model not only aligns with the horizontal competence continuum. The co-research model indicated variation ranging from less to more connections between research and education, in line with the notion of research literacy proposed by BERA-RSA (2013) and competence as continuum as proposed by Blömeke and Kaiser (2017). Thus, there is the potential not only for engagement with and in research, but also for developing professional practice: I think that when trying to lift teachers, professionalising the role further, research competence is important, because it connects theory and practice in a way that I don’t think happens by itself for everyone. Not everyone is capable of saying ‘oh yes, this theory looks like that in practice, that’s the connection’. And it makes theory so much more classroom related, and makes you capable of using and seeing which parts [of theory] are useful for me in a completely different manner. And it also makes you develop a language much less attached to me as a person and you develop a professional language on ‘me teacher’ versus ‘me’, which makes it much easier to make decisions when facing challenges. [...] It prepares you to meet changes. And for me, I have been a teacher for only two years and there has been corona and we have a new national curriculum, there have been a lot of changes already. But it means that you face them calmly ... It feels like if there is a challenge, I feel confident in the sense that ‘you can figure it out, you put your research glasses on’. And then you figure it out. You have a much more analytical approach to the profession. (NQ8)

In this statement, the former co-researcher appeared to link the co-research model to engagement both with and in research, claiming that connecting research, education, and school practice is not coincidental. Accordingly, the co-research model illustrates how the competence as continuum is a useful framework to emphasize research literacy.

Summary: A Research Literacy Way of Thinking Comparing the rather narrow definition of research literacy (Groß Ophoff & Rott, 2017) as engagement with research, with the broader conception of research literacy as a multidimensional concept (BERA-RSA, 2013; Gutman & Genser, 2017), the empirical

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evidence presented in this chapter suggests that consumption of research, engagement with and in research reinforce each other. Specifically, although engagement with research may be useful and sufficient to become critical consumers of research literature, the empirical evidence suggests that engaging in research to a larger extent targets situation-specific skills (perception, interpretation, and decision-making). These skills are, in turn, essential in integrating dispositions and performance. In an article on the interconnections of teacher education, teacher professionalism, and research, Menter and Flores (2021) asked what it means “to include research as a key component in teacher education programmes” and how it is “conceptualised and put into place” (p. 121). They emphasized teacher education as “a key space for developing a research stance” (p. 122), and proposed a research agenda of connecting research and professionalism in a way “that should shape our approaches to all aspects of teacher education” (p. 124). In order to contribute to such an agenda and move ITE research forward, this chapter argues that developing research literacy as competence in student teachers is a particularly fruitful avenue. The emphasis on the role of research reflects a growing interest in innovative connections between research and education relevant to ITE and beyond. Considering research literacy as competence challenges the notion of research as consumption by arguing in line with esteemed researchers in the field that simply reading, understanding, and applying research to education or professional practice is not enough; instead, active engagement in research is essential, arising from the need to “get” research (e.g., BERA-RSA, 2013; Gutman & Genser, 2017), such as the co-research model (Brevik, 2020, 2022; Brevik et al., 2022). In this chapter, the concept of “a research literacy way of thinking” was coined with the aim of capturing the concept of research engagement. In doing so, the emphasis is placed on research engagement as a way of knowing, being, and doing in teacher education that values not only active student engagement but also the conceptual difference between engagement with research and engagement in research. A “research literacy way of thinking” aspires to reconceptualize research engagement from consumption to a way of thinking, to better understand the connections between research and education by intentionally engaging student teachers in research, as something more than research-based education, and engagement with research. This mindset reflects a view of research engagement as inherently complex, which strives to connect student teachers’ competence in terms of dispositions, situation-specific research skills and professional performance. Thus, “a research literacy way of thinking” involves a research orientation that requires understanding, using, and engaging in research throughout teacher education.

Cross-References ▶ Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working ▶ Learning to Teach: Building Global Research Capacity for Evidence-Based Decision-Making

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▶ Professionalism in Practice: Contextual Differences in Understandings, Practices, and Effects of Teacher Autonomy ▶ Reframing Teacher Professional Identity and Learning ▶ School-Based Teacher Educators: Understanding Their Identity, Role, and Professional Learning Needs as Dual Professionals ▶ Specialized Educational Knowledge and Its Role in Teacher Education ▶ Teacher Education Research in the Twenty-First Century ▶ The Development Discourse of “Quality Teachers”: Implications for Teacher Professional Development ▶ The Many Meanings of Practice-Based Teacher Education: A Conceptualization of the Term ▶ The Need for Comparative Studies in Teacher Education ▶ Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States

References Angouri, J. (2021). Reimagining research-led education in a digital age (The Guild Insight Paper No. 3). The Guild of European Research-Intensive Universities. https://doi.org/10.48350/156297 BERA-RSA. (2013). Research and the teaching profession – Building the capacity for a selfimproving education system. https://www.thersa.org/globalassets/pdfs/bera-rsa-research-teach ing-profession-full-report-for-web-2.pdf https://www.thersa.org/globalassets/pdfs/bera-rsaresearch-teaching-profession-full-report-for-web-2.pdf Blömeke, S., & Kaiser, G. (2017). Understanding the development of teachers’ professional competencies as personally, situationally, and societally determined. In D. J. Clandinin & J. Husu (Eds.), International handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 783–802). Sage. Blömeke, S., Gustafsson, J. E., & Shavelson, R. (2015). Beyond dichotomies: Competence viewed as a continuum. Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 223, 3–13. https://doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/ a000194 Borg, S. (2010). Language teacher research engagement. Language Teaching, 43(4), 391–429. Brevik, L. M. (2020, September 2). Utdanningsprisen 2020: Studenter som medforskere. Hvordan involvere masterstudenter i forskningsprosjekter og som medforfattere? [Lecture]. University of Oslo. Brevik, L. M. (2022). Medforskning i lærerutdanningen [Co-research in teacher education]. Bedre Skole, 1, 52–57. Brevik, L. M., Blikstad-Balas, M., & Engelien, K. L. (2017). Integrating assessment for learning in the teacher education programme at the University of Oslo. Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy & Practice, 24(2), 164–184. https://doi.org/10.1080/0969594X.2016.1239611 Brevik, L. M., Gunnulfsen, A. E., & Renzulli, J. (2018). Student teachers’ practice and experience with differentiated instruction for students with higher learning potential. Teaching and Teacher Education, 71, 34–45. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2017.12.003 Brevik, L. M., Gudmundsdottir, G. B., Lund, A., & Strømme, T. A. (2019). Transformative agency in teacher education: Fostering professional digital competence. Teaching and Teacher Education, 86, 102875. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2019.07.005 Brevik, L. M., Reedy, G., Breivik, J., Thue, T., & Barreng, R. (2022, March 28). Driving pedagogical innovation. Circle U. [Café seminar] University of Oslo. https://www.uio.no/ english/about/news-and-events/events/circle-u/circle-u-cafe-connecting-research-and-educa tion.html

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Brevik, L. M., & Rindal, U. E. (2020). Language use in the classroom: Balancing target language exposure with the need for other languages. TESOL Quarterly, 54(4), 925–953. https://doi.org/ 10.1002/tesq.564 Bullock, S. M. (2016). Teacher candidates as researchers. In J. Loughran & M. L. Hamilton (Eds.), International handbook of teacher education (pp. 379–403). Springer Press. Cain, T. (2015). Teachers’ engagement with published research: Addressing the knowledge problem. Curriculum Journal, 26(3), 488–509. https://doi.org/10.1080/09585176.2015.1020820 Cain, T. (2016). Research utilization and the struggle for the teacher’s soul: A narrative review. European Journal of Teacher Education, 39(5), 616–629. https://doi.org/10.1080/02619768. 2016.1252912 Dagenais, C., Lysenko, L., Abrami, P. C., Bernard, R. M., Ramde, J., & Janosz, M. (2012). Use of research-based information by school practitioners and determinants of use: A review of empirical research. Evidence & Policy, 8(3), 285–309. https://doi.org/10.1332/ 174426412X654031 Darling-Hammond, L. (2017). Teacher education around the world: What can we learn from international practice? European Journal of Teacher Education, 40(3), 291–309. https://doi. org/10.1080/02619768.2017.1315399 Evans, C., Waring, M., & Christodoulou, A. (2017). Building teachers’ research literacy: Integrating practice and research. Research Papers in Education, 32(4), 403–423. https://doi.org/10. 1080/02671522.2017 Groß Ophoff, J., & Rott, B. (2017). Educational research literacy. Journal for Educational Research Online, 9(2), 5–10. Gutman, M., & Genser, L. (2017). How pre-service teachers internalize the link between research literacy and pedagogy. Educational Media International, 54(1), 63–76. Han, J., & Schuurmans-Stekhoven, J. (2017). Enhancement of higher degree candidates’ research literacy: A pilot study of international students. The Asia-Pacific Education Researcher, 26, 31–41. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40299-016-0324-z Hargreaves, D. H. (1996). Teaching as a research-based profession: Possibilities and prospects. Teacher Training Agency. Healey, M., & Jenkins, A. (2009). Developing undergraduate research and inquiry. Higher education academy. https://www.heacademy.ac.uk/knowledge-hub/developing-undergraduate-research-andinquiry Jemsy, A. U. (2018). Educational research literacy: Meanings and components. Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, 1(1), 126–134. Jenset, I. S., Klette, K., & Hammerness, K. (2018). Grounding teacher education in practice around the world: An examination of teacher education coursework in teacher education programs in Finland, Norway, and the United States. Journal of Teacher Education, 69(2), 184–197. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0022487117728248 Leat, D., Reid, A., & Lofthouse, R. (2015). Teachers’ experiences of engagement with and in educational research: What can be learned from teachers’ views? Oxford Review of Education, 41(2), 270–286. https://doi.org/10.1080/03054985.2015.1021193 McGregor, S. L. T. (2018). Critical research literacy. In Understanding and evaluating research. A Critical Guide. SAGE Publications. Menter, I., & Flores, M. A. (2021). Connecting research and professionalism in teacher education. European Journal of Teacher Education, 44(1), 115–127. https://doi.org/10.1080/02619768. 2020.1856811 Rott, B., & Leuders, T. (2017). Mathematical competencies in higher education: Epistemological beliefs and critical thinking in different strands of pre-service teacher education. Journal for Educational Research Online, 9 (2017) 2, 115–136. https://doi.org/10.25656/01:14899 Rueß, J., Gess, C., & Deicke, W. (2016). Forschendes Lernen und forschungsbezogene Lehre – empirisch gestützte Systematisierung des Forschungsbezugs hochschulischer Lehre. ZFHE, 11(2), 23–44.

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Shank, G., & Brown, L. (2007). Exploring educational research literacy (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203943786 Tatto, M. T. (2015). The role of research in the policy and practice of quality teacher education: An international review. Oxford Review of Education, 41(2), 171–201. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 03054985.2015.1017405 Tatto, M. T., & Furlong, J. (2015). Research and teacher education: Papers from the BERA-RSA inquiry. Oxford Review of Education, 41(2), 145–153. https://doi.org/10.1080/03054985.2015. 101404 UNESCO. (2021, April 7). Literacy. https://en.unesco.org/themes/literacy

School-Based Teacher Educators: Understanding Their Identity, Role, and Professional Learning Needs as Dual Professionals

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Simone White and Amanda Berry

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . School-Based Teacher Educators as Dual Professionals? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Redefining a New Group of Teacher Educator: A Blurring of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shifting Policy and the Sites of Learning to Teach: Implications for SBTEs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . School-Based Teacher Educators’ Professional Knowledge and Identity Construction . . . . . . . Empirical Studies of School-Based Teacher Educators’ Knowledge and Identity . . . . . . . . . Knowledge About Teacher Education Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . School-Based Teacher Educators’ Learning, Including Their Professional Learning Needs . . . Challenges for School-Based Teacher Educators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications and Further Directions for Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

As teacher shortages increase, policymakers have focused on fast-track, employment-based routes to ease the pressure. An outcome of these approaches is that classroom teachers are increasingly identified by policymakers as responsible for the work of educating, mentoring, and assessing the next generation of teachers, while also teaching their own students. This phenomenon creates new sets of pressure for teachers, to be “dual professionals” as they support the learning of both school students and pre-service teachers alike. This chapter explores the shifting identity, role, and professional learning needs of teachers who take on this important work, often referred to as mentor teachers but in this chapter described as school-based teacher educators. The chapter examines the international literature and reports on studies into the emergence of this distinct group, discussing S. White (*) School of Education, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] A. Berry Faculty of Education, Monash University, Clayton, VIC, Australia © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_11

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the policy shifts related to their identity, work, and roles over recent decades. Studies highlight that teachers often lack the knowledge and understanding of teacher education research, pedagogy, and practice required for such a role. Insights reveal a need for a shared language between university-based and school-based teacher educators and that a knowledge of practice be codified and shared by both. Keywords

School-based teacher educator · Teacher education · Teacher professional learning · Policy

Introduction There is now a growing recognition that the task of educating a teacher is a diverse and complex exercise, with the European Commission (2013) acknowledging that teacher education “lasts throughout the teacher’s career; and it requires the cooperation of a wide range of actors” (p.7). This recognition of a “range of actors” has gone some way to help illuminate the recurring question of who a teacher educator is, noting it involves different roles to support different stages of learning to teach. Studies continue to further tease out this very question, given that being a teacher educator has been identified as a “hidden profession” (Livingston, 2014, p.218), an “accidental career” (Mayer et al., 2011), and involves “a precarious process” (Berry & Forgasz, 2016). This chapter aims to further contribute to the exercise of better understanding the identity, role, and professional learning of teacher educators, in particular to the emerging group identified as school-based teacher educators; a group who while still relatively poorly understood have received much recent policy attention as global shifts have occurred in relocating initial teacher education to schools via employment-based routes (Czerniawski et al., 2013).

School-Based Teacher Educators as Dual Professionals? While there is ongoing research into teachers who work with pre-service teachers in schools, typically known in the literature as cooperating, supervisor or mentor teachers, there is little research into the shift in identity as a school-based teacher educator (SBTE) and what differentiates SBTEs from other school teachers engaged in teacher education work. However, as Feiman Nemser (2001) has suggested, identifying the particularities of the SBTE role is an important task as good teachers are not necessarily good teacher educators and mentor teachers are not necessarily the same as SBTEs, although the distinctions between each are still being teased out in research to date. Indeed, nomenclature is still varied when it comes to naming teachers who work in pre-service teacher education as are the terms used to describe professional experience (see White & Forgasz, 2017).

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In this chapter, we examine the small, but growing body of research focusing on school-based teacher educators, including their role and tasks, their knowledge for teaching teachers, their learning and development, and the particular challenges that they face. We distinguish between previous research focusing on mentors and supervisors working with pre-service teachers in schools and the newly emerging role of the school-based teacher educator, a term coined by Bullough (2005) to recognize the important work of classroom teachers as fellow teacher educators but based in schools. Such nomenclature started to shift as policymakers introduced school-based teacher education pathways. Boyd and Tibke (2012) writing from England where many employment-based routes commenced heralded: The exciting challenge for the new school-embedded teacher educators is that they are likely to require a new identity and pedagogy which is different from previous school-based mentors and is also different from university-based academics (p.54).

The nomenclature of “school embedded” is important here, although not yet a term widely used. The notion of being embedded implies to be firmly fixed in the location of the school. While many teachers who take on the work of teacher education are based in schools, research scares in regard to if this is their sole location. At this point, the literature acknowledges that school based does imply that the teachers are mainly based in schools but can work across other locations, such as universities as well. In this way, school-based teacher educators are different to mentor teachers and to university-based teacher educators. E. White (Date?) writing in the English context described them as “dual professionals” noting that their role was both as a teacher and teacher educator. In this chapter, we focus on the literature that highlights this dual nature. Much of the literature is drawn from European and English contexts, but there is also research in the USA and Australia that has followed school-based and school-led models of teacher education. The literature we draw from is not meant to represent an exhaustive account of all empirical or policy studies, but we have chosen literature that illustrates what we have identified as emerging issues for this newly distinctive group of teacher educators. In reviewing the literature, we considered what could be learned about SBTEs: (i) knowledge and identity construction, (ii) learning, including their professional learning needs, and (iii) challenges in fulfilling their dual roles. We frame the chapter using these inquiries against an initial exploration of the ongoing challenges in defining teacher educators and this group in particular, alongside the shifting policy reform of moving teacher education preparation from largely university-based to school-based partnership models to current school-led programs that has occurred in many OECD countries, in particular England and the USA who have led the way. We acknowledge that many of the issues for the teacher educator group identified here might be similar with that of “traditional mentor teachers,” but at the same time, we anticipate new kinds of issues emerging against policy shifts as well as an amplification of existing issues because this group of teacher educators increasingly

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carries the main responsibility for the learning and assessment of prospective teachers. The chapter concludes with identifying new and needed areas for future research. By understanding more about this under-researched and emerging group, we can better inform approaches to supporting their learning as well as build more robust theoretical models of learning and teaching about teaching for all teacher educators. We turn our attention now to the perennial question of “Who is a teacher educator?” taking a fresh perspective to teasing out some of the emerging issues and understandings of the nuanced term of school-based teacher educator.

Redefining a New Group of Teacher Educator: A Blurring of Terms Defining who is a teacher educator and what the work of a teacher educator entails is a longstanding issue (Ducharme, 1993) that has become increasingly complex as a consequence of the “diverse roles and work patterns” (Murray, 2017 p.1018) that are often required and because the term has itself beMurray et al., 2020come so “blurred, multidimensional and often context dependent” (, p.3). A teacher educator simplistically has been identified as someone who teaches, teachers. With the introduction of teacher education into universities in the latter half of the twentieth century, this group was mainly defined as university-based teacher educators, usually moving from the role of school teachers with the many inherent challenges of role clarification that this shift entailed in moving from teacher to teacher educator and from working with children to adults (see, for example, Zeichner, 2005; Loughran, 2011; Swennen & van der Klink, 2009; Dengerink et al., 2015; Smith & Flores, 2019). Murray (2002) noted that this group became “second order practitioners” as they moved from the classroom to the university as their main site of practice. Secondorder knowledge as described by Czerniawski et al., 2013, “focuses on the specific field of teacher education” (p.3). With greater recognition, however, of the diversity of places of learning to teach, this definition and understanding of who might “teach teachers” has shifted and expanded. Increasing focus is now on those who remain in the classroom as teachers but take on the important work of teacher education as a part of their everyday work. In essence, becoming first- and second-order practitioners simultaneously or as earlier described “dual professionals.” In an attempt to state a more accurate working definition, the European Commission (2013) noted that “teacher educators are all those who actively facilitate the (formal) learning of pre-service teacher and in-service teachers” (p.8). This definition began to place a greater acknowledgment on those who supported pre-service teachers in schools, working at the intersection of the practicum or professional experience. Teachers in such roles have been variously described as mentors, cooperating teachers, and supervising teachers. In recent times, use of the terms mentor and school-based teacher educator have become rather blurred, often conflated and overlapping in the literature, with some researchers equating the two roles, and others making a distinction between them. Clarke et al. (2014), as an example, identified an array of different terms and roles

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associated with teacher educators in schools, ranging from “classroom placeholder” whereby on entering the practicum school, the pre-service teacher assumes the role of teacher and the regular classroom teacher exits for the duration of the practicum; through “supervisor of practica” in which the classroom teacher oversees the work of the pre-service teacher by observing and reporting on the pre-service teacher’s progress; to “teacher educator” whose work is akin to that of a coach, working alongside the pre-service teacher, supporting the pre-service teacher to analyze and learn from their practical experience and facilitate their development. According to Clarke et al. (2014), this latter kind of teacher educator is very similar to “their university counterparts . . . albeit with different responsibilities and roles” (p.167). What this differentiation however does not tease out is the relevant knowledge base for the distinction of SBTE. Definitions can also vary between national contexts. For example, in a number of countries, SBTEs are referred to as mentors and are generally experienced teachers who take on an additional task of supporting pre-service teachers in learning to teach throughout their professional experience. Conversely, Kusahara and Iwata (2020) note that the term school-based teacher educator hardly exists in the Japanese context largely because the period of teaching practicum is so short (approximately 2–3 weeks) so that it occupies a relatively small role and “negligible responsibility in the development of pre-service teachers” (p.110). On the other hand, they report that newly graduated Japanese teachers engage in regular “lesson study conferences” supported through a collaboration between school-based teachers and university teacher educators. More recently, Murray et al. (2020) further tease out the terminology in relation to location and role, distinguishing three types of teacher educators. Namely, traditional (i.e., those working in higher education), mentors, and then school-based teacher educators. The authors distinguished between the second and third types in terms of those teachers working in schools who oversee practicum and support newly qualified teachers as “mentors” to those who are “school based” and serve a different, nuanced role in regard to the location they worked in, more often across school and university and involved more directly with university-based teacher educators. They noted this latter group worked sometimes in partnership with higher education institutes and sometimes autonomously. They described the group taking on many of the roles identified for the traditional group of university-based teacher educators, but with the possible exception of expectations of research outputs. Building on Zeichner’s (2010) earlier attempts to distinguish school-based teacher educators as “hybrid teacher educators” (p.90), Murray et al. further describe these school-based teacher educators as having “hybrid, poly contextualised identities” (Murray et al., 2020, p.4) as they carry many roles. Further contributing to the diversity of terms, E. White (2014) in the English context noted that teacher educators can include a broad group ranging from those who are located in a higher education institution to those who work as a teacher educator in a university and school, and those who have the dual role of teacher and teacher educator within their classroom and school (p.438). As evidenced, there is no

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fixed or shared terminology for the role and identify of a SBTE leading to the difficulty in knowing what is expected to do and know and in communicating effectively to different stakeholders about the role. S. White and Forgasz (2017) make an argument that the work of a school-based teacher educator is different to that of a school-based mentor and more similar to university-based teacher educators (those who come from a teaching background) but that have the added complication of teaching their own classes of children while working with adults. They explain: Although this professional group do not change their location, they can nevertheless become ‘second order practitioners’ by working with pre-service teachers alongside university-based teacher educator colleagues. The additional complexity they face is that they do so while continuing in their roles as first order practitioners with responsibility for teaching school students (p.17).

Teasing out the nomenclature is important as the terms reflect the range of work required. Although teachers are not named specifically in policy documents as school-based teacher educators, it is implied that they are responsible for preparing the next generation of teachers and requiring knowledge of teacher education. For example, policy in the Australian context names them as “highly-skilled supervising teachers who are able to demonstrate and assess what is needed to be an effective teacher” (Craven et al. 2015, p.7). However, current policy reforms do not clearly reflect the differentiation of a teacher to that of a school-based teacher educator. It is assumed they are one and the same and therein lies a clear issue. If teaching teachers is not viewed as a separate and distinct form of expertise from a policy perspective, then recognition of this work and professional preparation for it are likely to be overlooked or undervalued from a school perspective, even by teachers themselves. While policymakers are focused on increasing responsibility for teachers and schools to take on teacher education by moving to employment-based teacher education routes, teachers themselves appear reluctant to disrupt their classrooms and are not well prepared for the work, changing roles, or definitions. As White et al. (2015) notes, teachers themselves are often “averse to adopting the term ‘teacher educator’ and are ambivalent about this being a new aspect to their identity” (p.447). Such policy shifts and teachers’ work implications are further explored in this next section.

Shifting Policy and the Sites of Learning to Teach: Implications for SBTEs Shifting understanding and need for clarification of the term school-based teacher educator has come perhaps not surprisingly, with an increased policy shift to schoolbased models of teacher education that have occurred in many OECD countries. For instance, Murray et al. (2017) note, “the increasing emphasis on alternative,

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school-based routes which has had significant implications for teacher educators as an occupational group and for their changing roles” (p.2). For many decades, as discussed earlier, the core of being a teacher educator has been grounded in being a teacher of teachers rather than school students. However, this notion has been shifting as the main place of teacher education relocates from university to school against the dual and somewhat competing agendas of increasing the focus on “quality teachers” and to address a rising teaching shortage crisis. Such shifts have implications. E. White (2014) working within the English system noted: There may be situations where the teacher educator in school has a conflict of interests between wanting the best for the pupils in the classroom and wanting the best for the students and teachers they are working with (p.445).

Despite such tensions, policymakers have increasingly focused on employmentbased routes into teaching, in particular in the UK and USA with programs such as School Direct and Teach for America. These programs minimize the amount of preparation and time based in a university setting and locate the learning to teach, within the school context. They are often described as “fast track” to emphasize the shortened time in preparation and where pre-service teachers are given permission to teach prior to graduating with their degree. A recent review in Australia, entitled the Quality Initial Teacher Education Review (2022), has also heralded a similar focus on fast-track teaching routes and increased school-led programs aimed at addressing teacher shortages in geographic and subject areas. Teachers with recent classroom experience are thus being asked to take more active roles in initial teacher education programs. These reforms shift the work and professional learning needs of teachers with implications for their identity, role, and career trajectory. A recent UK study by E. White, Timmermans, and Dickerson (2020) explored that shifting the balance from university-based to school-based teacher education requires new roles and collaborative ways of working across the boundaries. They caution that if SBTEs only look for solutions within themselves and not from across the partnership, the profession is weakened. As Smith (2017) notes: It is clear to see then that moving initial teacher education into school, without creating a space for collaborative professional learning, can result in impoverished practice (p.12).

Such shifts require new ways of working for both university-based and SBTEs alike. In Australia, as an example, the Victorian Government–funded Teaching Academies of Professional Practice (TAPP) was set up to encourage partnerships between schools and university-based teacher education for the purpose of improving initial teacher education. Grimmett et al. (2018) worked with a local TAPP school cluster over several years to reposition school-based mentor teachers as fellow teacher educators so as to promote expansion in their understanding and enactment of their role. Mentor teachers participated in reading workshops sharing teacher education literature as well as discussing research insights into the challenges

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pre-service teachers faced in learning to teach. Such workshops supported the shift in understanding and supported mentor teachers to take a school-based teacher educator stance. Findings from the study of this TAPP showed that partnerships between schools and universities can enhance learning opportunities for all when commitments are made to creating collaborative and dialogical spaces to support new approaches to teacher education. Similar initiatives in other studies included co-teaching situations whereby experienced teachers from local schools worked with university teacher educators in the design and teaching of their programs. An Australian study by Marangio et al. (2019) investigated the experiences of a small group of school-based science teachers (n ¼ 5) who worked as co-teachers alongside university science teacher educators in the university setting. An important goal for this project was to promote a collaborative approach to teacher education that was difficult to otherwise develop because the university-based teacher educators were no longer able to visit schools due to resourcing issues. The study explored the value of the co-teaching experience through the eyes of the school-based TEs and found that overall the experience was a strong and positive learning experience for the school-based TEs in a number of ways, including: (i) an opportunity to reconsider their own science teaching practice through working with a university colleague and pre-service teachers; (ii) affirming their professional knowledge; (iii) learning to make their tacit knowledge of practice explicit; and (iv) better understanding the university teacher education curriculum. On the other hand, challenges included: (i) balancing demands between secondary and university settings; (ii) navigating university systems (structures and policies); and (iii) gaining support and recognition of their initial teacher education work from their school (leadership and colleagues). Turning from the current policy contexts and shifts in the sites of teacher preparation, we now consider what is known about SBTEs’ professional knowledge and its development, and associated identity construction processes. Given what we have discussed above about the blurriness of categories of teacher educators’ work and policy “silences” around the distinctive expertise required in teaching teachers, it is therefore not surprising to find little published research specifically addressing the topic of SBTEs’ professional knowledge. Thus, we begin by discussing the notion of teacher educators’ knowledge more broadly, before highlighting recent empirical studies focusing on school-based teacher educators.

School-Based Teacher Educators’ Professional Knowledge and Identity Construction Research interest in teacher educators’ professional knowledge is a relatively recent phenomenon (Izadinia, 2014; Parker et al., 2021). This may be explained by the different waves of research in education, which began with a focus on students and their learning, then teachers, and finally teacher educators (Krainer et al., 2021), and partly due to a long-held assumption that teaching teachers does not require any specific expertise beyond which is required for teaching children. Thus, it was

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assumed that “if one is a good teacher of primary or secondary school students, this expertise will automatically carry over to one’s work with novice teachers” (Zeichner, 2005, p.118). In their recently published literature review of university-based teacher educators’ professional learning, Ping et al. (2018) claimed that a “clear knowledge base for the work of teacher educators is essential” yet is currently “lacking” (p.93). However, some researchers have been working on a knowledge base of teacher educators. For example, in the Netherlands, Lunenberg and colleagues (2014) produced a knowledge base of teacher educators based on ten domains of knowledge, organized into three key areas: core domains (including the profession of teacher educator and pedagogy of teacher education), specific domains (including program- or subject-specific teacher education), and extended domains (including organization of teacher education and knowledge about educational research). The design of the Dutch knowledge base is intended that teacher educators working in different settings and in different roles can combine different components of domains as relevant to their tasks. This knowledge base subsequently formed the basis of a set of professional standards for Dutch teacher educators for registration as a (university-based) teacher educator. In another example, an international consortium of European teacher educators (InfoTED) has produced a knowledge base consisting of 13 “building blocks” (https://info-ted.eu/knowledge-bases/). While the main emphasis of the InfoTED work is on university-based teacher educators, one of their “building blocks” distinguishes between university-based and school-based teacher educators, mainly in terms of the knowledge needed to balance theory and practice, and the importance for teacher educators of maintaining professional connections across school and university contexts. We note that while work in this area is progressing, the notion of a knowledge base for teachers is also resisted by some researchers because of its potential “static and prescriptive nature” (Van Driel et al., 2014, p.848) and associations with traditions of scientific research conducted on teachers “with the intention of discovering universally applicable practices” (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 2009, p.ix) that do not readily apply to the highly contextualized nature of teacher educators’ work and learning. These different representations also highlight different ways in which knowledge is conceptualized, for example, knowledge of teacher educators, compared with knowledge for teacher educators (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990; Fenstermacher, 1994), and how that knowledge is derived, i.e., from the “scientific study of teaching,” compared with knowledge derived through experience, i.e., “personal practical knowledge” (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Vanassche and Berry (2020, p.188) note these different ways of seeing teacher educators’ professional knowledge as: – Individualistic, knowing what works and how to reproduce what works, expressed in the form of standards, or a “blueprint” for practice (Kelchtermans, 2013). Knowledge is acquired, possessed, and performed and is untied to time or context. It recalls Schon’s (1987) notion of “technical rationality,” where the “knower” is the author of the professional standards/knowledge base.

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– Enacted while engaged in professional activity, constantly evolving and developing through practice, not guided by a universally verified set of best practices, but instead requiring improvisation, tact, discretion, and judgement enacted within a particular context (van Manen, 1994). Aligns with Kelchtermans (2013) “practice-based professionalism” that starts from, and gives center stage to, actual teacher education practices. Seeing teacher educators work as “enacted” accepts the complexity, uncertainty, and uniqueness of what they know, do, and learn. This uniqueness extends to the different contexts in which teacher educators work; that is, how SBTEs’ knowledge is enacted with prospective teachers in schools will be different from how university teacher educators enact their knowledge with prospective teachers within different institutional contexts. Inevitably, there is a shared basis of knowledge, however the actual practices of a school-based teacher educator working simultaneously with adults and school students (as a dual professional) emphasize different skills and capabilities from those working with adults alone. In terms of their knowledge requirements, Park Rogers et al. (2021) note a distinction between general and discipline-specific types of knowledge required of teacher educators, generally as: teacher educators need to develop a wide range of skills, attitudes, and knowledge, some of which are generic (for example, being able to work in a team or having excellent communication skills), while others are more discipline specific (e.g. knowledge of how to teach particular subject matter in ways that support student learning). It could be argued that teacher educators at least need well-developed PCK [pedagogical content knowledge] for teaching specific school subject matter, as well as knowledge of how to teach teachers about that subject matter knowledge so that they are able to teach it effectively to their students (p.79).

Feiman-Nemser (2001) includes having “an explicit vision of good teaching and an understanding of teacher learning” (p.18), as important for teacher educators “to foster powerful teaching and to develop the dispositions and skills of continuous improvement” (p.28). The specialist skills, knowledge, and abilities of teacher educators have also been characterized in terms of a “pedagogy of teacher education” (Loughran, 2006), as described above. Yet, a significant challenge for SBTEs, particularly those who are experienced teachers, is that much of what they know has become routinized and embodied over time. Teachers typically know more than they can say and tend to communicate their knowing through shorthand descriptions such as “rules of thumb” (Kennedy, 2006). This is considered unhelpful for pre-service teachers because as Burn et al. (2017) highlight “. . . if the ‘rule of thumb’ is all that is articulated, the novice will lack the essential knowledge of the underlying principles on which it is based” (p.108). Furthermore, as teaching expertise becomes deeply routinized, teachers themselves struggle to deconstruct their own practice, as what they do so efficiently can seem obvious and uncomplicated to them (Burn et al., 2017 p.109). In fact, their well-developed, internalized expertise can make it even more difficult for highly

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accomplished teachers to understand how to support beginning teachers. Teachers are not usually aware of their own development processes and tend to rely on their own remembered experiences of learning to teach (Feiman-Nemser, 1998). As a consequence, SBTEs may even “withhold assistance due to the enduring belief that teaching is a highly personalized practice of finding one’s own style” (Bullough Jr, 2005, p.144).

Empirical Studies of School-Based Teacher Educators’ Knowledge and Identity Czerniawski et al. (2013) conducted an interview study of 22 SBTEs across six schools in the UK to capture individuals’ understanding of their identities and knowledge as both teachers and teacher educators. In terms of their knowledge for teaching prospective teachers, the SBTEs generally viewed themselves as skilled in teaching teachers, however the basis for this claim varied depending on their levels of experience. Whereas the most experienced teachers described their knowledge as emerging from their experiences in a range of different schools, which provided “variety and depth” (p.16) in what they offered pre-service teachers, less experienced SBTEs tended to do the opposite, i.e., they relied on their recent experiences of being mentored as pre-service teachers as their main knowledge source. For the latter group, they tended to frame their knowledge more in terms of relational aspects of “care,” “empathy,” and “understanding.” In a later study, Czerniawski et al. (2019) reported on the perceived knowledge bases and identities of university and SBTEs. They found that the SBTEs emphasized knowledge of teaching in their work with pre-service teachers, (i.e., “knowledge of how to teach specific subjects, the use of appropriate resources and the ability to deploy a range of teaching strategies”) (p.12), compared with knowledge about teaching that the SBTEs expected from their university counterparts (i.e., “different student teaching learning patterns, adult pedagogic and modelling strategies and experiential knowledge of different schooling systems”) (p.176). The SBTEs in this study relied foremost on their teacher identity to guide the knowledge they needed to support pre-service teachers. Furthermore, study participants were reluctant to identify themselves as teacher educators, reserving this label for university-based teacher educators. Other studies have reported similar outcomes. For example, E. White’s research (2013, 2014, 2015) found that SBTEs were averse to adopting the term “teacher educator” and felt ambivalent about this being a new aspect of their identity. E. White et al’s study (2015) of eight UK-based newly appointed school-based teacher educators found these SBTEs preferred to name themselves as “mentor teachers” or “helpers.” At the same time, these SBTEs did acknowledge that they required more than their usual teacher knowledge to fulfill the role of working with PSTs. Jackson and Burch (2018) interviewed five UK-based SBTEs about their perceptions of the knowledge required for their role. While the SBTEs emphasized their role in terms of sharing practical knowledge with PSTs, none of them discussed the

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role of theory. The researchers conjectured that these SBTEs were keen to maintain a particular, and safe, view of themselves “as first-order practitioners” (p.18). In a similar study, White (2013) investigated the pedagogical identity of two newly appointed secondary-level SBTEs in the UK. These SBTEs drew their knowledge of teaching teachers from their previous experiences of teaching, their teacher education programs, and their own personal preferences and assumptions “of what would be best for the student-teachers” (White, 2013, p.93). While both SBTEs “had a secure teacher identity” (p.93), both experienced a sense of vulnerability as they transitioned into the role of SBTE. Summarizing the above studies, it appears that SBTEs experience some form of “identity dissonance” (Warin & Dempster, 2007) in taking on the role of SBTE, perhaps due to already having a secure first-order professional identity as an effective classroom teacher while sensing their lack of expertise and confidence as second-order practitioners in leading the professional learning of teachers. E. White (2014) notes that this may be further exacerbated by a shifting educational landscape: As the current context is one in which teacher educators are not formally recognised as an occupational group, this may be a further barrier to teachers embracing an identity as a teacher educator and the full professional and academic role that this entails, rather than seeing themselves as a teacher who does some teaching of students or as a teacher who leads some CPD sessions. The changing education landscape may be undermining the conditions needed for individuals to acquire and sustain a strong sense of identity as a teacher educator (p.447).

Several studies identified SBTE’s knowledge of “modeling” as important for supporting PST learning, although what was meant by modeling varied considerably. For example, some of the SBTEs in Czerniawski et al.’s (2019) study talked about modeling in terms of PSTs’ learning to “replicat[e] good practice” (p.179), while others were critical of imitation as an approach to PST learning. SBTEs in Salo et al. (2019) study identified the importance of “establishing teaching models for student teachers” (p.619), although these models ranged from encouraging PSTs to imitate the teacher’s lesson approach to emphasizing that imitation is not the goal of a model lesson. Through working together with a researcher, SBTEs in E. White’s (2013) study came to recognize differences between implicit modeling as a way to demonstrate teaching to PSTs and explicit modeling that involves not only “doing” teaching, but also making professional knowledge about teaching explicit to PSTs. Van Velzan and Volman (2009) investigated how four SBTEs utilized their own teaching experiences to demonstrate to PSTs what is important in their development as a teacher. Similar to other studies, these researchers found that the teacher educators tended to rely on their own practical knowledge and their strategies for PST learning were mainly evident in the form of “tips” and suggestions. Echoing Burn’s (2017) point raised earlier in this section, SBTEs modeled practice by behaving “in a way that they expected their students to behave but [they] did not explicitly explain this behaviour or validate it [with the PSTs]” (p.357). Hence there was no opportunity to discuss their actions and behavior with the student teachers or

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reflect on them critically. This finding also aligns with that of Swennen et al. (2004) who found that while SBTEs put their methodological ideals into practice, they usually did not share their pedagogical reasoning with their students (i.e., while they “walked their talk,” they did not “talk their walk”). Goodfellow and Sumsion (2000) utilized a different approach to conceptualizing SBTE knowledge based on their interview study of 25 early childhood SBTEs in Australia. The researchers identified three main themes of “wisdom, passion and authenticity” as particularly valuable in these SBTEs’ work. Wisdom was described as a way of knowing that involves expert knowledge (including personal–professional, theoretical, and practical knowledge) and sound judgement. Passion was described in terms of strong enthusiasm for and commitment to teaching, and to being a teacher, and authentic referred to being genuine or trustworthy, in their work with prospective teachers. Depending on how SBTEs identify in their role, this impacts what knowledge they feel they need and what they need to develop. As encapsulated by E. White et al. (2015 p.455): “it is possible that the manner or degree classroom teachers function as teacher educators might be determined by the way that they define this role or even acknowledge their role as teacher educators.”

Knowledge About Teacher Education Research School-based teacher educators usually have limited time and access to academic research, yet they at least need to know about research in their subject field and more generally about learning to teach, in order to support PST development and to help PSTs make connections between theory and practice. In terms of the role of research in the work of SBTEs, Czerniawski et al. (2019) found a consensus among most of the SBTEs they interviewed that SBTEs should “be involved in some kind of research” (p.177), although their views about the nature of research varied considerably. Most of the SBTEs in their study relied on small “r” research that involved gleaning ideas and knowledge from articles in the media or popular press, or familiarizing themselves with school or university policy documents to inform their approach to working with PSTs. Participants expressed varying, and, at times, contradictory views about the significance of academic or big “R” research for SBTEs. Some of the SBTEs were engaged in action research or other forms of school-based research; however, most participants reported that accessing and using academic research was not a priority for them because of the time or access issues involved in obtaining and reading it, and that it was not particularly useful for SBTEs to engage with formal research given their practical orientation. E. White’s (2013) study of two newly appointed secondary-level TEs in the UK highlighted that even when SBTEs are predisposed to connecting academic theory with practice, they are not necessarily well equipped to know how to do this. White (2013) also highlighted the complexities associated with SBTEs’ engagement with academic research in terms of their identity construction, especially for “those continuing as first-order practitioners whilst developing as teacher educators [who]

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may have other responsibilities and aspirations that could eclipse the development of an academic identity” (p.92). Boyd et al. (2011) noted that school cultures can also limit SBTEs’ engagement with academic research as the emphasis in schools on student learning rather than teacher learning. Hence, there are limited opportunities for teachers to be part of an academic community contributing to international scholarship and research in education, and a lack of sanctioned time to collaborate with more experienced teacher educators to support their refection on, and learning through, their developing practice. Clarke et al. (2014) proposed that the work of the SBTE is akin to that of a coach, working alongside the pre-service teacher, supporting them to analyze and learn from their practical experiences and facilitate their development. Therefore, to do this kind of work, SBTEs require academic knowledge in the form of “teacher education literature and current debates about knowledge preparation in practicum settings” (p.166–167). In the next section, we consider studies investigating SBTEs’ understanding of, and needs for, their professional learning.

School-Based Teacher Educators’ Learning, Including Their Professional Learning Needs Uibu et al. (2017) conducted an interview study to investigate the pedagogical approaches of 11 experienced high school SBTEs in Estonia. These researchers found that the SBTEs in their study were unsure about exactly what they should be teaching to PSTs. They found that the SBTEs tended to promote more conservative and individual approaches to instructing their PSTs, rather than more contemporary, inquiry-based, or collaborative approaches in order that the PSTs experienced a “safer” and more manageable classroom. Salo et al.’s (2019) study of SBTEs, also conducted in Estonia, showed similar findings in terms of SBTEs’ uncertainty about what they were expected to teach PSTs. Salo et al. highlighted the need for SBTEs to go beyond delivery of knowledge or “simply” sharing experiences of teaching with PSTs. They asserted the importance of knowing how to guide PSTs to connect theory with their practical experiences and provide PSTs “with novel teaching models and . . .feedback in order to help them [PSTs] understand their learning needs and weaknesses. . .” (p.611). Parker et al. (2021) implemented a professional learning program for a small group of SBTEs in order to support their identity transition as teacher educators but found that participants “struggled to make the identity shift” (p.73). Partly, this was due to SBTEs’ strong connections with the practical aspects of teaching and their reluctance to accept the more academic responsibilities associated with being a teacher educator, and partly due to their desire to maintain allegiance with other teachers in the school, so as not to be seen as different or somehow more superior to their colleagues. Some studies revealed shifts in SBTE learning over time. For example, Jackson and Burch (2018) investigated the professional learning of a group of SBTEs in the UK through their participation in a workshop. Over a period of 5 months, the SBTEs

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shifted from focusing only on practical aspects of teaching with PSTs to bringing theory into their discussions. This outcome was achieved through facilitators supporting SBTEs to reflect on and analyze their own practice, and so to make explicit their tacit knowledge. As a consequence, the SBTEs became more confident to talk with PSTs about theory they had encountered and to link theory with practice, themselves. In a similar study, E. White (2013) investigated the professional development needs and identity development of two newly appointed secondary-level SBTEs in the UK. Through the experience of working with the researcher in this study, “both teacher educators had started to understand the need to make tacit knowledge more explicit to student-teachers so that they could consider how experienced teachers think” (p.87). However, unlike the SBTEs in Jackson and Burch’s study, these SBTEs were still unsure about how to incorporate what they had learned into their work with PSTs.

Challenges for School-Based Teacher Educators Research investigating the work and learning of SBTEs has surfaced recurring challenges facing this particular group. Two main challenges emerged, namely managing competing priorities and recognition in the role. Deciding how to allocate their time and attention within a busy schedule is a constant pressure identified for SBTEs. The studies reviewed showed that this was evident mostly in terms of SBTEs’ difficulties in knowing how to balance attending to the needs of their school students and ensuring their school students’ academic progress, while at the same time supporting PSTs’ learning and development (Czerniawski et al., 2019; Salo et al., 2019; White, 2019). While these competing priorities raised potential conflicts for the SBTEs, they regularly expressed that the needs of their classroom students were always their first priority. Competing priorities also surfaced for SBTEs in terms of adherence to school or university policy and procedures and having opportunities to question and challenge these policies. For example, in Bullough’s (2005) study of Barbara, a SBTE, she found herself caught between permitting a PST to extend a due date for a class assignment and sticking with an agreed submission schedule of the school. Ultimately, Barbara supported the PST to extend the due date but found that in so doing other teachers at the school were unhappy with her decision and that “[t]he approval of her teacher affiliation group had been sacrificed to her teacher educator responsibilities” (Bullough, 2005, p.150). Dealing with competing priorities places emotional strain on SBTEs, as Barbara experienced: “The teacher and mentor roles sometimes tugged at Barbara from opposite directions, indicating conflicting memberships (Gee, 1996), and she had to make a choice” (Bullough, 2005, p.150). Competing priorities may also be manifest through the new kinds of relationships that schools (and by association SBTEs) take on with teacher education providers, such as the current situation in the

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UK whereby accredited providers of ITE may have alternative priorities and philosophies than those of the individual teachers or schools that they are working with. Several studies highlighted the lack of recognition afforded to SBTEs as a challenge they had to manage. For example, Marangio et al.’s (2019) study found that SBTEs lacked recognition for the value of their work at the school leadership level, through inflexible timetabling for SBTEs to work with PSTs, and in terms of colleagues’ comments regarding their changing affiliation and identification with other school-based staff. This was also evident in Bullough’s (2005) study of Barbara (described above) whose teacher colleagues considered that her taking on the SBTE role was a way of “escaping the classroom.” This situation brings in to question the value of teacher educators’ work, if colleagues see it as a way of avoiding the classroom, rather than enriching it. As school-embedded teacher education becomes more prevalent, new challenges will continue to arise for both school-based and university teacher educators. SBTEs are challenged to supplement their first-order teaching skills with a new repertoire of second-order teaching skills, while university-based teacher educators are challenged to build new forms of partnership with schools and redefine their role as providers of teacher education.

Implications and Further Directions for Research The literature and policy reforms confirm that school-based teacher education is on the rise. Clarke et al. (2014) point out the implications of this situation for issues of teacher quality and caution that if SBTEs are left to rely on their own resources to educate prospective teachers then there will be consequences to the teaching profession. They explain: [if] cooperating teachers are left to rely on their intuitive sense of what it means to supervise student teachers—often by drawing on their own practicum experiences when they were student teachers (Knowles & Cole, 1996) [then] [t]his situation untenable if we wish to provide the best preparation for the next generation of teachers (p.164).

Almost a decade ago, Loughran (2014) called for the development of a shared language of teacher education practices if the field is to move forward and be recognized as a distinct form of professionalism. Given the increasing shift toward SBTEs as major actors in the learning to teach experience, it is even more important that their knowledge of practice be codified and shared. Such calls continue to be echoed in the recent literature today, as Park Rogers et al. (2021) describe: . . .it is important that the field begin to find some common or shared language to describe the processes of professional growth for a range of teacher educators that help to define the expertise and development of educators of teachers . . .. Only through this use of shared language can the kinds of experiences and trajectories of growth, . . . begin to be studied, interrogated, and refined to grow and develop the profession. (p.178).

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Besides the difficulties surrounding role clarity, identity, and professional learning is the response of the academic research field toward school-based teacher educators. Research tends to focus on the professional learning needs of those entering higher education and is not inclusive of those doing the work of initial teacher education in schools. The reasons for this are unclear. A danger exists in creating a hierarchy of teacher educators research needs. A recommendation to remediate against this happening is to pay equal attention to the professional learning and identity of school-based teacher educators and include them in the research into understanding the work of teacher educators overall. To date, largely small-scale, opportunistic studies have been published. Larger, longitudinal studies that investigate SBTEs work and learning in different contexts and in different career stages would be helpful. As this area of work grows, greater research attention needs to be paid to the issues raised in this chapter.

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Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . From McNair to Robbins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Reassertion of Control: Circular 3/84 and All That . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ITE and Professional Judgement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New Labor, and a “New Professionalism” for Teachers in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Return of the Conservatives: The Fragmentation of a System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Reemergence of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wales: A Different View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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It is now almost 150 years since universities first, very tentatively, entered the field of initial teacher education (ITE) in England and Wales. For much of that time, it was a divided system: universities, drawing on the principles of “liberal education” focused on the preparation of teachers for various forms of elite schooling; teachers’ colleges were more practically oriented, focusing on preparing teachers for the education of the “masses.” It was not until the 1990s that England and Wales finally established a unified system, with the overwhelming majority of initial teacher education being offered by a much-expanded university sector. The hope of those advocating the new system was that university-based ITE would offer two things that are widely seen as hallmarks of high-status professional education – independence from government and increased rigor. If that was the hope then how successful has the profession been? Following devolution in 1999, England and Wales tell very different stories here. While J. Furlong (*) University of Oxford, Oxford, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_12

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government intervention has been strong in both countries, the aims of those interventions have been very different. In England, the form and content of universities’ contribution has been progressively undermined both by the establishment of a highly diverse “market” of different providers and by an increasing emphasis on “training” rather than education. That focus on “training” has remained strong, despite the increased emphasis on the use of research and evidence-based practice. In Wales, the purpose of government intervention has been to reaffirm but reconfigure the role of universities, insisting on close collaborative partnerships between them and local schools. Again, researchbased knowledge has become increasingly important, but its role in professional learning is fundamentally different. The chapter will conclude by arguing that behind these increasingly diverse conceptions of initial teacher education lie fundamentally different ideas of what it means to be a teacher in the twentyfirst century. Keywords

Initial teacher education · Research · Universities England · Wales

Introduction In some ways the title of this chapter is misleading. Although one of its main concerns is the contribution of universities to initial teacher education (ITE), or as the English Government insist on calling it initial teacher training (ITT), the truth is that until the latter half of the twentieth century, universities were only a minor player in this field. Until the 1970s, it was teachers’ colleges rather than universities that were the main providers of newly qualified teachers in both England and Wales. The same complexity surrounds the notion of research. Although educational research first began to emerge as a recognized form of scholarly activity in the late nineteenth century, its central involvement in ITE, particularly in relation to classroom practice, is much more recent. Prior to that, other forms of mainly practically based knowledge dominated the ITE curriculum. The final complexity relates to England and Wales as educational jurisdictions. Before devolution in 1999, ITE policy was identical in both countries – in the words of that condescending nineteenth-century aphorism “For Wales, see England.” However, since devolution, the two countries have gone their separate ways in terms of educational policy, and today Wales and England demonstrate diametrically opposed visions for the future of ITE, visions that take quite different views of the contribution of universities and of research in the preparation of new teachers. Behind those different visions lie quite different conceptions of what it means to be a teacher in Wales or England in the twenty-first century. Given all this complexity, it is appropriate for this chapter to take an historical approach, thereby providing the context for understanding the changing role of universities and of research in ITE in the two countries today. In doing so, I will be exploring three important issues that have been and remain key policy concerns in

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debates about the form and content of ITE over the years. These are firstly debates about knowledge – what should the content of the ITE curriculum be; secondly debates about pedagogy – what forms of learning should be made available in ITE courses; and finally – control – who should have the right to define these important issues. What will become clear in looking at the historical development of ITE is that behind debates about knowledge and pedagogy lie fundamentally different visions of what teaching actually involves, about what constitutes “the good teacher.” For me, the most useful presentation of different conceptions of teaching underpinning teacher education comes from the work of Winch and his various collaborators (Winch, 2014; Kuhlee & Winch, 2017), and especially in his paper with Oancea and Orchard (Winch et al., 2015) that formed part of the BERA-RSA review into the role of research in teacher education (BERA-RSA, 2014). In his various papers, Winch argues that there are three fundamentally different conceptions of teaching that circulate in both the academic and policy world; each implies a different model of ITE. The first is the idea that the excellent teacher is a craftsperson; their expertise is primarily based on situated or tacit “know-how” which teachers can undertake in practice, but which can not necessarily be put into words. There are links here with the work of Polanyi (1966) and his concept of “tacit knowledge” and the work of Ryle (1949) and his distinction between “knowing how” and “knowing that.” From this perspective, the knowledge student teachers need to acquire in initial teacher education is the practically based “know-how” of experienced practitioners. That in turn implies a pedagogy that involves observation and modeling of teachers, with those practitioners themselves providing support through supervision and coaching. A second vision of the good teacher is what Winch et al. call an “executive technician,” where teachers apply protocols that have been developed elsewhere. Contemporary versions of this model recognize the importance of research, where the findings of “the new science of education” (Furlong & Whitty, 2017) are intended to provide definitive evidence of “what works.” However, as a vision of what teaching should involve, it is much older, stretching back to the Revised Code of 1862 (Privy Council, 1862) with its notions of rote learning and payment-byresults. Whatever its actual content, initial teacher education from this point of view involves the mastery and application of externally prescribed protocols for effective teaching; the implicit pedagogy is some kind of systematic training. The third and final model described by Winch and his various collaborators sees teaching as a “professional endeavor” where the best teachers engage in some kind of “critical reflection” on their teaching with the aim of improving their practice in the future. Contemporary formulations include Schön’s (1983) conception of personal reflection; others, such as Stenhouse (1981), insist on more systematic enquiry through forms of action research. However, as we will see, the roots of this vision are far older, stretching back to the beginnings of university-based teacher education in the late nineteenth century. Drawing on the principles of university education, the model insists on the use of pedagogical approaches that encourage students to question and to challenge what they learn, with the aim of developing their own judgements of effective practice.

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With these ideas in mind, it is now possible to examine the historical development of ITE policy and practice in England and Wales.

Early History The first English teachers’ college was established in Borough Rd. London in 1804 by Joseph Lancaster, the Quaker educational reformer. The college was devoted to training new teachers in Bell and Lancaster’s monitorial method, which allowed one trained teacher to instruct a group of monitors (senior pupils) who would then in turn instruct up to 100 other pupils. As a method of teaching large numbers, very cheaply, the idea was popular, with schools and teachers’ colleges opening across England and Wales and indeed internationally, throughout the nineteenth century. Just a few years after Lancaster’s initiative, another educational reformer, James Kay-Shuttleworth, established England’s first “normal” college – where, as in French, “normal” means setting a moral standard. Based on rote learning and strong religious training, normal colleges and their associated schools also proved popular and rapidly expanded in number. Both of these initiatives were religiously based, with only modest state support. However, despite their success, for much of the nineteenth century, colleges were only a minority route into teaching. The majority of teachers were trained through the “pupil-teacher” system, where at the age of 13, more academically successful pupils were “apprenticed” to their “master” for 5 years before taking an examination in order to become qualified. In terms of knowledge, both routes, college based and apprenticeship based, were strongly practically focused, employed similar practice-based pedagogies, and covered similar government-approved content. They saw their job as explicitly training (and training is the right word), disciplined, utilitarian, reliable, and, of course, religiously based on instructions, adept in implementing the governmentimposed Revised Code of 1862 for the mass of the population. As a model of teacher preparation, it therefore combined both apprenticeship with technicist training. It was this model that, after 1890, was challenged by the universities. Manchester was the first university to enter the field in 1852 by offering evening classes for working elementary teachers; other universities – Aberystwyth, Nottingham, Leeds, and Oxford – quickly followed suit. However, it was not until 1888 that universities began to offer more formal courses. In that year, the Cross Commission (Cross Commission, 1888) convened to examine the consequences of the 1870 Education Act which had established universal though not compulsory elementary education in England and Wales, suggested that as a way of responding to the significantly increased demand for teachers, a small number of universities should be permitted to establish nonresidential “Day Training Colleges” for prospective teachers. As Lofthouse (2009) notes, “the idea quickly caught fire.” It was popular with students who found they could stay at their undergraduate university for an additional year and qualify as a teacher; it was also popular with universities who saw it as a regular, if low status, government-funded income stream.

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In terms of curriculum and pedagogy, the content of these new university-based courses was profoundly different from that of the colleges. Based on the principle of liberal education rather than training, they took inspiration from luminaries such as Cardinal Newman. As he explained in his Discourse 7 “Knowledge Viewed in Relation to Professional Skill”: (The) general culture of mind is the best aid to professional and scientific study and educated men can do what illiterate cannot; and the man who has learned to think and to reason and to compare and to discriminate and to analyse, who has refined his taste and formed his judgment and sharpened his mental vision, will not indeed at once be a lawyer. . . (or a teacher) but he will be placed in that state of intellect in which he can take up any one of the sciences or callings I have referred to. . .with an ease, a grace, a versatility and a success, to which another is a stranger. (Newman, 1853: 6)

Much of the curriculum at this time was therefore devoted to studying “the greats” of education of the past – the thinking of classical and renaissance philosophers and of nineteenth-century reformers. The pedagogy was the same as that adopted in any university-based liberal arts course: Students were encouraged to form and to justify their own views on educational issues, with a view to becoming independent minded professionals. But importantly, not only was the curriculum and pedagogical approach very different in universities, they were also fiercely independent of government. For example, when the vice president of the Committee of Council on Education was asked in parliament whether “due provision was being made for religious instruction of students” in the new Day Training Colleges, he responded that “It is no part of the duty of the Department to inquire into the character or amount of the religious instruction provided” (Hansard, 1891, vol 351, Monday 23rd March). The differences within this very divided system, which remained largely unchanged until after the Second World War, are well captured in this quotation from Margaret Phillips, a lecturer who, by 1926, had worked in both sectors. Coming to work in a two-year college after experience of two different university education departments and trying to account for the contrast with which I am faced, I find the . . . University says, in effect, ‘You want to teach? Then your first business is to become a fully developed person and, as far as possible, a finished student.’ The policy of the two-year college, on the other hand, may be expressed somewhat thus: ‘The teacher’s work is immensely significant. Therefore, it is important that he should make as few mistakes as possible; however good a person he may be in general, teaching demands a special technique, without which he will not be able to bring his general qualities to bear. This technique we propose to give him.’ (Phillips, 1926: 39–40, quoted in Gardner & Cunningham, 1998: 239; emphasis added).

From McNair to Robbins By the 1920s both the National Union of Teachers and the Labor Party were advocating the bringing of the college and university sectors together, arguing that the effective training of teachers demanded the highest academic as well as professional

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standards. According to Patrick (1986), those pleas were carefully sidestepped by the Conservative government of the time, alarmed at the idea of losing control of teacher education to independent universities. In 1944, the McNair Report (McNair, 1944) looked again at the idea of integration. This time it was universities that insisted on keeping colleges at arm’s length. Playing the epistemological card, McNair, himself the vice-chancellor of Liverpool University, argued that training should not be confused with education and training had no place in a proper university (Crook, 1995). Instead, he proposed the establishment of Institutes of Education – loose federations of colleges under the purview of their local universities. Within these federations, colleges continued largely as they were – small, isolated, mainly single-sex residential institutions, all factors, which Bell (1981) argues, enhanced their capacity for creating a moral community, a moral community focused on child-centered learning. Taylor (1969) presents a similar view. In the postwar colleges, he argues, there was a general suspicion of intellect. Teaching, particularly in primary schools, was seen as a practical activity; experiential knowledge, classroom experience, was held to be of prime importance based upon the stock of teaching skills personally accumulated by the education tutor and transmitted to the students by demonstration and coaching. In sharp contrast, many teachers in secondary schools – particularly grammar schools and independent schools – had no preparation for teaching whatsoever. Following Newman’s arguments, being a graduate from an established university was seen by many employers as sufficient professional preparation in itself. It was not until the Robbins Report of 1963 (Robbins, 1963) that universities started to have a much fuller involvement with ITE. The Robbins Report was concerned with the future of higher education as a whole, but it had important messages for the future of teachers’ colleges as well. Based on the social democratic principles of the day, Robbins argued that the opportunity to study in higher education should be available to all of those who were qualified and wished to do so. Its aim should be to develop learners who were “rationally autonomous,” able to think and make judgements for themselves. As a result, learning in higher education should be concerned with issues that were both fundamental and general rather than focusing on “the present and particular” (Bailey, 1984). The Robbins Committee applied the same principles to their vision of teachers and teacher education. Teachers themselves had to be rationally autonomous, how else could they develop rationally autonomous pupils? Prospective teachers therefore needed a strong personal education with academic learning taking precedence over practical training. Robbins recommended the lengthening of courses from 2 to 3 years and the introduction of an optional fourth year for those wishing to take the new BEd degree. These courses, which were to be much more rigorously academic than before were to be validated by local universities, marking an end, for the moment at least, to central government control of the ITE curriculum. The academic part of the new BEd degree, which quite radically had a similar structure across the whole of the UK, consisted of two main elements. Main subject study – English, Music, History, etc. – aimed to give students a thorough grounding in their own chosen discipline. The other academic element was “education,” consisting of courses offered by the newly established disciplines of education – sociology,

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psychology, philosophy, and history (Tibble, 1966). It was this element that for the first time introduced educational research in a systematic way to ITE. With this requirement, established universities offered increasing numbers of masters and doctoral programs and new cohorts of research-trained educationalist entered the field, many of them with little or no practical experience of teaching themselves. The courses they offered were clearly relevant to the study of education. For example, in the sociology of education, students were introduced to research on the impact of social class on educational achievement; in the psychology of education, they examined different theories of learning. However, what that new body of research-based knowledge did not do to any significant degree was to focus on the professional skills of teaching itself. As a result of these changes brought about by the Robbins Report, knowledge in university-led ITE certainly became more academically rigorous. In a move that Newman himself would have applauded, its pedagogy was focused on developing critical, independent-minded prospective teachers. However, at the same time, it became more and more distant from the world of schools themselves. As we will see below, this was to be an important failing, leading firstly to the reassertion of control by the Government, and in England in particular, to the eventual undermining of the role of universities in ITE. In the years immediately following the Robbins Report, teachers’ colleges found themselves in an anomalous position. The types of courses they offered placed them firmly within the higher education sector, but as institutions they remained freestanding. Only slowly, during the 1970s and 1980’s, following a significant fall in student numbers which rendered some colleges nonviable, did they begin to amalgamate with local universities, with the newly formed polytechnics or with other vocationally oriented colleges. By 1990, following the abolition of the binary line between universities and other institutions of higher education, the overwhelming majority of ITE in England and Wales was being offered by a now much expanded university sector, independent of government. In 1972, the James Report (James, 1972) attempted to bring a greater coherence and focus to the system by arguing that all teachers should have a statutory right to three different types of professional education – personal, initial (which for the first time should become compulsory), and in-service. However, in practice what these different phases came to mean was interpreted differently in different universities. While the ex-polytechnic sector began to develop more professionally oriented programs (Wilkin, 1996), traditional universities maintained their commitment to a more academic model. It was the election of the Thatcher Government in 1979 that slowly but surely put an end to this diversity; it was also to challenge existing models of knowledge and pedagogy in ITE.

The Reassertion of Control: Circular 3/84 and All That England pursued its academically led model of ITE until a report from Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Schools (HMI, 1983) was followed by a white paper (DES, 1983), which pointed out wide variations within teacher training and suggested that there

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should be national guidelines, “albeit within a framework of institutional freedom in professional matters” (p. 3). Specific intervention began in 1984 with the issuing of Circular 3/84 (DES, 1984). The Circular established the Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education (CATE) which was charged with the responsibility of overseeing initial teacher education in England and Wales on behalf of the Secretary of State. The Circular did a number of other things as well. For the first time it defined, and for most courses, significantly increased, the number of days students should spend in schools. It also insisted that all university staff responsible for teaching pedagogy should themselves have “recent and relevant” school experience. The aim of these moves was to ensure that both knowledge and pedagogy of ITE was much more professionally focused than in the past. The Circular also extended the role of the schools’ inspectorate to include the regular inspection of ITE programs. Therefore, despite the fact that most teacher education was now provided through formally autonomous universities, through this Circular, the Secretary of State was able to reassert his right to have a say in the detailed content and structure of initial teacher education. However, as the Modes of Teacher Education (MOTE) studies of the 1990s revealed (Furlong et al., 2000), ITE may have become progressively more professionally focused but it was still the universities that defined what that actually meant. Wherever students were based – in university or in school – it was universities that remained in charge of what they learned and how they learned it. Despite Circular 3/84 therefore, the 1980s and 1990s saw the continuation of vigorous challenges to the university-led model of ITE. Neo-Conservative thinkers such as O’Hear (1988) and Lawlor (1990) insisted that the primary purpose of schooling was to introduce pupils to established bodies of knowledge. As a consequence, they argued that in ITE subject study should take precedence over training in research-based knowledge of pedagogy. Indeed, both O’Hear and Lawlor argued that university teacher education courses that focused on pedagogical theory actually diminished the effectiveness of teachers because they were dominated by concerns of how to teach rather than what to teach. Following neoliberal principles, the answer was to open up teacher education even further to “the market” of schooling, with student teachers spending even more time focused on practical training in schools, working closely under the supervision of experienced teachers. In addition, schools needed to be given the opportunity to develop training courses themselves. The increased competition would progressively challenge the domination of the ITE “market” by universities and thereby raise its quality. New policies that would see the implementation of these ideas came to fruition in 1994 with the establishment of the Teacher Training Agency (TTA), later renamed the Training and Development Agency for schools (TDA) which formally separated the funding of ITE from the rest of higher education. But the TTA/TDA was not only a funding body, it was also a policy body, regulating student numbers and defining the shape and content of courses. Among a range of new policies introduced by the TTA/TDA was the requirement that all universities enter into formal partnership arrangements with local schools and pass a significant proportion of their funding – up to 25% – to them. In addition, there was to be a new “competency framework,” a

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set of practically based activities, which students had to focus on throughout their training, whether they were based in school or in university. In order to ensure this was happening, the remit of the inspectorate was extended so that they could inspect schools where ITE was taking place. While some universities maintained their commitment to go beyond the minimum requirements of the competency framework, reduced funding and increasing pressures from a newly established and more powerful inspectorate (Ofsted in England and Estyn in Wales) meant that over time most courses became narrower, and more practically focused. As a final challenge to the university-led, academic model of ITE, the 1990s also saw the first development of new employment-based models of teacher education with the introduction of the Licensed and Articled Teacher Programs. If 1984 saw the introduction of the possibility of government control, the period after 1992 saw that become a reality.

ITE and Professional Judgement Looking back at the twists and turns of teacher education policy in the twentieth century, it is clear that it was dominated by two of the three different models of teacher professionalism identified by Winch and his various collaborators outlined earlier. On the one hand, there was the idea that the teacher was best characterized as a craftsperson with their expertise primarily based on situated or tacit “know-how.” This was the model of professionalism that dominated the teachers’ colleges in the first half of the century with their suspicion of intellect and their strong focus on practical experience. It was also the model that underpinned much more recent moves by the Thatcher government, with their insistence on ever greater proportions of students’ time being spent in schools themselves, and with their pioneering of alternative school-led and employment-based routes into teaching. The other model, which has its roots in the very first university-led programs, sees the teacher as an independent-minded professional, capable of making his or her own judgements on the complexities of teaching and learning. From this perspective, teacher education needs to be based on the principles of liberal education. The curriculum considered and the pedagogy employed are intended to help students develop their expertise in educational issues, to question and to challenge what they learn, with the aim of helping them develop their own judgements of effective practice. As we saw, in the early years of the twentieth century, in university-led programs, this meant prospective students studying “the greats” of educational thinking; in the post-Robbins era it meant them studying the educational disciplines. By the 1970s, with universities, the primary body responsible for ITE in England and Wales, this was the dominant model underlying virtually all provision. Although in many ways the two models of teacher professionalism that underlie these competing ITE traditions are very different, there is one issue on which they are in alignment. This concerns their focus on the professional teacher as an individual. Whether teachers’ expertise is seen as predominantly practical or intellectual, both models see expertise as based within the teacher themselves. It is the individual teacher who uses their expertise to make their own professional

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judgement of how to teach these particular learners, this particular curriculum, in this particular school. Their expertise is necessarily personal and context specific. Because of all of this complexity, judgement is seen as more important than routine. As Hoyle and John (1995) argue, in their classic consideration of teacher professionalism, one of the defining features of any professional is someone who is expected to make judgements on the best interests of their clients as they see them. It is for them as a professional, with their expertise, to interpret what those interests are. Both the craft and the intellectual models of ITE that dominated the twentieth century agree on this central point; both in their different ways saw it as their task to support and develop trainee teachers in their ability to make these complex judgements for themselves. It was this fundamental conception of what effective teaching is, that was to be challenged in England by the New Labor government of 1997. With it came a different model of ITE and a very different role for educational research.

New Labor, and a “New Professionalism” for Teachers in England One of the first acts of the New Labor administration of 1997 was to introduce devolution across the UK. From 1999 onward, therefore, in Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland, educational policy, along with other domestic policies such as health and transport, became the responsibility of newly established national assemblies. From this point onward, ITE policy in England and Wales begins to diverge. Early in their administration the new government published a Green Paper (DfEE, 1998) setting out their vision for “modernizing” the teaching profession. That vision, which was called “The New Professionalism,” was one they would return to again and again throughout their 13 years in office. It was a radically different idea of what teacher professionalism involved. As the Green Paper said: “The time has long gone when isolated, unaccountable professionals made curriculum and pedagogical decisions alone without reference to the outside world” (DfEE, 1998, para. 13). Instead, it argued that “modern teachers” needed to accept accountability; take personal and collective responsibility for improving their skills and subject knowledge; seek to base decisions on evidence of what works in schools in this country and internationally; work in partnership with other staff in schools; and welcome the contribution that parents, business, and others outside schools can make to its success. Being professional, from this point of view, was not therefore something that could be achieved by the individual teacher; it was not based on individual knowledge, individual autonomy, and individual responsibility. Instead, teachers needed to sign up to accepting a more collectivized, a more accountable, and, in short, a more externally “managed” vision of their own professional expertise. In Winch’s terms, the teacher becomes an “executive technician,” applying protocols that have been developed elsewhere. To begin with at least, ITE was seen as a key mechanism of achieving that new, more managed, professionalism. When it came to power, what the New Labor government found was that previous Conservative administrations had handed it the means of closely managing the ITE

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system. Market competition combined with a strong audit culture meant that universities were now highly responsive to changing national policies. The new government maintained a commitment to these managerial strategies throughout its term of office. In particular, they maintained a competitive market in teacher education. Schemes run by schools themselves (School-Centered Initial Teacher Training – SCITT schemes) were encouraged and new employment-based routes into teaching were developed – the Graduate Teacher Program (GTP) (an employment-based route, theoretically for older entrants), and Teach First, a salaried route for highachieving graduates inspired by (though not directly modeled on) Teach for America. However, where New Labor differed markedly from previous Conservative administrations was that it believed that strong managerialism alone would not raise standards or challenge inequality. Policies needed more content, more direction. Teacher training and indeed all teachers’ practice needed to be based on evidence of “what works.” It was this commitment that for the first time established a role for educational research in any systematic way in relation to the act of teaching itself. By investing strongly in research, New Labor hoped to be able to gather a body of research-based knowledge that could underpin a range of policies, including pedagogical guidelines or standards for teachers; those standards would then form the backbone of the ITE curriculum. In an early move, the new government issued a new circular, Circular 10/97 (DfEE, 1997), which extended the previous list of competences into more elaborate standards. An Annex to this Circular included an 85-page research-informed national curriculum for initial teacher education, which set out in considerable detail the content of ITE in English, maths, science, and information technology. As it turned out, the national curriculum for ITE was short-lived. After only 5 years, the government abandoned it and returned to a narrower set of standards. Rather than focusing on ITE alone as a way of developing the new professionalism, in the mid-2000s the Government began developing a series of “national strategies” in core areas of the school curriculum. These eventually became consolidated into the National Primary Strategy (DfEE 2003a) and then the Key Stage 3 Strategy (DfEE 2003b). Drawing on the best available evidence of “what works,” these research-informed national strategies specified in considerable detail how to teach subjects like literacy, numeracy, and ICT. They were supported by literally thousands of model lesson plans published on the DFE website. For the first time since the publication of the Revised Code of 1862, a government was taking on itself the task of specifying what effective pedagogy was in the core areas of the curriculum. Although not formally compulsory for schools, the Strategies were a core element in school inspections; it was therefore a brave head teacher who chose to ignore them. Not surprisingly, the Primary and KS3 Strategies quickly became a core element of the ITE curriculum in England. However, what the government did not do was to specify the pedagogy of ITE itself. While there was an increased emphasis on research-informed practice, the growing number of school-led schemes and particularly employment-based routes meant that a significant minority of student teachers

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were now offered a strongly practice-focused training model, and university-led schemes, which were still very much in the majority, were free to develop their own pedagogical practices. Some also became increasingly practically focused; others, particularly but not exclusively in the older universities, maintained their commitment to their traditional educative role, encouraging their student teachers to think, to reflect, to explore relevant theory, and to question dominant practices in schools, including the national strategies themselves. As far as the government was concerned, it seemed that none of this variation mattered. Now that practice in schools was itself increasingly centrally prescribed, both university- and schoolled training schemes were seen as equally capable of delivering high-quality training.

The Return of the Conservatives: The Fragmentation of a System The 2010 election saw the Conservative Party return to power, for the first 5 years as the leader of a coalition with the Liberal Democrats and then as a single-party government following elections in 2015, 2017, and 2019. For the majority of that period, its policies in relation to what it insisted being called ITT (rather than ITE) remained the same. Although never explicitly acknowledged, some aspects of Labor’s “New Professionalism” were implicitly accepted; educational practice should be driven by schools as institutions rather than individual teachers. ITT could help achieve this model of professionalism, if a new, more strongly marketdriven system of training was developed, with schools themselves in the driving seat. In an early move, the controversial Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove, issued a new white paper – “The Importance of Teaching” (DfE, 2010) – which claimed that “The evidence shows the best teacher training is led by teachers.” In a speech launching the new policy, Gove spelled out the pedagogical implications for teacher education: “Teaching is a craft and it is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman. Watching others, and being rigorously observed yourself as you develop, is the best route to acquiring mastery in the classroom” (Gove, 2012). Where Conservative policies did differ from those of New Labor was that initially at least, there was much less emphasis on the findings of research in driving the content of training. With the Primary and Key Stage 3 Strategies abandoned, all that was left was a much paired-down set of standards expressed in highly generalized terms such as “establish a safe and stimulating environment for pupils” and “be aware of pupils’ capabilities and their prior knowledge” (DfE, 2011). In order to achieve its strongly practice-oriented vision, the Government announced the establishment of 500 new “teaching schools” on the model of teaching hospitals, “giving outstanding schools the role of leading the training and professional development of teachers and head teachers” (DfE, 2010, p20). At the same time, it launched a new type of provision – School Direct – where schools themselves rather than universities were allocated training numbers. Unlike SCITT schemes, where schools could themselves become an accredited provider, schools

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working under the School Direct scheme had to work in partnership with either a university or an accredited SCITT. Even so, the new model of funding gave schools a substantial new role in training. Under School Direct, a school could: select and recruit their own trainees; choose which accredited teacher training provider to work with; agree the content and focus of the training program depending on the needs of both the trainees and the school; and decide how funding would be split between the school and the training provider. All of these measures were designed to make sure that partner universities were fully responsive to the needs of schools. It was therefore intended to be a strongly market-driven approach. A majority of the places offered through School Direct were to be fee based, with trainees functioning as student teachers. However, an important minority were also to be employment based (School Direct salaried). Paid as unqualified teachers, trainees on this route were to be offered on-the-job training while teaching up to 90% of a normal teaching timetable. As a result of this strongly market-driven model, a substantial part of ITT provision in England changed rapidly. In 2009–2010, universities were responsible for around 80% of all ITT in England. Today, that figure has dropped dramatically. In 2021, only 47% of postgraduate ITT entrants were recruited by higher education institutions. The remainder were recruited on to school-led schemes: School Direct 34% (salaried and fee based); school-centred ITT (SCITT) 14%; and Teach First 5%. (Long & Danechi, 2021). However, as a major survey of ITT provision in England in 2015–2016 (Whiting et al., 2018) made clear, figures like these actually hide the huge complexity of the current system in England that has been unleashed by the market-driven model. This is because each of the very large number of School Direct schemes is by definition unique, the product of local negotiation between the lead school and their accredited provider; each varies depending on what services they wish to “buy” from their local university or SCITT scheme. With schools in the driving seat, some universities have found themselves forced to work with a range of different partners; with some partners they may have an extended role, with others, their contribution might be much more limited. And yet other universities, those that have not found it necessary to become involved in School Direct, have been able to more or less maintain their traditional model. A further complexity is that many of the schemes currently offered via School Direct are very small indeed. As Whiting et al. (2018) report, at the time of their research (2015–2016), just 10% of allocations were made to courses offering ten places or more. While an official government review in 2014 of ITT in England characterized all of this diversity in a positive light (Carter, 2014), others, including the Institute of Fiscal Studies (IFS) (Allen et al., 2014) and the National Audit Office (NAO, 2016), have been much more critical. Indeed, Whiting et al. (2018) question whether it is even appropriate to call ITT in England a “system” at all with its “volatility, uncertainty and turmoil” (p93). Moreover, they argue that “With a prevailing emphasis on choice and diversity . . . questions about quality are becoming difficult to answer. Even finding evaluations of the quality of individual providers, let alone the routes to which that provider is contributing, is problematic” (p89).

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The Reemergence of Research By the time of the 2017 election, therefore, ITT in England was substantially changed. Instead of being a single, national system, based, as it had been, around a strongly managed university sector, it now presented two very different faces. On the one hand, there was the university-led approach, where in principle at least, universities were able to continue with their traditional “educational” model of professional preparation. This accounted for roughly half of all provision. The other half was very different, more akin to a traditional apprenticeship model of training. Those with any sense of the history of initial teacher education in England and Wales could perhaps be forgiven for seeing all of this as a return to the prewar days, with its strict demarcation between university- and college-led sectors. As has already been indicated, this period saw the actual content of training only lightly prescribed, enshrined as it was in a highly generalized set of standards. Moreover, those standards made very little explicit reference to research. In 2016, there was an initial attempt to establish a more elaborated “core curriculum” for ITT (Munday, 2016), though this too made very little reference to research-based evidence. In other areas of educational practice, successive Conservative governments had made substantial investments in educational research, most particularly through the charity, the Educational Endowment Foundation (EEF). As Ben Goldacre, one of Michael Gove’s influential advisers, argued, “if fields like medicine could use research to find out ‘what works best’, then surely education could do the same” (Goldacre, 2013). Throughout the Conservative years, the EEF have supported research projects, evidence reviews, and evidence-based “took kits” on topics as diverse as literacy, behavior management, assessment, and employer engagement in schools. Interestingly, it was not until 2019 that the EEF’s attention was turned to ITT. In developing a new “framework” for the ITT core curriculum (DfE, 2019), the EEF and their team of advisers drew together “the best available evidence” on effective teaching. As with all EEF reviews, by “the best available evidence” they meant research findings established by the most rigorous “scientific” research methods, most particularly by the findings of randomized control trials. The result is a substantial document made up of a list of “Learn that” statements, statements that are informed by the best available educational research, and “Learn how to” statements that are drawn from the wider evidence base including both academic research and additional guidance from expert practitioners. Each statement is supported by a list of references and further reading. The authors are at pains to emphasize that the framework is only intended to be a compulsory minimum that all student teachers should address; individual programs can and should extend the curriculum as they see fit. In many ways, it is a praiseworthy attempt to bring together what is known about effective teaching and learning. However, its weakness lies in its definition of “best available evidence.” Because it is only evidence established by what the EEF defines as the most rigorous “scientific” research methods, the results are in many ways highly limited. This is

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particularly clear in the framework’s section on “How Children Learn.” In this section, the most robust evidence (in EEF terms) comes from the field of cognitive science, an area of research activity that particularly lends itself to randomized control trials. Because of this highly selective approach, eight of the nine “Learn that” statements in this section focus on issues to do with working memory. As a result, large amounts of what we know about how children learn are excluded. For example, there is no recognition of children’s and young people’s social and emotional development and its impact on learning; of the factors that can promote or hinder effective learning including the impact of learners’ backgrounds, identities, values, and beliefs; and of the centrality of well-being to effective learning. There is no recognition of the importance of providing opportunities for learners to become active participants in their own learning, and of employing effective classroom talk to stimulate learner participation in debate and decision-making about what and how they learn. In their exclusive focus on a particular type of research, the authors of the core curriculum framework document have reduced what we know about children’s learning to the findings of cognitive science. And what about the pedagogy of this new, scientifically based core curriculum? Here there are proposals for radical changes too. Perhaps stimulated by consistent complaints about diversity and incoherence of ITT provision in England, in 2021 the government commissioned what it termed a “Market Review” (DfE, 2021) of the sector. The resulting report recognizes the wide range of different providers with variable quality within the ITT “Market.” In order to ensure greater coherence, it proposes that all providers, whether school or university led, should be required to institute a systematic training model in relation to the core curriculum, and to ensure that this happens, it proposes that all providers should go through a rigorous accreditation procedure. To be accredited, providers will have to develop an evidence-based curriculum “which allows trainees to understand and apply the principles of the CCF in a controlled, cumulative and logical manner.” In addition, they will be required to design and deliver an “intensive placement experience” of at least 4 weeks duration (6 weeks for undergraduates), which allows opportunities for groups of trainees to practice selected, sequenced components of their training curriculum, and receive highly targeted feedback from mentors who must themselves be qualified in delivering this evidence-based training. Finally, providers will be required to design an assessment framework for trainee teachers that fully reflects the content of the core curriculum. At the time of writing, these proposals are awaiting finalization by the DfE. Even though they have been strongly criticized by a number of leading universities, it seems likely that some form of reforms along these lines will be instituted in the near future. If that does happen, where does this leave ITT in England now? What is clear is that despite the new proposals, the predominant model of teacher preparation remains practice based. Students, whether on university- or school-led programs, spend the overwhelming proportion of their time in schools, working under the supervision of practitioners. Going back to Winch’s threefold framework for characterizing “the good teacher,” here teaching is best seen as a “craft,” where expertise cannot necessarily be put into words; where the best way to learn that craft is by

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some form of apprenticeship; and where trainees work alongside and are given feedback by experienced practitioners themselves. In addition, however, the new proposals add a further dimension to this model, seeing the expert teacher as an “executive technician,” as someone whose expertise lies in applying protocols that have been developed elsewhere. If those protocols are to be applied effectively, then what trainee teachers need is rigorous and systematic training of the sort now proposed. In other words, just as in the mid-Victorian period, the training of teachers is a combination of both models, both apprenticeship based and training based. Clearly the conception of teaching implicit in the core curriculum framework is much more sophisticated than the rote learning and payment-by-results of the Revised Code of 1862 (Privy Council, 1862). However, the underlying model of how teachers can and should learn is precisely the same. The challenge now for the university-led sector is whether the new requirements will finally expunge their attempts to maintain their more individualized, “educational” model of professional learning. As we will see below, that is a model that is now flourishing in Wales.

Wales: A Different View Before looking at recent developments in what is explicitly called initial teacher education (ITE) in Wales, it will be helpful to return to the third model of teaching identified by Winch and his various colleagues where teaching is seen as a “professional endeavor.” Drawing on the first model, Winch fully accepts that key parts of teaching are implicit, that they involve forms of knowledge that cannot readily be put into words, and that need to be acquired by actually engaging in the act of teaching itself. He also acknowledges the value of externally developed protocols that are the product of systematic enquiry conducted by teachers themselves or by researchers. However, in a clear challenge to Labor’s collectivized “new professionalism,” Winch argues that being “professional” involves much more than working intuitively or simply following rules. Because of the complexity they face, new teachers need to learn how to adapt their teaching to particular pupils and their particular learning needs. Like it or not, all teaching, Winch argues, involves a strong element of personal judgement. That necessarily requires new teachers learning how to engage in some kind of “critical reflection” on their emerging practice, so that they understand it, so that they own it, and so that they can improve it in the future. There are clearly links between this understanding of professional education and the traditional aims of university-led programs. Winch’s vision of a professional teacher is indeed of an individual, someone who is capable of making professional judgements in complex situations. However, this modern vision of the ideal teacher goes much further than Newman’s “educated man,” or indeed of the post-Robbins teacher whose expertise is in debates about education, rather than in being an educator themselves. Instead, it draws, in part, on the knowledge base and pedagogy of the university but insists both of those engage with the world of practice. As we will see, it is these ideas that have been influential in the reform of ITE in Wales,

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where universities are still key partners, but are now required to work closely with schools in new and equal ways. Interestingly, during the first ten years of devolution, little changed in relation to initial teacher education in Wales. Provision did come to look increasingly different from that of England, but that was because the English system was changing so rapidly. However, from 2010 onward, growing concerns about the performance of Welsh schools when measured on international bench marks such as PISA began to focus attention on the quality of the teaching force, which in turn raised the issue of initial teacher education. In a controversial move, the then education minister Leighton Andrews appointed Ralph Tabberer, a former head of England’s TTA/TDA to review the system. His report (Tabberer, 2013) was anything but complementary, stating that ITE in Wales was “adequate at best.” Moreover, he reported that its weaknesses were widely acknowledged, by schools, by Estyn, and indeed by ITE providers themselves. A further significant weakness was research capacity among teacher educators which was at an extremely low level. He recommended that providers take urgent steps to strengthen research engagement among tutors and trainees “so that teaching and teacher training are strongly influenced by practical, scientific inquiry methods” (p23). Overall, he recommended a fundamental overhaul of the system under the leadership of an externally appointed government adviser. Huw Lewis, Leighton Andrews’ successor as minister of education, himself an ex-teacher, supported the need for fundamental reform, appointing me as the new external adviser in 2014. My report, published in 2015 (Furlong, 2015), did indeed recommend fundamental reform. However, in sharp contrast to England, it argued that any changes should not be simply ideologically based – more time in school or more time in university. Instead, it insisted that reforms should themselves be underpinned by the findings of research, particularly research on how student teachers best learn to teach. Although largely ignored by successive governments, the UK has a rich history of research on the professional education and training of teachers that dates back to the 1980s (Menter, 2017). Successive studies have addressed questions such as: What skills and knowledge might student teachers only learn through direct experience in schools? Where is higher education best placed to contribute to teacher learning? What sort of partnership between schools and HEIs is needed to provide this training? Key research findings on which the report drew included Hagger and McIntyre’s (2006) Learning Teaching from Teachers and my own Education: An Anatomy of the Discipline (Furlong, 2013) which drew together much of the earlier work undertaken by others. Also important was the study commissioned by BERA and the RSA (2013), Research and Teacher Education, which included an important, widely cited paper by Burn and Mutton (2015) on the development of “research informed clinical practice” in teacher education. Their emphasis on tightly integrated forms of university-school collaboration as essential to the successful implementation of research-informed practice became a key element in the Welsh reforms. In the light of this research, my recommendations were for a new approach to ITE based on “collaborative partnerships” between universities and schools. However, it is important to emphasize that the word “partnership” was intended to mean

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something very different from how it was used in England. In England, it has largely become an organizational concept, implying that different partners have different jobs. In Wales, “partnership” was to be seen as an epistemological concept. Different partners – schools and universities – are seen as having access to different forms of professional knowledge. The purpose of these new collaborative partnerships is for universities and schools to work closely together in the planning, teaching, and assessment of programs. Through this collaborative process, student teachers are enabled to bring different forms of professional knowledge into a dialogue with each other and thereby develop their own understanding of their emerging professional practice. The aim is to ensure that through collaborative planning and teaching, students’ learning becomes “both rigorously practical and intellectually challenging at the same time” (Welsh Government, 2017, p4). In that educative process, research has a new and important role. Students are expected to develop “research literacy,” learning about research and making their own judgements on its quality. In addition, most courses expect students to undertake some form of action research or practitioner enquiry themselves; taking part in research at some level is a key pedagogical strategy in the development of clinical practice. In order to make these changes happen, the report recommended the establishment of a robust accreditation system for the sector. The new Accreditation Criteria (Welsh Government, 2017) would require new “collaborative partnerships” between HEIs and schools, a changed approach to ITE inspection by Estyn and a significant strengthening of, and investment in, educational research to underpin ITE provision. All of these recommendations were adopted in full by the Welsh Government. The new Accreditation Criteria were themselves informed by research. New legislation made them mandatory and established a Teacher Education Accreditation Board (TEAB) to oversee the accreditation process. Among other things, the new Criteria required lead schools to accept ITE as a core responsibility and universities to assume a clearer role in making available knowledge that is not always accessible in schools: knowledge from research, from theory, and from good practice internationally. In 2021, Estyn revised its inspection frameworks, aligning them to the new Criteria, often using the language of the Criteria and its vision, to support key concepts (Estyn, 2021). Finally on research capacity, in universities, the Criteria required all ITE teaching staff to have qualifications at a higher level than the courses on which they were teaching, and to be “research active,” taking leading roles in assimilating, conducting, publishing, and supervising research. Schools too have been required to develop greater research literacy. As one participating head teacher put it: “Teachers have also needed to develop a very conscious understanding of research practices, pedagogical methodologies and subject depth” which were “new territories for many schools in terms of our theoretical understanding” (Hughes, 2021). Overall, as the Director of the Welsh Government’s Education Directorate notes, the reforms have resulted “in a strengthened ITE provision, and a deeper collaborative architecture across the whole of our school and university systems” (Davies, 2021).

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Conclusion As this brief history of initial teacher education in England and Wales makes clear, the role of both universities and of research have changed substantially over time. We have seen universities develop from being a relatively small alternative route into teaching in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to becoming the primary providers in the 1970s and 1980s. Since then, in England we have seen their contribution to ITE progressively reduced, and where it remains, to being increasingly tightly managed. In Wales, in recent years, there has been a reaffirmation of the contribution of universities, but that contribution has been fundamentally reconfigured, insisting that they work in close collaboration with schools. The content of university-led ITE has also changed over time: from the study of “the greats” of educational thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to the disciplines of education in the post-Robbins era, and to the study of contemporary research-based evidence of “what works.” What has not changed, at least in some of our more traditional universities, is their commitment to a particular type of pedagogy which encourages reflection, analysis, and critique. In this regard, Newman’s original edicts on the role of the university in the education of the professional have continued. Whether they will be able to continue in England for much longer is an open question. The role and content of research has changed too. In the 1970s, studying research meant studying the disciplines of education, a central part of “the education of the scholar who happened to want to be a teacher” (Bell, 1981, p13). In England today, research into “what works” is not seen as an object of study in itself. Instead, it is seen as a means of managing the teaching profession, its findings informing protocols that must be learned by prospective teachers. In contrast, in ITE in Wales, today research is seen as something that student teachers need to understand and undertake for themselves as part of their own professional development. But in conclusion we must ask why it is that ITE in England and Wales now look so different. What has driven these two countries that shared a common system for nearly 200 years to move in diametrically opposite directions. The answer is not hard to find. In both countries, as in many countries around the world (Darling-Hammond & Lieberman, 2013; Tatto & Menter, 2019), initial teacher education is now seen as an extremely important policy arena; it is the space where governments can, or at least think they can, shape the teaching force of the future. Underpinning the different forms of ITE in England and Wales lie fundamentally different visions of what it means to be a teacher in the twenty-first century. In England, as has already been indicated, teaching is increasingly externally managed, externally prescribed. The successful teacher is one who contributes effectively to the school’s achievements of government-prescribed targets, and who is able to put into operation government-prescribed protocols that are “known to work.” What has been happening in Wales over the last 5 years is fundamentally different. The changes to ITE have been designed to accompany a much larger set of educational reforms covering both school curriculum and assessment procedures.

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In these wider changes to the Welsh educational system, teachers are being given a key role. In the future, they will have much greater control over the curriculum and over assessment. As the architect of the reforms argues, the new curriculum will demand “much more than the implementation of a pre-determined repertoire of methods and requires high quality teachers with a sound understanding of the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of teaching as well as the ‘what’” (Donaldson, 2015: 58). The assessment proposals will require “a deep and secure understanding of the curriculum and of the roles of both formative and summative assessment together with the skills associated with designing and interpreting the wide range of techniques that good assessment demands” (p69). In order for these wider reforms to be successful, therefore, what is needed are forms of ITE that will allow and encourage the achievement of a much richer kind of teacher professionalism than is currently envisioned in England. What, in the future, it will mean to be a teacher in England and Wales will therefore be very different. In both countries initial teacher education has been explicitly harnessed to help achieve those different visions. Now that ITE and wider educational policies are so closely coupled, will the system in each country be given the opportunity to settle down; are the days of constant change over? That seems highly unlikely to me. Twenty years ago, teacher education policy was something of a backwater, important to those centrally involved in it, but of little wider significance. Now that it has become explicitly linked to the achievement of wider educational goals, it is almost inevitable that it will continue to face change and reform as those broader policies themselves change. Whether that is to the benefit of the teaching profession itself remains an open question.

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Specialized Educational Knowledge and Its Role in Teacher Education

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Jim Hordern

Contents Introduction: The Political Economy of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Knowledge and Teaching: Assumptions Underpinning Forms of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . Distinguishing Between Forms of Education (al) Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Education (al) Knowledge Is Therefore Needed for Teacher Education? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenges to Knowledge-Rich Teacher Education: Varied Grammar and Contested Recontextualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This paper considers arguments for specialized educational knowledge in teacher education and examines difficulties with achieving this, in the context of contemporary reforms to education systems and the production of educational knowledge. The pedagogization of knowledge is a core aspect of teachers’ work and this requires specialized educational knowledge complementary to subject knowledge. Moreover, knowledge of philosophical and sociological debates as to the purpose of education could be considered indispensable for making professional judgements about educational policies, curricula and pedagogic initiatives. However, the idea of a knowledge-rich teacher education is challenged by (i) fragmentation and contestation in the production of educational knowledge and (ii) processes of recontextualization of knowledge for the teacher education curriculum, which are influenced by various conceptions of teaching and the imperatives of educational reform. This is exemplified by brief reference to the English context and international comparative studies of teacher education.

J. Hordern (*) Department of Education, University of Bath, Bath, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_14

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Keywords

Teacher knowledge · Educational research · Recontextualization · Sociology of educational knowledge

Introduction: The Political Economy of Teacher Education Reforms to teacher education are significant elements of educational change globally. Influential international studies have suggested that enhancing teaching quality is a key factor in achieving systemic educational improvements (McKinsey and Company, 2007; Mourshed et al., 2010). For example, McKinsey and Company suggest that “getting the right people to become teachers” and then “developing them into effective instructors” could have “enormous impact in improving failing school systems” (2007, 4), while for Mourshed et al. (2010, 21) improvement is secured by changing “how teachers think about teaching.” In England “high quality teachers” are seen as one of the “key ingredients needed to sustain improvement” (DfE, 2016, 6), and policy makers assert that “the quality of teaching is more important to pupil outcomes than anything else a school can control” (ibid., 11). Specific ways in which teacher education could be improved are often highlighted, foregrounding models of teacher education that rely on increased levels of practice experience and exposure to knowledge, techniques, and behaviors that are assumed to be effective in improving outcomes for children and for schools (Tatto, 2006; Barrett & Hordern, 2021). Regularly highlighted are “collaborative practices” (Mourshed et al., 2010, 22) across and within schools that suggest “teachers as coaches for their peers” (ibid.), often implying that is through a “professional learning community” that teachers best secure initial competence and develop expertise. In England, the last 10 years of education policy have attempted to re-orientate teacher education toward the demands of schools and the perceived classroom-readiness of teachers, and to reduce the leadership and curriculum design role of higher education institutions(Whiting et al., 2018; Mayer & Mills, 2021). This has been concomitant with explicitly advancing a discourse that celebrates learning “on the job” in school from expert teachers as the most effective way of developing teacher competence (Whitty, 2014). Schools have been encouraged to “train their own teachers,” as part of a “schoolled system” which has been apparently “delivering results” (DfE, 2016, 6). Most recently, the UK government has pledged to reform initial teacher education (ITE) in England through the reaccreditation of all ITE providers, aiming to ensure closer compliance with specific curriculum stipulations (DfE, 2021).While England has pushed the notion of school-centered teacher education further than most countries developments, it is not unique, as is evident from debates on the demands of schools and “classroom-readiness” in Sweden (Beach & Bagley, 2013), Australia (Mayer & Mills, 2021), and the United States (Barrett & Hordern, 2021). The impetus toward “self-improving systems” internationally also highlights the role of “system leaders” and “school leaders” who have heightened levels of influence on the nature of teaching in such systems, as governance moves away

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from direct state control and into diverse networks of educational organizations and their representatives (Whitty, 2014). The “best school leaders” are now able to run “their schools without interference” (DfE, 2016, 6) and the “most effective education leaders” are to be given “freedom and power” (ibid., 9), and this includes in England influence over teacher development and the capacity to run in-house teacher education programs (Whiting et al., 2018). Nevertheless, these education leaders are to remain accountable to government for securing improvements, as defined by outcome measures mandated by policy makers, and thus government sustains considerable influence on teaching and the manner in which teachers are educated. These developments have considerable implications for teacher professionalism and the forms of knowledge foregrounded in teacher education. When school leaders and the educational organizations that they represent increasingly hold sway within the system, with a concomitant loss of influence from higher education or teacher representative bodies including unions, the opportunities to sustain a type of teacher professionalism built around a nationally agreed notion of teaching as an “occupation” are reduced. In England, teaching professionalism can be seen as increasingly shifting toward an “organizational” rather than an “occupational” mode (Evetts, 2011; Hordern, 2014; Hordern & Tatto, 2018), with the organization and its leaders enjoying freedom to shape teachers’ roles and evaluations of teacher performance within the constraints set by government (Ellis et al., 2021). Despite the revitalization of the Chartered College of Teaching, there remains no obligation for teachers in England to work toward higher professional qualifications beyond their initial teaching qualification. Meanwhile, the diverse forms of disciplinary knowledge and research on education produced by higher education institutions are at risk of marginalization if there is no necessary role for higher education in teacher education (Whitty, 2014; Barrett & Hordern, 2021). This is compounded when organizations running schools increasingly have the power to determine what knowledge counts in teaching practice, based on forms of research that are deemed appropriate by those organizations, or by government, rather than by disciplinary communities (Hordern et al., 2021). This chapter seeks to address questions of the role of educational knowledge in teacher education. It summarizes arguments that suggest that specialized forms of educational knowledge are vital for enabling teacher capacity to make judgements about claims to knowledge in education, to teach equitably and effectively in practice, and to take reasoned stances in respect of new policies and reform initiatives emerging from schools, their organizational leadership and from government. However, the potential for what could be termed “knowledge-rich” teacher education is challenged firstly by the fragmented nature of educational knowledge in many jurisdictions (Whitty & Furlong, 2017), and secondly by the contested nature of the recontextualization processes that relocate knowledge from fields of knowledge production into teacher education curricula, which are often strongly influenced by differing views of the role of the teacher and by educational reform (Hordern & Tatto, 2018; Barrett & Hordern, 2021). The argument is illustrated by some brief discussion of developments in England and international comparative studies of teacher education.

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Knowledge and Teaching: Assumptions Underpinning Forms of Teacher Education Winch et al. (2015) identify three influential conceptions of teaching and the forms of knowledge and understanding these conceptions are associated with. Firstly, teaching can be seen as a craft activity that relies on forms of “situated understanding” and “tacit, intuitive knowledge” (ibid., 204), and therefore teacher competence and expertise is best developed in educational workplaces where these forms of knowledge and understanding can be acquired through practical teaching activity. This conception of teaching is often associated with the notion that the best teachers are those with the highest level of general or liberal education, or those with good levels of knowledge in the subjects they teach (Furlong & Whitty, 2017, 34). Such a notion of teaching has proved popular with some policy makers. In England, for example, Michael Gove, the minister responsible for Education between 2010 and 2014, observed that “teaching is a craft and it is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman” (Gove, 2010), echoing traditional English skepticism of pedagogical expertise (Alexander, 2004).In the craft conception disciplinary forms of knowledge produced in higher education on the topic of education are largely deemed irrelevant to teacher development, while a high level of knowledge relating to the specific subjects teachers will teach (i.e., Mathematics, History, or Chemistry) is usually considered highly relevant depending on the educational stage, while teacher character and values may also be a major consideration (Furlong & Whitty, 2017). A second conception sees teaching as the “application of technical protocols”(Winch et al., 2015, 209) requiring “technical knowledge” that “enables the practitioner to plan and control a process. . ..to explain and predict the success or otherwise of an intervention” (Winch et al., 2015, 205). Here the knowledge needed for teaching must speak to technical imperatives – it needs to provide something that would be considered useful for teaching practice, however that usefulness is conceived. While the teacher can be conceived as an “executive technician” she can also be conceived as an “autonomous technician” (Kuhlee & Winch, 2017) and the distinction between the two leads to substantively different interpretations of the role of the teacher in respect of that technical knowledge (Hordern & Tatto, 2018). An “executive” conception suggests that technical knowledge is produced, and authorized, at some distance from teaching practice and that the teacher is merely responsible for using that technical knowledge instrumentally in her practice without questioning knowledge claims or refining that knowledge in accordance with how she conceptualizes her teaching practice. On the other hand, an autonomous conception suggests that the teacher is left with greater discretion to judge which aspects of knowledge are appropriate for the practice in which she is engaged. However, the knowledge made available to practitioners, if it is predominantly orientated toward “technical” concerns, is likely to be constrained by how the purpose of teaching is constructed within the overall educational system – and about this teachers may have little discretion (Hordern & Tatto, 2018).

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The provision of technical knowledge for teaching practice may involve knowledge production by specialist educational researchers, adaptation by “technologists” and curriculum “designers” (Winch et al., 2015, 209), before teachers use that knowledge as part of pedagogic “implementation” in the classroom. Such a process fits well with the “top down” policy assumptions of many working in government, while providing opportunities for building performance management systems that can evaluate progress against educational improvement objectives. It articulates with “teacher proofing” curriculum materials or the scripting of lesson plans (see Shalem, 2017) in an aim to secure successful policy implementation. It also suggests that educational knowledge is not to be exclusively arbitrated in disciplinary communities, but rather can be produced and authorized by any organization that is heeding the concerns and imperatives of current policy. In some contexts this may also mean that research produced for education must concur with the prevailing view of educational improvement mandated by the current government, in order to become visible to those making decisions about what should be passed on to teachers as “best practice” for implementation (Hordern et al., 2021). Think tanks or other organizations set up to produce research about and for education may well be more nimble and effective than academic researchers at producing desired forms of knowledge to meet technical requirements. This may, in turn, limit the exposure of teachers to certain forms of (disciplinary) educational knowledge. The third conception suggests teaching as a “professional endeavour” (Winch et al., 2015, 210), which involves teachers being able to “exercise their own judgement” about the appropriacy of research to the context of their practice. This requires “richness of reflection” (ibid, 210) that nurtures practitioner capacity to “discern salient features” and “frame concrete problems” that relate to the practice in which they are engaged. Through “scholarship” and “systematic inquiry” (ibid, 206) teachers will be equipped to “question received wisdom” and to continuously refine their “critical interpretation of research evidence” (ibid., 211). Such a view also sees teachers as recognizing the provisionality of claims to knowledge and the “contestability of interpretations” (ibid., 2012). This view of teaching contrasts markedly with the bold certainties of McKinsey and Company (2007) or DfE (2016), which seem to claim that studies of educational systems have delivered stipulations that can orientate teaching practice toward delivering prescribed educational outcomes. Teaching as a professional endeavor requires teachers to have the opportunity to reflect on and make judgements both about which forms of knowledge or research studies they should consider and about the quality and appropriacy of these studies, having discretion around how they then employ this knowledge to adapt their practice (or not) in the light of its claims and insights. Such a form of professionalism requires programs of teacher education which have considerable involvement from higher education to enable novice teachers to develop their expertise in engaging with research, and this may entail significant academic studies as much as acquaintance with forms of practice (Winch, 2010). Teaching conceived as a professional endeavor assumes that educational knowledge will be equipped to “capture and retell narratives of experience” (Winch et al., 2015, 210), reflecting the complexities of classroom practice and the nuances of

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interaction in educational contexts. It also assumes “a significant role for educational theory” (ibid., 206) that can support practitioners in developing their capacities as scholars and, possibly, engaging in systematic enquiry into their own practice, thus contributing to a reservoir of curated specialized educational knowledge. This conception of teaching strongly suggests a form of disciplinarity is necessary that can provide the discursive conditions that can sustain debate on educational issues and challenge new claims to educational knowledge (Bridges, 2006). This entails, therefore, the involvement of higher education and a disciplinary, inter-disciplinary or “multi” disciplinary structure to the study of education (McCulloch, 2017), while not necessarily negating the potential for other forms of educational research that are produced beyond the academy, providing teachers have the opportunity to weigh the claims of these non-academic and policy-orientated forms of research. However, this in turn implies that practitioners possess a specific “procedural” form of expertise (Winch, 2010) in order to engage with fresh claims and conjectures, and to differentiate appropriately between forms of knowledge as they seek to make judgements in practice (Shalem, 2014; Barrett & Hordern, 2021). The requirement for a reservoir of specialized educational knowledge does, however, raise further questions, including what shape or focus this educational knowledge should take and how this educational knowledge should be made available to teachers so as to be assured of their engagement. In what way can this specialized educational knowledge secure and sustain its disciplinarity or its “power” (Bridges, 2006; Young & Muller, 2013)? What would be the relation between educational knowledge (in production) and its recontextualization into a teacher education curriculum? And what does any particular conception of educational knowledge suggest for relations with other disciplinary forms in higher education, and for relations with educational practice?

Distinguishing Between Forms of Education (al) Knowledge Whitty outlines a useful distinction between aspects of research on education that can further open up an analysis of educational knowledge. He terms “educational” the forms of research that are “consciously geared toward improving policy and practice,” while “education research” is used broadly to “characterise the whole field” (2006, 173). He emphasizes “education research” as an “inclusive conception. . .including-but not limited to-education(al) research” (173), therefore incorporating research not “specifically geared to improving policy and practice” (2006, 173), and also asserts the role of universities and the education research community in resisting “any pressure to restrict what counts as research in education” (ibid.). This broad conception has the advantage of ensuring that there is potential for research on education to be continuously enriched by new perspectives, including from what are considered the “foundation disciplines” in the UK and the USA (i.e., philosophy, sociology, history and psychology of education) in addition to other disciplinary areas such as the economics and geography of education and comparative studies (Lawn & Furlong, 2009). Education research can therefore be attuned to wider economic, political and social changes through

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connections to academic study in the humanities and social sciences. However, the relation between the “educational” and the broader “education” dimension of research can be conceived in numerous ways, and this might include a system of knowledge production in which the “educational” takes little interest in developments in the broader sphere of “education research,” or a scenario in which “educational” concerns dominate to such an extent that broader research on education increasingly conforms to whatever predilections dominate the policy sphere (as discussed in Hordern (2018)). It is here where Bernsteinian work on the sociology of knowledge is helpful in suggesting a means for conceptualizing disciplinarity in educational knowledge and providing an indication as to how this knowledge may be shaped by the concerns of educational practice, and thus in turn shape forms of teacher education. The notions of “singular” and “region,” representing “pure” and “applied” disciplines respectively, have been usefully employed to explore differing dimensions of professional and educational knowledge (Young & Muller, 2014; Whitty & Furlong, 2017). A “region” representing bodies of knowledge that relate to a profession, occupation or applied area of study (Bernstein, 2000; Young & Muller, 2014) is initially comprised through the recontextualization of singulars to develop a new body of knowledge. This process is governed by a form of “principle” or “supervening purpose” (Muller, 2009, 213) that represents the imperatives of the profession or occupation (i.e., see medicine or human resource management – Hordern, 2016a), or conceivably the demands of new technology or work practice (i.e., cognitive science or communications and media – Bernstein (2000, 52)). While medicine will draw on singulars such as the physical and biological sciences, and is likely to draw upon these resources continuously in a “proximate” relationship as new research findings emerge, translating these for medical contexts, human resource management can be said to draw intermittently and “distantly” on aspects of psychology and sociology and cognate fields of management science (Hordern, 2016a). In a singular (for example History or Physics) recontextualization between knowledge production and curriculum forms (in higher education for example) often involves a relatively restricted group of academics and subject experts in most cases. However, regions are often characterized by recontextualization processes that involve multiple stakeholders (professional associations, employers, educational institutions, policy institutes, and practitioners), increasing the opportunity for contestation but also for the prioritizing of knowledge forms that do not have their origins in disciplines. Decisions around what to recontextualize (the selection of knowledge), and in what way this knowledge should be transformed for the knowledge base and for curricula (transformation of knowledge), are further complicated by questions about how often to recontextualize (continuously or intermittently) (see Hordern, 2016a, 2017b). Moreover, there are often ongoing debates as to what the overall “purpose” of the region is (e.g., see the case of nursing (McNamara & Fealy, 2014) or HRM (Hordern, 2016a)), and therefore which aspects of knowledge should be recontextualized therein. Problems of practice may be defined and accented differently, depending on which employers, agencies, institutions, practitioners or branches of government one engages with.

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Whitty’s (2006) characterization of “educational research“seems to suggest a form of “region” producing “applied” knowledge for educational practice, in particular as regards school teaching, although this could also encompass other practitioners engaged in the practice of education. On the other hand the broad scope of “education research” could potentially be conceived as (i) a set of “fragments of singulars” including the foundation disciplines and other ancillary elements (i.e., as outlined by Lawn & Furlong, 2009), (ii) as a more unified singular built around a shared “bounded” conception of what constitutes “education” (i.e., roughly corresponding to hermeneutic German educational thought – Schriewer, 2017; Furlong & Whitty, 2017), or as (iii) a region itself, constructed to meet the needs of educational professions or of educational practice, broadly conceived (see Hordern, 2017a, 206–7; Barrett & Hordern, 2021), and here “educational” concerns may potentially encroach on the broader work on “education.” Whitty’s (2006) argument that educational research remain open to developments in the broader more inclusive sphere of education research involving universities and a broad body of researchers on education suggests the co-existence of a region governed by a specific purpose (i.e., educational research for educational policy and practice) and a set of singulars represented by various disciplinary perspectives (i.e., approximating to version (i) above). Recontextualization between these “regional” and “singular” entities may therefore be based around a “supervening purpose” which may be dominated by government and its policy objectives, or influential actors within educational practice, educational entrepreneurs, or practitioners themselves, all with various levels of cognizance of and interest in debates concerning the wider body of researchers on education. Moreover, the region of educational research may choose to draw upon knowledge produced by research organizations operating outside the academic research community. As a consequence of this, and as a result of how the “problems of practice” are defined (Hordern, 2017b), different forms of disciplinary “singular” knowledge will be recontextualized into the “applied” mix of educational knowledge. The instrumental technical conception of teaching outlined earlier relates to a form of region that is governed by a purpose and problematic that is most likely shaped by the government, or in a “self-improving system” by increasingly powerful educational organizations and leaders. This is unlikely to leave much room for disciplinary perspectives on education as the region narrows its scope to focus on problems framed and defined by the specific policy or organizational imperatives of the day. Where recontextualization from singulars does occur, there is a risk that specific disciplinary perspectives will be taken into the region without due reference to the central debates of the disciplines that first caused them to arise (Hordern, 2017a, b). In such a move a specific perspective from psychology (e.g., behaviorism) or sociology (e.g., functionalism) could take on unjustified prominence in the sphere of educational research, with the region ill-equipped to critique or challenge through the language or the discipline from whence it came. Part of the difficulty is likely to lie in the “distant” relationship between the region and relevant singulars (Hordern, 2016a) implied by such a scenario. The region can carry on with minimal awareness of developments in broader disciplinary studies, wrapped up in its objective to meet

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the perceived needs of policy and practice as defined by influential voices of policy makers or educational “leaders.” Further, this can potentially dissolve into a “generic,” where the connection to the disciplines is completely absent and the “instrumentalities of the market” (Bernstein, 2000, 55) or government priorities predominate. Alternatively, if teaching is viewed as a professional endeavor, there is clearly an important role for specialized knowledge about education in informing the region of educational knowledge. Equally, if teachers are assumed to require a more substantive professional status then they can be seen as more influential in shaping the purpose and problematic of the region. Teachers, with insight into practice and some discretion over how that practice is conceived, thus become central players in determining which forms of knowledge about education become “educational” in the sense of achieving recognition in the “region” for their value in offering insight into the nature of practice. The region-singular distinction may be retained, with perhaps the defining feature being the “proximity” between the different elements (Hordern, 2016a), with knowledge recontextualized continuously. Continuous and proximate recontextualization requires, however, that something like “a community of arguers” (Bridges, 2006) is formed that crosses the boundaries between academia and practice and is able to interpret and translate each other’s concerns and debates – academic research is seen as relevant in shaping practice concerns while drawing on disciplinary resources sensitively to build a web of educational concepts that could increasingly represent a more cohesive body of educational knowledge.

What Education (al) Knowledge Is Therefore Needed for Teacher Education? While much Bernsteinian and social realist research has made advances in identifying forms of specialized or “powerful“knowledge in a range of school and university subjects and disciplines (i.e., Morgan & Lambert, 2017), what might constitute “powerful” or specialized educational knowledge (for teachers) has not been extensively debated (an exception here is the work of Marshall (2014) highlighting the potential importance of Durkheim, and see Hordern (2021) for further discussion of the nuanced relationship between “specialized” and “powerful” knowledge). Some might view specialized educational knowledge as necessarily associated with whatever subject or discipline is to be taught or researched. So, in such a conception, specialized educational knowledge in history is necessarily rather different from specialized educational knowledge in Maths or the physical sciences, as pedagogy must be seen as associated with the specific knowledge structure of any given subject or discipline (Gamble, 2014). While this curriculum-pedagogy relation specific to the discipline is important, it does not cover aspects of specialized educational thought that enables autonomous pedagogical judgment (i.e., the problematization of the relationship between curriculum-pedagogy and assessment (as discussed in Bernstein, 2000)), political, philosophical and sociological ideas that relate to conceptions of educational practice, and the contested areas of the pastoral and

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“public service” dimensions of teachers’ work. Without such specialized educational knowledge, teachers are more easily persuaded by the conceptions of teaching and educational reform of those operating outside of their subject/discipline, and are at risk of conceiving their work and professionalism too narrowly (Barrett & Hordern, 2021). Moreover, the ongoing development of disciplinary or subject pedagogies is likely better informed by a concern with the core problematics of teaching practice, and by encouragement to examine the differences between subjects as much as that which is subject-specific (Morgan & Lambert, 2017). So what education (al) knowledge could sustain the conception of teaching as a professional endeavor, and would make Winch et al.’s (2015) critical reflection possible? What conceptual resources providing a starting point for this “education (al)” knowledge ensemble? One approach to this is to rehearse the argument that teaching should be seen as a specialized activity, important for society in its conveying of a body of specialized knowledge, in socializing young people and offering routes to their empowerment (Biesta, 2010; Bernstein, 2000). Such a specialized activity can be seen as demanding specialized knowledge answering to the purpose of the practice (Hordern, 2015), and here we can suggest that knowledge should be specialized to an educational purpose, in other words attuned to specifically educational questions and concerns (Hordern et al., 2021), rather than a body of knowledge that is either an “adjunct of sociology” (Schriewer & Keiner, 1992, 44), a variant of applied psychology, or a set of techniques or “technical protocols” (Winch et al., 2015). This suggests that certain forms of knowledge should be drawn into the educational category by virtue of their relation to the enactment of specialized educational activities. Such knowledge should enable deliberative professional judgement in and outside classroom contexts, including (for example) the pedagogisation of curriculum knowledge or “curriculum-making” (Morgan & Lambert, 2017), and cognizance of issues of validity, reliability and manageability and the fallibility of assessment measures. It also suggests that teachers are familiar with debates about educational purpose, the relationship between education and society, and the history of educational thought, in addition to other disciplinary perspectives noted above (Barrett & Hordern, 2021). Familiarity with specialized knowledge will enable teachers to make judgements about new knowledge claims, understand the assumptions that underpin fresh arguments for educational reform and to make “good sense” (Winch et al., 2015, 209) of the educational contexts that they encounter. With conceptual resources brought together around central educational questions and phenomena, academic and practitioners have the capacity to hypothesize alternative pedagogies and to judge their suitability for specific subjects to be taught, enabling education(al) knowledge to provide approaches to emerging problems that have rigorous support. The purpose of a body of specialized educational knowledge should therefore be to develop rich conceptualizations of educational practice that are informed by philosophical, historical, psychological and sociological debates but are not completely immersed in them. German educational thought has, in contrast to the development of theory in the Anglophone sphere, succeeded in developing a distinct educational discipline that builds on a long tradition of educational thought that foregrounds central concepts such as Bildung and Didaktik that provide a necessary

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focus and problematic for educational debate (Schriewer, 2017; see also Muller & Hoadley, 2017), and a means for teachers to engage with the nature of their practice. This tradition is, in Furlong and Whitty’s (2017) analysis, strongly “normative” in that it considers issues of what education should be as inextricable from educational research. In the notion of Bildung, it connects education with conceptions of the relationship between the individual and society – “the individual student’s access to the world” (Hopmann, 2007, 115). It is also the exemplar for Biesta’s (2011) suggestion that education can be seen an “interested” discipline with an interest in the “process of becoming human” (188–9), in the manner of medicine or Law (with their concerns for health and justice). This can also be seen as aligning strongly with the argument that educational practice is specialized, and requires specialized knowledge, precisely because it is of particular value to society (Hordern, 2015). How would this knowledge therefore translate into knowledge-rich teacher education? It seems important here to return to the issue of teacher professionalism and the notion of “formation.” As Grace identifies, “social service“or welfare professions are facing “an attempted market culture colonisation” as part of a “re-engineering” of educational institutions “to become service agencies for increasing the competitive edge of the economy” (2014, 23). This must be seen as part of a process of globalized capitalism which is commodifying knowledge and separating this knowledge from personal “commitments” and “dedications” as these are “impediments” (Bernstein, 2000, 86) to the flow of capital. Teacher education thus becomes primarily an instrumental process developing technicians who are “exempt from moral and ethical considerations” (Grace, 2014, 27), who no longer have either a commitment to the vocational aspect of their work or interest in the knowledge and understanding that has historically underpinned their profession. However, this leaves them rudderless in the face of their practice – having recourse only to the “protocols” (Winch et al., 2015) made available to them, or a “commonsense” feeling of what might be right to do based on their sensibilities and experiences. Knowledge-rich teacher education would need, therefore, to re-connect the relationship between commitments and knowledge so that teachers undertake a formative process which enables them to see that something important is “at stake” (Rouse, 2007) in their engagement in teaching practice – that their work has a purpose beyond the pressures of implementing school or government policies and (summative) assessment. This means rebuilding a normativity and sense of purpose in teacher education that teachers own collectively through a truly representative professional association, and using this as the yardstick to judge which contributory forms of knowledge should be included in the teacher education process.

Challenges to Knowledge-Rich Teacher Education: Varied Grammar and Contested Recontextualization As part of his work on knowledge structures Bernstein (1999) discusses the concept of “grammaticality“which represents a means of delineating between horizontal knowledge structures within vertical discourse. While some disciplines (math,

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economics, linguistics) possess a “strong grammar” by virtue of their “explicit conceptual syntax capable of ‘relatively’ precise empirical descriptions,” other disciplines (sociology, cultural studies) possess a “weak grammar,” where these features are largely absent (1999, 164). Grammaticality is also influenced by the extent to which a discipline stipulates “rigorous restrictions” on the “phenomena” to be studied (1999, 164) – while linguistics focuses on the nature of language structure, a sociologist can study a wide range of topics providing this is approached with a degree of sociological “imagination” (Wright Mills, 1959). Grammar thus represents a means of describing the relationship between what Bernstein (2000) calls the “external” and “internal” languages of description in the study of a broad or restricted set of phenomena. Where this relationship between languages of description is strong and phenomena restricted then research findings are framed in terms of the internal conceptual language of the discipline, while the concepts themselves are responsive to new empirical developments or exemplifications, albeit in a manner which does not consent to adaptation without strong warrant. The intention of the discipline is to build a rich body of knowledge about specific phenomena (for example language structure). A characteristic of such a disciplinary form is a clearly articulated set of procedures or core problematic (Winch, 2010), and boundaries around what it means to (for example) “do” psychology or history. A strong grammar in educational knowledge is problematic, not least because of the diversity of studies of educational phenomena and research traditions (Furlong & Whitty, 2017; Hordern, 2016b). Current educational research in the Anglophone countries has few restrictions on the phenomena of study – what can be characterized as “education” or “educational” is very broad, as a consequence of the multi-faceted nature of educational research (Furlong, 2013). In England, for example, we have disciplinary traditions of educational knowledge that only occasionally engage with each other (Lawn & Furlong, 2009; McCulloch, 2017), a considerable amount of practice-based inquiry that is largely non-cumulative (Furlong, 2013), and recent governments that have increasingly dismissed or ignored academic educational research (Barrett & Hordern, 2021). Furthermore, the relationship between the “internal” and “external” languages of the study of education is not always synergistic. It could be argued that there are multiple internal educational languages running alongside each other, and many empirical projects that lack theorization or a necessary relation to an existing body of educational thought. In essence, educational researchers have considerable freedom in choosing what to study and how to study it, as there is little consensus around what constitutes an educational body of knowledge (Furlong & Whitty, 2017). Moreover, there have been increasing limitations on funding for educational research in Anglophone countries, while simultaneously that research which is funded by public money has narrowed its purview to areas of specific interest to policy makers (Furlong, 2013; Hordern et al., 2021). The fragmentary nature of educational research thus makes problematic any transition toward more “knowledge-rich” teacher education. It is difficult to select appropriate knowledge to form a coherent teacher education curriculum if knowledge traditions have little common ground or point of reference. The grounds for a form of “conceptual coherence” (Muller, 2009) for the teacher education curriculum are

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more difficult to find in such conditions, and we can be left solely with curriculum coherence to specific practice contexts. Such a curriculum may be adequate for teachers to practice technically, but offers minimal grounds for the “critical reflection” or transformation of practice suggested by Winch et al. (2015). The challenges to the achievement of knowledge-rich teacher education are compounded by the complexity of recontextualization processes that involve the selection and transformation of knowledge for teacher education. Educational issues generate much interest and opinion from the public, parents, government, industry and other professional groups, in addition to educational practitioners and the academic community involved in researching and teaching educational studies. In many countries education is subject to extensive policy intervention and reform, in particular to meet the assumed requirements of the economy, while public debate is full of contestation around what constitutes a good or worthwhile education. While many practitioners and academics have historically seen education as being a process of qualification, socialization, and individual development, since the 1970s we have seen the rise of a narrow focus on qualification (i.e., education as preparation for work) as an all-consuming concern of political groups in many nations (Biesta, 2010). Bernstein (2000) identified the contest between the “official” and “pedagogic” recontextualizing fields as knowledge is selected from the “field of production” to form a curriculum in the “field of recontextualisation,” a process that is echoed in teacher education, where governments are increasingly active in stipulating teachers’ knowledge and certification processes (Tatto & Hordern, 2017). This tension can be contrasted with the recontextualization processes at work in professions such as medicine and engineering, where professional bodies and partnerships between academic communities and practitioners hold more sway in the development of education and accreditation for professionals (Young & Muller, 2014; Hordern, 2016a). However, the specific dynamics of recontextualization are calibrated by the national educational policy context. The lack of mediating institutions or academic or practitioner input to the recontextualization process for teacher education in England results in an increasing absence of disciplinary knowledge and a focus on a narrow forms of generic competency which is increasingly geared to the forms of “organizational” professionalism valued by newly influential leaders and their networks (Hordern, 2014; Whitty, 2014; Hordern & Tatto, 2018). This can be contrasted with the situation in Scotland, where the selection and transformation of knowledge for the teacher education curriculum occurs through a more consensual and institutionalized forum that involves academia and the teaching profession (Hulme & Menter, 2011). A brief example from international comparative studies of math teacher education can serve to further illustrate the diversity of educational knowledge and the recontextualization dynamic. Mathematics itself can be described as approximating to a horizontal knowledge structure in vertical discourse with a very strong form of grammar (Bernstein, 1999). While Mathematics possesses “a set of discrete languages for particular problems” (ibid., 163), reasoned exemplification and theoretical progression are inextricable – the validity of new theorems must be demonstrated by proofs underpinned by deductive reasoning (O’Halloran, 2007).

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This suggests that the teacher education curriculum for mathematics teachers is likely to have a degree of universality, at least in those components which relate to mathematics (i.e., mathematical content knowledge and forms of curriculum development specifically for mathematics). Drawing on the TEDS-M study, which profiled maths teacher education across 17 countries, Tatto and Hordern (2017) show that this is indeed the case, with forms of maths covered in teacher education exhibiting considerable similarities by virtue of the strong grammar expectations of the discipline. However, what this profiling also shows is that despite these similarities in the maths component, the programs of teacher education vary noticeably across nations as the pedagogical or specifically educational component differs markedly. What counts as education studies or pedagogical science for mathematics teacher educators in Singapore is different from Germany, which is different again for the United States (Tatto & Hordern, 2017). For example, while German maths teacher education includes a concern for “pastoral and counselling” dimensions of teaching, this is absent in Singapore and the programs studied in the USA. In Singapore “classroom management” and “instructional media” were covered in depth, while in the programs studied in the USA, there was a stronger focus on “the needs of diverse (underserved) students” (Tatto & Hordern, 2017, 272). Thus each country draws upon a different aspects of educational knowledge in accordance with a specific national (or sub-national in the case of Germany and the United States) recontextualization dynamic which is shaped also by specific knowledge traditions foregrounded in that jurisdiction (Furlong & Whitty, 2017).

Concluding Remarks Despite the not inconsiderable challenges, it is the argument of this chapter that it is worth holding on to the possibility of greater disciplinarity and specialization in educational knowledge, and this can be of benefit to teacher education curricula internationally. While national differences will always remain, greater agreement around a “conceptual core” of educational knowledge that can then be worked upon, tested, and iterated over time in multiple academic and practice contexts seems a worthy aspiration for the sake of genuinely beneficial educational “outcomes” that reach beyond a narrow concern with “qualification.” This does not necessarily imply a restriction of academic research on education to certain conceptual areas, rather the building of educational research traditions that speak to normative concerns and are interested in the development or “formation“of educational practitioners, students and pupils, drawing on related sociological, historical, philosophical and psychological work. It suggests a definition of an educational discipline that speaks to specialized educational purposes, a discipline that is something other than an “adjunct of sociology” (Schriewer & Keiner, 1992) or a reductive form of policy evaluation. This could be a practically orientated discipline with some similarity to the orientation of politics or ethics (Deng, 2021), or a “pedagogic compact” (Muller & Hoadley,

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2021) which reconciles elements of Anglophone, European, and indeed potentially other traditions. Such conceptualizations suggest a more clearly defined body of knowledge with a central set of questions or problematics, and a way of thinking “educationally” that nevertheless is rich with debates about the development of individuals in society (Hordern et al., 2021). Whitty and Furlong’s (2017) recent book provides some further avenues to explore in this respect. As noted above, the hermeneutic German tradition of educational thought is both normative and highly specialized (Schriewer, 2017), and consists of core concepts (i.e., Bildung, Didaktik) that nevertheless are subject to considerable debate, re-interpretation, and recalibration in the light of new insights and findings (Westbury et al., 1999; Deng, 2018). This is not a tradition that constrains, as the phenomena for investigation are lightly restricted and open to iteration (i.e., see the multiple variants of Bildung and Didaktik noted in Hopmann, 2007). There is an encouragement to researchers to engage with previous and current exposition and to write within the tradition (Schriewer, 2017) – and therefore a context in which “theoretical interdependence” has been reinforced by “social interdependence,” sustaining a body of knowledge supported by a disciplinary community (Muller, 2009, 212). Nevertheless, it is important to note critical commentary on the Didactical tradition, in particular, in respect of its “effectiveness” and “usability,” and the dominance of its most prominent models (Zierer & Seel, 2012). In Latvia, the tradition of pedagogija, which has much in common with other continental European traditions (Zogla, 2017) exists both as an academic discipline and as a basis for a “teacher’s professional philosophy” (Zogla, 2017, 106). Pedagogija is thus simultaneously an “intellectual and a practical framework” that encourages teachers to “integrate teaching, learning and the subject-matter” to “initiate the appropriate pedagogical process” (108) while recognizing mutual dependence between pedagogical actors as students gradually move toward greater autonomy. Such traditions tread a fine line, however, between being open to new ideas and forms of academic conservatism that may overly restrict what is considered an acceptable claim to knowledge – there is always a risk in “routinized activity” and the “bureaucratisation of intellectual life” (Collins, 1998, 799) if innovations are unreasonably suppressed. However, while these traditions offer important clues as to what is valuable and sustainable in an educational disciplinary tradition, it is important to note their vulnerability to empiricism, forms of educational science, and to the whims and politicized initiatives of some policy makers (Schriewer, 2017; Zogla, 2017; Furlong & Whitty, 2017; Hordern et al., 2021). Withstanding the tide of policy takes more than an epistemological tradition – it takes ongoing social activity to sustain disciplinary cultures and communities – the “social interdependence“that Muller (2009, 212) and Collins (1998) highlight as vital to disciplinarity, but this will only occur when academics and practitioners take decisions to continually refresh it through their research and network activity. With such strength may come better opportunities not only to withstand but to increasingly influence future policy directions in respect of teacher education and the curriculum.

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Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States

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Kara Mitchell Viesca, A. Lin Goodwin, Anu Warinowski, and Mirjamaija Mikkila¨-Erdmann

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education in Finland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality in the Finnish Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research-Based Teacher Education Supporting Quality Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lessons and Gaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education in Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Does Research Say About Teacher Quality? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lessons and Gaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education in the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Does Research Say About Teacher Quality? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lessons and Gaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collaborative Curiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wholistic Self-Determination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Equity Through Pluralism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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K. M. Viesca (*) University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Lincoln, NE, USA e-mail: [email protected] A. L. Goodwin Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China Lynch School of Education and Human Development, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] A. Warinowski Faculty of Education, University of Turku, Turku, Finland e-mail: anu.warinowski@utu.fi M. Mikkilä-Erdmann Department for Teacher Education, Center for Research on Learning and Instruction (CERLI), University of Turku, Turku, Finland e-mail: mirmik@utu.fi © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_15

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Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338

Abstract

During an era of globalization and increasing geo-political complexity, strong international intellectual communities committed to quality teachers is crucial. “[H]igher expectations for learning and greater diversity of learners around the globe will likely be better met if nations can learn from each other about what matters and what works in different contexts” (Darling-Hammond 2017, 307). Yet, the successes or challenges regarding quality teacher education that occur in varied national contexts are often dismissed as being irrelevant to quality teacher education in another national context (Partanen 2011). While particular contextual nuances are relevant, the commonalities and opportunities for improved research and practice through collaboration among/within national contexts is expansive (Darling-Hammond 2017; Edge et al., 2017; Zhao 2010). It is within this landscape that a team of researchers from the Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States are collaborating to examine teacher education research and practice in three unique contexts in order to co-construct shared understandings and possibilities grounded in principles of quality teacher education. The study examines models, research, and standards utilized in teacher education in each national site that together suggest internationally shared principles of quality teacher education to inform and ground ongoing international research and practice: collaborative curiosity, wholistic self-determination, and equity through pluralism. Keywords

Teacher Education · Teacher Quality · International Collaborative Research

Introduction During an era of growing nationalism and far-right extremism across many national contexts, the need to sustain, expand and foster strong international intellectual communities committed to diversity and the quality development of teachers is crucial. Darling-Hammond et al. (2017) suggested that, “higher expectations for learning and greater diversity of learners around the globe will likely be better met if nations can learn from each other about what matters and what works in different contexts” (p. 307). Yet, the successes or challenges regarding quality teacher education that occur in varied national contexts are often dismissed as irrelevant to the successes or challenges of quality teacher education in another national context (Partanen, 2011). Such dismissals are neither helpful nor necessary. While the complexities and nuances of each particular national context are relevant and should be acknowledged, the commonalities and opportunities for improved research and

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practice in collaboration and informed by the work occurring among/within national contexts is expansive (Darling-Hammond, 2017; Edge et al., 2017; Zhao, 2010). Sociopolitical histories and contemporary contexts vary, as do resources and governmental structures. Nevertheless, an idea shared internationally is that teaching is an exceptionally complex and demanding profession. It requires expertise that is developed, refined, and renewed through formal and informal learning throughout a teacher’s education and career (see Metsäpelto et al., 2021). Additionally, there is also a shared international challenge of working in racial, economic, cultural, and linguistic social hierarchies that impact the work and possibilities of quality teacher education for all students. Souto-Manning (2019) specifies the ways these hierarchies impact how quality teaching itself is operationalized as well as promoted, thus suggesting a further shared opportunity of internationally interrogating and disrupting inequitable status quo narratives. Further, COVID-19, as a shared crisis, has unified the world in ways not witnessed in centuries, while also creating new divisions and social unrest. With current migration patterns of historical proportions and growing resistance to shifting population demographics in varying national contexts, along with a rise in authoritarianism and fascism exacerbated by the global pandemic, the need to expand our research and thinking globally is both real and timely. It is within this context that a team of researchers from Finland, Hong Kong (HK), and the United States (US) is collaborating to examine teacher education research and practice in our varying contexts in order to co-construct shared understandings and possibilities grounded in multicultural/multinational principles of quality teacher education. This chapter is an examination of research and standards utilized in teacher education in the three countries under investigation that together suggest shared principles of quality teacher education that can inform and ground ongoing international research and practice. Engaging in teacher education through global discourse can influence transnational policy processes (e.g., Bologna process in Europe) and jointly construct expanded understandings about quality teaching globally (Metsäpelto et al., 2021). The opportunity to accomplish these things while moving towards shared principles in quality teacher education is illustrated well through some concepts from legal theory. In legal theory, there is a distinction between the use of rules, standards, and principles. Solum (2009) describes the differences and notes that rules provide the most predictability and certainty and are particularly useful in guiding future conduct. Standards can help in insuring fairness and sensitivity by allowing for flexibility and the consideration of mitigating circumstances. But principles are best suited for the kind of legal tasks that cut across doctrinal fields. In legal theory, the same principle can be relevant across different contexts such as torts, contracts, and the law of wills. He argues, “Principles are particularly well suited to give legal form to concerns which operate in a wide variety of particular contexts” (Solum, 2009, The job of principles section, para 1). A recent international study of teacher practice illustrated how these ideas about the value and ability of principles to “operate in a wide variety of particular contexts” also hold true in educational research. The OPETAN (Observations of Pedagogical Excellence in Teachers Across Nations) project collected data in 31 classrooms across four

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nations: Finland, Germany, England, and the US, using an observation rubric grounded in the Enduring Principles for Learning (Viesca et al., 2022). In this study, the value of looking at principles rather than discrete practices or standards was clear for how it afforded meaningful analysis of classroom observation data across varied national, linguistic, and cultural contexts. Anchoring international research in shared principles created the context for shared data collection and analysis that is difficult to achieve in ways that are culturally and linguistically responsive to the local contexts while also contributing to a broader dataset and understandings across national boundaries. A major finding of this study was the value of grounding international research in principles to organize data collection and analysis. Other recent studies have examined conceptions of teacher professionalism and development across unique jurisdictions such as the United States, Hong Kong, and Australia (Goodwin, 2021), or Australia, Finland, Canada, Singapore, China/Shanghai (Darling-Hammond et al., 2017) in order to enable broad shared principles to emerge that can be more universally educative on an international scale. Additionally, Learning Compass 2030 offers shared principles (https://www.oecd.org/ education/2030-project/teaching-and-learning/learning/learning-compass-2030/in_ brief_Learning_Compass.pdf) through “a collaboration. . .among partners from around the world.” Led by OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), the project aims to identify directions for learning, and therefore teaching, that offer “a broad vision” and a “broad structure” for “a common language and understanding that is globally relevant and informed, while providing space to adapt the framework to local contexts.” It is these perspectives and an interest in growing the possibilities of international collaborative research that undergirded this exploration. Through a brief discussion of the research and standards in each of the three countries under examination, strengths of the different systems have been identified and inform the principles put forward at the end of the chapter. These principles can play an important role in furthering efforts to create a foundation for international collaborative research – research that deliberately accounts for the varied contexts of local work while also creating the possibility to meaningfully research beyond it. Each of the following three sections explores one national context seeking to answer the following questions: • What are definitions and indicators of teacher quality that impact teacher education? • What does the research say about teacher quality in initial teacher education? • What are the lessons from this context and what are the gaps?

Teacher Education in Finland The national context in Finland has a long history concerning education. There has been quite a rapid shift from a rural society to a modern society, in which the Finnish education system has come to be appreciated globally. In Finland, there is still high

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regard for teachers and the teaching profession even though there are signs that such societal status is in decline. The Finnish education system has its roots in the Evangelican Lutheran church’s initiatives in teaching reading and writing for all citizens. Equity is therefore a basic principle that defines Finnish education: the same education system covers all Finnish children and the system is based on public, freeof-charge schooling from preschool through university. Additionally, targeted support for children with any type of learning difficulty is consistently developed and offered for all. For example, entrance to university is possible via a variety of pathways in the secondary school system, making university attendance itself more equitable. While equity has been a basic principle in Finnish education for decades, there are contemporary issues that need to be addressed like attending to the varying contextual backgrounds of different learners as well as disrupting segregation issues in the teaching profession based on gender.

Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality in the Finnish Context There are three main components of teacher education in Finland that impact quality teaching. First, teacher education in Finland is highly selective, so efforts to impact quality teaching begin with recruiting the best potential candidates via student selection through entrance exams. Finnish teacher education programs are competitive and have entrance examinations that include two phases, then admit only around 10% of the students who seek entrance. Second, teacher education in Finland occurs at the master’s level through university studies, which means that teachers build a strong relationship between research and practice. And third, the relationship between research and practice is further strengthened as teacher candidates conduct their own research and have substantial experience via guided teaching practice in training schools associated with universities. The current Finnish teacher education model is a result of major reforms that took place during the 1970s. Since that time, teacher education programs from early childhood education to secondary content teacher training have all taken place in universities, deepening a relationship between research and practice in developing quality teachers across these three articulated teacher education components. Since 2016, the Ministry of Education and Culture in Finland has been developing teacher education and improving its quality. For instance, they launched the national Teacher Education Forum to enhance national collaboration in teacher education. Also, in recent years, tens of millions of euros were targeted to development projects in teacher education. One of these projects was the OVET (DOORS) project which developed a national entrance examination and research-based aptitude testing measures for the selection of teacher candidates into teacher education (Mikkilä-Erdmann et al., 2019). Quality teaching in the Finnish context is constructed around key competencies that are perceived as critical for the teaching profession. In the OVET project, seven universities collaborated to develop a Finnish research-based competence model for teaching, the MAP model (Multidimensional Adapted Process for teaching). The

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MAP model is based on Blömeke’s model (2015) that distinguishes between teacher competences (performance) and competencies (knowledge and skills) underlying and enabling quality teaching and situation-specific skills such as perceiving, interpreting, and decision making in classrooms. This multidimensional model articulates general competencies that all teachers in Finland should share. The emphasis of each competency varies depending on the context in which a teacher is working (e.g., the developmental age and stage of students or the specific school subject). The MAP model competencies work comprehensively to illustrate holistic characteristics regarding teacher competence, viewed as a continuum that begins with selection and admission into teacher education programs through pre-service preparation and into in-service teacher learning opportunities (Metsäpelto et al., 2021). For teacher candidates, some competencies can be achieved even before they enter initial teacher education and are therefore viewed as potential that is accounted for in the selection phase. Based on the MAP model, the initial teacher education phase is considered pivotal in the professional development process (Mikkilä-Erdmann et al., 2019). Currently the MAP model defines teacher quality in the Finnish context. The five dimensions of competencies in the MAP model are the following: (1) Knowledge base of teaching and learning (e.g., content, pedagogical, and contextual knowledge), (2) Cognitive skills (e.g., critical thinking and problemsolving, creativity, and metacognition), (3) Social skills (e.g., emotional skills, diversity, and intercultural competence), (4) Personal orientations (e.g., values, motivational orientations, and professional identity), and (5) Professional wellbeing (e.g., stress management strategies, and resilience). As described above, in Finland, teaching is considered an exceptionally complex and demanding profession that requires different kinds of expertise which is developed, transformed, and renewed through formal teacher education and informal learning throughout a teacher’s education and career. Such a complex process of teacher learning necessarily entails transformations and requires the cognitive, motivational, and affective skills that teachers use in their classroom practices (Metsäpelto et al., 2021). Furthermore, teacher quality is operationalized in Finland as including a strong professional identity and clear understandings of the professional values and ethics of teaching in the larger societal context. Therefore, quality teaching is assumed to have an impact on both student achievement (cognitive outcomes and emotional well-being) as well as on societal development. In Finland, teachers are considered important agents for the future (Metsäpelto et al., 2021). Recent developments and challenges in society, like Covid-19, climate change, and international conflicts, have presented huge challenges to teacher education in Finland as well. These large issues can be tackled with wide national and international collaboration and dialogue. The most important feature of the Finnish educational system and teacher education is the dialogue between all stakeholders, including teachers, the educational research community, and the government. Such dialogue is how teacher education in Finland is striving to move successfully into the future given all the local, national, and international challenges.

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By focusing on collaboration and dialogue locally, nationally, and internationally, anticipatory work that creates new educational futures is possible (see also Mikkilä-Erdmann et al., 2019). Such forward thinking collaboration began after the OVET project ended and its work continued in a new project to build the Finnish Teacher Education Database (FinTED). FinTED (https://sites.utu.fi/finted/en/), a research infrastructure that is a dynamic national database for teacher education. FinTED will be constructed and implemented through extensive national collaboration between higher education institutions. The basis of the database is national research data collected first to establish a baseline, and then in follow-up research. Another important national research collaboration between the Universities of Jyväskylä and Turku, is the SITE-project (“Student selection and competence development in the continuum of preservice and in-service teacher education” 2021–2025), that was funded by the Academy of Finland. The SITE-project examines how competencies measured at the selection phase predict the competency development of future classroom teachers during the first three years of study as a teacher candidate as well as the subsequent teaching quality at times of transition to working life. In addition to survey methods and modelling based on big data and case studies, process methodology, such as eye tracking and narrative methods, were used to capture the development of student teachers’ professional vision. This kind of collaborative research activity is important to boost the research-based development of teacher education and for the quality of teacher education in Finland to remain high.

Research-Based Teacher Education Supporting Quality Teaching The Finnish definition of teaching quality includes the ability to use and engage in research and inquiry as a central component of serving children well (DarlingHammond, 2021). This is accompanied by a deep knowledge base around both content and child development that encompasses a robust definition of what an educated person will experience and learn and a well-developed set of skills for reaching and teaching diverse learners. The general design principle in Finland’s teacher education curriculum is to socialize students into university studies and give them a robust introduction to the educational sciences, empirical research methods, and basic skills and knowledge in teaching subject studies. Students also study communication and foreign languages, especially English and Swedish, for educational purposes, because research literature and many scientific sources needed for academic study are in foreign languages. The idea of research-based studies is to give future teachers tools to develop their competencies and observe complex instructional processes in classroom and support diverse learners. To use research knowledge and skills as the basis for teacher education indicates the professionalization of teaching (Toom et al., 2010). Finnish teachers also have the possibility to continue into doctoral studies because of their Master’s level education. As a result, the teaching profession is valued and teacher quality is defined as “highly intellectual and deeply clinical” (Darling-Hammond, 2021).

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Lessons and Gaps From the Finnish context, at least two lessons can be learned. First, collaboration and dialogue among different stakeholders are seen as an important factor in teacher education. This collaboration includes universities and vocational teacher education, the Ministry of Education and Culture, and other impactful actors like the Trade Union of Education, OAJ (OpetusalanAmmattijärjestö). Second, research provides the core for teacher education both in terms of content and practice. This also includes the development of methodological empirical research skills for teacher candidates during teacher education. However, there is a gap between initial teacher education and in-service teacher education in Finland, which should be linked to research-based professional development. More focused and longitudinal data are needed to support a research-based development of a teacher learning trajectory that includes initial teacher education and in-service teacher learning. Other gaps in Finland include diversity issues. For instance, language and ethnic diversity have been a focus of research and practice for some time, but there is still much that must be done. Especially, diversity needs to be interrogated and attended to more broadly to include, for example, sexual and gender minoritized groups. While gender equity has been a general focal feature of the Finnish society for some time, there still are gender disparities in learning outcomes, especially in relationship to integrating into the labor market.

Teacher Education in Hong Kong A context deeply rooted in Chinese traditions and Confucian philosophy, education is highly valued in Hong Kong as the route to individual betterment and social progress, with an emphasis on hard work, sacrifice for long term goals, community advancement, and self-discipline. Indeed, a focus on education and quality schooling has been a feature of the Hong Kong system for the past 60 years beginning with the expansion of compulsory and free schooling, changes in curriculum, and increased university enrollments, alongside industrial and economic development (Bray et al., 2006). The 1997 return of the territory to China as a special administrative region with its own independent education system headed by the Education Bureau (EDB), sparked another period of focused educational reform. This movement, ongoing for 20 plus years, has been in keeping with changing societal needs, the forces of globalization, economic growth (and ebbs), and evolving conceptions of an educated citizenry framed by a shifting political context. By all counts, Hong Kong can be seen as having made remarkable progress in a relatively short period in terms of universal schooling supported by qualified teachers, comprehensive and enriched curriculum, up-to-date facilities, and ample funding and resources. One indicator of progress is Hong Kong’s performance on international benchmarking assessments, ranking among the top 10 for the past 20 years across almost all the subjects assessed by PISA, PIRLS, and TIMSS. Research indicates that the quality of teachers is

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directly related to students’ achievement, bringing this discussion to a closer look at how teacher quality is conceptualized in Hong Kong.

Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality Hong Kong’s educational reform movement has maintained focus on teacher development undergirded by attention to credentials, knowledge, and skills as well as competencies and the professionalization of teachers (Cheng, in press). This focus was apparent as early as 1984 with the establishment of the Education Commission to advise the government on education directions and policy, and which targeted six key areas including teacher quality. Other noteworthy actions supporting teacher quality included the policy “all-graduate, all-trained” adopted in 1997 requiring teachers to all be university degree holders by 2004 (University Grants Council, n.d., https://www.ugc.edu.hk/doc/eng/ugc/publication/report/hkied_AfUT_review_ report/annex_f_e.pdf ); the establishment of the Advisory Committee on Teacher Education and Qualifications (ACTEQ) that took the place of the Education Commission as advisor to the EDB on education matters; and the crafting of a Teacher Competency Framework (TCF) by ACTEQ (2003). The TCF defined teaching as a “learning profession” with an emphasis on the life-long learning and continuing professional development of teachers. It seeded the notion of continuous learning among teachers as a defining characteristic of quality teachers and teaching: “Every teacher should be a continuous learner in order to advance the quality of our education system and the quality of students’ learning. Continuing professional development of teachers today is crucial to preparing the citizens of tomorrow” (ACTEQ, 2003, p. 1). A second key characteristic of teacher quality revolves around self-assessment and decision-making. Thus, in contrast to teacher standards in many other parts of the world typically designed to ensure “standardization, accountability, and teacher performance for licensing purposes” (Goodwin, 2021, p. 10), the TCF was intended to be “generic,” “a common reference framework for establishing direction and creating momentum in continuing professional development” so as to “enable individual teachers to make meaningful self-evaluations of their learning needs over a wide spectrum of professional experience” (ACTEQ, 2003, p. 1, 6). The language throughout the TCF is similarly revealing and reinforces professional choices and self-assessment. Thus the TCF “provides a template” (p. 6), offers “a traveler’s guide to the world of teachers’ professional development..[and]... lays out the landscape of professional growth,” a “map” that “does not dictate the routes that the traveler has to undertake” (p. 9). The same sense of choice and autonomy applies to Teacher Education Institutes (TEIs) which are not held to specific standards as mandates. Undoubtedly education policy is the purview of EDB, which engages TEIs in the consideration of new policies. Yet, TEIs are self-accrediting and can independently interpret standards; there is no official mechanism to ensure compliance even while TEIs are encouraged

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to implement them, and there is consistency across the TEI programs despite no formal consensus among them about teacher preparation curricula. Choice and teacher autonomy continue as defining aspects of teacher quality reflected in the 2018 T-Standard+ which outlines “The Professional Standards for Teachers of Hong Kong” (PST) recently launched by the Committee on Professional Development of Teachers and Principals (COTAP) (formerly ACTEQ). This is reaffirmed in the preamble to the standards (COTAP, 2015): When teachers grow, so do learners. Dr. Carrie Willis, Former Chairperson, COTAP They (standards) have been developed with the teaching profession for the growth of the profession. With full respect to professional autonomy, T-standard serves as a reference tool for the profession and its supporting partners, ensuring flexibility in its use. Professor HAU Kit-tai, Convenor of T-standard Consortium

The language of the PST re-emphasizes the standards “as reference for professional development planning for teachers” to make individual decisions about their growth and levels of competence. Teacher autonomy is further underscored by the provision of a “Self-Reflection Tool” for teachers to self-assess where they are on the “Professional Growth” continuum of “Threshold, Competent, Distinguished” (COTAP, 2015). However, the PST departs from the TCF in significant ways that illuminate a third indicator of teacher quality. Specifically, the PST is anchored by a student-centered approach, focused on teaching the whole child, and attending to socio-emotional learning and dispositions. Quality teachers are defined as “Caring Cultivators of All-round Growth, Inspirational Co-constructors of Knowledge, and Committed Role Models of Professionalism” who emphasize positive values and attitudes and support students’ personal development, including, understanding and management of oneself. “Moral virtues,” “collegial harmony,” and “deep learning” are also threaded throughout the PST, further highlighting the importance of soft skills and teachers’ pastoral role.

What Does Research Say About Teacher Quality? The Government attaches great importance to teachers’ professional development, and has implemented various measures to enhance teachers’ professional competencies and sustain excellence in education. (Task Force on Professional Development of Teachers, 2019, p. 6)

. . .the T-standard+ describes teachers’ and principals’ competences, which are a combination of knowledge, skills, understanding, values and attributes in action as they perform their duties. Teaching and leading require far more than technical skills. This explains why in the Standards, teachers’ and principals’ missions are interpreted as professional roles they play and the descriptors are written as stories or narratives of teachers and principals taking up their professional roles at different stages of professional growth. (COTAP, 2015, Guiding Principles)

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A recent report by the Task Force on Professional Development of Teachers (TF-PD, 2019) outlined recommendations for achieving greater levels of teaching excellence. Undoubtedly there is much attention being paid to increasing teacher quality in Hong Kong through mechanisms such as “full implementation of the all-graduate teaching force policy as soon as possible” (p. iii), alongside a professional ladder and other leadership or career advancement opportunities for teachers. The report indicates that teacher quality is associated with a qualifying university degree from a teacher education institution, the possession and demonstration of competencies as described by the PST, teachers’ continual growth through ongoing professional development, and further professionalization of teaching. The report relied on “research and literature reviews to learn about the systems and practices in other regions” (p. 3), but does not frame its recommendations with any specific empirical works that analyze or assess notions of teacher quality or professional competence. A scan of scholarship from Hong Kong researchers revealed a similar absence of studies that directly focused on teacher quality–what it means, what evidence supports how it is defined, etc. This is not to suggest that Hong Kong academic literature does not include studies that relate to teacher quality, or as it is typically labeled in this context–teacher professional competence. Indeed, there are many researchers asking questions about professional competence, albeit typically included as a taken-for-granted concept that needs no detailed explanation. Thus, rather than study what teacher professional competence is or how one might use inquiry to determine teacher quality, the research reviewed seemed to focus on a wide range of contexts or variables in relation to teachers’ professional competence, for the purpose of learning how different factors could lead to or enhance the professional competence of teachers. The literature review conducted was layered and involved multiple searches of electronic databases using key descriptors such as teacher quality, preservice teacher preparation, teacher competence, etc. . . .plus “Hong Kong.” To supplement this review, a targeted “hand” search of the profiles of Hong Kong scholars on the websites of (their) local teacher education institutes or on Google Scholar was conducted, in order to identify relevant research outputs. Given the limitation placed on the number of references that can be included in this chapter, a summary of findings will be shared for illustration purposes. One observation was the preponderance of discipline-based studies evaluating specific strategies, methods, knowledge levels or interventions in relation to the teaching of a particular subject (e.g., science), context (e.g., inclusive classrooms) or age group (e.g., early childhood). A second category of studies focused on preservice students’ beliefs, perceptions, or conceptions of professional competence, usually in response to an activity or (field) experience within their initial teacher preparation program. A third kind of study centered on the impact of particular courses or professional development offerings on pre-service (as well as in-service) teachers. Most of the studies concluded with considerations for initial teacher training programs, but with minimal conversation about enriching or specifying definitions of teacher quality or professional competence.

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These observations align with systemic priorities and contextual factors. First, the exam-driven nature of education in Hong Kong that privileges content knowledge on high-stakes tests likely fuels an emphasis on disciplinary instruction and what works best for subject-matter teaching/learning. Second, most of the studies use surveys and interviews, relying on self-report data, so researchers rightly stay within the boundaries of perceptions and experiences. Third, the teacher quality frameworks promulgated by the government have underscored teacher autonomy and selfevaluation, so it is reasonable for researchers to be asking their participants what they think about teacher competence, versus telling them. The recommendations from one article reviewed illustrates this third point well: (1) Teachers are recommended to develop their own sets of competencies that reflect their own pedagogical and educational priorities. . . (2) Promoting self-learning or independent learning would be vital for constructing student teachers’ own knowledge in a process of reflection, and transforming the student teacher into an active agent. (Cheng et al., 2010, p. 101)

But in self-determination, one can choose to ignore or misinterpret; gaps and silences could be in place but simply missed. The issue of equity education and supporting diverse students might be one such example. The majority of the articles reviewed did not include diversity as an issue, goal or analytic lens, suggesting a gap and opportunity for growth.

Lessons and Gaps As illustrated above, in Hong Kong, there is explicit attention to wholistic selfdetermination for teachers and students in teaching and learning processes. This is a promising approach that other nations may wish to take note of and learn from as teacher and student agency can play a strong role in supporting meaningful learning outcomes. However, also in the case of Hong Kong, divergence and diversity for the purpose of achieving equity are still at the somewhat embryonic stage, while the identity of a teacher as a researcher and knowledge generator is just beginning to be a formal systemic aspiration. Two initiatives launched by COTAP to promote teacher/practitioner research include the Sabbatical Leave Scheme for Professional Development of Teachers and Principals in 2018/19 (https://www.cotap.hk/index.php/en/t-train/SabbaticalLeave) and the Education Research Award Scheme in 2021 (https://cotap.hk/index.php/en/t-share/ educational-research-award-scheme). Both schemes aim to “enhance teachers’ professionalism and support their continuous professional development, and promote a research culture within the education sector.” During the sabbatical, “Participating teachers and principals are required to apply their professional learning in completing planned educational research or school development projects,” while the education research scheme “aims to encourage teachers to try out, improve and share new or effective pedagogical practices through conducting educational research.” These new

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schemes provide teachers/principals with support (release time and/or funding), to engage in inquiry that allows them (alone or in teams) to follow their own questions and curiosities as “applicants are free to choose any education themes” and engage in “self-directed planning of local/non-local structured and/or individualized professional learning activities.” In terms of equity and teacher quality, a recent policy directs teacher preparation programs to include special education instruction in their curriculum for all student teachers. The idea of core competencies for teachers, regardless of grade level or subject, is not well-developed, but this policy suggests some new thinking about what all teachers should know and be able to do to address academic diversity. Policy change continues to be a necessary lever for change, but changing educators’ minds from deficit- to assets-based perceptions of ethnic minority students is a greater challenge in a context “that privileges Chinese and oppresses ethnic minorities such as South Asians,” and holds them to low expectations and stereotypes (Bhowmik et al., 2018, p. 665). Deficit constructions are also perpetuated by “the politics of belonging embedded in the ‘NCS’ (non-Chinese speaking) label” (Gao et al., 2019, p. 194) that emphasizes what is missing versus what is in place. Further, Confucian epistemologies of fairness are fundamentally egalitarian with equal distribution seen as most fair, compared to targeted distribution of resources according to need to achieve common outcomes. No doubt there is work to be done, yet there is emerging and visible interest among teacher education researchers in tackling more challenging questions surrounding equity for those disadvantaged by society, and in expanding or challenging prevailing definitions of fairness.

Teacher Education in the United States The reigning feature of education and teacher education in the United States (US) is difference. For example, each state has different standards and expectations that guide teacher education policy and practice, which means that a teacher certified to teach in one state may need additional courses or further fieldwork before they qualify to teach in another. Similarly, there are varying pathways into teaching both within and across states—some pathways require a mere few weeks of training before becoming the teacher of record in a classroom and others require extensive coursework and multiple practicums. In some states, teachers have to be certified as graduate students after they have earned their undergraduate degree. In others they can become certified with their undergraduate degree. Teacher candidates in some states have to pass standardized tests (e.g., PRAXIS) and or performance-based assessments (e.g., edTPA, PACT) to either enter and/or exit their teacher education programs. This diversity is further intensified through school demographics and contexts where cities and neighborhoods in the US remain heavily segregated based on factors like race and socio-economic status. In the context of such expansive difference, ongoing conversations and efforts have been developed to achieve equity in teaching and learning. However, within that work, there are also different ideas of what equity is and what inputs and outcomes regarding teacher quality can

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achieve equity. Therefore, in this context of expansive difference where equity is often a focus, the sections below explore definitions and indicators of teacher quality as well as research on teacher quality with a particular attention to the roles and operationalizations of equity.

Definitions and Indicators of Teacher Quality In the United States, quality teaching is often operationalized around the learning that students demonstrate in teachers’ classrooms, especially through their performance on standardized assessments. While there are some who disagree with this operationalization of teacher quality, it is an approach that has a lot of political power and attention. Related to teacher quality understood through measures of student learning, there are some wide-spread perceptions of what inputs will create it. For instance, one powerful input regulator comes from the Council for the Accreditation of Educator Preparation (CAEP)—a national accrediting body that many teacher education programs comply with to be nationally accredited. CAEP organizes its accreditation around six standards (e.g., content and pedagogical knowledge, clinical partnership and practice, program impact, etc.). While their reach is extensive in teacher education, their work focuses on accrediting programs, so their standards are not strictly indicators of teacher quality. They also look at aspects of teacher education programs like candidate recruitment and quality assurance mechanisms in teacher education. However, their work is intended to impact teacher quality through ensuring the base-line quality of teacher education programs. Another mechanism in teacher education around teacher quality are performancebased assessments for teacher candidates that have gained traction in many states across the US (e.g., PACT, edTPA). The edTPA (Teacher Performance Assessment), supported by the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education (AACTE) is used in varying ways across states including for teacher education program completion requirements, state certification/licensure requirements, program approval, program accreditation, and for external accountability in areas outside of accreditation (Reagan et al., 2016). However, much push-back around this assessment has occurred due to decision making around standards and assessments of teacher performance being removed from the local level (the edTPA is managed by a large publishing company, Pearson, so there is also a for-profit concern related to the decision making behind the assessment). In the context of so much difference across varying contexts in the US, concerns around who is making the decisions that determine quality teaching and performance is well justified. Further, the edTPA has also been criticized for its lack of attention to social justice and multiculturalism. It was explicitly examined by Souto-Manning (2019) and illustrated to uphold white supremacist notions of “good teaching” and teacher quality that do not include knowledges and practices from minoritized populations. Another group has offered standards that suggest what quality teaching is and should look like. In 2013, the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO), through its Interstate Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium (InTASC)

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released a document that combined their 2011 Model Core Teaching Standards with Learning Progressions for Teachers (https://ccsso.org/sites/default/files/2017-12/ 2013_INTASC_Learning_Pr~ogressions_for_Teachers.pdf). With this document, the CCSSO claimed to be providing “a new vision of teaching for improved student achievement” (p. 3). The InTASC Model Core Teaching Standards are composed of 10 standards around the concepts of The Learner and Learning (#1: Learner Development, #2: Learning Differences, & #3: Learning Environments), Content (#4 Content Knowledge, #5 Application of Content), Instructional Practice (#6: Assessment, #7 Planning for Instruction, #8: Instructional Strategies) and Professional Responsibility (#9: Professional and Ethical Practice, #10: Leadership and Collaboration). For each standard, performances, essential knowledge, and critical dispositions are identified, as well as a learning progression that illustrates what development on each standard should look overtime. The explicit language used to define the standards alongside the learning progressions suggest a distinct picture of teacher quality. Much of the document explores and suggests that differences in context and learner background matter for how teachers engage and support strong learning outcomes. There is a great deal of nuance and openness in the definition of quality teaching from these standards in terms of who teachers are and who they are working with in a variety of different classrooms. However, across the standards, the outcomes of learning are discussed in fairly monolithic terms focusing on “high standards” and “student achievement” that, while not officially operationalized, consistently point to “state standards” and thus allude to student performance on standardized tests. The work around assessment in the standards, does discuss the need for formative and summative assessments, suggesting that a variety of data can be used to achieve and determine “student achievement”; however, there is an implicit commitment to sameness in outcome that appears across the standards. Teachers and students should be embraced for their strengths and learning abilities, but only for the purpose of the same, shared outcomes. In this sense, these standards define teacher quality in terms of varied inputs but for the purpose of similar/same outputs. As noted above, such a focus on sameness in the context of defining teacher quality can privilege white normativity and overlook the valid and varied ways of knowing and being from minoritized populations (Sleeter, 2017). To some, taking the inherent differences that students and teachers bring to the classroom and turning them into the same “high quality” learning outcomes is what equity and quality teaching should produce. However, there is another perspective on equity that questions the value of such over-standardization in terms of how those standardized outcomes are constructed and whose epistemologies and ontologies are privileged. The InTASC standards represent a common perspective on equity in the United States at the moment – one where differences are an asset for learning, but learning outcomes are operationalized around monolithic White, western, Christian, middle-class, able-bodied, English-speaking norms. In this sense difference is only an asset as long as it can be utilized to generate a certain level of sameness in output.

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What Does Research Say About Teacher Quality? There are several lines of research in the US regarding teacher quality, the two selected here as worthy of exploration represent approaches and paradigms that have had and will continue to have a strong impact on teacher education and notions of teacher quality, albeit from different paradigms and perspectives. They both come from a substantial lineage of research and research-based perspectives and they both are currently playing a substantive role in conceptualizing teacher quality in initial teacher education spaces.

Core Practices Grounded in years of research, especially that of researcher Deborah Ball, a research consortium currently exists with researchers from multiple institutions exploring the “core practices that matter for student learning and how the practices might vary by subject matter” (https://www.corepracticeconsortium.org/). Ball has long argued that teacher education should be practice-based. In 2009 Ball and Forzani argued that teaching should be conceptualized as “unnatural work,” thus necessitating careful design. This careful design should focus on the practice aspects of teaching (Ball & Forzani, 2009). The core practices research suggests that teacher education has spent too much time teaching about teaching rather than teaching teacher candidates how to teach (Phillip et al., 2019). Some of the core practices that have been examined through research include eliciting and interpreting student thinking, leading group discussions, pushing for evidence-based explanations, and providing feedback (Matsumoto-Royo & Ramírez-Montoya, 2021). And while the core practices research literature is impacting conversations and work across teacher education programs in the US, it is also receiving substantial critique. Phillip et al. (2019) argue that when the role of teachers is reduced “to performing core practices to raise student achievement on standardized measures, reform efforts that center core practices in the name of equity obscure the historical legacies and contemporary processes of social reproduction” (p. 253). They call for work that (re)emphasizes “the social, cultural, political, and situated dimensions of teachers’ practices and how they stand to reproduce, challenge, and/or transform systems and hierarchies of power in classrooms and society” (p. 259). They also suggest that centering justice and exploring if, when, and/or how core practices might not align with commitments to justice is important. Schiera (2021) argues that the work on core practices and the work on social justice in teacher education (e.g., that of Phillip et al., 2019) represent two distinct communities of practice in teacher education and come from different paradigms and theoretical starting points, thus creating tension between the two. He argues for an approach that bridges core practices with social and critical learning theories to construct teacher education as a “community of praxis” (p. 462). However, despite exploring the tensions and possibilities of bringing core practices ideas in conversation with work on social justice in teacher education, the notions of what the learning outcomes of quality teacher education and quality teaching were not clearly defined. Without an articulated commitment to pluralism in input and outcome,

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Schiera’s arguments suggest a similar perception of quality teaching with the limitations discussed above.

Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies Another line of research with a long history in teacher education is the research on culturally sustaining pedagogies (Paris, 2012; Alim et al., 2020). In 2012, Paris suggested that the work started in the 1990’s largely by Gloria Ladson-Billings and Geneva Gay around culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching laid an important foundation to build upon. He argued that quality teaching should be more than relevant and responsive to culture – that it should proactively sustain it. His work has been built upon by other scholars and more and more research is being conducted suggesting the value and impact of culturally sustaining pedagogies. In 2020 a team of researchers, including Paris (Alim et al., 2020) offered what they consider the six principles of Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies. They suggest that these principles are because, “we sustain what we love” (p. 269) and that five of the principles come out of the center principle – decentering the white gaze. The white gaze can be defined and understood in a variety of ways, but it is often the perspective that operationalizes things like quality teaching and student learning outcomes (e.g., Souto-Manning, 2019). And for that reason, approaches that uncritically assume certain practices and outcomes are meaningful and relevant for all are centering the white gaze and through such, ensuring inequitable outcomes and experiences for minoritized populations (e.g., Phillip et al., 2019). Therefore, in culturally sustaining pedagogies, the core is de-centering that gaze and creating space for various ways of knowing and being in the world and for those ways of knowing and being to matter in teaching and learning. This is accomplished with the five other principles. The first names culture as complex and notes that it is evolving, intergenerational, and locally-sustained. The second is about “sustaining, revitalizing and imagining toward socially just, pluralistic societies.” The third is about a “desire-based approach to teaching and learning.” The fourth is about “sustaining lives and reviving souls.” And the final principle is about “loving critique and critical reflexivity.” These six principles construct a definition of teacher quality that is about selfactualization for teachers and students in reciprocity and with accountability. This definition of teacher quality embraces diversity as positively productive and proactively creates the space for pluralism in inputs and outcomes. Further, this definition of quality teaching centers humans as loving, whole, soul-filled agents of their own experiences in learning and teaching. Grounded in pluralism and focused on the comprehensive wellbeing of the whole student and teacher, the six principles of culturally sustaining pedagogy provide the most insights into defining and enacting quality teaching that make equity for all students from a variety of communities a distinct possibility.

Lessons and Gaps With the competing paradigms, varying operationalizations, and differing historical legacies and policies across the various spaces in the US, a common conception of

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teacher quality in initial teacher education simply cannot exist. Nor are there consistent practices. One major focus in the US is a focus on equity, though even that concept does not share a common operationalization. For instance, the research on core practices often uses the language of equity and suggests that the purpose of the core practices is to promote equity (https://www.corepracticeconsortium.org/). However, the major critiques of core practices research are around equity and justice concerns (Phillip et al., 2019; Schiera, 2021). When equity is formulated as sameness in outcome, diversity becomes a tool to accomplish that goal of sameness. But when equity is formulated as varied in inputs and outcomes, diversity of ideas, culture, language, etc. can be embraced and sustained for creative possibilities in teaching and learning. In the US where there is much standardization of teaching and learning in both input and outcome, such embracing of pluralism is far from an expansive reality. And, the intellectual work that is occurring holds possibilities for pushing notions of quality teaching and quality teacher education to more comprehensively embrace the wholistic experiences of students and teachers and generate creative, transformative possibilities for pluralist teaching and learning that is both rigorous and justice-oriented. Therefore, equity work is both a lesson from the US for the world as well as a gap in the US that should be a continued area of focus.

Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education Each narrative shared thus far reveals that notions of teacher quality result from the complex interaction of policies, practices, culture, history, fixed and emerging ideologies, economics, and research, all driven by specific national imperatives. Each of the three tales is characterized by strengths and challenges, yet each seems anchored by a central idea or principle. Teacher quality and development in Finland is undergirded by research and the positioning of teachers as curious inquirers who pursue questions of practice. Choice, decision-making and self-determination frame conceptions of strong teaching and teachers as professionals in Hong Kong. Diversity exemplifies teacher quality discourse in the US along multiple dimensions including standards, teacher education research, and pedagogical approaches.

Collaborative Curiosity Based on the description of teacher education and quality teaching in Finland, the positive possibility of the internationally shared principle of collaborative curiosity emerges. This attends to both the longitudinal nature of teacher learning in focus in Finland (from admission through in-service), but also suggests the value of integrating research into teaching and teacher education practices. Further, as recent developments in teacher education in Finland highlight – there is great value in the collaborative nature of engaging curiously with teaching and learning. From

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co-constructing admissions requirements across multiple teacher education universities (through collaborative research) to co-constructing a shared national database of teacher education data, Finland provides a variety of examples and possibilities for other countries to consider ways of applying the principles of collaborative curiosity grounded in dialogue and inquiry into teacher education as well as teaching and learning generally. Essentially, collaboration is where the important dialogic work happens across meaningful educational stakeholders. Successful collaborations across different groups of people will typically grapple with power issues and imbalances and create contexts for varied voices and perspectives to be meaningfully accounted for. In Finland, such collaboration often occurs with teachers, educational researchers, and government representatives (with varying experiences regarding power-sharing). Perhaps there are other important education stakeholders that could be included in both Finland and other spaces – e.g., students and families as well as community and religious organizations. Further, such collaboration should continually work to ensure the power dynamics in collaborations across diverse groups are thoughtfully attended to. Combining collaboration with curiosity as an overall principle to guide quality teacher education internationally suggests both the opportunity for transformative problem solving to occur when collaborative groups work in curious ways to explore what is known about problems, what needs to be known about problems, as well as meaningful solutions to those problems. Therefore, collaborative curiosity creates the context for teaching and learning to focus on growth through exploration and inquiry. Collaborative curiosity can happen inside and outside of classrooms, but should fundamentally be for the purpose of creating teaching and learning that embraces pluralism across process, product, and outcome, thus disrupting many typical practices (as in the US) grounded in standardization and sameness. Collaborative curiosity in teacher education and for quality teaching and learning shifts the focus from mastery to growth, from memorization to exploration, and from standardization to generative difference. As an internationally shared principle, the ideas around collaborative curiosity should be understood broadly and operationalized in locally relevant ways. For instance, it may not be feasible to co-construct shared admissions requirements or a national dataset in a country as large and diverse as the US; however, that does not mean collaborative curiosity in teacher education cannot deeply impact both research and practice. It is possible for local groups in varying national contexts to grapple with this idea of collaborative curiosity in teacher education and co-construct ways of researching this principle as well as enacting it, to be able to learn and inform the collaborative curiosity occurring in other spaces.

Wholistic Self-Determination From our exploration of teacher education, research, and notions of teacher quality in Hong Kong, an internationally shared principle of teacher education around wholistic self-determination emerges. In Hong Kong, teachers and teacher educators

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enjoy a great deal of professional autonomy and ability to make professional decisions about teaching and learning as well as teacher education. There is a wide-spread focus on this notion of self-determination that also includes attention to student-centered teaching and learning practices as well as the wholistic wellbeing of students and teachers, thus wholistic self-determination. Much of teaching and learning is often performed through acts of control (e.g., teaching as monitoring and surveillance) and obedience (e.g., learning as compliance) (Viesca & Gray, 2021). This has been characterized as the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM), which forwards “standardization of education. . .focus on core subjects. . .low risk ways to reach learning goals. . .corporate management models. . .test based accountability” (Sahlberg, 2012, paras. 5–9). In contrast, Hong Kong teachers are encouraged to exercise their own judgement. For example, they are invited to self-assess where they are on the “Professional Growth” tool by deciding where they are on the continuum, with the caveat that if “an accurate/appropriate descriptor is not available, you can choose the stage you belong to and edit the descriptors to substantiate your choice.” Moreover, wholistic self-determination and choice can shift teaching-learning from actions designed to control students’ learning towards pre-specified ends, to child-centered guidance beyond content knowledge to support future possibilities. Thus, the PST frames professionalism as teachers nurturing “three essential attributes of students”: “whole-person wellness; key competences for adulthood; change agility for tomorrow.” The exercising of professional agency was especially apparent (or absent) during the pandemic when schools around the world had to quickly pivot to online instruction even as they faced a myriad of unprecedented challenges. Educators in Hong Kong were no different, but the school-based management model in place, “has allowed ample room for schools to exercise their discretion, and in turn for teachers within schools to make decisions” (Cheng, in press). Bolstered by “the shared mission for students’ well-being” the school suspension period galvanized teachers, who “have never waited for directives from above,” into action because they “see themselves as professionals, as masters of education, rather than just another kind of employee” (Cheng, in press). This notion of professionalism for teachers as well as wholistic self-determination in making teaching and learning decisions is a principle that is also apparent in the Finnish context. When it is considered in relationship to collaborative curiosity, the possibility for power-imbalances to be grappled with and humanizing practices to be centered emerges. Such work can focus on how individual self-determination (of teachers and students for example) can impact collective well-being of communities and schools. In this way, each forwarded principle herein is individually important, but most successful when understood in connection with the other principles.

Equity Through Pluralism While not totally achieved in the US context, the research explored herein does suggest the value of focusing on equity through the lens of pluralism. When diversity is valued

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only as much as it can be leveraged to create monolithic standardized outcomes, it is not truly about equity. When equity through pluralism is a guiding principle of teacher education and quality teaching, human variety in idea, culture, language, etc. can be embraced and elevated for quality teaching and learning across inputs and outputs. This also allows for localized varieties in teacher education and teaching and learning to be embraced and elevated in collaborative international research. By embracing equity through pluralism across all aspects of teaching and learning, humanizing connections can be developed from one person to another across varying diversities. For this to occur, the relationships and practices developed in teaching/learning spaces need to be purposeful in order for the community’s inherent diversity to be co-constituted as positively productive and thus capable of generating wide-spread love and belonging. To accomplish this, the principles of equity through pluralism in practice creates teaching and learning spaces where self-actualization can occur through reciprocity and accountability (Simpson, 2017). In this way, individual self-actualization (informed by wholistic self-determination) ensures collective self-actualization (perhaps operationalized through collaborative curiosity) through reciprocity and shared accountability. With such commitments in place, all forms of diversity can come into relationship in ways that are positive and productive while co-creating authentic love and belonging at the individual and collective level.

Summary From exploring the current teacher education practices as well as research and indicators of teacher quality across three differing national contexts, three potential principles to guide international collaborative teacher education research and practice have been forwarded: collaborative curiosity, wholistic self-determination, and equity through pluralism. While each of these principles is best understood in relationship and connection to the other, there is thoughtful collaborative, international work to do with these principles in research and practice. For instance, selfstudy of teacher education practices can occur in a variety of spaces examining the presence and absence of these three principles in teacher education spaces. By sharing the results and developing understandings around teacher education research and practices across international contexts grounded in these principles, further growth of the possibilities of putting these principles into practice in varied local contexts in ways that are responsive to local communities and needs emerges. Additionally, locally relevant learning opportunities for teacher candidates and practicing teachers can be developed that connect with pre- and in-service teachers in different national contexts. What do pre- and in-service teachers think about these principles? What possibilities and affordances do they see when considering them for their own teaching and learning practices? What other principles should be attended to in order to grow equitable and socially just teaching and learning practices across varying national boundaries? This chapter explores the possibilities of these shared principles – working to engage across varying contexts to grow the understandings and possibilities of quality teacher education for all in globally

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relevant yet locally meaningful ways – and lays the foundation for collaborative international research and practice that is just beginning.

Cross-References ▶ Teaching Diverse Students: A Comparative Analysis of Perspectives from South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong

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Assessment in HE Initial Teacher Education: Competing Contexts Discourses and the Unobtainable Pursuit for Fidelity

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The English HEI ITE System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competing Assessment Discourses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Development of Formative Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competing Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Assessment Context 1: Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Assessment Context 2: School Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Assessment Context 3: Initial Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fidelity Across the Assessment Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competing Identities: The Academic Versus the Professional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competing Measures of Quality/Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Finding a Way Through . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Explicit Modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Self-Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Debate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In England, student teachers have a number of routes into teaching. One of the key routes is that of Higher Education (or Higher Education Institution) based Initial Teacher Education (ITE). Student teachers on these programs experience assessment in a multitude of ways. They are assessed in their academic work and their performance on placement, and then they assess the pupils they work with. Student teachers need to meet particular assessment criteria in order to qualify as a teacher, and they study assessment as a subject, the underpinning theory, C. Elbra-Ramsay (*) York St John University, York, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_16

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national policies, and perceived “good” practice. Furthermore, they experience all of this across three, often competing, contexts: Higher Education, school education, and Initial Teacher Education itself. This chapter seeks to examine the conflicting discourses, contexts, and practices that English ITE student teachers need to navigate in order to succeed, or at least make sense of assessment. Keywords

Assessment · Initial Teacher Education · Fidelity

Introduction This chapter focuses on the Initial Teacher Education context in England as a case study of how complex assessment practices are in teacher education. Initial Teacher Education (ITE) and Assessment should be natural bedfellows. After all, assessment is integral to teaching and learning, and teaching and learning is the core business of ITE. However, the sector (particularly the English Higher Education ITE sector) increasingly finds itself sandwiched between differing understandings, processes, and policies related to assessment. As an offshoot of school education, it needs to respond to, model, teach, and monitor school policy and practice. As a subject within Higher Education (HE), it also needs to respond to the “Quality” marks associated with assessment in the university setting, along with a raft of policies and processes. In ITE, the recent Core Content Framework in England (Department for Education, 2019) represents another discourse where a particular view of assessment is prescribed, ready to be judged by Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education), the English inspectorate responsible for “inspecting services providing education and skills for learners of all ages” (Gov.UK., n.d.); Ofsted judgments carry high stakes for English ITE providers with judgments determining whether teacher education can continue to be offered by the provider. A mire of confusing and contradictory understandings of assessment therefore compete. It is not hard to see the problem of operating in a sector which straddles so many competing discourses. ITE teacher educators need to become adept at navigating these multiple ideas and practices and make sense of them for both themselves and the student teachers they work with, and ultimately the pupils in our schools. In order to be effective, or be judged as effective, Initial Teacher Education also needs to reflect the school context and that of Higher Education. Each of these contexts will have different understandings and expectations in relation to assessment and feedback all of which will need to be understood and experienced as either a learner or practicing teacher. ITE too has its own context too with specific metrics, approaches, and understandings in relation to assessment, all of which need to be accommodated within program design and processes. When it comes to assessment, student teachers on an ITE program may face something of an identity crisis. Indeed, the role of a student teacher itself can present challenges as it encapsulates being both teacher and learner; active and passive; or

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novice and professional. As Lee and Schallert ask, is a student teacher “a student or a teacher, or both, or neither, at different times?” (Lee & Schallert, 2016, p. 72). In terms of assessment, student teachers may come across jarring conflicts between their own conceptions of assessment following their lived experience as a school pupil, their experience of being assessed academically in HE and of being assessed on school placement, their role as assessor while on school placement and even their own research into assessment, or the assessment of assessment. Student teachers will have assessment “done” to them, will need to understand it at a theoretical level, and will need to “do” assessment in the classroom as part of school experience. Indeed, at a broader level, assessment itself is full of polarized distinctions, e.g., formative versus summative, performative versus learner centered. As a further complication, ITE in England needs to be extremely responsive to changes in assessment; understanding of assessment is not in any way a fixed state but one that is continually evolving and not always for the better. The speed of change in ITE can be both breakneck and sluggish, breakneck when a national reaccreditation process is announced, sluggish when a technical change is required to a program or module. As a result, conceptions that are initially complementary can become conflicting, and vice versa, as the sector responds to both government missives and Higher Education processes and enhancements. As George and Maguire argue (2019, p. 20), ITE is in a state of “persistent turbulence.” This is particularly the case the last five years for ITE in England. The changing nature of Ofsted inspections (and the frameworks that underpin these) has meant that, either directly or indirectly, the way performance on school placement is measured has changed. In the past, student teachers had individual lessons and whole placements graded against agreed criteria. However, it has become no longer appropriate to grade the performance of lessons or, more recently, to grade the placement overall as Ofsted have encouraged a pass/fail judgment instead. It is, however, appropriate to grade academic work at each stage of training, and Higher Education is reliant on a range of Quality Assurance (QA) processes in an attempt to guarantee fidelity across different subjects and contexts. The high-stakes nature and speed of change in the ITE sector, specifically, further exaggerates the conflict that arises when assessing outcomes across contexts. In other words, assessment in ITE is complex. In stating this, Van Geert and Steenbeek’s dual definitions of complexity seem particularly relevant, “hard to understand, difficult to manage” and “a complex dynamic system and its associated properties” (2014, pp. 23–24). Put another way, assessment in ITE is “muddy water with purpose” (Nichols, 2020, p. 36) or “a persistent challenge facing teacher education” (Richmond et al., 2019, p. 86). This chapter seeks to analyze all of these competing assessment discourses and contexts, highlighting the need for a nuanced understanding of assessment within ITE. It will begin by introducing the English HE ITE system then discuss the broader assessment discourses before examining the three separate contexts and the impossible striving for fidelity across these. The chapter also examines the conflicting identities of student teachers, and indeed what student teacher educators need to understand in relation to assessment before examining possible routes through the assessment impasse.

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The English HEI ITE System The English approach to teacher training is particularly complicated with different routes, approaches, and demands. The system explored in this chapter is that of Higher Education Institution based Initial Teacher Education. Here Universities are the accredited provider and carry responsibility for the meeting of the ITE criteria set out by government. Within HEI ITE, student teachers can be university or school centered, but either way a large proportion of their training will take place in a school / setting meaning student teachers will need to enact national or local school policies and practices. Alongside these school experiences, student teachers will attend universitybased sessions, submit academic assessments, and leave the program with both an academic and professional qualification. Given that the English HEI ITE route is technically based in University, alongside school policies and practices, there will be similar directives from the university itself. Arguably, English universities that provide ITE are juggling as many demands as schools today. Education departments, within which ITE provision is located, are expected to contribute to the REF (Research Excellence Framework) a six-year cycle for assessing research excellence in UK providers. Similarly, the Teacher Excellence Framework (TEF) is an important cyclical process where providers are awarded gold, silver, or bronze for teaching. More recently the Knowledge Exchange Framework (KEF) measures the range of activities HEIs undertake with partners, including schools. In addition, given English universities are fee paying they also need to evidence their academic rigor, the employability of their graduates, and the experience of their students in an attempt to prove value for money. The “effects and conduits of contemporary neo-liberalisation” are plain to see in the league tables, ranking, and measures (Ball, 2015, p. 258) that inform much of the practice at English universities including Initial teacher education.

Competing Assessment Discourses Before we examine the specific dilemmas and contradictions in ITE assessment, we need to recognize the broader competing discourse of assessment per se. In essence, assessment is generally understood as two fairly ambiguous concepts: assessment for learning (formative assessment) and assessment of learning (summative assessment) (see C.Elbra-Ramsay, 2021 for previous work on this). The distinction is often overstated resulting in a polarization or “a significant site for competing discourses and contestation” (Adie & Wyatt-Smith, 2020, p. 279). The specter of performativity and metrics has fueled this further with summative assessment increasingly seen as a powerful measure of performance for both learners and teachers. Interestingly, the emergence of the two discourses happened at a similar time and followed the 1970s/ 1980s Great Education Debate. Arguably, as long as we have been educating we have been assessing, but it is only within the last few decades that assessment has become a “pervasive presence” (Broadfoot, 2007, p. 19). The 1988 Education Act and the subsequent practice of

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comparing the results of national testing, school-by-school, through the publication of school performance league tables marked the start of a new discourse where “reasonable standards [and] expectations” (Department of Education and Science, 1980) began to be accentuated. Close at hand was a progressively high stakes Ofsted inspection framework. As a consequence, summative assessment became a tool to identify underperformance (Leckie & Goldstein, 2017). Assessment standards were increasingly seen as a measure to be exceeded if schools and settings were to compete (Broadfoot, 2007); assessment became a comparable indicator of competence for learner, teacher, or the institution. What started with schools soon spread to other education sectors including Further Education (FE), Higher Education (HE), and of course Initial Teacher Education (ITE). Standards, league tables, performance measures, and inspection judgments were soon an accepted part of the education landscape and one that relied on summative assessments. The UK had arguably developed an education system that was: not only as tightly controlled and centrally directed as any in the world . . . but also a system that might appear . . . to be infected by a kind of madness [because of the] rampant growth of a forest of assessment procedures which threatens to throttle the whole education system within a dense canopy of externally-imposed performance indicators. (Broadfoot, 1999, p. 3).

So, since the 1980s, assessment has undergone something of a transformation into what many now regard as an influential and controlling mechanism, informing the “quasi-market” of education (Leckie & Goldstein, 2017, p. 194) and increasingly part of a “dangerously powerful technology . . . with little consideration of its consequences” (Broadfoot, 2007, p. 31). ITE probably feels these consequences more acutely than any other sector, given that teacher education programs are responding not just to one “powerful technology” but to many. By contrast, the same period also saw a competing assessment discourse emerge. Alongside the performative focus, an alternative view of assessment became more prominent; one that was learner focused and formative and therefore “an integral part of all teaching situation” and a “much more complex phenomenon than simply applying certain skills in gathering and interpreting assessment data” (Kyttälä et al., 2022, p. 1). Broadfoot concluded that the two competing discourses were essentially a question of “performativity or empowerment” (1999, p. 2). Although these appear to be totally opposed understandings of assessment, they were in fact more closely linked in the past. In 1987, the TGAT (Task Group on Assessment and Testing) report (Department of Education and Science, 1987) was published and recommended that assessment needed to “be capable of comparison across classes and schools” (p. 7); the links to performativity are clear as is the influence of the report in the newly introduced National Curriculum for England the same year. However, elsewhere in the report, we find two other recommendations which are more aligned to what is understood as a formative conception of assessment: “assessment results should give direct information about pupils’ achievement in relation to objectives; should provide a basis for decisions about pupils’ further learning needs” (Department of Education and Science, 1987, p. 7). One of the

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authors of the TGAT report was Paul Black who subsequently coauthored “Inside the Black Box” (Black & Wiliam, 1998), widely viewed as the seminal text and one which initiated the focus on the use of formative assessment, or, as is often used synonymously, “assessment for learning” as the approach was frequently called. The reference to assessment as a means of informing future teaching/ learning within TGAT is therefore not surprising.

The Development of Formative Assessment Based on Scriven’s (1967) “formative evaluation,” the notion of formative assessment impacted on both policy and practice (see C.Elbra-Ramsay, 2021 for previous work on this). By focusing on the consequential purpose of formative assessment, judgments were used not to measure, compare, and compete but “to adapt the teaching work to meet the needs” of the learner (Black & Wiliam, 1998, p. 2). Assessment was no longer viewed as the end point of learning but rather a “prerequisite for learning” (Sambell, 2013, p. 380); assessment was actually vital to securing learner progress. Formative assessment became positioned in clear opposition to summative assessment (Lau, 2016; Brunker et al., 2019). This distinction had an ethical distinction: “good” versus “bad” assessment. Taras (2008, p. 395) agrees, arguing that “assessment for learning portrays formative assessment as the ethical face of assessment.” Assessment for learning is not, however, without criticism. Many contend that the area is relatively under researched, despite its pervasive existence in the discourse, and also that its potential benefits have been “over-sold” (Skovholt, 2018, p. 143). Possibly the wholesale uncritical embracing of formative assessment (or assessment for learning) has been a response to, or a deflection from, the other opposing concept of assessment: summative assessment and in particular performativity. Furthermore, although the same seminal works have influenced understanding and application of formative assessment across the sectors, arguably “multiple and conflicting conceptions” (Brown, 2011, p. 47) exist. This confusion has led to misconceptions, or at least varying meanings, of formative assessment. The impact of summative assessments is clearer across all education sectors. University, school, teacher, and learner improvement are now measured through performance marks and grades (Brunker et al., 2019; Elbra-Ramsay, 2021). In ITE, Ofsted surveys and judgments (along with other data sets) add another layer of measure, one that is “inconsistent with [the more formative] pedagogic criteria” (Ali et al., 2017, pp. 246–247). National assessment systems appear to be more valued by the system (Black & Wiliam, 2005; DeLuca et al., 2012) and serve to present comparisons locally, nationally, and indeed internationally through metrics such as PISA (Program for International Student Assessment); performativity is increasingly a worldwide tool linked to globalization. This increasing focus on external performance testing, performance-related pay, and accountability has propagated a tension between the perceived value of formative and summative assessment, respectively. It is not hard to feel that national assessment systems have more value and significance in the system (Black & Wiliam, 2005; DeLuca et al., 2012; Elbra-Ramsay, 2021). Learners are increasingly viewed as “customers” and as such are paying for good assessment

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(Brooks, 2018). Along with other areas of Higher Education, ITE providers need students to be enrolled, satisfied, employable, and achieving well as this performance data means the institution can compete in the marketplace (Elbra-Ramsay, 2021). The summative standards achieved and indeed the students’ experience of assessment and feedback are both high stakes. As Brooks states: achieving a high and rising position in the rankings is now considered a legitimate (and perhaps the most important or even only) objective in its own right rather than being merely a positive side effect of good performance on other, more specific indicators. (Brooks, 2018, p. 1118)

Education has a habit of presenting aspects of policy and practice as a value-laden dichotomy, either good or bad (Lau, 2016). As a result, rather than a developed understanding of the differing conceptions, and all the nuances that exist in between, presenting these ideas as mutually exclusive and disconnected (DeLuca et al., 2012) results in the classification of practice as right or wrong with little in-between. As a result, formative and summative assessment are seen as particular and distinct practices. In fact, the definitions are dependent on the context, the process, or the presence of a consequence to the assessment. The “formative-ness” is associated with the informing of future teaching/learning, and, as such, “it follows that any assessment can be uniquely summative when the assessment stops at the judgement” (Taras, 2009, p. 58). Taras goes on to argue that any polarization of assessment concepts is ultimately “self-destructive and self-defeating” (Taras, 2005, p. 476) which will in turn result in less successful implementation of practice (DeLuca et al., 2012). In conclusion, Brunker, Spandagou, and Grice (2019) assert: Competing demands on assessment pose an ongoing challenge for Higher Education. In Initial Teacher Education (ITE) these demands are problematised further in meeting the roles of assessment for measurement, accountability, learning and curriculum. ITE holds a dual role of teaching through content and practice, whereby Pre-Service Teachers (PST) are assessed for learning while learning to assess, thus positioning assessment as curriculum. (2019, p. 89)

Competing Contexts The context of Initial Teacher Education (ITE) adds a further degree of complexity. Preservice teachers are generally required to study and work within three distinct contexts – the HEI, the distinct ITE program (within the university), and the school context(s) in which the practicum takes place.

Assessment Context 1: Higher Education Assessment in Higher Education is particularly challenging. Of the three contexts mentioned above, it is perhaps the one where the clash between assessment of

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learning and assessment for learning has been felt most acutely. Unfortunately, assessment is largely often seen as a measure of performance rather than a vehicle for future learning (Sambell, 2016). The pursuit of a “Quality” agenda, which some have argued often measures anything but (Bloxham, 2009), has also prioritized compliance against summative rather than formative processes. Even feedback, possibly the area of assessment with the most formative potential, has become more about quality assurance and accountability, rather than the learner themselves (Bloxham, 2009). From the learner’s perspective, assessment and feedback is an area of low satisfaction (Cockett & Jackson, 2018; Irons & Elkington, 2021) and the focus on summative performance effectively means that the “student as an active user of assessment information is ignored” (Song & Koh, 2010, p. 3). Low student satisfaction in relation to assessment not only is a real concern for the sector, but also has to be seen within a context in which Higher Education has increasingly become a “marketized system based on a combination of neo-liberal and neo-conservative approaches” (Childs & Menter, 2013, p. 93). Assessment satisfaction in the National Student Survey (NSS) informs the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) (Office for Students, 2018) as well as other league tables. Furthermore, Irons and Elkington (2021) argue that many of the considerations for Higher Education identified in the 2019 Augar Review (Hubble & Bolton, 2019) are “touched by assessment and feedback,” i.e., “choice, value for money, access, and skills provision” (Irons & Elkington, 2021, p. 1). Assessment matters in Higher Education, but largely in terms of the reputation of the institution rather than the trajectory of active self-regulatory learners. When summative assessment is used as an accountability tool, it will influence individuals, groups, and societies through implicit regulation and discipline (Danaher et al., 2000). The high-stakes nature of this will ultimately prioritize particular forms of assessment, practices, and behaviors; this is certainly true in Higher Education. The focus on assessment as accountable measurement has led to the development of a number of processes viewed as characteristic with quality: calibration; moderation; concurrence; external examination; generic assessment criteria; anonymous marking; and so on. However, do these serve any purpose in terms of the learner? Anonymous marking may not only limit bias but also limits the likelihood of feedback loops being circled, of learners being able to identify progress, and the building of relational economies (Elbra-Ramsay, 2019) necessary for feedback to feedforward (Pitt & Winstone, 2018; Winstone & Boud, 2022). The performative function of summative assessment is perhaps being prioritized over the formative potential of assessment, something the sector itself has acknowledged and encouraged reform in (Bloxham, 2009; Rawlusyk, 2018; Sambell, 2016). Formative assessment, where it exists, often reflects more something of an informal summative assessment than an integrated approach to learning and teaching. The modular structure and timetabling constraints of Higher Education are certainly also a factor, with tutors working with large numbers of learners in discrete and sometimes infrequent teaching slots (Reimann et al., 2019). Furthermore, workload issues, perceptions of student needs and preferences, may also be relevant to the take up more formative assessment approaches (Irons & Elkington, 2021).

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However, there are signals that change is afoot in terms of HE assessment. McVitty (2022) argues that a consequence of Covid has been a “shift in the learning landscape” as institutions come to terms with the adaptations in assessment the pandemic required. Furthermore recent publications such as “Assessment and Feedback in a Post-Pandemic Era: A Time for Learning and Inclusion” (Baughan, 2021) bring together writings that debate how assessment can be used to “promote, support, and extend future learning” (Sambell & Brown, 2021) given the fact that “universities right now have a golden opportunity to make positive and lasting changes to assessment,” one that “strikes the right balance between what is possible for practitioners and what has the most impact on our learners” (Pitt, 2021, p. 6).

Assessment Context 2: School Education Arguably school education has been able to respond to the formative assessment agenda more effectively than Higher Education (Kincal & Ozan, 2018), and it is a context that has been a focus of much of the published work on formative assessment (Irons & Elkington, 2021). As Lambert and Lines argue, assessment is “a fact of life for teachers, part of what teachers do,” an “organic part of teaching and learning” and also “part of the planning process” (2000, p. 2). Planning, teaching, learning, and assessment are often seen as “intertwined, but mutually dependent” (Alderson et al., 2017, p. 380), interlinked rather than discrete with one informing the other in a spiral, hence predominantly formative in nature. The favored formative approach is partly structural. Learning tends to have greater flexibility because it is not limited to a single session a week. Instead teachers work with their learners each day, every day (in primary schools at least), enabling a fluid approach to both assessment and its consequences. The constancy of a class teacher supports the building of relationships which are important for a formative learning culture (Elbra-Ramsay, 2019). Having said this, the uptake of formative assessment is not uniformly positive or indeed effective in schools. As Alotaibi (2019) identifies, a positive attitude to formative assessment is not necessarily enough for the adoption of successful strategies and formative assessment practice runs the risk of being superficial. In relation to feedback as an area of assessment, the school discourse supports the view that feedback is key to progress. In addition to the claims made by Black and Wiliam (1998), the Education Endowment Fund (The Sutton Trust, 2014) also recognizes the potential of feedback to make a learning difference. Echoing the focus on formative assessment, feedback is conceptualized as having consequences (Hattie & Clarke, 2018). Indeed, there has recently been a shift in schools toward verbal or live feedback in preference to written feedback. Some of this is pedagogical in that recommendations can be discussed, better understood, and actioned in the moment by the learner, but it should also be viewed in the context of other marking trends that have come and gone, e.g., marking codes, in depth marking, and cursory marking (NASUWT, n.d.). There is also the current focus on teacher workload, informed by the ongoing teacher recruitment and retention crisis (Quicke, 2018). Assessment and feedback are specifically named as areas that contribute to heavy

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teacher workload (Department for Education, 2016), so any strategies that improve efficiency in this area are recommended (Department for Education, 2022b) and indeed scrutinized by Ofsted (2019). This is not to say that summative assessments do not loom large. Standardized Assessment Tasks taken around age 11 and GCSEs (General Certificate of Secondary Education) taken at the end of compulsory education around age 16 are now very powerful measures of not just the learner but the teacher and the school. The league tables that accompany the publication of the results of these assessments create an unnecessary pressure. The roots of this are in the Education Act of 1988 and the subsequent “pursuit of ‘standards’” (Wyse & Torrance, 2009, p. 217). The introduction of the national curriculum and statutory testing were significant “mechanisms that increased government control” and subsequently reduced teacher autonomy and “teacher-owned deeper levels of knowledge and critical thinking” (Wyse & Torrance, 2009, p. 216). The definitions of school assessment that followed in the 1990s sometimes focused on measure and performance, and it is hard not to accept the view that assessment became synonymous with tests that were seen as “gate keepers” to future success (Alderson et al., 2017). Indeed Black and Wiliam (2018) argue that summative school assessments often harm rather than help learning. The perceived success that summative assessment can bring is not just in terms of the learner’s own performance but has increasingly become a measure of the success and potential of the teacher, the school, or the area. The consequences of not meeting the expected measure of performance have also grown, adding to the high-stakes context. Of course any student teacher will also have experienced this context as pupils themselves, before embarking on a teacher education program, and these prior experiences, alongside the classroom context they experience during training, will undoubtedly shape their conceptions of assessment as teachers (Yan et al., 2021). In short, both formative and performance-based summative assessment have a strong presence in the school classroom, and their coexistence (an often contradictory coexistence) presents “real, practical dilemmas and challenges for teachers, who are tasked with promoting pupils learning as well as certifying their performance” (Mogboh & Okoye, 2019, p. 1).

Assessment Context 3: Initial Teacher Education At this point, we move to the third context, Initial Teacher Education itself, and this is where we see greater complexity. Not only does the ITE context straddle the contexts previously described for Higher Education and school education, but also it has its own assessment characteristics, policies, and processes that also need accommodating. Indeed, not only does the process of assessment look slightly different, but also it is a focus of the taught program in itself, given that student teachers need to develop expertise in assessment per se, as well as be assessed in terms of their knowledge and competence, and ultimately assess pupils. Brunker (2019) notes that:

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Pre-Service Teachers (PSTs) learn through assessment how to utilise assessment processes in their own practice. This purpose of assessment may be derailed when learning is not the main focus of assessment. The challenges for assessment in ITE are thus problematised further in the need to meet the role of assessment for learning, accountability, measurement, as pedagogy and as curriculum. (Brunker et al., 2019, p. 90)

The academic assessment of student teachers will sit within the assessment structures of the wider Higher Education context and will follow the quality procedures agreed by the University, with grades or marks ultimately informing the classification of the program award. The assessment of the student teacher within the practicum experience necessitates a different, and perhaps fairly unique, assessment experience. Not only will student teachers operate in the school assessment context, but also their competencies will be assessed differently from their academic work. Notably, placement-based assessments will involve more complexity: an additional person contributing to the assessment (the mentor), a different evidence base for such assessments (school practice), an increased use of verbal and/or immediate feedback following taught lessons in practice, and also a judgment against the Teacher Standards by the time the final placement is completed. The performance aspect of these final judgments has decreased over recent years with the removal, or at least heavily encouraged removal, of grading of lessons and overall placement performance. There are good reasons for this. Chiaravall claims that the “gradeless classroom is fundamentally open, dialogic” (2017, p. 1), and (Spring et al., 2011) argue that student well-being is improved by the removal of grades. In addition, Lancaster et al. (2020) found that learners who received a low grade were less likely to make use of feedback than those who received a high grade. It appears that grading reduces the formative potential of assessment (Wiliam, 2014; cited in Chiaravall, 2017). However, removing grades also has an impact on the performative nature of assessment without grades; how do ITE providers evidence the standards that they (and their student teachers) are required to meet? Evidencing student teacher outcomes was a key part of the previous 2014 Initial Teacher Education Inspection Handbook (Ofsted, 2014), so once the grading of individual student teachers was removed, how could this be done? The nature of assessment as a performativity tool means that over time it is possible to lose confidence in one’s ability to evaluate the quality of what is happening; we begin to rely on assessments to measure performance and ascribe value to what is worthy as Ball states, performativity is “a recipe for ontological insecurity” as individuals constantly question if they have done enough to be good enough (Ball, 2000, p. 3). Practitioner-based competencies in England are largely assessed with reference to the Teacher Standards (DfE, 2012) a list of eight standards and professional behaviors. However the choice of such Standards is arbitrary. Indeed Aparicio-Herguedas et al. (2020) suggest that the prescribed key competencies are not necessarily those that are currently needed. Nichols (2020) goes further arguing that teacher educators should reassess program goals, given the increased performativity and politicization of the sector where subjective criteria are increasingly used to evidence that student teachers, teacher educators, and teachers themselves are serving the needs of the

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state (Dahlback et al., 2020; Nichols, 2020). These standards are often demonstrated through evidence collated by the student teachers and evaluated by student teacher educators who are effectively “gatekeepers to the profession” (Adie & Wyatt-Smith, 2020, p. 279). The Standards are the minimum, summative end-of-program assessment which determines whether the student teacher can be awarded Qualified Teacher Status. Ofsted quality assures this process, judging whether the partnership makes “accurate and rigorous final assessments for the award of QTS in relation to the teachers’ standards for primary and secondary trainees” (Ofsted, 2022, p. 36) which will inform whether the provider is able to continue recruiting student teachers in the future. The stakes are therefore high for all involved. Given the school context in which these judgments are made, there are likely to be a number of professionals involved in the pass/fail decision. Mentors (who support student teachers in school), class teachers, head teachers, tutors, and universitybased link tutors (who act as a link between university and school) will all be not only involved as assessors, but also expected to model effective assessment practice to their students (Grainger, 2020). Lortie (1975) terms this the “apprenticeship of observation,” where student teachers develop an understanding of teaching, and therefore assessment, through their experience as a learner (Boyd et al., 2013; Kyttälä et al., 2022). It is not only the assessment relationships which inform this understanding. Student teachers study, as well as experience, assessment. Teacher Standard 6 is focused on making: ‘accurate and productive use of assessment’ and includes: knowing ‘how to assess the relevant subject and curriculum areas, including statutory assessment requirements;“use of formative and summative assessment to secure pupils’ progress’; use of ‘data to monitor progress, set targets, and plan . . . lessons’ and ‘give . . . regular feedback . . . and encourage pupils to respond to the feedback.’ (DfE, 2012, p. 12)

Assessment is therefore an experience, a competency, and a subject in its own right. And of course, these have to align with the other competing assessment contexts of Higher Education and school education.

Fidelity Across the Assessment Contexts Sadler discusses the concept of fidelity as “the extent to which something actually is what it purports to be, and is therefore true to type, concept or label” (2010, p. 728) and asserts its relevance to academic achievement. Related to validity and reliability, fidelity is, in essence, significant when it comes to marking, grading, or any assessment of student teacher work. For student teachers, this will include both academic and placement-based assessment. Sadler argues that summative assessment practices are inherently problematic in relation to fidelity as they include “systems of bonuses and penalties which boost or depress grades by including components that are in fact counted as learner achievement, but in theory should not count” (Sadler, 2010, p. 741). Fidelity of any assessment practice in Higher Education is therefore not without challenges. Indeed Adie and Wyatt-Smith (2020) argue that fidelity (and constructive

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alignment) is very challenging given the ever changing view of quality, metrics, and competing discourses within Higher Education; lack of fidelity leads to variation in outcomes. This is amplified for student teachers who are navigating more than one assessment context; they are assessed within both the Higher Education context and the school context. Furthermore, the school context overall is actually made up of several individual placement contexts, as student teachers are typically assessed across two or three different settings. And, of course, the school context and the academic Higher Education context have different systems, criteria, processes, judgments, and outcomes. Fidelity of assessment in this sector appears to be increasingly unreachable. Adie and Wyatt-Smith (2020) recognize the inherent contradictory difficulty in striving for comparability across contexts (and therefore fidelity) and also being responsive and adaptable to both student teacher and context needs. The same criticism has been made of the recent Early Career Framework, a two-year developmental package for newly qualified (Early Career) teachers (Parker, 2021). Taking all of these factors into account, how can programs of teacher development have fidelity, deal with the “need for reliable systems to evaluate teacher preparation programs” (Nichols, 2020, p. 52), and also straddle such differing contexts? There is little that can be done about competing contexts. The criteria for any ITE program include the “requirement to teach in at least 2 schools” (Department for Education, 2022a); student teachers therefore have to have their competence assessed “across diverse and complex contexts” (Adie & Wyatt-Smith, 2020, p. 272). However, while Ofsted does not insist on “the frequency, type or volume of trainee assessments, observations or feedback; the content of, or approach to, trainee assessments” (Ofsted, 2022, p. 12), they do insist upon, and use to inform their judgments, “accurate and rigorous final assessments” (Ofsted, 2022, p. 36). Higher Education Institutions will have their own assessment procedures and no doubt apply Quality Assurance (QA) processes to evidence fidelity across academic assessments, but these often exclude placement-specific assessments. The difficulties with fidelity may be compensated by the potential for a richer understanding of assessment by comparing, analyzing, and evaluating contextual variation. To try and discount the impact of contextual variation would negate the concept of assessment practice “as a relational activity, influenced by the social, cultural, economic, and political contexts in which it operates” (Charteris & Dargusch, 2018, p. 357). Indeed, maybe “classroom-readiness” in regard to assessment capability should be reframed as “the notion that graduates will emerge from their ITE with the capacity to demonstrate criticality, agility and responsiveness in school practice architectures” (Charteris & Dargusch, 2018, p. 365). Rather than maintain the pretense of fidelity, the sector may need to embrace the difference and attempt to move across it.

Competing Identities: The Academic Versus the Professional Student teachers on HE ITE programs will have dual identities: the identity as a learner in the academic context of the university and the identity as a teacher in the school placement setting. Menter (2010) defines professional identities as “how

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teachers see themselves and their work” (p. 29). The construction of this identity will therefore include perceptions from within the self but also external perceptions of what good teaching is, for example, from the educational context, educational policy, and the Teachers Standards (DfE, 2012). Clarke et al. (2017) summarize these competing influences as “outside in” where student teachers’ “knowledge and expertise are seen to derive from an external source” (2017, p. 116) and “inside out” where they may “imagine the sort of teacher they aspire to be” (2017, p. 120) “based on their own experiences, wishes and fantasies .” For student teachers, the formation of teacher identity will be influenced by “multiple stories of what it is to be a teacher” some realistic, some idealistic, and some impossible to reach (Brown & England, 2004, p.71). This identity formation is fluid and changes over time. Generally, a sense of self will become more definite in young adulthood (Michikyan, Dennis, & Subrahmanyam, 2015), but student teachers are also working through their development from novice to professional, traversing from learner to teacher across the university setting and the school placement setting. As such, student teachers need to “shuttle back and forth between the desires and demands of self and others as well as to creatively respond to tension, paradox and ambiguity” presented by the ideals of identity from outside-in and inside-out (Clarke et al., 2017, p.116). Assessment, of course, will be part of this. Assessment judgments will reinforce or change the sense of worth and competence of the student teacher, and the dual identity inherent within this role. As Gee states, identity is “being recognized as a certain “kind of person,“ in a given context . . . In this sense of the term, all people have multiple identities connected not to their “internal states“ but to their performances in society” (Gee, 2000, p. 99). For student teachers, performances are assessed within different contexts in different ways. They also have to demonstrate competence against the Teachers’ Standards. There is therefore further potential tension between the identity of the individual within the institutional context (be that school or the university) and the identity of the student teacher framed by reference to the discourse of the Teachers’ Standards, or as Gee identifies, tensions between the “institution identity” and “discourse identity” (2000, p. 100). The move toward authentic assessments in some way supports these competing identities, by connecting the academic or theoretical with the classroom. By authentic assessments, the work of Rawlusyk (2018) is relevant; she describes realistic assessments as those that encourage application and are linked to future learning or work. Authentic assessments are supported somewhat by the dominant teacher education discourse of the reflective practitioner (Moore, 2004) in that teachers need to be able to analyze, apply, and adjust a range of theoretical perspectives in relation to practice; “practice is always underpinned by theory and, further, practice is theory-in-action” (Adie & Wyatt-Smith, 2020, p. 271). If this is the case, both the academic and placement identity need to be assured. Imbrailo and Steenekamp (2020) go further and argue that the ability to reflect critically is determined by the presence of a professional identity; that is why critical reflection is easier for more experienced teachers whose professional identities are often more assured. They also state that the development of professional identity is “an important part of selfassessment practices” (Imbrailo & Steenekamp, 2020, p. 9) and peer-assessment has

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been found to be similarly effective (Sluijsmans et al., 2002) in developing selfregulatory skills which are necessary for reflection. Self-regulation is concerned with the self’s ability to “actively monitor, take action and evaluate one’s cognition, motivation and behaviour” (Altun & Erden, 2013, p. 2355) and provides the “basis for purposeful action” (Bandura, 1991, p. 248); this is the essence of reflection. Self- and peer assessment, reflection, and the development of professional identity are all interrelated. Self and peer assessment should therefore be of key importance for any professional program (Endedijk et al., 2014; van Dinther et al., 2015). A dearth of self/peer assessment practices in ITE programs will impact on the ability to reflect and further compound the complications around the development of a secure professional identity. Adie and Wyatt Smith (2020) also argue that not only do student teachers experience conflicting identities through assessment, but so do teacher educators. This conflict has at its heart competing formative and performative discourses. Teacher educators have an identity associated with support, nurturing, and scaffolding which sits well with a formative understanding of assessment (Adie & WyattSmith, 2020). However, they also need to enforce the performative demands of assessment frameworks by judging whether a student teacher passes or fails a placement, or indeed the program. Similarly, Kwan and Lopez-Real (2005) found that mentors felt challenged and conflicted between providing support to student teachers (through feedback) and judging performance as part of ITE quality assurance. It appears therefore that ITE assessment contributes to conflicting identities for all involved.

Competing Measures of Quality/Performance Alongside competing contexts and competing identities, ITE also has to deal with competing measures of performance, some of which use related terminology. Currently Higher Education ITE programs will have performance measured through the following external metrics: student satisfaction (National Student Survey); the outcomes of Ofsted inspections; the Teacher Excellence Framework as well as various league tables. The outcomes of an Ofsted inspection (itself a very particular type of assessment process) are perhaps the area that causes most concern in the sector given the implications of an unsatisfactory inspection, i.e., the closure of programs and departments. During an inspection, how student teachers are assessed and how they understand and use assessment in the classroom are judged, and the overall grade awarded to the institution will be informed. In terms of the assessment of student teachers, providers are expected to provide opportunities for “ongoing formative assessment . . . on whether trainees are gaining, applying and refining the knowledge and skills set out in the ITE curriculum. . .” in order to “diagnose deficits and close gaps” through collaboratively produced and flexible targets (Ofsted, 2022, pp. 41–42). As such, the inspection framework appears to prioritize the formative discourse. However, the very presence of a set of criteria used in a very

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high-stakes inspection framework is, in itself, performative as it focuses on “performance against appropriate standards or criteria, in order to generate grades which are reliable, valid, and defensible” (Winstone & Boud, 2022, p. 657). The criteria allow a summative grade to be awarded by Ofsted to the provider. The irony of the emphasis on a formative approach within criteria which are there essentially to inform a summative judgment is not lost. Reflecting the argument about performance data in the school sector, teacher educators experience the same challenges as teachers because of this uncomfortable coexistence between formative and performative values and practices where teachers need to both support pupil progress and measure performance (Mogboh & Okoye, 2019). If we consider another metric, the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF), we see another set of criteria and, indeed, the use of summative grades. The TEF may be linked to the “neoliberal values of market, choice and competition” (Morrish, 2019, p. 356), but it is difficult to see how this will help prospective student teachers make informed choices about where to go to study. Furthermore, the TEF looks likely to continue to base judgments on a different set of criteria including student perceptions of assessment and feedback (not necessarily recognized by Ofsted) alongside student learning gain, a definition of which will be articulated by providers themselves (Office for Students, 2020). This will no doubt include reference to assessment. So, again, we see competing and conflicting messages in relation to assessment: How does assessment link to performance? What is measured? How is it measured? What are the subsequent judgments? And what are the consequences of these? There is little alignment for ITE, instead the sector needs to navigate a way through.

Finding a Way Through So far, this chapter has essentially argued that assessment in ITE is particularly complex with conflicting and competing discourses, practices, and measurements. But how do we, as ITE teacher educators, find a way through? In discussing possible remedies, what follows does not attempt to provide easy wins, quick fixes, or even reliable solutions; the climate and context are too convoluted and fluid for that. Rather, a number of possible points of reflection are listed below for consideration (see C.Elbra-Ramsay, 2021 for previous work on this).

Explicit Modeling Given that there are competing assessment discourses for ITE, finding and exploiting any possible opportunities for concurrence where we can will be significant. Examples of evidence-informed “good practice” that have links across contexts could be modeled explicitly by articulating the reasoning, decision-making, and underlying assessment principles to the student teachers. Modeling (and the use of exemplars) is regarded as a useful approach for teaching disciplinary thinking and complex ideas (Matsumoto-Royo & Ramírez-Montoya, 2021) in teacher education, and assessment

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is certainly, as has been argued, complex and particularly benefits from this approach (Macken et al., 2020; McConlogue, 2020). Furthermore, Matsumoto-Royo and Ramirez-Montoya (2021) argue that modeling allows core practices and understandings to be made visible to student teachers particularly when they are “relevant to authentic teaching situations and be as realistic as possible” (p. 2). Graham also found that modeling was crucial in the development of student teachers’ understanding of assessment as it provided “concrete examples of how assessment theory and practices” (Graham, 2005, p. 619) were applied to the real classroom. Cheng et al. (2010) state that student teachers see their teacher educators as role models from whom they can learn; modeling of assessment behaviors, approaches, and strategies by teacher educators can therefore influence student teachers’ own understanding and practice, so teacher educators need to choose these modeling opportunities well in order that assessment becomes clearer rather than further confused. For example, when briefing student teachers on an academic assignment, can we use strategies from the school context? Student teachers could work in pairs to explore model assignments, and identify success criteria and areas of improvement to jointly action. As another example, could academics make use of “live marking” strategies in taught sessions? Could formative approaches be made more explicit by adapting session or even module content to accommodate emerging needs that formative strategies reveal? Again, all of these could be done explicitly so that student teachers experience and understand a formative assessment approach as a learner in order that they can also make sense of it as a practicing teacher. Modeling and exploiting opportunities for similarity rather than difference, in this way, will meet the need to “rethink [and in some cases establish] the relationship between the ITE academic program, undertaken in universities, and the school-based professional experience program” (Adie & Wyatt-Smith, 2020, p. 269).

Self-Regulation Sambell (2016) argues that students’ experiences of assessment in Higher Education promote “general feelings of compliance, powerlessness and subservience rather than a sense of belonging, enthusiasm, enjoyment and ownership of the learning process” (Sambell, 2016, p. 1). For student teachers, this will no doubt influence how they then approach assessment in their own classrooms and indeed how their pupils will then feel about assessment and learning. However, Klassen and Tze (2014) found that teacher effectiveness and pupil outcomes are linked to a teacher’s ability to evaluate teaching performance (Lorencová et al., 2019), and indeed student teachers and teachers have a professional responsibility to actively reflect on and seek out professional development opportunities (DfE, 2012). An important consideration therefore is how ITE attempts to use a more self-regulatory, learner-centric approach to assessment wherever possible in order that such skills can be developed in student teachers. Opportunities for meaningful self and peer-assessment should be maximized given the positive impact on self-regulation (Kincal & Ozan, 2018; Macken et al.,

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2020; Sluijsmans et al., 2002). Wherever possible, assessment criteria and targets for development should be jointly constructed and dialogue used to encourage selfassessment and reflection (Nicol & Macfarlane-Dick, 2006). Assessment should not feel like something that is ‘done’ to a student teacher, rather a process they own, use and engage with (Bloxham, 2018); a ‘necessary’ learning opportunity in itself which includes self-critique, independent judgement . . . . other skills for continuing learning and personal responsibility for assessing performance (Boud, 2011, p. 2). Wherever possible therefore, ITE teacher educators should carefully construct assessment opportunities for self-regulatory principles to be met and revisit any assessment practices which may explicitly or implicitly suggest a top-down model of assessment, bearing in mind of course (as has been argued previously in the chapter) that teacher education is itself subject to numerous top-down models of assessment. However, wherever possible teacher educators should try to “own” assessment materials in the same way the assessment literature argues that assessment materials should be “student owned” with self-regulatory opportunities and associated selfregulatory language. We want assessment practices that stimulate and improve student teacher learning in the long term (Sambell, 2016) rather than simply evidence that an assessment policy has been met, so teacher educators need to seize any opportunity to do this.

Critical Debate Ignoring the competing discourses and practices discussed in this chapter only serves to create further confusion. Rather, areas of assessment conflict should be made explicit, explored, and critically debated. Kyttälä (2022, p. 14) argues that assessment “always involves the use of power” and therefore the area should be explored critically by student teachers. Indeed the development of critical thinking is viewed as a core purpose of teacher education, particularly in relation to assessment (McConlogue, 2020) as it prepares them for the changing education context and enables deeper understanding of the links between theory and practice (Lorencová et al., 2019). Given that understanding of assessment is viewed as holding the “highest potential of increasing student outcomes” (Oo et al., 2022, p. 366), it is doubly important that this is a critical and therefore complex and nuanced understanding. In suggesting the potential of critical debate, it is recognized that there is a risk in being seen to critique mandated assessment practices, but we need to encourage reflective and reflexive links between these discourses and studentteachers’ experiences, as both a teacher and a learner, through reasoned and critical engagement and debate (Elbra-Ramsay, 2021). This will support ITE providers in developing transformative teachers with a deep understanding of assessment principles, assessment research, and the underpinning values of assessment practices. Without debate, we run the risk of producing compliant technicians (Clarke & Phelan, 2017) who only hold superficial understanding (Lorencová et al., 2019) and are incapable of moving beyond performative requirements of a given set of standards in operation at the time.

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Conclusion If we view assessment as part of learning and teaching, we should perhaps not be surprised by its complexity, given that learning is similarly multifaceted, contested, and problematic. Nevertheless, the subject and practice of assessment is made even more challenging for the ITE sector, given the different contexts, concepts, and highstakes performativity measures it operates within. Acknowledging this complexity is the first step as it is only by doing so that we can begin to debate some of the inherent tensions regarding assessment with our student teachers. This is important because not only is it recognized that “one of the key aims of teacher education is to support the development of adequate assessment skills” (Kyttälä et al., 2022, p. 16), but also we need our student teachers to be critical, thoughtful, and reflective about such an important part of learning and teaching. The same is also true for teacher educators. We must not lose sight of the choices we still have in terms of the nature of assessment within the sector and the opportunities that can be exploited for harmony rather than conflict. Indeed, rather than considering the sector problematic, maybe we should view it as unique in that it allows student teachers to experience assessment in different contexts and in different roles as both a learner and teacher. The distinctive and multifaceted nature of ITE could allow for a really rich understanding of assessment to be developed in our student teachers, one that will no doubt influence the future pupils with whom they go on to work. In terms of assessment, “it is essential to establish the link between the faculties, where future teachers are educated and actual schools where these teachers will eventually educate our children, and to deepen our scientific knowledge of the issues” (Hamodi et al., 2017, p. 187). ITE is well positioned to do this.

Summary The inclusion of critical debate is therefore crucial if our student teachers are to have a deep and nuanced understanding of assessment.

Cross-References ▶ Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working ▶ Policy Problems: Policy Approaches to Teacher Education Research ▶ Policy, Teacher Education, and Covid-19: An International “Crisis” in Four Settings ▶ Professionalism in Practice: Contextual Differences in Understandings, Practices, and Effects of Teacher Autonomy ▶ Recent Trends in Teacher Identity Research and Pedagogy ▶ School-Based Teacher Educators: Understanding Their Identity, Role, and Professional Learning Needs as Dual Professionals

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▶ Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared ▶ The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers ▶ The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making ▶ Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View

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The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making

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Clare Brooks

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The ITT Market Review in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ways of Conceptualizing Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Market Review’s Claim for Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Consistency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Core Content Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Market Review Recommendations: Making the CCF the New “Standard” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Particular Type of Evidence? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion: There Is No Alternative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . But There Is an Alternative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

“Quality” has become a buzz word in teacher education policy formation resulting in increasingly prescriptive policy approaches, particularly in England. Through analysis of how the English policy documents make claims for quality and the basis for those claims, I argue that not only are they poorly defined but also, because of their rhetorical positioning, are deeply flawed. Claims for quality are not benign but are used discursively to promote a narrow and prescriptive approach to teacher education. This reductionist view deliberately focusses on the use of “evidence” as a way of shutting down debate and side-lining alternative approaches. England is just one example of policy reform and can be seen as an outlier, as other approaches can draw upon a different and equally valid international evidence base. It is used here however to draw attention to the ways in which claims for quality and the evidence base upon which they draw can be misleading. C. Brooks (*) UCL Institute of Education, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_10

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Keywords

Quality · Policy · Core content framework · Evidence · Rhetoric

Introduction Around the world, there is a policy preoccupation with quality in teacher education. As Mayer (2017) has argued, many nations have resorted to a cycle of review, policy making, and borrowing resulting in the adoption of a narrow range of approaches. While there is some recognition of the international variation and outliers such as Norway and Wales, which have sought to promote a research-based approach to teacher education, much of the international space is dominated by policies of regulation and control. Teacher education in England is particularly highly regulated, with several layers of accountability relating to provider accreditation, regulatory framework compliance checks, content prescription with adherence, admission and results monitoring, student satisfaction reporting, and provider and partnership inspection. An example of this form of policy making is the Department for Education’s Initial Teacher Training (ITT) Market Review “expert” group’s list of recommendations which stipulate that all initial teacher education (or “training” to use the government’s preferred term) providers are required to seek reaccreditation against a list of Quality Requirements in order to maintain their provision beyond 2024 (Department for Education, 2021b). This is part of a policy drive by the Department for Education (DfE) to deliver what they describe as a “world class” teacher development system, and as such this approach has been closely watched around the world, with policy makers in both USA and Australia noting the trends in England and citing them as examples of good practice. As such, the claims on which they are based warrant closer critical examination. My focus is not on why a Market Review for initial teacher education (ITE) was deemed necessary and what it was supposed to achieve, but rather on how “quality” has been defined and used within the policy documentation. I do not critique the neoliberal policy making approach that underpins this policy context, as the reference to teacher education as a part of a highly marketized system is overt, as can be seen in the DfE’s announcement introducing the Market Review: The central aim of the review and our recommendations is to enable the provision of consistently high-quality training, in line with the CCF, in a more efficient and effective market.

The aim is to exemplify, through the examination of the English policy documents, how the word “quality” can be used discursively to disrupt teacher education practices. The CCF cited in the above quotation is a reference to the government’s ITT Core Content Framework (Department for Education, 2019) which “defines in detail” the content of initial teacher training programs as a “minimum entitlement” which the DfE

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describes as having been drawn from “best available evidence.” Evidence is given a high profile in the Market Review (evidence is mentioned 88 times in the document, research: 40 times). The evidence sources outlined in the ITT Core Content Framework (CCF) have been verified by the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF). The assertion that the policy reforms will result in high-quality training is premised on an assumption that the Core Content Framework, once implemented, will result in highquality teacher education and training. The claim to “quality” resulting from adoption of the CCF as expressed in the Market Review is also analyzed in this chapter. Throughout the policy documents, “evidence” is used as justification for the policy direction and contents and its claim to “quality,” albeit that neither word is given full definition or elaboration. In the first part of this chapter, I critically explore the claims for quality that underpin these reforms. In the second part of the chapter, I explore the “evidence” cited that underpins this approach. The chapter presents selected exemplars to construct this analytical account. The examination of the English policy documents shows how the adjectival use of “quality” can be manipulated to promote a certain type of teacher education practices, revealing how precarious and partial the use (and abuse) of references to quality in policy documents can be. The intention then is to alert teacher educators to think beyond how “quality” teacher education is currently being constructed, to be aware of the rhetoric of how quality and evidence are used to promote particular perspectives, and to consider the values and vision that underpin such a perspective. Alternative approaches to both understanding quality in teacher education and research evidence bases are evident in the international literature, and so I conclude that the international teacher education community should be galvanized to ensure that such approaches are treated with skepticism and critique before they are adopted elsewhere.

The ITT Market Review in England The ITT Market Review was undertaken by an “Expert” Group convened by the Department of Education (DfE) of the British Government during 2020/2021. The ITT Market Review group published their report in June 2021, which consisted of 14 recommendations, and a list of Quality Requirements which would constitute the criteria for an accreditation process for all new and current providers. The recommendations were accepted with some modifications by the DfE in December 2021 (Department for Education, 2021a). The ITT Market Review applies only to teacher education in England, as this responsibility is devolved to respective governments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The review is a response to the highly differentiated landscape of teacher education (taught through a combination of university-led and school-based routes) that has emerged from previous policy initiatives which focused on a school-led teacher education infrastructure and which led to a teacher education “market” that has been described as being both diverse and complex (Whiting et al., 2018). The Market Review is only part of a suite of changes happening to teacher education, outlined in the Department for Education’s White Paper “Opportunity for all: strong

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schools with great teacher for your child,” and which centralizes and defines teacher development from new teachers (or trainees as they are referred to in the policy documentation) through to executive leaders. These changes also need to be seen within a landscape of wide-sweeping reforms to the teacher education infrastructure. Ofsted, the government’s inspectorate, published a new ITT Inspection Framework focusing on judging the quality of curriculum (defined through its intent, implementation, and impact) rather than outcome data. Teaching School Hubs, a major initiative in the teacher training infrastructure, have been introduced without a clear remit of their role in initial teacher education. There has been a national rollout of a suite of government-owned professional development programs (the Early Career Framework (ECF), and National Professional Qualifications (NPQs)). Teach First has maintained their national contract with the DfE to train nearly 2000 teachers, and a Multiple Academy Trust consortium was established running a National Institute of Teaching as the new government-initiated flagship teacher training and research institution – both reflect a new trend in nationwide (rather than locally responsive) teacher education provision. In other words, the Market Review happened at a time when the landscape of teacher education is changing rapidly in terms of infrastructure, architecture, content, and accredited partners and their roles. Within all these approaches, the policy intent is dominated by notions of “quality” and the policy formation is outlined as being “evidence-based.”

Ways of Conceptualizing Quality As “quality” has a variety of meanings and interpretations, Lee Harvey’s approach to quality in higher education provides a useful framework for thinking about what is being referenced when claims to quality are made. Harvey’s work (2007) distinguishes between quality and standards and argues that many definitions of quality are more aligned with quality assurance than an understanding of quality itself (see Table 1). He argues that quality and standards reference different aspects of education provision and are used for different purposes: Quality assurance mechanisms do not (in themselves) enhance the provision of education but are a process of governance, performing functions around accountability, control, and compliance. The distinctions in this categorization reveal some important aspects of how the term quality is used in reference to an educational activity. As Alexander (2015) notes, quality is often used as an adjective, but without clear articulation of how quality is then being defined. Quality can be variously expressed in the interests of different groups, for example, service or organization standards can be reflected in student satisfaction surveys or industry-benchmarks pertaining to the student experience. This may conflict with academic standards, so students may want to be compensated for a drop in service standards (say library opening times), but should this result in a change to how grades or degrees are assessed or awarded, this would compromise academic standards. Similarly, a degree program may be considered exceptional because it is located in a prestigious institution which has high entry requirements, but this does not mean that the educational experience itself is one that

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Table 1 Definitions of quality and standards (taken from Harvey, 2007) Quality Exceptional

Perfection or consistency Fitness for purpose

Value for money

Transformation

Standards Academic standards

Standards of competence

Service standards

Organizational standards

Definition A traditional concept linked to the idea of “excellence,” usually operationalized as exceptionally high standards of academic achievement. Quality is achieved if the standards are surpassed Focuses on process and sets specifications that it aims to meet. Quality in this sense is summed up by the interrelated ideas of zero defects and getting things right first time Judges quality in terms of the extent to which a product or service meets its stated purpose. The purpose may be customer-defined to meet requirements or (in education) institution-defined to reflect institutional mission (or course objectives) NB: There are some who suggest that “fitness of purpose” is a definition of quality, but it is a specification of parameters of fitness and not itself a definition of the quality concept Assesses quality in terms of return on investment or expenditure. At the heart of the value-for-money approach in education is the notion of accountability. Public services, including education, are expected to be accountable to the funders. Increasingly, students are also considering their own investment in higher education in value-for-money terms Sees quality as a process of change, which in higher education adds value to students through their learning experience. Education is not a service for a customer but an ongoing process of transformation of the participant. This leads to two notions of transformative quality in education: enhancing the consumer and empowering the consumer The demonstrated ability to meet a specified level of academic attainment. For pedagogy, the ability of students to be able to do those things designated as appropriate at a given level of education. Usually, the measured competence of an individual in attaining specified (or implied) course aims and objectives, operationalized via performance on assessed pieces of work. For research, the ability to undertake effective scholarship or produce new knowledge, which is assessed via peer recognition Demonstration that a specified level of ability on a range of competencies has been achieved. Competencies may include general transferable skills required by employers; academic (“higher level”) skills implicit or explicit in the attainment of degree status or in a postgraduation academic apprenticeship; particular abilities congruent with induction into a profession Are measures devised to assess identified elements of the service provided against specified benchmarks? Elements assessed include activities of service providers and facilities within which the service takes place. Benchmarks specified in “contracts” such as student charters tend to be quantified and restricted to measurable items. Post hoc measurement of customer opinions (satisfaction) is used as indicators of service provision. Thus, service standards in higher education parallel consumer standards Attainment of formal recognition of systems to ensure effective management of organizational processes and clear dissemination of organizational practices

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is “high quality” relative to a commensurate program in a different institution. Therefore, when quality is used as an adjective, understanding in what way it is being used is key to revealing how quality is understood, how it is expressed in relation to other approaches, and in whose interests it serves. Harvey’s categorizations are not value free. He makes the point that in higher education (and I would argue by extension teacher education), quality in education is really determined by transformation: It should seek to change the student. This process of change is what differentiates transformation, through the notion of “enhancing” and “empowering” the student. These transformational outcomes are important for teacher education where the goal is to transform a lay person into a teacher. However, for that transformation to occur needs a clear sense of what we expect of an educated teacher. Orchard and Winch (2015) distinguish between seeing teachers as executive technicians (“told prescriptively by others what to do, without needing to understand why they are being told to do it”), craft workers, or professionals: The teacher who is able to engage with theory and the findings of educational research shares with the craft worker teacher a capacity for self-direction. By contrast, though, the professional teacher is able to judge right action in various school and classroom contexts from a more reliable basis for judgment than intuition or common sense. A teacher who is able to make good situational judgments does not rely on hearsay or unreflective prejudice. She draws on a well-thought-through and coherent conceptual framework, on knowledge of well-substantiated empirical research, and on considered ethical principles, to arrive at decisions in the classroom context. (ibid p14)

In this distinction, Orchard and Winch outline the outcomes of a transformational teacher education: that teachers should have gained the knowledge and ethical principles to make good situational judgments, and as such this definition of quality requires a teacher education which is more expansive than one which focuses solely on practice or behaviors. This is not to say, of course, that a focus on what teachers do in the classroom should not be part of a quality teacher education experience, but that to do so effectively requires a level of knowledge and understanding. If we accept Orchard and Winch’s definition of a professional teacher as the goal for teacher education, then it follows that new teachers need to acquire this knowledge so that they may be enhanced and empowered to make situational judgments. The ITT Market Review does place a great deal of emphasis on knowledge: particularly as it relies on the government’s own Core Content Framework as laying out the content of teacher education programs. However, the question remains as to whether this content is sufficient to substantiate the claims for quality that the expert group make.

The Market Review’s Claim for Quality Within the Market Review report, notions of quality are inferred through three rhetorical devices which I will address in turn:

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• An emphasis on consistency as an important goal for high-quality teacher training • The robustness of the Core Content Framework as fit for purpose program content • A reemphasis of competency standards toward knowledge acquisition

Consistency Within the DfE’s response to the Market Review Recommendations, the word quality is mentioned 204 times; in the Market Review report itself, it is used 161 times. In both cases, the word is used variously, often in the form of an adjective prefixed as “high-quality” adjoined to all aspects of ITE practice including placements, curriculum, evidence, and mentor training. Within the Market Review Report itself, the claim for quality is closely linked to adherence to the CCF: The evidence for the characteristics of effective teaching that underpins both the CCF and the ECF has been independently assessed and endorsed by the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF). These frameworks set out the core areas of expertise that teachers need to learn during their training and induction phase. To fulfil its potential, the CCF needs to be delivered as the core of an ITT curriculum which has itself been designed in light of the evidence we have for effective training.

This statement illustrates the logic of the claims for quality: that the “characteristics of effective teaching,” as endorsed by the EEF, have been turned into a series of “core areas of expertise” (as outlined in the CCF), which then if delivered will result in “effective training.” The logic is presented definitively. The authoritative basis of the EEF or the CCF is not questioned. The CCF was implemented across all ITE providers from September 2020, before the Market Review group published their recommendations. The call for change therefore is made on the basis that the problem of teacher education is that this approach has the potential to be effective but the issue lies in the implementation which requires consistency. The report goes on to suggest that structural changes are needed to ensure the consistency and coherence that are needed: The CCF will go some way to addressing the areas for improvement and ‘considerable variability’ in course content and quality identified by the Carter Review, but we believe that much more can be done to improve the content and quality of training across providers. The Review also provides an opportunity to align ITT with the ECF and the new NPQs, and to build on the capacity and expertise afforded by the new teaching school hubs, thereby creating a coherent national architecture for the delivery of teacher training and development. (p 6)

This approach is further endorsed in another paragraph (number 14 on page 6) which outlines how the Ofsted inspection framework “has a particular focus on the quality of the training curriculum at its heart” which will also be used to ensure that adherence to the CCF is consistent across providers.

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In the list of challenges identified by the Market Review group, the first challenge identified is that of consistency: Consistency across partnerships and between providers in the content and quality of the training curriculum, for example, in areas such as subject knowledge development, subject-specific pedagogies (including the teaching of early reading using systematic synthetic phonics) and effective behaviour management. (p 7)

This primacy given to consistency is reinforced in the statement about partnerships: Where partnerships establish a detailed and rigorous approach to the training of mentors and the quality assurance of their work, they are able to improve the quality, consistency and impact of mentoring. (p.9)

The Market Review report, however, does not provide any evidence that the CCF is not being applied consistently. Indeed, there is some evidence to suggest that the provision at this time was already of a consistent high quality. Prior to the announcement of the Market Review and before adherence to the CCF was part of its inspection framework, Ofsted inspections of ITT providers during 2019–2020 revealed that all providers had received a “good” or “outstanding” judgment (Roberts, 2020), which when combined with previous results revealed that over 90% of providers were rated as “good” or “outstanding” – a statistic that suggested that training was already of a consistently high standard, and fully complete with established regulatory frameworks. According to Harvey’s framework, consistency can be seen as a definition of quality when aligned with perfection: where there are zero defects. However, to promote consistency to a framework as “high quality” relies on the framework to which consistency is applied to be appropriate and effective in reaching its goals. A flawed framework that is consistently applied would not result in high-quality teacher education. The claim to quality here is reliant on the assumption that the Core Content Framework is a reliable account of quality initial teacher training. This is the second claim for quality in the Market Review report.

The Core Content Framework The status of the CCF as a framework and not a curriculum is carefully made: However, the CCF is not in itself a curriculum nor indeed a fully developed model for ITT. A central responsibility for providers in determining the shape and quality of their course is in the design of the training curriculum. In designing their training curriculum, accredited providers will need to ensure that the entirety of the content set out in the CCF is fully integrated, alongside further content which they deem appropriate to include. (p. 10)

However, there are repeated messages through the Market Review report about the importance of including the mandated CCF content, as seen in the selection of quotes below:

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The CCF highlights the importance of pupils mastering foundational concepts and knowledge before moving on, and of teachers anticipating common misconceptions in a subject. The CCF sets out requirements which teachers need to meet, regardless of the subject or phase in which they are teaching. For example, all trainees who teach early reading must be taught about systematic synthetic phonics (SSP). Adaptive teaching is an important area in the CCF. Alongside important content relating to the most effective approaches to adapting teaching in response to pupil needs, it sets out some specific content relating to knowledge and experience that all trainees must acquire relating specifically to pupils with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities (SEND).

In each of these statements, the CCF is presented as a definitive account of what should be included in a teacher education program. This claim rests on the content of the CCF having been verified by the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF). The EEF was founded in 2011 by the Sutton Trust, Impetus, and a founding grant of £125 million from the Department of Education. The EEF describes itself as “a charity with a moral imperative,” which is “not just a grant-funder or research organisation” (Website n.d.). Their particular focus is to raise attainment and to close the disadvantage gap which they seek to do by: • Summarizing the “best available evidence” for teachers through their teaching and learning toolkit • Generating new evidence of “what works” to improve teaching and learning • Supporting teachers and senior leaders to use this evidence The EEF does not have any specific expertise in teacher education, nor has it to date completed any research in initial teacher education (although it has recently published an evidence review focused on effective teacher professional development focusing on teachers post-qualification). The EEF also focuses on narrow range of research methodologies preferring evaluation studies based on randomized control trials, and evidence reviews. The specific role of the EEF has been to verify that there is a research basis for content of the CCF with respect to statements about teaching and learning. The basis for the verification is through the lens of their particular research focus. The EEF does not comment or endorse aspects of education for which there has not been this particular type of research (either RCT or metareviews), nor does it endorse research evidence which has come from alternative research approaches, such as experiential, practitioner, or qualitative research. The EEF’s role in the CCF was to ensure that the statements about teaching practices are grounded in their definition of robust evidence. They have not conducted any research into the approach of the CCF itself, nor can they lay claims that basing a teacher education program on range of core content in this way is a precursor to quality. The use of the EEF to verify the content of the CCF is also rhetorical. The EEF describes itself as a charity with moral imperative with a mission to address the achievement gap. But through its adoption of particular research methodologies, it

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presents its findings as objective and neutral. In this vein, it can be described as advocacy think tank (McGann, 2016). Advocacy think tanks play a key role in policy making, but to do so draw upon sources of evidence in a disproportionate way. This creates a tension between ability to influence and their desire to enforce messages about the robustness of their research syntheses as being neutral and objective. McGann (ibid, p.17) argues that: Advocacy tanks, which adhere to strong values and often take institution-wide positions on particular policy issues, face tension between maintaining consistent value positions and perceptions of objectivity and completeness.

This is not to suggest that there are flaws with the robustness of the research conducted by the EEF, but to recognize that their selection of methodological approach, evidence sources, and indeed the research questions selected are all political. To present the EEF therefore as a neutral verification of the CCF is, at best, misleading. The Market Review’s emphasis on fidelity to the CCF is based on its external verification by the EEF, which according to Harvey’s categorization is a definition of quality as fitness for purpose. As the EEF draws on an evidence base from a narrow set of research methodologies, its claims will always be partial, subject to revision (upon the production of new evidence such as the EEF’s new critical reports on cognitive and neuroscience and the teaching of phonics), and with significant omissions. While this is partially recognized by the Market Review’s admission that the CCF needs to be supplemented and public statements made by members of the Expert Group (noting the significant content gaps in the CCF in a presentation at the Universities Council for the Education of Teachers conference in 2019) to then claim that it is quality because it is fit for purpose is deeply flawed. It is however a useful piece of rhetoric. An additional concern is that using the EEF in this way undermines the role of universities, whose traditional contribution to the professions is to validate the knowledge claims for the field (Freidson, 2001). For example, the publication of the document “Delivering World Class Teacher Development” by the DfE (2022) shows diagrammatically the relationship between the DfE, providers, and other organizations in this new wave of policy. Placing the DfE at the head of the diagram in the document, the diagram is annotated as: The DfE created evidence informed frameworks, validated by the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF).

This infrastructure around teacher development places the DfE as the curator of what is considered appropriate research or evidence to be used as content for teacher education programs, through the implied authority of the EEF. This goes a step further than previous reports which situate the teacher as a consumer of research (Carter, 2015), but teacher educators as the curator of that research, as it now places the DfE, and its affiliate organizations, as the authority who selects which evidence is

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appropriate for new teachers to learn, raising questions about the authority, independence, and expertise for them to perform this function.

Market Review Recommendations: Making the CCF the New “Standard” Harvey makes the point that in higher education quality is often confused with standards or the quality assurance mechanisms that refer to those standards. There is little reference to standards as a quality measure in the Market Review document. The only mention of academic standards is to indicate that any academic award is at the discretion of the provider and is not included as part of the list of Quality Requirements for ITT; service standards are omitted completely. There is a nod to organizational standards in the Quality Requirements that refer specifically to partnership and the distribution of responsibility and accountability throughout the partnership. Standards of competence in this instance would refer to the Teacher Standards: the formal expression of competence that needs to be met and demonstrated in order for someone to be recommended for the award of Qualified Teacher Status. In the Market Review document, Teacher Standards are purely seen as a summative judgment: The teachers’ standards continue to be best placed to act as an endpoint assessment, while formative assessments aligned to providers’ curricula should be used throughout the course to measure trainees’ mastery of the curriculum and ability to apply this in a classroom setting.

The Market Review has however introduced a form of standard which is neither academic nor competency related: the ongoing assessment against the curriculum, which in turn must reflect the content of the Core Content Framework: Ongoing in-course assessment should be against content delivered by that point in the course, rather than against the level of expertise or standard required by the end of the course. During the course, assessment should feed into the identification of aspects of the curriculum which trainees are finding challenging and be used to adapt approaches to delivery or reshape practice accordingly. (p. 63)

This is a significant adjustment and addition to the standards pertinent to initial teacher education: The competence of new teachers is now to be judged in terms of knowledge acquired (as well as practical teaching). Providers should also ensure at the end of the course that trainees have good knowledge of those aspects of cognitive science which are contained in the CCF. (p. 63)

Here again, the Core Content Framework is used as a touchstone for the claims toward quality – that even the competency standards, which previously would have

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related to the Teacher Standards are now supplemented by the list of content outlined in the CCF. The three claims for quality outlined here are all predicated on the assumption that the content of the CCF is a starting point for how quality teacher education is defined. This is expressed through the need for it to be applied consistently, its evidence base (illustrating fitness of purpose), and the adjustment of it as a standard of competence. The primacy of the CCF as a quality benchmark can be attributed to the inferred robustness of its evidence base.

A Particular Type of Evidence? The Market Review report bases its claim to quality on the CCF because the content has been independently verified by the Education Endowment Foundation, and therefore is deemed to be fit for purpose. Similarly, other recommendations that do not rely on the CCF, such as the use of intensive training and practice elements, are also based on similar research methodologies. The evidence base that underpins this recommendation is taken from the “science of learning” as promoted by the US-based Deans for Impact 2016 publication. The report recommends this approach without any reference to the somewhat different context and structure of teacher education from which the research was derived. The Deans for Impact research was based in the USA, where teacher education programs are highly compartmentalized: “content courses” are separate to practical experiences, often taught by faculty who are disconnected from the practicum experiences, thereby making the connections between theory and practice structurally problematic and requiring approximations of practice and incidences of rehearsal to support the transition from theory to practice. The structural arrangements of university-based programs (and some third sector programs which are separated from practical experiences) make it challenging for the authentic transition of the content of these courses to classroom experiences. However, the situation in English teacher education programs is quite different. On a university-based program, prior to the Market Review recommendations, trainee teachers spent 66% of their time in school, often interwoven between university-based programs and practical experiences. Academic staff will also often visit trainees while they are on teaching practice and observe and feedback on a lesson, with the intention of helping new teachers to make the connections between taught sessions and classroom practice. Moreover, the strong focus on partnership in teacher education also means that many taught sessions are taught in tandem with school partners even within school contexts, and the relationship between theory and practice made explicit. A typical process would be exactly as outlined in the Market Review recommendations under the label of intensive training and practice. However, the preference for US-based research echoes the trend in the evidence selected for inclusion in the Market Review document which shows a preference for research generated outside of English universities, the dominant producer of

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research-based evidence for education in that context. The Market Review document contains citations of: • 4 articles from peer-reviewed journals • 4 reports from nonuniversity organizations • 18 government publications The dominance of research from non-university government-sponsored publications is indicative of the type of preferred “evidence” that influences policy. This reflects Tatto’s (2021) concerns about education policy agendas which have become reliant on tools from econometric research, and are displacing educational research insights as the source of authoritative data to inform changes to both policy that may affect practice. When policies are influenced by evidence drawn from econometric analysis, Tatto argues it can negate the personal, social, and cultural impact of education. Teacher quality is seen in narrow economic terms: both not only in relation to the relationship between education and international competitiveness but also in relation to how that quality is judged: through a simplistic input-to-output logic, evoking notions of effectiveness and efficiency. Such an approach to defining quality empties out the experience of being a teacher. Tatto’s argument is that not only does this approach privilege research which is disconnected from practice, but that it is also constrained by a conception of education success solely orientated to achievement, a reliance on secondary data sets, and as such is severely limited. While this not only has the impact of silencing the professional voices and expertise of the profession to determine its own knowledge base, it also runs the risk of defining quality in narrow terms, with a false veil of objectivity. Such arguments have also been made by Biesta (2007) who has argued that this preference of evidence over research and a focus on “what works” enquiries lack contextual detail, ethical reflections and transferability, and indeed methodological robustness.

Discussion: There Is No Alternative The version of quality that is being promoted in these documents is presented as definitive, despite coming from a highly selective evidence base. Providers are obliged, required, and compelled to respond in the affirmative, because if a provider is seen as being “against” this approach, then they must be against quality, an “enemy of promise,” or apologizer for lesser quality provision. This is a rhetorical argument, which is an example of the There Is No Alternative (TINA) rhetoric that has been used in right-wing politics since the nineteenth century but most famously by Margaret Thatcher. Séville (2017) argues that a characteristic of TINA rhetoric is the referencing of “‘objectively’ detectable necessities or evidence.” Evidence is used to “claim plausibility and legitimacy beyond economic parameters” and to justify policies or their approach. This approach means that the evidence used to underpin the policy is central to the claims for quality being made. Not only does this approach seek to persuade about why the proposed policy is an imperative, but it also

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serves the purpose of negating any alternative perspective, or indeed the need to consider an alternative. Such an approach to policy making is part of the overall policy aim of commodifying teacher education. This commodification has previously focused on changing the perception of the institutions involved in teacher education away from their mission to educate new teachers into being service providers. This has been achieved not only through a change in the nomenclature (teacher training, training providers, and trainees) but also by opening up the “market” to new providers and skewing this market to favor institutions that lack a social and civic remit or educational tradition. However, the Market Review policies outlined above add a new layer to this commodification. The policy shifts the narrative onto forms of quality which are not grounded in educational outcomes of transformation. By focusing on definitions of quality around fitness for purpose, knowledge as a replacement for competency, and consistency across providers, the emphasis is taken away from the transformational potential of teacher education onto technical aspects of teacher classroom behavior. This approach is underpinned by the portrayal of the Education Endowment Foundation as a form of neutral and objective verification. This leads to the perception that this is no alternative.

But There Is an Alternative However, there is indeed an alternative, and one with a robust evidence base. Within the field, the need for a consensus about the form and process of teacher education has been made for some time (Cochran-Smith, 2004, 2005; Cochran-Smith & Zeichner, 2005; Hiebert et al., 2002), and complex descriptions of highly successful practices both locally and internationally have been made available. DarlingHammond and her colleagues (Darling-Hammond, 2006, 2017, 2021; DarlingHammond et al., 2000) have conducted various reviews into teacher education programs which were chosen following an extensive collection of evidence of their high quality from practitioners, scholars, employers, and graduates, the findings of which have gained wide traction. Their study of well-reputed US-based programs determined a range of common features, which were further expanded by their later international study illustrating a cumulative wisdom with wide context validity and applicability. However, these findings are complex and require interpretation and, as such, sit in contrast to the rather simplistic view that the implementation of a list of prescribed content is sufficient as a benchmark of quality. Indeed, the idea that teacher development should be based on this “simple” view is what Tatto, Richmond, and Carter Andrews (2016) suggest is a discourse around minimalist teacher education, which places an overemphasis on technical practice which is reductionist and does not prepare teachers well to practice the moral-ethical judgments, and creative problem solving they need. An over-reliance on prescribed procedures and rule-following can lead to inappropriate action, or teaching that is performative and managerialist (Edwards-Groves & Grootenboer, 2015).

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Additionally, the idea that prescribing particular approaches to teacher education will result in higher quality training is also flawed. Hammerness and Klette (2015) were able to use the key indicators of effective teacher education practice to analyze how different teacher education programs sought to connect theory and practice, concluding that as indicators they do not offer a conceptualization of quality, but as opportunities for learning. In other words, their data reveals the likelihood that such opportunities exist but are not able to reveal the (transformative) quality of that opportunity. This is a key finding for policy making based on any synthesis of research. Mandating particular forms of pedagogical practices will not necessarily have the anticipated impact on the learners. It is the ability of educational processes to enrich and empower learners so that they become independent that indicates a high-quality (or transformative) educational experience. This finding is corroborated by other research that has sought to compare different approaches to teacher education. For example, in their review of the quality and effectiveness of programs considered to be an alternative provision, Ing and Loeb (2008) note that attributing quality to individual measures or program elements (such as program design, partnership placement, or the characteristics of the teacher candidates) is not possible, as each indicator can outweigh the impact of the others. For them, the success of a program relates to the ways in which individual experiences are supported and offset: So adjustments can be made for the individual candidate, the program curriculum, or the placement school setting. In other words, they suggest that quality or effectiveness is when programs are responsive to the needs, progress, and attainment of the individual. These research findings call into question the ways in which the Market Review in England, and the Core Content Framework upon which it relies, can be viewed as high-quality interventions. Accepting Harvey’s position that quality in teacher education is a form of transformation: a process of change, and Orchard and Winch’s definition of a professional teacher being one that can exercise situational judgment: a high-quality teacher education program should provide opportunities for new teachers to develop the knowledge, understand and practical skills to be able to develop, learn, and eventually exercise that professional judgment. The ITT Market review claims for quality are based on three distinct rhetoric: • An emphasis on consistency as an important goal for high-quality teacher training • The robustness of the Core Content Framework as fit for purpose program content • A reemphasis of competency standards toward knowledge acquisition In turn, these are based on evidential claims stemming from evidence sourced from a partial and limited view of the available robust research. Approaches to teacher education where the novice professional is compelled to draw on a range of bodies, and sources of knowledge, and are offered a variety of ways of practicing, adapting, and understanding these approaches with the support of others, will not only bridge the theory-practice divide, but also provide an opportunity for new teachers to develop the knowledge and understanding they need so that they can act with integrity.

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The analysis of policy documents from one specific context has been used here to illustrate how claims for quality in initial teacher education require in-depth exploration. The argument presented is that the evidence for the claims made is flawed but used rhetorically to potentially powerful effect. Of course, this does not mean that the approach itself is flawed, but it does question whether any improvements in initial teacher education resulting from these changes can be attributed to the claims for quality laid down in the policy documents. For the international community of teacher educators and policy makers, these findings should lead to caution in the adoption of policy claims from other contexts (without thorough examination of the integrity of those claims), and to the adoption of some skepticism about how claims for quality in other policy documents are inferred.

References Alexander, R. J. (2015). Teaching and learning for all? The quality imperative revisited. International Journal of Educational Development, 40, 250–258. Biesta, G. (2007). Why “what works” won’t work: Evidence-based practice and the democratic deficit in educational research. Educational Theory, 57(1), 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.17415446.2006.00241.x Carter, A. (2015). Carter Review of Initial Teacher Training (ITT). Retrieved from London: https:// assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/ 399957/Carter_Review.pdf Cochran-Smith, M. (2004). The problem of teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 55(4), 295–299. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022487104268057 Cochran-Smith, M. (2005). Studying teacher education: What we know and need to know. Journal of Teacher Education, 56(4), 301–306. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022487105280116 Cochran-Smith, M., & Zeichner, K. M. (2005). Studying teacher education: The report of the AERA Panel on Research and Teacher Education. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Darling-Hammond, L. (2006). Powerful teacher education.: Lessons from exemplary programs. John Wiley & Sons. Darling-Hammond, L. (2017). Teacher education around the world: What can we learn from international practice? European Journal of Teacher Education, 40(3), 291–309. https://doi. org/10.1080/02619768.2017.1315399 Darling-Hammond, L. (2021). Defining teaching quality around the world. European Journal of Teacher Education, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/02619768.2021.1919080 Darling-Hammond, L., Macdonald, M. B., Snyder, J., Whitford, B. L., Ruscoe, G., & Fickel, L. (2000). Studies of excellence in teacher education: Preparation at the graduate level. ATCEE. Deans for Impact. (2016). Practice with purpose: The emerging science of teacher expertise. Deans for Impact. Department for Education. (2019). ITT core content framework. Retrieved from London: https:// assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/ 919166/ITT_core_content_framework_pdf Department for Education. (2021a). Government response to the initial teacher training (ITT) market review report. Department for Education. Retrieved from https://assets.publishing. service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1059746/FOR_PUB LICATION_Government_response_to_the_initial_teacher_training__ITT__market_review_ report.pdf

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Department for Education. (2021b). Initial teacher training (ITT) market review report. Retrieved from London: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/ attachment_data/file/999621/ITT_market_review_report.pdf Department for Education. (2022). Delivering worldclass teacher development: Policy paper. Retrieved from London: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/ uploads/attachment_data/file/1059686/Delivering_world_class_teacher_development_policy_ paper.pdf Edwards-Groves, C., & Grootenboer, P. (2015). Praxis and the theory of practice architectures: Resources for re-envisioning English education. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy, 38(3), 150–161. Freidson, E. (2001). Professionalism, the third logic: On the practice of knowledge. University of Chicago press. Hammerness, K., & Klette, K. (2015). Indicators of quality in teacher education: Looking at features of teacher education from an international perspective. In G. K. LeTendre & A. W. Wiseman (Eds.), Promoting and sustaining a quality teacher workforce (pp. 239–277). Emerald Publishing. Harvey, L. (2007). The epistemology of quality. Perspectives in Education, 25(3), 1–13. Hiebert, J., Gallimore, R., & Stigler, J. W. (2002). A knowledge base for the teaching profession: What would it look like and how can we get one? Educational Researcher, 31(5), 3–15. Ing, M., & Loeb, S. (2008). Assessing the effectiveness of teachers from different pathways: Issues and results. In P. Grossman & S. Loeb (Eds.), Alternative routes to teaching: Mapping the new landscape of teacher education (pp. 157–185). Harvard Education Press. Mayer, D. (2017). Professionalizing teacher education. In Oxford research encyclopedia of education (Vol. 1). https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.013.96 McGann, J. G. (2016). The fifth estate: Think tanks, public policy, and governance. Brookings Institution Press. Orchard, J., & Winch, C. (2015). What training do teachers need? Why theory is necessary to good teaching. PESGB. Roberts. (2020, August 27). Ofsted: All initial teacher training ‘good’ or better. TES. Retrieved from https://www.tes.com/magazine/archive/ofsted-all-initial-teacher-training-good-or-better Séville, A. (2017). From ‘one right way’ to ‘one ruinous way’? Discursive shifts in ‘There is no alternative’. European Political Science Review, 9(3), 449–470. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S1755773916000035 Tatto, M. T. (2021). Developing teachers’ research capacity: The essential role of teacher education. Teaching Education, 32(1), 27–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/10476210.2020.1860000 Tatto, M. T., Richmond, G., & Carter Andrews, D. J. (2016). The research we need in teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 67(4), 247–250. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0022487116663694 Whiting, C., Whitty, G., Menter, I., Black, P., Hordern, J., Parfitt, A., et al. (2018). Diversity and complexity: Becoming a teacher in England in 2015–2016. Review of Education, 6(1), 69–96. https://doi.org/10.1002/rev3.3108

Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education: A Scoping Review of Web-Based Applications

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Scoping Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stage 1: Identifying the Research Question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stage 2: Identifying Relevant Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stage 3: Study Selection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stage 4: Charting the Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stage 5: Summarizing and Reporting Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What SRSs Are Being Used in ITE, and What Terminology Is Being Used to Describe These Systems? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What ITE Subjects Are These Systems Being Used in, and What ITE Levels Are They Being Used with? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Are the Research Objectives with Regard to Studies Investigating the Use of SRSs in ITE? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Research Methods and Approaches Are Used to Investigate the Use of SRSs in ITE? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Advantages and Benefits Are Reported in These Studies, and What Challenges and Limitations Were Found? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary, Discussion, and Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

386 389 389 390 392 393 394 394 394 397 397 399 400 402 404 404

Abstract

The use of digital technologies in programs of Initial Teacher Education (ITE) is now well established, both for purposes of teaching, learning, and assessment of students within ITE programs, and so that student-teachers may themselves learn to use Information and Communications Technology (ICT) in their own teaching. This chapter undertakes a scoping review of the use of one particular form of E. Donlon (*) Institute of Education, Dublin City University, Dublin, Ireland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_82

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digital technology in ITE: Student Response Systems (SRSs). It systematically selects and reviews 19 studies retrieved from a rigorous search of academic journals across a 10-year timespan (2011–2021), with a focus on web-based SRS applications. The review considers a number of factors with regard to the use of these SRS in ITE, including what systems are in use and the terminology used to describe these, the ITE subjects and ITE levels they are being used with, the research objectives guiding investigations of SRS usage within ITE, the research methods and approaches used to pursue these objectives, and the reported advantages and benefits, as well as challenges and limitations, of using these systems in ITE settings. It concludes by identifying a number of research gaps relating to Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education and recommendations for further research. Keywords

Student response systems · Initial teacher education · Clickers · Audience response systems · Scoping review

Introduction The use of digital technologies in Initial Teacher Education (ITE) has long been a subject of attention (Donlon, 2019) and is now recognized as a core component of many ITE programs (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice, 2019). While plentiful focus exists with regard to the development of student-teachers’ digital competence, the issue of digital competence for teacher educators is also of significance (Starkey, 2020). One important reason for this comes from Uerz et al. (2018) who remind us that teacher educators are second-order teachers in that they educate student-teachers who themselves will be teaching pupils, as opposed to first-order teachers who work directly with pupils; with regard to the use of digital technologies, therefore, teacher educators “serve as role models for their students in teaching with technology as well as in fostering students’ technological literacy,” not only delivering the content of their courses but also teaching and modeling technology use and instructional strategies (Uerz et al., 2018, p. 13). Related to this, Tondeur et al. (2012) advocate that digital technologies be infused across entire ITE programs rather than restricted to standalone courses where student-teachers learn how to use such technologies for educational purposes, so that pre-service teachers can understand the more wholistic reasons behind using technology, rather than seeing it as a separate and isolated activity. The widespread prevalence of mobile devices in recent times has been one of the key drivers in facilitating this embedded approach to the use of digital technologies in teacher education (Baran, 2014). Mobile devices can be utilized within ITE for a variety of purposes, such as access to the Internet, use of educational applications (apps), use as a reader, and of particular relevance to the current chapter, use as a “clicker” (O’Bannon & Thomas, 2015), or as these are also known, Student Response Systems (Kocak, 2022).

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While a considerable body of literature exists with regard to Student Response Systems (SRSs), no universally employed definition is in use for them; this may in part be due to the variance in terminology used for such systems, discussed later in this chapter. In their quest to provide such a definition, Natanael and Rosmansyah (2020) define an SRS simply as “a system used to support interaction and engagement between teachers and students in the classroom” (Natanael & Rosmansyah, 2020, p. 221); however, their extended description gives further helpful detail, whereby they expand on an SRS as a learning technology that supports face-toface learning sessions by gathering responses to questions given by a teacher in the classroom, and which provides feedback to the teacher during learning processes via electronic devices. Until relatively recently, SRSs tended to take the form of a small dedicated handheld device, not dissimilar to a television remote control or a calculator, with a number of buttons that the user could choose from in order to transmit their response to a question or prompt, giving rise to one of the most commonly used terms to describe this technology: clickers (Caldwell, 2007). These physical devices connect to a central hub or receiver via either infrared or radio frequency, which can then usually integrate with presentation software such as PowerPoint (Keough, 2012) to display results. While the first use of SRSs in education can be traced to Stanford and Cornell universities in the 1960s, the initial cost of such systems combined with challenges around technical issues and usability across several decades of ongoing development meant that they did not see more widespread adoption until the beginning of the current century. By the end of the first decade of the 2000s, however, a large body of literature had begun to amass about such systems and their usage, as reflected in literature reviews by Caldwell (2007) and Kay and LeSage (2009). While such device-based systems continued to find use into the next decade, a new type of response technology also began to emerge and to quickly gain popularity. A natural evolution of clicker devices, these systems instead are web-based and allow users to access them via software or applications on Internet-connected devices such as smartphones, tablets, or laptops, which students may bring to class – an approach known as Bring Your Own Device, or BYOD (Paz-Albo et al., 2021) – or which may be available via computers or devices within the teaching room, such as in the case of an ICT laboratory. Popular examples of such systems include (but are by no means limited to) Kahoot!, Socrative, Poll Everywhere, and Mentimeter; see Wang (2015) and Çetin and Solmaz (2020) for brief but helpful overviews of a number of such systems. Different features and functionalities may be available, depending on the SRS in use (Çetin & Solmaz, 2020). Arguably the best-known functionality revolves around multiple-choice responses to a question or prompt (Peculea & Peculea, 2019). These may take the form of answering A, B, C, or D, for example, to a prompt posed by the teacher or displayed on-screen; this could be a question with answer options to choose from, or a True/False question or statement, or a Right/Wrong one, or Yes/No, or Agree/Disagree, and so on. The choices submitted can be used for diagnostic, formative, or summative purposes by the teacher (See et al., 2022),

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who may choose to present results to the class or to review the submissions privately and utilize these as they see best. The software usually provides helpful information in the form of simple statistics and percentages, as well as individual responses (Cancino & Capredoni, 2020), and in many cases can present the results graphically via formats such as bar charts, or can be downloaded for further analysis in file formats such as Excel (Çetin & Solmaz, 2020). Some SRSs will also allow for the entry of open text by the participant, meaning that students can submit a textual response of their choosing. This functionality allows for more advanced answers to questions posed by the teacher and can also be used to gather opinions, experiences, and suggestions from students. These responses may simply be collated and/or displayed or in some cases can be presented more graphically in formats such as word clouds, which sees a “cloud” of words generated based on responses and which displays words that occur more frequently in larger font size (Gokbulut, 2020). While speaking specifically about one web-based SRS, the summary provided by Valiente, Cazevieille, and Jover can be considered indicative of the general functionality and usage of SRSs in educational settings: “to ask questions about the topic being studied in class, or about necessary prerequisite knowledge, either orally or through predesigned questionnaires, individually or in groups, anonymously or identifying the respondents, as required; the instructor collects the results instantaneously and can analyze them, comment on them and/or save them for later” (Valiente et al., 2016, p. 78). Student Response Systems are also known by a variety of additional and alternative terms, most notably “Audience Response Systems” (Wood & Shirazi, 2020) and the aforementioned “clickers” – see Table 2a for a more extensive list. A number of literature reviews have considered the range of terms in use for this type of technology (Castillo-Manzano et al., 2016; Kay & LeSage, 2009; Keough, 2012; Kocak, 2022; Laici & Pentucci, 2019; Wood & Shirazi, 2020), and indeed it is notable that the majority of published articles on these systems will observe, to some extent, that multiple terms are used to describe such systems. While this variety of terminology was represented in undertaking the scoping review, the term Student Response System (SRS) will be used in this chapter for the purpose of consistency, unless quoting directly from a source that uses another term. The popularity of research into Student Response Systems can perhaps be gauged through the number of systematic reviews already conducted on literature pertaining to these systems. In some cases, these have been relatively broad in nature, such as Wood and Shirazi’s (2020) review of these systems in higher education with regard to the student experience, and Kocak’s (2022) review of the advantages and challenges of web-based Student Response Systems. Others have taken a more discipline-specific approach, with healthcare in particular being a focus of interest (such as Atlantis & Cheema, 2015). Focused systematic reviews around particular systems have also begun to emerge, such as Kahoot! (Donkin & Rasmussen, 2021; Wang & Tahir, 2020). To date, however, no systematic review specifically considering the use of Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education has been published.

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Scoping Review Munn et al. (2018) suggest that there is currently little guidance available regarding the decision to undertake a systematic review or a scoping review when synthesizing evidence. They propose that scoping reviews are the preferable option where the purpose of the review is to identify knowledge gaps, scope a body of literature, clarify concepts, or investigate research conduct, as well as to confirm the relevance of inclusion criteria and potential questions. Peters et al. describe a scoping review as “a fast-growing evidence synthesis approach for investigating and providing an overview of evidence and evidence gaps across a variety of fields” (Peters et al., 2022, p. 953). Arksey and O’Malley (2005) propose four reasons why a scoping review might be undertaken: to examine the extent, range, and nature of research activity; to determine the potential value of undertaking a full systematic review; to summarize and disseminate research findings; and to identify potential research gaps in the existing literature. Cognizant that no dedicated systematic literature review currently exists with regard to Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education and mindful that previous systematic reviews about SRSs have identified wide variation with regard to key concepts such as the terminology used to describe these systems (such as Kocak, 2022) and potential limitations with regard to the methodological approaches taken with regard to SRS investigations (Kay & LeSage, 2009), a scoping review was deemed suitable for the current study. This chapter draws primarily on the well-established and widely employed fivestage framework for scoping reviews put forward by Arksey and O’Malley (2005): (1) identifying the research question, (2) identifying relevant studies, (3) study selection, (4) charting the data, and (5) collating, summarizing, and reporting the results. These stages, the authors propose, are consistent with accepted views on undertaking systematic reviews, which outline that the review is conducted in a rigorous and transparent way, that it should be documented in sufficient detail to enable it to be undertaken by others if they so wish to, and that it contributes to reliability of findings and methodological rigor.

Stage 1: Identifying the Research Question This review aims to explore the use of web-based Student Response Systems specifically within the field of Initial Teacher Education. To that end, a number of research questions are utilized to guide the search and the review that follows. 1. What SRSs are being used in ITE, and what terminology is being used to describe these systems? 2. What ITE subjects are these systems being used in, and what ITE levels are they being used with? 3. What are the research objectives with regard to studies investigating the use of SRSs in ITE?

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4. What research methods and approaches are used to investigate the use of SRSs in ITE? 5. What advantages and benefits are noted in these studies, and what challenges and disadvantages were found? It will also address the observations of Arksey and O’Malley (2005) and of Munn et al. (2018) regarding key objectives in undertaking a scoping review, namely, to determine the potential value of undertaking a full systematic review, to identify potential research gaps in the existing literature, and to confirm the relevance of inclusion criteria and potential questions.

Stage 2: Identifying Relevant Studies Mindful of Arksey and O’Malley’s recommendation that the main point of scoping the field is to be as comprehensive as possible in identifying primary studies and ones that are suitable for answering the research questions of the investigation, a detailed approach was taken to formulating the search criteria, which would be used to identify studies of potential relevance. A truncation wildcard (*) was applied to relevant criteria to maximize certain search results. The search focused on the two core facets of the study: Initial Teacher Education and Student Response Systems. Acknowledging that a variety of terminology is employed to describe ITE (including, for instance, teacher training and teacher candidacy), the first step in building the search aimed to take account of the varying terminology, which might be used in relevant studies, and is outlined in Table 1. As outlined previously, Student Response Systems and the associated technologies are known by a multitude of alternative terms. A list of these terms was collated from the aforementioned academic sources and duplicates (which were plentiful) were eliminated (an initial trial search had been employed using the collective term “response system*” but the number of false positives that this returned was deemed too high, and thus, a range of specific terms, again using wildcard searching, was employed). The resulting list was then used to generate the extensive search string outlined in Table 2a (some other terms were removed at trial search stage due to not returning any results). This wide variety of terminology in use led to the concern that this still may not capture relevant studies as papers might alternatively refer to specifically named SRSs and not use a descriptive term listed in Table 2a. Thus, a further analysis was also undertaken of previously performed systematic reviews in order to collate the names of specific systems referred to in these studies (Herrada et al., 2020; Hussain

Table 1 ITE Terminology (“teacher educat*” OR “teacher train*” OR “trainee teach*” OR “preservice teach*” OR “preservice teach*” OR “student teach*” OR “student-teach*” OR “teacher candid*” OR “candidate teach*”)

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Table 2a Terminology for student response systems (“audience response system*” OR “audience response technolog*” OR “audience response device*” OR “classroom communication system*” OR “classroom performance system*” OR “classroom response system*” OR “clicker*” OR “electronic classroom voting system*” OR “electronic feedback system*” OR “electronic response system*” OR “electronic student response technolog*” OR “electronic voting system*” OR “learner response system*” OR “gamebased student response system*” OR “group response system*” OR “immediate response system*” OR “instant response system*” OR “interactive classroom communications system*” OR “interactive response system*” OR “online student response system*” OR “personal response system*” OR “personal response unit*” OR “polling system*” OR “real-time polling” OR “student response system*” OR “voting machine*” OR “voting system*” OR “web-based student response system*” OR “wireless course feedback system*”)

Table 2b Named Student Response Systems (“Gimkit” OR “GoSoapbox” OR “Hyper-Interactive Teaching Technology” OR “i-SIDRA” OR “I>Clicker” OR “i2Vote” OR “iClicker” OR “Interwrite” OR “Kahoot*” OR “Learning Catalytics” OR “Mentimeter” Or “Netclick” OR “Plickers” OR “Poll Everywhere” OR “PowerPoint Vote System” OR “Quizizz” OR “Slido” OR “Socrative” OR “Top Hat” OR “TurningPoint” OR “Votapedia” OR “Wooclap” OR “Zeetings” OR “Zuvio”)

& Wilby, 2019; Kocak, 2022; Laici & Pentucci, 2019; Wang & Tahir, 2020; Wood & Shirazi, 2020). The most recent version (2021) of a well-known annual technology review, “Top Tools for Learning” (Hart, 2021), was also consulted and tools that were classed as “live engagement tool” or “classroom engagement tool” were added to the list. The results were collated and duplicates eliminated, then used to generate the search string outlined in Table 2b. The combination of specific terminology with individually named systems has also been used in previous systematic reviews (such as See et al., 2022). The databases used were Academic Search Complete, British Educational Index, Education Full Text, Education Research Complete, and ERIC, all via the EBSCOhost interface, with a separate search of Web of Science. The final search string took the following format: “

ððTable 1Þ AND ðTable2a OR Table2bÞÞ”

The searches were performed in January 2022 with three search limiters: a timeframe from 2011 to 2021 in order to give a 10-year span and because it was assumed that usage of web-based SRS before this date would be unlikely; that results should only be returned from academic journals; and that these be articles written in English. The EBSCOhost engine returned 249 results and the Web of Science engine returned 23 results. Duplicates were automatically removed by EBSCOhost to reduce the number to 124, and these were imported with the 23 Web of Science results into Zotero, a reference management system which is helpful for assisting with the review process. Fifteen duplicate records were identified at that time, along with one book chapter; the 16 records were removed, leaving a total of 131 records to be screened at the title, abstract, and keyword levels.

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Stage 3: Study Selection Further records were excluded at this stage for several reasons; this included an incorrect discipline (for instance, pharmacy, business, architecture), “false positive” results (such as the term “student teacher” related to “student teacher relationship” or “student teacher communication,” or no mention of ITE, or the abstract indicating that the study was about practicing teachers). Two further studies were then removed: one because it was a systematic literature review and one because the full paper could not be accessed through normal channels (including library databases, preprint servers, and direct request to the corresponding author). This left 50 full papers to pass to the next stage for full-text screening. Several additional exclusion criteria were applied at this stage. The first was to exclude studies where the use of Student Response Systems was not considered to be a primary focus of the article. This was determined through identifying a specific research question or objective relating directly to the use of SRSs, and/or reference specifically to the SRS occurring in the research findings, discussion, or conclusion. Studies that investigated a range of technologies (of which the SRS was just one) were also excluded at this time. Finally, the criterion was applied to focus the study solely on web-based applications. Search limiters, inclusion criteria, and exclusion criteria are summarized in Table 3. Table 3 Search limiters, inclusion criteria, and exclusion criteria Initial Database Search Limiters: Timeframe (2011–2021), Publication Type (Journal Articles), Language (English) Criterion Inclusion Exclusion Population Staff and students of ITE programs Staff and students from non-ITE programs. In cases where a study contains both ITE and non-ITE participants, the decision was taken to exclude that study with a view to focusing solely on Initial Teacher Education Initial Studies that take place in academic Continuing Professional Development, Teacher components of Initial Teacher placement settings (e.g., schools), Education Education programs non-ITE settings Empirical Studies with an empirical Studies with no empirical component, component opinion pieces, descriptive studies without empirical data, editorials, reviews Literature Literature where SRSs are the (or a) Studies where SRSs are not the (or a) focus dominant focus of the study dominant focus; for instance, SRSs simply used as a data collection tool, or one of a suite of online tools being investigated, or focus is on exploring something other than the SRS Type of Web-based (available as a web Not web-based (device-based) Student service/application) Response System

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Fig. 1 PRISMA flowchart for study selection

The rigorous application of exclusion criteria at this stage resulted in 19 studies being selected for final analysis. The process of article selection followed the wellestablished Preferred Reporting of Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) format (Page et al., 2021) with the process of study selection illustrated in graphical format in Fig. 1.

Stage 4: Charting the Data The penultimate stage of Arksey and O’Malley’s review process is that of charting the data of the selected articles. Following the approach taken by the authors, a “data charting form” was created using database software and used to extract key details on each study during the full-text review. This software also allowed for querying

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and filtering of extracted data, as well as construction of simple reports as needed. The fields for detail extraction arose from the guiding research questions of this study, combined with bibliographic details of the papers reviewed.

Stage 5: Summarizing and Reporting Findings The final stage of Arksey and O’Malley’s framework for scoping reviews sees the findings summarized and reported.

Findings The selection process yielded 19 articles for analysis in this scoping review. Seven of the papers are based on studies undertaken in Turkey (S01, S05, S07, S08, S11, S16, and S18), three on studies undertaken in Spain (S12, S14, and S17), with the remaining papers each representing Bahrain (S6), Chile (S4), England (S3), Indonesia (S15), Malaysia (S19), Romania (S13), Russia (S9), and Saudi Arabia (S2), and one paper not reporting on this aspect. The majority of studies come from individual journals, with only one journal (International Journal of Emerging Technologies in Learning) providing two studies (S09 and S15). All but one of the studies (S10, published 2013) were published within the last 5 years (2016–2021), indicating a significant increase in research specifically around web-based Student Response Systems within the field of Initial Teacher Education since the middle of the last decade. Core details of the 19 included studies are presented in Table 4. The guiding research questions for this scoping review are now addressed.

What SRSs Are Being Used in ITE, and What Terminology Is Being Used to Describe These Systems? This review finds that the system used most (or more accurately, the one which is the subject of most research among the papers reviewed) is Kahoot! with 12 of the 19 studies reporting on this particular system. Eight of the journal articles focused on Kahoot! alone (S01, S03, S09, S11, S13, S17, S18, and S19), with four of them using Kahoot! as one of two (S07, S08, and S16) or more (S05) systems under investigation. The second-most investigated system is Socrative, with four studies focusing on Socrative alone (S04, S10, S12, and S14) and two (S05 and S16) exploring it along with other systems. The remaining systems investigated are Plickers (S05, S06, and S15), Quizizz (S02 and S08), and Mentimeter (S07), with S05 also exploring Quizlet and FlipQuiz. The dominance of Kahoot! within studies is perhaps unsurprising when one recalls that this particular system has already been the subject of dedicated literature reviews beyond the field of ITE (Donkin & Rasmussen, 2021; Wang & Tahir, 2020).

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Table 4 Studies reviewed StudyID S01

Author(s) Akkuş, Özhan, & Çakir

Study title Student views on the use of online student response systems: The Kahoot! case

Year 2021

S02

Alajaji & Alshwiah

Effect of combining gamification and a scavenger hunt on pre-service teachers’ perceptions and achievement

2021

S03

Atherton

2018

S04

Cancino & Capredoni

S05

Çetin & Solmaz

S06

Elmahdi, Al-Hattami, & Fawzi

More than just a quiz – how Kahoot! can help trainee teachers understand the learning process Assessing pre-service EFL teachers’ perceptions regarding an online student response system Gamifying the 9 events of instruction with different interactive response systems: The views of social sciences teacher candidates Using technology for formative assessment to improve students’ learning

S07

Gokbulut

2020

S08

Orhan Göksün & Gürsoy

S09

Uzunboylu, Galimova, Kurbanov, Belyalova, Deberdeeva, & Timofeeva Méndez-Coca & Slisko

The effect of Mentimeter and Kahoot applications on university students’ e-learning Comparing success and engagement in gamified learning experiences via Kahoot and Quizizz The views of the teacher candidates on the use of Kahoot as a gaming tool

Software Socrative and smartphones as tools for implementation of basic processes of active physics learning in classroom: An initial feasibility study with prospective teachers

2013

S10

2020

Journal Journal of Qualitative Research in Education Journal of Information Technology Education: Research Teacher Education Advancement Network Journal Taiwan Journal of TESOL

2020

Malaysian Online Journal of Educational Technology

2018

Turkish Online Journal of Educational Technology World Journal on Educational Technology: Current Issues Computers & Education

2019

2020

International Journal of Emerging Technologies in Learning European Journal of Physics Education

(continued)

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Table 4 (continued) StudyID S11

Author(s) Özüdoğru

S12

Paz-Albo, Ruiz Ruiz, Bernárdez-Vilaboa, Huerta-Zavala, & Hervás-Escobar Peculea & Peculea

S13

Study title The use of a student response system in teacher training classrooms and its effect on classroom environment The impact of Socrative exit tickets on initial teacher training

Year 2020

Journal Acta Didactica Napocensia

2021

College Teaching

Perceptions of future engineering teachers on formative e-assessment using the classroom response system University students’ perceptions toward the use of an online student response system in game-based learning experiences with mobile technology Application of classroom response systems (CRS): Study to measure student learning outcome

2019

Journal Plus Education

2021

European Journal of Educational Research

2019

International Journal of Emerging Technologies in Learning Educational Policy Analysis and Strategic Research Australasian Journal of Educational Technology

S14

Perera & HervásGómez

S15

Saleh, Nurdyansyah, Hasanah, Rudyanto, & Mu’alimin

S16

Saraçoğlu & Kocabatmaz

A study on Kahoot and Socrative in line with preservice teachers’ views

2019

S17

Tirado-Olivares, Cózar-Gutiérrez, García-Olivares, & González-Calero

2021

S18

Yapıcı & Karakoyun

Active learning in history teaching in higher education: The effect of inquiry-based learning and a student response system-based formative assessment in teacher training Gamification in biology teaching: A sample of Kahoot application

S19

Zakaria & Hashim

Game-based assessment in academic writing course for pre-service teachers

2020

2017

Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry TESOL International Journal

As discussed earlier, a variety of terminology is employed to describe these systems, and thus it was of interest to this study to scope the terms used for these systems within these ITE-specific papers. The most common term used was “student response system” (S01, S09, S11, and S17) or an elaboration thereof: “game-based

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student response system (GSRS)” (S03), “web-based student response system” (S16), “smart student response system” (S10), “online student response system” (S04 and S14), and “online classroom student response system” (S06). Three studies referred to the system in use as a “classroom response system” (S03, S13, and S15). One further study (S05) employs the language of response system (“gamificationbased Interactive Response System (IRS)”). The remaining papers adopt broader, more generic language, which is more reflective of the functionality of the systems in use: “a Web 2.0 tool that allows producing online quizzes, surveys and discussions” (S18), “online learning platform” and “Web 2.0 tool” (S08), “an online gamification quiz tool” (S02), “online game application” (S19), “interactive and game-based Web 2.0 tools,” “a game- based, free-learning platform,” “a Web 2.0 tool for applications such as . . .” (S07), and “an online application that allows . . .” (S12). The aforementioned variety of terminology in use with regard to these systems more generally is thus also reflected in their usage within the field of ITE; this does however present a number of challenges and considerations, which will be discussed later in this chapter. Notably, approximately a third of the studies (S02, S03, S05, S07, S09, and S19) used the term “gamification” or “game-based” in their naming of the tool. As the use of SRSs to introduce aspects of gamification (elements of games integrated into a nongame context) into teaching, learning, and assessment is one of the most common uses of such tools within wider academic usage (Kocak, 2022), this is perhaps indicative of some initial teacher educators’ rationales for employing these technologies in their classrooms.

What ITE Subjects Are These Systems Being Used in, and What ITE Levels Are They Being Used with? This scoping review found that Student Response Systems are being utilized with regard to a range of subjects within Initial Teacher Education. These include STEMrelated subjects (S06, S08, S10, S15, and S18), arts-based subjects (S03 and S17), courses related to the use of digital technologies in teaching and learning (S02, S05, S07, S09, S12, and S14), instructional methodologies (S11 and S13), educational psychology (S16), academic writing skills (S19), database management systems (S01), and English as a Second Language (S04) or English Language Education (S06). While a number of studies did not indicate what schooling sector the studentteachers were preparing for, the largest number of studies that did report on this appeared to be for primary or elementary (S07, S10, S11, S14, S15, and S17), with early childhood (S02 and S11) and secondary (S03) also represented.

What Are the Research Objectives with Regard to Studies Investigating the Use of SRSs in ITE? A broad range of research objectives are to be found within the studies reviewed, with many of these studies adopting multiple research aims and objectives. Table 5

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Table 5 Research objectives of studies Research objective Obtaining student-teacher perspectives on particular SRS was a common research objective within these studies. Often, this took broader consideration of student perspectives of the systems in terms of usability, the perceived effectiveness of the system, the various advantages and disadvantages they found with various systems, and suggestions they may have around further usage of the SRS in question Considering the effect/impact of the SRS on learning (broadly speaking) was also of interest to authors of the papers reviewed. These objectives tended to refer to enhancing/increasing student learning and to student learning outcomes The use of SRS with regard to formative assessment was a specific focus of a quarter of studies

Study IDs S01, S02, S04, S05, S07, S09, S11, S14, S16, S18

Samples “What are pre-service CEIT teachers’ views towards in-classroom use of Kahoot! application?” (S01) “What are the students’ perceptions of the effectiveness of Quizizz?” (S02)

S04, S06, S07, S10, S15

“The effect of Kahoot and Mentimeter applications on e-learning was investigated” (S07) “This study describes the use of Classroom Response Systems (CRS) when measuring student learning outcomes.” (S15)

S03, S06, S12, S13, S17

“What is the usefulness of implementing Plickers as a technology tool in aiding formative assessment in the classroom?” (S06) “What is the usefulness of implementing Kahoot as a technology tool in helping formative e-assessment to enhance students’ learning?” (S13) “What is the impact of activities gamified with Quizizz application on student engagement?” (S08) “The aim of this study was to analyze the perceptions of university students toward the use of Socrative and its implications in gamified learning situations” (S14) “This study’s general aim is to obtain social sciences teacher candidates’ opinions about using each of five IRSs, while considering Gagne’s nine instructional steps.” (S05) “The aim of the study is to identify preservice teachers’ views of using Kahoot and Socrative in classes.” (S16)

Several studies contained a research aspect towards gamification via the SRS in question

S02, S08, S14, S19

Some studies sought to compare different SRSs

S05, S08, S16

(continued)

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Table 5 (continued) Research objective The use of SRSs with regard to motivation and/or engagement of students was another source of investigation

Study IDs S04, S08, S18

A final identified area of research interest was that of gauging student-teacher’s possible intention to use the SRS technologies in their own teaching in the future

S03, S06, S09, S16, S18

Samples “What is the impact of Socrative [...] on engagement?” (S04) “Does Kahoot application affect the motivation of preservice teachers?” (S18) “Do you plan to use ‘Kahoot’ or similar ‘Kahoot’ applications in your future lessons?” (S09) “The study attempts to identify preservice teachers’ views regarding [...] the possibility of using these applications in their classes in the future” (S16)

summarizes the most prominent of these, grouped by high-level themes; it should be noted, however, that on many occasions a stated research aim/objective related to more than one thematic area.

What Research Methods and Approaches Are Used to Investigate the Use of SRSs in ITE? A number of studies adopted a comparative approach to research design. In several cases, this involved the use of control groups (such as S07, S08, S11, S17), which saw one group use the particular SRS in question and another (or others) not using it. Pre- and post-tests were also employed in a portion of the studies reviewed (S07, S08, and S18). Several studies saw different SRSs compared; the study by Saracoglu and Kocabatmaz (S16), for instance, saw Kahoot! used for 4 weeks followed by Socrative for the next four, while the paper by Goksun and Gursoy (S08) reported on a comparative approach in which one group used Kahoot! and another used Quizizz. A third study (S05) saw a number of systems in use (Kahoot!, Plickers, Socrative, Quizlet, and FlipQuiz). One study (S03) considered different “modes” of a particular system (Kahoot!). A variety of data collection methods were evident in the studies reviewed. The most frequently used mechanism for data collection was survey/questionnaire (S02, S03, S05, S06, S09, S10, S12, S13, and S14), followed by interviews (S01, S02, S03, S09, S16, and S19) and focus groups (S02, S03, S04, S08, S14, and S19). Two studies (S01 and S02) also incorporated researcher observations or researcher diaries. Some studies also drew upon data from the SRS-mediated activity itself (S02 and S17), while one (S03) indicates that it also used the SRS as the mechanism to collate survey responses. The most common form of qualitative analysis of data obtained was that of content analysis (S01, S04, S05, S08, S09, S12, S14, S16, and S18) with the use of thematic analysis in evidence to a lesser extent (S02 and S19). Just over half of the

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studies utilized quantitative analysis techniques (S02, S04, S06, S07, S08, S11, S12, S13, S14, and S17). While approximately half of the studies featured data collection instruments designed by the researchers themselves, the other half drew upon preexisting instruments and scales as part of their research design, which related to factors that include motivation (S18), classroom environment perceptions (S11), attitude towards e-learning (S07), perceptions of gamification (S02), and unsurprisingly, SRS technologies (S02, S04, S10, S12, and S14).

What Advantages and Benefits Are Reported in These Studies, and What Challenges and Limitations Were Found? All studies reported on advantages and benefits from use of Student Response Systems within Initial Teacher Education. While an in-depth analysis of all of these aspects is beyond the range of a scoping review and is more the domain of a full systematic review (Peters et al., 2022), a selection of these reported benefits is now briefly outlined. The most prominent theme in terms of reported benefits of implementing SRSs in ITE was that of increased motivation, attention, participation, and/or engagement in lessons, with the majority of studies reporting on this (S01, S02, S04, S05, S06, S08, S09, S11, S12, S14, S16, S18, and S19). In some cases, this was stated broadly with regard to the system itself; for instance, in S12 “the participants also reported advantages of the app, including increased attention in class and increased participation” (Paz-Albo et al., 2021, p. 6). In others it was associated with a particular pedagogical approach facilitated via the SRS, such as S19 where “the data revealed that ESL learners found that game-based assessment is highly engaging” (Zakaria & Hashim, 2020, p. 65). This is consistent with findings from the broader field of education in which the use of SRSs has been investigated (Herrada et al., 2020; Kocak, 2022). Several studies (S02, S04, S09, and S15) noted the ease of use of the systems under investigation. S02, for instance, considered this from the perspectives of both students and their teachers, finding that the “Quizizz app was relatively straightforward to use and compatible with all types of smartphone, making it easy for learners to download” and also that “both teachers declared that it was relatively simple to use” (Alajaji & Alshwiah, 2021, p. 302). With regard to Socrative, S04 found that “students held positive perceptions towards the usability of the application” (Cancino & Capredoni, 2020, p. 114), while S15 reported that “almost all students have agreed with the assertion that CRS is easy to use” when considering the Plickers system (Saleh et al., 2019, p. 140). Four studies (S06, S09, S16, and S18) reported favorably on student intention to use SRSs in their own teaching in the future; for instance, S18 found that “most of the biology preservice teachers reported positive views about Kahoot applications and thought of using Kahoot in their future professional lives” (Yapıcı & Karakoyun, 2017, p. 15) while the investigation of Kahoot! and Socrative in S16 found that “all preservice teachers would like to use both applications in their future classes”

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(Saraçoğlu & Kocabatmaz, 2019, p. 42). S06 found that student-teachers “will use Plickers in the future when they become teachers” (Elmahdi et al., 2018, p. 185) for a variety of reasons that included the excitement and fun that this brings to the classroom, learning time saved through use of this SRS, and “that using Plickers gives equal opportunities to all students to participate” (Elmahdi et al., 2018, p. 186). Other studies stopped short of including this as a research finding, but indicated it as a possibility arising out of the broader investigation (S10, S17). A number of studies (S05, S07, S08, and S16) compared or considered two or more SRSs and reported on this. One in particular (S05) compared five such systems against Gagne’s nine instructional steps; it reported that “Kahoot and Plickers can best be used in gaining attention, assessing performance, and enhancing retention and transfer, Socrative and Quizlet in gaining attention and presenting the content and FlipQuiz in gaining attention, providing learning guidance, and assessing performance” (Çetin & Solmaz, 2020, p. 1). The remaining studies each compared or considered two systems: Kahoot! and Mentimeter (S07), Kahoot! and Quizizz (S08), and Kahoot! and Socrative (S16). S16, for instance, found that “while Kahoot is preferred because of its music, visuals, projected scores, competitive atmosphere due to time limitation, fun presentation and in-class interaction, Socrative is preferred because of its variety of questions, opportunity to advance at individual speed, keeping a quieter atmosphere, and opportunities for academic learning” (Saraçoğlu & Kocabatmaz, 2019, p. 42). S07 opted to investigate specific functionality of each system – the evaluation feature of Kahoot! and the word cloud feature of Mentimeter. Notably, Kahoot! featured in each of these studies, again indicative of its prevalence among such systems in ITE and more broadly. While a full investigation of the challenges and limitations recorded with regard to the use of web-based SRSs in ITE is also beyond the remit of this scoping review, it is nevertheless helpful to briefly overview a number of these at this time. Unsurprisingly, a high proportion of these related to technical difficulties with devices, Internet access, or the SRS itself. The most commonly stated challenges occurred either with the level of Internet access or with the need for this in the first place (S4, S5, S6, S7, S9, S10, S11, S13, S14, and S16); for instance, in S16 “preservice teachers stated that they had internet connection problems the most” (Saraçoğlu & Kocabatmaz, 2019, p. 38) and in S04 “technical issues were mainly related to lack of internet connection, which caused increasing screen loading times” (Cancino & Capredoni, 2020, p. 103). A related issue arose with regard to Internet speed creating what was perceived as an unequal playing field when using SRSs which rewards faster responses with higher scores (S08 and S16); in S08, for instance, “we both answer the same question within five seconds, but his Internet speed is better than me and at the end, he is considered to have answered the question quicker than me” (Orhan Göksün & Gürsoy, 2019, p. 26). It was also noted in S02 that this speed/ reward aspect could also prove detrimental as some students “concentrated on speed, which negatively affected their performance and the number of correct answers given” (Alajaji & Alshwiah, 2021, p. 302). A challenge reported in a number of the papers reviewed was the need for appropriate devices in order to use these web-based SRSs, which was mentioned in S05, S06, S07, S10, S14, and S16; S14

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also noted situations where students “attended a lecture without their mobile devices or with very low battery level” (Perera & Hervás-Gómez, 2021, p. 1015). Issues with regard to the input format of the various SRSs in use were also reported, such as in S05, for instance, which highlighted “character limitations preventing writing long questions” (Çetin & Solmaz, 2020, p. 6) for the Kahoot! SRS, while in S07 word limitations were also cited with regard to Mentimeter (Gokbulut, 2020, p. 114). The fact that Plickers can only be used for multiple-choice questions was voiced in S06, and participants in S15 reported that their responses were not always recorded when using this particular SRS.

Summary, Discussion, and Conclusion This scoping review set out to explore the use of web-based Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education. Following the PRISMA process for study selection (Page et al., 2021), and the procedure set out by Arksey and O’Malley (2005) for undertaking a scoping review, it systematically selected and reviewed 19 studies retrieved from a rigorous search of academic journals from the years 2011 to 2021. The review finds that SRSs are being employed in a range of subjects within ITE programs, including STEM-related subjects, courses specifically related to the use of digital technologies in education, and arts-based subjects, with the largest proportion of studies appearing to come from ITE programs concerned with primary or elementary teacher education. Researchers have investigated a number of aspects of SRSs with regard to ITE, including the perspectives of student-teachers on the use of such systems, how SRSs can be used for purposes of formative assessment and gamification, and how different SRSs compare; surveys/questionnaires were the most frequently used data collection method to pursue these research objectives, and approximately half of the studies drew upon quantitative data analysis techniques. The studies report on a number of advantages and benefits in using these systems in ITE, including (but not limited to) increased motivation and engagement from student-teachers, that web-based SRSs are generally perceived as easy to use, and that student-teachers often report an intention to use these systems in their own future teaching through having experienced use of them in their ITE programs. The most frequently reported challenges relate to technical difficulties and limitations with regard to Internet access, the SRS itself, or the device in use. One of the objectives of this scoping review was to consider the terminology in use to describe and name these systems with regard to ITE. It finds a variance in terminology used, with authors employing different terms to describe the same system on several occasions. For instance, Kahoot! (the most-investigated system within this review) is referred to as a “student response system,” a “game-based student response system,” a “web-based student response system,” and a “classroom response system”; however, some studies do not employ such terminology and opted instead to describe Kahoot! in functional terms, such as “a web 2.0 tool that allows producing online quizzes, surveys and discussions,” “a game-based free-learning

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platform,” “a globally accepted online learning platform,” and an “online game application.” This variance, and in some cases absence, of consistent terminology presents a challenge (also noted over a decade ago by Kay & LeSage, 2009) to ongoing research into use of these systems. Such problems have also been experienced elsewhere with regard to the use of digital technology in education, where, for instance, Singh and Thurman (2019) collated and examined no fewer than 46 definitions for “online learning” along with 18 synonymous terms. Their observation that this gives rise to “a fertile ground for confusion among scholars and researchers” (Singh & Thurman, 2019, p. 301) is echoed in this scoping review of SRSs in ITE; it is however hoped that the extensive lexicon compiled in this review may prove helpful for further research into the use of these systems. An additional challenge lies in Table 2b, which contains the names of specific SRSs, in terms of keeping such a list up-to-date with the names of relevant systems; for instance, several new SRS applications have launched in recent years, which would need to be built into future searches if this option is to find use again. Arksey and O’Malley (2005) recommend that scoping reviews should identify potential research gaps in the existing literature. To this end, an important consideration with regard to the use of web-based SRSs is that, by their nature, these systems compile data in the form of student responses. The topic of student data has come into sharper focus recently regarding to the use of digital technologies within education with issues such as datafication (Williamson et al., 2020) and learning analytics (Viberg et al., 2018) increasingly discussed and debated. These considerations were not prominent (and in most cases, not detected) among the papers analyzed within the current review. As this scoping review clearly indicates a growing interest in the use of web-based SRSs within ITE, a research gap appears to emerge with regard to the data compiled within these systems and the perceptions and understanding of both teacher educators and student-teachers of the possible implications of this in terms of factors such as privacy, consent, data protection, and the implications of such data being used for educational purposes and decision making. The studies in this review considered the use of SRSs in ITE, specifically within the academic or taught components of such programs in a Higher Education Institution (HEI). While this was certainly the focus of the current scoping review, and studies that fell outside of these parameters would have been excluded during the screening stage, it was nevertheless anticipated that the comprehensive search string employed for this review would also locate studies with regard to the practicum elements of ITE programs. This was not the case, and while it is possible that a modified search string may be needed to retrieve such papers, it would seem likely that the search criteria employed would have returned at least some of these papers. Given that a number of studies in the current review found that student-teachers indicated an interest in employing SRSs in their own teaching (such as Akkuş et al., 2021; Uzunboylu et al., 2020), this suggests a further gap for exploration, particularly with regard to ITE student-teachers undertaking school placement. It was noted in the current review that the user perceptions considered with regard to the use of SRSs in ITE were in most cases those of student-teachers, with only two

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of the 19 papers also considering the perspectives of academic staff involved in the study (Alajaji & Alshwiah, 2021; Zakaria & Hashim, 2020). In light of increasing awareness of the need to develop the digital competences of not only studentteachers but also teacher educators (Starkey, 2020), combined with the rise of interest in using web-based SRSs in ITE which this scoping review has confirmed, further research is warranted in terms of the perceptions and experiences of teacher educators with regard to the use of these systems. Finally, in returning to a core objectives of scoping reviews as outlined by both Arksey and O’Malley (2005) and Munn et al. (2018) being to determine the potential value of undertaking a full systematic review, this scoping review has confirmed that there is merit in undertaking such a full systematic review into the use of Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education. In particular, a full review would allow for a more in-depth exploration of a number of aspects identified in the current review, such as a fuller exploration of the advantages and benefits of SRSs in ITE reported in studies, and a detailed investigation of how these systems are being used in terms of pedagogical approach within ITE. The current review was also limited to academic journals and did not take account of other sources such as books and book chapters, conference proceedings, and “grey literature”; it also focused solely on papers written in English. It should also be noted that the strict exclusion criteria applied for the current review resulted in a number of papers not being included, which have the potential to contribute to a more in-depth study that would apply less stringent but nevertheless relevant parameters. The current study also chose to focus specifically upon web-based systems and did not capture research relating to the use of physical SRSs (“clickers”) in ITE, while the initial trawl of literature did retrieve a number of relevant studies using these devices, which would also help contribute to a more longitudinal and comprehensive investigation of the use of Student Response Systems in Initial Teacher Education.

Cross-References ▶ Assessment in HE Initial Teacher Education: Competing Contexts Discourses and the Unobtainable Pursuit for Fidelity ▶ Globalization and the Impact of ICT on Teachers’ Work and Professional Status

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The Many Meanings of Practice-Based Teacher Education: A Conceptualization of the Term

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Inga Staal Jenset and Kirsti Klette

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analytical Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Four Approaches to Practice-Based Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Expertise Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reflective Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Action-Research Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Enactment Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Similarities and Differences Among Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concerns over Practice-Based Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Teacher education has received increased attention in recent decades and is not only well recognized, but also criticized. Critics argue that teacher education is fragmented and disconnected to practice. Globally, policymakers and scholars emphasize the importance of grounding teacher education more profoundly in practice, but although the terms practice and practice-based are extremely prevalent in teacher-education literature, the terms remain vague. This book chapter conceptualizes the idea of “practice-based teacher education” into four approaches – expertise, reflective, action research, and enactment – and discusses their theoretical grounding and pedagogical implications. By systematizing the field of theory and practice in practice-based teacher education, this chapter contributes to reducing the complexity and vagueness of the concept, thereby nurturing a more specific and

I. S. Jenset (*) · K. Klette Department of Teacher Education and School Research, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_87

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precise language and terminology when discussing the many meanings of practicebased teacher education. Keywords

Practice-based teacher education · Conceptualization · Action-research approach · Enactment approach · Expertise approach · Reflective approach

Introduction Policymakers and scholars worldwide point to evidence of fragmentation between theory and practice in teacher education, emphasizing the importance of grounding teacher education more profoundly in practice (British Educational Research Association [BERA], 2014; Darling-Hammond et al., 2017; Hammerness et al., 2020; Moon, 2016; National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education [NCATE], 2010; Norwegian Agency for Quality Assurance in Education [NOKUT], 2006; OECD, 2019; Reid, 2011). A US blue-ribbon panel argued that teacher education must be “turned upside down” so that practice becomes the basis for learning to teach (NCATE, 2010). In the 1990s, England introduced “school-based training” (residency programs) as a key route to initial teacher training, arguing that that a longer period of time spent in the future workplace automatically leads to better and “more relevant” teacher training (Beauchamp et al., 2013), what Furlong & Lawn (2011, p. 6) refer to as a “turn to the practical.” Kennedy (1999) introduced the term “the problem of enactment” already in 1999, underscoring that teacher education does not prepare teacher candidates for practical work in classrooms. Evidence shows that basing teacher education in practice contributes to enhancing students’ learning (Boyd et al., 2009; Brouwer & Korthagen, 2005; DarlingHammond et al., 2002), increasing teacher retention (Feiman-Nemser et al., 2014), and impacting teacher candidates’ future practical competence in the classroom (Brouwer & Korthagen, 2005; Darling-Hammond et al., 2002). Despite a certain degree of consensus in how teacher training might profit from being more practical and “practice- based,” the terms practice and practice-based appear as rather vague (Blikstad-Balas, 2013) and “messy” (Sjöberg & Hansén, 2006) terms, a predicament reflected in the various definitions of practice in different studies and (national) contexts reporting from practice-based teacher education (Lampert, 2010; Sjöberg & Hansén, 2006). For instance, many have argued that instituting practice-based teacher education simply might involve increasing the amount of fieldwork for candidates providing the students with extensive experiences from field placement (Forzani, 2014; OECD, 2019; Norwegian Government, 2014). Others argue not only to increase the amount of fieldwork, but also to situate and anchor the professional training in collaborating schools, such as in residency programs (Forzani, 2014; Zeichner, 2012, 2016; Beauchamp et al., 2013) or other kinds of apprenticeship models (e.g., Furlong & Lawn, 2011). Others again have highlighted the importance of creating stronger connections between coursework

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and fieldwork, e.g., by approximating practice and making coursework more connected to practice (Ball & Forzani, 2009; Forzani, 2014; Grossman et al., 2009a, b; Jenset et al., 2018). The focus of this chapter is to summarize how practice-based teacher education has been conceptualized in different models and approaches, pointing to our distinct theoretical positions in the field, i.e., the expertise approach, the reflective approach, the action research approach, and the enactment approach. Mapping out such an overview can contribute to a more nuanced and precise vocabulary when discussing how to enhance connections to practice in teacher education programs, and contribute a common language in teacher education (McDonald et al., 2013).

Analytical Perspectives This chapter provides an overview of extant research through a critical and synthesizing descriptive analysis of what we describe as different approaches to practicebased teacher education: expertise approach, reflective approach, action-research approach, and enactment approach. Across existing models of practice-based teacher education, the notion of practice – and theory – is weighted and conceptualized slightly differently, with residency- and school-based programs at the one side putting the professional practice of teachers at the core and with theoretical and academic knowledge as supplementary and accompanying perspectives, whereas other models emphasize making a closer link between campus coursework and fieldwork, and emphasize the importance of approximations to practice. One might thus think of a continuum of different models of practice-based teacher education ranging from those moving teacher education to the practice site of teacher education (the schools or communities of residency- and school-based programs) and practice-based models making coursework and fieldwork more tightly connected in other ways, within the campus site of teacher education. In that sense, one might envision a conceptualization of practice-based teacher education programs on a continuum from those based in Practice with a capital “P” to those based in practice (with a lowercase p) – similar to Doyle’s distinction between Theory with a capital T versus theory (Korthagen and Wubbels, 2001). Fenstermacher (1994), similarly, distinguishes between formal and practical teacher knowledge. The four approaches to practice-based teacher education were constructed through an iterative process that included consulting extant research and relevant literature in which this terminology has been used when describing or referring to practice-based teacher education. While writing up the four approaches, attention has been paid to the weight, ratio (and role) between practice and theory, and the approaches have been systematized according to their (i) theoretical grounding and key issues, and (ii) their pedagogical implications for teacher education. The summary has been restricted to the last four decades, starting with the 1980s. Even though different historical eras of teacher education might have yielded different meanings of the term practice and practice-based teacher education, the

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present conceptualization of the term is less historically bound and serve to illustrate possible analytical “typologies” (Weber, 1949) or lenses for understanding practicebased teacher education today. This conceptualization should be seen neither as comprehensive nor as “pure models” of practice-based teacher-education programs. Rather, the intention is to summarize and map out how practice-based teacher education might have been conceptualized within these four (contemporary) theoretical traditions in teacher education. After an overview of the different approaches, similarities and differences among them are discussed, before concerns over practice-based teacher education, as well as implications for contemporary teacher education, are considered.

Four Approaches to Practice-Based Teacher Education Expertise Approach In the 1980s, research on teaching and teacher education shifted toward a more cognitive-oriented view of teaching. Rather than solely paying attention to teaching behavior, research became preoccupied with connecting this to teachers’ thinking and knowledge, and judgments while teaching became evident in teacher preparation (McDonald et al., 2013). In this chapter, this change in perspective is identified as an opportunity to connect practice with theory, and as such this change spurred the two first approaches to practice-based teacher education in this chapters’ outline. Within what is called the expertise approach to a practice-based teacher education, a theoretical grounding in stage models of development (e.g., Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986) is used as a starting point for a developmental framework in teacher preparation. Five stages of novice, advanced beginner, competent, proficient, and expert teachers were identified based on observations of teachers (Berliner, 1986, 1988a, 1994, 2000). The stages of development were as such research based and constituted what Fenstermacher (1994) terms formal, generalized, teacher knowledge. The theory of development in stages indicated that expert teachers had better interpretive competence and a keener ability to predict classroom phenomena; they were better able to discern the importance of events and judge typical and atypical events; they made efficient use of routines and were flexible, i.e., better able to improvise in their teaching. In contrast, novices followed plans and rules without improvising (Berliner, 1988a, 1994). The expertise approach has been found to be relevant for different professions, especially nursing education, within which it was further developed (see Benner, 1983). A practice-based teacher education inspired by the expertise approach can be identified in distinct pedagogies of teacher education. For instance, attention to novices’ developmental stages is still strongly present when scholars argue that novices need extensive time in classrooms without the responsibility of a full teaching load, and with expert teachers as models (see Ronfeldt et al. (2018)). This is also recognizable in the apprenticeship model to teacher education (Collins et al., 1989). Berliner (1988a, 1994) indeed suggested that novices might need

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guidance from teacher manuals that provide context-free rules that novices could follow and routinize before they gain enough experience to see patterns and teach more flexibly. Through such routinization, teachers enter into “automatic” processes that free their attention to monitor their own performance. The manuals, Berliner advocated, built on the generalizable, formal knowledge (cf. Fenstermacher, 1994) retrieved through observations of teachers, and have indeed been criticized for being too narrow and mechanic, and as such, perhaps less practical in their orientation than what was initially anticipated.

Implications for Teacher Education The expertise approach to practice-based teacher education has contributed to cognitive-oriented influences for teacher education pedagogies. For instance, the attention to developmental stages in teacher-education settings is evident in the body of extant research on “learning-to-teach” studies that focus on teachers’ professional growth and on “the cognitions, beliefs and mental processes that underlie teachers’ classroom behaviors” (Kagan, 1992, p. 129). Summarizing this strand of research, Kagan (1992) identified three teacher-development stages: (a) acquiring knowledge about their students; (b) using that knowledge to modify and reconstruct their personal images of themselves as teachers; and (c) developing standard procedural routines that integrate classroom management and instruction (see also Borko & Putnam, 1996; Feiman-Nemser & Remillard, 1996; Livingston & Borko, 1989). It should be noted that a stage-oriented development approach in teacher education (and teaching) has been debated and criticized heavily, for instance, for its lack of attention to the broader context in which new and beginning teachers work and develop (Dall’Alba & Sandberg, 2006). Further, the expertise approach implicates the importance of training teachers in targeted, subject-specific content, rather than training generic teachers, as it is difficult to be an expert without an area of expertise (Berliner, 1988b). These arguments are recognizable in frameworks of teacher competence and frameworks for teacher education highlighting content knowledge and pedagogical content knowledge as decisive aspects of a taxonomy of teacher knowledge (Shulman, 1987; and developed further for instance by Ball et al., 2008; Hill & Ball, 2004). Other and more recent research have also emphasized that an expertise perspective focuses on the role of theoretical knowledge and accompanying resources and artifacts, e.g., Knorr Cetina (2001, 2003). Applied to teacher candidates (Jensen, 2007; Klette & Carlsten, 2012), such an approach underscores the role and infrastructures for sharing knowledge within a profession – what Knorr Cetina (2003) labels “epistemic cultures.” Looking across different professional training programs – e.g., nurses, engineers, accountants, and teachers – Jensen et al. (2012) suggest that these infrastructures are unevenly distributed, and that teachers and teacher candidates belong to institutional settings with weak epistemic cultures (Klette & Carlsten, 2012). Overall, the attention to practical teaching skills and the thorough observation of (expert) teachers have provided practice-based frameworks for the knowledge-base and development of teachers – for use in teacher education. However, this approach

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Table 1 Summary of the expertise approach Theoretical grounding

Theoretical developments

Pedagogical orientations

Expertise approach Cognitive-oriented view of teaching Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1986) Berliner (1986) Knorr Cetina (2003) Pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) Teacher thinking Learning-to-teach studies and developmental frameworks Expert cultures: Epistemic cultures Teacher manuals: Standardization versus improvisation

does not seem to have directly influenced practice-based instructional practices used for teacher training. The expertise approach is summarized in Table 1:

Reflective Approach The cognitive orientation to teacher education in the 1980s also resulted in highlighting the decisive role of reflection in teaching and teacher education. What is referred to in this chapter as the reflective approach to practice-based teacher education was highly influenced by Schön’s (1983) term “the reflective practitioner.” He offered an epistemology of practice based on a close examination of what practitioners actually do. His approach was a reaction to the technical rationality that viewed professionals as instrumental problem-solvers who apply theory and techniques to practical problems. According to Schön (1983), this dualist understanding of theory and practice did not take the complexity of the contextual setting into account, and he argued that our knowing is in our action, rather than applied prior to action. This knowledge-in-action implies that we know more than we can articulate, i.e., we have “tacit presuppositions” about a phenomenon. From this, it follows that professionals “reflect-in-action” (Schön, 1983). According to Schön (1983), professionals become researchers of their own practical context, constructing new theory in that unique case. Through reflection, professionals can become more explicit about their tacit understandings and repetitive practices, critique them, and make new sense of the problem setting. In line with the analytical framework in this chapter, the reflective approach thus connects to Practice with a capital “P” by identifying teacher candidates’ practical knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994).

Implications for Teacher Education Pedagogies of teacher education, running out from the reflective approach to a practice-based teacher education, highlight the role of reflection for teachers and teacher candidates. However, many meanings and purposes for reflection in the field of teacher education exist (Adler, 1991; Calderhead, 1989; Hatton & Smith, 1995), and several scholars have tried to identify different types of reflection (Allas et al.,

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2017; Fenstermacher, 1994; Hatton & Smith, 1995; Jay & Johnson, 2002; Valli, 1997; Zeichner & Liston, 2014). Still, these approaches all oppose a more restricted view of teaching behavior that does not consider what goes on in teachers’ minds and emotions (Tigchelaar & Korthagen, 2004; Valli, 1997). In that sense, the importance of teachers’ tacit, or “practical,” knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994), and the importance of enabling teacher candidates to recognize and identify their own “practical” knowledge, should enable them to analyze and react to a given situation in the classroom (e.g., Meijer, 2010; Meijer et al., 1999). Further, this strand of teacher education pedagogies point to the importance of reflection as a means to enable teacher candidates to witness how their own practical knowledge is in line with research-based knowledge (Allas et al., 2017; Korthagen & Kessels, 1999; Tigchelaar & Korthagen, 2004). For instance, Tigchelaar and Korthagen (2004) argued that teacher education must consider not only teacher candidates’ tacit knowledge, but also their feelings, meanings, values, and needs (i.e., their gestalts) and integrate this in the teacher-education coursework (p. 669). Further, Korthagen and Kessels (1999) differentiated between Theory with a capital “T” and theory with a lowercase “t” and argued that the latter is necessary in order to help candidates form their “gestalts” through details and further experiences to adjust their individual theories and schema. Candidates then will be ready for the next level, in which Theory with a capital “T” can inform their teaching practice, Tigchelaar and Korthagen (2004) argued. In relation to the analytical framework of this book chapter, then, the reflective approach to a practice-based teacher education connects (P)ractice to knowing “that” (Ryle, 1949) – and formal teacher knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994) – through the means of teachers’ tacit, or “practical,” knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994). Further, it follows that pedagogies for teacher education within this approach emphasize the importance of attention to the teacher candidates’ personal and professional identities formation (e.g., Beijaard et al., 2004). This line of research highlights the importance of providing teacher candidates opportunities to construct their own professional identities that make meaning for them personally (Beijaard & Meijer, 2017). The candidates thus need to take active part in this process (Beijaard et al., 2004; Rodgers & Scott, 2008), to create identities with will and ambition to learn and develop, and to become responsible and motivated teachers with professional agency (Soini et al., 2015). Typically, teacher education programs use methodologies such as case-discussion, portfolios, and reflective assignments to contribute in this vein. Still, similarly as pedagogies within the expertise approach, research situated within the reflective approach has been criticized for overemphasizing teachers’ attitudes and thinking, rather than investigating how teachers actually enact their teaching (Table 2).

Action-Research Approach Other lines of practice-based teacher education similarly highlight reflection on one’s own practice, however with increased attention to the end goal being to improve that practice. The third approach to practice-based teacher education is

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Table 2 Summary of the reflective approach Theoretical grounding Theoretical developments

Pedagogical orientations

Reflective approach Cognitive-oriented view of teaching Schön (1983) Teacher thinking (personal) practical theory (professional) identity formation, gestalts Guided reflection Reflection in steps over time

thus deemed the action-research approach. Historically, action research originated with Lewin (1946) and his developmental work in factories (McKernan, 1996). Lewin’s model of the action-research process featured a series of spiraling decisions based on repeated cycles of planning, fact-finding, execution, and analysis, with the goal of evaluating practices by introducing changes and measuring the effects (McKernan, 1996). Lewin’s model was based on an empirical-rationalistic scientific orientation (McKernan, 1996), and external consultants in the USA adopted it quickly to function as a system for setting up controlled experiments and measuring results, turning it into the kind of positivist approach that it opposed originally (Herr & Anderson, 2005). Within education, Stenhouse (1975) reinforced the critique of what he called the objectives model and argued that practice is not improved through clearer or higher goals, but by enabling criticism of present performance. Thus, Stenhouse (1975) emphasized the processes or procedures of education, rather than the products, and he promoted the notion of the “teacher as researcher” (p. 143), arguing that teachers should study themselves, rather than be studied. From the other side of the globe, Carr and Kemmis (1986) developed a significant action-research model for teaching influenced by critical theory. Carr and Kemmis (1986) argued that a critical inquiry based on emancipatory-knowledge interest contributes not only to examining educational actions’ interpretive meanings, but also to overcoming (social) constraints and politically empowering participants (Carr & Kemmis, 1986; McKernan, 1996). According to Leitch and Day (2000), earlier developments in action research influenced Stenhouse, e.g., those by Lewin, but he also included aspects of “reflective practice” (Schön, 1983), as outlined above. In relation to the analytical framework used in this chapter, the action research approach is close to teacher’s (P)ractice, as this is subject to investigation and analysis. Further, teachers themselves should study their own practice, and teacher professionalism is thus understood in terms of their abilities and skills to undertake these examinations, and as such develop their practice and knowledge (i.e., practical teacher knowledge, Fenstermacher, 1994), rather than applying scientifically produced knowledge (i.e., Theories with capital “T,” Korthagen and Wubbels, 2001).

Implications for Teacher Education The attention to the processes of education, and the cycles of improvement of practice, constitutes a suitable pedagogy for teacher education. Indeed, investigating action research in graduate-teacher education, Vaughan and Burnaford (2016) found

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that action research has evolved from a “one-course model” in teacher education to a more integrated theoretical and practical approach, and scholars argue that action research contribute to give candidates the skills, knowledge, and attitudes that they need to conduct meaningful inquiries of their practice, which will enhance their practice and contribute to their students’ learning (Hine, 2013). The emphasis on improvement of practice is also evident in pedagogies for teacher education such as in Lesson and Learning Studies. Originally from Japan, Lesson Studies increasingly are used in teacher education and professional development globally (Murata, 2011), including the USA (Fernandez & Zilliox, 2011) and Norway (Helgevold et al., 2015). Learning Studies are more common in Sweden and share similarities with Lesson studies but more specifically investigate objects of learning, where a learning theory always is used as an analytical center-point throughout the process of inquiry (Carlgren, 2012; Thorsten, 2017). Within these pedagogies of teacher education, practitioners study and enhance their own (P)ractice through collaborative planning, teaching, and analysis of a specific lesson in cycles (Helgevold et al., 2015; Thorsten, 2017). Further, a similar emphasis is seen in the discourse around research-based teacher education, especially not only in Finland (Jakku-Sihvonen & Niemi, 2006; Jyrhämä et al., 2008; Krokfors et al., 2011; Niemi, 2016; Toom et al., 2010), but also in other contexts like Ireland and Norway (Conway & Munthe, 2015; Munthe & Rogne, 2015), where scholars increasingly argue that a research-based teacher education must include research and development work on behalf of the teacher candidates, for instance, as part of their master thesis. In the US context, Cochran-Smith and Lytle (2009) conceptualized this in the notion of “inquiry as stance” (p. viii), referring to a position that teacher candidates have taken toward knowledge and its relationships to (teaching) practices. While scholars arguing for action research might to some extent initially have opposed the mere application of Theories with a capital “T” (Korthagen and Wubbels, 2001) and formal teacher knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994), the discourse in teacher education pays more attention to the importance of a formal and theoretical knowledge-base for teacher education, and the importance of making connections between that knowledge, and the practical experiences of the teacher candidates, for instance, through research and development work (Table 3).

Table 3 Summary of the action-research approach Theoretical grounding

Theoretical developments

Pedagogical orientations

Action-research approach Lewin (1946) Stenhouse (1975) Carr and Kemmis (1986) Inquiry methods Lesson study Learning study Research and development work/assignments School development

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Enactment Approach During the past 20 years, a small, but growing, body of research again has emphasized practice as the central element of teacher education. However, contrary to prior approaches, this research emphasizes the campus site of practice-based teacher education (Ball & Cohen, 1999; Forzani, 2014; McDonald et al., 2013) and illustrates how coursework at campus can contribute to the study and enactment of practice, by linking practice and theory. As scholars within this body of research are using different terms to name their work, we have deemed this fourth approach to practice-based teacher education the enactment approach. Scholars within this strand of research have identified specific teaching practices that teacher candidates should master before entering classrooms. Such practices are identified as “core practices” (Grossman et al., 2009b), “high leverage” teaching practices (Ball & Forzani, 2009), or “intellectually ambitious instruction” (Lampert et al., 2013). Scholars have thus identified practices across and within specific subjects that teacher candidates should have the opportunity to study and enact, such as to orchestrate a whole-class discussion, to elicit pupil learning, or to identify suitable teaching material. Forzani (2014) has traced the vision of teaching within the body of research that we have included within this approach, to the theories of progressive US educators such as John Dewey. She further argued to center teacher education around practice views teaching as “interactional, improvisational work in which students’ ideas and beliefs are critical resources” (p. 360), which situates this approach within a sociocultural approach to teaching and learning. As this approach aims to identify finegrained teaching practices, some also argue that this body of research draws on behavioral theories from the era of US process-product research (e.g., Forzani, 2014; Hodge, 2007). Still, scholars that we have included within this approach argue that this newer approach shows “a more nuanced, multidimensional vision of good teaching” (Forzani, 2014, p. 366), as teaching is viewed as partially improvisational and partly predictable. Therefore, teacher candidates need to understand both predictable teaching paths and those with uncertainties.

Implications for Teacher Education Pedagogies of teacher education has been explicitly proposed within this approach. For instance, Grossman et al. (2009a), suggested a framework of representation, decomposition, and approximation of practice as pedagogies of practice in teacher education. Complex practices should be represented to the candidates and decomposed into smaller parts, as candidates need opportunities to engage in activities that approximate their professions’ practices (Grossman et al., 2009a). Many later studies have resembled the framework that Grossman et al. (2009a), proposed. For instance, McDonald et al. (2013) proposed a pedagogy of teacher education in the form of a learning cycle in four phases: (i) introduction of complex teaching practices. Potential pedagogies would model or use teaching videos or artifacts; (ii) preparing for and rehearsing the practice, in which relevant pedagogies might be microteaching or rehearsals; (iii) the actual enactment of the activity with

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Table 4 Summary of the enactment approach Theoretical grounding

Theoretical developments

Pedagogical orientations

Enactment approach Progressivism (Dewey) Sociocultural approach to teaching and learning Roots in expertise thinking and process-product PCK Core practices; high leverage practices; and intellectually ambitious instruction Facilitator frameworks Representation, decomposition, and approximation Standardization versus improvisation Learning cycles

students, alone or with others; and finally, (iv) analyzing the enactment and moving forward, which might appear as reflective writing (McDonald et al., 2013). Likewise, the cycle of enactment and investigation (Lampert et al., 2013; Lampert et al., 2015) entailed steps that resembled those above, and Hiebert et al. (2007) kept students’ learning as the focal point for all stages of their pedagogy. In relation to our analytical framework, the enactment approach to practice-based teacher education centered teacher training in (P)ractice through the emphasis on core-practices. These core-practices are, however, research based and as such constitute Theories with a capital “T” (Korthagen and Wubbels, 2001), and formal teacher knowledge (Fenstermacher, 1994). However, the emphasis on practice is even more evident in the attention to opportunities to rehearse and enact these specific practices, which is not apparent in the other approaches to a practicebased teacher education in this outline (Table 4).

Summary Discussion While rhetorically strong, vague concepts (Blikstad-Balas, 2013) such as practicebased teacher education are seldom specified or concretized in teacher education (Forzani, 2014), leading to the question of how practice-based teacher education has been conceptualized in terms of weight and role of theory and practice, and in terms of their pedagogical orientations. This book chapter has contributed to clarifying the concept of practice-based teacher education through a conceptualization in four different approaches. Table 5 summarizes this conceptualization of practice-based teacher education. These four approaches to “practice-based teacher education” to some extent not only reflect historical periods of teacher education, but also illustrate overlapping and recurring approaches to practice-based teacher education. From this conceptualization, similarities emerge among the approaches, as well as some distinct differences. These are discussed in the following section, before concerns over practice-based teacher education and its implications for teacher education are considered.

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Table 5 Overview and summary of all four approaches

Theoretical Grounding

Expertise approach Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1986) Berliner (1986)

Reflection approach Cognitive oriented view of teaching Schön (1983)

Knorr Cetina (2003) Theoretical developments in teaching/ teacher education

Pedagogical Orientations

Pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) Learning-toteach studies and developmental frameworks Expert cultures, epistemic cultures Teacher Manuals: Standardisation vs Improvisation

Action research approach Lewin (1946)

Carr and Kemmis (1986) Stenhouse (1975)

Enactment approach Progressivism (Dewey) Socio-cultural approach to teaching and learning Roots in expertise thinking and processproduct PCK

Teacher Thinking

Inquiry methods

(Personal) practical theory

Lesson study

Core practices; High leverage practices; Intellectually ambitious instruction

(Professional) identity formation; gestalts Guided reflection

Learning Study

Facilitator frameworks

Research and development work/ assignments School dopment

Representation, decomposition, approximation

Reflection in steps over time

Standardisation vs. improvisation Learning cycles

Similarities and Differences Among Approaches The expertise and reflection approaches are both grounded in a cognitive view of teaching and learning (see Table 5). However, within the expertise approach, understanding teachers’ thinking is viewed alongside their ability to interpret events in the classroom, make judgments on the spot and improvise and act in the classroom, which also is reflected in the different developments of the frameworks, as outlined in the Table 5. Within the reflective approach, teachers’ thinking is not viewed necessarily as directly connected to the enactment of teaching, but rather as an important stand-alone capacity. Teacher professionalism in this approach is linked with the degree to which one can interpret and reflect upon one’s own practice and create one’s own practice theory. Thus, reflection is viewed as decisive for teachers’ professional identity formation (see Table 5). The action-research approach has a different theoretical foundation, as it is more interested in organizational-development processes, rather than individual

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teachers’ learning. This is reflected in different kinds of inquiry methods, as also in lesson and learning studies. Of course, other approaches, such as the reflective approach, aim for change and development, and reflection is also evident in the mentioned inquiry methods (as indicated in Table 5). However, action research goes beyond pure reflection on or in practice toward action, with an inevitable goal of developing or changing practice (McAteer, 2013). The enactment approach seems to have a more eclectic theoretical grounding and combine theoretical elements present in all the other approaches. Elements from the reflective approach and expertise thinking exist in the way this approach identifies core teaching practices that the novice needs to learn (e.g., Philip et al., 2018). This will be pursued further in the next section. When it comes to different pedagogical orientations inherent in the four approaches, the differences between them are more distinct. The expertise approach highlights learning to teach through the actual enactment of teaching, and a balance between standardization of teaching processes through manuals and improvisational teaching as the ultimate goal of experienced teachers is important. The reflection approach emphasizes pedagogies to support teacher candidates’ reflections and is more interested in prompts, assignments, and other learning opportunities that guide candidates’ reflections over time. As such, a difference seems apparent in the emphasis on rehearsal versus reflection in these two approaches. As stated, the action-research approach highlights investigation of and reflection on one’s own practice through pedagogies of research-and-development work. Indeed, that approach also emphasizes that the result should be improved action; however, the actual enactment of teaching, or the teacher role, is not in focus. To some extent, it seems like the enactment approach unites the approaches, bringing to the fore the importance of enacting and rehearsing teaching in a research-based manner through representation, decomposition, and approximation of specific teaching practices, while also highlighting the importance of reflecting upon enactment and improving it in some version of a learning cycle. Forzani (2014) claimed that even though sociocultural theories of teaching and learning have existed for a long time, they have seldom informed teacher-education pedagogies, as does the research within the enactment approach. Thus, rather than working on fine-grained, “technical” practices, e.g., passing out papers, as was common during the process-product era (Forzani, 2014), teacher candidates, within the enactment approach, work on relational and sociocultural practices such as discussion and elicitation of students’ learning. Furthermore, according to Forzani (2014), an increased focus on academically challenging content (cf. Shulman, 2015) exists within this body of research, and that candidates should know their subject matter in profound ways to react quickly to diverse content understanding. This brings increased purpose to the work of teaching, as teacher candidates currently do not learn the technical skill of asking questions or designing an assignment in general, but learn to do so while being connected closely to the subject matter and evaluate their efforts according to the degree to which they are enabled to navigate the academic content. Similarly, McDonald et al. (2013) emphasized that the present focus on core practices in the USA is an effort to learn from all the earlier approaches and move the field forward. They illustrate this by pointing to the “Learning to Teach

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In, From and Through Practice Project” by Lampert et al. (2013), which showed how rehearsals through campus coursework successfully can be used to interweave practical experience with coursework while maintaining teaching complexity and ambitious learning goals for students. Moreover, McDonald et al. (2013) argued that the core-practice movement does not intend to develop one set of universal core practices for the field to be used as a whole, but rather to develop a common language for the field of teacher education.

Concerns over Practice-Based Teacher Education Even though a practice turn in teacher education is a central part of contemporary debate (Reid, 2011; Zeichner, 2012), concerns also have been raised. For instance, critics emphasize that some school-based teacher-training routes that emphasize practice do not necessarily improve teaching quality or prevent teacher attrition (Boyd et al., 2009; Cochran-Smith et al., 2016; Grossman & Loeb, 2008). Concerns also have been raised about newer approaches, such as the enactment approach, to grounding teacher education in practice. One challenge within the enactment approach is that the practices selected for emphasis can be disputed, and also which grain-size these practices should have (Lampert, 2010). Further, the foundations and implications of such an approach to teacher training is also contested (Kennedy, 2015; Philip et al., 2018; Zeichner, 2012), namely that one might lose the teaching profession’s broad professional vision or purpose, with Zeichner (2012) arguing that a focus on practice in teacher education might reduce teacher candidates’ opportunities to learn about the historical, political, cultural, economic, and social contexts in which they are about to teach. Similarly, Philip et al. (2018) are worried that the focus on core practices might make equity and social justice peripheral to teacher education. They raise this concern both in terms of power relations and social-reproduction problems through the selection of specific core practices, and also because no strong stance has been taken on “the economic and political forces propping up and propelling core practices” (p. 3). Finally, Kennedy (2015) suggested that teacher education, rather than focusing on core teaching practices, should emphasize five proposed teaching purposes, somewhat resembling the reflective approach to teacher education. In summary, the debate on what the adequate balance between theory and practice in teacher education should be, or how teacher education should be grounded in practice, is important. Through this chapter’s conceptualization of the term practicebased teacher education, this discussion can be better informed conceptually and theoretically.

Implications for Teacher Education Concerns over practice-based teacher education remain unresolved, as this conceptualization of practice-based teacher education does not come with a solution as to

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how the balance should be formulated, how to implement practice-based teacher education, how to employ the program design, and/or how to secure high-quality teaching within these programs. Still, this conceptualization might contribute to redefine and reimagine what is meant by practice-based teacher education. Furthermore, it has provided some lenses through which teacher educators and program directors can evaluate their own teacher-education programs and identify the extent to which, and how, their programs are grounded in practice. Further, this systematization has highlighted different strands of influence for practice-based teacher education and made evident different aspects that people might infer concerning the notion of practice-based teacher education. Thus, the conceptualization of practice-based teacher education outlined in this chapter can contribute a more nuanced and common vocabulary among researchers and teacher educators for discussing how to enhance connections to practice when redesigning or improving teacher-education programs. Finally, the aforementioned critique on the fragmentation between theory and practice in teacher education (NCATE, 2010; NOKUT, 2006) calls for greater attention to teacher-education pedagogies that are grounded in practice. Extant research on teacher-education instructional practices is scant (Cochran-Smith et al., 2016), indicating a need for further academic studies in this area. The present conceptualization of practice-based teacher education contributes with knowledge to help to understand the theoretical and methodological foundations of different strands of pedagogical orientations in teacher education (see Table 5). As such, the four approaches not only serve as lenses through which to understand, evaluate, and improve teacher-education program design, but also contribute to improving teacher-education instructional practices and teacher educators’ professional development.

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Part IV Continuing Professional Development

From Benign Neglect to Performative Accountability: Changing Policy and Practice in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Rise of “Teacher Quality” as a Policy Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standards and PLD as Solutions to the Teacher Quality Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher PLD and Transnational Education Policy: From Teachers Matter to TALIS 2018 . . . Local Vernaculars of Teacher PLD Policy: Examples from England and Australia . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Shifting Priorities in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Regimes of performative accountability for teachers have been on the rise internationally for the past two decades. While much research has focused in that time on the effects of accountability systems on teachers’ work, often related to the impact of standardization of practice via teaching standards, the changing shape of continuing professional development for teachers as a consequence of accountability regimes has been less studied. This chapter explores changing conceptualizations and practices of continuing professional development over the past two decades at transnational and national levels. It argues that continuing teacher professional development and learning has increasingly become a technology of standards and standardization, using evidence from key policy texts generated by the OECD and national/state level authorities in the United Kingdom and Australia. It explores the disjuncture between teacher professional development as embedded in these policy discourses and international research findings on sound teacher professional development practices, arguing that contemporary conceptualizations of continuing professional development are inadequate for supporting teacher development and learning over the course of their careers. It suggests that while continuing profesN. Mockler (*) The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_17

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sional development may have been subject to “benign neglect” on the part of policymakers and authorities in the past, that neither this nor the current approach, entrenched in performative accountability, meet the complex needs of the teaching profession in the twenty-first century.

Introduction An engaged and sustained career in teaching relies not only on strong foundations provided by initial teacher education but also on ongoing high quality teacher professional learning and development, provided over the course of teachers’ careers. The past two decades have seen ongoing or continuing teacher professional learning and development (PLD) that becomes a key focus of national and state-level education policy for whole system improvement in many different national contexts. This focus has been increasingly tethered to professional standards for teachers and an ongoing quest for “teacher quality” that has driven education policy governing teachers’ work over this timeframe. This growing focus on teacher PLD at a policy level has taken place alongside the rise of well-documented regimes of performative accountability for teachers, defined by Ball (2003, p. 216) as “a mode of regulation that employs judgements, comparisons and displays as means of incentive, control, attrition and change – based on rewards and sanctions.” The close ties within these regimes of performative accountability between teaching standards, teacher professionalism, and teacher PLD have generated a corresponding redefinition of the form and function of “what counts” as teacher PLD. This chapter aims to explore the current shape of teacher professional development and learning policy and this disconnect between forms of professional learning privileged and sanctioned within policy and those likely to sustain and renew teachers. It begins by exploring the shaping of teacher PLD as a policy solution to the perceived problem of declining “teacher quality.” It then focuses on representations of teacher PLD transnationally, focusing on a series of reports developed and published by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). It then moves to consider current articulations of PLD in two national contexts: England and Australia (with a focus on the state of New South Wales (NSW)). It explores the discursive positioning of both teacher PLD and teachers themselves within the current policy landscape and concludes by considering what a shift from a performative to intelligent (O’Neill, 2013) accountability framing might do to the landscape of teacher PLD.

The Rise of “Teacher Quality” as a Policy Problem There has been growing international attention over the past two decades to issues of teacher and teaching quality, encapsulated in the oft-repeated notions that “the broad consensus is that ‘teacher quality’ is the single most important school variable

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influencing student achievement” (OECD, 2003, p. 26) and that “the quality of an education system cannot exceed the quality of its teachers” (McKinsey & Company, 2007, p. 16). Larsen (2010) has highlighted this attention and its discursive construction historically, arguing that “the discourse of teacher centrality,” as she terms it, was preceded and animated by a discourse of blame and derision about teachers. Together, she argues that these construct teachers “as being deficient and simultaneously shouldered with the responsibility of fixing societal and school problems” (2010, p. 208). Larsen contends that the discursive effects of teacher centrality include the exercise of stricter control over teachers via: mechanisms of performative accountability, an increased technicization of their work linked to the school effectiveness movement and its disposition toward “chunking” and measuring, the de-contextualization of teachers’ work, the standardization of teacher education, and the individualization and responsibilization of teachers. It can be difficult to take a critical stand on discourses of quality in education for, as Matthew Clarke has asked, “who is going to stand up and oppose ‘quality education’?” (2014, p. 588). Furthermore, “quality” is almost always very loosely defined, or not defined at all, even in policies focused on teacher and/or school quality, as has been noted by many (see, for example, Berliner, 2005; Bourke et al., 2016; Kipnis, 2013). I have contended elsewhere that “quality” in education is simultaneously “slippery to define, and hard to argue against” (Mockler, 2017, p. 335), while Goodwin and Low (2021, p. 366) refer to teacher quality itself as “a concept in search of a definition.” The ongoing elision of teaching quality and teacher quality occurs in policy and media spaces where they are often used as synonyms (Mockler, 2020, 2022a). Larsen refers to this as a discursive contradiction, arguing that “in the intersection between good teaching and good teachers, we witness the discursive contradictions between holistic notions of the good teacher and technicist assumptions about good teaching” (Larsen, 2010, p. 210). Through this contradiction, teachers are simultaneously placed on a pedestal as the “single most important factor in student achievement” while also subjected to inadequate and technicist assumptions about what good teaching is. Meanwhile, mechanisms of performative accountability have been constructed to control for teacher quality, more often than not embedding and capitalizing on such technicist assumptions. But how did we get here? Cochran-Smith surveys the recent history of “teacher quality,” tracing the current trend back to the 1990s and arguing that “the emphasis on teacher quality in developed countries around the world emerged as part of the late twentieth century shift from an industrial to a global knowledge economy” (Cochran-Smith, 2021, p. 416). Certainly by the mid-2000s, with heightened attention to international testing and comparison in the wake of the first and second rounds of PISA (2000 and 2003, respectively), “teacher quality” had become a key part of discussions of system performance on a national and international scale. In 2005, the OECD published Teachers Matter: Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers (2003). Apart from its significant advancement of the discourse of teacher centrality through the “single most important” argument (referred to above), this report positioned teacher quality as “perhaps the policy

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direction most likely to lead to substantial gains in school performance” (p. 23) and explored the links between remuneration and teacher quality, among other things. Ideas about teacher quality had earlier taken root in economics of education circles – for example, the 2003 yearbook of the American Education Finance Association was entitled School Finance and Teacher Quality: Exploring the Connections (Plecki & Monk, 2003) – and these perspectives were amplified and brought into the mainstream via Teachers Matter and the ensuing discussion, which led into the establishment of the OECD Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) in 2008. Over the past two decades, economists have pursued explorations of teacher quality as “an important input into the education production function” (Leigh & Ryan, 2008, p. 141), increasingly focusing on “output-based quality measures” (Hanushek & Rivkin, 2006, p. 1069) and “teacher value-added” (Hanushek & Rivkin, 2012, p. 131ff.). As Cochran-Smith (2021) has noted, definitions of “teacher quality” in use by economists, encapsulated in Eric Hanushek’s notion that “good teachers are ones who get large gains in student achievement for their classes; bad teachers are just the opposite” (2002, pp. 2–3), tend to contrast with more humanistic and nuanced accounts that have emerged in the intervening years. This teacher quality “origin story” (Hatfield et al., 2013) importantly locates the discourse of teacher quality in relation to human capital theory (Becker, 1964; Schultz, 1970), which has been taken up with alacrity in the proliferation of neoliberal ideas in education. Wendy Brown has observed that neoliberalism “configures all aspects of existence in economic terms” (2015, p. 17), and in positioning the building of human capital as the key goal of education, we see something of the reconfiguration of the education enterprise along neoliberal lines. Germane to this discussion is Raewyn Connell’s argument regarding the impact of neoliberalism on teachers and teaching: Market-oriented neoliberalism is profoundly suspicious of professionalism; it regards professions as anti-competitive monopolies. Specifically, neoliberalism distrusts teachers. (Connell, 2009, p. 217)

Teacher quality as a policy problem operationalizes and weaponizes this neoliberal distrust of teachers, simultaneously underlining the importance of teachers while at the same time reducing “the good teacher” to narrow measures of performance and outcomes.

Standards and PLD as Solutions to the Teacher Quality Problem Professional standards for teachers were first established in the mid-1980s and have since become a key part of national and international discussions of teachers’ work, expressions of “demanded” forms of teacher professionalism (Evans, 2011) that have also driven discussions of teacher PLD over the past two decades. In the UK, an initial set of “teacher competences” was developed in 1984, updated in 1989, and again in 1993. Under the Blair “New Labour” Government,

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the “teacher competences” transitioned to “teacher standards,” which were subsequently updated in the 2000s prior to the development of a new set of Teachers’ Standards under the Cameron (Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition) Government (Department for Education UK, 2011). Other than minor terminology updates in 2021, these standards are still in use today (Department for Education UK, 2021). In the USA, the 1986 report A Nation Prepared: Teachers for the twenty-first Century (Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy Task Force on Teaching as a Profession, 1986) gave rise to the establishment of the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards (NBPTS) in 1987. What Teachers Should Know and Be Able to Do, a set of five core propositions, was first published in 1989 and subsequently updated (NBPTS, 2016). The five propositions form the basis of teaching standards, articulated in different ways for teachers across different age groups and disciplines. Discussions of professional teaching standards in the Australian context can be traced to around the time of a 1998 Senate Inquiry into the status of the teaching profession that culminated in A Class Act (Commonwealth of Australia, 1998). The report recommended the establishment of a NBPTS-like body for Australia to regulate teaching standards and accreditation; however, the federated system of Australian governments, wherein school education remains the constitutional responsibility of the states meant that statutory authorities were instead established to do this work at state and territory level. Over the first decade of the twenty-first century, eight different sets of state-based teaching standards were developed by the newly established authorities, each with different accreditation and registration regimes. During the time of the Rudd/Gillard/Rudd Labor Government (2007–2013), however, the expansion of the federal field of education (Lingard & Sellar, 2013; Savage & Lewis, 2018) included the establishment of the Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL) and the development of national professional standards for teachers in 2012, subsequently updated in 2018 (AITSL, 2018). Of course, professional standards vary greatly in their scope and intent (Sachs, 2016; Sachs & Mockler, 2012). Some scholars, such as Darling-Hammond (2021, p. 296), position them as tools for progress and improvement: [Standards]. . . spell out what teachers should know and be able to do in clear ways that can guide teachers’ preparation, practice, assessment, and professional growth. They make clear the expectations for teachers as well as for those who support them, so that teachers become increasingly effective.

Others, however, such as Connell (2009, p. 220), take a different, more critical stance: What teachers do is decomposed into specific, auditable competencies and performances. The framework is not only specified in managerialist language. It embeds an individualized model of the teacher that is deeply problematic for a public education system. The arbitrariness of the dot-point lists means that any attempt to enforce them, on the practice of teachers or on teacher education programmes, will mean an arbitrary narrowing of practice. This

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cannot be a good thing to do, when in conditions of global integration and social diversity, education needs to become culturally richer.

Professional standards for teachers are neither a panacea for the status problems that have plagued the teaching profession for decades nor necessarily a tool of performative accountability: Some professional standards, such as those developed by and for teachers, can potentially be a generative tool reaching more toward O’Neill’s (2002, 2013) concept of “intelligent accountability.” However, professional standards imposed on teachers for purposes of performative accountability, the dominant form of accountability in operation in education systems worldwide (Lingard et al., 2017) typically marginalize creativity in favor of privileging a high level of consistency of practice, via a “miniaturization of focus” (Sennett, 1986, p. 43), a shrinking of focus onto the attendant parts of complex processes and practices. As Taubman (2009, p. 115) notes, “standards not only standardise work, they also divide it up into component parts,” and there is good evidence that the ensuing technicization of teachers’ work has redefined both teacher professionalism and teaching as an occupation (Mockler & Connell, 2018). Standards have provided a solution to the policy problem of teacher quality over the past two decades, with systems expanded to include processes of accreditation and registration designed to sanction the quality teacher and gatekeep the profession to ensure that inadequate teachers are not admitted to the classroom. In some jurisdictions, teacher PLD has become an important part of these systems, where teachers are required to engage in ongoing PLD and to give account of their PLD, in order to retain their registration and/or accreditation to teach (Mockler, 2022b). In this way, teacher PLD has become intricately connected with the “teacher quality” problem, as policymakers and policy processes increasingly embed teacher PLD as a foil to declining or poor teacher quality.

Teacher PLD and Transnational Education Policy: From Teachers Matter to TALIS 2018 Recognizing that particularly in the years since the instigation of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), the OECD has been a key player in the development of global education policy flows, and particularly in the global governance of teachers’ work (Robertson, 2013; Sørensen & Robertson, 2020; Ydesen & Bomholt, 2020), it seems fitting to begin with an exploration of how teacher PLD is represented within OECD discourse and how this reflects on the positioning of teachers themselves within these policy discourses. This section draws on an interrogation of a series of OECD documents with questions such as: How is teacher PLD defined and conceptualized in this policy document? Who or what is said to benefit from teacher PLD? What are the expressed and/or implied measures of quality of teacher PLD? Berkovich and Benoliel (2020) comment that Teachers Matter (OECD, 2005) is widely regarded as the starting point for the current wave of OECD interest in

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teachers’ work, although as Sørensen and Robertson have noted (2020), OECD interest in the role of teachers in quality education stretches back to at least the publication of The Teacher Today: Tasks, Conditions, Policies in the early 1990s (OECD, 1990). Additionally, PISA has included a small number of teacher PLD-related questions in the principal survey instrument since its inception (OECD, 2001). The Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) was conducted for the first time in 2008 and subsequently in 2013 and 2018. Berkovich and Benoliel (2018, p. 4) argue that “TALIS harnessed the popularity of PISA to place the OECD in the center of not only the ‘student learning quality’ discussion but also of the teacher quality discourse.” Further, as Sorensen and Robertson’s (2017) research has highlighted, teacher professional development (PD) was a key focus of the TALIS program from the outset, primarily due to the interest of the European Commission in this area. Other than Teachers Matter, therefore, the survey instruments and reports (with particular attention to the chapter of each report on teacher PD) of TALIS 2008, 2013, and 2018 have been included in this reading. In Teachers Matter, PD is defined as “activities” that “seek to update, develop and broaden the knowledge teachers acquired during initial teacher education and/or provide them with new skills and professional understanding” (pp. 121–122). Professional development is said to “[provide] a means for improving the quality of teachers and retaining them in teaching” (p. 122). The report makes a distinction between four types of teacher PD, namely: activities that support the implementation of policy or educational reforms; task-oriented professional development; school-based professional development “aimed at responding to school needs”; and personal professional development “chosen by the individual participant for professional enrichment and further education” (p. 122). Teachers’ participation in professional development is compared across national contexts using data from PISA 2000 and the International Survey of Upper Secondary Schools, reported in 2003, with a focus on whether teachers had engaged in PD in the recent past, whether PD is a requirement for teachers and if so the number of required hours/days, who decides on PD activities undertaken by teachers, and financial arrangements. Interestingly, while Teachers Matter puts the initial focus on the effectiveness of PD on the relationship between PD as input and student results as output, citing research highlighting teachers who “outperformed their peers” (p. 128) on unknown measures after targeted PD, it also works with research that emphasizes the collaborative aspects of successful teacher PD. In terms of effectiveness, the report concludes that: The most effective forms of professional development seem to be those that focus on clearly articulated priorities, provide ongoing school-based support to classroom teachers, deal with subject matter content as well as suitable instructional strategies and classroom management techniques, and create opportunities for teachers to observe, experience and try new teaching methods. (OECD, 2003, p. 129)

However, despite the complex and qualitative nature of these indicators, and the further acknowledgment that PD needs to “forge a close connection between

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teachers’ own development, their teaching responsibilities, and school goals” (p. 130) and to take advantage of informal learning embedded in teachers’ day to day work, this breadth is not entirely consistent with subsequent OECD work on teacher PD. In the report on TALIS 2008, the primary objectives of teacher PD were expressed as: • To update individuals’ knowledge of a subject in light of recent advances in the area • To update individuals’ skills, attitudes, and approaches in light of the development of new teaching techniques and objectives, new circumstances, and new educational research • To enable individuals to apply changes made to curricula or other aspects of teaching practice • To enable schools to develop and apply new strategies concerning the curriculum and other aspects of teaching practice • To exchange information and expertise among teachers and others, for example, academics, industrialists • To help weaker teachers become more effective (OECD, 2009, p. 49) PD is thus constituted from the beginning of TALIS as activities with objectives primarily related to knowledge acquisition rather than ongoing professional formation or the development of professional practice (with the presumed exception of “weaker teachers”). Thus, a principal measure of these as presented in the TALIS report is the average days of PD undertaken and the percentage of teachers who have “participated” in PD activities, along with the type of support, financial and otherwise, provided by schools for participation in PD activities (▶ Chap. 51, “A CrossNational Analysis of Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning”). TALIS 2008, however, was also interested in the forms of PD undertaken by teachers and those found to be most effective (see Table 1 for a comparison of different forms of PD focused on in TALIS 2008, 2013, and 2018). Teachers were asked whether or not they had participated in a series of “formal” PD “activities” over the 18 months prior to the survey, including courses/workshops, conferences and seminars, qualification (degree) programs, and individual and collaborative research, and then to quantify the number of days’ participation. Additionally, because “TALIS was interested in professional development activities beyond the more structured types listed above” (OECD, 2009, p. 50), teachers were also asked whether they had engaged in reading professional literature or in informal dialogue with colleagues on how to improve teaching over the same period. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the form of PD reported most widely, with a 93% average across participating countries, was informal dialogue. This was followed by courses and workshops (81%) and reading professional literature (78%). Teachers were also asked in 2008 how far the same forms of PD had impacted their development as teachers, and here an average of 87% and 83% of teachers reported a moderate or high impact of informal dialogue and professional reading,

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Table 1 Types of professional development activities in TALIS 2008, 2013, and 2018 2008 (Q11) Courses/workshops

2013 (Q21) Courses/workshops

Education conferences or seminars Qualification program Observation visits to other schools

Education conferences or seminars Qualification program Observation visits to other schools Observation visits to business premises, public organizations, nongovernmental organizations In-service training courses in business premises, public organizations, nongovernmental organizations Participation in a network of teachers formed specifically for the professional development of teachers Individual or collaborative research on a topic of interest to you professionally Mentoring and/or peer observation and coaching, as part of a formal school arrangement

Participation in a network of teachers formed specifically for the professional development of teachers Individual or collaborative research on a topic of interest to you professionally Mentoring and/or peer observation and coaching, as part of a formal school arrangement Reading professional literature Engaging in informal dialogue with your colleagues on how to improve your teaching

2018 (Q22) Courses/seminars attended in person Online courses/seminars Education conferences Qualification program Observation visits to other schools Observation visits to business premises, public organizations, nongovernmental organizations

Participation in a network of teachers formed specifically for the professional development of teachers

Peer and/or self-observation and coaching as part of a formal school arrangement Reading professional literature

respectively. The only form of PD with higher reported impact was individual and collaborative research (89%), which had been undertaken by a far smaller proportion (35%) of teachers. A take-away from TALIS 2008 could have been the potential benefits in terms of impact, of less formal forms of PD, driven by teacher interest and focused on sharing expertise and developing professional judgment, which typically cost less than attendance at conferences, courses, and workshops and build on insider rather than imported expertise from consultants and “deliverers” of PD. Somewhat perplexingly, however, these two forms of PD do not appear in TALIS 2013, and while professional reading returns in 2018, “informal dialogue” does not. In 2018, “reading professional literature” was the type of professional development second

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most frequently engaged in by teachers (72% average), behind courses/seminars attended in person (76%). At the same time, in 2018, “Individual or collaborative research on a topic of interest to you professionally” was dropped from the TALIS survey instrument, despite having been the form of PD shown in TALIS 2008 to have the highest proportion of teachers reporting moderate or high impact on their practice and in TALIS 2013 to be the fourth most frequent form of PD reported by teachers (31%). Despite the concern expressed in the TALIS 2008 report regarding the forms of PD reported by teachers to be most significant for them and the associated cost/lack of accessibility of these types of PD to teachers in many contexts, the 2013 and 2018 surveys did not ask teachers to indicate how far different forms of PD had impacted their development. TALIS 2013 asked teachers to indicate how far PD on different topics (e.g., “Knowledge and understanding of my subject fields,” “Pedagogical competencies in teaching my subject fields,” “ICT skills for teaching”) had had a “positive impact on your teaching” (OECD, 2013, p. 11). In 2018 teachers were asked to think of the PD activity “that had the greatest positive impact on your teaching during the last 12 months” and select its characteristics from a list that included building on prior knowledge, coherent structure, content focus, and active and collaborative learning opportunities (OECD, 2018, p. 14). This shift in TALIS 2008 from interest in the types of PD teachers found to be most beneficial to their development as teachers to interest in TALIS 2018 in the characteristics of PD that had a demonstrable positive impact on teaching is a subtle but important one. Implied in the latter is a simple, linear relationship between a selected PD activity and demonstrably improved teaching, whereas the former reflects the relationship between PD and teacher development (in which is implied a longer-term and more complex growth) more broadly. The move away from consideration of forms of PD that teachers reported being both very common and highly beneficial in 2008, and further that relied primarily on teachers operating as autonomous and knowledgeable professionals, is another important shift. Chapter 5 of Teachers and School Leaders as Lifelong Learners, volume one of the 2018 TALIS report (OECD, 2019), is entitled “Providing Opportunities for Continuous Development” and focuses on the professional development of teachers and principals as reflected in the survey data. The chapter draws on the broad definition included in the report of TALIS 2008 but notes that professional development is here “understood to be activities in the form of in-service training activities beyond initial education and induction programmes” (p. 152). The discourse of “training” very heavily dominates the TALIS 2018 report generally, and particularly in this chapter on teacher PD. It begins: Continuous professional development is a vital element of the career path of teachers and principals, providing training that can affect both classroom and school practices. This chapter examines participation rates in in-service training for teachers and principals and discusses the different types of development opportunities available to them. It also reports teachers’ views on the characteristics of impactful training. After exploring the content of training activities attended by teachers and principals, it contrasts levels of participation with needs for further training. The chapter concludes by examining barriers to participation

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in training and the support received by teachers and principals to overcome them. (OECD, 2019, p. 151, my emphasis)

This emphasis on training is not confined to the opening of the chapter: In total, training appears 266 times in the 32 pages (ex-reference list) of Chap. 5. By way of comparison, training appears seven times in Chap. 3 (“The Professional Development of Teachers”) of the TALIS 2008 report (OECD, 2009) and 12 times in Chap. 4 (“Developing and Supporting Teachers”) of the TALIS 2013 report (OECD, 2014). This discursive shift, too, is a subtle but important one. “Education” and “training” might on one level seem to share some aspects in common but as Antonacopoulou (2001) has explained in highlighting the “superficial and mechanistic” (p. 327) relationship between training and learning, the connection is somewhat paradoxical and counter-intuitive. Further, Connell (2013) reminds us of the strong relationship between the “training” paradigm and the technicization of teachers’ work, noting that “under neoliberalism, education is displaced by competitive training” (p. 110), and the ways in which a shift to “modularized training services” has opened the door to the ever-burgeoning marketization of education. Training, furthermore, is not something that happens informally; rather it comes with a formal framework of activities and courses and is seldom something one does for oneself or one’s colleagues: Implied in training is an external expert or trainer, delivering or providing programs, courses or activities. Sørenson’s work (2017, 2021) has highlighted the complexity of the development of each round of TALIS, which involves negotiation between the OECD secretariat, representatives of participating countries on the TALIS Board of Participating Countries/TALIS Governing Board, other entities such as the European Commission, the Trade Union Advisory Group, the Instrument Development Expert Group/ Questionnaire Expert Group, chaired by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), and so on. Attempting to identify the source or motivation for removing questions from subsequent rounds of TALIS is therefore a fraught task. Likewise, identifying how far the OECD leads rather than reflects subtle discursive shifts is also difficult; however, an exploration of teacher PD in key OECD texts from 2005 to 2019 suggests a shift toward training and more formal types of PD, along with an assumption of linearity in the relationship between PD activities or episodes and improved teaching practice.

Local Vernaculars of Teacher PLD Policy: Examples from England and Australia Having charted some key transnational directions of teacher PLD policy in the discussion above, this section will turn to exploring current articulations of policy around teacher PLD in England and Australia. Given the multijurisdictional nature of school education and teacher accreditation/professional development requirements in Australia, the discussion will focus on the state of New South Wales (NSW), Australia’s most populous state. In both cases, this account draws on two

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key instructional texts on teacher PLD. In the case of England, the Standard for Teachers’ Professional Development (Department for Education UK (DfE), 2016a) and the associated Implementation Guidance document (DfE, 2016b), while for NSW, the “Professional Development Requirements” and “Principles of Effective Professional Learning” webpages of the NSW Education Standards Authority (NESA) (2022a, 2022b) have been examined. The single-page Standard for Teachers’ Professional Development (DfE, 2016a) constitutes professional development as “programs of connected activities” that rely upon a partnership between Headteachers and school leaders, teachers themselves and “providers of professional development expertise, training or consultancy.” Effective professional development is seen to: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Have a focus on improving and evaluating pupil outcomes Be underpinned by robust evidence and expertise Include collaboration and expert challenge Be sustained over time, in programs of professional development Be prioritized by school leadership

The clear and linear link between professional development and the improvement and evaluation or pupil outcomes is further expanded upon in the Implementation Guidance document (DfE, 2016b). This document draws a distinction between “direct” professional development which is aimed at improving “specific pupil outcomes” and “indirect professional development,” which “links to pupil outcomes less clearly, and may contribute by helping to improve the running of a school or by developing teachers in other ways” (p. 5). Examples of the latter are said to include training in operational or procedural tasks and “attending education conferences to increase awareness of new ideas.” Direct PD is very clearly delineated within this document as the preferred or default mode for “quality” professional development. Consistent with the Standard itself, a distinction is made between professional development programs and activities, with a program representing a more sustained and coherent approach, containing a number of activities and preferred to standalone activities “unlikely to have a lasting impact on pupil outcomes” (p. 5). In order to qualify as “effective” PD, activities are said to require “explicit relevance to participants,” to ensure that “individual activities link logically to the intended pupil outcomes,” and to include “ongoing evaluation of how changes in practice are having an impact on pupil outcomes” (DfE, 2016b). The approach to teacher PD embedded in the English context thus assumes a very linear path from teacher learning to improved student learning outcomes, which constitutes teacher professional development as “input” and pupil learning as “output.” While “indirect” PD is acknowledged, it is constituted very much as a secondorder priority in a system where the direct path to impact and the measurement and evaluation of this impact is privileged. The short-term, cause-and-effect framing of activities that “link logically” to improved pupil outcomes suggest that teachers might be less willing to engage in professional development focused on the kinds of pedagogical innovation and risk-taking that might not immediately manifest in

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improved student outcomes but nevertheless develop their own pedagogical repertoires and build toward (for example) greater student engagement. In relation to other parts of the Standard, effective PD is said to be “supported by those with expertise and knowledge to help participants improve their understanding of evidence” (DfE, 2016b, p. 8) and “includes support from someone in a coaching and/or mentoring role to provide modelling and challenge” (DfE, 2016b, p. 9). This along with a strong delineation within the policy documents as a whole between teachers and school leaders on the one hand and “providers” of PD on the other clearly establishes that teacher PD that counts is “delivered” by an external facilitator rather than an ongoing process of learning driven by teachers and school leaders themselves. In NSW, teachers are required to complete 50 h of NESA-approved PD and 50 h of “elective” PD per 5 years to maintain their accreditation to teach. Guidelines for PD were changed significantly in 2021 after Mark Latham, a Member of Parliament representing hard right minority party Pauline Hanson’s One Nation and also the Chair of the Lower House Education Committee, raised questions in parliament about whether “gender fluidity” was potentially a focus of some of the then 42,000 approved PD courses (NSW Legislative Council, 2020). The Government’s response was to summarily cancel all 42,000 PD courses without notice to teachers or providers and undertake a review, which led into new processes and guidelines established in 2021 (NESA, 2022b). This episode was reflective of the power of the hard right in respect to education policy in NSW at the time, particularly around the “pressure point” of gender and sexuality, which had been successfully used as a tool within the culture wars that characterized debates in the lead up to the legislation of marriage equality in Australia in late 2017 (Busbridge et al., 2020; Law, 2017; Rawlings & Loveday, 2021). The NESA requirements delineate at the outset professional learning and professional development, although the two terms are used interchangeably throughout the documentation: Professional learning is often the result of applying new knowledge, experiences and processes gained through professional development (PD) activities aligned to the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (the Standards). Professional learning helps teachers to grow in their professional practice. (NSW Education Standards Authority, 2022b)

While this definition is demonstrably broader (growth in professional practice) than that employed in the English Standard, the focus on “PD activities,” expressed in NSW as “courses,” is consistent across the two contexts and with the transnational documents examined. In response to the Latham-inspired review, the new requirements limit accredited PD courses to four “priority areas”: • Delivery and assessment of NSW Curriculum/Early Years Learning Framework • Student/child mental health • Students/children with disability

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• Aboriginal education and supporting Aboriginal students/children (NESA, 2022b) Elective PD, which comprises 50% of the requirements for most teachers in NSW, is said to include further study, nonaccredited courses, and statutorily required training (e.g., first aid, child protection) and is required to meet the following guidelines: • Enhance teaching practice to effect positive change and impact on student/child learning progress and achievement • Link to clear and relevant goals that are related to improving student/child outcomes • Provide opportunities for collaboration, transference, and application of learning into teaching practice • Involve opportunities to give and receive feedback and/or undertake selfreflection and reflection on the teaching practice of others • Be research based and evidence based (NESA, 2022b) The Principles of Effective Professional Learning (NESA, 2022a), which all NESA-accredited courses are required to meet, are: • • • • •

The course is content focused. The course demonstrates coherence. The course meets NESA’s duration requirement. The course recognizes the experience and prior knowledge of participants. The course is job-embedded and/or provides opportunities for transference of learning. • The course includes models of/modeling effective teaching practice. • The course supports active collaboration. • The course supports opportunities for feedback and reflection. While still couched very heavily in the language of “activities,” “courses,” and “providers,” positioning teacher PD as something delivered by an external provider rather than an ongoing, potentially teacher-led process, the NSW policy is far more expansive than the English framework with its strict linear focus on student outcomes. The “growth of professional practice” noted above, as well as the embedding of professional learning within the policy framework alongside professional development is another example of this broader focus. While the new content focus areas and the mandatory links into the professional standards, themselves a limited and somewhat thin rendering of teachers’ work (Mockler, 2022b), place considerable boundaries around “what counts” as professional development for NSW teachers, these boundaries are far less tightly drawn than for teachers in England. The constitution of teacher PD in hours remains problematic, suggesting that participation in PD activities equates to professional learning; however, the space for NSW teachers to engage in “elective” PD shaped by their own interests and problems of

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practice suggests a more generative approach in NSW than in many other parts of the world.

Conclusion: Shifting Priorities in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers The ecosystem of forms of teacher professionalism “demanded” (Evans, 2011) by policymakers, formalized regulatory professional teaching standards, and teacher PLD have become a dominant framing force in the career life-cycle of teachers. Established in attempts to shore up “teacher quality,” they are supported by policy ensembles and systems that seek to govern teachers’ identities, practice, and learning. Once a benign, ad hoc process that lay adjacent to the “main game” of being a school teacher, teacher PLD has become a primary means through which teachers are required to perform “teacher quality” to maintain their occupational status (Evans, 2011; Mockler, 2013, 2015). The analysis presented here has highlighted that in policy terms, both transnationally and in the two contexts surveyed, teacher professional development is constituted largely as activities or courses delivered or facilitated by external experts that are often quantified in hours and where the effectiveness of programs and activities is understood to be linked in linear cause-and-effect terms to improved teaching and/or student outcomes. In practical terms, this constitution drives an “inservice training” model consistent with its human capital framing and the concomitant technicization and “miniaturization” (Sennett, 1986) of teaching practice and teacher professional learning. Gore (2021) has highlighted the problems of approaches such as these to teacher professional development, from the implicit focus on teachers rather than teaching embedded in methods of quantifying and counting PD activities such as these, to the poor proxies for teacher effectiveness, for example, student results. At the same time, the very limited expression of what constitutes good teaching embedded in the professional standards that teacher PD policies support reinforce and validate these approaches to teacher PD. The well-documented critical shortage of teachers, including in the UK (Sibieta, 2020), Australia (Baker, 2021), the USA (García & Weiss, 2019), and more broadly (Thompson, 2021), is currently being felt keenly in schools (e.g., Laing, 2021). Consequences of the shortage include the contraction of curricular offerings along with significant numbers of teachers teaching “out of field” in subject areas where they have neither specialist knowledge nor expertise (Shah et al., 2020). The loss of mid-career teachers is a well-known major contributor to teacher shortages internationally (Craig, 2017), where failure to retain expert teachers has dire consequences for schools and school systems, but also for early career teachers. A significant body of research (e.g., Guglielmi et al., 2014; McIlveen et al., 2019) has consistently highlighted the important role of teacher professional learning and development, and more importantly, particular forms of professional learning and development, as critical to improving teacher retention. However, these, requiring collegial learning experiences (Coburn & Stein, 2006) connected to teachers’ “own teaching interests

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or recurring problems of practice” (Little, 2012, p. 22), stand in stark contrast to dominant modes of teacher PD evident in this scan of policy documents. Authentic teacher PLD is critical to sustaining and retaining teachers in the face of well-documented factors such as work intensification (Fitzgerald et al., 2019), burnout (Rajendran et al., 2020), and what Santoro (2018) has conceptualized as “demoralization” – shifts in the conditions of teaching, largely wrought by policy, that render the “moral rewards” of teaching inaccessible. Research suggests teacher PLD can be a source of professional renewal or rejuvenation (Gore & Rickards, 2020; Sachs, 1997) or “re-moralization” (Santoro, 2018). But such PLD requires a deep connection into teachers’ individual and collective problems and questions of practice. These usually do not take place as part of the quantified and/or registered “courses” or “activities” privileged within regimes of performative accountability and “delivered” by “edupreneurs” (Brewer et al., 2018). Indeed, as Gore has argued, “when teaching is treated reductively, with jingoistic titles like Five Tips to Successful Classroom Management, or when presenters focus solely on inspiration rather than actionable learning” (2021, p. 54), such activities can be counterproductive, leaving already time-poor teachers less open to engaging in professional development. A shift away from conceptualizations of teacher PLD steeped in performative accountability to ones more resonant with O’Neill’s concept of “intelligent accountability” (2013) would mean less emphasis on delivery of courses and more on supporting teachers to engage in inquiry-based forms of PLD that work with their own questions and problems of practice and build teacher expertise and judgment. It would also mean extending trust to the teaching profession in relation to their own professional development and trusting also that teachers can and do continue to engage in development and learning for the purposes of continuing to put their best professional selves forward to the benefit of their students, their colleagues, and their communities. O’Neill writes as part of her rationale for intelligent accountability that performative accountability cannot work as an alternative to trust, that “efforts to prevent abuse of trust are gigantic, relentless, and expensive; and inevitably their results are always less than perfect” (2002, p. 6). Embracing more generative, embedded forms of teacher PLD that support teachers’ ongoing intellectual, attitudinal, and behavioral development (Evans, 2011, 2014) might perhaps yield a still imperfect but nevertheless more “intelligent” system.

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Doubt, Skepticism, and Controversy in Professional Development Scholarship: Advancing a Critical Research Agenda

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mainstream Scholarship and Critical Discourses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Critical Research Agenda for Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Search for Causality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conceptualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Professional Development Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Unsettling the Professional Development Field’s Epistemic State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on the epistemic development of the professional development research field. Through comparison with the closely related field of educational leadership research, it is argued that the professional development research field is ripe for epistemic development – indeed, that its epistemic worthiness is dependent upon it. While valuable contributions to critical scholarship have been made by individual researchers of professional development, the field lacks a coherent and coordinated critical discourse that parallels critical educational leadership research; moreover, mainstream assumptions that remain unchallenged impoverish professional development research. Three key, contentious, issues are highlighted as needing to be placed at the top of a critical research agenda for professional development: the search for causality; conceptualization; and the professional development process. Calling for greater conceptual clarity and definitional precision that should go hand-in-hand with a sharper focus on what the professional development process involves, the chapter problematizes not only the search for the “holy grail” of, and claims of a “consensus” about, what makes professional development effective, but also the narrow conceptualization of professional L. Evans (*) Manchester Institute of Education, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_18

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development that these imply. There is a need, it is argued, for more rigorous research and scholarship that confront what have been called “inconvenient truths” about professional development. The chapter concludes with a call for critical researchers of professional development to harness their combined efforts toward advancing a recognizable critical discourse that, by challenging weakly supported mainstream beliefs and assumptions, will unsettle the field’s “epistemic state” and advance its epistemic development. Keywords

Critical leadership studies · Causality claims · Definition of professional development · Conceptualizing professional development · Epistemic worthiness · Epistemic development

Introduction Professional development research has made great strides and covered much ground in recent years. Indeed, the outline of the field’s key knowledge gains that I sketched out almost a decade ago (Evans, 2014) now needs redrawing to include subfields or issues that have steadily gained increased prominence or popularity. There has been a noticeable rise in the number of studies of online groups or networks as professional development-facilitating fora (e.g., Lantz-Andersson et al., 2018; Carpenter & Staudt Willet, 2021; Prestridge et al., 2021), and of professional development through self-study (Concannon-Gibney, 2021; Ritter & Ergas, 2021), self-directed learning (Behroozi & Osam, 2021; Carpenter & Staudt Willet, 2021; Fransson & Norman, 2021), the use of “thought experiments” (Munson et al., 2021), and collegial and collaborative mutual support approaches, such as through professional book studies (Blanton et al., 2020), or practice-embedded settings (e.g., Gibbons et al., 2021) – including what Dudley (2015: 4) hails as “the world’s fastest growing approach to teacher learning”: Lesson study. But the landscapes of research fields are recontoured not only by knowledge expansion and gains, but also by doubt and skepticism that manifest themselves as someone’s questioning or querying this or that theory, practice, notion, belief or belief system, assumption, accepted wisdom, dominant method(ology), or even paradigm. Whether they are based on reasoning, compelling contradictory evidence, or a combination of the two, such doubt and skepticism – characteristics of what Kitcher (2000) calls a “field of disagreement” that unsettles a scholarly community’s “epistemic state” – are implicitly or explicitly concerned with the worthiness or the justification of the knowledge being challenged. This chapter is centered around such issues: professional development scholarship’s epistemic worthiness, epistemic development, and potential “fields of disagreement.” Moreover, since there is close alignment – indeed, much overlap – of the educational leadership and the professional development research fields, I apply lessons learned in the first of these to consideration of the epistemic development of

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the second, arguing that professional development scholarship is now ripe for an explicitly critical discourse that, by provoking disputes and controversies, has the potential to make a significant contribution to the field’s epistemic development. I begin by clarifying what I mean by “critical discourse.”

Mainstream Scholarship and Critical Discourses In examining the nature and patterns of scientific controversies and disputes, Kitcher (2000) refers to “the core” of a scientific community’s “practice.” By “practice” he means (p. 22): a language, a set of questions taken to be significant, a set of explanatory schemata, a set of accepted statements about the natural phenomena that are the community’s distinctive concern, experimental techniques, instruments, assessments of authority, methodological canons, and statements about how the community’s project relates to human well-being.

The consensus practice of a community “is a multidimensional entity each component of which contains exactly those elements universally shared within the community,” explains Kitcher (2000: 23), and this entity “identifies the core of the community’s commitments” (original emphasis). He points out that “[i]ndividual practices plainly outrun consensus practice” (p. 23), and that this deviation from consensus is the basis for controversy, which occurs when one or more members of the community argue(s) for change to any of the aspects of practice listed above. Sometimes controversy ends because the argument for change succeeds in winning over enough community members to allow the consensus practice to be modified. More often than not, however, “because the attention of the community is limited, only a few proposals for modifying consensus practice can be seriously considered at any one time” (Kitcher, 2000: 23), dissenting individuals or groups effectively set themselves up as challengers to the consensus. Kitcher’s description reflects a scientific field’s “epistemic state” in which critical scholarship coexists with mainstream scholarship, with the latter representing what he refers to as “consensus practice,” since, by definition, the mainstream represents the perspectives and belief systems of the majority. Dissension from this mainstream is represented by critical discourses and communities – some of whose members, despite holding deviant beliefs, retain an affiliation with the mainstream to varying degrees, while some break away from it, taking their belief systems with them. In neither case does the deviant belief system represent the mainstream one. Critical scholarship, then, essentially represents deviance from – and, we may infer, dissatisfaction with – mainstream leadership scholarship. Yet, as I note elsewhere (Evans, 2018: 49–50), just as there are degrees of dissatisfaction, there are degrees of criticality; so we may imagine a continuum, ranging from, at one (arguably, the ‘moderate’) end, perspectives that deviate only slightly from those dominant in the mainstream, to the paradigm-shifting perspectives located at what could be called the ‘radical’ end.

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In the educational leadership research field, for example, cutting across this continuum, two distinct, but complementary, interpretations of critical scholarship are discernible. One is now a widely recognized discourse that, consistent with the original meaning of critical theory and research in the social sciences, reflects a morally based vision of social justice and addresses the impact of power structures on communities. In research fields that incorporate a focus on schools and schooling, such a discourse, Labone (2004: 350) observes, advocates “the role of teachers as instruments of social reconstruction.” Focused predominantly on policy, societal trends and organizational structures that have implications for diversity- and equality-related issues, this critical discourse is now so well established within educational leadership scholarship that it has in effect become embedded within the mainstream. As such, it may be considered an epistemic development success story. But a second interpretation of criticality – critical leadership studies, or what Kelly (2014: 907) calls “the new wave of critical leadership studies” (emphasis added) – drawn from the wider (non-education-specific) leadership research field, is beginning to be noticed by a small number of educational leadership researchers. This critical scholarship is essentially epistemic in focus. It is “about the nature and limitations of the scientific study of leadership” (Kelly, 2014: 907, emphasis added) – a description that, as I note elsewhere (Evans, 2022a, b), distinguishes it from the social justice-focused criticality outlined above; indeed, Alvesson and Deetz (2021: 7) explain such epistemic-focused criticality: “[o]ur take on critical research is . . . a bit different from researchers strongly focusing on groups they find to be the victims of oppression and injustice.” Encompassing what Alvesson and Sveningsson (2012: 204) describe as “an expanding sceptical literature on leadership, questioning a range of dominant assumptions” – including what has been called “leadership agnosticism,” that questions whether leadership is in fact a myth that we have reified – this critical leadership scholarship, Spoelstra et al. (2021: 301) explain, “takes aim at the romanticization, essentialism, and positivism at the heart of leadership studies and offers an alternative set of theoretical perspectives that subject the phenomenon of leadership to a broader sociological and philosophical analysis.” Kitcher (2000: 29) argues that “scientific controversies,” occurring on a “field of disagreement in which alternative individual practices compete as candidates for the modification of consensus practice” (original emphasis), have beginnings, middles, and endings, and may persist for substantial periods of time – often several decades. Such phases are evident in the educational leadership research field’s “scientific controversies” – which are reflected in its critical versus mainstream discourses – for while its increasing assimilation within (and consequent reshaping of) mainstream scholarship suggests that we may now be seeing the “ending” part of the “scientific controversy” created by the social justice-focused critical educational leadership discourse, “new wave” epistemic-focused criticality, in contrast, as I argue elsewhere (Evans, 2022a, b), is ripe for entering its beginning stage as one of educational leadership scholarship’s scientific controversies. Yet no such comparable critical discourse – neither the more traditional social justice-focused one, nor one that parallels the “new wave” of critical leadership studies – has firmly established itself within professional development research. In this respect,

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the professional development research field is lagging behind the (educational) leadership field – understandably, since the latter, being the older and more established, is at a more advanced stage of epistemic development. It is possible that we are seeing within professional development research what could emerge as the beginning of a social justice-focused “scientific controversy,” for glimpses of such a critical discourse are identifiable within the field (in the form of contributions from, inter alios, Goode et al., 2020; Gregg & Leinhart, 2002; Kim & Choi, 2020; Siuty, 2019; Spear & da Costa, 2018; Strom & Viesca, 2021; Szelei et al., 2020; Whipp, 2013) – indeed, volume 47, issue 1 of the journal Professional Development in Education is effectively a “critical” scholarship special issue insofar as its articles relate to social justice issues; moreover, there is an implication in the editorial (Kennedy, 2019) that criticality similarly focused on issues relating to power and its distribution is to be found in several contributions to issue 4 of the journal’s volume 45. Under this critical discourse’s expansive umbrella, I also locate research (reported by, for example, Akalu, 2016; Hardy & Lingard, 2008; Mockler, 2018, 2022; Mooney Simmie, 2021; Phelan & Morris, 2021; Smyth, 2007; Sugrue & Mertkan, 2017; Williamson & Robinson, 2009) that, framed within critique of specific policy initiatives’ value to educational provision and practice, takes issue with, or highlights controversy surrounding, any such initiatives that threaten education professionals’ rights and status, traditional roles and purposes, effectiveness, and the quality of their working lives. I have myself contributed to this discourse (e.g., Evans, 2001, 2011, 2018). But social justice-focused criticality has not yet gained the kind of traction within professional development research that it has managed to accrue within educational leadership and policy research – nor does it seem yet to have presented itself as representing a community of researchers who are collectively recognizable as expounding a coherent critical research agenda. I make this point not as a criticism but as an observation, for, with its pioneering proponents having probably by now won the day in terms of awareness-raising and consequent ideology-acceptance, such criticality – now well on the way to becoming the new mainstream within many fields of scholarship – is less the focus of a rallying cry to researchers than it is the accepted norm for policy-focused ethical and workforce-welfare-conscious research. That noted, it is important to recognize that there is still work to be done; indeed, Strom and Viesca (2021) highlight the inequity that transcends the “linear thinking” underpinning educational systems and, by extension, teacher learning and development: Given the serious limitations and negative repercussions that linear thinking has on educational systems, generating a complex theory of teacher learning-practice is nothing short of an ethical imperative. (p. 209)

They accordingly call for scholarship that represents a move away “from an ‘either/ or’ perspective of seeing the world in individual, discrete units to an ‘and, and, and’ worldview of entangled, co-constructed multiplicities” (p. 210). Such ways of (rationalist humanist, and “European/White, colonial heteropatriarchal”) thinking, they argue, having perpetuated “deeply entrenched educational inequalities,” must be disrupted (Strom & Viesca, 2021: 210).

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Yet – and notwithstanding Strom and Viesca’s (2021) point that much more needs to be done to change fundamental thinking – while the social justice-focused criticality ship has in a sense now sailed and is evidently being welcomed in all academic ports, its journey is by no means completed, for – certainly, in relation to (teacher) professional development – its cargo does not necessarily reach all intended or anticipated policy and practice destinations. Indeed, in relation to one of several foci that such a professional development-related critical discourse should encompass – developing teachers for working with culturally and linguistically diverse groups of students – Tualaulelei and Halse (2021) expose “some common, longstanding gaps in research about inter/multi-cultural professional development” (p. 10) and conclude that: the field is broadly characterised by research that is single-site, Western-centric, focused on the compulsory years of education and short-term. Among teachers, short-term professional learning may increase knowledge but fail to develop respect for cultural diversity, positive attitudes or behaviour, or the skills to work with diverse students . . . Yet long-term initiatives to enhance teachers’ expertise in improving students’ intercultural competence, and studies of their impact are rare internationally. (p. 11)

Moreover, we are not yet seeing in the professional development research field any recognizable and collective critical discourse that parallels the “new wave” of critical leadership studies. As they present it, the “complex turn in teacher education” that Strom and Viesca (2021: 211) identify shows much potential for developing into a potent dimension of such a critical discourse – the authors themselves describe this work as “offer[ing] insights that may be integrated into an emergent complex framework of teacher learning-practice” (Strom & Viesca, 2021: 215, emphasis added) – but, in common with much embryonic criticality that is focused on professional development research, it has not yet secured enough of a coherent following to afford it recognition as a significant challenger to mainstream scholarship. Targeting, inter alia, mainstream conceptualizations, causality claims, and underlying assumptions, along with research paradigms, methods, methodologies, and rigor, the kind of criticality that parallels the “new wave” of critical leadership studies is, I accept, evident to varying degrees in the work of individual researchers and/or in isolated professional development research outputs (e.g., Bowe & Gore, 2017; Dall’Alba & Sandberg, 2006; Davis & Sumara, 1997; Gore & Rosser, 2020; Gore et al., 2022; Hill et al., 2013; Korthagen, 2017; Mayer, 2021; Mooney Simmie, 2021; Ribers et al., 2021; Sims & Fletcher-Wood, 2021; Strom & Viesca, 2021; Vanassche et al., 2021; Watson & Michael, 2016; Webster-Wright, 2009; Xu & Pedder, 2015) – yet in some such cases the criticality is implicit and peripheral, rather than explicit and center-stage; moreover, in most cases it represents voices crying in the critical wilderness, apparently unheard or unheeded on the mainstream flatlands. In particular, there is no discernible collective representation of such criticality within a community or alliance of broadly like-minded scholars who challenge any of the field’s particular prevailing epistemic trend(s) or features, and who explicitly categorize themselves as “critical professional development researchers”; this is an unfamiliar label that has not

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(yet) caught on. Quick Internet searches, for example, uncover no professional development-focused books that mirror the several, explicitly labeled, critical educational leadership texts – such as Courtney et al., 2021, and Smyth, 1989 – or book series, such as the Routledge “critical studies in educational leadership, management and administration” series that, at the time of writing, comprises nine texts published between 2015 and 2021. Yet the absence of a coherent critical discourse has developmental consequences, for, as Kitcher (2000: 27) remarks, “complete homogeneity is frequently a very poor distribution in terms of advancing the community’s epistemic state” – in other words, it is generally through disagreement and disputes that a field’s epistemic development eventually occurs. The professional development research field’s advancement, then, is likely to be significantly propelled by – and, I argue, dependent upon – a concerted critical challenge to mainstream scholarship. Echoing Hill et al.’s (2013: 476) observation that “[t]he field of professional development research has reached a crossroad” – and in many respects paralleling Wang’s (2018) urging of educational leadership researchers to conduct “empirical inquiries to refine concepts and theories” and to address “theoretical gaps” – I argue that it is time for those researchers who are dissatisfied with some aspect or other of its “epistemic state” to mobilize their intellectual resources and set up critical camp around the peripheries of the field, with the aim of gradually recontouring it through a coherent research agenda aimed at adding analytical depth to the mainstream plains. But what would such a critical professional development research agenda look like? What scientific controversies should it include? – for criticality is not an end in itself; it should be directed toward an epistemic developmental purpose that reflects justifiable dissatisfaction with an aspect, or issue that is a focus, of mainstream scholarship.

A Critical Research Agenda for Professional Development For me, there are three key, contentious, issues that should be placed at the top of a critical professional development research agenda: the search for causality; conceptualization; and the professional development process. With the obvious replacement of “professional development” with “leadership” in the last of them, these are essentially the same key issues that dominate the “new wave” critical discourse within the leadership research field. While (as becomes clear in my discussion below) the three issues are inextricably linked since each has a bearing on the others, I initially examine each in turn.

The Search for Causality As I note elsewhere (Evans, 2014), in contrast to much European work, North American research tends to emphasize a generative dimension of professional development: impact not only on developees themselves, but also on those affected

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by or on the receiving end of their practice, as evidenced by demonstrable outcomes. In the case of teacher professional development, such a generative chain is conceived of as extending through teachers’ practice to student achievement. Fishman et al. (2003: 643), for example, argue that “[t]o create excellent programs of professional development, it is necessary to build an empirical knowledge base that links different forms of professional development to both teacher and student outcomes,” while Garet et al. (2001: 917) bemoan the paucity of “systematic research [that] has been conducted on the effects of professional development or in student outcomes,” and of “direct evidence on the extent to which . . . characteristics [of professional development] relate to positive outcomes for teachers and students.” As Gore et al. (2022) observe, by those who set great store by such generative capacity, the quality and effectiveness of teacher professional development provision are assessed on the basis of the extent and nature of student achievement that can be attributed to it; Lovett et al. (2008: 1093), for example, argue that “improved student outcomes are the ultimate barometer of effective teacher training and support,” and Fishman et al. (2003: 655) remark that “[f]or us, the most important measure of whether professional development is ‘working’ is whether teacher enactment yields evidence of improved student learning and performance.” Predictably then, as King (2014: 90) notes, “there is an increasing number of causal impact studies carried out in the United States and elsewhere” – several of which have, over the years, spawned claims of causality. Cohen and Hill (1998: 30), for example, report having found educational policy to act as a vehicle for developing – and hence influencing – teachers’ practice, which, in turn, affected student performance in mathematics: “both our practice and policy measures relate positively to student achievement. This suggests that state efforts to improve instruction can affect not only teaching but also student learning”; more specifically, these authors argue that “when the assessment of students’ performance is consistent with the student and teacher curriculum, teachers’ learning opportunities pay off for students’ math performance” (p. 32). Vogt and Rogalla (2009) claim that their quasi-experimental study of Adaptive Teaching Competency revealed the intervention to have “positive effects on students’ learning outcomes” (p. 1059), and that, specifically, “[s]tudents who were taught by teachers with high Adaptive Teaching Competency obtained a significantly higher achievement gain after the eight lessons on the given topic than students who were taught by teachers with low Adaptive Teaching Competency” (p. 1058). In similar vein, from their review of eleven studies of the effectiveness of professional learning communities (PLCs), Vescio et al. (2008: 87) conclude that: [a]lthough few in number, the collective results of these studies offer an unequivocal answer to the question about whether the literature supports the assumption that student learning increases when teachers participate in PLCs. The answer is a resounding and encouraging yes.

Yet it seems that research-informed causality claims are outnumbered by studies (e.g., Garet et al., 2016; Kraft et al., 2018; Osborne et al., 2019) revealing little or no

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compelling evidence of causality; as Gore and Rosser (2022: 218) point out, “to date, few studies have shown rigorous evidence of the impact of PD [professional development] on teachers and their practice – let alone student outcomes,” while Hill et al. (2013: 478) refer to “null or largely null” findings from many studies seeking the effects of professional development on student outcomes, and Yoon et al. (2007: 5) observe that “[t]here is more literature on the effects of professional development on teacher learning and teaching practice, falling short of demonstrating effects on student achievement” (emphasis added). Focusing on the methodological rigor and robustness of the research it reviewed, Yoon et al.’s (2007) influential study marks something of a watershed in modifying perceptions of, and managing expectations relating to, the teacher professional development!student achievement causality chain; out of over 1300 studies “identified as potentially addressing the effect of teacher professional development on student achievement in three content areas,” Yoon and colleagues found only nine that met the What Works Clearinghouse evidence standards – which have become a benchmark for rigor in research that seeks evidence of causality. Moreover, these authors (Yoon et al., 2007: 14) point out that even the nine studies found to meet evidence standards “were generally underpowered” and “12 effects of 20 were not statistically significant,” prompting their summative assessment that “providing professional development to teachers has a moderate effect on student achievement across the nine studies” (emphasis added). Similarly failing to demonstrate professional development!student achievement causality links, Garet et al.’s (2016) research found that “[i]mproving teachers’ knowledge or practice did not translate into improvements in student achievement” (Garet et al., 2016: 7). More recently, from their quasi-experimental study of a professional development program for elementary teachers, Osborne et al. (2019: 1104) report that “no evidence of any impact on student attainment was found,” and from their systematic review, Kraft et al. (2018) note that “[i]mpact evaluations find that PD programs more often than not fail to produce systematic improvements in instructional practice or student achievement” (p. 548), and they claim that their own analysis “helps explain why PD that results in more modest changes in teachers’ instruction often does not lead to impacts on student achievement” (pp. 567-568). Applying ancestry searching “to trace backwards from policy documents, to the meta-reviews and reviews they cited, and then back a step further to the original studies that they cited” (p. 50), Sims and Fletcher-Wood (2021) uncovered significant flaws in research representing what – rather contentiously – has come to be called “a consensus” about what are the features of effective professional development. They warn that, as their own study illustrates, “reviews of reviews can lead to the propagation of weakly warranted findings through the hierarchy of reviews and onward into public policy, practice and research” (p. 57), and they argue that: there are reasons to be sceptical about the methods employed by researchers in developing the consensus view. In particular, our research highlights the dangers involved in metareviews (or reviews of reviews) which are often employed to summarise the evidence from a field in a short space of time, in order to inform policy. (Sims & Fletcher-Wood, 2021: 57)

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The problem in seeking causality, Yoon et al. (2007) explain, is that, to be compelling, causality claims must be supported by very rigorous research. They point out that: Showing that professional development translates into gains in student achievement poses tremendous challenges, despite an intuitive and logical connection . . . . To substantiate the empirical link between professional development and student achievement, studies should ideally establish two points. One is that there are links among professional development, teacher learning and practice, and student learning. The other is that the empirical evidence is of high quality—that the study proves what it claims to prove. (p.3)

They identify “at least four elements” of any study aimed at providing high-quality empirical evidence: a design that “must ensure the internal validity of causal inferences about the effectiveness of professional development,” and that is capable of measuring “the value that professional development adds to student learning separately from the value added by innovative curricula, instruction, or materials”; a design that is “executed with high fidelity and sufficient implementation of professional development”; “adequate” psychometric properties of measures “(measures of classroom teaching practices, of student achievement, and of teacher knowledge, beliefs, and behaviors)” that “should be valid, reliable, age-appropriate, and sensitive to and aligned with the intervention”; and “well-specified” analytic models and “appropriate” statistical methods” (Yoon et al., 2007: 4–5). “Given these requirements,” they continue (Yoon et al., 2007: 5), “it is unsurprising that few rigorous studies address the effect of professional development on student achievement.” Studies such as Yoon et al.’s (2007) and Sims and Fletcher-Wood’s (2021) represent a simmering critical discourse that, if it ends up following the lead of critical (educational) leadership scholarship, could boil up into a heated denouncement of significant swathes of mainstream research. As I note elsewhere (Evans, 2022a), critical leadership scholars have repeatedly challenged many of the causality claims perpetuated by their mainstream colleagues over the last few decades. In particular, the claim that school head teachers and principals and other senior management role-holders who are labeled “leaders” are key influencers of school effectiveness, as measured by student achievement, has accumulated a substantial backlash from those who variously not only identify flaws in the research intended to support such claims – Levačić (2005: 198), for example, notes that “the actual evidence for a causal relationship is relatively sparse” – but who also condemn the relentless search for the “holy grail” of leadership. Over 30 years ago Angus (1989: 63) argued that “the representation of leadership in recent literature . . . constitute[s] a ‘moral fiction’ as it is found that none of the bases upon which claims to leadership are founded can be unequivocally supported,” and toward the turn of the millennium Gronn (1996: 25) observed that “the validity of the causal role being attributed to school leaders . . . [has] . . . been called into serious question.” Yet causality claims persist – indeed, 20 years ago critical scholars Thrupp and Wilmott (2003: 92) were complaining that “it has become increasingly clear that our critical concerns are not being heard.” More recently, Niesche (2018: 148), lamenting that little has changed

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since 1989, contends that “this constant search, particularly for the direct link between leadership and student outcomes, is flawed, a relation of cruel optimism.” There is surely a lesson here that could usefully be applied to the professional development research field, for it too, as several researchers observe (e.g., Attard, 2017; Gore et al., 2022; Korthagen, 2017), is the site of seemingly relentless searching for professional development’s holy grail: the features of teacher professional development that, to qualify as “effective,” incorporate a teacher professional development!student achievement causal chain. Before outlining the nature of such a lesson, I address the second and third of the three issues identified above as priorities for a critical professional development research agenda.

Conceptualization Since the search for causality reflects a specific conceptualization of professional development, it is impossible to separate the two issues: conceptualization and causality-seeking. A great many conceptual interpretations of professional development incorporate reference to a requisite generative impact; Darling-Hammond et al. (2017: v), for example, define professional development “as structured professional learning that results in teacher practices and improvements in student learning outcomes,” while Cirkony et al. (2021: 3), explaining that “[w]e use the term PL [professional learning], except when it is referred to as PD directly in their literature,” interpret the former “as formal and informal learning experiences that lead to sustained growth in teacher expertise and professionalism, towards improvements in student outcomes.” Similarly, in her review of the new millennium’s first decade of teacher professional development research, as reflected in articles published in Teaching and Teacher Education, Avalos (2011: 10) remarks that “at the core” of professional development scholarship “is the understanding that professional development is about teachers learning, learning how to learn, and transforming their knowledge into practice for the benefit of their students’ growth,” and she highlights the profusion of articles that “have reported on research and interventions designed for teachers, with teachers and by teachers aimed at their professional learning, with an eye on their impact on teacher and student changes” (emphases added). Such “student changes” have traditionally been conceived of as narrowly relating to measurable (typically through test and examination results) learning gains, prompting Labone (2004), writing on a field that overlaps considerably with teachers’ professional development, to argue for a broader conception of teacher efficacy that incorporates consideration of teachers’ facilitation of social reconstruction, with a view to “both broaden and deepen our understanding of the construct [of teacher efficacy]” (Labone, 2004: 357). Remarking that “we need to be mindful of the conceptions of teachers and teaching that underpin any improvement efforts” (p. 48), Gore (2021) makes the point that “[f]undamentally the problem is how we conceptualise professional development” (p. 53).

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Conceptualizations of professional development vary – in some cases, quite considerably. As I note above, North American scholarship seems generally – though there are, of course, exceptions – to highlight teacher professional development’s relation to school effectiveness and improvement, to the extent, as illustrated above, of explicitly or implicitly incorporating reference to its generativity into conceptualizations and definitions. In other geo-cultural contexts, however – particularly Europe – professional development that impacts first and foremost on teachers is evidently considered a justifiable end in itself: a worthy focus of study and research, irrespective of whether it may be seen to lead to gains in relation to student learning or achievement. Such work (e.g., Edwards & Ellis, 2012; Ellis, 2007; Evans, 2002a, 2014, 2019; Fraser et al., 2007; Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Korthagen, 2017; Mitchell, 2013; Moate et al., 2021; Postholm, 2012; Ribers et al., 2021; Taylor, 2020; van Huizen et al., 2005) variously incorporates a distinct focus on conceptualization, definitional precision, and theoretical understandings of what professional development is, what does or does not constitute it, and how it occurs. For me, the problem with conceptualizations that are centered on the requirement for a teacher professional development!student achievement causal chain is that they inevitably interpret professional development narrowly, as explicit, clearly identifiable, provision – for, in order for causality to be claimed, the “cause” (that is, the professional development) must be examinable, and therefore visible and identifiable. Only explicit professional development – that which is clearly labeled and recognized as professional learning or development – meets these criteria. Yet the last few decades’ steady expansion of the landscape of professional learning and development knowledge has inevitably been accompanied by a widening of the field’s lexicon, to include terms such as “situated” learning (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Sawyer, 2002; Hoekstra et al., 2007, 2009) or learning “in situ” (Webster-Wright, 2009), which incorporate recognition that professional learning and development, rather than remaining limited to connoting designated, intentional initiatives and opportunities, occur as part-andparcel of everyday working life, within normal working environments and contexts – and often in ways that are barely perceptible, let alone identifiable and examinable. Such professional learning has been found to occur through day-to-day social interaction, and, to distinguish it from “formal” and “explicit” provision, much of it has been labeled “informal” and/or “implicit” (see Brücknerová & Novotný, 2017; Eraut, 2004; Evans, 2019; Marsick & Watkins, 1990; Smylie, 1995). Implicit professional learning is variously explained in the following terms: “[w]hen learning processes are implicit, people do not realise that activities they are undertaking or processes they are involved in, can or will lead to changes in knowledge, skills, attitudes and/or learning ability” (Simons & Ruijters, 2004: 213), and “[it] takes place in everyday experience and occurs without intention, from ‘doing’ and from both successes and mistakes. People may not be conscious of it” (Smylie, 1995: 100). I define it (Evans, 2019) as learning or development that learners or developees are unaware of at the time of its occurrence, but of which they may (or may not) subsequently become aware (see Evans, 2019 for a more expansive discussion of the basis of my definition). This definition exposes a wider problem with

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conceptualizations that limit professional development to explicit provision whose generativity is evidencable, for, as I argue elsewhere (Evans, 2019: 7): ‘New’ ideas or ways of thinking that have been planted within people’s consciousness (or unconscious awareness) may take time to become gradually assimilated into their practice – and in the interim such ideas or perspectives may have been augmented (or diluted) through interaction with a myriad of other (often unrecognisable or unidentifiable) influences on practice. To assume that any generative impact of professional learning or development will be (immediately) evident represents over-simplistic reasoning that fails to incorporate consideration of the complexity and, I argue (Evans, 2014), the multidimensionality, of professional learning and development.

Moreover, where they are confined to denoting explicit provision, conceptualizations of professional development exclude what many researchers now estimate (see Eraut, 2004; Evans, 2019; Jarvis & Parker, 2005; Korthagen, 2017; Rogers, 2014) to represent by far the greatest proportion of it: professional learning that, being informal, and in many cases implicit, lies under the radar of consideration of how people develop professionally. Conceptualizations that are built around a requisite generativity also tend to reflect the kinds of “linear” perspectives on professional development and “instrumental discourses of linear causality” (Phantharakphong & Liyanage, 2021: 11) that proponents of complexity theory-informed professional development (e.g., Phantharakphong & Liyanage, 2021; Strom & Viesca, 2021) denounce for disregarding or ignoring the mediating potentialities of, inter alia, “social and discursive factors and local structural and material conditions” that make teaching and learning a collective activity carried out in a complex classroom system (Phantharakphong & Liyanage, 2021: 7). Yet in making these points, I find myself confronting the perils of circular argument, for whether nonlinear and informal – and, in particular, implicit – learning should count as it depends, of course, on how one conceptualizes professional development. Those whose conceptualizations are restricted to inclusion of generativity would be most unlikely to categorize as (effective) professional development any professional learning (implicit or otherwise) whose generativity could not be evidenced. Centered around the question: What do we mean by professional development?, conceptualization-related issues such as these once again parallel those thrashed out in the educational leadership field’s discourses, for, in challenging not only the field’s prevalent conceptual opacity and imprecision, but also what I call “simplistic synonymity” of leaders(hip) with the person of the head or manager (Evans, 2018, 2023), “new wave” critical educational leadership scholars (e.g., Eacott, 2017; Niesche, 2017; Youngs & Evans, 2021) are essentially focusing their discourse on the question: What do we mean by leadership? This question is the basis of educational leadership research’s “field of disagreement,” to use Kitcher’s (2000) term once again, for, as I remark elsewhere (Evans, 2023), “‘leadership’ is a concept that has become casualised; interpretive liberties are taken with it.” Conceptual clarity is as problematic in professional development scholarship as it is in educational leadership scholarship, prompting my complaint (Evans, 2019: 6)

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that “[t]he number of published papers that purport to be about professional learning or development but that fail to conceptualise and define these terms is both astonishing and disappointing.” Sancar et al. (2021), too, highlight the paucity of published studies of professional development that fail to define the term: “[m]any studies structured the research process without applying a definition and framework of PD” (p. 4). Their review revealed that “the majority of the 156 articles examined in this research did not define PD; however, some studies used existing definitions in the literature as the bases for their variables and research processes” (Sancar et al., 2021: 3–4). Of these studies, the authors note (p. 4), “[t]he most striking point in the . . . traditional definitions is that PD is seen as a teaching process/activity focusing on increasing teacher learning and changing teacher classroom practice to improve student outcomes.” They summarize their findings (p. 8): “[n]otably, we found that the literature suggests that the PD process directly influences student outcomes.” These last two quotes indicate the relationship between, and consequent difficulty in separating, conceptualization and causality chains and claims, and the third key issue that I earmark for critical attention: the professional development process.

The Professional Development Process When delivering a keynote address that relates to (teacher) professional development, I often start with a brief activity. “Which of these do you consider an example of professional development?” I ask my audience. Then, requesting a show of hands after each one, I present a series of five or six short vignettes or scenarios, such as: • A teacher participates in a workshop on gender issues. • A teacher participates in a workshop on gender issues and evaluates it as having expanded his perspectives on traditional gender roles. • A teacher participates in a workshop on gender issues and, on returning to the classroom, begins to incorporate more gender-awareness into his teaching. • Watching a TV crime series one evening, a head teacher is prompted by an incident in the plot to question the way she had planned to deal with a problematic junior colleague. She rethinks her strategy for dealing with him. • A teacher reads a newspaper article on mental health in children, and, on the basis of what she reads, adjusts her mode of interaction with problematic students. It invariably happens that, while some of the scenarios (such as the third) typically prompt indication of a broad consensus, none elicits unanimity, and some provoke a fairly equal split of agreement and disagreement, with a minority of indications of indecisiveness or noncommittal. Some audience members ascribe professional development status to all of the scenarios, while others are more selective – in some cases, considerably so. When, after showing the last scenario, I typically ask if anyone wishes to revisit her or his initial ascriptions, several always opt to do so – usually rescinding their votes for the first and/or the second, in the light of having seen the third – and, of course, I devote a minute or two to asking selected audience members what prompted their change of perception.

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Without exception, for as long as I have been using it, this exercise has revealed a variety – which in some cases is wide – of audience interpretations of what counts as professional development. Exposing this variability is, of course, the point of the exercise, for, as a prelude to talking about the importance of conceptual clarity, I use it to indicate that professional development is by no means a simple, straightforward, and uncontentious concept on whose definition everyone agrees. Yet the typical variability exposed inevitably reflects diverse perceptions of what the professional development process involves – specifically, where it begins and ends. Those who are wedded to a conceptualization that incorporates a requirement for student-gain causality, for example, are unlikely to categorize any of the scenarios above as (effective) professional development, on the basis of their failing to indicate a completed professional development process. Those who hold wider conceptualizations of professional development – including recognition that it may occur implicitly – may accept most of the scenarios as indicating a completed process, while for those whose narrower interpretations prompt them to equate professional development with (and perhaps even confine it to) participation in explicit provision would consider neither the fourth nor fifth scenarios to indicate a professional development process’s having begun. Sharing Freidson’s (1994: 15) concern that “[o]ne cannot study process without a definition guiding one’s focus any more fruitfully than one can study structure without a definition,” as I point out elsewhere (Evans, 2002a, 2019), we cannot examine something unless we recognize it when we encounter it, and we cannot recognize it unless we have a good idea of what it “looks like.” To illustrate the interdependency of conceptualization and process, I often go on to ask my keynote audiences: “When we talk of professional development, what – note, not whom – precisely, is it that we are concerned about developing?” Responses usually take a little time to emerge, and then do so in the form of a succession of hesitant proposals, conveyed in interrogative tones, indicating not only uncertainty, but also that the question is an unfamiliar one. This unfamiliarity represents a problem: the question is too seldom asked by and of professional development researchers. “Skills” is a favorite response from my audiences, along with “professional knowledge,” and, from those who like to hedge their bets, the dual combination: “professional knowledge and skills.” Never have I been offered a response to the effect of: “the capacity to augment student achievement,” which would have indicated adherence to a conceptualization that recognizes causality-dependence as a requisite dimension of teacher professional development – though, reflecting what I identify above as evident geo-culturally related disparity in conceptualizations of professional development, this outcome may perhaps be explained by my having never put the question to predominantly North American audiences. For my part – and, again, as I typically go on to explain to my keynote audiences – I argue that it is (one or more dimensions of) people’s professionalism (adopting my original conceptualization of professionalism (Evans, 2011, 2014, 2015, 2018)) that is what professional development should be directed at changing – for the better. Hence my current “umbrella” definition of professional development as the process whereby people’s professionalism may be considered to be enhanced, with a degree of

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permanence that exceeds transitoriness (Evans, 2019: 7) conveys my interpretation of the professional development process. There is, of course, no “right” answer to the question I put to my audiences; any reasonable and reasoned response is as acceptable as the next, for I seek neither unanimity nor consensus in relation to conceptualizations and definitions; disagreement and representation of different perspectives are, after all, the seeds of controversy-provoked epistemic development. What is important, however, is that, individually, researchers define or, at the very least, offer explicit interpretations of, the key concepts with which they work, and which delineate or explain process(es). Without such clarity, there is no commonality in relation either to language or understanding, and so the meaningfulness of the research is diluted, its credibility undermined, and the applicability of its findings questionable. Yet it is evident from much of the professional development literature that too few researchers apply serious consideration to identifying the development target. This epistemic weakness reveals once again parallels between the (educational) leadership and the professional development research fields. Noting that “two thirds of scholars do not even define the term ‘leadership,’” Sutherland (2018: 264) points out that, as a consequence, “leadership researchers often do not know what they are studying. This is problematic . . . as researchers must be able to ‘see’ the phenomena that they are investigating; to recognise it [sic] when it occurs.” Replacing “leadership” with “professional development,” the relevance of Sutherland’s words is clear: professional development researchers must carefully formulate conceptualizations and definitions of professional development that allow them to know what counts as it and what does not. This knowledge will then equip them to study, with the aim of better understanding, how individuals develop professionally – that is, what the professional development process involves. This process is underexamined; as Cirkony et al. (2021: 13) observe, “Given the lack of understanding around PL [professional learning], it is not surprising that many programmes do not characterise the complex process of teacher change.” Yet, linked to conceptualization and the contentious issue of causality, this issue must become an essential focus of future research, for unless we can elucidate the process whereby whatever we count as professional development occurs in individuals, the professional development research field’s epistemic development will be stifled. Clarke and Hollingsworth (2002: 947) recognize the importance of such elucidation, arguing that “[i]f we are to facilitate the professional development of teachers, we must understand the process by which teachers grow professionally and the conditions that support and promote that growth,” and, as I observe elsewhere (Evans, 2014: 185), Clarke and Hollingsworth and I “seem to be pursuing the same jigsaw pieces of knowledge that will contribute to the complete, but elusive, picture of what professional development is and how it occurs. We seem to be thinking along the same lines.” They, as I do, identify the limitations of superficial and oversimplistic models of teacher professional development; indeed, I argue (Evans, 2014: 183) that: In relation to one question – how do people develop professionally? – conceptual and processual models . . . and, more widely, the professional development-related knowledge base, fall short, for while much research has been directed at addressing the question,

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findings have tended to lack the specificity that offers the kind of meaningful elucidation that those with responsibility for leading and facilitating professional development may find useful. In particular, what I call the micro-level cognitive process of professional development – what occurs inside an individual’s head in order for her/him to experience a single professional development ‘episode’ – remains under-examined by educational researchers.

To address this shortfall effectively, professional development researchers must be prepared to venture out of their comfort zones. Some such comfort zones, as I note elsewhere (Evans, 2019), will be methodological – for making inroads into elucidating the microlevel professional development process in individuals calls for ethnographic or anthropological-oriented approaches that are similar to those proposed by me (Evans, 2022b) and by other critical leadership researchers (e.g., Kelly, 2014; Sutherland, 2018; Hassard et al., 2017) as a means of capturing microlevel leadership in action, as an implicit activity. Other comfort zones will be disciplinary and will require professional development researchers to cross frontiers in pursuit of, inter alia, unfamiliar but potentially effective methodologies – for epistemic breakthroughs are unlikely to be made within the confines of a single subfield. Reflecting Jarvis’ (2005) point that “[h]uman learning is the preserve of no single discipline” (p. 1), my own progress toward identifying the microlevel process of professional development in individuals (Evans, 2014) has been informed by several fields and disciplines. Similarly, in explaining that “[w]e join scholars in diverse fields, ranging from quantum physics and bioscience to animal studies and the digital humanities . . . in calling for more complex, connected, relational, vital ways of understanding the world,” Strom and Viesca’s (2021: 210) work – not least since it represents both methodological and disciplinary boundary-crossing – is an example of the kind of epistemic expansionism that professional development researchers must embrace if the field is to make significant advances. Yet on the issue of disciplinary frontiercrossing, we find another lesson to be learned from mainstream educational leadership scholarship, whose persistent parochialism is bemoaned by critical leadership researchers who recognize the epistemic inertia that such blinkered perspectives perpetuate (e.g., Eacott, 2018; Evans, 2022b; Foskett et al., 2005; Heck and Hallinger, 2005; Myran and Sutherland, 2019; Wang, 2018). Most significantly, as I note elsewhere (Evans, 2022b), “myopic scholarship that perpetuates intellectual insularity comes at a cost: erosion of the field’s epistemic worthiness.” In the concluding section below I consider what, for the professional development research field, are the implications of this – and other – lesson(s) from leadership research.

Conclusion: Unsettling the Professional Development Field’s Epistemic State Doubts and skepticism are evidently closing in on what I identify above as three key issues that professional development researchers need to confront. Causality claims have been challenged, and questions are being asked about the value of pursuing a

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holy grail of professional development provision. Conceptual clarity and definitional precision are found wanting, and the variability transcending these extends to the professional development process – which, notwithstanding some significant contributions (from, inter alios, Clarke & Hollingsworth, 2002; Eraut, 2004, 2007; Evans, 2014, 2019; Guskey, 1995, 2002; Korthagen, 2017) – remains underresearched and undertheorized. These are issues that, if unchecked, will undermine the epistemic worthiness of professional development research and scholarship. Epistemic justification (or worthiness), as Šešelja and Straßer (2014: 3112) explain, fundamentally relates to the augmentation of knowledge and understanding: Epistemic justification is . . . traditionally conceived of as providing standards for the acceptability of certain beliefs in the knowledge base or the cognitive system of an intelligent agent. Applied to a scientific theory, it provides criteria for its inclusion and acceptance into the grand corpus of our scientific knowledge. It concerns the question as to whether we have good reasons to consider it as being (approximately) truthful, empirically adequate, etc.

Within professional development research’s close relative, the field of educational leadership research, the “truthfulness” and “empirical adequacy” (to paraphrase Šešelja and Straßer) of specific mainstream beliefs and claims have, over at least the last three decades, become an increasing source of controversy – prompting me to challenge the epistemic justification for them (Evans, 2022a). In this chapter I have argued that professional development researchers who harbor – or, indeed, have expressed – similar doubts and skepticism about aspects of their own field’s research and knowledge should follow educational leadership research’s critical scholarship lead. As I outline above, the combined and concerted efforts of socialjustice-focused critical educational leadership researchers have evidently paid off. Such success was not, however, achieved through quiet and isolated mutterings of frustration or discontent; it was the product of a collective, clearly labeled, discourse that unsettled the field’s epistemic state. Critical educational leadership researchers did not mince their words, nor did they apply euphemisms or sweeteners when serving up unpalatable “truths”; they spoke their minds; they were vociferous; they were audible. Yet, if it is to advance its field’s epistemic development, critical discourse must go beyond fault-finding and weakness-exposure; it must be proactive in making a more positive contribution to enhancing and increasing the epistemic worthiness of the knowledge generated. Such a contribution could be achieved by, inter alia, promulgating and demonstrating criteria for rigor – as researchers such as Yoon et al. (2007) and Sims and Fletcher-Wood (2021), referred to above, have done – or by pioneering or generating new theoretical perspectives; while it was directed at educational leadership researchers, Wang’s (2018) call, referred to above, for “empirical inquiries to refine concepts and theories” and to address “theoretical gaps” applies equally to professional development researchers, as do Spoelstra and colleagues’ (Spoelstra et al., 2021: 301) description above of critical leadership scholarship that “offers an alternative set of theoretical perspectives that subject the phenomenon of leadership to a broader sociological and philosophical analysis.” For “leadership,” read “professional development” here.

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Such are the shape and direction of the critical path that needs to be forged within the professional development research field, to cut across its mainstream meandering pedestrian-ways that take us round in circles, leading to nowhere of value – or of worthiness. In my own research I have consistently tried to help forge a critical path that, with its focus on epistemology, theory, and rigor – specifically, conceptual clarity, definitional precision, and the generation of theoretical perspectives – parallels the path being trod by scholars of the “new wave” of critical leadership studies. Many other researchers – some of whom are cited in this chapter – have made, and continue to make, contributions that are at least as valuable as, if not more valuable than, mine. It is time for them – for us – to harness their/our combined efforts into initiating a “field of disagreement” that clearly signals an unsettling of the field’s “epistemic state.” Through rigorous research and scholarship that confront what Korthagen (2017) calls “inconvenient truths about teacher learning,” such unsettling will then meaningfully, significantly – and, above all, reliably – augment what we know about professional development.

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An Inquiry into Teacher Agency and Professional Development: The Introduction of the Early Career Framework in England

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Mark Hardman, Becky Taylor, and Caroline Daly

Contents Introduction: An Inquiry into the Development of Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Context: The Early Career Framework in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Inquiry into the Agency of Early Career Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theorizing Teacher Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mentor Agency in Relation to Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Career Teacher Agency in Relation to Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agency in Relation to Issues in the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Agency as a Lens for Researching Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Focusing on teacher agency has a great deal of potential in elucidating the professional development of teachers and the processes by which this development is supported, conditioned, and restricted. Yet there remain both theoretical and practical issues in bringing agency to bear on practice. This chapter therefore engages with both the theoretical definition of agency, and its practical application as a focus of research. Theoretically, we draw on the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze to evaluate the utility of framing agency “as event,” considering how this furthers existing models in the literature. We then take this framing of agency into an inquiry involving the empirical findings of a pilot evaluation, ahead of a major policy shift in England. Motivated by issues of consistency during induction and the retention of teachers, the Early Career Framework was introduced to codify what all teachers should know, and to underpin programs of support for the first 2 years of a teacher’s career. We evaluated 3 pilot programs to support the rollout of this M. Hardman (*) · B. Taylor · C. Daly Institute of Education, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society, London, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_19

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framework, across 98 schools. As we reengage with the findings of the evaluation, we demonstrate how focusing on agency provides a powerful lens for research and yields insights into the professional development of new teachers and their mentors. From these insights we argue that framing teacher agency has the potential to reconnect the professional development of teachers with the project of education, informing how teachers develop themselves, each other, and engage with issues in the contemporary world. Keywords

Teacher agency · Early career teachers · Professional development · Deleuze · Event

Introduction: An Inquiry into the Development of Agency A central concern for teacher education and development is affording teachers with agency, so that they can act and improve their practice for the benefit of their students and themselves. We believe that teachers should be agentive professionals, which at a first definition is about the capacity of each teacher to make changes that they see as beneficial. From this belief we propose that teacher professional development should support agency on a number of levels: it should support teachers developing the capacity to make changes to their own practice; it should support teachers in being able to guide their own development; and it should support the capacity of teachers to make changes which positively impact on issues in the world today. Research which focuses on defining and developing teacher agency is arguably in its infancy but has a great deal of potential in elucidating how teachers learn and how they are supported. In turn, this has potential to guide policy and practice in teacher education. Furthermore, there is a growing understanding that considering teacher agency can shed light on issues of teacher retention. For example, Heikonen et al. (2017) surveyed 284 early career teachers in Finland and found that an increased sense of professional agency was linked to a lower report of wanting to leave the profession. This fits with our view that the fulfillment of teachers, including their sense that they are making a difference, is important to both the health of the profession and to the project of education itself. Yet there is more to be done in undertaking research around teacher agency. As Toom et al. (2015) note, there is a relative lack of empirical studies around teacher agency and there remain both theoretical and practical issues in bringing it to bear on teacher professional development. This chapter therefore aims at engaging with both the theoretical definition of agency, and then its practical application as a focus of research. Theoretically, we draw on the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze to evaluate the utility of framing agency as “event,” building on existing models in the literature. We then take that framing of agency into an inquiry into three pilot programs, ahead of a major policy shift in England: the introduction of the Early Career Framework (DfE, 2019). Through doing so our intention is to elucidate the merits and challenges of

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using agency as a lens through which to conduct research on teacher professional development. We thus center the chapter around the question of what an understanding of teacher agency (as event) can do for understandings of professional learning and development. To answer this question the chapter begins by explaining the context of the empirical work, and how the introduction of the Early Career Framework into the landscape of England begs questions of how teacher agency is restricted and afforded by the programs which aim to support teachers in the first 2 years of their career. The chapter then moves on to the theoretical framing of teacher agency and situates the role of teachers within the education system in which they work. This allows consideration of how the past, present, and future influence events in which teachers are agentive, and how this agency goes beyond the action of individual teachers. Next, the chapter draws the theory into encounter with empirical data, allowing us to consider how it supports understandings of the professional development of mentors and new teachers, as well as their impact on issues in the world. We argue that these considerations demonstrate how agency affords new understandings of teacher professional development, by focusing on what teachers’ agency is being developed in relation to.

Context: The Early Career Framework in England Following their initial teacher education, teachers in maintained schools in England are required to undertake a statutory induction period within their place of employment in order to become fully qualified (DfE, 2013). This has previously involved a single year of support for newly qualified teachers (NQTs), including observation of teaching, evaluation against the teachers’ standards (DfE, 2011), and then an appropriate body (commonly the school) being responsible for confirming that the induction period has been satisfactorily completed. Although NQT induction has not been mandatory for multi-academy trusts (MATs) and “free schools,” most have opted in to fulfilling the requirements. Within a decentralized model for school governance, extremely wide variation in support for NQTs has led to inconsistent induction practices. In some settings, the developmental support for newly qualified teachers has been informal and unstructured. In other settings, extensive programs of mentoring and development activities have been provided by local authorities, federations of schools, and MATs for teachers in their first year. However, there is little evidence of systematic support for teachers in their second year of teaching. This inconsistency was one motivation for a policy shift in teacher induction, although it wasn’t the main one. In line with jurisdictions around the world, England has faced major issues in the recruitment and retention of teachers, with 2020–2021 being the first year that overall target recruitment was reached since before 2015 (Long & Danechi, 2021), likely due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Around 10% of teachers leave the profession each year, meaning that not only are experienced teachers lost, but a high rate of recruitment needs to be sustained in order to replace departing teachers.

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Furthermore, over 20% of teachers leave the profession in the first 2 years of teaching and 33% in the first 5 years (DfE, 2019). This is a major concern both in terms of the personal emotional and financial burden borne by teachers and the cost to the government, to schools, and to the profession of attracting and training significant numbers of new recruits. The significant issue of teachers being lost early in their careers was central to the latest teacher recruitment and retention strategy from the Department for Education (DfE, 2019). The strategy instigated the launch of the Early Career Framework (ECF) and a package of support for early career teachers (ECTs), defined within the reforms as those within their first 2 years after an initial teacher education qualification. The package includes an additional 5% timetable reduction within the second year after qualification, and an entitlement to a dedicated mentor. Centralized funding also supports a small amount of additional mentoring and programs of professional development over these first 2 years. The Early Career Framework (DfE, 2019) itself sets out the knowledge that early career teachers should develop. Schools must ensure that ECTs engage with five ECF content areas – behavior management, pedagogy, curriculum, assessment, and professional behaviors – each of which is linked with research evidence that is identified as part of a curriculum set out in the framework and aligned with the preexisting teachers’ standards for England (DfE, 2011). Representing what teachers need to know is understandably a thorny issue, inescapably grounded in issues of ideology, politics, epistemology, pedagogy, and pragmatics. As such, there is no definitive account of what teachers need to know in order to be able to teach well (Kennedy, 2015). The Department for Education in England approached this issue by appointing an expert advisory group to develop the ECF, consisting of people deemed to represent schools and other educational organizations. Because the ECF was devised by a specific group of people, and linked to the existing teachers’ standards, it is necessarily a singular perspective on the purpose and practice of teaching, and the evidence that underpins it. Furthermore, because the framework was introduced as an entitlement for teachers in all phases of compulsory schooling in England across all subject specialisms, the ECF cannot specify the detail of what every teacher needs to know within their individual contexts. There are aspects of teachers’ professional knowledge and practice which the framework does not address. While we could spend considerable time unpacking the politics of how the framework was devised and analyzing what is represented and expressed within the framework itself, this chapter will focus on the impact of three pilot programs that were devised around the ECF. Specifically, we are interested in how focusing on teacher agency allows evaluation of the impact of the Early Career Framework on the professional development of new teachers in England. Our research center, the Centre for Teachers and Teaching Research, was commissioned to undertake an independent evaluation of pilot programs prior to the national rollout of the framework. The research was funded by the Education Endowment Foundation, an independent charity that evaluates educational interventions and works closely with the Department for Education in England and Wales. They selected two developers who in turn developed 3 pilot programs, building on existing evidence

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around support for ECTs, notably the successful RETAIN pilot project (OvendenHope et al., 2018). These programs were: • Program A (developed by Ambition Institute) was designed to provide face-toface training, a coaching guide, weekly online resources, and regular online coaching and support sessions to in-school mentors. School induction leads also received initial face-to-face training. Mentors used the program to provide instructional coaching to ECTs, either weekly or fortnightly. • Program B (also by Ambition Institute) provided the same training as Program A to mentors and school induction leads. In addition, this program also aimed to provide weekly online content and regular support sessions directly to ECTs. • Program C (developed by the Chartered College of Teaching) provided online support to mentors, school induction leads, and ECTs. All received a selection of online modules, providing weekly content to mentors and ECTs which was used to facilitate either weekly or fortnightly instructional coaching sessions. Each program was provided to teachers teaching a variety of different year groups (ages 5–16), and subjects. At the end of the pilot there was a total of 98 schools across the pilot programs: 50 primary schools, 45 secondary schools, and three all-through schools. Despite being 2-year programs of support, we were commissioned to evaluate just 1 year of the pilot programs over the 2019–2020 academic year. However, the COVID-19 pandemic meant that schools closed to most students in March 2020, so we adapted our methods and focused on the initial setup period of the pilot programs, from summer 2019 until February 2020. We worked with the developers to develop logic models for each of the programs, which allowed the framing of a theory of change for evaluation (Coldwell & Maxwell, 2018). We then considered indicators and developed research questions for the evaluation, which adopted a mixed methods approach incorporating: 3 waves of survey to ECTs, mentors, and induction leads; case studies of 20 schools drawing on 2 rounds of interviews with a subset of these participants; observation of mentoring sessions; and observation of mentor training and document analysis. A full account of the evaluation and findings can be found in the project report (Hardman et al., 2020).

An Inquiry into the Agency of Early Career Teachers The programs of professional development devised around the Early Career Framework have the potential to support, condition, and restrict the agency of early career teachers and this is the focus of this chapter. Perspectives on teacher agency emerged as a dominant feature of the data from our evaluation of pilot programs, underpinning the themes which were developed. Here we undertake further engagement with our findings to both deploy and develop teacher agency as a frame for research into teacher professional development. We are therefore not presenting a study which had teacher agency as a theoretical consideration at its outset, we are instead rereading our findings by bringing them

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into further engagement with a developing theoretical frame. This is in line with St. Pierre’s (2018) suggestions as to the nature of a postqualitative inquiry, which involves a departure from the significance attributed to preascribed categories/codes/ classifications (St. Pierre & Jackson, 2014). Rather than suggesting that a focus on teacher agency came from an inductive coding of data, we recognize that our interest and understanding of teacher agency has codeveloped with our empirical investigation into the support and development of new teachers. We now take the opportunity to bring our findings and theoretical ideas together as a productive undertaking, responding to “moments that glow” (MacLure, 2010) and “living with intensities” (Gale, 2014) in our data as “triggers for new understandings” (Mazzei, 2013). As such, the next section engages with the theorizing of teacher agency that we undertook before and during the inquiry. Following this, the inquiry itself is described: what came out of the encounter between theory and evidence: the new understandings that emerged.

Theorizing Teacher Agency Defining teacher agency is not straightforward; it begs questions around what form agency takes and where it is situated. Charteris and Smardon (2018) identify a typology of four theoretical stances in relation to teacher agency. This includes sovereign agency, relational framings of agency, and ecological perspectives. The fourth typology has to do with new materialist theories, and we will pick this up later by drawing on the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze to propose that agency might also be seen as an event. We will not dwell on accounts of sovereign agency, because it is clear from the literature that teacher agency is recognized as extending beyond sovereign individuals and is often seen as “socially mediated” (Wertsch & Rupert, 1993, p. 230). Those who frame agency as relational instead focus on the mutual construction of individual and social. For example, Wertsch and Rupert (1993) draw on Vygotsky’s dialectical notion of development to situate the individual-social as a dialectic. Edwards (2012, 2015, 2017) furthers this by suggesting that a teacher’s intentions engage with the possibilities in a given setting. “agency is a crucial element in the dialectic of person and practice and that it may, in some circumstances, unfold when actions are taken in activities, which are themselves located in institutional practices.” (Edwards, 2017, p. 5)

Edwards builds her account of agency carefully and with attention to the role of mediation (e.g., by mentors) and therefore provides a sound basis for situating agency within a dialectic of individual and collective, as well as considering how teachers develop within specific local conditions. However, we find that the sociocultural basis of this characterization of relational agency does not sufficiently recognize the detail and complexity of the material contexts in which teachers act. Policy environments, values, purposes, and culture are of course important, but in

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research (and teacher development) we find that such considerations do not possess the level of granularity required to identify specific influence, patterns, and events. In particular, we will develop the suggestion that the materiality of context needs greater attention. Rather than deploy a dialectic framing of agency, Priestley and colleagues see agency as emergent, and from this develop their ecological approach (Biesta et al., 2015; Biesta & Tedder, 2006, 2007; Priestley et al., 2012, 2015), focusing on “the ways in which agency is achieved in transaction with a particular context-for-action, within a particular ‘ecology’” (Biesta & Tedder, 2007, pp. 136–137). This highlights how teachers act by means of their environments and how agency emerges from the interplay of individual efforts, available resources, and structural factors within unique situations (Priestley et al., 2015, p. 22). Through furthering the work of Emirbayer and Mische (1998), Priestley et al. (2015) build a model of agency which they see as both theoretical and methodological. The model centers on the practical-evaluative conditions in which agency manifests, which includes the cultural, structural, and material aspects of a context. This practical-evaluative dimension interacts with the iterational, where professional histories and broader life histories of teachers condition the patterns of action stemming from the past. A projective dimension also interacts with the practicalevaluative dimension to make up the triad of influences on agency, which includes the short- and long-term intentions of teachers. “The model thus highlights that the achievement of agency is always informed by past experience – and in the particular case of teacher agency, this concerns both professional and personal experience. The model also highlights that the achievement of agency is always orientated towards the future in some combination of short(er)-term and long(er)-term objectives, values and aspirations. And it emphasizes that agency is always enacted in a concrete situation; it is both constrained and supported by discursive, material and relational resources available to actors.” (Priestley et al., 2015, p. 30)

The ecological model of agency has a great deal of power in framing the interplay of factors through which agency emerges and to provide the basis for considering the conditions under which this might take place. As noted above in relation to sociological accounts, we are concerned with the granularity of analysis that is supported by varying models, so as to allow valuable insights when researching teacher professional development. The ecological analogy brings to mind the dynamic and situated nature of emergence and draws in the importance of history and adaptation. However, teacher agency involves intentionality, so stretches analogy to ecological systems. Furthermore, an inclination toward granularity begs questions around the nature of the iterations which condition agency, just what is the genealogy of teacher action? Here we shall initially return to Charteris and Smardon’s (2018) topology, whereby they propose that new materialist theory might position agency differently to other framings. Such theory draws attention to the role of the nonhuman and the entangled nature of action with meaning and matter. Working with others, we have drawn on new materialist theory to frame teacher actions as “material-dialogic”

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(Hetherington et al., 2018; Hetherington & Wegerif, 2018) and to explore this empirically (Hardman et al., 2022). Here, however, we wish to primarily draw on the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze, as well as complexity theory, although we give a minimal description of this here as we develop ideas elsewhere (Hardman, 2015, 2019). Whereas Priestley et al. (2015, p. 5) see agency as an emergent phenomenon, we instead draw inspiration from Deleuze’s term event, which provides a unit of analysis in conceptualizing agency. For Deleuze (1968, 1969), an event incorporates both material and “sense” (significance), both the past and the future. To develop this notion of agency as event, reconsider the “iterative” aspect of Priestley et al.’s ecological model: “agency doesn’t come from nowhere but builds upon past achievements, understandings and patterns of action. This is expressed in the iterational element of agency that has to do with ‘the selective reactivation by actors of past patterns of thought and action, routinely incorporated in practical activity, thereby giving stability and order to social universes and helping to sustain identities, interactions, and institutions over time’ (ibid., p. 971; emph. in original). A key word here is ‘selective’. According to Emirbayer and Mische, ‘the agentic reactivation of schemes inculcated through past experience tends to correspond to (and thus reproduces) societal patterns’ (ibid., p. 977).” (Priestley et al., 2015, p. 24)

In the complex, unfolding world of classrooms it must be recognized that each context, indeed each moment, is unique. Yet Deleuze’s (1968) notion of difference and repetition provides the basis for considering how people come to link patterns within unique events. We are able to link this with Emirbayer and Mische’s (1998) view that there is agency in the selective reproduction of patterns of thought and action, or the emergent creativity of change when a similar situation occurs. Without developing this fully here, we suggest that using Deleuze’s event to reframe the account of agency given in the ecological model does three things. Firstly, it draws attention to the importance of patterns within the sensemaking and agency of teachers: through engaging within different, yet repeated, events teachers learn, act, and create. Secondly, Deleuze’s ontological position broadens what we mean by patterns, bringing the human and nonhuman together as being within the same ontological category. As such, patterns of conversation or thought or movement sit alongside the material patterns of texts, images, and objects. All of which can be explored while researching how teachers develop. Thirdly, Deleuze provides a philosophy of time which allows us to reconsider intention within teacher agency. He sees each event as a process of genuine creation, which itself determines before and after: “There is no past or future independent of each synthesis in a living present. . . The future is left undetermined by the passing away of each present and the pure past founds the future as open.” (Deleuze, 1968, pp. 93–94)

The significance of this framing to agency is that it highlights how intentionality is always in the present. Intentions might be oriented to futures which are envisaged in the near or long term, but the subjective actor is in the present. In proposing a

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Deleuzean take on teacher agency, we therefore suggest that temporal aspects of teacher action and understanding come together in events. Planning, whether the “mental rehearsal” of an individual or a formalized and shared plan, draws on experience from past and present as well as goals oriented toward the future. Experience manifests intuitively or through conscious reflection whereby actions and understandings have been and are being adapted and rationalized in relation to every new event. While the goals of teachers likely persist over extended timescales, “agency as event” renders these goals as within a specific moment. This framing opens new lines of enquiry with respect to the intentions of teachers. For example, we are interested in the relationships between the goals of teachers and the immanent actions they take. To give a concise sense of how agency might be framed in relation to Deleuze’s philosophy of event, we suggest that it draws attention to the patterns that teachers are engaged within and through which they make sense. Although each event is unique, experience and anticipation of patterns of events, conditioned by intentions, allows for the emergence of new understandings and actions as events are encountered. As such we situate teacher agency as within each event. Through our research into teacher agency to date, we have experienced challenges around the way that the term “agency” is used, and should be used. Although we reject the view that teacher agency is sovereign, we have found that teachers and other professionals tend to associate agency with the actions of individuals. This is important to take account of, for example, when designing research instruments to capture the views of teachers. As researchers and teacher educators, we also want to focus on the development of individuals, while recognizing that their actions are always bound in events. For these reasons, we have opted to still use the term agency to relate to the experience, thoughts, and actions of an individual teacher, while recognizing that this is only ever a component of the events that constitute learning and change. Rather than frame a latent capacity that exists independently, teacher agency “as event” recognizes that teacher capacities only come into being within particular events. All a teacher’s past experiences, as well as their goals and orientations contribute to their agency in an event, which itself is constituted by patterns and novelty within entanglement of human and nonhuman. In considering research into the development of teachers, this framing of agency as event begs questions as to whether it is meaningful to consider teacher agency as something coherent which develops over time in a way that can be investigated (for example, through scales in surveys), and this remains an open question within our research. Our work to date suggests that the experiences and growing knowledge of teachers over time is likely to mean that they develop new responses to the patterns they encounter within events. It is also plausible that they find new ways to realize their goals within momentary actions. Our focus on patterns, experience, and goals within events leads us to a concern for what agency is in relation to. For example, a teacher might have agency in relation to accommodating the neurodiversity of learners, but not in relation to behavioral difficulties. They might be able to accommodate feedback from advice but not bring evidence from a research article to bear on their practice. The agency of a teacher within a specific event is to do with their

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past experiences and so their capacity comes to light only in relation to the aspect of their professional practice at hand. The literature broadly links agency to teachers affecting positive change, but there are a number of different accounts of what teachers focus upon. Van der Heijden et al. (2015) identify threads around influencing one’s own work, engagement in educational reform, subject-centered development, professional identity development, and lifelong learning. Definitions of teacher agency are of course linked to understandings of the role of teachers within the project of education, and this can extend beyond a focus on delivering a curriculum or a concern for attainment in standardized tests. For example, Pantić (2015) develops a model which posits teacher agency for social justice, considering the role of teacher purpose, competence, autonomy, and reflexivity. Bentall (2020) reviews models of teacher professional development around global learning, prompting us to notice a lack of research directly linking teacher agency with education in relation to climate justice. Thus, in this chapter, we delineate two core aspects of teacher agency, firstly in relation to professional development and secondly in relation to addressing issues in the contemporary world. These are analytical categories which, in line with the theoretical perspectives drawn from complexity theory and Deleuze, avoid stratification along temporal lines or through any hierarchy of importance. In a moment in which agency is enacted, a teacher’s intentions might be long-held or novel, oriented toward a pedagogic problem or global change. With our framing of teacher agency as event, and delineating different foci of agency, we now describe the empirical findings from our evaluation of pilot programs in support of the Early Career Framework in England. As stated at the outset of this chapter, our intention is to describe what an understanding of teacher agency (as event) can do for understandings of professional learning and development. We are not presenting here a fully resolved model of agency, the writing below is the inquiry itself, whereby our theoretical framing of agency as event meets our findings from the empirical study. We use this to further develop our understanding of both the impacts of the Early Career Framework on professional development of mentors and early career teachers, and to frame a broader concern for agency in relation to the contemporary world.

Mentor Agency in Relation to Professional Development By recognizing that agency is not sovereign it becomes apparent that the professional development of early career teachers is entwined with and conditioned by the agency of mentors. The introduction of the Early Career Framework in England underpins programs of support for both new teachers and their mentors, presenting an opportunity to promote the importance of mentoring and support those mentors in their own development. In our data, we saw how the agency of mentors and their mentees came together in events which had the potential to occasion the professional learning of both. However, we also saw structural and normative issues which conditioned and sometimes limited this development.

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Professional learning for both ECTs and their mentors on the pilot programs was largely mediated via sets of structured online resources, including research summaries, which provided a guide to engaging with core areas of the framework. The resources were very highly rated across the programs, with the research summaries being commended as an “invaluable tool” by most mentors for the way that they brought “up to the minute” research to bear on practice, which was readily accessible. However, on Pilot Program A, resources were provided only to mentors, who were expected to use these to prepare for coaching sessions with their mentees. On Programs B and C, early career teachers also received materials and online sessions directly. Differing sets of relations were therefore in place on the programs between ECTs, mentors, resources for learning, and the related professional learning activities. On Program A, ECTs were reliant upon their mentors to bring the learning from program resources into mentoring sessions and observations. The agency of the ECTs was restricted because they did not have direct access to the resources themselves. In the other programs, ECTs and their mentors were both afforded agency in bringing resources to bear on practice. This immediately highlights the interrelationship between mentor and ECT agency. In the schools where there seemed to be the most gained from the programs, ECTs and mentors worked collaboratively to reflect on and evaluate practice in light of the resources provided. It is notable that both survey data and case studies showed that engagement with the program was less in Program A than in Program B, which used identical resources. Ensuring that ECTs have agency in their own professional development is therefore important. Our findings show that relying on mentors to digest and apply research evidence has the potential to restrict this agency. There are a range of factors involved in this though, one of which is the time for mentors to themselves engage with materials for professional learning. On the whole, the new teachers were able to integrate self-study and reflection into their working lives. They were afforded time to do so by having reduced timetables and they were able to recognize this as part of their role as ECTs with entitlements to professional learning. This has to do with the culture and expectations of each school, but manifests through the capacity of new teachers to engage with the programs. This capacity was much less for mentors however, for two reasons. Firstly, because the time available for mentors to engage varied considerably, from receiving cover on a weekly basis to “We haven’t had any time built into our timetables for this” (Mentor, Program A). Our analysis suggested that mentors spent between one and one and a half hours of additional time on the programs, beyond the meetings and observations of mentees. This time was not accounted for in their workload planning. Secondly though, availability of time is entangled with the mentors’ focus on their own learning. It is understandable that mentors are primarily concerned with their own students, and perhaps secondarily with the development of their mentees. The longer-term benefits of focusing on their own development often took a back seat to these concerns. It was common for mentors to express conflicting perceptions of their own capacities for learning within the conditions of their schools, suggesting “I am upskilling myself” while at the same time being “so tired. I know I was skimming things just trying to familiarise myself with it all” (Mentor, Program A).

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The capacity of mentors to engage with materials to support their professional learning was therefore conditioned by time, which in turn was conditioned by their focus on immediate concerns. By characterizing agency as event, we might say that the future benefits of mentor professional learning (on pupils, mentees, and the mentors themselves) were not sufficiently present in the moment to influence their actions. What is evident is that mentor agency in relation to their own professional development is entangled with their agency in relation to the professional development of ECTs. This, in turn, is entangled with broader contextual factors. The policy changes around the Early Career Framework in England begin to recognize the importance of mentoring and focus on the professional development of mentors. However, the time available for mentors and their own priorities restrict the agency that they have in this development. Returning to Priestley et al. (2015, p. 23), the suggestion is that mentor agency involves the recognition and refashioning of social patterns, rather than them simply being reproduced. One induction lead was insightful on this point in our case studies: “I definitely think from working with other members of staff, trying to upskill them as a mentor, they are pretty much just replicating their entry to the profession over and over again.” (Induction Lead and Mentor)

Our appeal to Deleuze’s difference and repetition furthers this as we see that not only understandings but also expectations are taken into each event. This is because teachers have made sense of similar events in the past and carry this sense into new events. For example, they implicitly map their own induction to that of their mentees. The agency of the mentoring relationship involves the goals, expectations, understandings, and resources brought into each event, where the professional development of mentors meets that of ECTs within the school context. Within our evaluation we found that this mentoring relationship was highly sensitive to the expectations around professional development of mentors within the school. The role of the induction lead, the senior leader responsible for supporting new teachers, was key here. As Pedder and Opfer (2013, p. 540) suggest, “simplistic” framings of professional learning fail to see how it is embedded in working conditions, as well as the personal and professional lives of teachers. The Early Career Framework presents a nucleus around which expectations and processes of support might be enhanced, for all staff. In two case study schools, senior leaders fully committed to the pilot program by reducing the timetables of mentors in order to provide time to engage with the online learning and materials alongside the new teachers. This was accompanied by clear expectations that time was to be used for this purpose – for their own development as well as that of their mentees. In these two settings, the programs were evaluated extremely positively by all involved. In some other settings, induction leads supported mentors and ECTs by de-prioritizing other school activities for them (such as school-level development priorities), although this often required careful negotiation with school leadership. However, we encountered examples of whole school factors that limited the agency of both mentors and ECTs in relation to their professional development.

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For example, mentors often needed to engage in both their professional development in relation to the ECF programs and participate in professional learning around whole school priorities. These competing priorities condition the agency of mentors by forcing them to focus on particular areas, rather than being primarily responsive to their own developmental needs in supporting ECTs. We can relate this to the “projective” aspect of the ecological model of agency, denoting the goal orientation of teachers as they take action. Through Deleuze’s philosophy we have brought these goals into the moment, as conditions of action within an event. Yet such examples from our data show the entanglement of various goals here: the senior leaders who are promoting a whole school focus for development, with the professional learning of the mentors and of the ECTs, each with their own developmental needs. There is perhaps no simple answer to the question of what happens when the agency of various individuals collides within the power dynamics and relations of school culture, but a focus on agency at least highlights the issue. It is not just human interactions which condition agency though, we found the influence of various nonhuman patterns within our data. In most of our case study schools and within our survey data, we saw that existing habits, processes, and systems were in tension with the new programs. An example is a school where ECTs and mentors were engaging with an existing learning journal, the online learning system from the pilot, the separate online system for logging action steps in the pilot, and a separate local authority system relating to statutory induction. When we spoke to the induction lead, they lamented that the “old systems” need not be followed, yet the systems were clearly present within the institutional memory of the school. The need to adhere to any system necessarily restricts the agency that mentors have in relation to professional development, but we found this particularly problematic in cases where habits and processes overshadowed the freedom to respond to professional learning needs. Our framing of agency as event allows us to recognize these patterns and habits which might be labeled as coming from the past (“iterative”), but clearly manifest in the moment. This applies to the expectations that mentors have of their own roles as well as to the modes of learning and development which are normalized within each setting and crystalized within the processes and procedures that teachers follow. The Early Career Framework presents an opportunity to change the expectations, habits, and processes which influence mentor agency in relation to their own professional development. However, realizing this opportunity would require a reconsideration of existing norms and the de-implementation of existing processes. We saw how the agency of mentors in relation to their own professional development directly influences the agency of the early career teachers that they work with, and is also likely to influence the professional development of those that they work with in the future.

Early Career Teacher Agency in Relation to Professional Development As well as the entanglement between mentor professional development and that of their mentees, there were other aspects of the pilot programs that we evaluated which

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had a direct impact on the agency of new teachers in relation to their professional development. One of which was the use of instructional coaching as a mode of development, although this took more prominence in Programs A and B. Instructional coaching involved the observation of tightly defined aspects of practice followed by mentors and early career teachers designing concrete steps to develop these. An example was the procedure that teachers use to bring pupils into the classroom. Initially, a coaching guide provided suggested foci for each week or fortnight, with the expectation that more bespoke steps would develop later in the program. Instructional coaching was evaluated positively: “It’s really useful because it’s teaching very small steps, focusing on really small chunks at a time that’s really manageable and achievable for the NQT.” (Mentor, Program B).

However, questions were raised by some about how such coaching would cover broader aspects of professional practice, such as differentiated learning. There were also concerns about the pace of development: “They are saying ‘we have done all of that. She has done that and is able to do it really well. . .it’s stifling some of them’. Speaking to some of the NQTs they are saying, ‘I think we should be further on. . . we have [multiple new teachers] and I don’t think it has met all of their needs.” (Induction Lead, Program B).

Here we reflect that agency in relation to the pedagogical development of teachers takes on a particular mode, adopting what Biesta (2007, p. 8) calls a technological model of professional action, whereby the goals of such action are predetermined and the focus becomes on the most effective and efficient ways to achieve them. This, Biesta argues, neglects the ways in which education involves interpretation and sensemaking such that the desirability of an approach needs to be evaluated as much as its efficacy. Physical punishment may be suggested as an effective way of managing behavior – but is undesirable for what it would teach children about enforcing one’s will on others. Instructional coaching can of course include salient discussions about desirable actions, but there is a risk that these fall away where there exists an implicit technological model. Specific practices can be honed and developed efficiently using instructional coaching (Kraft et al., 2018), via “expert” modeling, targeted observational feedback, goal-setting around small steps, “acting out,” scripting, etc. There is a risk however that professional learning is reduced to the mastery of replicable practices via approaches which attempt to atomize and simplify the complexity of teaching. Although we only saw the early stages of ECTs’ practice being supported by instructional coaching, it is worthwhile considering the broader resources and activities within the program to understand how they together, with the coaching, might support further professional development. The intention of program designers is that through engaging with the resources and activities, new teachers and their mentors are afforded ways of thinking and acting which they can take into their teaching. In this way, the agency of new teachers in relation to their professional

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development is to do with the ways that they can bring their learning from the programs to bear on planning, instruction, feedback, and reflection. Our study found that this was limited in several instances by the difficulties of relating the learning to ECTs’ contextualized practice. Understandably, at the very start of their careers, new teachers within the pilot had a range of practical concerns which they addressed to mentors as well as other colleagues: from understanding how to take the register or find equipment to strategies for supporting specific pupils or teaching aspects of the subject or phasespecific curriculum. These concerns fall outside of the scope of the Early Career Framework and the associated programs of support. The effect of this was a separation of pragmatic advice and guidance, often specific to context and to specific learner needs, from the necessarily broader focus of the developmental programs. As one mentor noted: “when we tried to engage in the programme at the start I had to deviate away from it because I thought I can’t focus on this right now because there’s so many other things he has to get right before I can get on track with the programme.” (Mentor, Program C)

As well as the scope of the framework though, the sequencing of materials to support learning against it further exasperated the separation of pragmatic concerns from the learning supported by the pilot programs. At the insistence of the Department for Education, each of the developers meticulously sequenced resources so as to cover all of the framework over 2 years (this was also the case for the subsequent programs provided nationally). In the pilot programs there was some choice in selecting “modules” and many schools chose to initially focus on behavior for learning. Nevertheless, within these modules there remained a rigidly sequenced set of resources and sessions. Some mentors recognized that this created a continual sense of development, rather than simply being responsive to what new teachers seek support with: “it’s a lot more supportive, because it’s a drip-drip every week, over a year rather than a one-off event.” (Induction Lead/Mentor, November 2019)

In most schools, however, the separation of pragmatic concerns and professional learning through the programs led to adaptations to the intended coaching models in order to meet the individual needs of ECTs, which varied considerably. Adaptations included reducing the frequency of instructional coaching from weekly to fortnightly (which was permitted under guidance for Programs A and B); splitting meeting time between instructional coaching and more general school priorities; and simply prioritizing immediate issues over the learning associated with the programs: engaging with the programs only where there was time. “there wasn’t always the strongest correlation between the meetings and the online platform but we did sometimes check in on things maybe I’d read that week but it wasn’t focussed on what I’d learnt really.” (ECT, Program C)

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Our characterization of agency as event suggests that an issue in realizing the potential of the coaching models and resources is the extent to which they can be brought to bear on the context at hand. As teachers plan, assess, and engage in classrooms, they draw on their current understandings. Where those understandings remain abstract then we suggest it is less likely that teachers will draw on them than when they have a concrete, immediate step forward in realizing their goals. The ability of new teachers and their mentors to contextualize the program was an essential aspect of them affording agency in relation to professional development. There was also a theme within our case study data which suggested that teachers were likely to rate the materials more highly where they reflected the ECT’s specific phase and subject: “to have some subject-specific examples especially within the phase because obviously primary school is not something that a languages teacher will go anywhere near.” (ECT, Program C)

The Early Career Framework contains general statements about sequencing, misconceptions, and fundamental ideas in school subjects but does not elaborate. As such, the role of developing subject-specific pedagogy is left to mentors and departmental colleagues, as well as to the new teachers themselves. Whether this relates to developing group work in physical education, experimental work in science or reading phonetically with younger children, the development of pedagogies specific to the age of pupils and subject discipline was not directly supported by the pilot programs devised around the Early Career Framework. The evidence above shows us that the agency of ECTs in relation to their development is supported by the quality of resources linked to contemporary research evidence with the programs of support piloted around the Early Career Framework. However, the agency is also conditioned by aspects of the pedagogic development of new teachers falling outside of the focus of the programs of support. These include the pragmatic concerns of new teachers in navigating the procedures, processes, and norms of their settings. More pronounced is the mismatch between the specific developmental needs of a new teacher in a moment and the sequenced development presented by the pilot programs. Furthermore, although the translation of examples into relevant phases and school subjects did not present a significant issue, the lack of direct support for subject- and phase-specific pedagogies within the programs was problematic. In a technological approach to development, the fundamental flaw is that the focus of teachers’ pedagogical development becomes homogenized by the framework. Although the Department for Education avoided framing the Early Career Framework as a common “curriculum” to be followed by ECTs and their mentors, in practice the programs of support will determine a great deal of what is discussed and focused on. Coupled to the specific systems of recording and evidencing progress, there is a very real risk that the development of teachers will follow the technological approach that Biesta (2007, 2010) describes. This not only reduces the focus on aspects such as subject-specific pedagogy, but misses the intuitive, nondeclarative nature of teaching

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that we have seen in other studies (e.g., Hardman et al., 2022). The adage “if the only tool you have is a hammer, you tend to see every problem as a nail” rings true. Teacher development – and thus the nature of teachers’ knowledge and professional expertise – is at risk of being determined by the parameters of the Early Career Framework. The lens of agency applied within this chapter presents an alternative view. We propose that the development of agency is supported when the trajectory of professional development is not mapped out in advance. Instead, professional development activities need to be tuned so as to provide practical, concrete ways forward that harness the contingent elements of learning to teach. Agency manifests in the creative act of developing a solution to a perceived professional problem. These solutions are more likely to draw on the learning from programs of support when that learning has been contextualized and brought to bear on the situation at hand. This may happen during planning, within the moment of a lesson, or be part of reflection afterward, primed to guide action in the next repetition of a different event. “it’s good to reflect back on what the aims are for us to be doing. . .The whole idea of everything crossing over, all the different modules crossing over, I think that’s really important. So that NQTs don’t see it as just ‘behaviour’, just ‘curriculum’, they need to see that the curriculum reflects the behaviour of the children, if they’re bored, they’re going to act silly. . .I think that’s the thing we keep coming back to is that. . . everything crosses over, everything is intertwined.” (Mentor, Program B)

In this mentor’s reflections, we can identify their awareness of the potential for agency as event. They imply that there is a complex system of teacher needs, pupil needs, teaching history, and potential future that are brought together in a continuous state of emergence. Behavior and curriculum are features warranting attention, but are shifting concepts that take on meaning only in relation to other things, in the context of the “intertwined” reality that is teaching. Although most mentors did not articulate this degree of complexity for ECTs’ learning, many expressed frustrations with normative assumptions that underpinned aspects of program design, “it felt vey tick-boxy” (Mentor, Program A). Our evaluation highlighted the barriers to addressing the complexity and situatedness of professional learning needs where the learning from programs of support was not easily brought to bear on the contextualized needs of individual ECTs.

Agency in Relation to Issues in the World As described in the above sections, there is a risk that the development of teacher agency becomes restricted to a technological approach, whereby new teachers in England are conditioned to focus on meeting the “learn that” and “learn how to” statements of the Early Career Framework in a simplistic way. The framework does not elaborate around subject pedagogy, for example, so the purposes and power of a subject could be lost through focusing on the knowledge, key ideas, and “complex mental models” the framework denotes. What would be lost in such a case is the

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opportunity to tune events toward considerations that go beyond that of delivering curriculum content in a way that is divorced from the world in which pupils and teachers live. This, we believe, is an important aspect of agency. In this section, we therefore extrapolate from our empirical work, highlighting what we did not see during our research. It should of course be recognized that we saw the very early aspects of ECT development, and the programs of support being piloted. We nevertheless draw on our theoretical discussion and the findings so far to speculate as to how mentors, ECTs, and indeed all teachers might develop agency in relation to issues within the contemporary world, such as social, economic, and environmental inequalities. Agency manifests in the specific actions and understandings of an event. The key to teachers having agency in relation to broader issues in the world is therefore to do with how the specific actions in an event are tuned to impacting on those issues. One aspect of this is how teachers conceptualize the scope of what they teach students. The National Curriculum for England (DfE, 2014: 2.2) states that “The school curriculum comprises all learning and other experiences that each school plans for its pupils. The national curriculum forms one part of the school curriculum.” In practice, the programs of study that are published for each key stage, and the specifications for examinations that pupils take at age 16, constitute a great deal of the focus of school curricula. Nevertheless, teachers have the capacity to work together to influence curriculum, at what Priestley et al. (2015) denote the microlevel of policy enactment: “This is the field in which teachers further re-contextualize the curriculum, developing wholeschool and classroom practices to enact the curriculum.” (Priestley et al., 2015, p. 153)

The nature of this recontextualization is the focus of a great deal of research (see, for example, Hudson, 2022; Kitson, 2020), so we will suffice here to draw out points relevant to the framing of teacher agency in relation to issues in the world. Teachers are “curriculum makers” (Deng, 2018), in the sense that subject disciplines are transformed into meaningful understandings in the classroom (Gericke et al., 2018). At the microlevel of enactment, teachers have the potential to recontextualize or go beyond what is codified in national curricula and engage pupils in issues such as social justice. This might be done collectively through school, departmental, or peer-level planning, refection, and discussion, or even through work across schools via multi-academy trusts, federations of schools, subject associations, activist groups, collaboration with university colleagues (something we relish in our research center), and any other form of interaction. At times, teachers will act individually within their planning, classroom engagement, and reflection to bring important issues into their teaching. However, the lines between the individual and social are arbitrary, and we again state the importance of the material context, be it teachers reading or engaging in media, or their own experiences of injustice or the natural world. As with recontextualization, a great deal has already been written about teaching for social justice (Dover, 2013; Gewirtz, 1998; Hackman, 2005; Pantić, 2015) about education for sustainable development (Kowasch et al., 2021; Leal Filho, 2011; Nikolopoulou et al., 2010) and we are not the first to think about the relationship

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between teaching and issues of racism, colonialism, LGBTQ+ rights, alternative relationships and family structures, indigenous communities and globalization, the impacts of technology and media, post-truth politics, global inequality, body positivity, capitalism, animal rights, imperialism, war, and so many more issues in today’s world. At the more localized level, teachers also engage with issues within their school and the communities that they serve. Recognizing that each issue and each context is unique, here we attempt to draw out how the framing of agency as event may further support understanding of how teachers engage with these issues. Teachers may have agency in relation to both what they teach and how they teach. Working individually or collectively, teachers can engage with issues in the world as they (re)contextualize the knowledge codified within national curricula, or go beyond these codifications to speak to issues that engage their communities. Take an example of a science teacher choosing not only to consider the processes of global warming, but set this in the context of local industries, or to talk about sexual reproduction along with issues of gender identity, relationship structures, or consent. Our colleague Michael Reiss wrote recently about the challenge of teaching genetics without reinforcing misconceptions around people having fixed intelligence (Reiss, 2021). Agency manifests in what is being engaged with, and as Reiss points out, an important aspect of teaching for social justice is raising consciousness around issues, what Freire (1970) termed “conscientization.” A group of our colleagues have also developed resources for teaching science in ways that promote social justice (Godec et al., 2017). Drawing on large longitudinal studies (Archer et al., 2013, 2020) into the varying “science capital” that students have, they advocate broadening what counts as science, personalizing and localizing it, eliciting, valuing, and linking to student understandings and providing opportunities for students to build science capital, so that it is not an avenue pursued by just the few. By recontextualizing such guidance into their own practice, teachers can also become agentive in changing the how of teaching. This echoes Biesta’s (2007, 2010) argument around technological approaches to instruction, that it is not just the ends of education, but also the means that should be evaluated. Agency is conditioned by teachers’ understandings in an event: of the goals to be pursued, around the knowledge to be transformed, the issues to be addressed, and the modes of teaching that are best tuned to all of this. The programs of support we evaluated around the Early Career Framework provided stimuli for teacher learning through literature, exemplification, and activities. Instructional coaching also supported mentor-mentee interactions that provided clear steps for progression. However, in the early part of the pilot programs at least, we found that there were difficulties in recontextualizing ideas into understandings and actions which met the immediate needs of the new teachers in addressing practical and pedagogic problems. Over extended timescales mentors would undoubtedly have learnt more about the programs of support and been able to better support recontextualization of the knowledge codified within the Early Career Framework. Our inquiry here suggests that there are further facets of teacher understanding which are not adequately addressed within the framework though, and yet they are important in supporting teacher agency in relation to issues in the world. Firstly,

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there is understanding of the issues themselves. While it would be unreasonable to expect teachers to have a good knowledge of all the issues they might encounter, it might be more reasonable that the role of teachers incorporates time, support, and encouragement to engage with issues of the world today. So often do we hear suggestions that education is the means to address issues in the world, yet very little is done to support agency in this regard. Secondly, teachers need to develop pedagogies that (re)contextualize these issues for pupils. This needs collective action, time, and resource. As we have suggested, the what of teaching needs to also go hand in hand with the how, so teachers have the understandings required to make ethical decisions about the best ways to engage young people in these issues. Beyond these necessary understandings and the conditions in which they might be developed, teachers need to also embody the goals and expectations that this is their role to do so. Goals are oriented by a sense of purpose, working collectively to make a difference in the world, and expectations as to how experienced teachers frame the role to those new to the profession. This speaks to the vision that Sachs (2003b) had for The Activist Teaching Profession, as a means to “re-instate trust in the teaching profession by the community at large and to counter the de-skilling of teachers by governments who want to control teachers and the teaching profession” (Sachs, 2003a, p. 4). Yet 20 years later, innovations such as the Early Career Framework continue to offer a diminished conceptualization of teaching and of teacher learning. Questions of how to make the world a better place are no longer part of the discourse, and teachers are not helped to see it as their role. There remains opportunity for teachers to realize agency in relation to issues in today’s world: in supposed space between national and school curriculum; in the recontextualization of subject disciplines into meaningful learning for students; and in the capacity of teachers to act within events so as to raise consciousness and teach about the issues of today. However, the conditions that foster such agency are lacking in the way new teachers are inducted into the profession in England: in the understandings teachers have and the support they have to develop them; in the expectations of their roles and the goals they feel empowered to achieve; and in the material conditions, resources, and empowerment they have to engage in the difficulties of developing appropriate pedagogies and modes of education. The representation of teaching inherent in the Early Career Framework and which infiltrates programs to support it risks being a “cuckoo in the nest.” It consumes the attention and resource of development activity which bears no resemblance to the kind of professionalism which would allow teachers to make a real difference in relation to issues in today’s world.

Conclusion: Agency as a Lens for Researching Professional Development Our inquiry into agency allowed us to reconsider the themes which emerged from our evaluation of the pilot programs, prior to the national rollout of the Early Career Framework in England. This chapter has been centered around the question of what an understanding of teacher agency (as event) can do for understandings of

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professional learning and development. Here we attempt to bring together the threads which begin to answer this question, by summarizing what the lens of agency has allowed us to see, and by making the case for this being the basis of fruitful insight. In relation to professional learning, we saw how agency was influenced by the relative capacity of mentors and ECTs to engage with program materials and activities and with each other. When mentors received access to materials, but new teachers did not, we saw that agency was impoverished by reduction to a linear model of learning and crucially the relational conditions that constitute ECTs’ learning were diminished. Across the programs, we also saw a mismatch between the capacity of mentors and their mentees to engage with the programs of learning. This was in part due to the time allocated to new teachers for their development, but also in part due to the expectations that mentors have around their role. Mentors, currently, do not prioritize their own professional development and this has the potential to limit their agency in the development of new teachers (as well as their own development). As such, our evidence supports the view that the role of induction leads is key, in setting expectations of both ECTs and mentors, and also in doing what they can to support the learning of both. A significant limitation to agency, within the early stages of the pilot programs we evaluated, was the presence of and adherence to existing understandings, habits, and systems around the induction of new teachers. These influence the modes of learning and at worst promote accountability above professional learning. The above findings emerge through the deployment of agency as a lens with which to consider professional development of mentors. We took into the inquiry a recognition that each event is unique, yet teachers draw on their knowledge and experience to anticipate and respond to patterns, guided by their intentions. The expectations placed on mentors, by senior leaders and also by themselves, highlights the potential for reproduction rather than agency. The latter manifests in the emergence of new understandings and events within different and repeated events. The promise of the Early Career Framework to develop the agency of mentors was not realized in most schools within the pilot. We instead saw how habits, expectations, and processes already present can inhibit mentor agency and professional development. In turn, this limits the professional development of early career teachers. When focusing directly on ECT agency in relation to their professional development we further highlighted a risk that agency is restricted by technological approaches to development. Although instructional coaching has potential to provide concrete steps to improvement, questions were raised about the form of professionalism it supports. The programs more broadly were not able to meet the immediate needs of the new teachers: the tight sequencing of materials and their necessary generality (dealing with all phases and subjects) meant that they were not immediately relevant to the events that new teachers find themselves within. Although we didn’t find significant barriers to resources and examples being adapted to provide meaningful experiences across phase or subject, there remained gaps where the framework did not provide specific framing, for example, around subject-specific pedagogies. As such, the role of mentors was essential in recontextualizing learning from the programs, both

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in meeting the specifics of context and also in meeting the specifics of phase- and subject-specific ways of teaching. Recontextualization becomes a significant issue in relating the learning envisaged in the programs to the realities of teaching and the pedagogic problems teachers learn by. Although the Early Career Framework underpins a diverse range of learning deemed to be the essentials of teaching, this is far from all there is to the professional and pedagogic learning of teachers. Here we can further point to the utility of agency as a lens for research. Evaluating how new teachers have agency in relation to their own professional development moves beyond impacts of the resources and activities within programs and instead highlights what is missing in the full remit of professional development. All teachers are in a state of continuous becoming, and their development is emergent from the complex situations they engage within. While frameworks might provide a way to convey the knowledge that is helpful as teachers develop, they cannot alone account for the complexity of that emergence, or of the needs of an individual in a specific context. Only by affording teachers agency to be responsive to those needs and contexts can we expect them to develop in such a way as to best meet the challenges of education. This becomes increasingly apparent when we move to considering agency in relation to issues in the world. In recontextualizing national curricula into school curricula and classroom practice, teachers have the potential to have collective and individual agency in what they bring to consciousness in young people. As well as what they teach, they also have the potential to evaluate how they teach, to ensure the means meet the goals of education. However, for such potential to be realized teachers need the time, resource, and support to develop knowledge of the issues in the world today and pedagogies which are appropriate to addressing them. More than this though, teachers (of all levels of experience) would need to be motivated and knowledgeable as to their role in addressing these issues and meet their colleagues in this as a shared enterprise. Innovations such as the Early Career Framework and the programs which support it have the potential to provide useful resources and approaches in the development of early career teachers and their mentors. Our inquiry into agency in this context has highlighted the ways in which the current framework is not sufficient to develop teacher agency though. Agency is conditioned by the norms, habits, and expectations within each setting, and these can become crystalized in processes and systems that are not conducive to growth. New ideas need to be recontextualized, “intertwined,” internalized, and made concrete through planning, experience, and reflection. This is most readily achieved when mentors and new teachers can meet each other within complex relational environments. The mandatory framing and sequencing of what teachers should learn is likely to miss many important aspects of development, those which do not fit within a generalized frame. Most worrying though is the risk that the development of teachers in reference to a framework provides a solution to the wrong problem. In providing a systematized way of gaining generalized knowledge codified as what they need to teach, it misses the problem of how to develop teachers who can play a role in addressing the challenges of the world today, and empowering their students to do the same.

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The central question of this chapter has been around what an understanding of teacher agency as event can do for understandings of teacher professional development. We have shown that the lens of agency has brought into focus the entanglements of mentors and new teachers in recontextualizing research evidence; the role of habits, expectations, and systems in limiting professional development; and the risk of technological modes of development and predetermined pathways where teachers should be responsive to the complex contexts they work in and their own needs within those. In short, what the lens of agency has the potential to do is reconnect professional development with the role of teachers within the project of education. Teachers need to develop so as to respond to the challenges they face in the classroom, in their own development and in relation to issues in the contemporary world: teacher professional development needs to develop their agency.

Cross-References ▶ Pedagogical Change and Professional Courage ▶ Recent Trends in Teacher Identity Research and Pedagogy ▶ Rethinking the Complex Determinants of Teacher Shortages ▶ Stayers: In the Long Run. A Comparative Study of Retention in Two Swedish Teacher Generations ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared ▶ The Supply, Recruitment, and Retention of Teachers

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School-Based Teacher Educators: A Scottish Manifesto

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . School-Based Teacher Educators: Conceptualizing the Role . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Scottish Policy Context: An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What We Know About School-Based Teacher Educators in Scotland: From the Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What We Know About School-Based Teacher Educators: From the Measuring Quality in Initial Teacher Education Project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Demographics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Do These Data Tell Us? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Manifesto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In this chapter, we present a manifesto for the development of a nationally agreed structure for educating, supporting, and valuing school-based teacher educators in Scotland. “Mentoring” has long been an aspect of early phase teacher learning in Scotland, but despite the broad acceptance that this should happen, there is no clear conceptualization of the role, nor any systematic preparation and support for it (Kennedy, 2022). Hopes were raised in 2011 when a wholesale review of teacher education in Scotland recommended that “All teachers should see themselves as teacher educators, and should be trained in mentoring” (Donaldson, 2011, p. 73). However, now in 2021, we are no closer to a national system of supporting teacher learning in schools (unlike in other related professions such as social work, nursing, A. Kennedy (*) School of Education, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland e-mail: [email protected] L. Bell University of the West of Scotland, Ayr, Scotland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_20

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and medicine). We build this manifesto on an analysis of current and recent teacher learning policy, of empirical research in the Scottish context and of international research, as well as a presentation of findings emerging from the “Measuring Quality in ITE” project (www.mquite.scot). Drawing on the evidence presented in the chapter, we propose a national system of school-based teacher educators with specific responsibility for supporting teacher learning in every school, and a national requirement for early phase teacher learning to include some familiarization with research and practice on mentoring. Keywords

Early phase teacher education · School-based teacher educators · Scottish teacher education

Introduction In common with many other countries across the globe, Scottish teacher education is committed to school-university partnership, but suffers from a lack of clarity over respective roles and expertise in relation to the school-based element. This is particularly the case in early phase teacher education, comprising initial teacher education (ITE) and the induction year that follows, and it is the role of the school-based teacher educator in this phase that our chapter focuses upon. The “problem” under investigation is one of many layers: first, there is a problem with identification and identity of school-based teacher educators; then there is the problem of educating for and leading school-based teacher education; and finally, there is a problem with the status and value attributed to teachers carrying out this crucial activity in schools. In laying out evidence which outlines the current situation, we seek to share a convincing warrant for the conclusions we arrive at which we share here in the form of a manifesto. We deliberately position our conclusions and recommendations as a manifesto, defined as “a written statement in which a group of people explain their beliefs and aims” (https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/ manifesto): This manifesto is therefore a statement of vision and intentions, designed to provide a platform for actions based on a clear set of evidence, but also based on specific beliefs about teacher education. It is therefore important that we share our own professional biographies here in order to make our positions explicit. Aileen is Professor of Practice in Teacher Education, with research and teaching interests in teacher education from a critical, social justice perspective. She views teacher education as a powerful and politically important activity, and has experience of designing and leading innovative forms of initial teacher education which have taken a more democratic, community-based approach (Kennedy et al., 2020). She also created Scotland’s first masters-level postgraduate certificate in “Supporting Teacher Learning,” designed to give those involved in supporting teacher learning in schools a depth of knowledge and critical understanding that would allow them adopt progressive and transformative practices. As an aside, she has noticed over the

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years that the vast majority of students on this course have been women, leading her to question if mentoring is seen as feminized work. She is committed to teacher education as a means of social progressivism and sees it as a powerful force for enhancing Scottish education. Linda has a background in primary school teaching and is a lecturer in Initial Teacher Education. She is also a part-time EdD student and is examining the work of school-based teacher educators within the context of school-university partnerships. She is keenly interested in how teachers learn to teach and how they position themselves, and are positioned as teacher educators. Having undertaken the postgraduate certificate in “Supporting Teacher Learning,” Linda is, like Aileen, intrigued by the fact that women significantly outnumber men on the course. She regards career-long and specialized teacher education as fundamental to sustaining a vigorous and respected teaching profession. Our professional experiences and research engagement lead us to believe that the project of teacher education should be one designed to support teachers to become independent, critical, and intellectually and socially engaged professionals, rather than technicist, compliant “state functionaries” (Gale & Densmore, 2003, p. 86). Our position is far from unique, however, as illustrated by White (2019, p. 201): In an environment where teachers and teacher educators are viewed as ‘linchpins of reform’ (Cochran-Smith 2005, p. 3) but do not always self-identify, an argument is made that it is timely for all teacher educators to name and claim their identity so that they can have a more pro-active role and voice in responding to and critiquing teacher education reform policies that do not best serve the needs of all students.

This chapter therefore seeks to present an evidence-based warrant for a set of structural and cultural changes that would elevate the role of the school-based teacher educator, thereby providing significant benefit to the entire education system in Scotland. We draw on four sets of evidence, starting with a general exploration of the ways in which the idea of the school-based teacher educator (SBTE) has been conceptualized internationally, before moving on to provide an overview and critique of the specific policy context in Scotland. We then explore the existing published literature on mentoring and supporting early phase teacher learning in Scottish schools (noting that the term “SBTE” is not currently used in mainstream Scottish policy discourse), as well as presenting some empirical data from the Measuring Quality in Initial Teacher Education (MQuITE) project. This all serves as a warrant for what follows – a manifesto for a national system of SBTEs in Scotland.

School-Based Teacher Educators: Conceptualizing the Role Globally, the many systems that exist for educating preservice and early career teachers commonly include episodes of workplace-based learning in schools. These episodes are designed to complement the learning experiences provided by higher education establishments, although recent years have seen an increasing trend

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toward more occupational pathways in which schools are the primary learning environments (Czerniawski et al., 2019). Names for these episodes vary from country to country and include terms such as “placement,” “field experience,” and “practicum.” The designations of teachers who work in these locations to support these beginning teachers commonly include the adjectives “cooperating,” “associate,” and “supporting.” In their extensive literature review covering 60 years of research on the subject, Clarke et al. (2014) identified the term “cooperating” as the most commonly used descriptor for teachers working with student teachers on school experience. More recently, Stanulis et al. (2019, p. 568) have suggested that this is an inherently limiting conception that confines participants to conversations on the “what” of teaching at the expense of the deeper “why” and “how.” On occasion (but with increasing frequency), these teachers are referred to in the international literature as “school-based teacher educators” (SBTEs) (e.g., in Bullough, 2005; and in Parker et al., 2021), distinguishing them from their colleagues in universities to whom the broader term “teacher educator” is traditionally applied. Whether school teachers regard themselves as teacher educators will be considered in due course. The work of the SBTE is most frequently characterized as “mentoring,” and, indeed, the term “mentor” is often used to name the role itself. A concept rooted in classical antiquity, with connotations of wisdom and expert guidance (Daloz, 1986, p. 19), the terms “mentor” and “mentoring” are now ubiquitous in workplaces as well as across wider society and have, inevitably, acquired a range of meanings that both encompass and extend traditional ideas of expert-to-novice transmissive learning (Pennanen et al., 2016, p. 30). It is generally accepted that mentoring has a vital part to play in early phase teacher education, where successful mentoring relationships have been found to be beneficial for both partners (Hudson, 2013). However, capturing the essence of mentoring in these contexts is challenging – a consequence, perhaps, of an abundance, rather than a shortage of attendant theories (Kemmis, Heikkinen, Fransson, Aspfors & Edwards-Groves, 2014). Tracking back to earlier conceptualizations, Daloz offers a model of mentoring in which the “good” mentor provides a balance of support and challenge designed to facilitate growth in the student; in the process, the mentor provides structure, sets tasks, engages in discussion, serves as an advocate, outlines standards and expectations, acts as a model, and promotes self-reflection. Beyond these strategic actions, the mentor is also a listener who enables the student to feel unique and valued (Daloz, 1986). Of course, applying qualitative notions such as “good” naturally begs questions of what constitutes “good” and how the term might be applied and understood in different contexts; in practice, as Pennanen et al. (2016, p. 27) have indicated, local and national “traditions and arrangements . . . (make) reproducing mentoring practices in different sites problematic.” Moreover, it is far from axiomatic that becoming a “good” mentor is solely dependent on classroom expertise and experience (Schwille, 2008, p. 139). For Furlong and Maynard (1995, p. 182), mentoring early phase teachers is revealed as a multifaceted process, essentially one in which designated class teachers model the “rituals, routines and recipes” student teachers require in order to “act”

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like teachers, working alongside them to plan collaboratively for children’s learning and helping them to develop and enact the pedagogical knowledge that underpins their classroom practice. Some teachers regard the classroom as simply a working space in which students may practice teaching with minimal interaction or support (Hall et al., 2008, p. 343). Others, however, embrace mentoring as a shared endeavor in which, following the principles laid out by Daloz (1986), they strike a balance between support and challenge, and regard working with students as an opportunity for mutual learning (van Ginkel et al., 2016). Clearly, behind the mentoring process sits a host of inter-relational aspects and a range of professional and pedagogical themes. There exists a rich body of literature on the subject of mentor identity, much of it focusing on mentoring complexity and the multiplicity of its aspects, which researchers tend to characterize as roles. Kwan and Lopez-Real (2005, p. 285), for example, find that mentors regarded themselves as primarily “providers of feedback.” Links may be drawn between teacher and mentor identities, so that a teacher with a nurturing style would tend to translate this into their mentoring practice (Bullough, 2005); similarly, mentors who hold developmental views of learning to teach are inclined to extend this to their selfperception as teacher-learners, meaning that they regard themselves as “co-thinkers” and “co-learners” alongside their mentees (van Ginkel et al., 2015, p. 11). Clarke et al. (2014) identified no less than 11 “categories of participation” within the mentor teacher profile, including “Gleaners of Knowledge,” “Abiders of Change,” “Convenors of Relation,” and “Agents of Socialization.” At times, inevitably, tensions arise between the many different aspects of the mentoring process. Czerniawski et al. (2019) have described the “fuzziness” that can blur the lines between the mentor’s responsibilities as a teacher of both children and students. Difficulties may also arise in enacting yet another role, that of gatekeeper to the teaching profession (Lofthouse & Thomas, 2014), and the term “judgementoring” (Hobson & Malderez, 2013) has been coined to describe what have been perceived as fundamental flaws in ITE mentoring relationships, centring primarily on the overuse of judgmental feedback, the tensions inherent in being both supporter and gatekeeper, and the pressures on mentor teachers of excessive accountability. The routes taken by teachers on their journeys to mentoring tend to receive little attention in the literature. It is likely that professional values, a sense of responsibility toward the teaching profession, and a desire for new learning all play their parts in mentor motivation (Sinclair, Dowson &Thistleton-Martin, 2006). Although some authors have explored the voluntary nature of mentoring and have detected a growing recognition of mentoring as a discrete professional position within schools (van Ginkel et al., 2015), there is a general lack of formal processes for identifying those most suited to and motivated for the role (Clarke et al., 2014). Indeed, some researchers have described the ways in which practitioners assume the role as haphazard (Russell & Russell, 2011). Much of the work of SBTEs is obvious only to the early phase teachers with whom they work. It is not simply an instinctive activity that can be left to occur spontaneously (Zeichner, 2005; Schwille, 2008) but is highly demanding (Zeichner, 2002) and requires “emotional labour” (Hastings 2004, p. 146) in addition to time,

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commitment, and expertise. Butler and Cuenca (2012) conceptualized it as a blend of instruction, support, and socialization which has the potential to enrich teacher education but is frequently hampered by the “gap” between the school and university elements of teacher education: a theory-practice divide which disadvantages mentors and mentees alike. There is no shortage of research into mentoring in the early phase which finds that teachers require more education in mentoring than they receive. The benefits of specialized professional learning in providing the best outcomes for both mentees and mentors are well recognized (Leshem, 2014), but there remains a dearth of quality provision. A consensus on what constitutes the most suitable education is lacking, due in part, perhaps, to the diverse nature of the “traditions and arrangements” described above; research has identified the availability of a wide range of examples ranging from the most basic, brief orientation sessions on completing course paperwork (Hall et al., 2008) to more structured, research-based mentor preparation programs such as that described by Ambrosetti (2014), which uncovered for its teacher mentor participants a range of complexities that had hitherto been obscure to them. When, over two decades ago, Feiman-Nemser (1998, p. 72) posed the question: “Why don’t teachers in mentor-type roles see themselves as teacher educators?” she was referring not just to the fact that some teachers were not “serious and thoughtful mentors,” but also to a disconnect between the self-perception of school practitioners and others’ perceptions of them. It is to be hoped that, over time, we have moved on from the more superficial reasons she identified as answers to her question, such as the notion that teacher learning is purely experiential; but in many ways, the epistemological and sociocultural factors she described – including a failure to achieve a collaborative equilibrium between the work of school and universitybased teacher educators – persist (Feiman-Nemser, 1998). As Czerniawski et al. (2019) discovered, some SBTEs continue to feel that the university component of ITE is at the same time remote and restrictive. Even when immersed in a collaborative process of teacher education reform which explicitly values and elevates their contributions, school practitioners have found it difficult to make the “identity shift” to teacher educators (Parker et al., 2021, p. 73). The conceptualization of mentoring as an educative process is not new (indeed it was described by Feiman-Nemser herself in the paper above), but is something which appears to be of increasing interest to researchers, and it can reveal valuable information about what mentors themselves consider important in their work. As educative mentors, teachers situate themselves as agentic professionals who wish to scrutinize, understand, and explain their practice (Trevethan, 2017). They move firmly away from the role of host or, as described by a participant in one study, “emotional cheerleading” to a position in which they can and must claim their places as teacher educators (Stanulis et al., 2019, p. 567). The emphasis here is very much on the mentor encouraging mentee learning both within and from teaching, adopting an enquiring stance, focusing on long-term goals, and identifying as a recipient and active participant in the learning process (Wexler, 2020) – a marked shift from the traditional role as custodian and deliverer of practice wisdom.

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Despite the considerable amount of research into the work of school-based teacher educators undertaken over decades, the many aspects scrutinized and the abundant insights gained, it remains, perhaps, an area more fully conceptualized by those outside than those inside the area. That their role is a vital one is beyond question, but in order to fulfill it comprehensively for the benefit of their early phase teacher colleagues and, in turn, their pupils, SBTEs need to be enabled to gain a deeper understanding of what they do and be able to articulate it confidently (White, 2019, p. 210), and with a sense of personal and professional pride. As this section illustrates, a substantial body of research, established over time, can be adduced to support the claim that providing appropriate school-based teacher education for early phase teachers is sufficiently complex and specialized to warrant specific and detailed policy attention.

The Scottish Policy Context: An Overview In order to understand the actual and potential role of SBTEs in Scotland, it is first necessary to understand the teacher education context more generally. This section therefore provides an overview of the policy structures which frame teacher education in Scotland, with a particular focus on the school-based elements of the early phase. This is an important part of the evidence upon which manifesto in this chapter is based; such an overview gives insight into existing structures and governance, allowing informed exploration of how things might be organized differently. All ITE in Scotland is university based, with individual programs accredited by the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS) (MacDonald & Rae, 2018). As part of the accreditation process, universities must adhere to the GTCS “Guidelines for Accreditation of Initial Teacher Education Programmes in Scotland,” the latest version of which was published in 2019 (GTCS, 2019). These guidelines assert a commitment to partnership in ITE: “ITE in Scotland is provided by universities. . . in partnership with schools and local authorities” (p. 3). The document goes on to stipulate the amount of time to be spent in schools on “professional placement” for both undergraduate and postgraduate ITE programs. Under a final, but brief section entitled “partnership,” the document introduces a new element of partnership, that is: Partners must be involved in the planning of the programme to ensure that university staff, school staff and student teachers have a shared, relevant and up-to-date knowledge and are fully aware of their roles and responsibilities in respect to the professional placement. (p. 9)

While the involvement in planning is a new addition here, it seems that this involvement is primarily to ensure shared understanding that will support the “professional placement,” rather than the ITE experience as a whole. Taking into account the lack of clear definition as to what partnership might look like, and an emphasis on time spent rather than what is to be done in school, it is reasonable to suggest that certainly in terms of GTCS accreditation, the school-based element of ITE constitutes generic experience of being in school rather than any

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specific pedagogical approach to what should be happening while there. It is also interesting to note that under the heading of “Staffing levels and effective delivery” mention is made of university-based staff but not school-based staff. This all supports the view that while partnership is strong in the discourse, the power, and also arguably the accountability, sits principally with the university. That said, while universities might act as the lead partner, they are reliant on schools to support student teachers, thereby requiring a symbiotic relationship. It is clear, though, that fully registered teachers are expected to play a key role in supporting student teachers on what the GTCS terms “professional placement,” and this is part of the nationally agreed contractual duties of all teachers as outlined in the Scottish Negotiating Committee for Teachers’ (SNCT) handbook of pay and conditions which state that “Subject to the policies and practice of the school and the Council [employer]” all fully registered teachers are expected to, among other duties, “maintain and develop knowledge and skills and contribute to the professional development of colleagues including probationary and student teachers” (SNCT, n.d.). This place of partnership in the ITE discourse is not new, with the 2000s seeing the emergence of government interest in pushing the partnership agenda forward. McLennan (2020) outlines a two-stage review of ITE commissioned by the Scottish Executive (Government), the first stage of which was carried out by commercial consulting company Deloitte and Touche (Deloitte & Touche, 2001), and the second-stage review by the Scottish Executive itself (Scottish Executive Education Department, 2005). These reviews, and the ministerial response to the second-stage review, advocated for more coherent and well-defined partnership working in ITE (Smith et al., 2006a). However, as McLennan (2020) concludes, these aspirations failed to come to fruition due to a lack of specific detail about what these partnerships should look like, and a lack of commitment to enabling the necessary structural change. Despite attempts to encourage a more seamless and coherent early phase (Donaldson, 2011), ITE and the induction period remain quite distinct elements of the new teacher experience in Scotland. In 2002, a new nationwide teacher induction scheme was introduced, guaranteeing all eligible ITE graduates a one-year induction post in a school, with a reduced class commitment, a named school “supporter” (mentor), and a program of professional learning provided by the local authority. Unlike in ITE, where providing support to student teachers is part of the general conditions of a fully registered teacher’s contract, the induction scheme requires a named “supporter” who engages regularly with the probationer teacher, providing focused support and undertaking classroom observations. The supporter has half a day per week dedicated to this role. In addition to this in-school support, each of the 32 local authorities in Scotland also has an education officer who usually has responsibility for both partnership working in ITE and providing support and a program of professional learning for all probationers (see Shanks, 2020). In summary, across the early phase of teacher education in Scotland there is a good deal of what might be termed “school-based teacher education” going on (although it is not actually called that in formal policy texts): Each student teacher is expected to have a teacher mentor for every school placement they undertake;

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every probationer teacher on the teacher induction scheme will have a named “supporter”; and each of the 32 local authorities has at least one named education officer who takes responsibility for overseeing student teacher placements and probationer placement and support, this support role involving pedagogical as well as administrative engagement. Yet, despite this reliance on a significant element of school-based teacher education, there remains no requirement for any specific form of preparation for teachers in order to take on such roles, a position also reflected in the international literature discussed above. Most local authorities do offer a briefing meeting for teachers new to the induction supporter role, and many offer coaching and mentoring courses as part of wider professional learning programs. Universities also offer briefing meetings for teachers mentoring ITE students, and many also offer courses, modules, or entire postgraduate courses devoted to mentoring and coaching, or to supporting teacher learning more generally. These opportunities, however, remain optional. Despite the early phase teacher education system in Scotland being built on the assumption of the existence of in-school mentoring at the very least, somehow these roles have never really been valued overtly in terms of time, money, or esteem. At the outset of the new teacher induction scheme, O’Brien and Christie (2005, p. 190) highlighted that the role of probationer supporter represented “a significant opportunity for established teachers to develop mentoring skills as they support the learning of beginning teachers.” And just a few years later, in a wholesale review of teacher education across the career span, Donaldson (2011, p. 73) recommended that “All teachers should see themselves as teacher educators and be trained in mentoring.” However, despite the recognition of the importance of what might be considered to be the contribution of school-based teacher education, there has been very little structural change. An evaluation of the impact of the Donaldson Report (Black et al., 2016) reported that while there had been obvious advances in communication between universities and local authorities, and increased involvement of teacher mentors in the assessment of students on school placement, that probationers’ experiences of mentoring were mixed. As a result, the evaluation report advised that a key area for consideration should be that “all probationer supporters have the necessary mentoring and coaching skills” (p. 41). The evidence is clearly mounting up, suggesting an acknowledged need for formal preparation for the SBTE role. An important point to note is that in all of the policy documentation discussed so far, the involvement of school-based staff is almost exclusively conceived as mentoring, indicating a somewhat narrow conception of what might be possible under within the idea of school-based teacher education, as discussed in the previous section. Nonetheless, this recent policy history illustrates that while there have been several opportunities to take this element of teacher education seriously, there has so far failed to be any serious advance in recognizing the work of school-based teacher educators, or in preparing them properly for this role. So, when the independent panel on career pathways reported in 2019, this offered yet another possible chance of progressing this area of work. A key recommendation emerging from this report was that “A career pathway should be established for specialist roles in curricular,

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pedagogical and policy delivery through the creation of a new post of Lead Teacher” (Scottish Government, 2019, p. 4). Due to the contractual implications of the establishment of a new post, the recommendations of the report had to be considered by the Scottish Negotiating Committee for Teachers which has now agreed what it calls the “Lead Teacher Framework.” This framework sets out provisions for new post of lead teacher, working at school, local authority, or regional/national level. Lead teachers will specialize in a specific aspect of curriculum, pedagogy, or policy, and examples of specialisms included in the SNCT circular (SNCT, n.d., Appendix 2.22) include “coaching and mentoring” and “professional learning.” While the principles underpinning the creation of the lead teacher post are more about recognizing and incentivizing expertise, and allowing teachers to progress their careers without necessarily leaving the classroom, there are obvious opportunities here to progress the development of a cadre of well-educated and suitably recognized school-based teacher educators. However, responsibility for creating and funding lead teacher posts lies with individual schools and local authorities, and so it seems unlikely that this latest policy development will necessarily lead to system-wide development and recognition of the role of school-based teacher educators. Nonetheless, it lays the foundations for a structure that might be used to enhance this vital element of early phase teacher education, given that “we do not currently have a well-developed and shared understanding of the role [of the school mentor], nor do we have clear and accessible national systems in place to prepare mentors systematically for this role” (Kennedy, 2022, p. 26). The evidence emerging from the above analysis of the current policy context reveals a system of early phase teacher education which is fairly homogenous and well established, set out in policy texts which aspire to partnership and mentoring as key elements. However, the evidence also points to a mismatch between policy aspirations as outlined in policy texts, and practice as enacted on the ground. In summary, while school-based professional learning is seen as a key part of the early phase teacher education continuum, there appears to be a lack of attention to conceptualizing how this might work pedagogically, and a lack of explicit preparation for those involved in the school-based teacher education role.

What We Know About School-Based Teacher Educators in Scotland: From the Literature While the term SBTE is not commonly used in Scotland, there nonetheless exists a reasonable range of literature which explores various aspects of what one might consider to be school-based teacher education, for example: research on mentoring, on the teacher induction scheme and on school-university partnerships. The cumulative evidence arising from this research serves to support an appropriately contextualized warrant which draws on what we already know about school-based teacher education practices operating within current and recent Scottish policy frameworks. In framing what is known about the SBTE role in Scotland today, it is worth considering how their professional position has evolved. In the early 1990s, the time

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spent by student teachers in schools was increased to the level at which it now stands (Brown, 1995, p. 40). This change of emphasis was accompanied by efforts to develop partnership working between schools and universities which, in turn, required school staff to assume more formal roles as educators of students. The term “mentor” – albeit hazily conceptualized – began to be used to describe these teachers, and plans were laid for funding to be put in place to allow teachers to spend more time with students (Brown, 1995, p. 42). It appears, however, that the time was not yet right for these innovations to bear fruit. Teachers showed little recognition of the new expectations and continued to adhere to the older apprenticeship model of student education on school placement (Smith et al., 2006b). Research conducted at the time indicated that teachers’ reluctance to assume greater responsibility for student teacher learning arose from a range of concerns: an increase in workload; tensions between responsibilities for pupils and responsibilities for student teachers; a lack of experience in the role, alongside little or no targeted professional learning; and teachers’ low levels of confidence in their own abilities to provide students with learning experiences that were sufficiently theoretically rigorous (Brown, 1995). This reticence needs to be considered within the wider prevailing culture in the teaching profession at that time, one that has been described as structurally “flat” and disposed to regard the elevation of some its members to the status of “expert” with something less than enthusiasm (Brown, 1995, p. 42). The school sector, though, was not alone in resisting change; there was an unwillingness within higher education too, to embrace innovation deemed likely to undermine its position in the teacher education hierarchy (Menter et al., 2010, p. 14). In due course, the “McCrone” pay and conditions settlement of 2001 brought about significant revisions in teachers’ contractual roles and responsibilities. These revisions did not preserve the previous requirement for teachers to work to support student teachers as part of their conditions of service (Smith et al., 2006), although, naturally, the work carried on perforce. In contrast, there were much clearer arrangements for beginning teachers in the teacher induction scheme (TIS) to be formally supported during their year of school experience; the terms set out by the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS) made provision for a specific amount of allocated (and funded) mentoring time so that induction supporters might enact their responsibilities in guiding probationer teachers toward the ultimate goal of full registration. In 2010, just before the publication of the Donaldson review of teacher education (Donaldson, 2011), hopes were expressed that the outcome of the review would promote more meaningful collaboration in which long-held and unhelpful beliefs about the perceived dichotomies between “theory,” as represented by universities, and “practice,” as represented by schools, would be extinguished (Smith, 2010). The review, when it came, proposed that school staff assume significantly enhanced roles in supporting and assessing students on ITE placements; teachers were to see themselves as teacher educators not only of students and probationer teachers, but also of one another; and they should be trained in mentoring (Donaldson, 2011). Scant, if any, attention was paid in the review to how entrenched opposition in

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schools to these changes might be overcome, nor were questions around funding and resourcing directly addressed (Smith, 2011). As advocated by Donaldson, a “hub teaching approach,” with its similarities to the professional development schools (PDS) model in the USA, appeared to have the potential to invigorate the concept of collaborative partnership between schools and universities (Smith 2011, p. 20). Indeed, subsequent pilot programs run along “clinical model” lines and based on learning rounds approaches, such as the Glasgow West Teacher Education Initiative (GWTEI) in 2011 and the Strathclyde Enhanced Partnership Initiative (SEPI) in 2013, were planned and implemented by universities. Their ambition was to “more effectively sew together scholarly and research insights, practical skills and abilities, and professional dispositions” (Conroy et al., 2013, p. 563). Despite some elementary oversights such as a failure to educate school staff in observation techniques (McIlroy & Blake 2013), and teachers’ initial concerns expressed by teachers that they would not be able to contribute meaningfully to the process, some acknowledgment of improvement in the quality of support for students emerged; moreover, teachers commented on the advantages they derived for their own professional learning and practice derived from their involvement (Conroy et al., 2013). Ultimately, these pilots, with their laudable aims of enhancing partnerships and promoting shared approaches to student assessment, did not usher in a new dawn for teacher education in Scotland, nor did they bring about significant or lasting changes in the role of teachers tasked with supporting student and probationer teachers in school settings. As asserted by Menter (2017), it would seem unarguable that teacher education requires to draw on the broad, deep knowledge and evidence-based findings produced by universities. Indeed, academic research into early phase teacher education, and, more specifically, the work of school-based teacher educators in the ITE context in Scotland have become subjects of increasing interest over the past few years. This research has generally been undertaken within the context of partnership arrangements between schools and universities, and some common threads have emerged, as the following examples will show. A funded project was undertaken by Mtika et al. (2014) to investigate how joint observation and tripartite dialogue (JOTD) between university tutors, students, and school supporters might enhance collaborative partnerships. The underlying premise was that of teacher education being a joint enterprise within a community of practice as described by Wenger (1998), and findings were generally positive, with some reservations. Formal professional learning was provided for school staff, although not all of them availed themselves of it – a consequence, perhaps, of the staffing issues or “idiosyncratic values” noted by the authors and which led to some inconsistencies in the quality of students’ experiences (Mtika et al., p.29). Questions remained about the levels of mutual trust between the three categories of participants, and the ways in which each valued the other’s contributions. For some of the school supporters, validation of their opinions was only achieved if they tallied with those of their university counterparts, indicating a lack of professional confidence and suggesting that the tripartite nature of the project was not as evenly balanced as might have been hoped.

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The issue of power differentials is picked up in Johnston’s work on what makes school placements problematic for some student teachers. He describes a prevailing power dynamic within which the SBTEs were positioned as “hosts” and the student teachers had merely “temporary, guest-like status” (Johnston, 2016, pp. 539–540). Various commissions and omissions contributed to experiences that were unsatisfactory for some students, and many of these experiences were explicitly connected to the failure of their school supporters to fulfill their roles adequately. Some of this was a consequence of their having too little time and too many competing responsibilities; some could be attributed to an inability to achieve a shared understanding of goals; and some arose from a lack of care and respect, meaning that students became socially isolated, or were publicly undermined. These individuals were in the minority, but such negative experiences represent serious failings in the “system” of school placement which, potentially, have profound repercussions for these students as beginning teachers. In addition, the lack of status accorded to the importance of school-based teacher education was clearly illustrated. Research by Aderibigbe et al. (2017) into collaborative mentoring relationships in ITE aimed to develop a “framework for strengthening mutual learning” (p. 55) as a more evolved approach to supporting students than a simple apprenticeship model. Again, school- and university-based teacher educators were invited to participate in preparatory professional learning. Despite this, many of them found it difficult to redefine themselves as collaborative mentors, and the researchers categorized the process as one “fraught with difficulty” as a consequence of the overlapping responsibilities for the learning of both pupils and students (p. 67). This study also illuminated the issue of teachers’ choice in whether they assumed the role of mentor to students: Seventy-one percent said that they looked forward to it, while several were openly negative, or said that they considered it an imposition. Over the course of several research papers, Mackie has examined mentoring within the Scottish ITE context. In doing so, she has given voice to mentors and mentees themselves and has contributed significantly to what was already known. In one study (2018), the professional and personal dimensions of mentoring were examined, showing the complexity of the ways in which they overlap. This was investigated again in her (2020a) work on dimensions of collaboration and power within the mentoring relationship, which concluded that there was a need for quality professional learning to enable school-based teacher educators to understand and enact their roles with greater confidence and expertise. She has also examined the nature of partnership between schools, universities, and local authorities (2020b), finding that these relationships are, more often than not, remote in nature rather than genuinely collaborative and grounded in shared understandings. Interactions between school and university colleagues tend to be frequent only when students are in difficulties (2020b). She has, however, detected some instances of positive change, for example, the secondment of practicing class teachers to work with students and colleagues at the University of Stirling to encourage collaborative approaches to mentoring and enhance links between theory and practice (2020b, p. 29).

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Another example of recent, innovative – even radical – practice can be seen in the University of Edinburgh’s MSc Transformative Learning and Teaching program, where a new “cluster tutor” role has proved attractive to teachers who wish to work with students and teacher colleagues as “hands-on” school-based teacher educators (Kennedy, 2018, p. 12). Before concluding, it might be instructive to consider what we know about school-based teacher educators in Scotland today in the light of the benchmark illustration of student experience as set out by Education Scotland’s Self-Evaluation Framework for Initial Teacher Education: Teachers in local authority partner schools see supporting students as a core part of their professional responsibilities. University and school staff work together as teacher educators to support and assess students on placement. Site-based learning/placement provides an opportunity for university-based and school-based staff to learn from, and with, each other. (Education Scotland, 2018, p. 14)

In truth, and as reflected in the above overview of recent research in Scotland, it cannot be said that this ideal has been, or is being, fully realized. There may well have been some progress since 2010, when Smith suggested that Scottish ITE must liberate itself from its confinement within a duplication (HEI-based/integration) model (Smith, 2010, p. 39), but progress toward a more truly collaborative model has been patchy, at best. Across the country, teachers continue with the vital work of supporting students in site-based learning, but they are not explicitly acknowledged as teacher educators by their school or university colleagues, or indeed by anyone else. Whether teachers in general consider supporting students as a core part of their professional responsibilities is not clear, although the Standard for Full Registration states that they are required to “work collaboratively to contribute to the professional learning and development of colleagues, including student teachers” (GTCS, 2021, p. 11). For most teachers, preparation for the role consists of being given a university handbook outlining the expectations and requirements of the placement (Mackie, 2020b). They may, or may not, be invited to a briefing session conducted by university staff in advance of the placement. Anecdotally, attendance at these sessions is very low, even with the ease of access brought about by modern digital technologies such as Zoom. The reasons for this are unknown; one might conjecture that they include lack of publicity, insufficient time during or after a busy working day, the feeling that previous experience renders attendance unnecessary, or the assumption that there is little to be learned. In most school-university partnerships, joint assessment is represented by one classroom observation of the student conducted by their school- and university-based teacher educators, and, perhaps as a consequence of this, it cannot be claimed with confidence that the high-stakes “performance” lesson has been consigned to the past. To sum up, the most recent research which includes investigation of the work of SBTEs in Scotland demonstrates that: there is a consensus that the role is a complex, multifaceted one; there is insufficient shared understanding of the role; the quality of

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support provided by SBTEs is inconsistent; and targeted, specialised professional learning is required to enhance the expertise of SBTEs.

What We Know About School-Based Teacher Educators: From the Measuring Quality in Initial Teacher Education Project In addition to the research reviewed above, this section seeks to shed further light on issues relating to “school-based teacher educators” by presenting and discussing data from the Measuring Quality in Initial Teacher Education (MQuITE) project (www. mquite.scot). MQuITE is a six-year, collaborative project funded by the Scottish Government, involving all 11 university providers of ITE in Scotland and the GTCS. The overall aim of the project is to develop, collaboratively, a framework for assessing ITE quality and to use it as part of a five-year cohort study. It is worth noting, in the context of this chapter, that while MQuITE focuses principally on ITE, the evidence being presented here is based on school-based colleagues’ views of mentoring, and very many of the teachers who support student teachers during ITE also support newly qualified teachers during the induction year; it is therefore reasonable to assume that responses to this specific ITE-focused survey have relevance to the wider early phase which includes the induction year. While most of the MQuITE empirical data collection focuses on student and early career teachers, in 2018 a survey was carried out with school staff involved in mentoring/supporting students (229 responses), and a similar one with university staff involved in ITE (150 responses). The survey consisted of a number of Likert scale questions with some opportunities for free-text responses. While we were interested in the extent to which these two groups of colleagues involved in teacher education held similar views, and where their views differed, this section focuses principally on how the school-based mentors understand their roles.

Demographics Of the 229 school-based respondents, 70% were female (29% male, 1% preferred not to say), comparing well with a total population in which 77% of teachers are female (Scottish Government, 2018). There was a good representation of staff based in primary schools (46%) and in secondary schools (50%), with a small number (4%) working in other sectors such as all-through special education or nursery/preschool settings. All staff involved in supporting student teacher learning were invited to respond to the survey, whether they were carrying out this work as a class teacher mentor or as a senior leader with oversight of early phase teacher support across a department or school. The sample comprised the following: 45% working as main grade teachers; 19% as “middle management” such as departmental heads; 29% in senior management positions; and 7% in other roles. We also asked about respondents’ highest level of qualifications (Table 1):

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Table 1 School survey respondents’ levels of qualification Qualification No degree PGDE or undergraduate degree with no masters-level credits Some masters-level credits Full masters or doctorate

Percentage of respondents 2% 45% 31% 22%

Respondents were asked where they had gained their teaching qualifications, with 91% of respondents having undertaken their ITE in Scotland, and therefore most likely also completed their own induction period in Scotland too. Given the fairly homogenous state of Scottish ITE, particularly in the period prior to 2018 when the survey was carried out (MacDonald & Rae, 2018), this suggests that those involved in school-based teacher education had had fairly common experiences of learning to teach themselves, implying a lack of diversity in the experiences that might be brought to bear in the mentoring process.

Key Findings Against a national policy backdrop where in 2011 the Scottish Government accepted the recommendation in the Donaldson Report (Donaldson, 2011) that “all teachers should see themselves as teacher educators and be trained in mentoring” (p. 73), it might have been expected that those involved in supporting students in 2018 would have, at the very least, undergone structured “training” or education in mentoring. With this in mind, the survey data were analyzed thematically in response to the following question: “What do these school-based teacher educators reveal about their understandings of mentoring, and what ‘training’ have they received in this area?”. Through a process of thematic coding, five key themes emerged: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Views on practicum and its organization “Standard for Provisional Registration” (SPR), observation, and assessment Time and expectations Concerns about variable quality Suggestions for the future

Through an exploration of respondents’ views on practicum it became clear that there was a lack of understanding of the various pedagogical approaches underpinning different ITE program structures. This was evident through what might be termed pleas for organizational alignment that would make the mentor’s life easier (as opposed to necessarily enhancing the student teacher’s learning experience). For example, one respondent wrote: “It is VERY, VERY troublesome that placement dates vary to the extent that they do. . . Please get together and agree consistent dates for each course – surely it can’t be that difficult to do this.” In a similar vein, another said “There is no rhyme nor reason with placements in terms of timing,

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length or focus.” These comments focus, perhaps understandably, on the convenience of “placement” (practicum) dates for schools rather than on any underpinning rationale for their pattern, timing, or focus. This arguably suggests a conception of practicum as a discrete school-based period of practicing teaching, rather than as an integral part of wider coherent piece of professional learning which straddles more than one learning site. This point is exemplified by one respondent who stated that universities had not taught “the basics” before students arrived in schools. This is not to place blame on teacher mentors, but rather to illustrate a lack of a shared articulation and understanding of the role of the school-based element of ITE in relation to the program as a whole. A separate, but related theme is that of time and expectations. It is clear that for many respondents, mentoring ITE students is often seen as an additional task rather than as a part of their regular contractual work (this despite, as mentioned above, the fact that supporting student and probationer teachers is a contractual obligation for teachers in Scotland). This view is encapsulated in comments such as “class teachers are often committed to other classes and unable to provide support [to students],” with a more explicit appeal from one: “Please don’t put any more onto class teachers.” Underpinning this view of mentoring as an “add-on” responsibility is the way in which respondents positioned themselves vis-à-vis the university. In terms of assessment, it was quite clear that respondents felt that despite a discourse of shared assessment, “the universities often overrule the schools.” When asked if there is real and genuine partnership in ITE, 53% of respondents replied “not really” or “definitely not.” This compares with 26% of university-based teacher educators who were asked the same question in a similar survey (n ¼ 150), indicating that schoolbased mentors are indeed less likely to feel that they have a genuine shared role in ITE, and therefore that they would be unlikely to identify as “school-based teacher educators.” In addition to a sense that mentoring is an additional task on top of regular teaching responsibilities, respondents commented on the lack of systematic preparation: “Teachers need to be more confident in being honest with students.” “Many school mentors have clearly never read the placement guides sent to them.” “Too much is expected of class teacher who often have no experience or understanding of the mentoring role.”

The lack of structured preparation for the mentoring role was also reflected in respondents’ concerns about variable quality, encapsulated by one in the suggestion that “there appears to be no quality control of the teachers with whom students are placed.” These free-text comments reflect findings from the multiple-choice survey questions where 50% of respondents answered “yes” to the question “have you

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undertaken any professional development/learning relating to mentoring,” and 50% answered “no.” Of the 50% who answered yes, subsequent free-text responses indicated that what this development/learning constituted varied enormously, from short briefing sessions run by the employing authority or university to postgraduate modules and a few specialized full masters courses. Ultimately, the data reveal that for the 229 respondents in this survey, we are nowhere near Donaldson’s aspiration that all teachers should be trained in mentoring. This aligns closely with key themes from the other Scottish research reviewed in the previous section. When we set this lack of preparation for the mentoring role alongside concerns about pressures of time, it conveys a strong message that the role is not sufficiently well valued to be properly resourced. The issue of preparedness in carrying out a mentoring role is further complicated by responses to the following Likert scale questions: • How experienced would you say you are in mentoring student teachers? • Please rate how competent you feel in your mentoring role? • Do you feel that you would benefit from further professional development/ learning in mentoring at this point in your career? Responses ranged from 1 ¼ not at all to 5 ¼ very much. The spread of responses is shown in Fig. 1 below: The narrative arising from the above results tells us that while 69% of respondents claim to be experienced or very experienced in mentoring students, even more – 82% – claim to be competent or very competent. So, some respondents lay claim to being competent or very competent, despite not claiming to be experienced or very experienced, and only 43% of respondents feel that they would benefit from further

Fig. 1 Likert scale responses relating to experience, competence, and development needs

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professional learning. This raises a number of questions such as: On what basis do respondents feel competent?; Why is there a mismatch between how experienced respondents feel they are and the need to learn more – does this imply that there is a sense in which professional learning is not necessary to undertake a mentoring role?; and if further learning is not necessary, then what would respondents say that their feelings of competence are based on?

What Do These Data Tell Us? Comments about how practicum ought to be organized suggest a lack of understanding of the pedagogical underpinnings of ITE programs. This lack of awareness of the pedagogical basis is underscored by the findings which pinpoint to a lack of systematic preparation for the mentoring role. It is therefore arguably safe to assume that much of the mentoring that takes place in schools in Scotland is based on experiential knowledge of one’s own ITE, and on folk knowledge gained through “hearsay.” Neither of these serve to form a stable knowledge base for supporting school-based teacher education. There is, therefore, a need to consider how teachers might be enabled to access more relevant knowledge in a structured and systematic way. The fact that the early phase of teacher learning in Scotland relies so heavily on mentoring and practicum (Kennedy, 2022), yet the school-based teacher education role is so clearly undervalued and under-resourced, exemplifies a system based on goodwill, clearly not an optimal condition for quality learning. The question of “value” is prominent in this analysis, that is, while the mentoring role assumes a key position in the discourse, it does not appear so prominently in structures. Issues of time, professional learning, and professional appreciation are paramount here. The evidence presented here from the MQuITE project provides a clear warrant for the conclusion that early phase school-based teacher education in Scotland, and the mentoring of student teachers in particular, lacks structure, systematic preparation, and clarity over respective roles. This warrant, together with the other evidence discussed above, suggests a need for considerable development of the system if we are genuinely to make the most of school-based teacher education.

A Manifesto The foregoing discussion has highlighted the contemporary policy context in Scotland as well as provided a synthesis of key empirical research which focuses on the school-based element of early phase teacher education. While the Scottish policy discourse uses the terms “mentor” (in ITE) and “supporter” (in the teacher induction scheme), we have argued that the policy trajectory points to an inevitability that we should be aspiring to genuinely view the work of mentors and supporters as schoolbased teacher education. Here we refer to the European Commission’s (2013, p. 8) assertion that “Teacher Educators are all those who actively facilitate the (formal)

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learning of student teachers and teachers.” We are therefore arguing not only for a change in terminology, but a more fundamental change in the way in which the role is reconceptualized. The data from the MQuITE project highlights that we are currently a significant way of school-based “mentors” viewing themselves as genuine partners in early phase teacher education, and a purposeful change in the discourse would go some way toward making more visible an expectation that teacher education happens both in universities and in schools; it should absolutely not be the case that theory is taught in universities and then skills practiced in schools. In reconceptualizing the role of the mentor or supporter as that of school-based teacher educator, we are compelled to consider not only the importance of changing the discourse, but also of how such a role could be properly embedded. It seems apparent, from the literature and data considered above, that there is an argument for ensuring that every teacher who acts in a mentoring capacity to support early career teachers should have some degree of specific preparation to enable them to carry out a school-based teacher educator role with both confidence and confidence. We argue that this should not be something that would be resisted given that the duty to support students and probationers is specifically noted as a contractual obligation for teachers. Not only that, but the discussion above illustrates the perennial nature of calls to action regarding the upskilling of teachers’ capacity to act as mentors. Given that there are roughly 12,000 individual teaching placements and approximately 3500 probationer teachers each year in the teacher induction scheme, this means that somewhere in excess of 15,000 teachers in Scottish schools take on mentoring roles every year (this from a total of 53,000 registered teachers across the country).The evidence points to the expectation that most, if not all, teachers will be expected to support students and probationers during their careers, and we therefore argue that it makes sense for all teachers to have a grounding in how to support their colleagues’ learning. As all teachers are required to undertake ITE and induction, then it makes sense to include a basic level of education about supporting teacher learning at the early phase. This could, for example, take the form of more deliberate teaching around the purposes, practices, and benefits of observation at the ITE stage, and some exploration of other forms of professional learning such as learning rounds or lesson study during the induction year. These would not have to be additional “content” as such, rather they could be embedded in existing work that early phase teachers do around preparing for school-based learning (practicum) or enquiry-based learning often required during induction. While including a basic level of education at the early phase is arguably necessary for all teachers, we also identify a need for specialist expertise in each school which would enable all school-based teacher educators to be supported and challenged, and all early phase teachers to have someone on staff who has advanced knowledge and expertise in how best to support teacher learning. In many ways it seems particularly odd that this does not already happen in teaching when we know that many other professions in Scotland have this requirement. For example, in order to supervise social work students, experienced social workers must complete a “practice learning qualification” (Scottish Social Services Council, n.d.). Those supervising student

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doctors require to undertake “trainer recognition and approval” courses and then to account for ongoing continuing professional development in this area (Scotland Deanery, n.d.). While requirements for practice supervisors in nursing have changed recently, taking away the requirement for practice supervisors to complete a formal course, the Nursing and Midwifery Council (2018) now lays out expectations for the roles of “practice supervisor,” “practice assessor,” and “academic assessor” which include statements about their preparation for their respective roles. It seems clear then that in addition to the suggestion above that all teachers should have a basic level of preparation in supporting colleagues’ learning, there is also a well-evidenced argument that each school requires at least one colleague with specific specialist expertise in supporting teacher learning. This approach would not only allow for local support of early career teachers, but would also be a source of support to those teachers responsible for supporting an early career teacher in a mentoring capacity. Such a role would also serve as a means of enhancing schooluniversity partnerships similar to that created in the University of Edinburgh’s MSc Transformative Learning and Teaching, where each cluster of schools nominates a teacher to act as “cluster tutor.” Cluster tutors are required to undertake advanced masters-level education in supporting teacher learning, and work in partnership with local schools and the university to design and deliver the program (Kennedy, 2018). Such a role would align very well indeed with the emerging lead teacher structures recently approved in Scotland. The research and inquiry underpinning the lead teacher concept points to the idea that supporting, enabling, and valuing expertise in schools could be good for individual teachers in terms of job satisfaction and retention, but could also benefit schools as increased levels of specific expertise can be used to upskill colleagues within and beyond individual schools, taking into account the local contextual conditions (Courtney, 2018). Importantly in the Scottish context, the establishment of such roles would help to facilitate the long-held policy aspiration of “leadership at all levels” (Hamilton et al., 2018). Courtney (2018) does caution, however, against the potential unintended consequences of adopting a particular policy solution without having adequately understood the policy “problem.” In this case, while there may well be many additional benefits in introducing the role of lead school-based teacher educator, it is crucial that its primary intention (i.e., the policy problem seeking to be addressed) would be to improve the quality and experience of early phase teachers. Unfortunately, at the time of writing it remains unclear if there will be sufficient funding available for the post of lead teacher to be created equitably across the country, and in significant numbers to allow such a role to become commonplace. A commitment to ensuring each school has a lead teacher responsible for supporting school-based teacher education would require such teachers to be able to access suitable education in order to carry out the role. In the Scottish context, with an emphasis on masters-level learning for teachers, it would make sense for masters-level courses to be available to teachers who wanted to extend their interest in school-based teacher education and to become a school lead in this area. White (2019, p. 201) points out that “the majority of the literature [on school-based teacher educators] focuses on the role of mentoring or supervising and not necessarily on

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understanding a pedagogy of teacher education,” something also reflected in the MQuITE data discussed above. One example of a program which might meet this need is the University of Strathclyde’s Postgraduate Certificate in Supporting Teacher Learning. The program draws on cutting-edge research, also enabling participants to engage in different approaches to supporting their colleagues’ learning. It is structured around three distinct, but linked modules: how teachers learn, contexts for teacher learning, and approaches to teacher learning. Not only does such a course allow for in-depth, critical study of how to support teacher learning, but it also serves to develop and foster a network of educators with interest and expertise in supporting teacher learning; this is something which can help to sustain ongoing professional learning in the area. Providing access to bespoke education pathways would not only enhance expertise, it would also signify that school-based teacher educators were valued: This is absolutely crucial for such a system to work. We know from existing research (for example, data from the MQuITE project reported above) that teachers engaged in mentoring roles see themselves as distinct from university-based teacher educators, and indeed this distinction also implies a hierarchy whereby the university-based teacher educator is deemed to have greater expertise and influence than their schoolbased colleague (White, 2019). This despite the fact that most university-based teacher educators involved in supporting student teachers on placement undergoes no specific formal education themselves to prepare them for the complex role of teacher educator (Loughran & Menter, 2019). Finally, if one is prepared to accept that the existing literature provides sufficient warrant for the above recommendations, then it is absolutely crucial that the role of school-based teacher educator is properly valued. This might involve certification: In the Australian context, Ingvarson (2018, p. 12) concludes that “a certification system aims to enhance student [pupil] learning by providing clear direction and incentives for teachers’ professional learning and widespread implementation of successful teaching practices.” However, whether formal certification is required or not, there is most definitely a need to protect time, to invest in appropriate education, and to confer suitable status on a role that has the potential to influence generations of teachers for years to come. In conclusion, we believe that the evidence presented in this chapter warrants the manifesto priorities argued for above. In summary, such a commitment would involve five key priorities: 1. Being assertive in (re)shaping the discourse through identifying the work of mentors and supporters as school-based teacher educators, and therefore referring to the people engaged in such work as school-based teacher educators 2. Ensuring that every new teacher gets at least a basic level of education during ITE and the induction year to support them in delivering school-based teacher education to student and probationer teachers 3. Creating a system whereby every school in Scotland has a lead school-based teacher educator, recognized for their expertise in teacher education pedagogy

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4. Developing and funding masters-level pathways for teachers to gain the status of lead school–based teacher educator 5. Valuing school-based teacher educators in terms of status, time, and ongoing professional learning We know that quality of mentoring matters, and that this can be developed through profession-wide education. However, we also know that school-based teacher education is more than simply mentoring or coaching; it requires a good knowledge of underpinning pedagogy of teacher education. It is not reasonable to assume that every teacher will have this level of expertise, and this is why we would advocate for a lead school–based teacher educator in every school. Without serious rethinking and investment in this area we are destined to spend the coming years regularly revisiting the suggestions of Brown (1995) and Donaldson (2011). We believe that the evidence in this manifesto points to the need for a serious change of culture and structure in relation to school-based teacher educators in Scotland, and that this would have the potential to seriously improve both quality and retention in the profession, thereby providing a firm basis upon which ambitious, socially progressive education policy can be advanced.

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Regulating and Reifying Teacher Professional Development: Teachers’ Learning under Global Policy Conditions

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conceptualizing Teachers’ Professional Development Uunder Globalized Policy Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theorizing the Reification and Regulation of Teacher Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . Regulation Through Scalecraft and Scrutiny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Putting these Ideas to Work: Globalized PD Policy Processes in Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Queensland College of Teachers: CPD Requirements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Education Queensland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . QCAA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Globalizing PD Policy in Context: Audit, Accountability, Reification, and Regulation . . . . . . An Alternative: A Call for Complexity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Keywords

Teachers’ learning · Teacher professional development · Professional development policy · Reification · Regulation · Accountability · Audit

Introduction This chapter provides insights into how teacher professional development is currently understood in state and statutory policy at present in Anglo-settings. Specifically, it draws upon reflections on how professional development is construed within peak teacher education authorities that oversee teachers’ professional education and continuing professional development and employment. It draws upon the example of the state of Queensland, Australia, and particularly how the key educational authorities responsible for registration (Queensland College of Teachers), I. Hardy (*) School of Education, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_21

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curriculum endorsement and assessment development (Queensland Curriculum and Assessment Authority), and employment (Education Queensland) frame teachers’ learning within their respective professional development policies. The Queensland case reveals such settings as sites of a broader phenomenon of both reification and regulation of what is construed as “appropriate” teacher professional development, and how the content, timing, and enactment of teachers’ learning is potentially curtailed by such processes. Such provision of teachers’ learning reflects the imbrication of broader global, national, and more local processes, and how a broader global context in which accountability logics have come to dominate over more substantive educational concerns has replaced the relative neglect of teachers’ continuing learning practices in the past with concerns about the need to constantly make such practices auditable. The result is an increasingly reified and regulated approach to teachers’ learning.

Conceptualizing Teachers’ Professional Development Uunder Globalized Policy Conditions In a synthesis of 35 “methodologically rigorous” studies of effective teacher professional development, Linda Darling Hammond and colleagues (2017) outline what they describe as seven widely shared features of effective professional development. Such PD: (1) is content focused, including in relation to discipline-specific knowledge and pedagogies; (2) involves active learning, entailing active design and incorporation of teaching strategies and authentic artifacts for deeply contextualized professional learning; (3) is collaborative, involving the creation of communities that promote productive cultures at grade level, department, school, and district/region; (4) deploys curricula and teaching/instructional models of effective practice; (5) entails coaching and expert support to respond to teachers’ individual needs; (6) involves opportunities for reflection and to receive feedback about teachers’ practice, and (7) occurs over a sustained time period. Within such a framework, effective professional development is defined as “structured professional learning that results in changes in teacher practices and improvements in student learning outcomes” (Darling-Hammond et al. 2017, p. v). Similarly, the most recent OECD Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) results reveal that effective professional development needs to be ongoing and involve opportunities for practice and the provision of feedback, and time to follow-up involvement in particular initiatives (OECD 2018). Furthermore, 82% of teachers indicated the PD they were involved in had had some impact upon their teaching practices. However, while the PD that had the most impact was reported as that which involved a strong focus on content/curriculum content and collaborative approaches to teaching and active learning, the most prevalent forms of PD that teachers actually participated in involved attendance at courses/seminars (76%) and the reading of professional literature (72%). Only 44% of teachers were engaged in

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more collaborative approaches involving some form of self or peer observation, or coaching and various kinds of networking (OECD 2018). There was also found to be a connection between involvement in school-based/embedded PD and senses of selfefficacy and job satisfaction. This also resonates with research evidence in support of how more active forms of teacher learning, such as teacher coaching, are found to have a beneficial influence upon teaching practice and student learning (Kraft et al. 2018). Indeed, instructional coaching for high-quality professional development is characterized as: content focused; involving active learning; sustained over time; coherent; and focused on collective participation (Desimone and Pak 2017). More collaborative forms of PD are expressed in myriad ways, including for both more educative and performance-related purposes. These include various kinds of “rounds,” including “Quality Teaching Rounds” in schools in the Australian context which endeavor to provide opportunities to enhance teachers’ actual practice (Bowe and Gore 2017), through to more “functional” PD in the English setting, emphasizing aspects of teachers’ work and learning focused on increasing productivity, e.g., in relation to performance appraisal, external judging of schools, increased involvement in preservice education, and increased school autonomy (Zeng and Day 2019). Such PD may also be more “attitudinal” in orientation, such as PD in the Chinese (Shanghai) context which may seek to influence teachers’ sense of efficacy, commitment, stability of identity, and well-being; this is the case even as more functional approaches are simultaneously evident in these settings more broadly (Zeng and Day 2019). Within relevant CPD literature, there is also evidence of what obstructs the relationship between CPD and impact upon teaching practice and student learning (McChesney and Aldridge 2019a). Part of this obstruction relates to the relationship between professional development and teacher evaluation. Su et al. (2017) advocate teacher learning as a more authentic process of knowing and becoming, rather than being simply dominated by a broader policy agenda focused on efficiency and system integration. Drawing upon a Habermasian system-lifeworld perspective, in a Taiwanese context, Su et al. (2017) argue for a more lifeworld-oriented perspective that takes into account what makes sense to teachers rather than becoming beholden to evaluation processes that have the capacity to dominate teachers’ practices. Relatedly, Lillejord and Børte (2020) focus attention on the tensions between teacher evaluation processes that seek to address both accountability and formative development purposes. Lillejord and Børte’s (2020) systematic evaluation of teacher evaluation processes revealed the failure of formative purposes, and a strong focus upon more technical aspects of summative evaluation of teacher performance. Such responses reflect the influence of broader global policy pressures and prerogatives that construe increased evaluation of teachers’ practice as necessary for addressing the “problem” of teacher quality and as a vehicle to govern education policy globally (Sørensen and Robertson 2019). At the same time, there is also considerably more policy work to be done in the area of providing the circumstances to build substantive evaluation capacity among

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those in schools; this includes in relation to the scope for evaluation (what is evaluated) and approaches (how this is to be achieved) (McChesney and Aldridge 2019b). Nevertheless, while various practical and psychological barriers surround evaluation of school-based personnel, and more needs to be done to try to address these, Tuytens and Devos (2017) also reveal how teacher evaluation processes can be employed to foster school improvement. Such evaluation processes are both formal and informal and can include opportunities to express appreciation for the work of teachers, as well as serving as vehicles to enhance teachers’ classroom and school practices. Feedback also takes into account teachers’ stage of development and fosters more whole-school development, as well as individual classroom development. Various school organizational characteristics were also found to be evident in schools focused on enhancing teacher learning for whole-school improvement, including high incidences of teacher participation, sense of shared vision within the school, teacher collaboration, and professional learning. Nevertheless, and even as more productive conditions were evident in individual school sites, broader policy mandates simultaneously mitigate against the development of more productive capacities and capabilities. Significantly, in relation to professional learning, teachers and principals indicated that while attendance at two external training courses per year was mandatory, these were rarely beneficial: [B]oth principals and teachers express their disappointment about many of these external trainings. All teachers claim that external training hardly ever contributes to the improvement of their practice. In most cases, they identify training courses as too academic, and hence, too hard to transfer to their practice. (Tuytens and Devos 2017, p. 18)

Such training courses attract opprobrium for continuing to enforce traditional, problematic dualisms between mind and body; Korthagen (2017), for example, critiques teachers’ learning as traditionally constructed – with practice construed as subject to theory. Instead, he argues for greater attention to how teachers actually learn, particularly how such learning may be unconscious, and involve various cognitive, emotional, and motivational elements. Policy makers also struggle to respond more productively to the multifaceted nature of learning that characterizes actual teachers’ learning. Such learning occurs at multiple levels, including in relation to the broader environment in which teachers work, the particular competencies teachers possess and the central or “core values” that they hold; this notion of core values “refers to people’s personal qualities, such as creativity, trust, care, courage, sensitivity, decisiveness, spontaneity, commitment and flexibility” (Korthagen 2017, p. 396). A substantive theory of teacher learning needs to incorporate all of these elements and levels into a coherent whole, and to work across these levels to develop a more holistic conception of such learning. Given the difficulty of encapsulating such processes, and particularly the person of the teacher, Korthagen (2017) refers to such insights as “inconvenient truths” for policy-makers who may be seeking simpler, specific indicators or lists of teachers’

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capacities and competencies as vehicles to foster teacher learning. Consequently, while “in teacher learning, the connection with the person of the teacher is crucial” (p. 387), it is often overlooked. Such context-relevant and person-centric approaches struggle to attract necessary attention within a broader global process in which attention to teachers’ work and learning are seen as needing to foster enhanced global competitiveness (Sørensen and Robertson 2019).

Theorizing the Reification and Regulation of Teacher Professional Development With these conceptions of teachers’ learning in mind, I seek to adopt a toolbox approach to theorizing the sorts of teacher PD policy that currently influence teachers’ practices, and those that might contribute to more productive learning; this is in keeping with Ball’s (1993) argument that “what we need in policy analysis is a toolbox of diverse concepts and theories” (p. 10). Such an approach values and validates the complexity of teachers’ learning, its hybridity, and often uncertainty. In particular, I draw upon Honneth’s (2008) concept of reification from a recognition-theoretical perspective, and notions of regulation as understood at various scales in which teacher PD policy is developed and operationalized. That is, it is necessary to “recognize” the place and value of teachers in their PD, and not to frame policy in ways that expunge/marginalize them as active participants in their own learning. Such concepts are useful for reflecting upon more reified global processes in relation to teachers’ learning, and how these have been expressed, adopted, and resisted. Some of the original intentions of the critical conception of reification are useful to reflect upon when considering the nature of teacher PD policy and subsequent practices. Within this critical tradition, and in its original instantiations, the notion of reification was intimately connected with “forgetting” – forgetting that it was the constitutive role of the labor of the proletariat, and praxis, that had made the social world, but whose work in this endeavor had been all but annihilated. This was the substance of Lukács’ classic argument about how “a relationship between people has taken on the character of a thing” (Lukács 1971/1923, p. 83). There is a sense in which the “second nature” to which Lukács (1971/1923) ascribed reification in capitalist conditions resulted in people considering themselves and all around them as things and objects. For Lukács, such conditioning constituted a “social fact” rather than something that was considered morally objectionable (Honneth 2008); it was simply how the world was. Honneth (2008) challenged the more “neutral” stance advocated by Lukács, and drawing upon Heidegger’s notion of care, argued that “our actions do not primarily have the character of an affectively neutral, cognitive stance toward the world, but rather that of an affirmative, existentially coloured style of caring comportment” (p. 38). Indeed, a more “recognitional stance” values people in and of themselves and does not devalue their worth:

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[i]n living, we constantly concede to the situational circumstances of our world a value of their own, which brings us to be concerned with our relationship to them. On this elementary level, the concept of recognition thus shares a fundamental notion not only with Dewey’s concept of practical involvement, but also with Heidegger’s care and Lukács’ engaged praxis; namely, the notion that the stance of empathetic engagement in the world, arising from the experience of the world’s significance and value (Werthaftigkeit), is prior to our acts of detached cognition. A recognitional stance therefore embodies our active and constant assessment of the value that persons or things have in themselves. (Honneth 2008, p. 38)

For Honneth (2008), reification is a habit rather than being simply epistemic in nature; actively valuing and recognizing the worth of people is something that is enacted (e.g., through PD policy), not simply thought. Furthermore, Honneth (2008) argues for a more complex rendering of the concept, moving away from Lukács’ more objectifying approach. For Honneth (2008), a more complex rendering of reification is necessary, entailing a sense in which reification is not simply “objectifying” but can be understood as a “forgetfulness” of recognition, whereby recognition is understood as a form of empathetic, direct engagement with other persons and events/occurrences. For Honneth, this forgetting of the recognitive circumstances that characterize meaningful interactions is at the heart of processes of reification and contributes to a lack of empathy for others and the responsibilities we have toward them: To the extent to which in our acts of cognition we lose sight of the fact that these acts owe their existence to our having taken up an antecedent recognitional stance, we develop a tendency to perceive other persons as mere insensate objects. By speaking here of mere objects or ‘things’, I mean that in this kind of amnesia, we lose the ability to understand immediately the behavioural expressions of other persons as making claims on us – as demanding that we react in an appropriate way. (pp. 57–58)

There is a subsequent failure to respond appropriately to the concerns expressed by others or to whom we are obliged to act differently in light of current circumstances: We may indeed be capable in a cognitive sense of perceiving the full spectrum of human expressions, but we lack, so to speak, the feeling of connection that would be necessary for us to be affected by the expressions we perceive. In this respect, forgetting our antecedent recognition, which I take to be the core of all forms of reification, indeed corresponds to the results produced by a perceptive reification of the world. In other words, our social surrounds appear here. . .as a totality of merely observable objects lacking all psychic impulse or emotion. (p. 58)

Reification can thus become something of a process whereby original goals (e.g., educational) become somewhat attenuated from more recent goals and foci (e.g., accountability, audit processes), or marginalized in the pursuit of these alternative goals and foci. In this chapter, this is the conception of reification that is drawn upon – the tendency to inadequately acknowledge the personhood of people – in this case, the overt engagement with teachers as active learners in their own professional development.

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Regulation Through Scalecraft and Scrutiny Furthermore, these reification processes are expressed in particular policy spaces that are more or less regulatory in nature. Such regulation operates at and across particular scales – globally, nationally, state/province, and more locally. In the example presented here, such regulation operates at the level of the state/(province) of Queensland. At the Queensland state level, education provision and its regulation are administered through a range of specific technologies that seek to influence what occurs at more “local” sites – particularly schools – but in the context of broader national reforms, which are themselves influenced by global processes. The politics of scale are therefore very much at play in a policy process that fosters educational governance at the local level but which is influenced by these broader processes. The state, thereby, becomes imbricated with the local and the global (Lingard 2021), through a process of engagement between policy actors, policies, and those to whom they are directed – local actors who enact policy in their own particular, pathdependent ways. The conception of scalecraft used in this chapter is one that recognizes that scales are not simply separate levels (global, national, local) that exist in some sort of “isolation” in relation to one another, but are sociopolitical constructs that are actively deployed and that can be drawn upon to understand policy development as involving the interplay between different spatial levels; the process of scalecraft, therefore, involves recognition of the construction of particular relations of power in the interplay between these spatial entities and how meaning making is influenced by such scalar understandings (Clarke 2019). It is important to recognize the “constructedness” of these policy conditions, and how the “making up” of particular scales (e.g., the Queensland educational administrative apparatus) is a social and political practice in which policy is intricately involved: Policy, then, is interwoven with scale in multiple ways. It is created and enacted at specific scales; it creates, adjusts or reinforces particular scalar hierarchies; and it constantly reinforces the significance of scales. In the process, it borrows from the authorisation of existing scalar levels (the placelessness of the European; the weight of the national; the implied membership or sharing of the local, for example). It then reciprocally enhances the authority of those levels – and the agencies and agents who people them. However, even as the way in which policy is enacted is always dependent upon local circumstances, the broader discourses that characterize policy influence how such enactments transpire. (Clarke 2019, p. x)

In this case, the scale of the Queensland state is an entity that seeks to exert influence, within broader national and global processes. Those at the “front-line,” as Clarke (2019) argues, are constructed as responsive within a more hierarchical conception of practice, even as such hierarchies have been heavily rearticulated in the past four decades (e.g., via various networks) by a more “dispersed state” (Clarke and Newman 1997). And, again, the actual enactment of policy reflects the imbrications of the global, national, and local (Lingard 2021). These regulatory spaces are heavily bureaucratic in nature. Murphy (2020) refers to the bureaucracy of educational accountability and how such bureaucracy entails ever greater scrutiny of the nature of teachers’ work. Various forms of quality

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assurance indicators have been constructed that have enabled education to be subject to increased scrutiny: There is a constant demand for legitimation and justification from the political sphere in the form of highly visible accountability mechanisms. . ., with mounting levels of paperwork required to account for their professional capacity, judgment and competence. (Murphy 2020, p. 194).

These accountability mechanisms serve as a form of regulation of education provision, the evidence of which includes the plethora of paperwork designed to provide evidence of professional legitimacy and competence. Arguably, such foci are reflective of what Adorno and Horkheimer (1973) referred to earlier as the “totally administered society,” and what Habermas and affiliated scholars have described as forms of instrumental rationality and colonization of the educational lifeworld, including through performance targets and measures. Such accountability mechanisms are also reflective of multiple kinds of auditing processes, including through the influence of the global spread of large-scale assessments and test-based accountability mechanisms (Verger et al. 2019). Importantly, even as accountability demands have continued to exert influence, and policies have sought to foster increased scrutiny of practice, these influences are also mediated at the level of practitioners. As Murphy (2020) indicates, such concerns are subject to contestation – “boundary disputes” – over the extent to which particular regulatory mechanisms exert influence: [T]he scrutiny and the debate that has evolved around accountability is to a great extent a product of boundary disputes – who gets to make professional decisions, where does judgment and discretion lie and to what extent should it be deployed in education settings? Regulatory oversight asks questions of education autonomy but must also grapple with the consequences of this oversight as well as the myriad ways in which policy can be manipulated at the level of the street. (p. 203)

Nevertheless, even as the way in which these policy prerogatives actually play out is an empirical question, and always open to further inquiry and interrogation of subsequent practice, educators are subject to increased regulation and restrictions, including at global, national, and state/provincial scales. Identifying the specific character of such restrictions is a first step to fostering alternative approaches in policy, and ultimately practice.

Putting these Ideas to Work: Globalized PD Policy Processes in Context To exemplify the nature of these reified, regulatory influences, this chapter elaborates how professional development is construed within the principal educational authorities in the Australian state of Queensland responsible for the registration (Queensland College of Teachers (QCT)), employment (Education Queensland), and

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provision of curriculum and assessment for teachers (Queensland Curriculum and Assessment Authority (QCAA)). The QCT is more focused on the type of PD undertaken and its relationship to professional teaching standards, while Education Queensland is more focused on various administrative expectations for PD within the public education authority. QCAA is more focused on PD relating to issues of curriculum and assessment practices. Collectively, such bodies reflect the significant influence of the level of the individual states on education in the Australian federal context, where the states (rather than the Commonwealth government) are constitutionally responsible for education. Key policies were presented in the respective authorities’ websites, and downloaded in late 2020. Collectively, they flag what the level of the state construes as “worthwhile” PD. The explicit references to teachers’ learning and professional development are explicated below, prior to an analysis of the nature of such midlevel policy provision for teachers’ learning, particularly how relevant policies seek to construct PD practice within broader national and global policy conditions. These policies were analyzed using both a priori theoretical resources associated with the reification and regulation of teachers’ learning, particularly the work of Honneth et al. (2008), Clarke (2019) and Murphy (2020), and more emergent thematic development from within and across the policies themselves (Miles and Huberman 1994). Methodologically, such an approach is also in keeping with Murphy’s (2020) call for researchers working in the area of education governance to consider the value of more hybridized approaches, involving combining elements of varying theories to constitute new theories/analytical tools.

Queensland College of Teachers: CPD Requirements The Queensland College of Teachers, the statutory authority charged with the registration of teachers in Queensland, frames PD in relation to what it describes as the Continuing Professional Development (CPD) Policy and Framework, which is itself described as a requirement of the legislation that enabled the development of the Queensland College of Teachers. The relationship between continuing professional development and continuing registration is also made explicit: The QCT has developed a Continuing Professional Development (CPD) Policy and Framework. This is required under the Education (Queensland College of Teachers) Act 2005, section 30 (1). The purpose of the CPD Policy and Framework is to recognise the importance of teacher engagement in continuing professional development and to outline the expectations for renewal of registration. (QCT 2020)

Reflecting the influence of a more “national” scale, this Framework also references the broader Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) that the individual states agreed to implement, through the respective state and federal Ministers of Education, as part of various agreements between the states and the federal government (In the Australian federal context, education is the constitutional responsibility of

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the individual states, but the federal government is able to exert influence through the provision of funding to the states, typically subject to various requirements it deems important.). Explicit mention is made about the nature of minimum requirements that have to be addressed for teachers to maintain their registration: The CPD Policy and Framework has regard to the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) and states the type of CPD required and the minimum amount of CPD a fully registered teacher must undertake. For renewal of registration every five years, fully registered teachers must have undertaken the annual CPD required under the CPD Policy and Framework.

Such specification reflects a more instrumental approach to teachers’ learning, which is similarly reflected in the approaches of registration authorities in other states (see Mockler (2020) for an account of the audit-oriented practices associated with the New South Wales Education Standards Authority, the equivalent of the QCT in that state). Significantly, and further reflecting emphases on teacher professional learning and audit (Mockler 2020), the landing page of the QCT that focuses on teacher professional development includes explicit reference to the way in which various audits are undertaken each year to check that the minimum requirements have been addressed:

CPD Audit Each year the QCT identifies a random sample of registered teachers and requests that they supply records and/or evidence to establish that they have met their CPD requirements.

These audits are also a vehicle through which the QCT can determine the nature of any conditions that will be established to maintain registration: The audit is used by the QCT to decide on renewal of registration, including, for example, whether registration will be renewed with a condition.

This is then followed by an indicative list of examples of CPD in which teachers can participate. This list begins with system-based initiatives, and a focus upon more traditional “workshops, seminars, conferences, courses, online learning” and employer-provided professional development, including PD days, as well as PD provided by the state curriculum and assessment authority (see QCAA below):

CPD Examples The following is an indicative not exhaustive list: Active contribution to education system initiatives, pilots, trials, and projects Activities offered by professional development providers such as workshops, seminars, conferences, courses, and online learning

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School-based and/or employer-provided professional development including professional development days Syllabus, curriculum, and assessment professional development conducted by QCAA or employer Training for and development from participation in national and state test marking, QCAA, and school-based teacher consistency of judgment procedures Preparation for and development resulting from formal presentations to colleagues on classroom practices, research findings, or contemporary issues in education Leading school-based curriculum and/or policy development Preparation for and development through providing collegial professional support for preservice or beginning teachers as part of supervising/mentoring roleEducational research/ action research projects Active involvement in approved overseas teacher exchange, encompassing prepreparation, on-site professional development, and subsequent reporting Professional reading linked to activities such as research, preparation of articles, presentations to colleagues, and professional practice Formal study leading to a qualification in education or field related to teaching area

Such an array of approaches reflects both more traditional as well as active approaches to teachers’ learning, including learning based on teachers’ actual ongoing practice in context. However, such a list also seems to foreground more “external” approaches, beginning with various “education system initiatives, pilots, trials and projects,” and activities provided by various “professional development providers” with a subsequent list of more traditional approaches – “workshops, seminars, conferences, courses, online learning.” This is then followed by various school/employer PD, “including professional development days.” Various kinds of mentoring roles are described, with an emphasis upon teachers at the earlier stages of their careers. More long-term approaches, such as action research projects, and ongoing study leading to qualifications in education or a particular teaching area do reflect the valuing of more ongoing approaches, and approaches that value the content to be taught (Darling-Hammond et al. 2017). However, whether such approaches are adequately foregrounded is open to debate, particularly in a context in which more traditional approaches continue to exert so much influence (OECD 2018).

Education Queensland Within the principal public education apparatus in Queensland, and reflecting more compartmentalized and bureaucratic approaches to education provision (Murphy 2020) at the scale of the state, and in relation to some aspects of scalecraft more broadly (Clarke 2019), professional development is construed primarily within a discourse of compliance. The way in which explicit reference is made to a specific number of days dedicated to professional development reflects such restrictive approaches to teacher PD: Queensland state schools undertake 5 staff professional development days (25 hours) throughout the year:

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Two days at the end of the summer holidays (fixed) Two days during the Easter holidays (flexible) One day in the third last week of Term 3 (fixed) on the student free day (Education Queensland 2020)

The more regulatory approach to PD is reflected in the dominance of administrative foci within explicit renderings of PD, such as reallocating days previously scheduled as PD days. The specificity of detail pertaining to these days further reinforces this administrative emphasis: . . .Within the 25 professional development hours throughout the year, at least 15 hours may be worked on the 3 student free days. The staff professional development days at the end of the summer holiday are fixed and must occur on the scheduled days. The staff professional development day in the third last week of Term 3 is also fixed; however, it may be converted to flexible following consultation with the Local Consultative Committee (LCC) (The LCC is a group comprised of union and employer representatives who meet to discuss particular conditions of work and employment.). Unless converted to flexible, staff professional development must occur on this day. The remaining 2 flexible staff professional development days (10 hours) will be worked as determined through consultation with the LCC.

Schools can determine how they organize the “flexible” days (equivalent of 2 days) suggested to occur during the Easter holidays. However, this is mostly construed in terms of the quotient of time allocated, and emphasis is placed on ensuring that teachers satisfy the requirements to undertake the mandated number of hours of professional development, rather than the nature of the learning to occur during these times: Schools are able to position flexible professional development hours during any school holiday period or at any time outside of school hours, according to their workforce needs and arrangements. Schools that choose to make flexible arrangements must ensure that staff undertake a total of 25 hours professional development per annum, inclusive of the fixed professional development hours. This time is exclusive of staff meetings. Students are not required to attend school on the student free day in the third last week in Term 3, which is an allocated staff professional development day. Similar to the 2 flexible days during the Easter holidays, there is flexibility in how schools use this professional development time. If a school, in consultation with their LCC, chooses to undertake the 5 required hours of professional development outside school hours, staff are not required to attend school on this day. If a school chooses to undertake the 5 required hours of professional development on this day, it must be taken on the student free day in Term 3. For all flexible arrangements, the school community must ensure that decisions are made in consultation with their LCC. Schools with less than 20 employees must liaise with a consultative body of staff. Arrangements for staff professional development days must be finalized by the end of the previous year. As required, the Minister for Education may approve staff professional development days for specific professional development opportunities.

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Such an account reflects how the regulation of the timing of teacher professional development in public schools is a key concern of the principal public educational apparatus in the state of Queensland, and how a broader construal of professional development struggles to develop a niche within which it might thrive. The various levels and values to which Korthagen (2017) refers seem marginalized in such lists of approaches; the personhood of teachers and their personal qualities – including creativity, care, trust, courage, sensitivity, decisiveness, and spontaneity, among others – seem attenuated, and more easily subsumed within many of the approaches described. That is, the recognition of teachers by the “system” seems lacking.

QCAA The QCAA (QCAA 2020) makes a number of assertions and claims that also reflect a more passive approach to teachers’ professional development, even as it provides the possibility to “think differently” about how professional development might be constructed and enacted. Multiple discourses are at play, including advocacy for more traditional “formal workshops” and various kinds of “other products and resources”: The Queensland Curriculum and Assessment Authority offers formal workshops and other products and resources that can contribute to the continuing professional development (CPD) requirements for Queensland teachers. (QCAA 2020)

That these workshops, “products,” and “resources” can “contribute to the continuing CPD requirements of Queensland teachers” also reflects how broader, more reductive accountability foci, construing teacher PD as the “completion” of a set of specified units of labor, exert influence. These more reductive approaches are further evidenced in explicit reference to completion of an explicit amount of PD each year to maintain registration: To maintain their registration, all Queensland teachers are required to complete 20 hours of CPD each year.

That professional development in “modular” form is promulgated most explicitly is also evident in the way in which the QCAA advertises its capacity to provide such PD across a full spectrum of schooling, from Kindergarten to Year 12, across a range of curricular, and in relation to a myriad of assessment types, including moderation (“endorsement”) and verification (“confirmation”) of students’ work as part of Queensland’s internal assessment requirements. There is also PD for standardized national testing (NAPLAN (National Assessment Program-Literacy and Numeracy – a standardized national literacy and numeracy test sat every year by all students in Years, 3, 5, 7, and 9.)) and competency-based assessment to satisfy vocational education and training requirements:

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The QCAA provides high-quality professional development activities for teachers from Kindergarten to Year 12. This includes workshops, webinars, forums, online resources, and training for NAPLAN test markers and QCAA assessors.

This then leads to the elaboration of a table that “provides a list of the activities the QCAA delivers that teachers can consider for their CPD.” In this sense, there is more of a more explicit focus on the content of PD than within Education Queensland, for the QCT. Furthermore, reflecting more accountability logics – particularly in relation to addressing Australian Professional Standards criteria – explicit mention is made that formal certificates are provided to evidence completion of endorsed workshops: Certificates awarded by the QCAA for completing workshops identify the applicable Australian Professional Standards to which they relate.

This reference to the Australian Professional Standards also reflects the influence of the “national” scale (via the federal government) in the Australian context. However, reflecting more contested logics within the field of teachers’ professional development practices (Hardy 2010, 2012), mention is also made of the importance of ensuring that the activities in which teachers engaged fostered learning, rather than being simply repetitive activities that did not encourage any substantive change and development: However, when considering an activity, teachers need to consider if it represents genuine new learning rather than a routine activity – such as undertaking NAPLAN marking or training activities over a number of years.

At the same time, more individualistic ascriptions of teachers’ learning are also evident in the way in which responsibility for teachers’ learning is sheeted back to the individual teacher: “The responsibility ultimately rests with individual teachers to assess the contribution that an activity makes towards their development and professional growth.” This is a further reflection of the more neoliberal practices that attend much PD provision (Mockler 2020). Finally, the explicit nature of more audit-oriented logics is also apparent in the way in which teachers are informed that “[i]f audited by the Queensland College of Teachers, individuals will need to justify the activities that have been counted towards their CPD.” From this point, educators are exhorted to: “[f]ind out more about the workshops, conferences and forums hosted by the QCAA.”

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Globalizing PD Policy in Context: Audit, Accountability, Reification, and Regulation The Queensland example provides an object case through which it is possible to analyze how teachers’ learning is construed under current globalized policy conditions, and how particular scalar relations between the local, state/province, national, and global are interleaved. In the Australian context, given the dominant role of the states for provision of education – a long-established constitutional responsibility – the scale of the Queensland state as a regulatory body is overt. This is also a state apparatus that seeks to “simplify,” to expunge the sorts of relationships and recognition of the specificity of teachers’ work in situ – at the level of the local (most obviously, at the level/scale of the school). Such regulation and reification are evident in multiple ways, perhaps most overtly through the stipulation and reiteration of the mandatory minimum requirements, mostly expressed in relation to time, to satisfy various registration and employment requirements, and through a relatively restrictive array of modes of professional development provision. This regulatory approach is evident in the way in which time dominates construals of teachers’ professional learning. There is a strong focus upon specified numbers of hours and days that teachers must engage in professional development that are recognized by the state. This is not only most obvious in relation to the employing authority, Education Queensland, but is also apparent in the way in which CPD is framed in relation to specified time periods within the Queensland College of Teachers. The cross-referencing between authorities also reflects a considerable synergy between how teachers’ CPD is understood in this regard, and how power relations at the scale of the state exert so much influence in this domain. This is perhaps most evident in relation to the QCT and QCAA. The QCAA is explicit that to remain registered (the responsibility of the QCT), teachers must undertake 20 hours of recognized CPD each year. The QCAA also flags that “if audited by the Queensland College of Teachers, individuals will need to justify the activities that have been counted towards their CPD” (QCAA 2020). The logic is one of fear of reprisal should teachers be found wanting in their responsibilities, and a reflection of the auditing and monitoring of teachers and the desire “to account for their professional capacity, judgment and competence” in other international settings more broadly (Murphy 2020, p. 194). That the “responsibility ultimately rests with individual teachers to assess the contribution that an activity makes towards their development and professional growth” (QCAA 2020) also reflects how this management of teachers’ time is expected to be undertaken at the individual level, and the global tendency that the state (whether provincial/state or national) accepts no responsibility for any shortcomings; the scale of the global exerts influence, even as the state is the constitutionally responsible scale at which so much regulation overtly occurs. The only form of recognition of the individual teacher that occurs in these circumstances is a superficial understanding that can be gauged within the limited parameters when engagement with others occurs. Arguably, the policy makers responsible for this construction of teachers’ learning fail to recognize “other persons [teachers] as making claims on us [policy-maker] – as demanding that we

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[policy-makers] react in an appropriate way” (Honneth 2012, p. 57). The result is a reified conception of learning in which any form of substantive interaction with colleagues within the school seems remote, at least as it might be supported or facilitated at the level/scale of statewide policy. Similarly, the elaborate explication of how the available time is to be ascribed to particular sorts of activities within these state authorities/statutory bodies reflects that state provision is largely about setting the parameters within which regulatory requirements are to be met. The overwhelming mode of CPD provision is via specific, state-sanctioned short-term initiatives – most obviously various kinds of workshops. That the QCAA site begins with the following statement flags the foregrounding of such workshops: “The Queensland Curriculum and Assessment Authority offers formal workshops and other products and resources that can contribute to the continuing professional development (CPD) requirements for Queensland teachers” (QCAA 2020). This reflects the continued dominance of such approaches more broadly (OECD 2018). That the Education Queensland site utilizes so much space on its introductory PD page elaborating the nature of PD provision of particular numbers of hours and days, and that these must be stipulated in advance (previous year for the subsequent year), also intimates a piecemeal approach to teachers’ learning, and the likelihood, perhaps expectation, that particular discrete activities would likely be undertaken within the specific temporal ranges indicated. At this statewide scale, such approaches seem to reduce the opportunity to develop the sorts of empathetic, direct engagement with other persons and events that challenge processes of reification. Learning is somehow construed as able to be undertaken through an objectified format that can be simply “swapped” for another – a different PD “activity” for each of the mandated occasions when PD is “required.” There also seems to be a reliance upon these statewide scalar objects – QCAA, Education Queensland, and Queensland College of Teachers – to set the parameters for potentially more substantive PD. QCAA does refer to CPD provided by various “education systems,” and how appropriate CPD can be undertaken through any form of “active contribution to education system initiatives, pilots, trials and projects” (QCAA 2020). These “initiatives, pilots, trials and projects” may be potentially wide-ranging, but they are always circumscribed by occurring within the parameters of the education systems themselves. Such approaches also include what the QCT describe as various “school-based and/or employer-provided professional development including professional development days” – further reflecting synergies between employing authorities (Education Queensland) and registering authorities (QCT). Such synergies further reinforce the likelihood that the PD that will come to characterize many teachers’ experiences are understood as more “objective” knowledge-oriented rather than practice-oriented approaches, and seen as likely to address regulatory, state-sanctioned requirements in specified time frames. This is reflected in how the workshop approach features prominently in the various lists of PD opportunities outlined on the respective webpages, or as a default that remains left “unsaid.” Such approaches reflect a more global tendency – the influence of the

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global scale – toward a “knowledge-based” paradigm and “solution” in relation to the need for enhanced teachers’ learning (Sørensen and Robertson 2019), rather than more practice-based conceptions, and seem to struggle to address any form of practice-based approach that foregrounds teachers’ lifeworld circumstances (Su et al. 2018). Knowledge-based approaches suggest a cognitive emphasis, whereby learning entails acquiring a plethora of context-free knowledge about teaching (see Feldman 2002; Shulman 1987). Such a process frames learning as occurring through exposure to knowledge presented in workshops rather than via the everyday practices in which teachers are involved (Billett 2009), or through more active, action research initiatives (Hardy and Rönnerman 2011), including those inspired by more substantive conceptions of ongoing learning (Hardy et al. 2015). More workshop-based approaches are a direct reflection of what Su and colleagues (2018) refer to as “the rational, indicator-led approach whereby policy-makers and teacher instructors assume responsibility for establishing professional development content, indicators and directions that must be implemented by teachers” (p. 194). Such an approach ascribes responsibility for teachers’ learning to others, reducing the key role of teachers in any successful learning endeavor. A more substantive, grounded understanding of teachers’ actual circumstances is circumscribed by such an approach which negates the lifeworld circumstances of teachers. Such approaches also reflect the dominance of more functional modes of professional development – a common feature in schooling settings in very different parts of the world, including England and China (Zeng and Day 2019) and Australia (New South Wales) (Mockler 2020). Such functional approaches, with their emphasis upon increasing productivity and addressing various systemic “requirements,” including in relation to performance appraisals, and evaluation of schools, particularly using various kinds of external measures, such as national and international standardized literacy and numeracy test results, are part of what Sahlberg has described for almost a decade as a broader global education reform movement (GERM). Such approaches can also be construed as part of more managerial practices that characterize the GERM. These phenomena exert influence around the world, including in contexts such as Finland which have sought to challenge more reductive approaches to educational provision (Hardy et al. 2020; Sahlberg 2021). Similarly, processes of standardization have come to characterize all aspects of curriculum development, teaching, and assessment, even as teachers have sought to foster more “authentic accountabilities” as part of their work (Hardy 2021). The influence of more global processes in the form of the global spread of largescale assessments and test-based accountability (Verger et al. 2019) is also apparent in reference to professional development associated with “national and state test marking,” and “training for [standardized] NAPLAN test markers” (QCT 2020). This exemplifies how the national and global are intricately imbricated (Lingard 2021), with such standardized national tests (NAPLAN) at the national scale reflecting the influence of the global scale (GERM) with its attention to reified measures of student learning which are construed as important for holding teachers accountable and setting policy at the national level. That these national test results are “compared” and seen as commensurate with various international test results

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(particularly PISA) also shows how the global, national, and state scales all intersect. The attention to such test results is a clear example of the influence of global and national scalecraft at play, with a managerial, bureaucratic state apparatus operating alongside a broader global scale within which such national assessment initiatives are construed as valid and valuable measures of learning (Newman and Clark 2019). That these tests are explicitly mentioned in these policy statements in relation to professional development signifies how such markers of globalized educational reform processes (GERM) have come to exert so much influence at the national, subnational, and other more “local” levels in relation to teachers’ learning. Even as more long-term, teacher-centered/action-research-oriented approaches are marginalized, more reductive, reified conceptions of teacher learning are proffered as evidence of “effective PD.” In this way, teachers’ learning is directly connected to broader state, national, and global scales that are constituted in relation to such learning, and the processes of accountability and audit, and the regulation of teachers’ learning, that are enabled through such interrelations. Consequently, what can be ascertained from how professional development is construed in education policy is that teachers’ learning is framed as a deeply systematized process in which teachers are positioned as playing a passive role. Any flexibility that is afforded is simultaneously largely circumscribed by broader more managerial and bureaucratic parameters. Analysis of the Queensland case provides insights into a particular case of PD policy reform processes not only in a specific national context (Australia) but also as a useful instance of how broader global (GERM) processes can exert influence not only nationally but also at more local (state/subnational) levels, and how such interplay is facilitated by the interweaving of the multiple scales of the global, national, and local.

An Alternative: A Call for Complexity Even as various global forces seek to homogenize educational practices through advocacy at the policy level for various targets, metrics, and regulations that seek to measure, monitor, and manage teachers’ work and practices (Hardy 2017), there is also evidence of resistance to the more neoliberal restructuring of public education (Fuller and Stevenson 2019), including in relation to teachers’ learning (Lloyd and Davis 2018). What occurs at the level of the individual professional-in-practice is always subject to interpretation of broader policy prerogatives (Murphy 2020). However, to ensure more productive practices, a more multidimensional approach to teacher learning is crucial: “such an approach builds on the concerns and gestalts of the teacher, and not on a pre-conceived idea of what this teacher should learn” (Korthagen 2017, p. 399). In policy, this requires challenging a regulated conception of teachers’ knowledge that does not recognize the person of the teacher, and challenging specific elements of practice deemed “relevant” within more reified conceptions of practice, and which are assumed to be able to be assessed by utilizing and applying a set of generic indicators that fail to recognize the needs of teachers-inpractice. Rather, there needs to be policy in support of the capacity to help address

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teachers’ own needs, and resource provision in the context of teachers’ actual work and learning (Su et al. 2018). An alternative approach to these more dominant processes is akin to what Korthagen (2017) refers to as “professional development 3.0,” with its focus upon the multiple dimensions of teachers’ personhood and professional capacity and proclivities. Such an approach takes seriously the multidimensional nature of teachers’ learning, and the individual differences that attend each teacher’s learning, and how these individual differences, and the specific contexts in which they work, need to be taken into account. That is, the personhood of the teacher is recognized (Honneth 2008) and not simply obliterated. The learning initiatives advocated also need to be sufficiently intensive and enacted over time, able to be adequately evaluated by teachers themselves vis-à-vis their value and validity (McChesney and Aldridge 2019b), and to challenge the various individual and structural barriers that inhibit the link between PD and student learning (McChesney and Aldridge 2019b). Such approaches operate from a more bottom-up scale/perspective, taking into account the needs of the actual learner. These approaches foreground the whole person in context, which can help reorient teachers away from sedimented practices and perspectives and help them think anew their practice and sense of professionalism; they also provide opportunities to praise the good work of teachers as part of evaluation/feedback processes (Tuytens and Devos 2017). Such approaches are also in alignment with what Su et al. (2017) refer to as “teacher development as a tacit, authentic process of knowing” (p. 717) and are more likely to help support such practices as teacher coaching to shift teachers’ practice for enhanced student learning (Kraft et al. 2018), and instructional/pedagogical coaching that characterizes higher quality professional development (Desimone and Pak 2017). In short, these are approaches that foreground the sorts of recognition that should characterize all human relations, including those pertaining to teachers’ learning; this is the sort of empathetic, direct engagement with other persons and events/occurrences that characterize genuinely recognitive moments (Honneth et al. 2008). Such an approach entails recognizing the scale of the “local,” drawing upon teachers’ lifeworld experiences, involving eliciting and utilizing teachers’ specific circumstances and purposes as a vehicle to foster more authentic accountabilities (Hardy 2021). At the same time, they involve challenging more bureaucratic manifestations of teachers’ practices (Murphy 2020), including those that seek to simplistically associate standardized testing processes at national and international levels of scalecraft with teachers’ work and learning “on the ground.” Such an approach constitutes a necessary alternative to more reductive approaches to teachers’ learning based upon more reified conceptions of teachers’ practices that fail to adequately recognize the personhood of teachers, and capture the specificity of individual teachers’ actual learning in situ. The case of Queensland presented in this chapter provides an example of how the broader GERM can percolate into policy at national and more local/subnational (state) level scales, and that this percolation can potentially limit is construed as valid and valuable PD. An awareness of the complex interplay between these global, national, and local scales can help to challenge the reductive and reified

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effects of the GERM and serve as a stimulus to enable much richer conversations about teachers’ learning in other countries and contexts around the world.

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Continuing Professional Development: Negotiating the Zip

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CPD: Problematizing a Slippery Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Learners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conceptualizing Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Impact on Practice: Actions and Thinking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Metaphors We Learn By: Unraveling the Complexity of CPD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning in Context: Zipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reframing Professional Learning as Zipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Metaphor as Heuristic in Design, Enactment, and Study of CPD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Micropolitics in CPD: Negotiating the Zip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reclaiming Professionalism Through CPD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Getting Beyond Blueprint and Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Beyond Examples of Good Practice to Good Examples of Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Continuing professional development (CPD) refers to a complex and multifaceted reality. The chapter starts by identifying a number of key elements in any conceptualization of CPD: the central place of learning which is done by professional learners, the inevitable contextualization in time and space, its impact on process and outcome of CPD, and its ambition to affect both teachers’ actions and thinking. Next it is argued that metaphorical thinking is a powerful way to conceptually deal with this complexity. This claim is further exemplified with the combined metaphors of zipping and negotiating. Negotiating the zip is not

G. Kelchtermans (*) Center for Innovation and the Development of Teacher and School (CIDTS), KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_63

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only a conceptualization of CPD in its complex and situated character, but it also allows to reclaim and do justice to the idea of teacher professionalism. In the final paragraph, this idea is elaborated and illustrated by the problematization of “examples of good practice” and the argument to replace those by “good examples of practice.” Keywords

Continuing professional development · Metaphor · Examples of practice · Teacher development · School development · Commitment · Micropolitics · Professional learning

Introduction Continuing professional development remains a “container concept” (Kelchtermans, 2004, p. 217) as it refers to a wide variety of actors, processes, conditions, pedagogies, and practices in very diverse contexts and aiming at diverse purposes (Kennedy, 2005; Opfer & Pedder, 2011; Sachs, 2011). It reflects the taken-forgranted idea that teachers – in this chapter used as a general term to denote all educational professionals working in schools – change over the course of their career. They enrich, improve, and modify the knowledge, skills, and competencies with which they take up their professional duties. However, in her review of the literature, Kennedy (2016, p. 945) concludes that “despite this widespread agreement about its importance, there is little consensus about how PD works, that is, about what happens in PD, how it fosters teacher learning, and how it is expected to alter teaching practice. The actual form and substance of PD programs is tremendously various, raising questions about why something so various is uniformly assumed to be a good thing.” As a consequence, any attempt to answer Kennedy’s pertinent questions – as this chapter seeks to do – cannot but start by clarifying one’s conceptualization of the phenomenon referred to as continuing professional development. This is done in the first section of this chapter. Borko’s (2004) identification of the key components of CPD is used to structure a reflective dialogue with the relevant research literature, leading to a stance on CPD that goes beyond the “blueprint” approach of training, arguing for a “practice-based approach” that acknowledges its multilayered and multidimensional contextualization. This stance, however, poses conceptual, empirical, and practical challenges. One way to deal with them is to draw on metaphor theory. In the second and third section, the metaphors of “zipping” and “negotiating” will be presented as ways to conceptually capture the contextualized nature of CPD and broaden the understanding of its nature beyond that of a learning process. Furthermore, the meaning and relevance of metaphorical thinking for the design and enactment as well as the study of CPD are discussed and exemplified. This eventually leads in the final section to the argument that CPD ultimately should strengthen teacher professionalism.

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CPD: Problematizing a Slippery Concept Borko (2004) has argued that a “professional development system” is essentially made up of four components: the professional development program (the curriculum: content and pedagogy), the participants (teachers, who are the learners), the facilitators (guiding the participants in the construction of new knowledge and practices), and the context in which the professional development takes place. The first three components interact with each other, while being situated in the fourth, the context. So, the context makes up one of the four constitutive components of any CPD system. It is the setting where the interactions between facilitators, participants, and the curriculum – the three other components she distinguishes in CPD – take place. Building on Borko’s definition, this section starts by acknowledging that the core of CPD is constituted by forms of learning. Secondly, this learning is (to be) done by educational professionals: CPD aims at influencing the practice of adult practitioners as professionals. This thirdly implies that the particular time-space context of the working conditions in which those professionals perform their job needs to be taken into account. Fourth, the purpose of CPD is a change – improvement – of teachers’ practice, which becomes visible in their actions as well as their “thinking.” The argument of this section leads to the conclusion that CPD is a complex phenomenon, but that metaphor theory and metaphorical thinking offers is a promising way to deal with these complexities.

Learning The force that drives the interactive dynamics in Borko’s scheme is an interest in forms of learning. Regardless of the definition or theoretical framework used, all conceptualizations of CPD share the idea that the core process at its heart concerns forms of learning. CPD always refers to processes in which teachers engage to improve the expertise on which their practice is grounded. Improving this expertise – either by deepening and refining it or by broadening its scope – is expected to result in an improvement of those practices, keeping them attuned to the developing expectations placed on schools and teachers by society and policymakers. Since the conditions, expectations as well as the character of their job change over time, teachers find themselves confronted with the need to “keep up,” acquire new knowledge, competencies, in order to be capable to do their job in a successful and responsible way. So, the answer to Kennedy’s question on the assumption about CPD being “a good thing” seems to be self-evidently related to its sheer necessity: Ensuring good education in modern society simply requires that teachers continue to develop their expertise through forms of job-related “learning” over time. Webster-Wright (2009) not only confirms the essential role of learning, but even dismisses the word development. Talking about professional development, she argues, is symptomatic for the discursive tendency in the CPD research literature to focus on “the professional as deficient and in need of developing and directing

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rather than on a professional engaged in self-directed learning” (Webster-Wright, 2009, p. 712). Therefore, in her view professional learning is the necessary and appropriate concept (p. 713): “There is a need for more research beyond the ‘development of professionals’ that investigates the ‘experience of professional learning’ as constructed and embedded within authentic professional practice.” Also, Kennedy’s analysis of CPD programs (2016) is guided by the emphasis on intentional learning. More in particular she focuses on the underlying theories of action which include two important parts: “First, it identifies a central problem of practice that it aims to inform, and second, it devises a pedagogy that will help teachers enact new ideas, translating them into the context of their own practice” (Kennedy, 2016, p. 946). In other words, CPD programs are artifacts representing a particular purpose as well as a pedagogical script for the participants to engage with in order to achieve the envisaged learning outcomes, which are to become visible in their practice.

Professional Learners The emphasis on learning in CPD raises the question of how to conceive of the learners. It is obvious that these learners are adults, making CPD also a genuine domain of adult education. But more importantly, these adults are professionally active practitioners. The envisaged learning in CPD is related to their professional practice. What, then, is the meaning of “professional” in this context? One way of understanding “professional” in CPD is to take it as a purely descriptive label. Semantically the word professional then simply equals “occupational”: referring to the domain of one’s job and the actions to perform it. In other words, depending on the job description of the participant/learner, professional then refers to teaching pupils or students, to enacting leadership as administrator or principal, to providing particular care and support for students with special needs, etc. In this understanding of “professional,” the purpose of CPD is primarily technical or instrumental. It aims at building and strengthening the capacity to ensure an effective performance of their job duties and to continue to do so over the course of their career. So, when the job expectations and the required competencies change, CPD seeks to warrant that practitioners acquire the necessary knowledge and skills to overcome possible deficits and to avoid a loss in educational quality (WebsterWright, 2009). The emphasis in its purpose is on transmission and extension of expertise (Grundy & Robison, 2004; Kennedy, 2005) or – as Sachs (2011) puts it metaphorically – on “retooling.” It is obvious that expertise is an important and necessary element in teacher professionalism: the knowledge, skills, and competencies that make up the knowhow allows teachers to effectively design and enact their educational duties in classroom and school. However, taking the educational nature of teaching seriously requires a more encompassing conceptualization of teacher professionalism. Following Biesta (2020), the purpose of education in schools can be understood as threefold: socialization, qualification, and subjectification. Teachers aim at

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supporting members of the next generation to understand, engage with, and find their place in society to live their lives (socialization). In order to successfully do so young people need to develop knowledge, competencies, attitudes, etc. that qualify them for a life as citizens and workers. But finally, education is also about becoming the subject of one’s life as a unique human being. This makes education more than an instrumental or technical matter and reveals the ethical or moral dimension in teacher professionalism (see, e.g., Day, 1999; Hargreaves, 1995). Doing justice to the educational needs of the youngsters which have been entrusted to one’s care (Noddings, 1984) demands from teachers a commitment as a person in a relationship of responsibility (see, i.e., Sugrue & Dyrdal Solbrekke, 2011). In other words, teacher professionalism as it becomes visible in their practice encompasses not only expertise but also commitment. The latter implies a moral responsibility, which further doesn’t leave teachers emotionally indifferent (Kelchtermans, 2009; Kelchtermans & Deketelaere, 2016). Although in recent years the word “responsibility” has been replaced in the dominant educational policy discourse by accountability, both are not the same (Kelchtermans, 2011). They represent a fundamentally different position and logic. Accountability frames the educational process as an economical one: time, energy, and resources are being invested in schools and teaching in order to produce particular predefined results (products) that meet the expectations of the clients (as defined by standardized and measurable outcomes). The quality of education is primarily evaluated by the criteria of effectiveness and efficiency. Quality education, hence, is treated as a matter of proving rentability. Responsibility, however, stems from a very different semantic realm. Etymologically it contains the word “response” – answer – and as such it calls forth the image of a conversation between people, a dialogue of question and answer. Engaging in educational practice is then seen as providing answers to the – implicit or explicit – questions asked by the students: “why are you teaching me the way you do?”. The question may sound technical, but in fact refers to an ethical relationship of care. Even when teachers call upon their expertise, their answer – as enacted in their practice – will also reflect their relational involvement or commitment. The practice reflects one’s judgement of the situation as well as the choice for particular actions that seem in the best interest of the student. Yet, as this inevitably involves value-laden choices, the answer remains “vulnerable” (Kelchtermans, 2009): It can always be questioned or challenged. Teachers have no incontestable ground or “truth” to call upon as the justification for their decisions and actions. For that reason, it has been argued that enduring and even embracing this vulnerability is an intrinsic part of teacher professionalism. This structural vulnerability, however, is not a characteristic of the individual, but intrinsic to the teaching profession as such (Kelchtermans, 2009). To sum up, this broader understanding of “professionalism” needs to be acknowledged in any conceptualization of their “continuing professional development.” Doing justice to the multiple dimensions of teacher professionalism implies that the learning and development aimed for in CPD should reach beyond the technically skillful execution of tasks and duties and also include teachers’ discretionary judgement and moral commitment as the basis for one’s actions. Furthermore, as

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professionals teachers need to be capable and willing to take responsibility for that judgment instead of “hiding” with the argument that one is only executing protocols, procedures, or routines that have been imposed. Teaching implies a particular form of involvement as a person in the relationship with their students. This relational engagement goes beyond the mere instrumental performance of facilitating the students’ learning outcomes, and reflects moral as well as emotional commitment (Hargreaves, 1995; Kelchtermans, 2009). Taking this idea of professionalism seriously implies a fundamental shift in the purpose of CPD and calls for a “transformational” agenda (Kennedy, 2005; see also Mockler, 2005), aimed at “reimagining” (Sachs, 2011) as well as “authentic professional learning” (Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2009). In other words, CPD should aim at enhancing not only teachers’ expertise, but also their professional commitment and care.

Conceptualizing Context CPD doesn’t take place in a vacuum, but – on the contrary – is always situated in a particular context. This may sound like stating the obvious, yet for a proper understanding of CPD it matters how context is conceptualized. More specifically, a multilayered and multidimensional concept of context seems necessary. A first relevant layer of context – as one of the four constitutive components in Borko’s model – is the meeting place where the CPD is happening. In line with her situative perspective – Borko states that “the contexts and activities in which people learn become a fundamental part of what they learn” (Borko, 2004, p. 7). However, for both facilitators and participants in CPD, it applies that the CPD context does not coincide with their working context. Facilitators, for example, are most often employed by particular institutes, offering the CPD as part of that institute’s service (for example, consultancy firms and training centers). Sometimes their employer is an official body like the district, local government, or state. This structural and institutional belonging affects the way they can and will position themselves when designing and/or facilitating the CPD. Similarly, also for the participants taking part in a CPD program requires them to leave their daily work context behind (Vermeir & Kelchtermans, 2021). This is obvious for the CPD taking place off-site. Yet, even when the CPD is organized in one’s own school (on-site), it is still a different context. In other words, when “participating in CPD” teachers are not “teaching.” Furthermore, teachers’ working context does not only have a spatial, but also a temporal dimension (Kelchtermans, 2004). The spatial dimension refers to their social, organizational, institutional, physical, and material environment in which teachers act and operate professionally. There is the obvious environment of the school’s architecture, the material facilities of the classrooms, the other members of the school team, the structural and cultural working conditions in the school as an organization as well as the wider institutional and policy environment of the educational system. Participants in CPD are always particular people, working in a particular school, with particular colleagues, in a particular policy environment at a particular moment in their professional lives.

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And the latter reflects the inevitable temporal dimension of the context. Human beings are fundamentally characterized by historicity: They live their lives between birth and death. The way they experience and make sense of the present – for example, as participants in a CPD program – is influenced by their experiences from the past as well as their expectations about the future (Kelchtermans, 2004, 2009). As a matter of fact, this temporal dimension is explicitly emphasized by the addition of “continuing” in the expression of CPD, stressing the career-long character of professional development. In their job, professionals are never done learning. As such the word “continuing” in fact adds a normative or prescriptive meaning to the description: Being a professional requires that one continues to learn throughout the entire career, as the expectations for as well as the conditions and responsibilities of the job change over time. In order to rightfully think of one-self as a “good” or “proper” teacher, one is supposed to continuously update, renew, expand, and modify their competencies. The motivations or expectations with which teachers arrive in a CPD setting are deeply rooted in the time-space context of their professional practice. This implies that whenever a participant walks into the room of a CPD program their context walks in with them. They bring with them the school they are working in, as well as their past experiences and expectations about the future of their job. The participant in CPD is always this teacher working in this school at this moment in time, participating in this particular CPD activity. And this way an additional layer of context is added to the CPD setting. Participants engage in the CPD not just as the individual they are, but always as this-individual-at-this moment in his/her life, working in that context. In fact, their professional practice will constitute the mental horizon of their engagement with and sensemaking of the CPD curriculum. Furthermore, it will affect their interactions with the other participants and the facilitators and the meaning they will get for them. In other words, their situatedness (contextualization) will inevitably affect the possible learning outcomes and effects of the CPD on their practice. An important consequence of this multilayered and multidimensional understanding of teachers’ contextualizaton is that in CPD one needs to keep in mind that the “unit of analysis” is not the individual, but the individual-in-their-context. The participants in professional development settings are sensemaking actors, whose meaningful engagement with the setting is conditioned by their experiences from the past and expectations about the future, as well as by the particular spatial working conditions that make up their actual job setting.

Impact on Practice: Actions and Thinking Several authors (for example, Grundy & Robison, 2004; Kennedy, 2005; Mockler, 2005; Sachs, 2011) have shown that the purpose and ambitions of CPD programs can differ widely and range from transmission to transformation and renewal. The transmission side reflects the more traditional training approach aimed at developing knowledge and skills, while the transformational side seeks to engage the

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participants in collaboration aiming at active co-construction of new knowledge by “autonomous professionals.” In practice, the latter often takes the form of positioning and involving “teachers as researchers of their own and their peers’ practice” (Sachs, 2011, p. 161). Given the diversity in CPD purposes and practices and the confusion it creates conceptually, it would be preferable to label the traditional transmission approaches as training. Restricting the notion of CPD to the transformational side of the continuum would not only make the term less ambiguous, but would also allow to do justice to the word “professional” in its moral and ethical meaning, beyond the mere instrumental: autonomous professionals enacting their educational practice with expertise and commitment. In the rest of the chapter, I will use the concept of CPD explicitly in its transformational sense, referring to practices aiming at teacher renewal and reinvention (Sachs, 2011). In line with the so-called “teacher thinking” movement (see, for example, Craig et al., 2013; Clark & Peterson, 1986) on the mutual influence between action and cognition, CPD with a transformational purpose will need to focus on improving teachers’ actions as well as their thinking: the mental representations, their interpretations, and sensemaking of a situation that guides their action. Eventually it is in teachers’ practice that the impact of CPD will become evident: on the one hand in their mastery to act properly (skillfully and effectively), but on the other in the increased refinement, complexity, and validity of their personal interpretative framework, “a set of cognitions, of mental representations that operates as a lens through which teachers look at their job, give meaning to it and act in it. This framework thus guides their interpretations and actions in particular situations (context), but is at the same time also modified by and resulting from these meaningful interactions (sensemaking) with that context. As such it is both a condition for and a result of the interaction, and represents the – always preliminary – ‘mental sediment’ of teachers’ learning and developing over time” (Kelchtermans, 2009, pp. 260–261). Within the framework two related domains can be distinguished: the professional selfunderstanding and the subjective educational theory. The former refers to practitioners’ sense of professional identity, the way they “see” themselves their job as it develops over time. The latter encompasses their professional know-how, the personal system of knowledge and beliefs they draw on when performing the job (Kelchtermans, 2009, 2018). Acknowledging that the envisaged learning in CPD also affects teachers’ selfunderstanding implies that it inevitably also has an impact on their commitment as well as on the moral and emotional involvement it entails. In other words, although aimed at the professional realm this way CPD always becomes personal as well (Kelchtermans, 2018).

Metaphors We Learn By: Unraveling the Complexity of CPD CPD programs aim at improving the educational practice of the participants by facilitating learning processes that result in an enhanced capacity to enact their duties

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more effectively, guided by more sophisticated and valid “thinking.” The participants are acknowledged as situated in and operating from a particular time-space context. Furthermore, they are recognized as professionals, whose professionalism becomes evident in the actual enactment of their practice. The practice not only reflects the practitioners’ expertise, but also their moral commitment and ethical judgement. As such the enactment reflects skillful behavior, as well as the capacity and willingness to take responsibility for one’s actions and the judgement they are based on. This stance on CPD implies the dismissal of a “blueprint approach” in which teachers are supposed to skillfully execute the prescriptions to achieve the goals that have been defined, outlined, and imposed by others. Instead, it reflects a “practicebased approach,” giving center stage to teachers’ practice as the place where professionalism is enacted and as such emerges and becomes visible (Kelchtermans, 2007b, 2013). Taking the multilayered and multidimensional contextualization in CPD seriously, together with the interactive dynamics that make up its actual empirical appearance, constitutes an important conceptual as well as empirical challenge when answering the pertinent questions “how PD works, (. . .) what happens in PD, how it fosters teacher learning, and how it is expected to alter teaching practice” (Kennedy, 2016, p. 945). One way to try and tackle these challenges in designing, facilitating, or studying CPD is by calling on metaphor theory, as will be argued in the next sections of this chapter. In their classic and groundbreaking work Metaphors we live by (2003, 1st edition 1980), Lakoff and Johnson state that metaphors are “not just a matter of language, that is of mere words. (. . .) human thought processes are largely metaphorical. (. . .) Metaphors as linguistic expressions are possible precisely because there are metaphors in a person’s conceptual system” (p. 6). Metaphors are not only a way of talking, but more importantly represent processes of conceptualization and reasoning (p. 245). In essence, metaphorical thinking “involves a kind of category play, by which we conceive of an item from one (target) domain in terms of an item from another (source) domain. It is crucial to conceptual thinking, and the major device we employ to make sense of complex or abstract phenomena” (Hanne & Kaal, 2018, p. 5). As such metaphorical thinking provides a promising way to theorize the complexities of CPD. More in particular, for theory change – as Boyd (1993) and Littlemore (2016) argue – metaphors can have two functions. First, they can be theory-constitutive by developing new ways of conceptualizing or theorizing. Their second function is pedagogical, as they “express complex ideas in ways that people understand” (Littlemore, 2016, p. 283). This double potential will be exemplified in the rest of this chapter.

Learning in Context: Zipping Schön (1993, p. 137) has coined the term “generative metaphors” to stress the capacity of metaphorical utterances to generate new ways to make sense of the world: They reflect a “particular kind of SEEING-AS, the ‘meta-pherein’ or

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‘carrying over’ of frames or perspectives from one domain of experience to another.” This way metaphor “refers both to a certain kind of product – a perspective or frame, a way of looking at things – and to a certain kind of process – a process by which new perspectives on the world come into existence.” Metaphorically framing CPD in terms of zippers and zipping has proven this generative potential for the research as well as the design and pedagogical enactment of CPD. This is illustrated in the first two paragraphs. First the zipper metaphor is used to conceptualize the learning process in CPD. The next paragraph exemplifies how the metaphor can be used to guide the design and pedagogical enactment, as well as the study of CPD. In the final paragraph, however, it is argued that the zipper metaphor meets its limits in conceptualizing CPD and needs to be complemented with the metaphor of negotiation.

Reframing Professional Learning as Zipping Zippers are ubiquitous in our lives as easy-to-use, self-evident, taken-for-granted devices with innumerous applications. Even without engaging in a full phenomenological analysis, one can argue that in essence zippers – and the action of zipping – allow to solidly connect two parts or components in order for the piece of clothing to effectively perform its goal (e.g., keeping someone warm, making someone look properly or even smartly dressed, etc.). So, eventually the zipping aims at creating a situation or an experience of benefit, gain, and improvement. Importantly, the act of zipping is most often performed by the very person who is wearing the clothing. Zipping can be taken as a metaphorical representation of the learning process envisaged in CPD, reflecting the key components of a CPD system as distinguished by Borko (2004). The zipper – as the context for CPD – encompasses two parts that need to be connected. On the one hand there is the curriculum as designed and pedagogically mediated by the facilitators. On the other hand, there are the participants as sensemaking actors and as the incarnations of their professional practice. The interactive dynamics between facilitators and participants aim at bringing both parts close enough together to establish an actual connection, which makes the eventual closure of the zipper (the professional learning) possible. Even after the zipping has started, the closeness of both parts needs to be maintained if the zipper is to close entirely and properly. Furthermore, this zipping act – as the envisaged learning – has to be performed by the participants themselves. Since the learning can only be done by that particular learner, related to and filtered by his/her personal interpretative framework as well as the particular working conditions in his/her school, the content and form of the learning outcomes will be highly idiosyncratic and contextualized. The theatrical effect of this representation makes the dynamic and interactive nature of the process stand out. The metaphor sets a scene, distinguishes and distributes complementary roles (division of labor), and positions the actors in a plot that both triggers and guides the (inter)action processes. Facilitators and participants meet in the particular place and time of the CPD program (context).

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Facilitators can create the setting, invite-support-stimulate, but eventually it is the participant who decides whether, how, and when the learning will take place. So, the participant/learner is the protagonist of the zipping process. Whether or not the zipper gets closed depends on his/her engagement and deliberate action, assuming that the conditions are favorable and make the zipping actually possible. In the case where the parts stay too distant from each other, the zipping remains only a possibility, a potential awaiting its effectuation. All of this implies an inevitable dimension of passivity on the part of the designers/facilitators. They can be very careful in selecting the content of the CPD, be thoughtful, creative, and rigorous in setting up the program meetings and their pedagogical enactment, but eventually they can’t control or determine whether or in what way the professional learning by the participants will take place. There may in fact be no learning at all. Or the impact of the learning on the participants’ thinking and practice may go in very different directions. Finally, it is clear that this metaphorical representation is very different from the transfer or transmission metaphors in the traditional view of CPD as in-service training. The learners are not positioned as the passive receivers of information, instructions, or training. On the contrary, they are acknowledged as the (mentally) active constructors of meaningful understandings and insights.

Metaphor as Heuristic in Design, Enactment, and Study of CPD The zipper metaphor has been used as a heuristic and guideline in the design and pedagogical enactment of several CPD programs, which were at the same time set up as research projects on CPD processes. To illustrate this, one project case will be discussed in the next paragraph.

Exemplary Illustration: The Project School Policy on Equal Opportunities (SPEO) The School Policy on Equal Opportunity (SPEO) was a CPD program designed and facilitated by a university team of experienced researchers and in-service trainers. The program was funded by the Flemish Ministry of Education (Belgium) as part of the capacity building to stimulate primary schools in developing a local policy on equal educational opportunities for their pupils (including, e.g., differentiated instruction, increased attention to students’ emotional well-being, etc.). Participation in the CPD program was voluntary and free of charge. The constitutional freedom of education in Belgium doesn’t permit the government to impose particular pedagogical strategies or teaching methodologies on schools. That authority lies with the school boards. Yet, the schools are held accountable by the government (who funds them) and have to show evidence of efforts to reduce inequality and this is evaluated in the quality control by the inspectorate. Both the design and pedagogical enactment of the program were guided by the zipping/zipper metaphor. Because participation was free and voluntary, an important concern for the designers was to ensure schools’ sustained commitment

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(“bringing/keeping the two parts of the zipper close enough”) for the duration of the program (five full day meetings over the course of one school year). To achieve this, schools who wanted to participate were invited for an intake interview. During the interview their motivation was checked and the setup as well as the purpose of the program were explained. Furthermore, three additional requirements for participation were presented to the candidates. First of all, schools were only allowed to participate in the form of “core teams” (composed of the principal and two teachers). This was done to ensure that in the participants’ learning or the development of their school the concerns of individual teachers as well as of the leadership would be present and taken into account. Furthermore, it was assumed that by making the participants think of themselves as members of the same team – i.e., the core team – they would develop a level of mutual loyalty and commitment to act as a team in designing and promoting the local policy. Secondly, each participating school had to design and implement at least one concrete local project on promoting equal opportunities as well as be willing to report on the experiences with the project during the program meetings. Thirdly, involving three members of the school staff in each core team was supposed to create a critical mass in the school team to ensure sufficient leverage for the successful implementation of the local project in the entire school. As for the format and pedagogy of the CPD program, every meeting started with an “informal round” in which each core team briefly presented the state of the art as well as their recent experiences in their work on the local project. At the same time, they were given the opportunity to ask questions or share problems, inviting the other participants to engage in collegial thinking and exchanging of ideas in order to find feasible solutions (in line with the idea of a “professional learning community” – Stoll et al., 2006). As a next step in the meeting the facilitators presented one of the theoretical models related to school development, equal opportunities, and team building that had been selected and included in the CPD curriculum (for example: Hanson’s theory on Interacting Spheres – Hanson, 1991; micropolitics in schools – for example, Ball, 1987, etc.). In the presentation, the facilitator tried to immediately illustrate the theory by linking it to the experiences and discussions that had come up during the informal round preceding it. This way he/she not only tried to ensure a correct understanding of the theoretical concepts by the participants, but also modeled how theoretical concepts might facilitate a more appropriate reading and in-depth understanding of particular situations in practice. Furthermore, this way the participants were invited to question and challenge the theory presented, drawing on their own experiences as a way of deepening their engagement, study, and learning. This dialogical interaction reflected the principle of the “complementary competence” (Kelchtermans, 2021). The participating practitioners and the facilitators were recognized for each bringing different, but equally relevant and valuable expertise to the meeting. The program was offered “off-site” (participants commuted to the conference center at the university), but the facilitator also went to visit the participating schools for observation and informal interviews to get acquainted with the actual implementation context. This knowledge of the local context was used to provide

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illustrations as well as to better understand the issues and concerns of the different core teams in future meetings.

Metaphor Guiding Design and Pedagogy The zipper metaphor not only allows to conceptualize Borko’s components in the PD system as well as their mutual positioning, it also captures essential features of the learning process and in particular the more difficult or problematic ones. Although closing the zipper is supposed to be a smooth and almost automatic process (as reflected in the careful design of the curriculum and pedagogy of a CPD program), it doesn’t always work out this way. Bringing together the two parts to be zipped may turn out to be more difficult than one had envisaged. Furthermore, even when the connection is successful and the zipping process actually starts, it may still get stuck. A piece of cloth might get in the way or at some point in the zipping both parts may be found to be still too distant, preventing the zipper from closing. Or some of the “teeth” in one of the sides may be deformed making the zipper jam. In nonmetaphorical language the image refers to the experience that in the process, learners may become more aware about the discrepancies of their own beliefs and what is expected from them by others (policymakers and administrators). Or when they start to realize that necessary conditions for the envisaged changes in practice are not met or difficult to achieve in their school, progressive insight might bring them to a deeper understanding of the conditions and consequences of the learning for themselves as well as the practices in their schools, which can either stimulate or inhibit further motivation and commitment. This applies in particular to CPD programs which are part of the implementation support for imposed innovations, when the pressure to change is already present in the policy measures (e.g., new legal rules or requirements – i.e., Vermeir & Kelchtermans, 2021). It is important to stress, however, that although these jamming moments may elicit feelings of frustration and even resistance, they can also create powerful opportunities for deepened learning. When a zipper jams it automatically and compellingly triggers attention, concentration as well as a motivation to overcome the jam (partly rooted in increased self-awareness, especially when this happens in public). For that reason, provoking such moments of “jamming” may in fact be used by facilitators as a deliberate pedagogical strategy in order to enrich, complicate, and deepen the learning to take place. More fundamentally, the “jamming” experience may be an essential condition for participants to really leave their comfort zone and engage in a thorough reflection on their taken-for-granted daily practices, as well as their rationale and legitimacy. In other words, successful zipping (i.e., deep learning in CPD) may require starting by problematizing the zippers that are in place, provoking and supporting a process of unzipping (un-learning) as well as a critical reflection on why or in what respect a different zipper might be necessary. Metaphor Guiding the Study of CPD The SPEO project was at the same time used as a case study to unpack, understand, and theorize the dynamics in CPD. As such the zipping metaphor also guided the efforts to turn SPEO into a research opportunity. First of all, the purpose and

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envisaged results of the CPD were framed in terms of successfully “zipping” of multiple issues and on several levels. More in particular the zip was sought between the following: – The theory in the CPD curriculum and the practices in their classrooms and schools by the participants – The perspectives, concerns, and expertise of the principals as well as those of the teachers when in implementing a local school policy on equal opportunities by the members of the core teams – The individual participants’ professional development (learning) and the development of school (optimizing organizational working conditions) – The curriculum content and the pedagogy in which it was enacted by the facilitators – The CPD goals as well as the research interests, by the facilitators/researchers More in particular extensive memos were written on the envisaged goals (zippings), grounding them in research-based understandings of CPD. Further there were detailed preparatory documents for each meeting, as well as extensive minutes of the debriefing reflections after each meeting. This way the preparation, purpose as well as the reflective modifications during the actual enactment of the CPD program were documented. Apart from grasping the designers’ and facilitators’ sensemaking and reflections, data collection also involved the experiences of the participants (their reflective accounts on the experiences in the school projects, in preparation of the informal rounds during the meetings; the textual output of reflective assignments during the meetings; notes on the observations of the informal rounds by a second facilitator/researcher; field notes on observations during the on-site visits; and structured memos by the facilitator on each contact with participants like phone calls, informal conversations, etc.). Even this scenario for data collection during the process itself was undergirded by the zipper metaphor in terms of making explicit and purposefully capture the sensemaking and experiences of both sides – the facilitators and the participants. The interpretative analysis of all these data was driven by an ongoing confrontation with the designed practice (and its rationale) on the one hand and the way it actually turned out in the participants’ sensemaking, learning, and practices on the other. For this sustained and systematic reflection we developed a technique called the “3C-rule”: the preparation (lesson plan, script) for each meeting was systematically confronted with its enactment, to identify either confirmation, challenge, or complication. Confirmation revealed evidence that corroborated the rationale. Challenge refers to the opposite: findings questioning the rationale as things didn’t work out or assumptions were not confirmed. Complication was achieved when the data revealed new, neglected, or underestimated aspects or issues, like unintended side effects, nuances, etc. In later CPD projects this methodological strategy was used in an even more formalized way to increase its research potential and directly contribute to an empirically grounded knowledge base on CPD. The goals and rationale for the CPD design were explicitly phrased in the form of propositions (working hypotheses), which were either confirmed or “amended” based on the experience in the

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actual CPD program as well as in the interpretative analysis of the data (see Kelchtermans et al., 2018; Vanassche & Kelchtermans, 2016a).

The Limits of the Zipper Metaphor However powerful and relevant the zipper metaphor is to guide the design and enactment of CPD as well as to contribute to a deeper and more sophisticated understanding of the professional learning taking place, it also has its limits. Hanne and Kaal (2018, p. 6) rightly remind us that metaphors, just like narratives, are framing devices: “The teller of any story selects items, perspectives, and connections which lead to a particular interpretation. While this selection process illuminates certain features of a situation, it is likely to occlude others. (. . .). Metaphor, too, is a framing device, which both illuminates and conceals, so alternative metaphors represent different ways of conceptualizing a phenomenon.” In fact, zipping is a powerful metaphor to heuristically and analytically unpack the complex learning in CPD. Yet, the analysis of the “jamming” experiences in particular lead to the conclusion that there is more at stake in the CPD process than learning. This learning and the enactment of these insights and skills by the participants in their practice in fact “requires not merely adoption, but also abandonment of a prior approach” (Kennedy, 2016, p. 948). Furthermore – as argued before – the participants in CPD are knowledgeable professionals responsibly engaged in their practice. Giving up their usual practices as well as their underlying normative beliefs involves much more than technical learning or a simple switch in their modus operandi. For educational practitioners, being asked to alter or give up practices in fact requires revisiting and even letting go of cherished normative views on “good” education, which may not be easy or self-evident (see, e.g., Achinstein & Ogawa, 2006; Gitlin & Margonis, 1995). If one assumes that professionals in principle have good reasons to do what they do, the way they are doing it, giving up those beliefs and practices doesn’t leave them emotionally indifferent and may trigger resistance (Kelchtermans, 2009; Kelchtermans & Deketelaere, 2016). Apart from a moral or normative issues, it further raises the question of who is to decide on what counts as “good” teaching or what is in the best interest of their students. These are issues of authority, power, and interest and reveal the political dimension in teaching. Therefore, understanding CPD cannot suffice by using the lens of learning. As a framing device the zipper metaphor falls short in the face of the political dimension. It tends to be blind or even actively ignores the inevitable (micro)political dynamics that are at play in CPD (see also Hargreaves, 1995; Kelchtermans, 2004). Therefore, zipping as a metaphor needs to be complemented – and will inevitably be complicated – by a second generative metaphor, that of “negotiation” (Kelchtermans, 2017, 2018).

The Micropolitics in CPD: Negotiating the Zip Negotiating can be understood metaphorically in an implicit or more explicit way. The former refers to the silent conversation an actor engages in with the conditions in which he/she is performing his/her act (see also Schön, 1983, p. 78ff). Like a driver

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“negotiating” a curve or a skier or climber negotiating the slope or the route. While taking the curve, going down the slope, or climbing a rock wall, the actor interrogates the conditions, uses the feedback information, and reflectively adapts and modifies his/her actions. Schön (1983, p. 79) refers to this as listing to “the situation’s backtalk.” This applies not only when attempting to perform an action for the first time. In fact, the conversation needs to be repeated every time the same action is to be performed in that spot or on that trajectory, as the conditions may differ and as such may affect the action. The road surface may be wet, requiring the driver to slow down. The snow on the ski slope may contain more icy spots on which it is better to avoid sharp turns. Or winter frost may have added loose stones in the cracks on the climbing route that weren’t there before and have to be noticed in time and avoided to advance safely. In this negotiation, the actor not only involves his/her perception of the environment, but also brings in his/her physical and own mental condition. The driver may be more tired than usually after a very busy working day. The skier may be somewhat less self-assured after a recent slip or fall on a similar slope. The climber may notice that his/her body isn’t in full shape yet, with less stamina or muscle power. To sum up, negotiating refers to the actors’ reading (interpreting, making sense of, and taking a stance) and dealing with elements in the context he/she “finds himself/herself into.” The elements and conditions are to be acknowledged as given, and cannot simply be changed or chosen according to one’s will or preference. In other words, they constitute coercive conditions, limiting the actors’ degrees of freedom and forcing him/her to interact and deal with them. In the same way a teachers’ working conditions at school define the actual situations they need to engage with, trying to negotiate them in such a way that one’s actions can be as effective and satisfying as possible. An important source for the latter being the chance to live up to one’s normative beliefs on good teaching and doing justice to one’s students. In the same line of thinking, but in a more explicit or literal meaning, negotiating refers to the strategic actions – embodied as well as discursively – to deal with the power and interests that condition teachers’ leeway for discretionary judgment, decision-making, and action. This can be demonstrated with examples from recent research on the professional learning (capacity building) that is aimed at by CPD programs supporting the implementation of innovative policies. Even in the extreme case, when policymakers use legislative power to impose reform goals, the compelling calls for change they entail will still meet processes of sensemaking and interpretation: The teachers will interpret them and this meaning making will inform or guide their decisions and actions (Fullan, 1982). They will – for example – compare the rationale and goals in the innovation with their own normative views – both individually (personal interpretive framework) and collectively (culture of the school as an organization) (März et al., 2013). They will try to estimate the time and effort necessary to implement and make up the cost-benefit balance, as part of what Doyle and Ponder (1977–1978) have called the “practicality ethic.” They will evaluate the level of coercion and the possible consequences of deviating from or even resisting the instructions and requirements. The latter doesn’t

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have to be understood as a negative or obstructive attitude, but – as Achinstein and Ogawa (2006) have shown – may reflect “principled resistance”: refusing to implement the changes because one disagrees with them for ethical reasons. The resistance thus reflects the positive professional commitment to what one considers to be the true educational interests of the students for whom one feels responsible. In a recent study (Vermeir & Kelchtermans, 2020, 2021; see also Kelchtermans, 2017), school teams participating in CPD programs as part of a reform policy have been found to engage in “interpretative negotiations” with the formal demands and expectations in the imposed policy as well as with the way these are translated and operationalized in the curriculum and pedagogy of a CPD program. A central dynamic in that process was the participants’ sensemaking of the policy and the CPD curriculum in terms of agendas for action. In its Latin roots the literal meaning of agenda is “things that are to be done.” An agenda is a to-do list which defines and structures the required actions, assigns tasks and responsibilities to perform, and calls for action (division of labor). As such the agenda is at the same time descriptive and prescriptive: It provides a descriptive list of the actions to be taken, while at the same time engaging the people who subscribe to the agenda. Accepting the agenda implies a commitment to engage and make the effort to achieve what is envisaged. A recent Belgian study on CPD support in the implementation of new legislation on inclusive education documented how for the participating school teams professional learning was entangled with ongoing negotiations of the reform agenda and its implementation (Vermeir & Kelchtermans, 2020, 2021). Some of the learning and agenda elements were related to the purpose and content of the policy (enacting inclusive education), while others were primarily strategic, aimed at micropolitical actions of safeguarding, restoring, or establishing desired working conditions in the school (see also Kelchtermans, 2007a). Furthermore, the study showed that the direction of the agenda that is being negotiated can be innovative in purpose, calling for change and new practices. But it can also be conservative aimed at safeguarding existing practices, warranting stability in the school’s practices, and as such using the lessons learned during the CPD to better be capable to justify one’s unwillingness to change existing practices (“good reasons to resist change”). In other words – and somewhat paradoxically – for several participants in the CPD, an important “learning outcome” was in fact a more clear, articulated, as well as argued choice to keep things the way they were (Vermeir & Kelchtermans, 2020, 2021; see also Gitlin & Margonis, 1995). These insights can be further extended to findings from the research on programs for teacher induction. Several studies revealed that developing micropolitical literacy constituted an important part of the professional learning by new teachers: learning how to read and interpret situations in their school as representing different and often conflicting professional interests, developing the skills to manage or cope (negotiate) with them as well as deal with their emotional impact on their professional self-understanding (Curry et al., 2008; Kelchtermans, 2019; Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Kelchtermans & Vanassche, 2017; Lindqvist et al., 2020; Zhang & Li, 2021).

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Finally, the same processes of interpretative negotiation were found to play out in more traditional forms of CPD, in a study of a program aimed at developing teacher educators’ skills to systematically study and professionally learn from their own practice (Self-Study in Teacher Education Practices) (Kelchtermans et al., 2018). In an in-depth case study, Vanassche and Kelchtermans (2016b) demonstrated how one of the participating teacher educators entered the program with a very clear strategic agenda. He wanted to use the methodological training and his self-study research in that CPD project to gather evidence and be better “armed” in his ongoing struggle with the management of his institute and their policy choice for a competency-based approach in the teacher education curriculum and pedagogy. His participation in the program was an exemplary case of “negotiating the zip”: His participation as well as his learning throughout the entire process was and remained profoundly framed and dominated by his political agenda. His case further also exemplifies the idea that the participant in CPD is the individual-in-context and that as such the working context literally walks in with the participants (see before). Looking through the metaphorical lens of agenda negotiation allows to make sense of the complex, multilayered, often messy, and even contradictory motivations, claims, or engagement by CPD participants, which would remain obscured or even meaningless when only looked at in terms of learning processes. So, if the ultimate goal of CPD is to make improved practice better possible (capacity building) or more likely (convincing and motivating) then one shouldn’t be blind for the micropolitical dynamics in CPD processes.

Reclaiming Professionalism Through CPD Eventually, what is at stake in the metaphorical framing of CPD as negotiating the zip is the very idea of teacher professionalism. In other words, if one acknowledges that teachers are professionals, enacting this professionalism in their practice, by drawing on expertise and engagement, as well as discretionary judgement, all of which are happening while situated in the particular time-space conditions of their work lives, then it is obvious that in CPD there is more at stake than just learning. Teachers’ professional learning is inevitably affected by their interpretation and sensemaking of calls for change as well as the way they decide to deal with them. That’s why “negotiating the zip” is a more accurate and encompassing metaphorical representation of “how CPD works,” as an answer to Kennedy’s (2016) question.

Getting Beyond Blueprint and Training Both the zipper and the negotiation metaphor unpack a complex process, revealing the different elements, analytically helping to show how different actors are engaging, being positioned, and making sense of the multilayered meaning and motives throughout the social interactions in a CPD program. At the same time these metaphors confirm the idea that teachers are – and are to be addressed as –

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professionals. In fact, the metaphors provide an analytical as well as an argumentative lens to reclaim the emancipatory sense of the word “professional” in CPD. They reject its apparently neutral instrumental and technical meaning and unmask how this reduces teachers to be mere executors of what has been decided by others. The de-professionalizing effect of disconnecting decision-making and execution in educational practice has been extensively theorized and critically discussed for a long time (e.g., Apple’s intensification thesis – Apple, 1986). Yet, during that same time, the performativity logic has managed to prevail and even dominate educational policy in most countries (Kelchtermans, 2007b). This logic privileges an instrumental view on education (effectively linking the means to achieve the envisaged outcomes, as measurable by standardized testing) and reflects an economical root metaphor of education as a commodity to be produced, based on investment or contract relationships. In terms of CPD this logic seamlessly fits a blueprint approach (Kelchtermans, 2013): Some authoritative body (government, administrators, or policymakers) has defined what the desired teaching and learning practices in schools are (i.e., as defined by standards, instruments for outcome measurement, teaching and learning materials to be used, competency lists to be used in the selection, enactment and evaluation of curricula for teacher education, etc.). The purpose of CPD is to build the necessary capacity in teachers and schools to effectively perform these predefined practices and achieve the envisaged outcomes. In other words, it calls for and favorizes CPD in the transmission modus, aimed at the transfer of information or facilitating the development of instrumental competencies to (better) execute imposed policy requirements (Grundy & Robison, 2004; Kennedy, 2005; Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2009; Sachs, 2011). In fact, it would be semantically more correct and politically more truthful to call these CPD programs “training” or “instructions on job performance.” By continuing to refer to those programs as CPD the ambiguous meaning of the adjective “professional” is in fact ideologically abused to delusively suggest that educational workers are recognized and appreciated to be “professionals,” while in fact they are being treated as mere executors of decisions by others.

Beyond Examples of Good Practice to Good Examples of Practice Maybe the best way to illustrate this point – and to wrap up the central message in this chapter – is by problematizing one of the most widespread pedagogical strategies in CPD: the collecting and sharing of “examples of good (best) practice” (Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2009; Kelchtermans, 2015, 2021). The argument in the idea “examples of good practice” is fairly simple and straightforward: demonstrating to others what good practice looks like will make them do the same. Yet, what looks like simply sharing information, inspiring others based on one’s own experiences or exemplifying what is expected from good teachers and good education, hides a more complicated reality. It is in fact a discursive practice that “does” much more. First of all, it requires the installation of an authority that judges whether or not a particular practice qualifies as good. This

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authority claims the legitimacy to judge, defines the criterion to be used, and in labeling a particular practice as good/best, imposes a norm for others to follow. The message is very tempting. Which teacher would not want to know the secret to success? Secondly, the example of good practice positions the members of the audience as followers, in particular through the normativity of its call. The message is not only “this is what works, this is what education should look like and therefore, this is what you should do to be a good teacher or school.” At the same time it implicitly or even explicitly states: “not following this example would be irresponsible since every committed practitioner should aim for effective practice.” So the audience is summoned to follow and apply the presented practice in their own classes or schools. More fundamentally, it reduces them to passivity and treats them as mere executors, instead of professionals who ground their actions on their expertise as well as their committed judgement of the particular situations. In fact, the message in examples of good practice adds to teachers’ de-skilling and de-professionalization (Edge & Richards, 1998). Thirdly, apart from these normative and even political reflections, the example of good practice tends to neglect the fundamental contextualization of educational practices and therefore be very delusive in its message. The reality is that schools differ in many and complex ways, with their different histories, their location in a particular geographical and sociocultural environment, their varying student populations and staff, etc. Therefore, what was found to be effective in one particular situation may not or not in the same way “work” in another situation. Finally – and more fundamentally – any statement on good or best educational practice represents a value-laden choice, an ethical stance that will have to be justified by arguing why a particular practice would do justice to the educational needs of the particular students that are entrusted to one’s care. Since education involves human beings, its purpose and justification can never be reduced to an instrumental issue of finding the most effective means-ends link. In other words, the very idea behind “examples of good practice” is in many respects problematic when applied in education. However, improving practice is the ultimate goal of CPD and therefore sharing and discussing insights and experiences from practice remains a powerful source for professional learning. In order to counter the de-professionalizing effect of examples of good practice, but without giving up the strong potential for professional learning from exchanges of concrete educational practices, CPD should work with “good examples of practice” (Kelchtermans, 2015, 2021). This is more than just a playing with words. It is an entirely different thing. The word “good” in “good examples of practice” does not refer to the content of the message: setting and imposing the norm (dictating what is good or best to do). Instead, it refers to the way a practice is presented. In this representation, three things have to be achieved (Kelchtermans, 2021). First, these examples need to provide a rich description of what a particular practice looks like. The representation must allow the audience to picture in enough detail how things are working in that particular context. But secondly the examples need to go beyond description and explain the factors or conditions that determine what is going on in the practice. A “good example of practice” engages with the why question and offers explanations. That also includes making explicit the grounds for that explanation: its

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validity, the evidence or data it is based upon, etc. And thirdly – but also only after the two first steps have been taken – the good example of practice takes a stance and expresses the author’s evaluation of that practice: How do we value this practice and why? (Kelchtermans, 2021). As a consequence, good examples of practice don’t necessarily have to be success stories. They can be equally powerful when reconstructing and revealing the attempts, the problem framings, the continuing struggles, and the growing understanding as they develop for the practitioners involved. The fundamental difference between the “good examples of practice” and the “examples of good practice” lies in the way they conceive of the audience. Good examples of practice don’t position the audience as passive, in need of being told what to do. By interpretatively and self-critically unpacking and explaining their practices, the presenters establish a conversational situation. “Rather than seeking submission to the authority of the evidence-based ‘best’ practice, the good examples of practice treat the audience as professionals, calling on their expertise as well as their commitment and care for the educational issues at stake, inviting them to learn, evaluate and make the necessary judgements when interpreting and translating the insights to the particularities of their own context. As such, the audience is stimulated to reflect on and critically analyse the presented practice in terms of what it could mean in one’s own working conditions. This way the audience is treated as composed of responsible professionals, who are at the same time invited to act as ‘peer reviewers’, evaluating whether and to what extent the presented practice can be relevant or meaningful to them” (Kelchtermans, 2021, p. 1510). The link between the message and one’s own context is not a matter of fidelity and implementing what is been imposed, but rather a reflective, yet engaging dialogue in which insights from the analysis of the practice example are interpreted and translated to their potential meaning for one’s own working conditions and practice. As such “the basic message of the ‘good example of practice’ is a call for dialogue between professionals, for sharing their understanding of their practices and for inviting others to join the thinking in order to take the growing understanding a step further” (Kelchtermans, 2015, pp. 364–365): to collectively enrich their expertise and to strengthen the quality of the practices one is professionally responsible for. To sum up, working with good examples of practice in the pedagogy of CPD creates powerful opportunities for the participants to engage in “negotiating the zip” in ways that fully value and acknowledge the “P” in CPD.

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Postgraduate Research as a Vehicle for (Trans)forming Teachers’ Professional Development: Opportunities and Challenges

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Marta Kowalczuk-Walędziak, Ame´lia Lopes, and Isabel Menezes

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Postgraduate Research: Mapping the Global Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Postgraduate Research as a Tool for Teacher Development: Insights from the Literature . . . . Background: Description of Three Key Studies Exploring PGR as a Form of TPD . . . . . . . . . . Postgraduate Research and Its Impact on TPD: Cross-National Lessons Drawn from the Authors’ Three Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Impact of PGR on TPD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Factors Moderating the Impact of PGR on TPD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Essential Themes Diagram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PGR as a Vehicle of (Trans)forming TPD: From Promising Results to Development Prospects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In Europe, like many parts of the world, postgraduate research is increasingly taking root as a platform for teacher professional development opportunities. By revising and reflecting on evidence from three recent research projects into teachers engaged in master’s and doctoral education across five European countries (i.e., Poland, Portugal, Latvia, England, and Romania), this chapter looks closely at the relationships between postgraduate experiences, research, and teacher professional development. It identifies some of the common themes visible across these studies, referring in particular to the concrete sites of impact M. Kowalczuk-Walędziak (*) University of Białystok, Białystok, Poland University of Daugavpils, Daugavpils, Latvia e-mail: [email protected] A. Lopes · I. Menezes University of Porto, Porto, Portugal e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_74

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of postgraduate research on teacher professional development (i.e., teachers themselves, their students, and the schools they work in), as well as the factors moderating the nature and direction of this impact (i.e., teachers’ characteristics, school context, university context, and wider geopolitical context). Based on these results, this chapter concludes with recommendations for policy makers, university leaders, headteachers, and teacher professional development providers who seek to promote and reinforce postgraduate research (and, to some extent, research in general) as a meaningful form of teacher professional development. Keywords

Teacher professional development · Postgraduate studies · Research · PhD degree · Master’s studies · Professional practice

Introduction In Europe, like many parts of the world, postgraduate research (PGR) is increasingly taking root as a platform for teacher professional development (TPD) opportunities (Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2018). This emerging interest in qualification programs is evident in recent cross-national TALIS surveys (European Commission, 2010), as well as national research studies carried out in a wide range of countries (e.g., the Netherlands (Snoek et al., 2018), Israel (Zuzovsky et al., 2019), or New Zealand (Dixon & Ward, 2015)). Keeping in mind that the postgraduate education landscapes for teachers in Europe vary from country to country – covering a range of programs, certificates, and diplomas – it should be clarified at this point that in using the term “postgraduate” we refer to master’s and doctoral studies (i.e., level 7 and level 8 in the European Qualifications Framework; see European Commission, 2018). These studies require a significant level of academic research into a chosen phenomenon in order to make a meaningful contribution to the knowledge base in the field. This chapter looks more closely at this turn towards postgraduate research by examining the relationships between postgraduate experiences, research, and teacher professional development. This chapter is grounded in the authors’ own research, carried out in collaboration with a range of colleagues from other European countries (i.e., Romania, England, and Latvia) over the last 10 years, and focused on the impact of postgraduate studies on professional practice (namely: Teixeira & Menezes, 2012; Menezes & Sousa, 2013; Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2017, 2020, 2021; Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021; Alves et al., 2021; Lopes & Menezes, 2018). This rich body of evidence extracted from different contexts comprises mainly studies of in-service teachers, but also includes studies of other professionals in the fields of education, and social and health sciences. This chapter aims to reexamine the key lessons revealed by these research endeavors, regarding the impact of postgraduate research on teachers’ professional development, in order to rigorously interrogate and challenge the notion of PGR as a valuable and transformative form of TPD. However, this chapter is more

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than a summary of these studies. Rather, it utilizes them in combination with the work of other scholars, in Europe and beyond, to advance the field’s collective understanding of advanced research training as a form of TPD and then, ultimately, to develop practical recommendations for policy makers, university leaders, headteachers, and teacher professional development providers who seek to promote and reinforce postgraduate research (and, to some extent, research in general) as a meaningful form of teacher professional development. Before exploring these issues in more detail, the wider context fuelling teachers’ increased interest in advanced research studies as a part of their TPD is outlined.

Postgraduate Research: Mapping the Global Context The recent move teachers have made towards postgraduate research as a form of professional development is driven, in part, by a response to global trends currently shaping the teaching profession. Of these trends, the following seem to be particularly influential: the global policy push seeking the further academization of the teaching profession; the evidence-based teaching movement; as well as a fundamental paradigm shift away from a transmissive model (including the corresponding culture of performativity) and towards a transformative model of teacher professional development (Zuzovsky et al., 2019). In recent years, the teaching profession has undergone an intense process of academization, leading to the “universitisation” of teacher education programs, either as part of their preservice training or as post-qualification studies for practicing teachers (Zuzovsky et al., 2019, p. 671; see also Zgaga, 2008, 2013; Kennedy & Carse, 2020; Menter & Flores, 2021). On a sociopolitical level, this push to commodify (student) teachers’ learning outcomes, and the corresponding demands on them to achieve ever-increasing levels of qualifications in order to access the job market, can be contextualized within the wider pressures exerted by the rapid advance of neoliberal socioeconomic realities (Barnacle & Dall’Alba, 2011). However, on a more values-based level, some researchers locate this trend towards academization within the growing recognition of the importance of research-based teaching and learning for enhancing teachers’ professionalism (BERA/RSA, 2014; Cordingley, 2015; Sachs, 2016; Afdal & Spernes, 2018; Flores, 2018). Indeed, recent studies indicate that research-based teacher education is a highly promising strategy for developing reflective, innovative, autonomously- and critically thinking teachers, who are able to use research tools to respond effectively to complex problems in their classrooms (BERA/RSA, 2014; Niemi & Nevgi, 2014; Tatto, 2015; Bullock, 2016; OECD, 2018). Correspondingly, teacher education policies across the world are now placing greater academic demands on teachers (Tatto, 2015; Darling-Hammond, 2017), suggesting that they “should possess and apply academic knowledge in their teaching, extend their collaboration with researchers and study their own practice as researching teachers” (Bergmark, 2020, p. 2). In this contemporary context, postgraduate studies are viewed as a strategy for further developing research-based teacher education (Ion & Iucu, 2016). As a result of

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this new demand for academic teacher education, the master’s degree is becoming widely regarded as a necessary, minimum qualification for entering the teaching profession in many European countries; furthermore, an increasing number of teachers are pursuing doctoral studies as a part of their ongoing professional development (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2017). On a more political level, it is also critical to factor in the influence of the Bologna process in Europe, which has explicitly recognized postgraduate study (second and third level) as a type of professional education. One of the consequences of moving professional learning into the framework of higher education is that, in many countries across Europe, postgraduate studies have become the rule, rather than the exception, particularly for professionals such as teachers (Teixeira & Menezes, 2012; Menezes & Sousa, 2013). Related to this assertion, Niemi (2008, p. 204) concludes that: If teacher education is a real part of the European Higher education area then the teaching profession should be a graduate profession and all three cycles of the Bologna process should be implemented in teacher education. This means we also need doctoral programmes (3rd cycle of the Bologna process) for teachers, principals and teacher educators, while at the same time research into and during teacher education is actively promoted.

Another process driving this trend towards postgraduate research serving as a key part of teacher professional development stems from the recent evidence-based teaching movement, “where actions are justified through a language shrouded in talk of research, data, and best practice” (Helgetun & Menter, 2022, p. 2). Indeed, the last two decades have renewed interest among education researchers and policymakers in the notion of “evidence-based practice” (EBP), with many arguing that using “evidence” helps teachers to improve the quality of their everyday work (Coldwell et al., 2017; Cooper et al., 2017; Brown & Flood, 2020; Mills et al., 2021; Gairín & Ion, 2021). However, there are several key concerns regarding the implementation of EBP in the teaching profession (Biesta, 2007; Nelson & Campbell, 2017; Mills et al., 2021; Helgetun & Menter, 2022). Firstly, drawing from the paradigms and traditions of healthcare (where professional activities or actions are conceptualized as interventions), EBP, therefore, generally leaves aside the fundamental fact that education is “a process of symbolic or symbolically mediated interaction” (Biesta, 2007, p. 7–8). Secondly, some scholars warn that evidencebased practice often lacks sufficient contextualization, assuming that the notion of “good” or “best” “evidence” is independent from the ecology of the specific contexts where it is applied (Biesta, 2007; Lewis & Hardy, 2017; Helgetun & Menter, 2022). This “what works elsewhere” orientation (Helgetun & Menter, 2022, p. 98) limits “the opportunities for educational professionals to exert their [own] judgement about what is educationally desirable in particular situations” (Biesta, 2007, p. 20). On a more practical level, these concerns around the basic assumptions caught up in “evidence-based practice” present a distinct challenge for teachers, as they demand specialist skills in order to access, understand, and discern what good evidence of practice actually is, and then translate it into their own teaching practice.

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Against this backdrop, Ion and Iucu (2016, p. 613) allocate a special role to postgraduate studies, arguing that “not only is transfer of research facilitated [through this type of advanced studies], but also teachers can learn to improve their research skills and competence, with research forming part of a teacher’s professional development.” As such, postgraduate studies become a key space for developing teachers’ capacities and experiences, not only in gaining purely technical research skills, but strengthening their ability to “critique, implement and adapt evidence as they encounter it” as well as to “understand better the ‘mediating processes’ that connect evidence and practice” (Nelson & Campbell, 2017, p. 127). Recent decades have also brought changes to approaches and practices in teachers’ professional learning. It is currently expected that teachers, as part of their in-service learning, will “continue to reflect on their practice in a systematic way; undertake classroom-based research; incorporate into their teaching the results of classroom and academic research; evaluate the effectiveness of their teaching strategies and amend them accordingly; and assess their own training needs” (Commission of the European Communities, 2007 cited in Niemi, 2008, p. 199). These growing expectations have resulted in a striking shift away from short-term, transmissive models of TPD (e.g., courses, seminars, and workshops), and towards TPD models that could be described as transformative, constructivist, and long term in their orientation (Mockler, 2005; Kennedy, 2014). While transmissive models situate teachers as passive recipients of knowledge, transformative models are grounded in sophisticated, inquiry-oriented, and reflection-based learning activities aimed at developing teachers’ reflection on their own practices, creating their own knowledge, and enhancing their sense of professional autonomy and identity (Kennedy, 2014; Labone & Long, 2016; McChesney & Aldridge, 2019). With an emphasis on academic research, postgraduate studies are uniquely positioned to offer such kinds of transformative learning experiences, and thus support teachers’ teaching and learning on an ongoing basis. Furthermore, contemporary TPD is deeply affected by growing trends towards standardization, performativity, and accountability (Goodwin, 2021; Mockler, 2022). In real terms, these notions manifest in the building of highly regulatory and measurement-oriented professional learning cultures, with particular priority given to testing, professional teaching standards, and external definition and control of what a “good teacher,” “good practice,” and “good professional learning” mean (Mockler, 2013). This move towards the rigid commodification and numericalization of something as fluid as education has had a “damaging effect on teacher autonomy and professional identity” (Mockler, 2013, p. 37) and “results in teachers’ limited ownership of the professional development processes and decreased relevance for teaching practice” (Lloyd & Davis, 2018 cited in Bergmark, 2020, p. 2). Therefore, by way of a response to such strict limitations, research-based professional learning can be viewed as a viable alternative to standards-oriented, quantifiable, and easily measured professional development (Mockler, 2005; Sachs, 2016) by offering a nurturing space for intellectual freedom, exploring new teaching and learning territories, and crossing curriculum boundaries (Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021).

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Summing up, it is clear that PGR has received and is receiving increasing interest from teachers as a result of the current global narrative around their profession which prioritizes research-based teaching and learning. However, despite this policy rhetoric voicing the importance of advanced research training as a professional education for teachers, its true, practical impact on TPD is still unclear. Indeed, while there is a growing body of literature on the value of master’s level studies within initial teacher education (Burton & Goodman, 2011; Gray, 2013; Kennedy & Carse, 2020), it is less common to see systematic, comprehensive, and cross-national analysis on the potential of postgraduate research to enhance TPD in a valuable and sustainable way (Snoek, 2011). As such, this chapter aims to go well beyond the rhetoric, by using international perspectives to critically explore the relationships between postgraduate research (both at master’s and doctoral levels) and teacher professional development.

Postgraduate Research as a Tool for Teacher Development: Insights from the Literature Like academic research on the whole, postgraduate research places considerable importance on scientific methods and rigor, and formal language and structure, as well as systematic procedures, in order to investigate research questions (House, 2020). Its completion is a lengthy, intensive, accumulative, theory-focused process, requiring huge commitment and effort from students. Such characteristics, at first glance, may indicate that postgraduate research does not fully meet the criteria of an effective form of TPD: it is neither focused on situated learning in the workplace or collective and collaborative learning within a team of teachers, nor does it involve teachers in the creation of the goals, content, and design of the learning (Snoek & Volman, 2014, p. 91). However, recent studies provide evidence that postgraduate research, despite its profoundly academic orientation, may in fact be considered as a means of TPD (European Commission, 2010; Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2018), located between the transmissive and transformative TPD models (see Kennedy, 2014 for classification of TPD models). This sense that PGR offers a meaningful form of TPD is clearly exemplified by Zuzovsky et al., (2019, p. 672), who situate master’s level studies in an Israeli context: [a]lthough this level of studies is considered an ‘award-bearing model’ (2014, p. 692) that rests on the completion of a degree program accredited by a higher education institution, it can also be viewed as a means of enhancing teacher criticality and autonomy, supporting teachers in their efforts to become more independent and to express a stronger professional voice (Bailey and Sorenson 2013; Kennedy, 2014).

Similarly, Kowalczuk-Walędziak (2021, p. 78), in considering teachers’ engagement in doctoral studies as a tool for TPD, also located PGR “on the more intensive, subject-specific, and long-term side of the continuum of TPD forms, i.e. in terms of teachers being engaged in discussions, tasks, and research-oriented activities.”

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The potential of PGR as an opportunity for TPD is further supported by literature (which has, to date, mostly focused on master’s studies), offering concrete examples of the benefits stemming from practicing teachers’ participating in PGR (Dixon & Ward, 2015; Bakx et al., 2016; Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2017; Snoek et al., 2018; Zuzovsky et al., 2019). In these studies, the benefits refer mainly to the teachers themselves and cover the following: deepening subject and pedagogical knowledge; improving current teaching practices; enhancing professionalism; increasing self-confidence and self-efficacy; developing academic and research; bettering understandings of the links between research and practice; sharpening critical stances toward common issues within schools; and advancing career trajectories. On a secondary level, these studies also demonstrate that there are benefits of PGR as TPD for students (for example, increasing their learning outcomes), as well as for teachers’ workplaces (for example, building a stronger culture of inquiry, implementing innovations, sharing knowledge within the school organization, and strengthening partnerships between schools and universities). While the above evidence shows that PGR has the potential to transform TPD for the better, some research also identifies challenges and concerns around positioning PGR as a form of TPD, specifically in terms of teachers themselves, school organizational culture, and the structure and design of postgraduate programs (Dixon & Ward, 2015; Bakx et al., 2016; Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2017). Regarding teachers themselves, Ion and Iucu (2016) reflect on the impact of postgraduate studies on teachers’ practice in Romania, and highlight that, after graduation, teachers claimed a lack of skills, expertise, and confidence in accessing and using research in their practice. Regarding school organizational culture, recent studies (Snoek & Volman, 2014; Dixon & Ward, 2015) have found that schools sometimes lack the capacity to support and value teachers who have undertaken PGR as part of their TPD, such as: other teachers or headteachers not encouraging these teachers to apply their new and robust knowledge and failure to recognize their research expertise. These hurdles prevent teachers who have undertaken PGR from implementing their new research knowledge and skills in practice. Indeed, referring to Brown et al.’s (2016) work, Ion and Iucu (2016, p. 611) point out that “teachers are more likely to use research if they perceive the climate of their schools to be supportive of research utilisation.” Regarding the curricula and design of postgraduate programs – as evidenced in some studies (Zuzovsky et al., 2019) – the main problem seems to be their orientation towards theory and research at the expense of concrete reference to teaching practice. To sum up, recent studies have shown that PGR has real potential to transform TPD; however, the changes generated by this type of research are mostly confined to teachers themselves and the immediate context of their classrooms (Ion & Iucu, 2016). As highlighted above, literature shows that three main sets of factors mediate this potential of PGR to enhance TPD: teachers themselves, school organizational culture, and the structure and design of postgraduate programs. That said, these existing studies refer mainly to in-service master’s programs (both coursework and research), meaning that little evidence is available regarding doctoral studies as a potential form of TPD. Bearing in mind the significant public and personal resources

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invested in developing teacher education at postgraduate level, as well as the immense individual efforts required of teachers to complete doctoral programs, there is a need to develop a more holistic and realistic picture of PGR as a form of TPD. Thus, this chapter responds to this call by exploring three studies on the impact of PGR at master’s and doctoral level on TPD, spanning five European countries.

Background: Description of Three Key Studies Exploring PGR as a Form of TPD As introduced above, this chapter reexamines evidence from three recent studies carried out by the authors of this chapter on in-service teachers engaged in master’s and doctoral education (as a part of their TPD), spanning five European countries: Poland, Portugal, Romania, England, and Latvia. The first research project was qualitative, utilizing semi-structured interviews to explore the motivations, perceptions, and experiences of 42 Polish and Portuguese teachers who had completed PhD studies or were in the process of doing so, specifically in terms of the impact the PGR was having on their personal and professional lives (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2017; Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021). The second was a mixed-methods study, involving focus group interviews and surveys with 43 students and graduates from master’s and doctoral programs at the University of Porto’s Faculty of Education Sciences about the impact that their postgraduate studies had on their practice (Lopes & Menezes, 2018). The third research project was quantitative, surveying 645 education professionals, including 429 teachers, who were studying for or had recently graduated from Master of Education programs in Poland, Portugal, England, Latvia, and Romania, with the aim of exploring their views on the usefulness of the course and corresponding dissertation/thesis work for their professional practice (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2017, 2020, 2021). Although these three studies were focused on different aspects of the relationships between postgraduate studies and teacher professional development (e.g., the impact of master’s theses on TPD; the role of PGR in developing twenty-first century skills; and motivations for pursuing PhD degrees), their overarching goal was to shed more light on postgraduate research as a tool for teacher professional development. Furthermore, all three adopted common research underpinnings to understand these relationships more deeply. Firstly, our research has relied heavily on the assumption that teaching is no longer simply a practical occupation, but a profession that values research activities as rich and diverse means of meaningfully nurturing reflective, critical-thinking, inquiry-oriented teachers across all levels of their careers (Zgaga, 2008; Lopes et al., 2014; Zeichner, 2014; Sachs, 2016). Indeed, this assumption corresponds with Sachs’ (2016) vision of teacher professionalism whereby teaching is positioned as a “mature,” research literate profession. As such, contemporary teachers require additional knowledge and skills “to conduct their own research, individually and collectively, to investigate the impact of particular interventions or to explore the positive and negative effects of educational practice” (BERA/RSA, 2014, p. 5).

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Secondly, our research holds that if the teaching profession is to be recognized as a “mature” profession, research should be integrated into the teacher education continuum for the span of a whole teaching career, including in-service learning (Niemi, 2008; Menter & Flores, 2021). Thirdly, in all three studies we conceptualize TPD as a complex process of changes in teachers’ knowledge/understanding, skills, and expertise, along with subsequent changes in their professional practice (i.e., across students’ outcomes, schools, and organizations), plus the teaching profession as a whole (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2020). We also assume that this process is influenced by pluralistic individual, organizational, and geopolitical factors, shaping the prospective impact of TPD. Although our studies were neither originally planned as a systematic, large-scale, European-level investigation, nor involved analysis of policy documents at European and national levels, the teacher surveys and interviews conducted in these five different cultural settings make a strong contribution to the field’s knowledge base for at least two key reasons. Firstly, all three studies listen carefully to the voices of a relatively large number of teachers living and working in different cultural contexts. This commitment to listening to teachers is of particular importance because, in light of ongoing policy debates surrounding the relationships between TPD and postgraduate level education, an obvious and problematic omission, thus far, is perceptions of teachers themselves. Indeed, this need to listen to what teachers are saying resonates with Mockler and Stacey’s (2019) claim that “teachers should be heard more clearly in the conversations about evidence; policy makers and other decision-makers need to listen to teachers.” Furthermore, the teachers involved in these studies live and work in countries with differing policies and approaches towards higher research degrees as a professional education for teachers. Thus, bearing in mind that research as a key dimension in enhancing teachers’ professionalism “depends on political, institutional and ideological aspects” (Menter & Flores, 2021, p. 121), our cross-national dataset effectively offers an empirically based exploration of PGR as TPD from a range of different geopolitical perspectives. For example, in Portugal, at the time of this study, the master’s degree was the essential basic qualification for preprimary, primary, and secondary school teachers (having been made law in 2008, meaning that the first cohort of teaching students impacted by this change graduated in 2012). In Latvia, however, there was no formal requirement to hold a master’s degree to become a teacher, meaning that teachers could enter master’s degree programs voluntarily. As for doctoral studies, neither in Portugal nor in Poland were they formally recognized as a form of professional development, which ultimately meant no salary increase or career advancement upon qualifying. By summarizing and exploring trends across these diverse locations, our intention is – similar to Mills et al. in their 2021 study comparing teachers’ engagement in research in England and Australia – to encourage “policy learning” (i.e., gaining knowledge about the workings of policy in other countries and settings) rather than “policy borrowing” (i.e., copying or adapting policy from other countries and settings), the latter of which is too often the case when policy makers in Eastern European countries automatically capitulate towards

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Western countries as a gold standard to emulate, regardless of fit or appropriateness in their own setting (Steiner-Khamsi, 2014). Secondly, our studies have involved not only a significant number of teachers with master’s degrees, but also teachers who have completed PhD degrees. Including this second group of teachers is of particular value because, as noted earlier, although there is a growing number of teachers who apply for doctorate degrees, comparatively less attention has been paid to the usefulness of the doctorate for TPD. Given that doctoral studies are fundamentally based on sustained engagement in rigorous academic research, seeking to understand and reflecting on the experiences of teachers with PhDs will contribute fruitfully to ongoing discussions on the relevance of all PGR for teachers’ practice and professional development. Finally, it should be noted that the findings of these three studies will not be analyzed in detail here, chiefly since this has already been achieved in their original published form. Instead, this chapter will extract, link, and discuss essential themes that have emerged from aggregating the key data gathered via these three research projects, with a view to advancing understandings of PGR as a vital form of TPD.

Postgraduate Research and Its Impact on TPD: Cross-National Lessons Drawn from the Authors’ Three Studies The two overarching dimensions used to organize this discussion of the lessons drawn from these three studies are: (1) the impact of PGR on TPD and (2) the factors moderating the nature and directions of this impact.

The Impact of PGR on TPD Overall, our studies suggested that PGR (both at master’s and doctoral level) provide a unique platform for teachers’ professional development on three interconnected levels: firstly, on an individual level; secondly, in terms of their students; and, thirdly, regarding the schools they work in. These studies found that the impact generated by PGR was most extensive at the personal level, a finding comparable to other recent research (Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2017). Teachers undertaking PGR highlighted that it has the potential to: enhance their professionalism (e.g., developing skills and knowledge; expanding teaching methods repertoire; increasing political awareness); boost their personal confidence (e.g., increasing self-efficacy in dealing with professional duties); integrate research into teaching practice (e.g., rediscovering research as a means of (re) designing their teaching practice, as well as advancing the teaching profession; developing their researcher identity); and guide them towards new career opportunities (e.g., taking on leadership roles in their schools, and beyond). Going forwards, developing further investigations into these promising, new results is essential, given the likelihood of their increasing significance in the future, in terms of locating and benefiting from PGR as a form of TPD.

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Perhaps the most profound finding from our three studies was that teachers’ engagement in PGR had facilitated their path towards “re-discovering research” and, subsequently, capitalizing on the unique potential of research not only for transforming their everyday teaching practice, but also for advancing the teaching profession more broadly. Indeed, the data suggested that newly gained understandings of what a research process is and what research work requires had a profound effect on teachers’ personal views of teaching as an academic discipline. This fresh awareness of a robust, research-informed basis to teaching influenced teachers’ ability to articulate the value of the profession to others, as well as to increase their dedication to it. In fact, I only saw during my master’s studies that teaching is not only a practical profession, but also an academic discipline! Everyone always laughed that our studies were the easiest, because they only taught how to teach children. [master’s student from Poland]

As such, this result provides a partial response to Menter and Flores’ (2021) question on the status of research and research based-education within the teaching profession, when compared to those professions which already have a long-standing tradition of using research, like medicine or engineering. Another critical finding coming from the two studies featuring Portuguese and Polish teachers who had undertaken doctoral studies (Lopes & Menezes, 2018; Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021) was the increased awareness teachers gained of the wider sociopolitical issues facing their profession. This elevated sociopolitical acumen corresponded with improvements in teachers’ critical, autonomous, and reflective thinking, expressed mainly through their increased ability to translate education policies and “decode” the legislation that shapes their professional lives – thus, ultimately, allowing them to be more confident when talking to headteachers or local authorities. This finding implies that PGR generates a gain in “conscientisation” in relation to the teaching profession and its political challenges (Estrela, 1999). In addition, the two studies featuring PhD-educated teachers (KowalczukWalędziak et al., 2017; Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021) found that engagement in scholarship and research allowed them to step out with their “hierarchy-based” school environments – where there is a clear top-down power dynamic between teachers and, for example, headteachers – and to speak more freely about the broader issues impacting education and the teaching profession. Indeed, these studies showed that the doctorate empowers teachers to position themselves authorities in their field, by allowing them to find more courage to defend their ideas and projects, or to express their own views in the ongoing debates on what counts as “good” education and “good” teacher professional learning – independently from the increasing bureaucratization of school life and the standardization of professional development and learning. These findings put PGR firmly on the agenda as a promising means of centering teacher empowerment as a driver in the education field. Indeed, the data indicates that, through PGR, teachers are positioned as professionals who can produce reliable knowledge of education, resist control

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mechanisms, generate and amplify their voice or discourse on education affairs, as well as speak to a constructive dialogue between theory and practice (Fandiño, 2010, p. 114). These characteristics truly resonate with the key dimensions of teacher empowerment models described in existing literature (Short & Rinehart, 1992; Panagiotopoulos et al., 2019). The second layer of teachers’ professional development via PGR was articulated by study participants in terms of the consequential benefits for their students. Interestingly, teachers highlighted that these benefits came out of a ripple effect from enhancing or redefining their own knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes through PGR, as well as from applying research-informed teaching strategies in their classrooms (Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021). This pedagogical shift, in turn, has led to students engaging more deeply in learning, adopting more positive attitudes towards inquiry, achieving better results in exams or competitions, and feeling encouraged to conduct their own research projects – all of which are findings reported in other existing studies (Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2018). The third level of teachers’ professional development via PGR related to how those research experiences contributed to their practice in wider school contexts beyond the classroom. All three studies indicated that teachers’ research-based skills and knowledge were used to improve certain areas of their schools’ workings: for example, teachers who had undertaken PGR were called upon to reflectively analyze and interpret the results of students’ exams, lead school evaluation networks, implement innovations, as well as navigate research-generated knowledge bases to find fitting solutions to complex, day-to-day problems. In addition, similarly to the findings from the studies carried out by Bakx et al. (2016), Snoek et al. (2017), and Zuzovsky et al., (2019), the data collected in our three studies show that PGR enables teachers to create stronger links between their universities (their place of study) and their schools (their place of work). Indeed, many participants pointed out that their schools had gone on to establish partnerships and agreements with their universities, which had resulted in many successful common initiatives (e.g., research projects, conferences, and internships).

Factors Moderating the Impact of PGR on TPD Although the above results demonstrate the positive relationship between PGR and TPD, they also provide evidence that the nature and directions of the relationships between PGR and TPD is a complex, nonlinear interplay between individual factors and the different “layers of context” (i.e., on geopolitical, university, and school levels). Born from this fundamental complexity, these factors can, depending on the situation, strengthen or weaken the positive influence of PGR on TPD. All three of our studies showed that the impact of PGR on TPD, primarily, depends on teachers themselves – that is, their willingness, knowledge, skills, and attitudes towards implementing the results of their PGR work in their school contexts – as well as their job satisfaction and professional work experiences. These experiences and attitudes, combined, act as a filter through which teachers

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evaluate and interpret their PGR experiences, then integrate them into their teaching practice. For example, Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al. (2021) found that older teachers assigned significantly higher ratings to the usefulness of PGR for developing their professional skills for the twenty-first century than their younger counterparts did. However, valuable information on this relationship between PGR and TPD was provided not only on a quantitative basis, via statistical analyses including some of these characteristics as independent variables, but also on a qualitative basis, via interviews with teachers undertaking PhD studies who discussed in detail how they served as a form of professional development. Interestingly, these teachers pointed out that while the doctorate may be a fitting form of TPD, it is only suitable for teachers who are curious, ambitious, and have a real passion for doing research – or for experienced teachers for whom it may be the crowning achievement of all their years in the profession, and therefore could incorporate the results of their extensive reflections and own research on the process of teaching and education (KowalczukWalędziak, 2021). Beyond this need for a good fit between personal values and the rigorous demands of undertaking PGR, lack of knowledge and skills on how to transfer research into practice was the most frequently reported factor decreasing the positive impact of PGR on TPD, due to universities offering no or inadequate training during teachers’ PGR. Throughout all of our studies, students spoke extensively about the tensions between research and practice across different elements of their master’s or doctoral programs, a finding reported in other existing studies (Ion & Iucu, 2016; Snoek et al., 2017). For example, our studies most closely examining the practical usefulness of master’s and doctoral theses/dissertations found a common pattern: when thesis topics were related to teaching practice, as opposed to purely theoretical issues, the students observed a stronger and more positive impact on their professional practice and development (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2020; KowalczukWalędziak, 2021). The comparative success of the thesis/dissertation focused on questions of professional practice confirms the need for universities to encourage and direct their PGR students towards research projects with this more practical type of focus, thus affording them the agency to render their academic efforts a bridge into their (future) professional work, rather than simply maintaining, or even exacerbating, the gap between the two. However, on the other hand, PhD students in particular communicated that such a utilitarian drive must not come at the expense of those who thrive under a less obviously practical approach – where the expansion of knowledge bases is pursued for its own sake – especially as a counterpoint or relief in the context of a high-pressure, rigorously assessed practical professional development trajectory (Kowalczuk-Walędziak, 2021). Contrary to some studies which report that teachers prefer short-term TPD courses (OECD, 2009), our studies found, perhaps surprisingly, that the weight of formal characteristics of PGR programs actually contributed to their value for teachers, i.e., taking much longer to complete than workshops, seminars, or courses; requiring greater effort and autonomy in gaining and discovering knowledge; and demanding that candidates develop a strong theoretical foundation in their training.

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The data collected in all three of our studies also showed that the school context influenced and moderated the impact PGR had on TPD, including the following factors: restrictive and overloaded school curricula; members of school communities (e.g., other teachers and headteachers, as well as parents and guardians) being unwilling to recognize the academic accomplishment of PGR; and discrepancies between postgraduate research and everyday teaching tasks. Indeed, many teachers highlighted that, within busy, contemporary schools where the focus is primarily on testing students’ learning outcomes, implementing new, research-based ideas was hard to accomplish. Furthermore, these teachers could not find sufficient time or space to apply their PGR in their classrooms or schools, because they were caught up in the everyday workload of maintaining a rigid curriculum, navigating extensive bureaucracy, and keeping in line with the performativity culture demanded of teachers in the school. Indeed, this result implies that a culture of performativity is a critical barrier to the positive (or even potential) influence of PGR on TPD, an observation further supported by research across six European countries (i.e., Portugal, Italy, Sweden, Estonia, the Czech Republic, and Germany) (Malafaia et al., 2017). This study found that a common complaint teachers had was that this highly restrictive culture not only undermines how they themselves work, but also undermines opportunities for teaching that actively promotes students’ critical thinking, reflection, and citizenship development – thus, ultimately, failing some of the most pertinent goals of education in our contemporary world (Malafaia et al., 2017). Our study into master’s-level education (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2020, 2021) provides evidence to further support the suggestion made by other researchers about the key role geopolitical context plays in moderating the impact of PGR on TPD (Menter & Flores, 2021; Mills et al., 2021). For example, we found that national TPD systems are what determine the formal goals of professional learning, which, in turn, prioritize specific types of TPD ahead of others. This hierarchical relationship was further exemplified by those teachers who had obtained a doctorate as part of their TPD: the halted trajectories of these teachers revealed that education policy makers ignored the doctorate in professional pay scales and did not formally recognize it as TPD, leaving them feeling ambivalent about its impact on their professional development (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2017; KowalczukWalędziak, 2021). Furthermore, we found that teachers in countries where research was not put at the heart of the teacher education policy agenda (e.g., Poland or Latvia) were comparatively more skeptical towards the impact of master’s studies on their professional development.

Essential Themes Diagram Following the identification of the essential themes across all three of our studies, those themes were categorized into spheres of origin and sphere of impact, as depicted in Fig. 1.

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Fig. 1 PGR and its influence on TPD

Postgraduate research is located in the center of this diagram, serving as the core: a vehicle for (trans)forming TPD. Based on the findings of our studies, it should be noted here that all elements in this diagram are relational and seem to permeate or influence each other continuously, creating a complex set of conditions influencing the kind of impact that PGR has on TPD. Given this simultaneity and plurality, this diagram offers a visual reminder of the definitively “mediated, situated, social, dynamic and contested nature” of research-practice relationships (Boyd, 2013, p. 137). The top half of the diagram illustrates three key areas of impact generated by PGR on TPD: the impact on teachers themselves; the impact on students; and the impact on schools. In particular, it communicates how teachers themselves are the greatest beneficiaries of PGR, since it immediately and positively affects their knowledge and skills, as well as classroom strategies, a finding which resonates with Ion and Iucu’s (2016) study. Then, the impact on students and schools can be seen as “secondary beneficiaries,” which corresponds with Evans’ (2014, p. 188) vision of TPD:

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[n]ew ideas or ways of thinking that have been planted within teachers’ consciousness may take time to blossom and to become gradually assimilated into their practice – and in the interim such ideas or perspectives may have been augmented (or diluted) through interaction with a myriad of other (often unrecognisable or unidentifiable) influences on practice.

These areas of impact, along with the outcomes they generate, operate within individual, school, university, and geopolitical contexts that moderate the extent and directions of PGR impact on teachers’ professional development, while being simultaneously altered by that impact themselves. For instance, our studies found that PGR and teachers’ performativity can be understood as existing in something of a contradictory relationship, whereby the culture of performativity in schools can hinder the positive impact of PGR on teachers’ practice and development; but, on the other hand, PGR appears to be a way for teachers to resist the demands of performativity forced upon them. This dynamic and fluid relationship speaks to the catalytic validity of research, in terms of recognizing the importance of research in contributing to social transformation which involve both “a recognition of the reality-altering impact of the research process itself, but also on the need to consciously channel this impact so that respondents gain self-understanding and, ideally, self-determination through research participation” (Lather, 1986 cited in Teixeira & Menezes, 2012, p. 7). In the diagram, the contextual factors are represented by semicircles in the bottom half, where the outer one represents the wider geopolitical context in which local teaching professions operate. This context refers mainly to policy makers who, by setting priorities and objectives for national education policies in line with their own ideologies and agendas, decide the forms of professional development prioritized in any given country (Menter & Flores, 2021). Then, on the next level, the diagram positions the university context within which PGR is generated and developed, followed by the school context in which research knowledge and skills are subsequently implemented. The inner semicircle refers to teachers’ own personal characteristics, including their knowledge and skills regarding the transfer of research results into their teaching practice, as well as their job satisfaction and professional experiences. Indeed, as Evans (2014, p. 187) argues, teacher professional development or a change in professional practice may occur when the teacher recognizes a “better way [of doing something] than what preceded.”

PGR as a Vehicle of (Trans)forming TPD: From Promising Results to Development Prospects To finish, by way of looking to the future, this chapter seeks to pull together the findings of the three international studies presented in the section above, supported by the key themes defining other current research literature, as well as our own professional experiences as directors of master’s and doctoral programs. Ultimately, PGR is a highly promising means of (trans)forming TPD to meet the needs of both twenty-first century schools and the contemporary teaching profession. However, if

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the education community (i.e., policy makers, university leaders, headteachers, and TPD providers) is truly committed to promoting and reinforcing PGR (and to some extent research in general) as a form of TPD, the following recommendations may prove to be valuable. 1. During their PGR, teachers need to be taught practical and meaningful ways in which they can use research to support high quality teaching practice. During their PGR, teachers need to be taught much more about how to concretely implement research in their professional practice, as they have explained, both in our studies and elsewhere, that this type of training is critical in supporting their ability and readiness to select, interpret, and apply research to their work (Brew & Saunders, 2020). However, as yet, many postgraduate study programs continue to focus exclusively on a step-by-step methodology of how to conduct scientific research, instead of emphasizing the many practical and meaningful ways in which research can be applied on a practical level as a tool for elevating the quality of teaching practice. As our studies have suggested, exposure to research or simply calling on students to adopt research does not mean that they automatically become dexterous users and producers of research themselves. Therefore, over the course of their PGR, students need to truly experience how research may concretely inform, affirm, and improve the teaching and learning happening in their classrooms and schools (Brew & Saunders, 2020). Hence, there is a real need to drive a paradigm shift away from continually telling students that linking research and practice is “crucial,” and towards being taught how to identify problems precisely in their classrooms, translate key research results, and implement the most valuable of those in their practice. 2. Schools and wider local communities need to create and extend opportunities for teachers to implement and share their research-based knowledge and skills, thereby acknowledging the true potential of PGR in transforming teaching practices for the better. Put simply, the most effective way of activating the true potential of PGR in schools today is to assign those teachers who already have PGR competences to leadership roles, thus creating a space where their expertise and skills can be tapped into and employed for the good of the whole school community. These leadership roles could take on a diverse set of forms, as best fits the existing infrastructure and networks of the community, for example: preparing reports and action plans based on data; mentoring students who are keen to participate in competitions; advising headteachers and colleagues on current issues in the field of education; and helping to solve teaching problems. Teachers invested in research offer their communities a unique access point to a rich, up-to-date network of literature, references, and rigorous studies that might otherwise be inaccessible, but that could be invaluable to the success and well-being of contemporary school communities (Tatto, 2015). 3. Universities need to pay more careful attention to the way in which they structure PGR curricula, given that they are preparing not only future researchers, but also

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practicing professionals who must operate within a highly demanding work environment. University authorities need to recognize that, at the end of their courses, their graduates are setting out to operate in new, highly demanding geographical, social, political, and professional contexts, i.e., beyond the immediate fields of research and academia (Barnacle & Dall’Alba, 2011). As such, higher research degrees are no longer just a means of preparing future researchers, but also of certifying a wide range of practitioners (Barnacle & Dall’Alba, 2011; Alves et al., 2021). Indeed, as Zgaga (2013, p. 359) argues, “new productive ways to connect the university and society should be found. This is necessary not only for teacher education but also for other professions as well as for the university of the twenty-first century as a whole.” Therefore, universities need to fundamentally reexamine the goals of the PGR training they offer in order to ensure real and sustainable social, professional, and scientific relevance. For example, having in mind the low usefulness ratings of master’s or doctoral theses for TPD found one of the three studies presented in this chapter (Kowalczuk-Walędziak et al., 2021), thesis supervisors need to encourage teachers to conduct research projects that will ultimately be of tangible, lasting value to the profession, i.e., concretely linked to the contents of the subjects they teach and/or the needs of their students. As Waring and Evans (2015, p. 407) suggest: [i]n supporting the development of the research literacy of a teacher, their perceptions of the utility of the research need to be addressed. Therefore, research needs to be accessible, tailored and focused on the requirements of a specific school context to support teacher development in schools so that teachers can see how research can be utilised for their own professional learning, and so they can become generators and not only receivers of research. [emphasis ours]

Furthermore, this process of restructuring university curricula to better address the needs of professional and social contexts requires that university authorities and professional communities work in partnership, rather than as separate – and sometimes opposite – sites. 4. In the bid to create a research-rich iteration of the teaching profession fit for the twenty-first century, the career-long nature of research education must be acknowledged within it: ranging from initial teacher education, through to induction, then on to continuous professional development. In becoming (more) research literate, teachers need to undergo career-long education in and with research, starting from initial teacher education, through to induction, then on to continuous professional development (Menter & Flores, 2021). Niemi (2008, p. 203) highlights that “the pre-service teacher education curriculum provides a foundation but without research-oriented in-service training, teachers’ potential to renew and develop their own profession will stagnate.” Furthermore, during the course of qualifying and throughout teachers’ careers, the profession has a

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responsibility to actively promote plenty of opportunities “to engage in research and inquiry, collaborating with colleagues in other schools and colleges and with members of the wider research community, based in universities and elsewhere” (BERA/ RSA, 2014, p. 7). Only with this comprehensive approach will it be possible to ensure that teachers’ research identities have space to flourish and to, in return, enhance the profession itself. 5. Policy makers need to enter into a more open listening process with the universities and schools that they serve, in order to ensure that the policies they write reflect teachers’ and schools’ actual (PGR) needs. This type of listening and sensitivity on a policy-making level is essential due to the finely balanced position that PGR occupies with the education ecosystem: on the one hand, education policy stresses the need to produce research-oriented, reflective practitioners; yet, on the other hand, taking Poland as an example, the doctorate is not formally recognized as a valued form of TPD (for example, teachers are neither paid more nor promoted professionally for their efforts). Indeed, exploring these tensions, Zgaga (2013, p. 359) explains, “[o]n one side, teacher education needs to follow the logic of higher education and research; on the other governments are regulating the teaching profession. As a result, the boat may be rocking dangerously.” With this danger in mind, the success of education in Europe today depends on creating “European research programmes in which research- and evidence-based teaching and teacher education are in the focus. These programmes could open new scenarios for how to promote knowledge creation in education” (Niemi, 2008, p. 204). In this vein, it is therefore no longer enough to offer master’s-level education as means of confirming teachers’ research capacities: rather, “[t]eachers and teacher educators also need European doctoral programs in which they can learn new scientific approaches along with multidisciplinarity” (Niemi, 2008, p. 204). This process of upgrading the offers available to contemporary teachers has already begun, for instance, within the EDiTE project (founded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program), where early stage researchers from 11 countries (Bhutan, the Czech Republic, Ecuador, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Nepal, Poland, Serbia, Syria, and the USA) work closely with supervisors in 5 partner universities on their individual PhD research projects (Schratz et al., 2019).

Conclusion By revising and reflecting on the cross-national lessons drawn from our three studies on the lives and experiences of teachers undertaking master’s and doctoral studies, this chapter has provided a rich insider perspective on PGR as a vehicle for transforming the professional development of teachers. While the relationships between PGR and TPD are interesting in and of themselves by virtue of their fluid, dynamic, simultaneous, fraught, and contradictory natures, they also have much wider significance in these unprecedented times of a global pandemic – with

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teaching pushed into digital spaces, and educators physically distanced from the learners in their care like never before. Against this backdrop, the hope is that this chapter might be built upon further in the future as one building block in understanding how PGR may meaningfully be used as a framework around which the teaching profession can seek to advance its own effectiveness and innovativeness in addressing the ever-emerging and widening range of new, (post-)pandemic challenges for the field of education. In such circumstances, education systems across the world are in need of teachers who are equipped with a well-developed sense of reflectivity and research knowledge on education phenomena, all while being openminded to fresh ideas and trends. It is this profile of teacher who will, thus, be able to expand the boundaries of their classrooms, their schools, and their profession towards more innovative, more responsive, and more research-oriented teaching and learning practices.

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Part V Teacher Education for Leadership

Teacher Leadership in the Classroom

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Tatiana Baklashova, Margery McMahon, and Roza A. Valeeva

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education for Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Is Teacher Leadership? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Leadership: In and Beyond the Classroom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Leadership in Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Competence Model of a Class Teacher-Leader in a Russian School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Goals, Tasks, and Functions of the Class Teacher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Criteria for the Effectiveness of the Class Teacher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The New Role of the Teacher-Leader: Class As a Project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Class Leader Activity Vectors: Interaction Management Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Regional Implementation of the Project: The Experience of the University Partner School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning for Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Teachers exhibit and exercise leadership in their professional practice, explicitly and implicitly, and this became even more acute during the global pandemic. Teacher leadership is however not a new phenomenon, and over the past 20 years there have been efforts to describe and typologize it. Terms such as teacher leadership, teachers-leaders, leadership for learning, and learning leaders have been set out in professional standards for teaching, though the translation from policy into practice varies across education systems and contexts. If leadership expectations have intensified, then the question arises of when and where should T. Baklashova · R. A. Valeeva Institute of Psychology and Education, Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia M. McMahon (*) School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_23

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learning for leadership in education occur? In general, this has been associated with a model of positional leadership, so leadership learning and preparation is role related. Discourses of distributed leadership and empowerment in the teaching profession all point toward the need for leadership learning in initial teacher education as a foundation for teachers leading learning in their classrooms and wider school. This chapter discusses this, drawing on examples from Scotland and Russia where the authors are based, showing how this is being developed though undergraduate and postgraduate curricula. The chapter concludes by arguing if leadership is increasingly being seen as a teacher responsibility, then there is a counter responsibility to ensure new teachers are adequately prepared for the leadership they will enact and experience. Keywords

Teacher leadership · Professionalism · Collaboration · Empowerment

Introduction When and where should learning for leadership in education occur? Generally, this is seen to be more related to career stage, beyond an initial induction or probationary phase, when a teacher has become more accomplished in their practice and consolidated in their professionalism. It is also often related to models of positional leadership, where career advancement is role related, aligned to leadership and management infrastructures in schools. A shift in recent decades in discourse and practice toward more distributed and dispersed approaches to leading in schools has repositioned leadership in schools as a collective endeavor, involving all members of the school community, including pupils, their parents and carers, and the wider school community. More democratic, participative, and equitable approaches build capacity, embed professionalism, and provide more sustainable models. Recognition of this has led to a widening or expansion of leadership across the school, manifest through initiatives such as teacher leadership and professional learning communities, often school led but increasingly teacher led too, as well as involving a range of external agents. The chapters in this section address these patterns and trends, exploring some of the shifts that are shaping and reshaping teacher education, challenging the continuum, and aligning pre- and in-service preparation for teachers and school leaders more closely as teacher education for leadership. This chapter takes a closer look at teacher education for leadership and, in doing so, seeks to address the question initially posed, of when and where learning for leadership in education should occur, and the extent to which teacher leadership in the classroom is the first manifestation of this. Connecting with the other chapters in the section, this chapter looks at the scope for teacher leadership and beyond, and how the individual and collective capacity and capability generated can be developed further in support of teacher education for leadership and for system change and

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improvement. Understandings of leadership and followership are important to this and are also considered in the chapter. The chapter concludes by arguing for leadership learning as an integral part of teacher education, embedded in preservice curricula and developed in-service through teacher leadership initiatives. In discussing teacher leadership in the classroom, the chapter draws from a case study from the Russian context, where two of the authors are located, to show how reconceptualization of teaching and teacher education as part of the wider reform project is orientated toward students developing leadership skills underpinned by research-based approaches to teacher learning.

Teacher Education for Leadership In recent years, conceptual understandings of what is meant by teacher leadership, and how it is enacted in the classroom, have evolved considerably, with a growing body of research and literature seeking to define and explore aspects of it. It also forms a critical thread for all the chapters in this section which examine different dimensions of teacher education and educational leadership. Teacher education is concerned with supporting the academic and professional development of teachers throughout their careers, and the foundations from the initial, preservice phase are paramount for new teachers’ induction into the profession, and the classroom, and their future development. However, while there appear to be more opportunities for learning about leadership through post qualification, in-service programs, generally leadership learning has not featured in initial teacher preparation programs. This is beginning to change in some education systems, with the role of classroom teachers as “leaders of learning” in their own classrooms set out in professional standards for teaching. In Scotland, for example, the professional standards state explicitly that “All teachers are leaders of and for learning” (GTCS, 2021). In other systems, teacher education providers have developed initiatives to introduce leadership learning in preservice programs (King et al., 2019). The scope of this varies across the globe and is linked to how teaching and “the teacher” are conceptualized, and innovation is often linked to programs of education reform. More recently, it has been driven by contingent responses to global challenges such as the pandemic or local emergencies, where teachers, irrespective of career stage and experience, have had to contribute to leading in their schools, and so the place of leadership learning, in the initial preparation phase, has become even more critical as schools and teachers react and respond to these. In this chapter, how teacher leadership in the classroom is defined and enacted is explored. Examples are drawn from the Scottish and Russian systems where the authors are based. These offer contrasting perspectives, from a system where teacher leadership has become embedded as part of a framework for leadership development (Scotland) and a system where, as part of a major reform of teacher education, the novel concept of teacher leadership and class leadership is being progressed (Russia).

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What Is Teacher Leadership? As understandings and research associated with educational leadership have evolved, there have been greater efforts also to provide more precise definition and conceptual clarity relating to teacher leadership. York-Barr and Duke’s 2004 study of teacher leadership research, spanning two decades, found that: Empirical literature reveals numerous small-scale, qualitative studies that describe dimensions of teacher leadership practice, teacher leader characteristics and conditions that promote and challenge teacher leadership. Less is known about how teacher leadership develops and about its effects. In addition, the construct of teacher leadership is not well defined, conceptually or operationally. (p. 255)

Wenner and Campbell’s 2017 review found some progress to supplement understandings and enactment of teacher leadership but also found that (a) teacher leadership, although rarely defined, focused on roles beyond the classroom, supporting the professional learning of peers, influencing policy/decision-making, and ultimately targeting student learning; (b) the research is not always theoretically grounded; (c) principals, school structures, and norms are important in empowering or marginalizing teacher leaders; and (d) very little teacher leadership research examines issues of social justice and equity (p. 134). The sparsity of empirical research related to teacher leadership would, they predicted, impact upon the effectiveness of teacher leaders within and across systems (p. 165). Nguyen, Harris, and Ng (2019) identified 17 different definitions of teacher leadership in the articles selected for inclusion in their review of teacher leadership (p. 12) but found some key characteristics: teacher leadership as influence rather than positional, leading change for improvement, through activities that extend beyond teachers’ normal work, informal in nature, and often involving peer collaboration (pp. 12–13). Recent critiques of teacher leadership research have noted that much of the current literature on teacher leadership seems to be predominantly Western in definition, orientation, and interpretation (Nguyen et al., 2019: p. 25), and there is a need to know more about conceptualizations and practice realities in non-Western contexts. There has been some attempt at shared understandings through the international summits on the teaching profession (ISTP) which have taken place annually since 2011. The summits bring together policymakers, representatives of the teaching profession, and teachers’ professional associations, to identify and support key features of effective education systems. In the 2015 summit, held in Canada, teacher leadership featured highly in the discussions. There was recognition that the understandings and practices associated with leadership vary across education systems. In some systems, it forms part of a structured career path while in others it is more informal. The summit’s report noted that while generally there is much interest in having teachers play expanded roles in schools, teacher leadership is not yet widespread in policy or practice (Asia Society, 2015: p. 11). It will vary from context to context and school to school and is contingent upon multiple factors including conceptualization of teachers and school leaders, educational reform programs, local priorities, and challenges and individual motivation.

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The renewed emphasis on teachers’ career-long professional learning in recent years, through the evolution of a professional continuum and leadership development frameworks, has sharpened the focus on teacher leadership. Proto models of accomplished teaching that emerged and faded away in the 2000s (for example, the Chartered Teacher in Scotland and Wales; Advanced Skills Teachers and Excellent Teachers in England) recognized pedagogical and curriculum expertise, but the leadership dimensions associated with these were more difficult to embed. The adoption of new leadership frameworks has assisted to some extent in setting out leadership expectations at key stages (classroom, middle-level; school and system-level leadership). In some systems, this has been accompanied by certification through postgraduate programs. In Scotland, for example, a postgraduate certificate was introduced in 2009 as a joint initiative involving the largest teachers’ professional association, the Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS), and two universities. A national nonaccredited Teacher Leadership program was offered now through the national education agency, Education Scotland (Education Scotland, 2022), though this has recently been renamed as the Educator Leadership program, reflecting a wider focus across sectors. Credentialism and development of teacher leadership through accredited and nonaccredited programs shows the formalization of teacher leadership, beyond a set of dispositions and behaviors which is now explored in the following section.

Teacher Leadership: In and Beyond the Classroom The day-to-day activities with which a teacher leader might be involved will vary depending on context and emerging priorities. This could be leading a professional learning community, facilitating a working group, or mentoring preservice students or early career teachers. A key premise is leading the learning of others (pupils, peers, and other adults) in their own classroom and within and beyond their school. Professional standards can also be instruments for promoting and embedding teacher leadership. In 2020, the US-based National Education Association published “The Teacher Leader Model Standards” consisting of seven domains describing the various attributes of teacher leadership: • Fostering a collaborative culture to support educator development and student learning • Accessing and using research to improve practice and student learning • Promoting professional learning for continuous improvement • Facilitating improvements in instruction and student learning • Promoting the use of assessments and data for school and district improvement • Improving outreach and collaboration with families and community • Advocating for student learning and the profession (NEA, 2020) In the Scottish Professional Standards for Teaching, all teachers are seen as “leaders of learning who lead learning of, and with, all learners with whom they engage and work with and support the development of colleagues and other

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partners” (GTCS, 2021: p. 6). This professional commitment to lead learning is achieved through developing deep knowledge of learning and teaching; critically examining how their teaching impacts on learners; and using evidence collaboratively to inform teacher judgment and next steps for learners (GTCS, 2021). In the Irish professional standards, new teachers are expected to know and understand “the role of teachers as leaders of teaching and learning, who contribute to creating and sustaining learning communities in their classrooms, in their schools and through their professional networks” (Irish Teaching Council, online). Other levers for embedding teacher leadership are its inclusion in school evaluation/inspection benchmarks and criteria. In Scotland, the How Good is our School evaluation tool includes a specific benchmark or indicator on “Leadership of Learning” (1.2) which relates to: leadership of improvements in learning and teaching. It highlights the importance of professional commitment to improving pedagogy through a range of approaches to careerlong professional learning including collegiate working. It focuses on leadership which improves outcomes for learners through enabling them to lead their own learning. (Education Scotland, 2015: p. 22)

While teacher leadership may emerge organically, led by teachers themselves through informal networks, specific initiatives to develop teacher leadership have been introduced in a number of education systems. In the following section, how this has evolved in the Russian context is now explored.

Teacher Leadership in Russia In early October 2021, the first All-Russian Forum of Teacher-Leaders was held in Moscow, following which a memorandum was drawn up. Total 219 public schools were involved, including 2518 class-teachers and 207 school deputy heads for upbringing and social work with students who received training. This was a significant development on a number of fronts, in bringing together 1000 participants from 85 regions across Russia and the city of Baikonur, with more than 50,000 class teachers-leaders joining the event online. The Forum brought together activists of school education, focused on ensuring the global competitiveness of Russian education and the upbringing of a harmoniously developed and socially responsible individual based on the spiritual and moral values of the peoples of the Russian Federation. Themes discussed at the forum included “The class teacher: a cultural model,” “The modern class teacher-leader,” and “Professional ethics.” The forum marked the first all-Russia attempt to begin to define and characterize how the idea of the teacher as leader is understood and enacted across Russia’s diverse regions. This has not been straightforward, as Berestova, Gayfullina, and Tikhomirov (2020) found in their research, reporting that since the concept and importance of teacher leadership are not fully understood it cannot be fully implemented as a consequence, impacting negatively on professional competence

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development. This could be addressed through special courses, the exchange of experience, the encouragement of teacher leaders, and the introduction of the idea of teacher leadership in pedagogical universities (p. 607). The reform of teacher education in Russia which has been effected through pedagogical universities presents a unique opportunity to respond to these, as Berestova, Gayfullina, and Tikhomirov (2020) note, “Teacher leadership is regarded as a possible tool to reform education and improve teaching through the continuous professional development of teachers” (p. 608). They also appreciated the scale of the problem since modern Russian teachers are not fully aware of the idea of a teacher leader, and their research found that they may not fully realize and accept the idea of teacher leadership. Such a misunderstanding, they suggest, may hinder the development of leadership, as well as the development of professional competence. Consequently, for them it is important to talk about the importance of teacher leadership as early as possible and at the level of university education, and they advise that the exchange of professional experience is also important for the development of teacher leadership through special events organized by educational institutions. Participation in such initiatives improves professional skills of educators. It also promotes leadership development (Berestova et al., 2020). The Forum held in October 2021 marked an important step in beginning to address this. At the heart of this, as in many education systems, is how the role of the teacher, teaching, and so teacher leadership is conceptualized. In the Russian context, teacher leadership is closely aligned with the teacher’s professional responsibility for and commitment to “upbringing” [воспитание]. Upbringing of the younger generation is a strategic national priority in Russia (Suhinov, 2016; Bueva, 2017; Nikolina et al., 2017). Upbringing in Russia is implemented in the context of the Federal Law “On Education in the Russian Federation,” the Strategy for the Development of Education in the Russian Federation for the Period until 2025, the Federal State Educational Standard of General Education (hereinafter FSES GE), and the Concept of Spiritual and Moral Development and Education of the Russian Citizen. In these documents, asserting the humanistic ideas of upbringing (Khatib et al., 2013; Vico, 2018), the focus is on the personality of the student, as well as pedagogical interaction with them, focused on creating conditions for their self-realization, self-education (Lyubimova, 2017; Czepil, 2021). Upbringing is considered in state-directive documents as the most important component of the socioeconomic development of society, forming the pupils’ value attitude to reality (themselves, others, and the world) (Bulenkova, 2018; Mihajlov et al., 2013). The relevance of the problem of spiritual and moral development, upbringing of the modern student, is reflected in the special role of the teacher in a Russian school, traditionally combining teaching activities with leadership of their class (Petrushihina, 2013; Karpyuk, 2015). The teacher is a key figure in the upbringing system. Due to the fact that one of their main missions is to lead the class, the school principal delegates a number of their leadership and management responsibilities to the teachers, such as agreed school practices and protocols, and as agents of educational relations (children, parents, and teachers). As such, they

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determine the goals, priority areas for the development of the student community, content, forms, and technologies for working with children. In addition, their functionality includes the correction and optimization of the educational process in the class for which they are responsible as leaders. They are also responsible for the decisions they make and report to the director of the educational organization. They are in constant relationship with parents who are active agents of education in modern school. The end result of the class teacher’s activity should be the successful socialization of each of the students (Gammage, 2012).

Competence Model of a Class Teacher-Leader in a Russian School The current realities of the Russian national education system transformation testify in favor of a revision of the role, functionality, and content of class leadership activities, which affects the development of the national system of teacher education. It is advisable to talk about a new model of the class teacher, who provides consultative, constant support to the family of each of their pupils, who is a member of the school-professional pedagogical community, who is a full-fledged manager of the educational process, and who is a mentor and educator of students in the class (Masalimova, 2012; Kichaeva, 2019). According to the professional standard in Russia, the class teacher must know the priority areas and prospects for the development of pedagogical science and the educational system of the Russian Federation, regulatory documents on the education and upbringing of children and youth, the requirements of the Federal State Educational Standard of the new generation, and recommendations for their implementation at school, as well as the theory and methodology of educational work that meets the requirements of the Federal State Educational Standard. In addition to theoretical knowledge, the class teacher should be able to choose effective pedagogical forms and methods for achieving the results of spiritual and moral education and personality development of students, to carry out the education of students, taking into account their psychological and physiological characteristics. Thus, the priority of the work of the class teacher is to manage the motivation of students, develop the class team as a friendly team of cohesive like-minded people, create a favorable psychological climate in the classroom, reduce the risk of conflicts between the subjects of educational relations through the use of various types of activities aimed at all types of education (ethical, esthetic, sports, patriotic, moral, etc.). The above requirements for the knowledge and skills of a class teacher in a modern Russian school determine the complex, systemic nature of their activity and impose a number of obligations on them in the matter of educating students. At the same time, the class teacher is prohibited from using educational activities for political agitation, forcing students to accept political, religious, or other beliefs or renounce them, to incite social, racial, national, or religious hatred, for agitation promoting the exclusivity, superiority, or inferiority of citizens on the basis of social, racial, national, religious, or linguistic affiliation, their attitude to religion, including

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by providing students with false information about the historical, national, religious, and cultural traditions of peoples, as well as to encourage students to act contrary to the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Thus, the competence field of the teacher leader includes the ability to orient educational participants in relation to the resources of the school, city, region, country, and world, as well as the ability to integrate pedagogical influence on the students, motivate them, inspire them to learn, involve in various activities, help to build their own knowledge, and simulate the trajectory of perspective development. The above competencies correspond to the portrait of a modern teacher-leader, who faces much greater tasks than only teaching students (McMahon, 2011). These competencies are quite specific, predetermined by the general leadership competence of the teacher, as well as both natural and developed in the learning process professional activity, the ability to be a leader of students, a class of pupils.

Goals, Tasks, and Functions of the Class Teacher The purpose of the activity of the class teacher in the Russian Federation, according to the professional standard, is the formation of a harmoniously developed and socially responsible personality based on family, sociocultural and spiritual and moral values of the peoples of the Russian Federation, and historical and national cultural traditions. The tasks of the class teacher’s activity include creating conditions for self-determination and socialization of the student on the basis of sociocultural, spiritual, and moral values and rules and norms of behavior accepted in society in the interests of the individual, family, society, and the state – creation of favorable psychological and pedagogical conditions in the classroom through the humanization of interpersonal relations, the formation of communication skills, child-adult communication based on the principles of mutual respect and mutual assistance, responsibility, collectivism, and social solidarity, and inadmissibility of any forms and types of bullying, violence, and cruelty. The class teacher should contribute to the formation of a high level of spiritual and moral development among students, based on the acceptance of universal and Russian traditional spiritual values and practical readiness to follow them; formation of the internal position of the student’s personality in relation to the negative phenomena of the surrounding social reality, in particular, in relation to cyberbullying, destructive online communities, and the use of various substances that can harm human health; the cult of violence, cruelty, and aggression; devaluation of human life; etc. In the activities of the class teacher, a special place is occupied by the task of developing the students’ active citizenship, their sense of responsibility for the country, involvement in the historical and cultural community of the Russian people, and the fate of Russia. Also, they, as a leader, contribute to the formation of the ability of students to realize their potential in the conditions of modern society through an active life and social position, using the opportunities of the volunteer movement, children’s social movements and associations, student self-government,

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and creative and scientific communities. Emphasis is also placed on the formation of a healthy lifestyle; ensuring the protection of the rights and observance of the legitimate interests of each child; organization of extracurricular work with students in the classroom; and promoting the development of inclusive forms of education, including in the interests of students with disabilities. The main functions of the class teacher in the Russian Federation are personalityoriented activities for the upbringing and socialization of students in the classroom; activities for the education and socialization of students, carried out with the class as a social group; educational activities in cooperation with parents (legal representatives) of underage students; educational activities in cooperation with the teaching staff; participation in the implementation of educational activities in cooperation with social partners; and maintaining and compiling documentation of the class teacher. Thus, the priority of the goals and objectives, as well as the functions of the class teacher in the Russian Federation, is the education and socialization of the student, their harmonious development based on the values of the people, family, and state. In their educational activities, they focus on the development of such qualities of children as spirituality, solidarity, responsibility, and compassion. It is important for the class teacher to contribute to the formation of an active citizenship of students, to promote a healthy lifestyle, and to develop their pupils through creativity and culture.

Criteria for the Effectiveness of the Class Teacher The regulatory and legal documentation was adopted at the national level in the Russian Federation states that the effectiveness of the class teacher is determined by the final results of the activity achieved over a certain period of time and their compliance with the key goals of education and socialization of students. The criteria for the effectiveness of the class teacher’s activity process include the following: (1) complexity as the degree of coverage in the educational process of the areas indicated in the regulatory documents; (2) targeting as the degree of consideration in the educational process of the age and personality characteristics of children, the characteristics of the class; (3) innovativeness as the degree of use of information new in content and forms of presentation, personally significant for modern students, forms and methods of interaction that are interesting for them, including Internet resources, online communities, blogging, etc.; and (4) consistency as the degree of involvement in solving educational problems of different subjects of the educational process. The criteria for evaluating the results (performance) of class management are the following: 1 the formation of knowledge, ideas about the value system of a Russian citizen; 2 the formation of a positive internal position of the personality of students in relation to the value system of a Russian citizen; and 3 the presence of experience in activities based on the value system of a Russian citizen. The effectiveness of classroom management activities increases as you move toward higher level results.

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Control and evaluation of the activities of the class teacher in the school is carried out by the deputy director of the public organization for educational activities and is manifested in the following: visiting class hours, class events with a subsequent report; organization and holding of working meetings with class teachers; evaluation (in points) of compliance with the job description by the class teacher; and determination of volumes and actual bonuses (together with the director) of class teachers in accordance with the results of evaluating their activities.

The New Role of the Teacher-Leader: Class As a Project The updated complex tasks that the Russian state and society pose to the modern teacher leader today lead researchers and practicing teachers to think about effective mechanisms for their implementation. In the matter of the practical implementation of the tasks, the priority is for competent support of the teacher leader from all members of the school leadership and management team. The key figure in this support is the school deputy head for upbringing and social work with students. Its tasks include the creation and development of the school system of upbringing with a focus on the priorities of state policy and conceptual approaches to the organization of pedagogical and managerial activities of class leaders. In line with these priorities, the project “class teacher – class leader” was introduced in 2020 to improve and update the system of education and upbringing in Russian schools [Rukovoditel’ klassa. Upravlenec, nacelennyj na rezul’tat (Class-leader. A results-oriented leader), Uchitel’skaya gazeta]. The project assumes that all participants of educational relations (students, their parents, the school leadership, and educational authorities) will accept the new role of the class leader. The main goal of the project is the formation of new competencies of the class teacher as a leader, a class manager through a system of additional training for a new approach aimed at working with the class team, groups of interests, abilities, and inclinations, which are also represented in the class and individual students. The new approach in question reflects a new methodology for working with the class as a project, which is aimed at unleashing and developing in the class community the potential and talents of each student. The implementation of this project should be included in the general system of organizational and methodological support for the activities of class leaders and school deputy heads for upbringing and social work with students. While the project was initially put into practice in Moscow and Moscow region, its conceptual foundations are now beginning to be reflected in the school practice in different regions of the country. Based on the results of the project implementation, the methodological recommendations for class leaders, an algorithm for the implementation of the project in schools, a roadmap for the school upbringing development work program, and methodological recommendations for the upbringing program development, approximate upbringing programs were developed and tested (Selivanova, 2020; Stepanov, 2020). Also developed were regulations for the class-leader; regulations for the interaction of the teacher-leader with the school administration and teachers; and approximate criteria and indicators of the class leader’s effectiveness. This culminated in the All-Russian Forum of Teachers-Leaders, as mentioned above.

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Class Leader Activity Vectors: Interaction Management Analysis The modern class leader in Russia is responsible for managing the processes of interaction with the class (community of pupils) (teacher-leader – class); individually with each student in the class (teacher-leader – student); subject teachers in this class (teacher-leader – subject teacher); and parents of students or their legal representatives (teacher-leader – parent or student’s legal representative). When implementing various types and forms of joint activities, teacher-leaders focus on the characteristics of the agents of interaction and target priorities related to the age characteristics of their pupils. The content of the class leader’s work with the class community includes the following: • Encouraging the class to participate in key school-wide activities, providing the necessary assistance in the preparation, conduct, and analysis of the activities. • Organization of interesting and useful activities for the child’s personal development, joint activities with the students of the class (cognitive, labor, sports and recreation, spiritual and moral, creative, and career guidance). The implementation of events that are inherently multidirectional allows children with different needs to be involved in them and gives them the opportunity of self-actualizing. Along with this, there is a process of establishing and strengthening trusting relationships with the students in the class; the class leader becomes a significant “adult” for the pupils, setting the patterns of behavior in society. • Planning and organizing class hours as hours of fruitful and confidential communication between the teacher-leader and students, based on the principles of respect for the personality, supporting the active position of each child in the dialogue, providing students with the opportunity to discuss and make decisions on the problem under discussion and creating a favorable environment for communication. • Conducting games and trainings aimed at class rallying, team building; organization of one-day and multiday hikes and excursions together with parents; celebrations of children’s birthdays in the classroom, including congratulations, surprises, creative gifts, and jokes prepared by student groups; and regular intraclass “candle lights” and evenings, giving each student the opportunity to reflect on their own participation in the class life. • Working out together with schoolchildren class laws that help children to learn the norms and rules of communication that they must follow in school. Thus, in the case of interaction with the class, the class-leader needs to carry out skillful leadership, conduct mentoring activities in the classroom, encouraging students to work and supporting them. It is important to create a comfortable environment for teamwork; establish and jointly approve the norms of the team; develop a tradition in the classroom to act; discuss the results of activities together; be attentive to the personality of each student, their talents, and uniqueness; and fully contribute to the variability of activities.

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The content of the class leader’s work with a student involves: • Studying the characteristics of the class students’ personal development by observing their behavior in daily life, in specially created pedagogical situations, in games that immerse the child in the world of human relations, and in conversations organized by the teacher on various moral problems. The observation results are checked against the results of the class-leader’s conversations with the schoolchildren’s parents, with the subject teachers, and also (if necessary) with the school psychologist. • Supporting a child in solving important life problems (establishing relationships with classmates or teachers, choosing a profession, university and further employment, academic performance, etc.), when each problem is transformed by the class-leader into a task for the student, which they jointly try to solve. • Individual work with students, aimed at filling out their personal portfolios, in which children not only record their educational, creative, sports, and personal achievements, but also plan them during individual informal conversations with the class teacher at the beginning and at the end of each year, and together analyze their successes and failures. • Correction of the child’s behavior through private conversations with them, with their parents or legal representatives, and with other students in the class; through inclusion in communication trainings conducted by a school psychologist; and through an offer to take responsibility for a particular assignment in the class. The analysis of the work of the class-leader with the student in an individual format is built according to the principle of studying observation of their behavior. The priority is the timely identification of emerging problems, their “transformation” from problems into tasks, joint reflection, analysis of successes and failures, and behavior modification through conversations with the student, their parents, and subject teachers. A special role in an objective assessment of the student’s success and victories is played by the portfolio, developed together with the class-leader. Significance in individual work is also given to training formats, the use of which, in the process of class management, seeks to remove the difficulties of an individual order. Teacher-leaders are also involved in working with subject teachers: • Regular consultations of the class-leader with subject teachers, aimed at forming a unity of teachers’ opinion and requirements on key issues of upbringing, at preventing and resolving conflicts between teachers and students • Holding mini-pedagogical councils aimed at solving specific class problems and integrating educational influences on schoolchildren • Attracting subject teachers to participate in classroom activities, giving them the opportunity to better know and understand their students, and seeing them in a different environment • Involvement of teachers to participate in parent-teacher meetings of the class to unite efforts in the education and upbringing of children

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Interacting with subject teachers, the class-leader makes it a priority to introduce them to the life of the class, to link teaching with upbringing by involving school teachers in activities and events organized by the class team. Thus, subject teachers have the opportunity to touch the traditions of the student community, to understand its features, the philosophy of cooperation, and the team atmosphere. In the process of interaction, subject teachers have the opportunity to get to know the children and their parents better, and the class teacher can more correctly build work to prevent conflict situations, contribute to the formation of a consensus and requirements for students from the school professional and pedagogical community. Another key activity for teacher leaders is working with students’ parents or their legal representatives which involves: • Regularly informing parents about school successes and problems of their children, about the life of the class as a whole • Assistance to students’ parents or their legal representatives in regulating relations between them, school administration, and subject teachers • Organization of parents’ meetings to discuss the most pressing problems of the students’ teaching and upbringing • Organization of the work of the parental committees for each class, participating in the school management and solving issues of upbringing and teaching their children • Involving students’ family members in organizing and conducting class activities • Organization of family holidays, contests, and competitions in the class aimed at uniting the family and school. Priority in working with parents is uniting of the family and the school through organization of joint events in which everyone takes part. In the focus of the class teacher’s attention is the timely notification of parents about the life of the class, support for the interaction of parents with the school, and assistance in resolving conflicts; organizing and conducting parent meetings; and management of specially organized parenting committees acting as collaborators in the classroom management process. Thus, the implementation of class leadership as a project requires the class leader to perform a large set of various tasks that actualize the issue of their competence in management, psychology, conflict management, and communication activities. Carrying out full-fledged class leadership, which is supported in turn by the school head, their deputy for upbringing, the class teacher strives to create a full-fledged community, a team of like-minded people, united by traditions, joint activities, where each participant respects the uniqueness of the other, strives for the development, and observes the collectively adopted rules (Farkhshatova, 2020; Samoilichenko, 2022).

Regional Implementation of the Project: The Experience of the University Partner School Following the vector directions of the project “class teacher – class leader,” inspired by the experience of participation in the project of the Moscow and Moscow region

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teacher-leaders, a number of Russian schools organize the process of upbringing using the potential of the classroom leadership. Developing the long-standing traditions of the Russian school, traditionally focused on the implementation of education within the framework of the humanitarian paradigm with a focus on the personality of the student, their development and perception as a full-fledged subject of the educational process, schools are actively implementing project activities, which are central in the concept of organizing upbringing. School-wide and classroom projects have taken a strong position in the Russian education system; they encourage the activities of each of the participants in the educational process, to selfexpress creatively, to link different types of activities and school subjects, and to introduce the value of interaction, management, and self-government. The research interest of the authors focused on the unique experience of the Kazan Federal University partner-school in the implementation of projects at the level of the class community and the whole school. Class-leaders as the primary agents of change within the classroom involve their students in school-wide projects; thus, the design of the school becomes the design of the class. Its implementation contributes to the personal development of each student, introduces them to the traditions of the school, and involves them in new formats of interaction. These school projects are multidirectional and their palette is variable. The key project is the one called “Teacher of the XXI century,” in which student-teachers are also involved. Acting as the manager of this project, the teacher in the classroom prioritizes the professional self-determination of student teachers who come to practice at school, the formation of their professional identity, as well as the professional development of teachers and the teaching staff. It is important to develop corporate culture and showcase advanced teaching experience, to increase the level of the class and school social capital, and a successful transition to training in accordance with state professional standards. The main mechanism for the implementation of this project is a system of work to generalize and disseminate advanced pedagogical experience within the school and outside. For the successful socialization of schoolchildren, a large-scale project “Me and My Gymnasium” has been developed and is being implemented. It includes several projects managed by class teachers: “School Business Company” (aimed at developing schoolchildren’s financial literacy and their entrepreneurial skills); “Snezhnyy desant (Snow Landing) of the Gymnasium” (aimed at the formation of students’ civic position, patriotism, humanism, and their spiritual and moral development); “Archeology of the Native Land” (aimed at research activities, search skills, cultivation of love for the native land, and small homeland); “Our Museum Complex” (aimed at developing a personal culture of cultural values perception, accumulating student’s esthetic experience; developing museum communication skills); “Healthy generation - healthy nation” (aimed at forming a stable system of views on a healthy lifestyle as a guarantee of competitiveness in real life); and many others. It is important to emphasize that each of the projects, which the class-leader supervises, has its own specifics and provides for the interaction of its participants at all levels, “immersion” in the problem, interdisciplinary integration, a combination of the possibilities of theory and practice, basic and supplementary education, teaching

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and upbringing, and management and self-government. At the same time, basic and supplementary education are developed not in parallel, but in interconnected courses: Supplementary education expands and deepens the basic one and equips schoolchildren with methods and technologies for independent work and research. The case study above illustrates how the concept of the teacher leader is being applied and developed in the context of wider projects to develop the teacher of the twenty-first century and which, in case of Russia, is premised on the teacher leader as a leader of their class as community and where contribution to wider society and socialization as part of it are key dimensions of the wider teaching remit. The range of activities and interactions described above underpin the leadership dimensions of this, requiring sophisticated personal and professional skills and competences in addition to pedagogic practice. Berestova, Gayfullina, and Tikhomirov (2020) make the case for developing these, through the pedagogic universities, a key site for teacher learning, which we now explore.

Learning for Leadership Increasingly, teachers’ potential and capacity to contribute is seen by many governments as a means to improve teacher quality, and also improve outcomes and standardize practice. There is a danger, however, that more is being expected from teachers without their readiness/preparedness and recompense being fully considered. This can vary from context to context, where teacher leaders have a more formal status and role, to ones where they are more teacher initiated and led. In relation to the US context, LeTendre (2022: p. 1500) observes that: teacher leadership policies have not created mechanisms whereby a teacher-leader can exert autonomy over, engage in coordinated development of, or develop an organic sense of collaboration around the knowledge that teachers need to be successful practitioners. Rather, the standards that are promulgated often enjoin teachers to engage in collaborative communities of research and practice and take leadership roles outside of the classroom without providing any recommendations about changing school organization to support this new role.

This raises questions about teacher and system readiness for teacher leadership. In some systems, such as Scotland, one of the largest professional associations and trade unions, the Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS) developed a joint program with teacher education providers to promote teacher leadership through an academic program leading to a postgraduate credential. A key feature was the opportunity to develop, implement, and evaluate a small-scale project at school level and apply the leadership learning and research skills developed through the program. School-level support was central to the implementation of the project, both in identifying possible areas for enquiry and development and in facilitating the project. The development of teacher leadership, and the empowerment of teachers specifically, formed the focus of Reid et al.’s (2022) study on the development of researcher identities in conjunction with teacher and teacher leader identities through

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a Master Teacher Fellow program (the Noyce Program). They recognized that “less understood is how teacher leaders become empowered to make change within their classrooms (as teachers) and their educational systems (as teacher leaders), a task that can seem daunting” (p. 2). From their research, they identified four mechanisms of empowerment: (1) identification of shared boundary objects, (2) coordination of professional visions, (3) experimentation with provisional selves, and (4) expansion of professional networks. Engagement as part of a research community was found to promote validation, legitimacy, and sense of belonging (Reid et al., 2022: p. 1). Understanding the cultures and climate that support this is essential to this, and Nguyen ▶ Chap. 28, “Developing a Model of Establishing Receptivity to TeacherLed Change in Schools” in his chapter change in schools” underlines the importance of trust for teacher-initiated change in schools. He argues that taking innovative ideas forward requires a collaborative school culture and strong organizational innovativeness, in establishing receptivity to such change initiatives (p. xx). The integration of such initiatives as part of a whole school and system-wide approach is important, and where purpose, roles, and contributions are unclear or undefined, tension can result. It also raises the question of the readiness of preservice and new teachers to contribute to initiatives led by teacher leaders and to become teacher leaders themselves, and for this, leadership learning in preservice teacher education is important. Beginning teachers, whether as students or new qualified teachers, will experience leadership in many forms and levels. Making sense of this and understanding how leadership is enacted, and where power and authority reside, is important for their own teacher identity and professionalism. In their study of preservice curricula in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and Scotland, King et al. (2019) identified a need for greater system readiness and that actors within the system needed to be prepared for preservice and early career teachers who are more “leadership aware” (p. 14). While there are concerns about already overcrowded preservice curricula being required to “include” more, reconceptualized models of the teacher, emphasizing agency and empowerment and changed and challenging contexts in schools underlines the ethical and professional importance of this leadership awareness and preparedness and so contributes to good followership as well as good leadership (McKimm & Vogan, 2020).

Conclusion Schools and their communities have been challenged and changed irrevocably by the global pandemic, and in many systems teachers and school leaders continue to be tested by local emergencies and crises. For Harris (2020, online), school leadership was been radically remodeled through lockdown. For her “leading in difficult, challenging and unprecedented times where there is no predictability, no certainty and potentially no end in sight – requires a different type of leadership, a different form of leadership practice” (Harris, 2020: online).

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During and after the pandemic, all teachers have been required to exercise different types of leadership, sharing the school level response, connecting with their communities, and lead learning in new and different ways, including collaboratively, through curricular and pedagogical leadership. This was recognized in UNESCO’s Education in a post-COVID world: Nine ideas for public action (2020) which reported “There has been remarkable innovation in the responses of educators to the COVID-19 crisis, with those systems most engaged with families and communities showing the most resilience and stating that ‘We must encourage conditions that give frontline educators autonomy and flexibility to act collaboratively’” (p. 5). With its emphasis on teacher collaboration, the report reinforced many of the skills and traits associated with teacher leadership: Today it is clear that nothing can substitute for collaboration between teachers, whose function is not to apply ready-made technologies or pre-prepared didactics, but to fully assume their role as knowledge enablers and pedagogic guides. The capacity to initiate, experiment and innovate that has been unleashed during these pandemic disruptions must be allowed to continue. Teacher collaboration should also be understood as expanding to include engagement with a wide set of educational stakeholders, particularly because in this crisis those education systems most engaged with families and communities have shown the most resilience. (p. 13)

Such “adaptive expertise” (Anthony et al., 2015) reinforces the potential of teacher leadership as professional capital, providing critical capacity and capability to lead change for improvement. This requires a reframing of teacher preparation as teacher education for leadership and for opportunities for leadership learning from the outset of a career in teaching, as this chapter has argued.

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Developing a Model of Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change in Schools

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Models of Leading Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Process of Data Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Process of Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stages in Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Experimentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Persuasion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Behavioral Modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trust . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion on the Emergent Model of Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Leading teacher-initiated change is a complex albeit identifiable process for promoting student and teacher learning. While the literature has conceptualized a general process of leading change in schools, its important subprocesses continue to be undertheorized. The chapter presents a process model of establishing receptivity to teacher-led initiatives with the aim of enhancing learning and teaching in schools. This model of three iterative stages (i.e., experimentation, persuasion, and behavioral modeling) was constructed from a grounded theory study in Singapore primary schools. Trust building plays a central part in this whole process. The model advances an understanding of the process of teachers leading change in schools and informs teachers of the strategies of achieving peer receptivity to their

D. Nguyen (*) School of Education, Durham University, Durham, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_24

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innovative ideas. The chapter highlights the role of teacher education programs in supporting aspiring and in-service teachers with development of leadership and collaboration competences to lead innovations in schools. Keywords

Grounded theory · Innovation · Leading change · Professional learning · Teacher leadership

Introduction Teacher leadership has emerged as a prominent theme in the international literature of educational management and leadership (Nguyen et al., 2019). Teacher leadership is defined as “the process by which teachers, individually or collectively, influence their colleagues, principals, and other members of the school communities to improve teaching and learning practices with the aim of increased student learning and achievement” (York-Barr & Duke, 2004, pp. 287–288). Teachers at different career stages routinely exercise leadership in their schools formally or informally (Nguyen et al., 2019; Nguyen & Ng, 2020). There has been evidence on the positive direct effects of effective teacher leadership on teacher professional development (Supovitz et al., 2010) and school learning climate (Sebastian et al., 2016), and indirect effects on student learning (Sebastian et al., 2016; Supovitz et al., 2010). The literature has evidenced a multiplicity of teacher leadership contributions beyond the classroom to improving teaching quality and securing student learning (e.g., Allen, 2016; Lai & Cheung, 2015; Nicholson et al., 2017; Taylor et al., 2011). One of these critical contributions is to lead and participate in innovative change for instructional improvement at the group and school levels (Cooper et al., 2016). The general models of leading change (Fullan, 1982; Kotter, 1995) highlight the benefit of “start small” approach in initiating and implementing change in organizations. The “start small” approach in schools involves a process of achieving teachers’ receptivity to a change initiative. This process is particularly critical for teachers’ collaborative initiatives since teacher peer support is an important factor influencing the initiation of teachers’ innovative ideas (Fullan, 1982; Nguyen & Ng, 2020). The current chapter aims to further theoretical specificity on this process of achieving teachers’ receptivity to change. It addresses the central research question: What is the process of establishing receptivity to teacher-led change in schools like? This chapter presents a model that conceptualizes the process of teachers establishing peers’ receptivity to their initiatives in schools. The conceptualization was built from a grounded theory study undertaken in Singapore primary schools. Theorizing this process is critical in strengthening the theoretical base of teacher leadership and informing teachers of strategies and stages of achieving peer support for their innovative ideas. This chapter continues the research line of

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theorizing processes of leadership and professional learning (see Nguyen & Ng, 2020), which aims to advance conceptual and practical understanding of various processes in schools.

Models of Leading Change Change in school contexts is close to teachers’ perceptions and behaviors, as implied in Fullan’s (1991) quote: “change in education depends upon what teachers do and think – it is as simple and complex as that” (p. 117). A change initiative might look simple, but the process of implementing and promoting change is complex. An initiative, specifically in this current chapter, is defined as an innovative idea (e.g., program, pedagogical method, or strategy) that seeks to enhance the quality of instruction and student learning. Teacher-led changes, as evidenced in the literature, include improving teacher instructional practices (e.g., Cooper et al., 2016), implementing curricular reforms (e.g., Lai & Cheung, 2015), and using data to improve practices (Nicholson et al., 2017). Several complementary models of leading innovative change in organizations including schools exist in the literature. Lewin (1947) proposed a model of change incorporating three stages: unfreezing, freezing, and refreezing. Fullan (1982) developed a model of three stages, namely initiation, implementation, and institutionalization. Kotter (1995) condensed a change process into a more detailed model of eight strategic stages. The first two stages involve justifying the rationale for change and engaging catalysts in developing vision for change. The next three stages focus on developing and communicating that vision and supporting the others to act on the vision. The next two stages involve implementing the change and celebrating initial successes. The final stage is to institutionalize the innovative change. In the mid-1990s, Everett Rogers advanced a model of the innovation decision process (Rogers, 2003). This model highlighted five sequential stages in the process of innovation decision-making: (1) knowledge, (2) persuasion, (3) decision, (4) implementation, and (5) confirmation. The knowledge stage happens when an individual gets exposed to an initiative and start processing the messages related to that initiative. The persuasion stage involves forming an attitude toward the initiative. Persuasion in Rogers’ (2003) model refers to “attitude formation and change on the part of an individual” (Rogers, 2003, p. 175), and this definition differs from the meaning of persuasion in other scholarly sources (e.g., Gass & Seiter, 2014; O’Keefe, 2016) and this chapter (see below). In the decision stage, an individual decides to adopt or reject an initiative. The implementation stage involves putting an initiative into actual practice. In the confirmation stage, an individual may continue or discontinue implementation of an initiative. Rogers’ (1993) model considers the process of adopting or rejecting an innovation while the three previous models (Fullan, 1982; Kotter, 1995; Lewin, 1947) focus on describing stages of spreading an innovation. These models share similar logical sequences of proposing, communicating, implementing, consolidating, and stabilizing innovative change.

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Methodology The current chapter outlines the findings from a larger qualitative study on teacher leadership in Singapore state primary schools. Singapore is a small city-state situated in the Southeast Asia. The country had a total of 185 state (government or government-aided) primary schools at the time of this research (Ministry of Education Singapore [MOE], 2016). Each primary school has approximately 1500 students and 80 teachers on average (MOE, 2016). These schools are located in four zones (north, south, east, and west) of the country. This study utilized grounded theory methodology (GTM) (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to conceptualize processes of teachers leading change in schools. GTM is appropriate for the purpose of theorizing processes at individual, organizational, or social levels (Charmaz, 2014; Urquhart, 2013). The critical features or practices of GTM include theoretical sampling, theoretical coding, and constant comparison (Urquhart, 2013). These practices were adopted in this study, as outlined in the process of data collection and analysis below.

Process of Data Collection The process of data collection in this study occurred in six iterative stages. The author obtained ethical approval before starting the process of data collection. Table 1 outlines the main sources of empirical data of this study. All formal interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and transformed into texts. Fieldnotes from research visits and email exchanges were organized and transformed into texts for analysis. NVivo software was used to support the process of data analysis. The author started this research with a general aim to explore the processes of teachers leading change in Singapore schools. Most interviewed teachers had been involved in initiatives in their schools, either as innovators (initiators of change) or adopters of initiatives. In the interviews, the author conversed with those teachers about the initiatives in which they participated.

Table 1 Sources of data Methods of data collection First round formal interview Participant observation Follow-up formal interview Email exchange

Quantity 25 interviews 50 visits

Duration Average 60 minutes per interview 3–7 hours per visit

Participant 21 teachers and 4 school leaders NIL

13 interviews 6 sets of emails

Average 60 minutes per interview NIL

10 teachers and 4 school leaders 6 teachers

Note: All names of schools and participants in this chapter are pseudonyms.

Venue Schools A, B, C, and D Schools A, B, C, and D Schools A, B, C, and D NIL

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Stage 1.1. Initial purposive sampling. The data collected in this stage included five formal interviews with the principal and four teachers. The author conducted an interview with the principal to have an overview of the school and its teacher-led initiatives. These interviewed teachers were recommended by the school for their voluntary interest in participating in this research and their influences on their school beyond their own classrooms. The author paid nine visits to School A for observational activities. These observational activities involved doing walkabouts, having informal conversations with teachers, sitting in team meetings, and observing classes. The process of data analysis is described in the next part of this section. Stage 1.2. Theoretical sampling in GTM focuses on conceptual and theoretical development of the analysis while statistical sampling in the other types of research seeks a high representativeness of population to enhance the generalizability of findings (Charmaz, 2014). Theoretical sampling involves collecting further data to elaborate or challenge the findings from the previous pieces of data. In this study, based on the findings of stage 1.1, the author adapted data collection tools (e.g., interview protocol and questions) prior to starting stage 1.2. In the current stage, the author conducted two further formal interviews with two teachers and paid six observational visits to the same School A. The process of analyzing data was similar to that of stage 1.1. Table 2 provides a summary of interviewees’ demographics in School A. Stage 2.1. The author adapted tools for data collection based on the findings in the previous stage and collected data in School B. Although this study aimed to theorize processes at teacher level, gathering data in multiple research sites/schools was to increase the degree of theoretical generalizability of the findings (see Charmaz, 2014; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The data collected in School B included seven formal interviews with the principal and six teachers (see Table 3) and field notes from 15 visits to School B. The observational activities were similar to those in the previous stages. Stage 2.2. The author collected data in School C. Three teachers in the Department of English were available and interested in participating in this study. The data gathered from this stage included three formal interviews with those English teachers (see Table 4) and fieldnotes from five visits for observation in School C. Table 2 Demographics of interviewees in School A Participant Participant P1A Participant P2A

Educational qualification Master Bachelor

Teaching/Formal leadership 16 years as principal 11 years

Participant P3A Participant P4A Participant P5A Participant P6A

Bachelor Bachelor Master Master

10 years 17 years 25 years 26 years

Participant P7A

Bachelor

20 years

Formal position Principal Head of department Level head Teacher Senior teacher Head of department Teacher

School School A School A School A School A School A School A School A

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Table 3 Demographics of interviewees in School B Participant Participant P8B Participant P9B

Educational qualification Bachelor Bachelor

Teaching/Formal leadership 7 years as principal 7 years

Participant P10B Participant P11B Participant P12B Participant P13B Participant P14B Participant P15B

Bachelor Bachelor Bachelor Bachelor Bachelor Bachelor

5 years 4 years 4 years 2 years 17 years 12 years

Formal position Principal Head of department Subject head Teacher Teacher Teacher Teacher Senior teacher

School School B School B School B School B School B School B School B School B

Table 4 Demographics of interviewees in School C Participant Participant P16C

Educational qualification Master

Participant P17C Participant P18C

Bachelor Bachelor

Teaching/Formal leadership 2 years as vice principal 5 years 3 years

Formal position Vice principal Teacher Head of department

School School C School C School C

Stage 3. The author adapted tools for data collection based on the findings in the previous stages and collected data in School D. The sources of data in this stage were seven formal interviews with the principal and six teachers (see Table 5) and field notes from 15 visits. The observational activities were similar to those in the previous stages. Stage 4. Thirteen teachers participating in the preceding stages agreed to sit for second round, individual interviews. The purpose of these interviews was twofold: to elaborate, qualify, or challenge the findings from the previous stages, and to collect additional data to identify or develop any emergent significant findings. As part of the member checking process of “taking ideas back to research participants for their confirmation” (Charmaz, 2014, p. 210), the author shared a summary of key findings drawn from the previous stages with the interviewees and asked them to comment on those findings. The process of data analysis in each of stages 2, 3, and 4 was similar to that of stage 1. In this stage, the author started to engage the concepts (e.g., persuasion and behavioral modeling) emerging from analysis of this study’s empirical data with the relevant literature (see section “Stages in Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change” below). Stage 5. The author emailed the participants to further clarify details and comment on sets of key findings. These key findings were presented in nonspecialized language. Six participants responded to the emails with their comments. In this stage, the author engaged the emerging model of establishing receptivity to teacher-led change with the relevant theories in the literature (e.g., Fullan, 1982; Kotter, 1985; Rogers, 2003).

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Table 5 Demographics of interviewees in School D Participant Participant P19D Participant P20D Participant P21D Participant P22D

Educational qualification Doctorate Bachelor Bachelor Bachelor

Teaching/Formal leadership 6 years as principal 15 years 15 years 15 years

Participant P23D Participant P24D Participant P25D

Master Bachelor Bachelor

10 years 11 years 5 years

Formal position Principal Senior teacher Year head Head of department Teacher English Teacher

School School D School D School D School D School D School D School D

Process of Data Analysis The process of data analysis involved coding data that incorporates three stages: initial coding, focused coding, and theoretical coding (Charmaz, 2014). Initial coding. The interviews and fieldnotes contained two types of data. The first type provided the specifics about demographics of participants and context of observations. The second and main type was research data. Coding research data in the early stages of study was conducted in the form of mostly line-by-line or paragraph-byparagraph coding (see Charmaz, 2014). The author was flexible in using a variety of initial coding strategies (see Saldaña, 2013) to code research data. Figure 1 presents an example of these coding strategies. The author generated 12 initial codes as a result of coding an interview excerpt. These codes included process coding (e.g., earning trust), causation coding (e.g., demonstrating success > potency of persuasion), in vivo coding (e.g., “like bread and butter”), and subcoding (e.g., persuasion: reputation). Focused coding. Focused coding involves selecting central codes from a pool of initial codes and occasionally coding initial codes (Charmaz, 2014). The codes selected in the focused coding stage tend to be more conceptual than initial codes. In Fig. 1, the author developed three focused codes that seemed to have analytical power and represented 12 initial codes. Theoretical coding. Theoretical coding involves refining “high-level” focused codes and theoretically relate them to one another. In this study, the author took a flexible approach in employing a variety of theoretical coding strategies, where applicable, such as Spradley’s (1979) universal semantic relationships and the coding families outlined in Glaser (1978) and Glaser (2005). Some initial or focused codes might give an inference of relationships and therefore could be used as theoretical codes (Urquhart, 2013). As shown in Fig. 1, there are three theoretical codes that connect the focused codes (codes 3.1, 3.2, and 3.3) of behavioral modeling, persuasion, and trust together. These theoretical codes were informed by the empirical data. Code “3.1. facilitates” was constructed from the open code “1.2. Modeling > persuasion.” Code “3.2 is a type of” is aligned with Glaser’s (1978) type coding family (i.e., type, form, kinds, styles, classes, and genre) and Spradley’s (1979) attribution semantic relationship. Code “3.3 enhances” is similar to Glaser’s (1978) six C’s coding family.

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Fig. 1 An example of coding process

The open, focused, and theoretical codes in Fig. 1 were provisional at that time of analysis and open to revisions when the author collected more data and got immersed more deeply in the data. The author made comparison between and among numerous pieces of data, as part of “constant comparison” in GTM to finalize codes and processes. The subsequent section presents the process of establishing peer receptivity to change, as result of the analytical process of this study.

Stages in Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change As shown in Fig. 2, the process of establishing receptivity to teacher-led change has three iterative stages: experimentation, persuasion, and behavioral modeling. Trust building is connected to these stages. The vignettes in Nguyen and Ng (2020) provide an example of teacher-led initiatives linked with this study.

Experimentation Experimentation is an important aspect in leading innovative change in organizations (Garvin et al., 2008; Higgins et al., 2012). In this study, experimentation refers to trialling an innovative idea to determine its feasibility and benefits.

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Experimentation

Persuasion

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Behavioral Modeling

Trust Building

Fig. 2 Process of establishing receptivity to teacher-led change

Trialling an initiative was identified as a compelling stage in the process of achieving peers’ receptivity of an innovative idea. This stage involved evaluating the feasibility and usefulness of the innovation and addressing its challenges in actual practice. For example, Participant P14B identified the potential issues and challenges when trialling an idea of spending 5 minutes prior to each lesson for free reading activities. This participant externalized her experience: This year I did reading. I initially did five minutes every day at the beginning of period before I started the lesson. It was time consuming. But I just persisted because I feel reading is necessary. It is good for students. There were some problems I met along the way, for example, where to get the books; how to get students interested; and how to sustain students’ interests and so on.

This identification of issues stimulated Participant 14B’s reflection on how to address those challenges to improve the initiative before sharing this idea with colleagues. Implementation of the innovative ideas might be unsuccessful in the first attempt and therefore requires revisions. Participant P15B with more than 10 years of professional experience suggested: Do not be afraid to try out different ways. If it does not work, you can still try and work around it, see how it works. Do not feel discouraged because you failed once. There is always room for improvement, and you will taste the success in the end if you keep on going.

This finding concurs with Rogers’ (2003) proposition that the stage of experimentation may require reinvention, at varying degrees, of a new idea (Rogers, 2003). The reinvention could involve revamping or revising aspects of an initiative.

Persuasion In this study, persuasion is conceptualized as a communicative activity in which a party uses arguments, relationship, and reputation to influence the mental state and behavior of another party. Persuasion is distinguishable from coercion that involves the sole use of positional authority to lead others.

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Persuasion is a communicative activity that occurs when there is a transmission of a message either in the verbal form (e.g., presentation) or in the nonverbal manner (e.g., pictures) (Gass & Seiter, 2014; O’keefe, 2016). The outcomes of persuasion involve shaping, reinforcing, or changing a persuadee’s responses to the targeted issue or message (Gass & Seiter, 2014). These responses include beliefs, attitudes, and/or behaviors. Persuasion requires a degree of free choice, that is, an individual’s ability to act differently from what the persuader suggests or to have critical reflections on one’s own choices in a situation (O’Keefe, 2016). The voluntary basis makes persuasion distinct from coercion in changing an individual’s behaviors. Analysis of the participants’ strategies to convince their peers identified three broad patterns of persuasion: (i) argument-based persuasion, (ii) reputation-based persuasion, and (iii) relationship-based persuasion. These patterns are intended to provide prototypical understanding of persuasion emerging from the empirical data of this study. They are neither exhaustive nor mutually exclusive categories of persuasion. Argument-based persuasion refers to the use of logical arguments and factual evidence to rationalize the usefulness of an initiative. In this study, the words and phrases as indicators to argument-based persuasion appeared frequently during the interviews and observed meetings. Some of the expressions included: “reason behind why,” “must explain why do that,” and “get teachers to understand the purpose.” The argumentation should underscore the aim, urgency, and feasibility of an innovative idea. The ultimate aim of an initiative in school settings should be to enhance instructional practices and student learning. As Participant 16C explicitly specified: Ultimately the teachers want the best for the children. They want the children to learn and to do well. They have satisfaction when their children succeed and do well. So, if we can point them to that basic objective of helping the children to succeed and knowing how we will be able to truly make the difference, it excites teachers and it establishes the buy-in.

These aspects of argument-based persuasion are further evidenced in Box 1. Box 1 Instance of Argument-Based Persuasion

Participant 11B talked with the author about an initiative to help students with special needs. A group of around 15 students with special needs per level/ grade were grouped together to attend weekly workshops. On the weekly basis, teachers were supposed to update the parents of these students on the content of and happenings in each workshop. This “update” activity required additional work for teachers. Participant 11B said, “Every week we had to call a number of parents, and each conversation would definitely take up some time. I think most teachers prefer not to talk to parents that often. It is really time consuming.” (continued)

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Box 1 (continued)

Participant 11B had difficulty convincing her colleagues: “I faced a bit of difficulty in encouraging teachers to see it positively, and not to see it as a chore to call and inform the parents every week.” I followed up with one question: How did you persuade your colleagues to do so? Participant P11B responded: I used the student’s growth as our objectives. I put it across as I know it is going to take a lot of effort and time. But this has to be done, so that we can release the improvement in a child. It cannot be only the coaches [allied educators of the workshops] to tell them students what to do. If the teachers do not say; parents don’t say, what would happen? So, I put the facts out, and told teachers, that will impact our students positively.

Reputation-based persuasion is referenced as an innovator’s use of individual credibility to convince colleagues to support an initiative. An innovator in this chapter refers to a teacher who initiates innovative change in their schools. The reputation of an innovator must be earned over time through consistent actions and successes. As Participant 13B praised her colleague: We know that he [Participant 9B] is successful because he always produces very good results, and then the students like him. I am inspired to follow his leadership. He is a good role model. He also has other teachers to follow as well, not just me.

Alternatively, an innovator might resort to an influential colleague who is more reputable in the area of proposed initiative to establish teachers’ receptivity to an initiative. Account 2.1 in Box 2 illustrates an instance of a head of department relying on her colleague’s reputation to convince others for support of an idea. This account additionally implies presence of relationship-based persuasion. Box 2 Instance of Reputation-Based Persuasion and Relationship-Based Persuasion

Account 2.1. Instance of reputation-based persuasion. Participant 4A was an influential teacher in School A in the area of music teaching and organizing cocurricular activities. Her head of department (HOD) had joined the school for approximately 2 years at the time of the incident. Participant 4A said that there was one time when her HOD found it difficult to persuade other teachers to collaborate for a cocurricular activity project. The HOD explained to her the plan and benefits of the project to Participant P4A and asked her for a favor to persuade other teachers. Participant P4A was able to convince these teachers to collaboratively enact the project for the school. (continued)

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Box 2 (continued)

Account 2.2. Instance of relationship-based persuasion. Participant 11B had been teaching in School B for approximately 4 years. Most of the teachers in her level were early career teachers. She shared that she did not experience much difficulty in persuading her colleagues to support her initiatives. However, she was once working with a teacher with more years of teaching experience than herself. She felt that this teacher seemed to be uncomfortable with implementing one of her proposed initiatives. Participant 11B said, “he is friendly” and “it is easy to talk to him,” and they were also on good terms. Being aware of the advantage of that positive professional relationship, Participant 11B decided to ask this teacher for a personal favor to implement the idea. She asked the teacher for favor: “Do it for me, can?” [“can?” is used in informal contexts in Singaporean culture to express the meaning like “Okay?”] and this senior teacher agreed and said, “Don’t like that [an informal expression to say that “I don’t like it”]. I know it is difficult. But OK we do this together.” Participant 11B subsequently followed up this idea with this senior teacher with “a friendly nudge” and reminder “eh remember doing this” (an informal expression to say: please remember to implement the initiative).

Relationship-based persuasion pertains to the use of positive peer relationships to convince a targeted individual to support an initiative. Relationship-based persuasion required empathy and sincerity of the persuader to stimulate the affective processing of the persuadee. Participant 21D, for example, affirmed that her positive relationships with colleagues helped herself to persuade them more effectively: “I have good relationships with teachers and it makes easier for me to persuade them. When I speak to them about certain things they can buy in.” Account 2.2 in Box 2 provides another story about Participant 11B leveraging positive professional relationships to convince her colleagues. These three patterns reflect persuasion through affective and cognitive mechanisms (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). In the affective mechanism, an individual processes peripheral cues such as the reputation or credibility of the persuader and persuader-persuadee professional relationship. Cognitive mechanism involves processing the quality of arguments and evidence on the pros and cons of an initiative.

Behavioral Modeling The concept of behavioral modeling in this study is defined as an innovator’s act of presenting and demonstrating the targeted attitudes and behaviors/practices to others. In this definition, the innovator is a model, and their colleague is an observer. Behavioral modeling has been used as a strategy in mentoring and coaching (Russ-Eft, 2014). Behavioral modeling has effects on observers’ attitudinal and

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belief systems (Mayer & Russell, 1987) and self-efficacy of the modeled behavior or practice (Anderson, 2000). This study suggested that an innovator tended to proceed with demonstrating an initiative with others, upon the stage of experimentation and adjustment. Behavior modeling might occur in the meetings of professional learning communities (PLCs) whereby teachers were allocated time to share their ideas. Account 3.1 in Box 3 presents an instance of a teacher sharing an idea in a formal PLC meeting and rationalization of behavioral modeling. The study uncovered three main strategies to model an initiative. The choice of the strategies must be tailored to suit the nature and complexity of each initiative. Firstly, “live modeling” happened when an innovator invited the interested colleagues to her/his classes to observe the targeted initiative or certain practices of that initiative; alternatively, (s)he modeled the initiative during meetings. Secondly, an innovator could record a lesson and show it to colleagues, which can be labeled as videotaped or symbolic modeling. Thirdly, sophisticated initiatives could be introduced in the form of “bite-size,” which involved breaking a complicated initiative into smaller aspects. The “bite-size” method might augment the higher probability of receptivity and reduce the resistance due to concerns about the added workload and feasibility. Participant P3A stated this strategy: “I had challenges when I tried to change what other teachers are used to. There are key things that they may not be really receptive to. I have to do it in a bite size form. Really I have to break it down.” The “bite-size” strategy was equally appropriate for a complicated initiative in which the innovator has just tried a certain aspect of the initiative. Support for teachers who intended to implement an initiative should be sustained in this stage to keep the observer(s) motivated while they might still hold a degree of hesitance and caution of risk in their discovery stage. The sustained support would promote the observers’ sense of security, efficacy, and company and help them address emergent challenges. Account 3.2 in Box 3 provides a relevant example. Box 3 Instances of Behavioral Modeling

Account 3.1. I observed a weekly team meeting at School A. There were 12 attendants in the meeting, including one vice-principal, one head of department, one level head, and seven level-six teachers. The level head – Diana was the facilitator of that meeting. Diana talked about the matters such as formative assessment and differentiated instruction. Afterward, Diana invited a teacher – Charlene to show, with visualization, her idea on teaching questioning skills. After Charlene’s demonstration, teachers started discussions on Charlene’ teaching strategy by raising questions, comments, and suggestions. Account 3.2. Example of sustained demonstration. Participant 2A was keen on promoting the use of information communications technology (ICT) to aid the teaching process in her school. Participant 2A emphasized: “I would (continued)

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Box 3 (continued)

be with my peers throughout the project and whenever they meet problems with myself or ICT support to help them solve that problem.” To clarify “be with my peers throughout the project,” Participant 2A provided an example: When I want to share my ICT tools that I have tried out, I will be there to help colleagues. I use my free periods to teach them how to use those tools. Sometimes when I was teaching in my class, the teachers next door had some technical problems. They could just come over and said: “I got this problem, can you help me?” At that time I would ask my students to do something else, and I would go over to help her.

Trust For the purpose of this study, trust is defined as a teacher’s willingness to be vulnerable to risk when implementing change with the confidence in the good intentions, competences, and behaviors of the innovator, and the benefits of the proposed change. Interpersonal trust requires the presence or involvement of at least two parties in an interpersonal relationship: one is trustor and the other is trustee (Hoy & Tschannen-Moran, 1999). Trust occurs in the situations whereby there is a degree of risk and vulnerability for the trustor when (s)he chooses to cooperate with a trustee (Ammeter et al., 2004; Rousseau et al., 1998). Trust reduces individuals’ uncertainty in professional relationships and enhances individuals’ confidence in taking actions (Schaubroeck et al., 2013). In the current study, one individual teacher decides whether to jointly implement a teacher-led initiative. (S)he faces the vulnerability of investing time and efforts on a new initiative but uncertainty of the outcomes. People would hesitate to implement change that potentially improves learning, without trust (Tschannen-Moran, 2009). People may cooperate with each other as an outcome of coercion or threat; however, collaboration as a result of trust must be based on the voluntary basis (Mayer et al., 1995). The current study underscores trust building as an ongoing process that requires social and professional exchanges and interactions. As Participant 3A said: Building trust requires time and experiences together. When we meet each other for the first time, we do not have the trust. We won’t trust each other in doing something unless we work with each other before. Trust needs to be built over time, not just one time.

Participant 12B described the idea of experiencing together to build trust: “Through experiences, we can have joys, sadness, frustration, confusion, and we can see whether the person can be trusted through the way that person reacts or responds.” The study proposes a data-driven conceptualization of two interrelated routes to build interpersonal trust in schools: a cognitive route and an affective route.

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Building trust through the cognitive route. An innovator could accumulate colleagues’ trust through demonstration of competences and consistent positive outcomes related to an initiative. The alignment between a teacher’s competences and the nature of proposed change influences colleagues’ trust, as Participant 19D asserted: “Trust must come with certain level of expertise.” The “unique” competence is a source of teacher’ human capital that makes a teacher stay influential and trusted among others. Trust could be built up through the exhibition of a teacher’ salient personal qualities such as honesty, openness, respect, and willingness to share. The teachers would judge these qualities of an innovator through ongoing interactions to decide whether they should invest trust on that change initiative. As one participant affirmed: “A trusting relationship requires a high level of honesty with one another, for any relationship to be mutually beneficial.” To be more specific, honesty would require an individual to “say you mean; mean what you say. When you say that you will help someone something, and then you really do” (Participant 11B). Building trust through the affective route. An innovator could earn trust by exercising care for colleagues, through which strong professional relationships are established and maintained. Care involves demonstration of both task and emotional support for colleagues. The former refers to a teacher’s advice and assistance to help a colleague to complete a task at work. For instance, Participant 12B was effective at the application of ICT to enhance learning and teaching in schools. She showed care for peers through small supportive actions such as: “Sometimes when I have done my part, I just ask my colleagues: ‘Do you need any help with that?’ and normally they say ‘yes’.” The latter pertains to a teacher expressing genuine concern and verbal encouragement for colleagues. Participant 24D talked about his strategy to offer peers emotional support: When someone looks a bit troubled, I ask: “eh you ok or not?” Or sometimes in the lift, I meet my colleagues after the lesson, I ask: “eh you ok. You don’t look like yourself” and the person will tell me the issues. I then encourage the person: “Don’t worry so much about it”. Sometimes we just need that kind of small care, people appreciate it’.

Task and emotional support complement each other and may coexist in a single incident. For example, knowing some of the colleagues struggling to work with some students, Participant 21D supported colleagues by sharing strategies and inviting more ideas to handle similar situations: Sometimes we encounter “challenging” students that may bring us down and we begin to suspect our ability. I do share with my teachers my challenges as well and then from there I share with them what I have done. I try to get their ideas what else can be done in a way by opening myself to them by making them realize that “I am not alone here”. I may be seen as a leader, but there will be time I need their support and advice. We need to support each other, and we have to rely on one another.

The action in this interview excerpt implies several advantages: firstly, it attracts teachers’ attention and awareness of how to work with some students effectively;

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secondly, it creates the opportunities for collective brainstorming and thus enhances the collaboration and collegiality; and thirdly, it is beneficial in enhancing teachers’ self-efficacy and collective efficacy and making them stay positive to handle challenging circumstances.

Discussion on the Emergent Model of Establishing Receptivity to Teacher-Led Change This section continues the chapter with discussion on the interrelationships among these stages that were based on the empirical data of the study in reference to the relevant literature. This discussion aims to highlight theoretical implications of the proposed model. The process of establishing receptivity to teacher-led change starts with an innovator’s experimenting an innovative idea with the aim of enhancing teaching quality and student learning. The experimentation stage would provide an opportunity to improve aspects of an initiative prior to sharing it with teacher peers and contribute to building trust on the teacher’s professional efforts and innovativeness. Experimentation is a stepping stone for the next two stages of persuasion and behavioral modeling in this process. In this model, persuasion and behavioral modeling represent two stages in the process of change engagement. Persuasion and modeling may occur either concurrently or subsequently in any order. Account 4.1 in Box 4 shows that the teacher started with talking to her colleagues about teaching and performing a new musical instrument and convincing them about the feasibility and benefit of the idea. She subsequently proceeded with behavioral modeling, both live and symbolic modeling, to increase the potency of prior verbal persuasion. This incident suggests that persuasion occurs before behavioral modeling. In practice, persuasion and modeling might also occur jointly or the gap between these two stages is too minimal to be classified as happening subsequently. For instance, Account 4.2 in Box 4 shows that Participant 4A, together with her peer teachers, jointly incorporated both the elements of verbal persuasion and live modeling in one sharing session to spotlight the advantage and feasibility of instructional techniques in the classroom. The current model distinguishes these two stages to further specificity of the nature of each stage, happenings in each stage, and behaviors contributing to the effectiveness and efficiency of each stage. Box 4 Instances of Persuasion – Behavioral Modeling Reciprocity

Account 4.1. In a formal interview, Participant 4A externalized the importance of both persuasion and modeling in engaging colleagues in implementing change. Participant 4A’s persuadability was not as effective as she had expected and she met resistance when persuading some of her colleagues due to their low (continued)

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Box 4 (continued)

efficacy and suspicion of the feasibility of the proposed idea relevant to teaching and performing a musical instrument. Part of this incident is described in the interview excerpt in Fig. 1. However, the persuadability was raised with both live modeling (i.e., she herself conducted a demo lesson) and symbolic modeling (i.e., she showed a recorded lesson from a professional source). Account 4.2. In August 2016, the researcher observed a workshop at the cluster/district level. In the workshop, a group of teacher leaders, including Participant 4A, conducted sharing sessions that included a live demonstration on teaching a musical instrument with other music teachers in the same district. After the morning session, I had a follow-up interview with Participant 4A. In this interview, Participant 4A was emphatically talking about the need of both persuasion and modeling: “Sometimes you can tell people to do certain things, but if you do not model it for them, I think it is difficult to persuade them. In terms of my work in music teaching, like what you see just now is also we are trying to influence the teachers who are not [formally] trained in music teaching. We convince them that this is possible to be carried out in the classroom by showing how we have done it.” Account 4.3. In a conversation, Participant 9B explained the effects of demonstration on persuasion. Participant 9B said: Usually we try to do demonstration. Through the demonstration, hopefully teachers will be convinced “Oh this strategy really does work.” Through demonstration, I think that would also help them to be more receptive. Sometimes when you are sharing verbally, you think you have communicated this idea, but somebody else may interpret it in another way. When you model and demonstrate [the idea], you actually show them exactly what it means. It is also easier for the other person to clarify and to ask questions: “oh why do you do that?” So, it is easier for them to understand. I think whether they are open or not, it’s good to do a demonstration for it.

This study underscores the complementarity of verbal persuasion and vicarious learning via behavioral modeling (Bandura, 1997). Teachers tend to be more attentive to observing their colleagues’ behavioral modeling for at least one of the three following reasons: (a) they feel that the message related to the proposed initiative is highly convincing; (b) they support the model due to the positive relationship; and (c) they have trust in the model’s competence and accountability. These findings concur with the process model of persuasion proposed by Petty and Cacioppo (1986). Effective behavioral modeling would augment the potency of persuasion (i) in three ways. Behavioral modeling is effective when the model can demonstrate the intended practice successfully (Gist, 1987). Firstly, behavioral modeling could support persuasion through enhancing the clarity or visibility of the proposed initiative. Observing the modeling act of the innovator would aid the targeted peers’ cognitively processing an initiative. Secondly, behavioral modeling

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demonstrates the feasibility of the initiative, which would enhance the observers’ efficacy of the initiative (see Bandura, 1997; Harrison & McGuire, 2008; Liaw, 2009). Thirdly, behavioral modeling would demonstrate the commitment and competence of the model with regard to the initiative, which is supported by the empirical data as a significant factor to enhance the potency of persuasion. Account 4.1 and Account 4.3 in Box 4 provide examples on the effects of behavioral modeling on persuasion in this study. Trust building is critical in the process of establishing peer receptivity to change. Trust would have positive effects on the potency of persuasion (ii). When the level of trust in the innovator is high, less effort is needed for persuasion and modeling. The degree of peer trust in the innovator’s credibility (i.e., expertise related to the proposed change and trustworthiness) and the peer’s likability for the innovator has positive effects on the potency of persuasion (Tormala & Petty, 2004), through the affective processing or peripheral route (Chua et al., 2008; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). Credibility is conceptualized as a persuader’s “perceived ability or motivation to provide accurate and truthful information” (Tormala & Petty, 2004, p. 429). Box 5 provides an example on the effects of trust on persuasion. Box 5 Instance of Effects of Trust on Persuasion

Participant 6A reported that she had difficulty in persuading teachers to support her ideas when she first took an HOD position in School A after working nearly 20 years in another school. That she had not earned trust from her colleagues was attributable to such difficulty. She said, “I am new here, so I need time to know the colleagues. I have to establish a relationship. I realised that if you are part of department and then grow up to be a HOD there, it is easier [to lead others]. The relationship will help to do the job better.” Participant 6A’s sharing is consistent with Participant 4A’s story. In one incident, Participant 6A asked for Participant 4A a favor to persuade colleagues owing to Participants 4A’s established trusting relationship with the other teachers in the department after years working with them.

Trust would have positive effects on the attention to behavioral modeling act (iii) related to the proposed change (Bandura, 1986; Decker & Nathan, 1985; Taylor et al., 2005). Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory depicts a model of observational learning processes incorporating four stages: attention, retention, production, and motivation. The attentional degree would be an underlying basis for the effective transfer of modeled behaviors to short-term memory, which influences the observer’s decision to exercise the modeled behaviors (Taylor et al., 2005). Decker and Nathan (1985) asserted that characteristics of the model have significant effects on the attention of the observer to the modeling practices (Taylor et al., 2005). It is therefore argued that the observer’s perceptions of the model’s relevant competences have an effect on her/his attention. Similarly, the trusting relationship between the model and the observer would influence the attentional degree of the observer. Box 6 provides an example of supporting the positive effects of trust on behavioral modeling.

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Box 6 Instances of Effects of Trust on Persuasion and Behavioral Modeling

Participant 9B was commended by his school leaders and peers in School B. He had sustainably demonstrated his competences and professional passion through his student learning outcomes and professional sharing with colleagues. When Participant 9B conducted a sharing session and demonstrated practices, he could draw attention from peers to his talk and demonstration. The teachers in the interviews cited him as an example of a highly influential teacher leader in their school. This is shown in the following accounts. Account 6.1. In the first-round interview, the author asked Participant 13B a general question: “How do you define the term ‘influence’?” Participant 13B responded: “Somebody who can inspire me to try something new - try something that a person has done. For instance, Jim [the pseudonym of Participant 9B] is very skillful in terms of Mathematics teaching and classroom management. When he gives talks and models practices, all of us are very attentive. All teachers are always listening very closely to him. We often feel that it is a good lesson at the end. For example, in June, he gave us a four-hour course on formative assessment. We learned what is Formative Assessment from him, and we were quite inspired to do and use the tools that he talk about and model. We know that he is successful also, because he always produces very good results, and the children [students] love him. I am inspired to follow his lead, and other teachers do so.” There should be a note that Participant 13B had fewer years of teaching experience than Participant 9B. Account 6.2. In another interview, Participant 15B expressed her viewpoints on “influence.” She cited Participant 9B as an illustration for her description of influence. Participant 15B had more years of teaching experience than Participant 13B. Participant 15B said: “Jim [the pseudonym of Participant 9B] is influential because he has done work effectively. Whatever he does, he makes sure he does it first, and makes sure it works before he can encourage teachers to do it.” Participant 15B continued talking about Participant P9B in the later part of interview: “We are all convinced. J is the person who can actually do the impossible. He was in charge of a class, in which the students were very weak at the content of Mathematics, but managed to push most of them to score A. We are convinced because of that evidence and his efforts.”

Summary The current chapter conceptualizes an iterative process of establishing receptivity to teacher-initiated change in schools. This process has three distinguishable albeit interrelated stages (i.e., experimentation, persuasion, and behavioral modeling) in which trust building is central. Theorization or conceptualization is an ongoing

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process that requires multiple research efforts across contexts and time (Charmaz, 2014; Urquhart, 2013). This conceptualization was built on analyzing views and experiences of Singapore primary school teachers. The empirical findings are therefore specific to the context of Singapore state primary schools. However, the practices of theoretical sampling, coding, and constant comparison in this grounded theory study allow theoretical implications of the proposed conceptual framework, beyond this context. This theoretical model should inform, rather than give prescription of, the process of engaging teacher peers in developing and implementing teacher-led innovative change in schools. Like other conceptualizations of leading change, this model is by no means separated from contextual and cultural factors. This model assumes that teachers have freedom to adopt, reject, continue, or discontinue their colleague’s innovative ideas. Taking innovative ideas forward requires collaborative school culture (Nguyen et al., 2019), leadership support (Nguyen & Ng, 2020), and strong organizational innovativeness (Rogers, 2003; Nguyen et al., 2021). Teachers would equally benefit from stronger support from teacher education programs in developing their leadership and collaboration competences to lead innovations in schools (King et al., 2019). To enhance the theoretical generalizability of the current model, future research on this topic could sample more teachers in more primary schools in Singapore and other countries. Subsequent studies could build on this current model of establishing receptivity to change in the other school levels such as secondary schools and colleges to broaden the scope of this model. Three italicized propositions of (i), (ii), and (iii) that discuss the interrelationships between stages and concepts earlier in this section could also be verified in those studies using similar qualitative methodologies or quantitative methods. The field would benefit from more data-informed theoretical process models, utilizing multiple methodologies, to advance understanding of various processes on innovations in schools and therefore to inform theory and practice.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Researching Middle Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leaders in School: Mapping the Field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leadership of Teaching and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Researching Multiple Perspectives on Middle Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leadership in the Primary School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leading: The Practice of Middle Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leadership and Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Knowledge, Skills, and Abilities Required for Middle Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Approaches to Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Leadership Teams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions: Future Development in Research on Middle Leaders in School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

There is increasing recognition of the contribution of middle leadership to the improvement of learning outcomes of diverse groups of learners. Consequently, middle leadership development is a significant element of teacher education. This interest in the development of middle leadership is reflected in a gradually expanding body of research internationally. The chapter begins with an overview of the research. One of the challenges evident in conducting research is the lack of clarity about the purpose and role of middle leadership. The context in which “leading in the middle” is exercised is significant and can include informal and formal leadership roles. The focus of this chapter is on formal roles where middle leadership is a component of the school’s leadership architecture. The chapter moves on to discuss the several reviews of the literature undertaken to build a more coherent body of knowledge. The chapter then discusses studies which explore the tensions of the role C. Forde (*) · K. Kerrigan University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_26

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and the contribution of middle leadership to whole school improvement. This body of work tends to relate to middle leadership in the secondary sector but there are the beginnings of research in the primary context. Two areas of research are then explored: the practice of middle leading and middle leadership professional learning. Approaches adopted in studies of middle leadership from Scotland and the Republic of Ireland are then discussed. The chapter concludes by considering the future development of research into middle leaders in school. Keywords

Middle leadership · Middle leadership and impact · Middle leading practice · Middle leadership development · Middle leadership teams

Introduction Educational leadership is a significant area of research within teacher education research. With the perceived catalytic effect of leadership on improving outcomes for learners, leadership development is a system-level improvement tool. Consequently, research on school leadership and areas such as distributed leadership, instructional leadership, and teacher leadership has expanded significantly. However, research specifically into middle leadership remains largely small scale and fragmented. The role of middle leadership is varied and complex. Middle leaders exercise their leadership in the space between the classroom and whole school strategic leadership and “leading in the middle” can include the informal leadership activities of teachers as well as the formal leadership roles of middle leaders. The focus of this chapter is on middle leadership where middle leaders hold a formal post with a specific area of responsibility for which they are accountable. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the research related to middle leadership. In this chapter, firstly, we provide an overview of the research before moving onto key areas of investigation on the role and practice of middle leadership. The chapter examines the way in which the role of middle leadership is evolving from early constructions of subject leaders to the blurring of informal and formal leadership roles covering a wide variety of responsibilities. The next focus is on the contribution of middle leadership to teaching and learning followed by an exploration of work on the practice of “middle leading.” These studies collectively provide the foundation for middle leadership professional learning which is then discussed. The chapter examines two current research projects on middle leadership and ends by considering the future development of middle leadership research.

Researching Middle Leadership Research into middle leadership, as an element in career-long teacher education, is a growing area of interest internationally. Early studies developed from the question of the contribution of subject leaders/department heads to school improvement.

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Exploration of the impact of middle leaders continues alongside other issues such as the inherent tensions of the role and the professional development of middle leaders. There are, however, two challenges in the task of building a coherent body of knowledge. The first issue relates to the changing purposes and roles of middle leadership. “Middle leadership” is a slippery concept which carries a range of meanings. As the policy focus on middle leadership has increased, the role has evolved from subject department leadership in the secondary sector to a more diverse set of leadership roles and responsibilities being exercised in the middle of both primary and secondary schools (Forde et al., 2019). This is made more complex by the range of terms used to describe these roles. Indeed, Bennett et al. (2007) identified over 30 terms used variously across different systems to describe middle leadership roles. Middle leadership is increasingly included in education policy. However, a comparison of education policy in three different education systems, Scotland, the Republic of Ireland, and Wales, illustrates the wide differences in the policy constructions of this role. In Scotland, “middle leadership” took on a new significance with the development of a specific professional standard, The Standard for Middle Leadership (GTCS, 2012, 2021). In the Irish context, the term “middle leadership” has recently emerged in policy circulars on leadership and management for the primary and postprimary sectors (DES, 2018) and in the framework, Professional Learning Continuum for Leadership (CSL, 2017). In Wales, there is no specific reference to middle leadership in policy (Forde & Kerrigan, 2020). In the Professional Standards for Teaching and Leadership in Wales (WG, 2017), leadership moves from informal to formal. The blurring of informal and formal leadership roles conflates the concepts of middle and teacher leadership. The Standard for Middle Leadership (GTCS, 2021) illustrates this blurring of roles in policy. This standard is intended to cover both those in posts of responsibility with a clearly defined remit within a line management and reporting structure, those aspects of the work of teachers in nonpromoted posts as they carry out leadership tasks. However, there is an important distinction between middle and teacher leadership. Middle leaders have positional authority while teacher leaders exercise more informal sources of influence, for example, their expertise and experience. An additional challenge in the defining of middle leadership is the typical dual role. Irvine and Brundrett (2016) view middle leadership not simply as a teaching role with some added responsibilities. Instead, middle leadership has a distinctive role combining teaching in the classroom with leading. Grootenboer et al. (2015) argue that the strength of middle leadership lies in their occupying two spaces: the space of teaching and of leading. However, these dual demands add to the complexity of the role and the tensions experienced by middle leaders. The second issue relates to the extant research. In their bibliometric study of middle leadership, Harris et al. (2019) found that this body of work consists largely of small-scale qualitative empirical studies and was conducted in a particular type of context, a trend that continues. Contextual factors, both structural and cultural, can have a profound effect on the purpose, role, and practice of middle leaders. Much of

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the research is related to secondary schools with only the beginnings of research into middle leadership in primary schools. While research into middle leadership has been conducted in different education systems, there are few comparative studies and those that have been undertaken again are largely small scale comparing middle leadership in a small number of systems (Lárusdóttir & O’Connor, 2017; Gurr, 2019). Characteristically, these studies tend to use interview or survey tools, gathering data on the views and experiences of middle leaders and those they work with. There is some work on theorizing around the nature and role of middle leadership, notably the work by Grootenboer et al. (2015), who use the concept of practice architecture to examine the practice of middle leading. Middle leadership in schools is a role in transition. The expansion of the role, particularly the emphasis on the leadership dimensions, is part of wider development related to distributed leadership and collaborative practice. However, research specifically on middle leadership is fragmented and particularly with the lack of largescale studies, the use of systematic reviews has been important in building a more coherent body of work.

Middle Leaders in School: Mapping the Field Bennett et al.’s (2007) review of the literature from 1988–2005 scopes out the role and purpose of the role. This review highlighted the inherent tensions in middle leadership, in addition with the need to balance two aspects; firstly, the dual demands of teaching and leading and, secondly, the competing expectations of the school’s strategic leaders and of the staff with regard to the role of middle leaders. Middle leaders have a role in taking forward whole school priorities but also have responsibility for a specific area. Therefore, middle leaders are expected to lead at two different levels. Further, middle leaders are expected to hold teachers to account and to maintain and enhance collegiate relationships and collaborative practice. It is this latter aspect of the role that can pose the greatest challenge to middle leaders in developing and exercising leadership (Irvine & Brundrett, 2019). Bennett et al.’s (2007) review helped to underline the significance of middle leadership and the inherent tensions they identified remain starting points for subsequent reviews. Three further reviews of the literature have added to the coherence of this body of knowledge. Leithwood focused on department heads and their impact on pupil learning outcomes. The scope of the reviews by De Nobile (2018) and Lipscombe et al. (2021) looked more broadly to create conceptual models of middle leadership as a basis for future research and policy. De Nobile generates a theoretical model of middle leadership, Middle Leadership in Schools Model (MLiS), while Lipscombe et al.’s (2021) model of middle leadership sets out five characteristics. Leithwood (2016) dealt with the impact of the subject department and the department head in relation to four issues: (1) their contribution to student achievement; (2) their impact in comparison to that of the principal; (3) the challenges department heads have to face; and (4) the leadership practice of successful department heads. He drew on 42 empirical studies largely conducted in the UK and USA.

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Leithwood’s (2016) finding that potentially department heads had a greater impact on student learning than school principals has helped underline the significance of middle leadership in school. He uses this review to adapt the Ontario Leadership Framework to chart on the practices of successful department heads. De Nobile (2018) is concerned more broadly with the practice of middle leaders and the MLiS model sets out three core dimensions of middle leadership: (1) the factors that influence the role and practice of middle leaders in school, the inputs; (2) the roles middle leaders undertake and the practices they use; and (3) the impact of middle leadership in school, the outputs. Among the inputs are several critical factors that shape the role and practice of middle leaders such as principal/head teacher support, the school culture, professional development, and factors related to personal qualities and attributes such as knowledge of curriculum, pedagogy, and assessment and the middle leader’s enthusiasm and drive. De Nobile (2018) also identifies six role categories which include both management and leadership. The role categories of student focused administration and organizational tasks are more oriented to management, while the supervisory staff development and strategic roles are more oriented to leadership. To take forward these roles, middle leaders use typically sets of practices: leading teams, managing relationships, managing time, communicating effectively, and managing self. De Nobile (2018) framework includes three broad areas where middle leadership can have an impact: teaching quality, teachers’ attitudes, and pupil learning outcomes for further research. De Nobile (2018) is aware of the provisional nature of the knowledge base, building into the model a category, “other” – other inputs, other sets of practices, and other outputs which are yet to be identified through empirical study. Part of Lipscombe et al.’s (2021) intention is also to highlight gaps in the field. They argue that middle leadership should be a “definitive concept” (p.14), distinct from principal leadership and teacher leadership. Four areas are examined in this synthesis study, definitions of middle leadership, areas of responsibilities exercised by middle leaders, the impact of the role, and the professional development of middle leaders. The findings of the literature are used to identify five characteristics of middle leadership: • Formal position: Middle leaders hold a formal leadership role in the school’s leadership structure with a specific area of responsibility. • Positionality: Middle leaders occupy the space between the classroom context and the strategic leadership of the school, which Lipscombe et al. (2021 p.15) describe as “a subculture between senior leaders and teachers.” Their position in this middle space means that they need support from the head teacher/principal to carry out their role effectively. • Teacher agency: Although middle leaders are part of the school’s leadership hierarchy, they have a critical role in contributing to a more distributive leadership culture. By building teacher agency, middle leaders are able to influence teachers’ attitudes and pedagogic practice. • Relational leading practices: Central to the role of middle leadership is working with and through teachers and so the development of relational trust (Edwards-

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Groves et al., 2016) and the fostering of teacher collaboration are two key areas of middle leadership practice. • Dual and mutual accountability: Middle leaders are held to account by both the school’s head teacher/principal and by the staff they lead. Through professional development, middle leaders and teachers are mutually accountable for building the conditions for effective teaching and learning. Lipscombe et al. argue that middle leadership is best understood in its context – whether this is the particular role, school, or system. In addition to the five characteristics, their schema charts the complex nature of the role. The schema sets out the various areas middle leaders can be responsible for, the impact they might have, and factors that support their work. To support this role, different forms of professional learning and specific areas are also identified. Lipscombe et al. (2021, p.15) conclude that “that school middle leadership is diverse, contextually driven, and important for advancing teaching and learning.” These various reviews provide an important base for research as attention is turning to the contribution of middle leadership to different dimensions of school development.

Middle Leadership of Teaching and Learning Early research on secondary subject leaders can be found in school effectiveness improvement studies. Sammons et al. (1997) point to the importance of clear leadership exercised by department heads in the secondary sector. Busher and Harris (1999 p.314) elaborate on their crucial role in fostering teacher engagement: “levels of involvement are a function of the confidence, expertise and skill in management exhibited by middle management or subject leader.” However, there are two issues to be grappled with in the investigation of the role of middle leadership in leading teaching and learning: the impact of the school context and the hybrid nature of the role. Studies undertaken in different systems demonstrate that the role and tasks of middle leadership are contextually determined. The wider distributive leadership culture of the school has a significant bearing on middle leaders and their ability to contribute to the school’s improvement. School principals and head teachers have a key role in creating and enhancing a school culture in which middle leadership can flourish (Lárusdóttir & O’Connor, 2017). The effectiveness of this role is shaped by the balance between the autonomy they can exercise and the degree of responsibility they have in addressing the competing expectations of senior leaders and school staff. Alongside contextual factors, there are the multiple demands of the role. Irvine and Brundrett (2016) argue that middle leadership must be able both to manage operational matters and to strategically lead improvement. Middle leaders in Irish and Icelandic schools reported that the management tasks overwhelmed their leadership role (Lárusdóttir & O’Connor, 2017). A third demand is their teaching. Bassett and Shaw (2017) found middle leaders in New Zealand prioritized their teaching role over their middle leadership role. There is the added issue of the lack of

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clarity in the design of the role in individual schools and in school systems. Javadi, Bush, and Ng (2017 p.485) report that ...the consistent grand picture from the cross-case data analyses indicates that middle leaders’ role conceptions, within and across the four schools, tend to be arbitrarily defined and subjectively interpreted, leading to differential, and inconsistent, middle leadership practice.

In the light of this situation, both Leithwood (2016) and Bryant (2019) argue for clarification of the role emphasizing the contribution of middle leaders to school improvement, where middle leaders work within the frame of the school’s priorities. While there are several issues related to middle leadership’s role in leading teaching and learning, various research studies are helping to illuminate aspect of the role. Two areas have to come together: firstly, middle leader’s instructional/ pedagogic leadership and, secondly, their collaborative leadership. This combination is illustrated in Fitzgerald and Gunter’s (2006 p.6) comparative study. This study investigated how middle leaders in England and in New Zealand “understand and practice their role as leaders of learning.” The outcome of this study identified six elements of the middle leadership for learning whereby middle leaders created the context to build the agency of teachers alongside teachers’ capability to work collaboratively. • Leading learning occurs at all levels in a school. • A high level of trust, autonomy, and respect for teachers’ professionalism is integral to the leadership of learning in schools. • Leading teachers and leading learning require time, resources, and opportunities to build relationships and a professional learning community. • An ethic of care and a school culture that recognizes and values the contribution of all individuals is important. • A culture of learning and achievement is possible in a highly supportive and challenging environment that places high expectations on teachers and students. • Teacher should be encouraged to take risk and engage in innovative practices in their own classrooms and in the leadership of their colleagues. Studies such as Fitzgerald and Gunter (2006) gathering the views and experiences of middle leaders are beginning to illuminate the practice of middle leadership. However, one of the inherent challenges of the role are the competing expectations and so the views of different groups regarding middle leadership have also been gathered.

Researching Multiple Perspectives on Middle Leadership The expectations of the principal/head teacher and staff have an impact on the role of middle leadership. Consequently, a common approach of several studies set out in Table 1 is the gathering of data from multiple perspectives (Gurr, 2019). The studies

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Table 1 Multiple perspectives studies Study Dinham (2007)

System(s) Australia

No. of schools 38

Tam (2010)

Hong Kong

1

1 ML; 12 teachers

Gurr and Drysdale (2013) (three studies) Australia

Australia

6

Australia

3

Australia

3

Bassett (2016)

New Zealand

5

Bassett and Shaw (2017) Javadi et al. (2017)

New Zealand

–

18 P & SLs; 11 HoDs; 17 teachers 8 P & SLs; 10 MLs; 5 teachers 17 P & SLs; 15 MLs; 7 teachers 60 in total 8 governors; 15 SL; 37 ML 6 ML; 4 principals

Malaysia

4

52 in total: 4 principals; 12 HoDs; 36 teachers

Lárusdóttir and O’Connor (2017) Bryant (2019) Gurr (2019) (additional three studies)

Ireland and Iceland

–

15 ML in each systems

Hong Kong

3

Australia

3

Chile

6

Singapore 2

6 2

3 principals; 8 vice principals; 19 ML 2 P & SLs; 22 MLs; 13 teachers 6 principals; 19 MLs; 46 teachers 12 SL 1 ML primary; 1 ML secondary

Lipscombe et al. (2020)

Sample composition Principal, HoD, other executive staff, teachers, students, and parents

Methods 50 – “‘site visits” – of exceptional departments of programs, lesson observations, interviews, group discussions, observations, and document analysis Three interviews per participant Observation (dept meeting) Documentary analysis Interviews Interviews Interviews Qualitative Questionnaire ML interviews Principals – focus group Documentary analysis Interviews Observation (staff room activities and dept meet) Documentary analysis Individual interviews Focus group

Semi-structured interviews Interviews Interviews Interviews Three semi-structured interviews over 8 months

discussed by Gurr and Drysdale (2013) and Gurr (2019) use interviews to gather different perspectives from the head teacher, other leaders, and teachers. Other studies use different combinations of surveys, questionnaires, observation, and documentary analysis to gather different perspectives (see Table 1). Dinham’s

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(2007) study additionally collected data from the school community through pupil and parent forums. These research projects often are based on a small number of schools with a sample size of between 3 and 6 schools typical. Nevertheless, studies gathering multiple perspectives can range from Tam’s (2010) exploratory case study of one middle leader to Dinham’s (2007) comprehensive study of 50 exceptional departments or programs across 38 secondary schools (Years 7–10). These studies help illuminate the role of middle leadership, evidence further consolidated by the several synthesis studies. In Tam’s (2010) study, “Michael,” a successful middle leader in a secondary school in Hong Kong, illustrates the practice of middle leaders in leading curriculum change from “the bottom up.” Among the qualities Tam (2010 p.380) identified are: the capacity to develop a clear vision of the department; empowerment of teachers; enabling teachers to act by changing their beliefs and enhancing their capacities; and fostering a collaborative culture to implement new curriculum”.

Dinham’s (2007) study explores how the leadership of the HoD contributes to exceptional educational outcomes in junior secondary schooling in Australia. Dinham (2007 p.67) underlines the centrality of teaching and learning in the role of middle leadership, identifying the core strategy as a “focus on students and their learning” and a set of contributing categories which support successful middle leadership of teaching and learning: • • • • • • •

Personal qualities and relationships Professional capacity and strategy Promotion and advocacy, and external relations Department planning and organization Common purpose, collaboration, and team building Teacher learning, responsibility, and trust Vision, expectations, and culture of success

Again, these studies are building a picture of the practice of middle leaders in school and provide an important basis for middle leadership professional development. However, as noted previously, these studies are predominantly of middle leadership in the secondary sector.

Middle Leadership in the Primary School The majority of studies on middle leadership of teaching and learning are secondary schools based. Partly because middle leadership is relatively new in the primary school, it has attracted far less research attention. Some studies, such as Fitzgerald and Gunter (2006), have included participants from both primary and secondary schools. There is also some work on specifically primary middle leadership,

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undertaken in different systems. Two examples of primary middle leadership studies are Hammersley-Fletcher and Strain (2011) and Bassett and Shaw (2017) in New Zealand. Hammersley-Fletcher and Strain (2011, p. 8) argue that there are some tensions related to the structures and culture of primary schools. Indeed, Hammersley-Fletcher and Strain (2011 p.881) suggest that “the notion of middle leadership in the English primary school, as a structural principle that could embrace the totality of professional relations among the whole staff, was a flawed idea.” The development of this formal leadership role arguably cuts across established norms of collaboration and collegiality. However, Busher et al. (2007 p. 418) note that middle leaders construct and change their work-related identities as they gain more experience and as expectations change. Part of the issue also lies in “the extent to which middle leaders in primary schools exercise agency or are merely acting as agents of government change” (HammersleyFletcher & Strain, 2011, p.871). Findings from studies of primary middle leadership also found tensions created by the dual nature of the role. Bassett and Shaw (2017) found that novice middle leaders prioritized their teaching role over their leadership responsibility. Given that the role of middle leadership is contextually dependent there is a need to build a research base around middle leadership in the primary sector and with the very different leadership structures in primary and secondary schools, it is an area that warrants further research.

Middle Leading: The Practice of Middle Leadership The complex nature of the role of middle leaders makes the investigation of the practice of middle leadership complex but all the more necessary. One fruitful area of work draws from the concept of practice architectures (Kemmis & Grootenboer, 2008) to explore the practice of middle leading. Grootenboer (2018 p.107) argues that middle leading practice is shaped by interaction of the structures and culture of a school and the behavior and relationships of the middle leader, proposing that practice architectures are “prefigured but not preordained – it is enabled and constrained by prevailing arrangements and conditions in the site, but not predetermined.” There are three dimensions of practice architectures, the culturaldiscursive, the material-economic, and the social-political. From these dimensions, Grootenboer et al. (2015) identify three sets of specific practices in middle leading. The cultural-discursive dimensions are characterized as “sayings” which relate to the language and meanings characteristic of the role; the material-economic dimension, the “doings,” includes the activities and work of a specific role within a particular space and time; social-political dimensions, the “relatings,” are intrinsic to the role, and are shaped by structures, relationships, power, and accountabilities and access to the resources needed to build these relationships. This construct of leading through sayings, doings, and relatings is particularly important in underlining the leadership role particularly around leading pedagogy rather than the management and administrative roles which middle leaders report tend to dominate their work (Lárusdóttir & O’Connor, 2017).

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Edwards-Groves and Rönnerman (2013) propose these practices of sayings, doings, and relatings come together in what they describe as social projects, for example, professional learning or teaching. These “practice-bundles” intertwine with other bundles, with one set of practices connecting with other sets. An example would be the interdependence of collaborative professional learning and the practice of teaching in the classroom. These bundles seem to be particularly important in the context of significant educational change with practice-bundles such as: • • • •

Reviewing pedagogic practice Scrutinizing learning outcomes Delivering professional learning Designing and developing new curricular programs

Grootenboer et al. (2015) found that in order to bring about change, middle leadership had to change the conditions, the spaces, and the practices in which teachers encountered one another and worked together. Change becomes more than a set of techniques. Instead change becomes one of changing relationships, understandings, and teachers’ sense of who they are and of their role. Thus, the building of relational trust in different forms (Edwards-Groves et al., 2016) becomes a critical element in middle leading to strengthen teacher engagement and development. This body of work around middle leading offers a number of powerful concepts to support the investigation of middle leadership and the design of middle leadership professional learning.

Middle Leadership and Professional Learning Academic interest in leadership development largely focuses upon the development needs of head teachers. However, there is a small but significant subset of this research which specifically explores the professional learning needs of middle leaders, often reflecting a recognition of the important role played by middle leaders in delivering school improvement and the need to ensure that they are equipped for this role. In an area dominated by small-scale empirical work, several studies consider the implications for middle leadership of significant policy and curricular change and the downward delegation of workload from senior management. There is research interest in the knowledge, skills, and abilities required for middle leadership and the approaches to professional learning that can potentially develop middle leadership expertise. Both aspects will be explored in this section.

Knowledge, Skills, and Abilities Required for Middle Leadership A common theme across a number of research studies is the need for focused middle leadership professional development in order to ensure that individuals are prepared for the role. Several empirical studies explore the knowledge, skills, and abilities

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required for middle leadership from the perspectives of middle leaders (Adey, 2000), senior leaders (Adey & Jones, 1998; Cardno & Bassett, 2015), and a cross-section of staff (Brown et al., 2002; Glover et al., 1998; Harris et al., 2001; Irvine & Brundrett, 2016). These studies reenforce the complexities of middle leadership and the consequential need for professional development in a range of areas. The difference in the skills required to teach and those required to lead is a recurring theme in research literature related to middle leadership development and the importance of equipping teachers with leadership and management skills and experience before they begin a formal middle leadership role is strongly advocated by some. Surveying the perspectives of senior leaders in England, Adey and Jones (1998) found that most middle leaders were appointed on the basis of their pedagogical expertise, however those appointed solely on this basis could flounder due to their limited comprehension of the complexities of the middle leader role. More recently, Irvine and Brundrett (2016) draw from case study research of middle leaders in England to identify a range of factors that challenge and enable middle leaders in the execution of their role and emphasize that professional learning for middle leaders should take into account the context in which the individual is working and their established needs. In a subsequent paper, Irvine and Brundrett (2019) conceptualize the knowledge, skills, and abilities required for middle leadership as three capabilities: the character traits and dispositions that leaders bring to the role such as temperament and outlook; skills that can be acquired through training and mentoring; and perspective, which they define as the ability to draw from experience to foresee and predict future events. The quality of perspective is shaped by the quality and quantity of prior experience and the reflections and evaluations resulting from it. Having established the significance of middle leadership and the ways in which leadership capabilities can be developed, they argue that appropriate preparation of teachers for middle leadership is a moral imperative for which a “laissez-faire” approach is irresponsible. Studies of the knowledge, skills, and abilities required for middle leadership in recent decades demonstrate the transitional nature of middle leadership in schools. Earlier studies from England and Wales such as Glover et al. (1998), Adey and Jones (1998), and Adey (2000) and Brown et al. (2002) explore the views of middle managers and senior school leaders in the wake of significant policy reform. These studies challenge some previously held understandings of the department head role and identify the need for middle leaders to possess a range of leadership and management skills in addition to their pedagogical expertise. More recent studies identify the need for a wider range of knowledge, skills, and abilities commensurate with the changing demands of middle leadership, such as a requirement to address accountability expectations, keep abreast of change in areas including policy, curriculum, and pedagogy, and deliver ongoing improvement. Fluckiger et al. (2015) identify the important role of middle leadership in delivering ongoing improvements in learning and teaching and in developing the leadership capacity of teachers. This study analyzes participant evaluations of a middle leadership development program in Australia and explores relevant research to identify learning needs and indicators of quality for middle leadership professional learning programs. The results of the

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study draw attention to the need for inquiry skills that will enable middle leaders to generate and use evidence to evaluate the quality and impact of learning and teaching, the need for a range of management skills that will enable them to deliver the identified improvements, and leadership skills that will equip them to develop the leadership capacity of others. The increasing significance of political literacy also emerges from this study which recognizes that knowledge and understanding of legislation, policy, and procedures are required in order for middle leaders to lead effectively within their area of responsibility and contribute to whole school improvement. The interpersonal and communication skills required for middle leadership are evident throughout the research literature. Glover et al. (1998) argue that effective learning and teaching relies upon middle leaders being able to motivate, inspire, and support teams of staff. Weller (2001) surveyed the perspectives of department heads in America, to identify the skills thought to be essential for middle leadership. Interpersonal, relational, and communication skills were identified as crucial for pastoral aspects of the role such as maintaining harmony and cooperation within staff teams. Knowledge of group dynamics was also thought to be important. Fluckiger et al. (2015) also draw attention to the importance of these skills to the crucial middle leadership role of building effective communities of learning which support the learning of pupils and teachers. The relational skills required for middle leadership feature heavily in the small number of nonempirical studies in the field. In one of the few theoretical papers available, DeNobile’s (2018) proposal of a theoretical model of middle leadership places managing relationships and communication as one of the key features of the middle leader role. This study asserts that productive working relationships with team members and senior leaders are vital to success as a middle leader and depend upon the capacity of the individual to establish trust, navigate school politics, and provide challenge and support team members. Forde et al. (2019) analyze Scottish and Irish policy with a view to identifying issues related to middle leadership development. The value of middle leadership to teaching and to senior leadership and the need for middle leaders to collaborate with a network of individuals including fellow middle leaders are reinforced. They assert that in order to be successful in this role, middle leaders require professional development that will allow them to explore ways in which connections can be built with senior leaders, teachers colleagues, and other middle leaders across the school. Within the last decade, tensions around a lack of understanding of the value of middle leadership preparation continue to be evident. Surveying middle and senior leaders and school governors in New Zealand, Cardno and Basset (2015) argue that the increasing demands of the middle leader role are not fully recognized by senior leaders and therefore development needs are not being identified or addressed. This concurs with the views of Gurr and Drysdale (2013) and Irvine and Brundrett (2019) who caution that, without appropriate preparation for the role, the potential of middle leaders may not be fully realized. For the purposes of a systematic literature review, Lipscombe et al. (2021) identified and analyzed 35 empirical peer-reviewed articles regarding school middle leadership. Drawing from research in 14 countries in the

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period from 2006–2020, the review highlights the significant role that middle leaders play in facilitating the professional learning of others and the need for appropriate middle leadership professional learning opportunities, the availability of which is limited.

Approaches to Professional Learning In some contexts, such as England, approaches to developing middle leadership knowledge skills and abilities have been a small, but ongoing area of research attention for over two decades. Glover et al. (1998) interviewed a cross-section of staff across seven schools in England to gather perceptions of the leadership skills of middle managers. Training courses which focused largely upon administration or management duties were the most common approach to middle leadership preparation at that time but were considered by participants to be of little value in developing the wide range of skills required for middle leadership. Describing an accredited university course designed to address the expectations of professional standards for subject leaders in England, Gunter and Rutherford (2000) propose a program which seeks to explore conceptual underpinnings and the links between pedagogy and leadership. In an approach that remains highly relevant today, they argue for the need to develop middle leaders as researchers who are able to support the systematic gathering and analysis of data about teaching and learning and as theorizers who can identify meaning in data and use this insight to inform and implement change for improvement. Accredited university programs for middle leaders and aspiring middle leaders continue to be included in the suite of leadership preparation programs offered by academic institutions in England and Scotland. The limited value of stand-alone courses or events is recognized in some studies, which propose an approach to middle leadership development that embeds a learning event within a wider process which includes the application of new knowledge and professional reflection. Harris et al. (2001) observe that a change in practice is more likely to occur when new knowledge is applied to the workplace and is followed by a process of reflection which is supported by a mentor or critical friend. Gurr and Drysdale (2013) recommend long- and short-term professional learning as components in a package of activities which might also include induction, coaching, mentoring, and a supportive performance management program. Drawing from the perspectives of secondary school middle leaders regarding their professional development needs, Thorpe and Bennett-Powell (2014) found that the need for training programs was recognized, but participants believed that approaches such as coaching and mentoring were more likely to deliver a change in practice, possibly due to their flexibility and their capacity to accommodate a constantly changing work environment. Some studies argue the need to individualize leadership learning for specific purposes and career aspirations. Cardno and Basset (2015) recommend an individualized approach to developing skills in the management of people, systems, and

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self. They suggest that any approach to leadership development should be negotiated with each individual to ensure their full engagement in the process and to achieve a balance of knowledge, skills, and dispositions that address the needs of the organization and the middle leader. Fluckiger et al. (2015) offer an approach to middle leadership professional learning which is centered around the development of knowledge and skills in four key areas: pedagogy, people, place, and system. They propose a differentiated approach with two pathways: one with a more strategic focus for those who intend to progress to headship and the other for those who plan to remain in middle leader roles and approach which focuses upon the acquisition of the knowledge and skills required to facilitate and nurture teacher leadership. Proposing three phases of middle leadership development within a continuum which spans from novice to master, Irvine and Brundrett (2019) highlight the significant value of experience to leadership development and the consequential need for different approaches to middle leadership development as experience increases. They argue that relevant leadership experience can be gained in a range of ways including experience gained over time in a current leadership role, different roles within the school, similar roles in the same or other schools, experiences outside of the school environment, and dialogue with peers. The greater the quantity and quality of experience, the greater the information from which to draw in order to inform decision-making and the more efficient this process will become. For aspiring middle leaders, this could include engaging in delegated leadership responsibilities with support (Adey & Jones, 1998), working with experienced leaders, participating in decision-making, and observing the good and bad leadership practices of others (Turner, 2000). Established middle leaders might extend their experience by undertaking new leadership challenges or projects. Features of effective professional learning for middle leaders are explored in some studies. Harris et al. (2001) report upon a research project which investigates the nature, scope, and impact of professional development opportunities for subject or curriculum leaders in England and Wales. They identify a range of activities likely to result in the development of leadership practice such as action research, the analysis and scrutiny of data and evidence, stimulating debate about pedagogy and good practice, the establishment of support networks for teachers, and promoting active participation in areas of school development and improvement. Brown et al. (2002) call for an approach in which people assume responsibility for their own development rather than consider the process as something that is “done to” them. Drawing from a range of international research in the field, Fluckiger et al. (2015) argue the urgent need for focused, appropriate middle leadership professional learning due to the vital role that middle leaders play in fostering teacher leadership, delivering pedagogical and whole school improvements and the fact that the majority of middle leaders remain in the role and do not progress to more senior roles. They usefully propose ten criteria for determining the quality of middle leadership professional learning programs, highlighting the need for engagement with research, time for collegiate support and professional reflection, and a level of individualization that addresses the development needs of the middle leader and the improvement needs of the school.

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Underpinning many approaches to professional learning for middle leaders is the presumption of a school environment that is collaborative and conducive to leadership learning. Gurr and Drysdale (2013) observe that the effectiveness of middle leadership depends upon contextual factors such as the role and expectations of senior leaders, the organizational structure, and the culture of the school, most of which are shaped by senior leaders. They argue that success is also predicated on an expectation that middle leaders will contribute to shaping school improvement, however some senior and middle leaders were not yet ready to embrace this expectation. The time constraints of balancing a significant teaching commitment while addressing the leadership and management aspects of middle leadership are identified as problematic in some studies. The acquisition of leadership experience may require input from a middle leader to inform or support specific tasks and in aspects such as coaching and mentoring, thus presenting additional demands upon the limited time that middle leaders have available. Studies such as Adey and Jones (1998) suggest a reduction in middle leader teaching commitments and increased support from nonteaching administrative staff to free time to fulfill leadership and management tasks. They also propose that some leadership tasks could be shared with colleagues who are keen to obtain relevant leadership experience, taking care to ensure that such tasks are meaningful and are perceived by colleagues as developmental opportunities rather than further downward delegation.

Middle Leadership Teams Implicit in this body of research related to the role, practice, and professional learning of middle leadership is the construct of an individual middle leader. However, middle leadership team is a significant set of relationships that can foster or impede collegiality and improvement across a school. Part of the activities of middle leaders are external to their department/area such as gathering information around policies and priorities, building support, and gaining resources (Somech & Naamneh, 2019). From the limited evidence available on relationships within middle leadership teams, these relationships are largely competitive around resourcing and protectionist policies (Glover et al., 1999). Research into the workings of leadership teams in school is limited largely to two studies conducted against the backdrop of increased managerialism in the 1990s. Wallace and Hall (1994) explored secondary senior management teams (SMTs) and Wallace and Huckman (1999) primary SMTs. These studies revealed the sense of hierarchy remained strong in the SMT. There were varying degrees of SMTs operating as a team and this was partly determined by the head teacher’s beliefs and practices around teamwork. However, building teamwork in the SMT was risky for a head teacher, disengagement and long-term conflict on the part of other members could limit the effectiveness of the head teacher’s influence. Nevertheless, these two studies highlight the benefits of effective SMTs. Even less well examined is the idea of a school’s middle leadership team. Sammons et al. (1997) underline the

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importance of forging links between different departments in a school as well as vertical links. Melville et al. (2014), in their case study of a change project in a school, depict the importance of these connections. Each level/unit works in concert with the other levels/units in bringing about whole school change which transforms practice and learning in classrooms. Constructing middle leadership as one of connections not just vertically but horizontally across different subjects and functions seems productive. The idea of a leadership team underlines two current research projects, in Scotland (Forde et al., forthcoming) and in the Republic of Ireland (CSL, 2021). These research and development projects look to exploit this horizontal connection to both strengthen middle leadership across the school. A brief overview of each project follows. The study, Social Justice and the Role of Middle Leadership, builds on previous work on social justice leadership through the International School Leadership Development Network (Forde et al., forthcoming) which examined the social justice leadership of the head teacher. The purpose of this current research is to examine the contribution of the leadership team to social justice leadership. In common with other studies, this project adopts a multiple perspective approach with data gathered from the head teacher and two sets of leaders: senior leaders (deputy head teachers) and middle leaders (department heads, or equivalent, with a wide range of remits). One of the intentions of this strand was to gain a sense of the team perspective and so the Delphi method is being used to gather data on the understandings, views, and practices as well as their proposals for development from two samples in each case study school: (1) all middle leaders and (2) all deputy head teachers. Through a series of rounds participants respond to questions, these responses are then analyzed and summarized as feedback for the participants. The participants are subsequently asked to evaluate the summaries and identify areas for action. The method captures individual perspectives and a collective leadership team focus. Building Middle Leadership Capacity in Irish Schools is a pilot study to develop understandings around the building of middle leadership capacity to contribute to the school’s improvement agenda. The program is designed as an action research project focusing on the development of school leadership teams (comprising principal, deputy principals, and middle leaders) working collaboratively on a school development. This program has the added dimension of involving leadership teams from both the secondary and primary sectors including small primary schools led by a teaching principal. The leadership teams are supported through a set of online leadership competencies workshops. This study is focused on building middle leadership capacity across schools and has two additional dimensions. Each leadership team works with a facilitator reviewing and reflecting on their work as a team and with a cluster of schools, sharing their experiences and practice around increasing middle leadership capacity. The data gathering process is uses the action research cycle with data gathered at regular intervals through short team reports, questionnaires, group discussions of school leadership teams, facilitators, clusters, and the project team. This data is analyzed and circulated to all participants to support the ongoing school-based development.

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These studies focus on building knowledge in and for practice. In investigating the development of middle leadership teams, there is a balance between privileging the voice of the individual leader and exploring the collective perspective. Each project has contexts in which middle leaders explore and share ideas, working collectively on an issue with the intention of strengthening their practice and understandings as a community of practice. In the project Social Justice and the Role of Middle Leadership, the Delphi Method brings participants together by enabling each middle leader to, firstly, contribute their ideas and experiences and, secondly, engage in a dialogue with their fellow middle leaders. The outcome of this process is the creation of a school and professional learning agenda to build middle social justice leadership. In the Building Middle Leadership Capacity in Irish Schools project, the methods are designed to support reflection and review by the leadership teams, provide feedback, and build understandings cumulatively over the course of the project around the question: “What are we learning about developing middle leadership?”. An implicit understanding underpinning each project is that these should be research with rather than research on the middle leaders as members of a middle leadership team, which itself is part of a wider school leadership team. There are substantial benefits for researchers in adopting methods that not only privilege the voice of the practitioner but engage them in genuine dialogue and explanation with each other and with the researchers. In both studies, research participants are active in the coproduction of knowledge which demands listening to the range of voices. In each of these projects, the process of collective sensemaking is key to building this knowledge for practice.

Conclusions: Future Development in Research on Middle Leaders in School From this review of research on middle leaders in school, we have noted the resurgence of interest from earlier studies embedded in school effectiveness and improvement research to the current increased emphasis on distributed leadership and collaboration. We have focused on research on formal leadership roles where the areas of responsibility can cover not only the curriculum, teaching, and learning but other aspects such as additional support needs, equality and diversity, pastoral care, or community links. The potential impact of these wide-ranging middle leadership roles is being increasingly recognized in policy as well as in current research which is helping to build understandings and practice in the role and recognition of some of the inherent tensions. Middle leadership research draws heavily from the concepts of educational leadership, especially pedagogical or instructional leadership, collaborative practice, and distributive leadership. Middle leadership research has been positioned in this volume as part of the wider body of work on teacher education research. This is an important context for building research on middle leadership where explorations of areas such as identity, agency, and professional growth are common concerns across teacher education research. Some connections can be made particularly in

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discussions about the professional growth and learning of both aspirant and serving middle leaders. Leithwood’s (2016) synthesis study illustrates the growing body of evidence around the impact of middle leadership on teaching and learning and on teachers. However, if we are to avoid this insight becoming a normative assertion, one that is reiterated uncritically in policy documents and guidelines for leaders in school, then there is a need to continue to, firstly, build a solid body of empirical evidence and, secondly, strengthen theoretical explorations of middle leadership. Studies have been conducted into middle leadership in a wide range of systems and these are contributing to understandings about the varied roles of middle leadership and how this is shaped by a range of contextual factors. Several areas for further research have been identified in this discussion. Further, larger-scale studies including comparative studies are needed to build the body of knowledge. Much of the work on middle leadership is situated in the secondary sector where subject divisions and associated management roles are long standing. Middle leadership in the primary school has become part of the landscape. However, this is an area where there has only been limited research and that it could be expanded. The area of middle leadership teams and the implications for the professional learning of middle leaders is also an area that needs further investigation. Exploring middle leadership in different contexts is vital to strengthening theory and practice. Grootenboer’s (2018) study of the practice of middle leadership offers the potential to extend the scope of studies from a preference for gathering multiple perspectives on the middle leadership role to more analytical explorations of the practice of middle leaders. Middle leadership has the quality of being “close to practice.” As we look to future research, staying close to the practice realities and privileging the voice of leaders in school is essential in this enterprise. In this way, middle leaders (and other leaders in school) become active participants in the production of knowledge to underpin policy and practice.

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Hammersley-Fletcher, L., & Strain, M. (2011). Power, agency and middle leadership in English primary schools. British Educational Research Journal, 37(5), 871–884. Harris, A., Busher, H., & Wise, C. (2001). Effective training for subject leaders. Journal of In-Service Education, 27(1), 83–94. Harris, A., Jones, M., Ismail, N., & Nguyen, D. (2019). Middle leaders and middle leadership in schools: Exploring the knowledge base (2003–2017). School Leadership and Management, 39(3–4), 255–277. Irvine, P. A., & Brundrett, M. (2016). Middle leadership and its challenges: A case study in the secondary independent sector. Management in Education, 30(2), 86–92. Irvine, P. A., & Brundrett, M. (2019). Negotiating the next step: The part that experience plays with middle leaders’ development as they move into their new role. Educational Management Administration and Leadership, 47, 74–90. Javadi, V., Bush, T., & Ng, A. (2017). Middle leadership in international schools: Evidence from Malaysia. School Leadership & Management, 37(5), 476–499. Kemmis, S., & Grootenboer, P. (2008). Enabling Praxis in Practice. In S. Kemmis and T.J. Smith (Eds.) Enabling Praxis: Challenges for Education. Rotterdam: Sense. Lárusdóttir, S. H., & O’Connor, E. (2017). Distributed leadership and middle leadership practice in schools: A disconnect? Irish Educational Studies, 36(4), 423–438. Leithwood, K. (2016). Department-head leadership for school improvement. Leadership and Policy in Schools, 15(2), 117–140. Lipscombe, K., Tindall-Ford, S., & Grootenboer, P. (2020). Middle leading and influence in two Australian schools. Educational Management Administration and Leadership, 48(6), 1063–1079. Lipscombe, K., Tindall-Ford, S., & Lamanna, J. (2021). School middle leadership: A systematic review. Educational Management, Administration and Leadership. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1741143220983328 Melville, W., Hardy, I., Weinburgh, M., & Bartley, A. (2014). A logic of “linking learning”: Leadership practices across schools, subject departments and classrooms. Cogent Education, 1(1), 983587. https://doi.org/10.1080/2331186X.2014.983587 Sammons, P., Thomas, S., & Mortimore, P. (1997). Forging links: Effective schools and effective departments. Sage. Somech, A., & Naamneh, M. (2019). Subject coordinators as boundary managers: The impact on team learning and organizational outcomes. Educational Management Administration & Leadership, 47(1), 56–73. Tam, A. C. F. (2010). Understanding the leadership qualities of a head of department coping with curriculum changes in a Hong Kong secondary school. School Leadership and Management, 30(4), 367–386. Thorpe, A., & Bennett-Powell, G. (2014). The perceptions of secondary school middle leaders regarding their needs following a middle leadership development programme. Management in Education, 28(2), 52–57. Turner, C. (2000). Learning about leading a subject department in secondary schools: Some empirical evidence. School Leadership and Management, 20(3), 299–313. Wallace, M., & Hall, V. (1994). Inside the SMT: Teamwork in secondary school management. Paul Chapman. Wallace, M., & Huckman, L. (1999). Senior management teams in primary schools: The quest for synergy. Routledge. Weller, L. D. (2001). Department heads: The most underutilized leadership position. NASSP Bulletin, 85, 73–81. Welsh Government. (2017). Professional standards for teaching and leadership. Welsh Government.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The International Positioning of Standards for Teaching and Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tensions with Professional Standards for Teachers and School Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standards for School Leadership: An Emerging Research Base . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case Study: Developing Leadership at All Levels: The Scottish Standards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standards for Registration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standards for Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Standards for School Leadership/Principalship and Leadership Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning from and Next Steps for the Development of Professional Standards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

The critical role of school leadership in improving learning and teaching for better outcomes for children and young people is recognized across most education systems. Defining and specifying this has become more important as the role of the school leader and principal has been reconceptualized as the lead learner, or leader of learning, within the school community. The tension between this pedagogical role and the leadership and management functions of the school leader and principal’s role can be difficult to balance and reconcile, given the competing demands that they juggle. Consequently, frameworks, benchmarks, and professional standards have come to play an important role in setting out and making public the professional knowledge, skills, and competences required for teachers and school leaders. Such “tools” serve several functions as instruments

M. McMahon (*) · D. Torrance School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_25

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for development, accreditation, certification, and accountability. They are however not without controversy, and the implications of these for school leaders and principals in relation to teacher education for leadership are explored in this chapter. Keywords

Professional standards · Leadership · Principalship · Regulation · Benchmarks

Introduction Professional standards continue to be adopted in many education systems across the globe to regulate the teaching profession, to plan for and direct professional learning, to benchmark teaching quality, and to improve learning and teaching. In some systems, a standards continuum provides a route map for teachers and aspiring and current school leaders as they progress in their careers in teaching. Professional standards however, serving multiple purposes though their regulatory and performative functions, are often in conflict with their developmental potential. This is particularly acute for school leaders, where competence to lead a school is recognized through a leadership standard, often, though not always accompanied by an academic credential and where the assessment of the individual candidate may seem at odds with the shared/distributed leadership practices espoused by the standards/ credential program of professional learning (Pont et al., 2008). The judgment of competence to lead a school is high stakes, professionally and reputationally, and the risk to schools often leads to tight regulation through, for example, a mandatory qualification. This chapter explores the tensions associated with school leadership in the context of teacher education for leadership. ▶ Chap. 32, “External Change Agents in Professional Learning: The Case of the General Teaching Council Scotland,” explored teacher education for leadership more broadly, arguing that the embedding of leadership at all levels requires a refocusing of leadership preparation and the introduction of learning about leadership in pre-service teacher preparation programs. In this chapter, we look at some of the challenges and tensions associated with leadership standards. Consideration of the development and use of professional standards for teaching in recent decades is essential, and so this is explored initially. The role of leadership standards as part of the professional continuum and policy infrastructure is explored, looking at their development and adoption in a global context, where trends vary across systems as to whether distinct leadership standards exist separately or are embedded within professional standards for all teachers. Their use in leadership preparation is explored through examination of how teacher education, both preservice and in-service, is increasingly oriented toward preparation for leadership at all levels. Finally, the chapter examines the imperative for future research in relation to professional standards for teachers more generally and for school leaders more specifically, given their increased adoption across a number

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of education systems and their potential impact for the professional advancement and future careers of teachers and school leaders. The chapter draws on examples from the Scottish context, where the authors are based, as well as other contexts. In the Scottish context, principals are referred to as head teachers, so the terms principal and head teacher and principalship and headship are used in this chapter. School leader refers to members of school staff with a formal leadership role.

The International Positioning of Standards for Teaching and Teachers Professional standards – as key policy documents – have become established in many education systems as part of policy technologies to take forward national priorities for education (Mitchell et al., forthcoming). Sachs (2016) makes an important distinction between teacher and teaching standards, arguing that “teacher standards refer to levels of competence expected of individual teachers, either for entry into the profession or for measuring ongoing performance. The scope and remit of teaching standards is the teaching profession rather than individual teachers” (Sachs, 2016, p. 417). The manifestation of this important distinction, in and through professional standards, can be closely related to philosophical understandings, ideological positions, and contextual conditions on the purposes of education and what it means to be a teacher. There is variance in the United Kingdom, for example, with Professional Standards for Teaching and Leadership in Wales, Teachers’ Standards in England and Professional Standards for Teachers in Scotland. In Northern Ireland, statements of “teacher competences” are included in an overarching guidance document: Teaching: The Reflective Profession, which also includes a Code of Values and Professional Practice and a Charter for Education (GTCSNI, Online). In the Republic of Ireland, the focus is on Standards for Initial Teacher Education (Céim) while all teachers are expected to be familiar with and comply with the Code of Professional Conduct for Teachers (Teaching Council Ireland, online). In USA, a certification system to “develop retain and recognize accomplished teachers and to generate ongoing improvement in schools nationwide” is focused on Professional Teaching Standards (National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, online). The South Africa Council for Educators (SACE) oversees “Professional Standards for Teaching” (SACE, online) while the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers are structured around four key developmental stages: graduate, proficient, highly accomplished, and led (AITSL, online). The introduction of professional standards has been interpreted as forming part of a neoliberal agenda, seeking to regulate and marketize education (Mitchell et al., forthcoming). Increasingly, there appears to be a shift to a sharpened focus on the individual practitioner in some systems, and in others on the individual practitioner as part of the wider profession and integrated education system. Wherever the emphasis is placed, standards act as vehicles for policy within and across systems.

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As policy implementation tools, they are designed as policy levers for “effective” school improvement (McMahon, 2019), which arguably support the enactment of policy in practice, through both encoding and decoding processes (Trowler, 2003). They are often seen by governments across the world as part of the solution to perceived policy problems, with the effects of global performance measures such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Trends in International Mathematics and Science (TIMMS), and Progress in International Literacy Study (PIRLS) driving change agendas and with both the problems identified and their corresponding solutions bearing striking similarities. Such policy borrowing has a homogenizing effect across systems (Priestley, 2002; Sahlberg, 2007), in relation to content, format, and implementation (Centre for Development and Enterprise, 2017), as governments search for endorsed, speedy, and relatively inexpensive policy solutions (Mitchell et al., forthcoming). This has led to a lifting of policies and implementation strategies from other countries, with little regard for contextual or cultural differences (Priestley, 2002; Sahlberg, 2007; Sellar & Lingard, 2013; Colman, 2021; Pashiardis & Johansson, 2021). Increasingly, developing countries are looking to systems where professional standards are longer established, to understand approaches and models, and to learn from their implementation (McMahon, 2019). This policy learning provides an alternative to policy borrowing, recognizing that context, history, and culture is unique to each education system, with the process of policy enactment involving a complex interplay of policy implementers (Sahlberg, 2011). The international literature on professional standards and teaching is evolving and growing, particularly in the last 20 years, with the internationally judged, highest performing, and improving education systems, adopting a coordinated approach to standards development and introduction (CEPPE, 2013, p. 74). Much of the existing literature is focused on the purpose of professional standards and the tension between their performative and developmental functions. More recently, a body of literature seeks to critique their adoption and the consequences of this for the teaching profession (McMahon, 2019). However, the evidence base for the adoption and endorsement of professional standards is neither fully developed, nor based on empirical scrutiny (Kennedy, 2015) or empirical data of their impact on teachers, nor indeed on learners (CEPPE, 2013; McMahon, 2019; Menter et al., 2010; Taylor, 2016). This is despite the focus in much of the literature tending to be on the construction of professional standards as a mechanism for improving the quality of teaching through regulation and development, their implementation and application, their link to teacher evaluation, and conceptual underpinning and design with intentions of impact (McMahon, 2019). Empirical scrutiny of standards is challenged by the extent to which standards become embedded in practice and which is dependent upon teachers’ engagement with them (McMahon, 2019). The empirical studies that do exist are largely based on self-reporting, and the research based on these standards, how they are used, and to what end is still largely in its infancy stage and behind that of several other professions (Young & Perrone, 2016). Context is key, since the ways in which professional standards are conceptualized reflect the changes that they are intended to bring about (McMahon, 2019). Indeed, a

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standard’s priorities align with the interests of those served by them (Sachs, 2003), reflecting perspectives on knowledge and knowing which are political and powerful constructs (Torrance et al., forthcoming). A 2013 study on Learning Standards, Teaching Standards and Standards for School Principals (CEPPE, 2013) identified four main purposes associated with teaching standards: supporting improved teacher performance; certifying teachers either new to the profession or having attained specified status; assessing teacher performance; and evaluating/accrediting teacher education institutions (p. 32). In this way, standards provide mechanisms for improving teacher quality, codifying professional practice and regulating the profession (McMahon, 2019). More specifically, leadership and principal standards set out expectations, knowledge, behaviors, and competences required to lead and manage, and to exert pedagogic leadership, with four broad purposes for leadership standards identified as (i) specifying the function of school principals; (ii) guiding professional development; (iii) defining criteria for assessment; and (iv) guiding the selection of principal (CEPPE, 2013, p. 50). As with standards for teaching and teachers, those intended for school leaders and principals have changed in form and application as they have become more widely adopted so that, according to Berkovich and Bogler (2020): The idea of standards for school leaders has transformed from a localised US phenomenon originating in the initiative of nongovernmental organisations (Leithwood and Steinbach 2003; Murphy and Shipman 1999) to a dominant idea in global educational policy discourse promoted by formal governments and NGOs across multiple continents. (pp. 329–330)

The implications of such global reach and influence are significant and expose the tensions that can arise in pursuit of tried and test or “what works” approaches. Such tensions in relation to standards for teachers and school leaders are now explored.

Tensions with Professional Standards for Teachers and School Leaders As discussed earlier, professional standards can be interpreted as one element in the policy technologies used in the process of teacher workforce development, as part of a wider policy drive for educational improvement. The purpose behind, design of, and discourse within standards, implicitly and explicitly, reflect perspectives of the profession and of teachers, of what is valued and understood to be important. In this way, the design and use of standards is contingent on their intended purpose(s), leading to tensions. McMahon (2019, p. 15) describes these as dichotomies, “not just in terms of the balance between regulation and development, but in whether they are seen as both normative and generative and whether they should be generic or specific.” Standards are structured around legitimized discourse, directly or indirectly endorsed by governments (Loughland & Ellis, 2016), that privileges certain bodies of knowledge and values. In this way, standards and accountability are interrelated,

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having become the tool for managing and overseeing teachers (Sachs, 2016; Taylor, 2016). An example of this can be seen within the Australian teaching standards, in the shift from teaching quality to teacher quality (Savage & Lewis, 2018), with a growing focus on the individual practitioner. Identifying what standards should contain, who they are for, and who they are applicable to is challenging (McMahon, 2019; Sachs, 2016), particularly so, since standards have several purposes: demonstrating a required level of competence for entry into the profession; maintaining that level of competence to ensure ongoing fitness to teach; and advancing skill and expertise. Competing purposes create design and application tensions, drawing into question the applicability of professional standards across the teaching continuum from early career to experienced teacher (McMahon, 2019; McMahon et al., 2013). A clear tension exists when standards are designed to both specify the level of competence required for entry into the profession, and define levels of competence for serving teachers, who may have considerable teaching experience (Forde & McMahon, 2019, p. 128). A similar tension exists between the dual mandatory and aspirational nature of sets of standards where initial certification, based on the fulfillment of a standard for teaching, is required for admission into the profession but further engagement with developmental standards is not enshrined in legislation, thereby being noncompulsory. As concise documents, standards make some aspects of practice visible while submerging other aspects (Torrance & Forde, 2017). The level of detail necessary for specificity and standardization is problematic (Forde et al., 2016). So too is the danger of impeding teachers from developing their own understandings of what it means to be a teacher and what capabilities are prerequisites, through prescriptive and codified constructions in standards (Kennedy, 2014, p. 343). “In relation to this, Forde et al. (2016, p. 23) suggest that a simple distinction might be whether in a particular standard the focus is on setting out the tasks and functions or whether there is a more complex construction of professional practice to include knowledge, understandings, personal dispositions and purposes.” Content standards codify knowledge which signals what is valued; performance standards identify levels or examples of competence (McMahon, 2019). This duality can cause tensions as standards can be used as “a banner or flag” and as “a yardstick or as a measuring rod” (CEPPE, 2013, p. 14). The challenge here is not to suppress the developmental purpose and emphasis on change which could hold back practice (Forde et al., 2016). The normative intent of professional standards conflicts with their role in developing and advancing the practice of teachers (Forde & McMahon, 2019). Moreover, when standards are used for the regulation of teacher quality (Sachs, 2016), they are inhibited from becoming a catalyst for authentic professional learning (p. 417). Pont et al. (2008, p. 118) recognize the contested nature of standards, for example, when different agendas compete with each other, as with “a charismatic, heroic form of leadership that runs counter to the need for more participatory and distributed leadership.” This exemplifies Gronn’s (2000) caution that professional standards codify the preferred practice rather than necessarily the best practice for a specific context. He later extended this to codifications of preferred leadership practice in standards for school leaders, coining the term “designer leadership” (Gronn, 2003b).

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Standards for School Leadership: An Emerging Research Base The need to know more about how professional standards are conceptualized, developed, introduced, adopted, enacted, and assessed (measured or evaluated) is consistent across the literature, and this is also the case for standards for school leaders and principals. Comparative studies are sparse, though there are some that offer helpful insights into global patterns. We explore these briefly in the following section, before presenting a more in-depth case study on the Scottish professional standards. There are several reasons for including this case study. First, often in the international literature, education reform and initiatives are framed as UK models or approaches. In reality, such homogenization does not exist and the four devolved political systems across the UK (England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland) have become increasingly divergent in education in recent years. Second, the Scottish standards provide an interesting case study of the development, over time, of a set of standards, related to career stage, through which leadership development is woven from preservice to full culmination in Standards for Leadership. Third, the standards serve several functions, including initial gatekeeping to the teaching profession; a developmental function for further career development, linked to an annual “professional update” scheme; certification of competence for new teachers and new principals; and the external accreditation of preservice and in-service programs. Ingvarson, Anderson, Gronn, and Jackson’s (2006) critical review of the literature on Standards for School Leadership – designed to inform future development of national standards for school leadership in Australia – looked at national and international developments in school leadership standards, including approaches to the certification of school leaders who meet those standards (p. 2). A specific focus was on systems where standards were used for purposes such as professional learning and recognition, through some form of certification (whether from a government or an employing authority, or by a professional body). Therefore, the systems chosen (Western Australia; England; The Netherlands; Scotland; and Connecticut, USA) were because they were seen to offer potential models for a national approach to leadership standards (p. 11). Their review found “commonality in the core features of effective leadership practices” (p. 107), identifying that “standards did not vary markedly according to what might be thought of as very different national and cultural contexts, although it is necessary to recognise that most of our cases of standards systems were from English speaking countries” (ibid). A strong case was made for the involvement of the profession in the development of national standards for school leadership, recognizing that the level of ownership and commitment to professional standards within a profession will depend on the extent to which members of the profession are entrusted with their development (Ingvarson et al. 2006, pp. 7–8; Sachs, 2003, 2016). Ingvarson, Anderson, Gronn, and Jackson’s (2006) review found that, in the systems selected for analysis, standards were being used to guide the preparation and development of school leaders, and for certification. Also, they found that leadership standards were beginning to look more like professional standards rather

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than the old lists of dozens of competencies and job descriptions in past sets of standards (p. 108). Their review identified a challenge that remains current and relevant – how to embed and enact standards – and they noted that: “It is one thing to create standards. It is quite another to ensure they become embedded in everyday thought and practice” (p. 108). Certification and credentialism can be ways to achieve this, using levers such as mandatory qualifications for appointment to the principalship, but which also raise questions about how the standards are maintained and developed, post certification and qualification. A valid certification system is critical for this, yet, in their review, Ingvarson, Anderson, Gronn, and Jackson (2006) found that in most systems this remained uncertain, with little research on benchmarking, evidencing, and assessing principal learning, competence, and ability to meet the “standard” (p. 110). The question of valid certification systems for leadership standards was revisited by Ingvarson and D’Araugo in 2021, when they reported on a pilot program, initiated by the principals’ associations in Australia, to field test methods school principals might use to show how they meet leadership standards in their school context. According to Ingvarson and D’Araugo (2022, p. 110), recent research indicates that successful school principals draw on the same repertoire of leadership practices. The question remains, however, as to how these leadership practices can be evaluated and evidenced, and while acknowledging “advances made in methods for assessing and certifying attainment of accomplished teaching standards (Ingvarson & Hattie, 2008; National Research Council, 2008), research on standards-based methods for assessing school leadership is less well developed” (Ingvarson & De Araugo, 2022, p. 110). The pilot study that Ingvarson and De Araugo (2022) report on consisted of three portfolio tasks as a means for school principals to capture authentic examples of their leadership, each providing evidence across several standard domains. An assessment framework was also developed to ensure that, together, the tasks provided a representative sample of a principal’s practice to cover core leadership domains (Ingvarson & De Araugo, 2022, p. 124). Research from the pilot found that it was a “valid, reliable and feasible approach to assessing the educational leadership of accomplished principals through a process that challenges and supports the development of their leadership capacity” (ibid). It also reported that principals found that “documenting their practice in portfolio entries leads them to a deeper understanding of the leadership domains of the standards and what it means to implement them” (ibid). While the study was focused on principals with at least three years’ experience as a principal, findings from the pilot suggested that the portfolio could be used in a similar way by aspiring school leaders to build a credible track record of successful leadership practice (ibid). Berkovich and Bogler’s (2020) study utilized data from the International Project on Effective School Leadership Policies and Teaching and Learning International Survey (p. 321) and was conducted across six continents and 22 countries. They looked at leadership preparation and national principal policies and asked “What standards exist? How is leadership defined? When were they adopted? How were these developed or chosen? How do the standards inform principal preparation, selection, and

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supervision practices?” Their analysis found that, in a global perspective, the international policy discourse on school leadership standards seems to be currently focused on managerialism (90.48%) and instruction (85.71%), crossing four continents (Asia, Europe, North America, and Australia) as well as “bridging” cultural and economic differences between countries (G8 vs. Eastern Europe) (p. 328). The study, involving analysis of documents for national policies on principal preparation, selection and evaluation from national sites, archives, and interviews with key official role holders, focused on eight systems, drawn from the 22 participating countries: Australia, Chile, Israel, Jordan, Latvia, Moldova, and the USA (2 states: Iowa and New York). In Israel, Jordan, and Moldova, the standards are required for leadership preparation or principal selection and evaluation while in Australia, Chile, Latvia, and the USA, the standards are recommended (Berkovich & Bogler, p. 326). While acknowledging the limitations of the database (in not including all relevant countries/education systems in the developed and the rapidly developing regions of the world), Berkovich and Bogler (2020) were able to identify four types of standards policy strategies in relation to the situational imperatives of school administration, identified by Greenfield (Greenfield, 1995) as managerial, instructional, political, moral, and social /interpersonal (p. 323). From their analysis, they found: 1. A broad focus on all/nearly all school leadership functions (Moldova, Australia, and Iowa) 2. A broad focus on managerial and instructional functions and a limited focus on moral and sociopolitical functions (Israel) 3. A broad focus on managerial function and a limited focus on all other three functions (i.e., moral, sociopolitical, and instructional) (Jordan and New York) 4. Minimalist standards that are not very detailed on all four standards functions (Chile) (Berkovich & Bogler, 2020, p. 327) Two distinct strategies are identified: detailed standards policy strategy adopted by Moldova, Australia, and Iowa, with a broad focus on all/nearly all school leadership functions and, in contrast, a very minimalist standards strategy adopted by Chile, which does not detail the functions to a large extent (Berkovich & Bogler, 2020, p. 330). They suggest that the “seemingly unified emerging phenomenon of standards policy for school leaders is more diverse than frequently argued” (ibid) and that “the current global policy environment seems to leave room for variations among countries by some imperatives when it comes to the appeal of a standards policy for school leaders and its espousal” (ibid). They also posit another view, drawing from Phillips and Ochs (2003) that some governments made a declarative or a “phony” decision to adopt it to enjoy local and international recognition (Philipps & Ochs, 2003) in Berkovich and Bogler (2020, p. 330). As Ingvarson et al. (2006) have observed, professional standards for school principals have evolved considerably from initial technicist iterations of leadership and management competences. Research has also shown broad consistency in leadership typologies and practices across systems. Integration within a wider

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framework for professional learning and career advancement at a system level has also been proposed and the need for valid and credible certification systems emphasized. The approach in Scotland offers an interesting case study of how these have been addressed at a system level which we now explore in the following section.

Case Study: Developing Leadership at All Levels: The Scottish Standards In Scotland, the professional standards for teaching have evolved over 20 years, adapted, and developed as teacher education became embedded within universities and as government reform sought to strengthen teacher professionalism. McMahon (2019, p. 33) identified that: “the approach taken to standards development in Scotland aligns broadly with similar approaches internationally and the inclusive and consultative approaches to development and implementation articulate with recommendations and measures of effective practice from international studies.” Currently in Scotland, all teacher education and principal preparation is accredited by the General Teaching Council for Scotland and programs to enable new teachers and aspiring principals to demonstrate attainment of the relevant professional standard is through university providers offering an academic qualification encompassing the professional credential. Academic programs are reaccredited every 5 years. Since 2020, it has become mandatory for all new head teachers to have attained the Standard for Headship through an accredited “Into Headship” program, which replaced the Scottish Qualification for Headship (SQH) programs in 2016. The Standard for Headship (SfH) was the first professional standard to be adopted in 1998, and the Standard for Initial Teacher Education was not introduced until 2002. Cowie and Crawford (2007) observed that the original Scottish Standard for Headship was designed to be less “technicist” than English standards, while O’Brien and Torrance (2005) observed it was based on a broader view of education and the professional role of teachers and school leaders. That said, there is a danger of standards being used to ensure leaders conform to a centrally endorsed regime (Gronn, 2002), and as Ingvarson and DeAraugo (2022, p. 114) note, “standards do not standarise practice.” Even with its purported good practice development, avoiding “a narrow reductionist approach” (Cowie, 2008, p. 24), normative perspectives and an endorsed structure are evident within the Scottish SfH. Moreover, in postgraduate programs for aspirant head teachers, the universities are charged with adopting the SfH (Torrance, 2013), mirroring “the politically driven ‘competence movement’ that emerged in teacher education in the 1990s and has had a major influence on head teacher preparation in Scotland” (Cowie, 2008, p. 24). Since 1998, the Standard for Headship has been reviewed and updated as part of the regular cycle of standards review, most substantially in 2012, following the publication of the Teaching Scotland’s Future report (Donaldson, 2011) and a “refresh” in 2019–2020. In Scotland, the professional standards play a key role in a process of “professionalisation,” promoting a form of “extended professionalism” (Donaldson, 2011, p. 15). There is, therefore, a future orientation that privileges the

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contribution of teachers and leaders to realizing the wider policy intention of improved outcomes for pupils (despite the research base for the impact of professional standards for teaching being relatively small – McMahon, 2019). In 2021, the refreshed set of professional standards was launched. Covering the professional continuum from the entry level into teaching to confirmation of head teacher competence, the set (GTCS, 2021a) now consists of:

Standards for Registration • Standard for Provisional Registration: “The Standard for Provisional Registration is the benchmark of competence required of all student teachers at the end of Initial Teacher Education who are seeking provisional registration. . . [It] outlines what is required to become a teacher in Scotland.” • Standard for Full Registration: “The Standard for Full Registration is the foundation of the Professional Standards and is the benchmark of competence required of all registered teachers in Scotland. . . . [It] encompasses what it is to be a teacher in Scotland.”

Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning • “The Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning provides an aspirational and/or developmental framework for teachers. . . . [It] supports the professional growth of teachers in Scotland.”

Standards for Leadership • Standard for Middle Leadership: “The Standard for Middle Leadership and The Standard for Headship provide aspirational and/or developmental frameworks for teachers in/or considering leadership roles. They outline the strategic vision, professional knowledge and understanding, interpersonal skills and abilities and professional actions that support teachers in leadership roles. These Professional Standards provide a framework for professional growth for teachers in leadership roles. Consequently, they have some additional purposes: – support for self-evaluation and reflection for teachers in, and aspiring to, formal leadership roles in our schools; – informing the process of recruitment and selection; and – contributing to dialogue about leadership and management’ • Standard for Headship: ‘has the additional purpose of being a requirement for teachers permanently employed in Headteacher roles from August 2020.” (GTCS, 2021c, p. 3). As previously discussed, professional standards provide frameworks which have a dual purpose: regulatory and developmental. In Scotland, the GTCS’s position is that

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the Professional Standards “describe teacher professionalism in Scotland” (GTCS, 2021a). Following a national consultation process undertaken during the “refresh” of the Standards (GTCS, 2021a), the same introductory “overview script” is included at the beginning of each Standard, making explicit an expectation for all teachers – regardless of their role or position – across the suite of Professional Standards, clearly setting out what it means to be a teacher in Scotland with associated expectations. Moreover, within that introductory “overview script,” the purposes, as well as the intended uses of each Standard and the legal status where appropriate, are made explicit: Taken together, the Professional Standards and Professional Code make clear what learners, teachers and the public can expect from teachers who are registered with GTC Scotland. . . . and play a central role in providing public assurance and maintaining trust and confidence in the teaching profession in Scotland. . . . The Professional Standards and the Professional Code together promote and encourage meaningful lifelong professional learning and development. They are designed to inspire. . . (GTCS, 2021a)

This highlights a key tension that resides within and across the Scottish standards that they perform dual functions, providing a quality assurance framework for teachers, employers, and teacher educators while at the time being aspirational (Forde & McMahon, 2019), to support the ongoing professional learning and development of individual staff and the profession as a whole, promoting empowerment at all levels. Indeed, the standards fulfill multiple purposes (McMahon, 2019; Torrance & Forde, 2017), one of which is their use as a benchmark for professional competency. However, not all standards have legal status in relation to competency proceedings. The Standard for Full Registration remains the legal standard for confirming teacher competency, with the Standard for Headship becoming mandatory for all new head teachers from 2020. One feature that distinguishes the Scottish standards from other international standards for teachers is the emphasis placed on leadership across the Standards: Leadership is one of the central underpinning and interconnecting themes within the suite of Professional Standards and is a key aspect of teacher professionalism. The Professional Standards place all teachers as leaders of and for learning. They lead learning for, and with, all learners and they work with and support the development of colleagues and other partners. (GTCS, 2021b)

Further, leadership is explicitly linked to the GTCS-endorsed professional values: Upholding the professional values of social justice, trust and respect and integrity requires a commitment to leadership that inspires confidence and encourages aspiration. This commitment underpins leadership of learning in all contexts and change for improvement. It values the contribution of others, challenges biases and assumptions and applies critical thinking to make effective decisions, in the interests of maintaining and improving the quality of education and leading to improved outcomes for all children and young people in Scotland. (GTCS, 2021b)

Such positioning of leadership brings with it several issues which are now explored.

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Standards for School Leadership/Principalship and Leadership Development Within the professional standards for school leaders in many international education systems, the head teacher/principal role is perceived as central to system-wide efforts to raise attainment/achievement, including for disadvantaged pupils (Cruickshank, 2017). Leadership development, therefore, and more specifically head teacher development, has become the major concern in system efforts to support school improvement (Davidson et al., 2008). Such focus negates the complexities of system-level change in relation to which, Young and Perrone (2016) argue, leadership standards, licensure, preparation, program design, and accreditation are fundamentally related and should therefore be considered systematically (p. 3). This, despite the question of the extent to which system reform is in the gift of head teachers, who mediate the inherent tensions in the potentially conflicting expectations of policy implementers and policy actors (Woods et al., 2021). In parallel to this (as discussed in Torrance et al. (2021), a longstanding perceived global head teacher recruitment and retention crisis (Bush, 2008; Rhodes & Brundrett, 2008), in particular in relation to inner cities and rural communities (MacBeath et al., 2009), alongside considerations of succession planning (Hanbury, 2009) has focused concerns around what constitutes effective preparation for headship or principalship. This concern is not informed by empirical data, since the quality and utility of data available from program evaluation is limited, due to its self-reported and short-term nature, largely because evaluating impact is challenging (Bush, 2008). Regardless, in an OECD report, Pont et al. (2008), in recognizing the critical importance of leadership development, identify a set of common models including: the development of systematic leadership development strategies; the establishment of new leadership development institutions; linking current management training with leadership development; devising leadership competence profiles, as in qualifications, standards and frameworks; identifying and selecting potential leaders; coaching and mentoring; and promoting sustainable leadership development through the recognition of managers’ responsibilities for development of other leaders. (Pont et al., 2008, p. 111)

Therefore, the pattern tends to be for professional standards for school leadership to underpin the curriculum and assessment for headship/principalship preparation programs. This, despite successful adult learning being based around individualized learning needs, which represent more complicated and expensive types of provision, and which challenge statutory provision by compromising the perceived strengths of a standardized national program (Bush, 2008). Here then is a key issue: balancing system leadership development and individual leader development. Another key issue concerns balancing the rhetoric of agentic leadership within standards, agency sited within accountability frameworks. Similarly, issues relate to balancing the rhetoric of “extended professionalism” (Donaldson, 2011, p. 5) with the need to ensure that head teachers implement externally mandated reform (Woods et al., 2021). There is a danger then of standards being used to ensure leaders conform to a centrally endorsed mandate (Gronn, 2002). Additionally, there can be (as with the Scottish standards) inherent contradictions in espoused leadership

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expectations: the rhetoric of distributed forms of leadership alongside undertones of new managerialism (Peters, 2003). This can result in competing ideologies and opposing narratives, bureaucracy, and central control versus the proclamation of autonomy (Cowie, 2008; Gronn, 2003a), as discussed in Torrance (2012, p. 40): The widespread endorsement of distributed leadership along with the coexisting emphasis on the key role of the headteacher results in a duality within the discourse and tension between competing ideologies and underpinning values and principles. One thread focuses on development, improving practice, self-reflection, learning and improving capability. The other is more to do with managerialism, accountability and policy implementation.

The often-simplistic compartmentalization of professional standards makes the unidimensional representation of leadership in specific sets of standards problematic. As simple policy texts, the complexities of educational leadership are generally not engaged with. There are assumptions that the term “leadership” is unilaterally understood and that ascribed meanings are unanimous across the system. Leadership can also be conflated with other constructions such as (in the case of the Scottish standards) management, without discussion of the distinctive and complementary nature of leadership (fluid and not necessarily ascribed by role) and management (with the managerial/responsibility/accountability demands of specific posts). There can also be a lack of articulation as to the distinctive and complementary nature of different forms of leadership, instead, presenting leadership in a homogeneous manner often with vague generalizations being more common than specific examples that teachers can associate with. Conceptual clarity is also needed to inform the development of pathways for “leadership development” and “management development.” Teachers need to know when they are encouraged to be “leaders,” when “collegial team players,” and when they are called on to be “followers” and what the different “development” aspects of this are. Tension in practice can arise from these different aspects, often seen in competition rather than as complementary. Despite the preoccupation of leadership and/in professional standards for teachers, leadership development is still underexamined and under-researched (Brundrett & Crawford, 2008; Bush, 2008). Notwithstanding, the positioning of school leadership/ principalship within professional standards has utility in promoting professional dialogue (McMahon, 2019). The generation of provocative dialogue could be perceived as a challenge to orthodoxy. Or, within a mature education system, it could be embraced as a genuine effort to contribute to the further development of educational leadership in a constructive manner (Torrance et al., 2021).

Learning from and Next Steps for the Development of Professional Standards Professional Standards are “of their time” (McMahon, 2019, p. 25), designed as “complex ideological texts privileging particular constructions of what it means to be an effective teacher or leader” (Forde et al., 2016, p. 25). As such, planning for the

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development of the next iteration should begin at the point when their current version is implemented. This statement may be met with dismay by those weary and even scarred from the complex negotiation process of development they have just completed. However, the developmental energy exerted is a positive sign that governance and practice levels of the system have fully engaged in a meaningful process. In this way, rather than being static texts, standards represent the openended outcomes of an iterative process which is never concluded (McMahon, 2019). To remain relevant, standards need to be regularly renegotiated through interplay, dialogue, and professional reflection involving both agents and actors, to ensure the processes of development and implementation are authentic (Révai, 2018). This process is further complicated by the future orientation of Standards, which set out the aspirations of and for the teaching profession. In this sense, extant standards lay the foundations for the enhanced expectations of their next iteration. This helps to explain why the process of negotiation between different stakeholders can be complex and, at times, challenging. In tandem with their strategic functions, standards remain technical documents (Torrance & Forde, 2017). As such, their development, enactment, and adoption need to be integrated rather than treated as separate processes, part of a wider system reform within education systems (McMahon, 2019). So too do the support processes and their expectations in the operationalization of standards. Within this operationalization, there can reside inherent tensions in the way standards are conceptualized and utilized: development versus control (Sachs, 2003). Indeed, there is an enduring tension between regulation and development (McMahon, 2019) and as Forde and McMahon (2019, p. 83) suggest, it would be naïve to think that standards hold the power to immediately reshape or reform practice. Within the ongoing developmental process for standards, there is much to consider and to learn from when identifying next steps. Rather than embodying an isolated strategy, standards reform should represent part of an integrated system for professional development (McMahon, 2019; Ingvarson et al., 2006). Each iteration should incorporate the most recent educational research concerning effective practices, as well as responding to the new demands of preparing teachers for a changing world (CEPPE, 2013, p. 67). In addition to research, debate is needed around the capabilities required of contemporary school leaders (Torrance, 2013). This is particularly important as attempts to avoid or quell such debate would be counterproductive, since the extent to which standards can become embedded in practice is dependent upon teachers’ engagement with them (McMahon, 2019). Through her review of the international literature, McMahon (2019) identified a number of success factors and features of effective practice relating to the development of standards. And, although policy development is context specific, policy learning (rather than policy borrowing) can be useful in learning from others’ experience of developing professional standards. Drawing from the CDE study, McMahon (2019) relates that the success of standards is partly related to their construction and presentation, as well as the extent of inclusive processes, research to establish an evidence base, careful formulation, extensive consultation, piloting,

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refinement, strategic communication, dissemination, training, and embedding in the system, as well as monitoring and evaluation (CDE, 2017, p. 35). In the Scottish case study, the GTCS have a long-standing commitment to engaging with stakeholders in the development of standards. How this is done and who is invited to contribute have varied over the years. Long-standing concerns remain about the influence of a Scottish policy elite (Forde & Torrance, 2021) in which the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS), the independent professional and regulatory body for teaching, and Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS), the largest teaching union for Scottish teachers, form two key players in an “inner policy community” (Humes, 2020). That said – partly as a response to the lack of engagement at earlier stages of the development process – in the revision process behind the 2021 version of the standards, there was an attempt by GTCS to seek out constructively critical voices, within the challenging process of mediating various policy and practice expectations, amid lobbying from a number of interest groups. There was also a clear understanding of both the immediate and longer-term purposes of standards, with the GTCS seeking to drive forward various agendas, to seek system improvement. In a draft version issued for consultation in 2019, the Scottish standards failed to engage with providing a clear response to international trends on policy-endorsed sets of practices, with a focus instead upon “teacher leadership” and “practitioner enquiry,” complex and contested in nature. Terms/concepts such as these needed to be highlighted, explained, and exemplified in practice, with their contribution (s) made clear. The distinct and complementary natures of “teacher leadership” and “practitioner enquiry” needed to be highlighted, appropriate to each set of standards. In so doing, explicit expectations of Scottish teachers could be drawn from, to actively support the further development of teacher education (both in relation to pre- and continuing service), as well as supporting the aspirational dimensions of the current policy project of reprofessionalization. The 2019 draft version did not clearly set out the complex nature of what it means to be a teacher, as a public professional in twenty-first-century democratic Scotland as expressed by Torrance and Forde (2017, p. 123): To move beyond policy rhetoric, teachers need permission, space and tools to debate the ideas underpinning standards and to appreciate them as contested ideas, exploring ways of generating practices in their own context. Standards can help to create space and legitimacy for ideas and practices of teacher leadership and of practitioner enquiry but there is a danger for such processes to become domesticated within a process of policy implementation, where externally generated ideas, policies and strategies are presented to schools and teachers who are expected to simply take these forward. . . . these are sets of practices based on the exercise of influence and agency on the part of the teacher and have to sit at the heart of a genuine reprofessionalisation of teaching.

The 2019 draft version missed the opportunity to support professional dialogue generally (McMahon, 2019) and to support more specifically the profession to ask, “who owns the space where teachers’ pedagogical expertise is recognised and collaborative processes are enacted?” (Torrance & Forde, 2017, p. 122). The section

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on leadership (3.4) neglected to explain a number of key aspects of school leadership and omitted to recognize the inherent tensions within school leadership, particularly in relation to the opening statement, “The Professional Standards and Professional Code require all teachers to be leaders.” There was an opportunity here to build understandings and consensus, as well as support the development of the individual and wider profession through making meanings and expectations clear. In the 2021 “refreshed” GTCS standards, the term “teacher leadership” was dropped within the Standards for Registration, appearing in the Standard for Career-long Professional Learning, within a discussion of learning for sustainability. Reference was instead made to “developing teachers’ agency” and to “engaged, reflective, empowered and skilled teachers” (GTCS, 2021d, p. 4). This revision represents a missed opportunity to articulate distinct and potentially complementary formal/informal leadership roles within a distributed perspective, along with associated role responsibilities and boundary-spanning dimensions, how each role relates to the other, and how, if at all, each relates to management functions. The theme of leadership on face value may (arguably) be less complicated in the 2021 version of the Standards. However, ignoring the complexities of educational leadership fails to address their full range of purposes. Their utility is therefore limited. If conceptualizations of “practitioner enquiry” and “teacher leadership” are to become a reality in professional practice, then, through career-long professional learning, teachers need to be able to engage with these professional standards as discursive texts, exploring in their practice different ways of realizing these ideas. If the Professional Standards continue to present unproblematically such key concepts, their utility as a policy instrument to redefine what is meant by teacher expertise and to change professional practice will be limited. Perhaps most striking, across the sets of standards, is the lack of an articulation of autonomy and agency as facets of practitioner enquiry that reflect the lack of a clear focus on the exercise of social influence related to teacher leadership. While the development of standards for leadership may be fragmented, they are at their most effective when they form part of an integrated scheme for professional development and learning at a system level, as Ingvarson et al. (2006) have argued. In this way, leader and leadership development can be planned for and pursued as a career in teaching progresses. Leader and leadership development is integrated and cumulative, and professional standards provide a route map for realizing and affirming this. It is more than workforce development, however. School leaders, and principals, are pivotal to leading the changes, organizationally and instructionally, to achieve improvement at a local and system level. While professional standards and quality assurance frameworks make explicit statements, the policies that are designed to shape the experience and outcomes of pupils do not carry the “same message.” Ward et al. (2015), for example, revealed that while head teachers in Scotland may well be aware of the presence of text on “social justice” in the professional standards, there is a difference between that and actively implementing measures in their schools. Further, the disconnection between professional standards, quality assurance, and curriculum policies creates a gap between the expectations and aspirations for the ways of actively addressing these issues in teaching and learning.

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There is a risk within Standards that “complex ideas are [still] . . . reduced to sets of qualities, skills and practices” (Torrance & Forde, 2017). The question then for continuing teacher education is how these standards can enable teachers to enhance their practice in ways that move beyond a narrow compliance approach. We need to recognize the complexities of standards and the inherent tensions within them, and so in continuing teacher education, standards cannot be constructed as simply selfevaluation and planning tools, but instead need to be treated as discursive texts, where meaning is unclear. In so doing, teachers as professionals, and now promoted as experts in their practice, have the opportunity to question endorsed policy and become better informed in their practice. Further, continuing teacher education should seek to develop skills of reading and debating these standards. This is an iterative process where standards and professional learning can go hand in hand: professional learning legitimating practices associated with teacher leadership and practitioner enquiry, enabling space for this. School leaders and principals have a central role in this, through creating the conditions and professional cultures that create the space and legitimacy for ideas and practices of teacher leadership and of practitioner enquiry. For those involved in designing and leading continuing teacher education programs, the challenge is to ensure that the concepts of teacher leadership and practitioner enquiry are not reduced to sets of techniques to be demonstrated. Instead, “these are sets of practices based on the exercise of influence and agency on the part of the teacher and have to sit at the heart of a genuine reprofessionalisation of teaching” (Torrance & Forde, 2017, p. 123).

Conclusion This chapter has focused on professional standards for school leaders and principals in the context of teacher education for leadership. Professional Standards have been taken up more widely across education systems, but their adoption is not unproblematic. The expanding literature explores the tensions associated with this, such as their use as a policy salve, challenges in balancing their developmental and regulatory purposes, the need for conceptual clarity, and the scope for, and need to evidence, multilevel impact from individual practitioner, school, and system levels. The introduction of standards is often taken as a measure of the extent to which an education system is effecting change, in line with international trends and priorities. However, as we have argued in this chapter, the existence of standards is not itself sufficient for change for improvement. Themes and questions arising include the need for standards to be part of an integrated system for teacher and leader education – preservice and in-service – the imperative for more research on the impact of standards, and their conceptualization as dynamic texts for dialogue across the teaching profession, for its own regeneration and growth. The difficult balancing of accountability and development, of gatekeeping, and of career progression is high stakes, particularly for school leaders and principals and particularly where standards have become embedded as public statements of what

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society should expect from its teachers. This is accentuated for school leaders who must not only meet the standards through their own leadership and pedagogical practice, but also enact and model them and create the climate and conditions for their school staff to do so as well. This role of the school leader as interpreter and sense maker is critical in how policy is enacted and translated into practice and how standards are viewed and used in their school context. As the role of the school leader and principal has become more expansive, there is a question of the extent to which leadership standards, which have generally been more focused on the individual leader, can reflect and incorporate other (sometimes more contingent) models, such as executive, federated, or shared headships. This would enable a move away from standards that promote school leadership as an individualistic managerial job, neglecting the collaborative aspects of leadership (Møller, 2009). There are important discussions to be had in relation to this, as Torrance et al. (2021) argue in relation to the Scottish context: debate is needed in relation to the capabilities required of contemporary school leaders and how best to support their leadership (and management) development. Otherwise, it is likely that we will be having the same conversations in another twenty years about ‘the problem(s)’ of preparing, recruiting and retaining headteachers in Scotland. (Torrance et al., 2021, p. 141)

The emphasis on distributed leadership (Harris, 2013) and collaborative professionalism (Hargreaves & O’Connor, 2018) affords further opportunity to consider ways in which professional standards can be refocused to apply across the teaching, leadership, and multidisciplinary teams whose ability to connect, to collaborate, and to lead and implement change is essential for school improvement, with better outcomes for children and young people. Teacher education for leadership has a role to play in advancing this, by continuing to critique and seek conceptual clarity, through creative design for preparation programs. And, by undertaking much needed research on how standards are used and their impact, and how practitioner learning and professional competence can be evidenced and confirmed in authentic ways. In so doing, professional standards for teacher and school leaders can continue to evolve from a means of exercising power to effecting powerful change.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research and Teacher Education: Where Are We Now? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Scottish Context of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Structure of ITE in Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research-Informed Teacher Education: Redesign and Reaccreditation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research-Informed Structure and Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Content Informed by Research-Based Knowledge and Scholarship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Poverty and Child Poverty and Its Impact on Learning and Education: A Case Study . . . . . . . Teachers and Teacher Educators Equipped to Engage with and Be Discerning Consumers of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers Equipped to Conduct Their Own Research Individually and Collectively . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Educators Equipped to Conduct Their Own Research Individually and Collectively: The Teacher Education Reading Group (TERG) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Looking Ahead . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

A critical question relating to teacher education for leadership is when preparation for leadership should begin. This chapter explores the ways in which researchinformed teacher education serves as a bridge for teacher education for leadership. The chapter discusses an approach in the Scottish context where program redesign has sought to embed key professional skills and attributes to ensure new teachers are equipped, academically, professionally, and emotionally, to enter a profession experiencing the weight of societal challenges.

L. Boath (*) · C. Mio · S. McKinney School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_72

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The planning and design of a masters-level postgraduate diploma in education (PGDE) for preservice (beginning) teachers are discussed in this chapter. There is a focus on the rationale and implementation of a research-informed teacher education program, through which research-informed beginning teachers who take a research-informed approach to learning and teaching are developed. The chapter begins with an examination of the international position on research-informed teacher education, and this is followed by an outline of the Scottish context. A case study of one element of the program, relating to poverty and learning, is then provided. Finally, the challenges of building research and scholarship capacity among teacher educators are examined, and the establishment of a teacher educator reading group to support innovation in teacher education is described. Keywords

Teacher education · Teacher training · Research informed · Teacher preparation · Poverty

Introduction In his 1999 reflections on two decades in teacher education, Zeichner reflected on the status of research and scholarship on teacher education, and its role in shaping teacher education: It is ironic how unscholarly the process of teacher education reform has been even in the institutions that pride themselves on their scholarship and research (Zeichner, 1999, p. 12).

Twenty years on, where are we now in teacher education? This chapter begins with an exploration of the international position on research-informed teacher education, and this is followed by an outline of the Scottish context. The planning and design of a masters-level postgraduate diploma in education (PGDE) for preservice (beginning) teachers are discussed with a focus on the rationale and implementation of a researchinformed program. A case study of one element of the program, relating to poverty and learning, is provided. Finally, the challenges of building research and scholarship capacity among teacher educators are examined, and the establishment of a reading group to support innovation in teacher education is described. Laying the foundations in this way will help promote and develop a research-informed generation of teachers, more ready to realize a role within teacher leadership.

Research and Teacher Education: Where Are We Now? Teacher education operates at the “intersection of research, policy and practice” (Cochran-Smith, 2005, p. 3). Increasingly, teacher education has been viewed as a crucial underpinning for successful education systems (Tatto & Menter, 2019) and

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teacher quality as a result of teacher education as a key to successful economies (Cochran-Smith, 2013; Ell et al., 2019). However, research in the field of teacher education remains “inadequate” (Menter, 2017, para. 1): poorly conceptualized, under-theorized and underdeveloped, marginalized, and underfunded (Mayer, 2021a; Menter et al., 2010b; Tatto, 2021b). Reviews of teacher education indicate that much of the research undertaken consists of small-scale work (Aspfors & Eklund, 2017; Mayer, 2021a), with only a few notable exceptions (Menter, 2017). The ambitious United Nations Educational and Scientific Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development includes the need to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education within Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG4) (UNESCO, 2016). To do so requires education systems to move from surface measures of teachers and teaching to consideration of teacher qualities and the quality of teacher education (Tatto, 2021a). However, some policy makers underestimate the complexity of the system and view the role of initial teacher education (ITE) as a supply pipeline of new teachers (Ell et al., 2019; Mayer, 2021a). In those countries that focus less on a professional knowledge base and favor more practical programs, as many largely English-speaking countries are doing (Ell et al., 2019), there is a risk of further reducing the research base for teacher education (Aspfors & Eklund, 2017) and thus reducing teacher agency within the systems (Priestley et al., 2012). This is particularly relevant in the UK, where there is a diverse, devolved teacher education landscape across England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales (Beauchamp et al., 2015). In 2013, Conroy, Hulme, and Menter noted intensifying divisions evident in the USA and UK between “‘traditionalists’ or ‘defenders’ of university-led teacher education and ‘reformers’” (p. 558), with the latter focusing on “deregulation and market-based solutions” (p. 559). The formation of a new National Institute of Teaching, led by the School-Led Development Trust, was announced in England in May 2022 (Booth, 2022; DfE, 2022), followed a market review of initial teacher training (DfE, 2022), as it is badged in England. This brings to fruition an agenda pursued in England since 2011 (Mutton et al., 2017), an “attack” on teacher education (Newman, 2022, p. 1) characterized by a high degree of control by the central government, to focus routes into teaching into school-based models. In this, England is aligning with countries such as Chile and the USA (Tatto & Menter, 2019), in contrast with other countries within the UK, including Scotland, and countries with high-performing education systems such as Norway, Finland, and Singapore (Aspfors & Eklund, 2017; Tatto & Menter, 2019). The development of teacher training in England demonstrates that teacher education is inherently political (Cochran-Smith, 2005) and is illustrative of a system in which “politics, economics and ideology has driven many government initiatives rather than knowledge derived of scholarship in teacher education” (Loughran & Menter, 2019, p. 219). It has been 50 years since Cruickshank (1970) recognized the need for those in teacher education to “give a dynamic lead” (p. 213), encouraging students’ interest in research. Arguably, the need for teacher education policy to be informed by empirical research evidence is a matter of increasing urgency (Tatto & Menter, 2019). That being said, such urgency was identified by Sleeter (2014) almost a

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decade ago, and the extent of any progress is unclear, leaving teacher education “on the back foot” (Mayer et al., 2017, p. 3). There is a risk that a lack of research evidence about teacher education is equated to a lack of effectiveness of teacher education (Mayer et al., 2017). Worse still, it may be equated to a lack of need for teacher education as it is conceived and undertaken within higher education institutions. Such positions stem from and feed the perception of teacher education as a policy problem (Cochran-Smith, 2005), requiring government intervention to resolve the perceived problems (Cochran-Smith et al., 2013; Mayer, 2021b). A good example is policy makers failing to understand the complexity of the nonlinear relationship between teacher education and the performance of children and young people in standardized tests (Cochran-Smith et al., 2014; Ell et al., 2019). However, the lack of a robust research base limits the ability of teacher educators to be able to contribute meaningfully and robustly to the “highly political debates about the extent to which teacher education – as a vast field of activity – can, or cannot, be considered ‘effective’” (Rowan et al., 2015, p. 275). So, how do we move towards a research base sufficiently persuasive for policy makers (Mayer, 2021a; Sleeter, 2014), moving beyond small-scale and into research that influences policy makers and indeed overcomes the “heated debates” about what constitutes evidence and what the evidence tells us (Sleeter, 2014, p. 146)? Menter (2017) defines three approaches to teacher education research: research in teacher education; research on teacher education; and research about teacher education. He identifies the importance of all three approaches and the lack of robust, critical, large-scale, and longitudinal research across all three. Of the research carried out in the UK between 2000 and 2008, 60% of 446 items examined related to reflection, i.e., teacher educators researching into their own practices (research in teacher education), with less than 10% including quantitative studies. Research about teacher education, exploring the wider societal impacts of teacher education and the broader impacts of society on teacher education to understand it as part of a complex system, predominantly carried out from an outside perspective, is very scarce indeed (Menter, 2017). A positive example of larger-scale research on teacher education is found in Scotland. With continuing scrutiny of ITE, the 6-year Measuring Quality in Initial Teacher Education (MQuITE) project was developed, involving all 11 ITE providers in Scotland and the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS) (Kennedy et al., 2021b). Menter (2017) proposed that research on teacher education is predominantly carried out by policy researchers; however, the MQuITE project is led by teacher educators. While the project has not yet completed its 6-year span, it has already impacted on ITE and the narrative around Scottish ITE. One particularly interesting finding is that the data challenges the idea that the number of teachers in Scottish classrooms is a measure of the quality of ITE provision (Kennedy et al., 2021a). While recognizing the need for carrying out research on teacher education and research which can inform policy (Sleeter, 2014), there remains space for research in and about teacher education, especially within a research-informed teacher education program that requires staff to understand and undertake research and scholarship to inform and improve learning and teaching.

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The Scottish Context of Teacher Education Teacher education in Scotland is a matter devolved to the Scottish Government and is distinct from the teacher education and teacher training models used elsewhere in the UK. Cruickshank (1970) traces the distinct systems of English and Scottish education systems to the end of the nineteenth century: Even in its infancy the Scottish [teacher education] movement derived strength from the study of continental practice, and during the latter years of the nineteenth century it was, in its quest for a science of education, drawn more towards the European than the English pattern (Cruickshank, 1970, p. 10).

Scotland’s Curriculum for Excellence, the national curriculum guidance for learning for 3–18 year olds, mandated for implementation from 2010/2011 (Education Scotland, 2022), is underpinned by a broadly constructivist view of learning (Priestley & Biesta, 2013), aligning with curricular developments since the 1990s in the majority of European Union member states (Psifidou, 2012). A learner-centered approach to the curriculum requires a focus on innovative pedagogies within preservice teacher education, with beginning teachers being: committed to learning to learn, and concerned with research and professional development, all of which favour social and cultural transformation, and aim to raise levels of justice and social equity (Traver et al., 2012, p. 18).

The General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTCS), the independent professional and regulatory body for teaching in Scotland, refreshed the suite of standards for professional registration for implementation from August 2021, setting a benchmark for professional competency (GTCS, 2021a) which requires “deep, critically informed knowledge and understanding of curriculum through enquiry” (Parker & Leat, 2021, p. 162). Curriculum for Excellence demanded a change in the role of teachers, arguably (re)introducing the concept of teacher agency, with professional judgment at its core, following several decades of de-professionalization (Priestley et al., 2015). As significant educational reform came to Scotland’s schools, a review of ITE was introduced (Furlong et al., 2021). Teaching Scotland’s Future (Donaldson, 2011) provided the basis for many of the reforms in ITE and in-service teacher education in the last decade (Conroy et al., 2013). It (Donaldson, 2011) drew on a 2007 McKinsey & Company report “How the world’s best-performing school systems come out on top” which linked decades of “barely improved. . .performance of many school systems” to a need for educational reform (Barber & Mourshed, 2007, Executive Summary para. 1). This linked the level of teachers’ qualifications and the performance of education systems; the consequent aspiration for teaching in Scotland to be a masters-level profession led to the introduction of masters-level credits within ITE programs (Menter et al., 2010a).

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Structure of ITE in Scotland In Scotland, the vast majority of teachers enter the profession having completed an undergraduate degree followed by a professional graduate diploma in education, consisting of 120 credits at Scottish Credit and Qualifications Framework (SCQF) (SCQF, n.d.-a) level 10, equivalent to 60 credits in the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS) (European Commission, n.d.) at level 6 in the European Qualifications Framework (EQF) (SCQF, n.d.-b). For teaching children aged 5–11 in the primary school setting, the undergraduate degree can be in any specialism. For teaching young people aged 12–18 in the secondary school, the undergraduate degree must comprise a minimum number of credits at a particular level in the subject specialism. The requirements are specified within the GTCS Memorandum on Entry Requirements to Programs of ITE in Scotland (GTCS, 2019). The University of Glasgow is unique in Scotland in offering a fully integrated, 5-year undergraduate masters in Education with Primary Teaching Qualification, for those wishing to teach in the primary sector, and a fully integrated undergraduate masters in Design and Technology Education for those wishing to teach in that specialism in the secondary sector. A Postgraduate Diploma in Education (PGDE) also offers a route into teaching, either in the primary or secondary sector, for those with an undergraduate degree. Regardless of the route into teaching, all those who successfully achieve the Standard for Provisional Registration (SPR) (GTCS, 2021c) through ITE must then undertake a probationary period to achieve the Standard for Full Registration (SFR) (GTCS, 2021b) to become a fully qualified teacher. In Scotland, the acronym PGDE can refer to a Postgraduate Diploma in Education or a level 10 Professional Graduate Diploma in Education. From hereon within this chapter, PGDE will refer only to the University of Glasgow Postgraduate Diploma in Education comprising 90 credits at SCQF level 11 (45 ECTS at EQF level 7) and 30 credits at SCQF level 10 (15 ECTS at EQF level 6). The University of Glasgow routes into teaching are accredited by the GTCS, and reaccredited on a 5-year rolling schedule, with the PGDE due for reaccreditation in June 2021, 15 months after the COVID-19 pandemic first led to the closure of schools across Scotland and a move to online learning for children and young people. Thus, the process of review and preparation for reaccreditation reflected experiences of learning and teaching for beginning teachers from this period.

Research-Informed Teacher Education: Redesign and Reaccreditation Planning for reaccreditation in 2021 built on a history of innovation in ITE at the University of Glasgow. In 2010/2011, funding was made available for research and development projects in teacher education in Scotland. The drivers for this included a 40% decrease in the number of funded places on undergraduate, professional, and postgraduate routes into primary and secondary teaching, which impacted negatively

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on the income of ITE providers (Conroy et al., 2013). As a result of this funding and following a successful pilot, significant changes were made to the placement element of the PGDE. The “partnership model” was introduced: a model in which university staff had a sustained presence within school clusters hosting student teachers (Conroy et al., 2013). Simultaneously, the embedding of practitioner enquiry in the 1-year PGDE program raised the program from professional graduate to postgraduate (masters) level (Dickson, 2011). Recent and ongoing reforms of ITE in Wales have been impacted by the “trail blazing” partnership model developed at Glasgow (Harris et al., 2021, p. 197). The University of Glasgow is one of the 24 Russell Group research-intensive institutions in the UK and one of only two in Scotland. In planning for the reaccreditation of the PGDE within the School of Education, there was a very deliberate focus on strengthening research-informed teacher education, on developing further the ITE focus on research-informed practice and on the masters nature of the program. Just as there needs to be a focus on evidence-informed decisions about learning and teaching in professional practice in schools, there is a need for teacher educators to model this by making research-informed decisions in program and course design and in day-to-day learning and teaching, assessment, and feedback. Building on the foundations of earlier innovation, there was recognition of the critical need to build beginning teachers’ research-informed judgment (Mayer & Reid, 2016), of the evidence that consistent engagement in and with research increases the quality of teachers, and that there can be a link made between the quality of teachers and the quality of learning experienced by children and young people (British Educational Research Association and Royal Society for the Encouragement of the Arts Manufactures and Commerce, 2014b; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2005). With the focus on research-informed teacher education to develop researchinformed beginning teachers taking a research-informed approach to learning and teaching, development for reaccreditation reflected the four main ways identified by the British Educational Research Association (BERA) and Royal Society for the Encouragement of the Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (RSA) inquiry into teacher education in 2014 in which research can make a contribution to teacher education: • Research can inform the design and structure of teacher education programs. • The content of teacher education programs may be informed by research-based knowledge and scholarship. • Teachers and teacher educators can be equipped to engage with and be discerning consumers of research. • Teachers and teacher educators may be equipped to conduct their own research, individually and collectively, to investigate the impact of particular interventions or to explore the positive and negative effects of educational practice. (BERARSA, 2014a) A starting point of the PGDE reaccreditation was to consider key questions:

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• What does it mean and “look like” to be a beginning teacher at the University of Glasgow and one who qualified through the University of Glasgow and holds a masters-level qualification? • How do we equip beginning teachers to be a force for change in the system, with a focus on social justice and inclusive practice, upon qualification and 3, 5, and 10 years post qualification? • How do we develop beginning teachers who “engage critically and ethically with issues pertaining to diversity, inclusion and social justice”? (Farrar & Proudfoot, 2021) The reshaped and refreshed PGDE program, successfully reaccredited in June 2021 with no conditions or recommendations, was described by the GTCS as “sector leading.” In the following sections, the four ways in which research contributes to this teacher education program are explored further.

Research-Informed Structure and Design In reviewing and developing the PGDE for reaccreditation, it was recognized that, more than 10 years after it was first piloted, the partnership model encompassing school placement should be part of a process of self-evaluation and critical review. This is a complex matter impacting the postgraduate and undergraduate ITE programs and a collaboration of eight local authorities encompassing 35% of Scotland’s school population, known as the West Partnership (West Partnership, 2022). The discussion and review of the school placement element began in the academic session 2020/2021 alongside the review and accreditation of the PGDE, and continues through into 2022/2023. The GTCS specifies that each professional- or postgraduate diploma in education program will be a minimum of 36 weeks with at least 50% of those weeks devoted to school placement experience including a block of at least 4 weeks taking place towards the end of the program (GTCS, 2013). The PGDE submitted for successful reaccreditation is structured with three masters-level courses each of 30 credits: Becoming a Teacher: Connecting, Challenging and Changing (BAT); Curriculum, Pedagogies and Practice (CPP) in the Primary (CPP/P) or Secondary (CPP/S); and Research and Enquiry-Led Learning and Teaching (RELLT). The fourth course, School Experience, includes school placements and attracts 30 credits at level 10. Within the described constraints and given the paucity of evidence around structures in ITE, the design of the learning experience for beginning teachers within the PGDE program took account of: • The research evidence in and on ITE and the key questions identified • The views of current and former students • The views of staff teaching on the PGDE program and the wider staff within the School of Education

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At the center of the development process was Korthagen’s holistic approach to teacher education (Korthagen, 2004) and work on connecting to the cognitive, emotional, and motivational dimensions that influence teacher learning and behavior (Korthagen, 2017). Helping beginning teachers to construct their professional identity contributes to retention, resilience, and effectiveness as they embark upon their careers (Beltman et al., 2015). Acknowledging this and the GTCS’ description of teacher professionalism as a “way of being” (GTCS, 2021a), the reaccredited PGDE begins with Becoming a Teacher: Connecting, Challenging and Changing (BAT). This course is led by those undertaking research in the relevant areas, including colleagues with expertise in Childhood Practice and Community Development. BAT begins with an intense 2-week immersion in “what it means to be a teacher in 21st century Scotland” and what it means to become a teacher at the University of Glasgow, addressing key questions and issues related to “being a teacher” with a focus on values and social justice and enacting change within diverse learning communities and contexts through policy, research, and practice. Learning in BAT is undertaken in mixed cohorts of beginning primary and secondary teachers to convey the importance of understanding the role of being a teacher of the whole child or young person, not of subjects or content. In terms of Korthagen’s onion model of reflection (2004), a model of concentric circles with “mission” at the center, moving outwards through identity, beliefs, competencies, behavior, and environment, BAT begins at the center, foregrounding the mission, identity, and beliefs, and only later considering competencies, behavior, and the environment, although the latter do attract more attention from students and beginning teachers (Korthagen, 2004). For those studying to become a teacher in a secondary school, this immersion may be particularly important. The motivation for people to become teachers is varied but can be linked to views of the teaching profession (Bergmark et al., 2018). Among beginning secondary teachers, interest in the subject they will be teaching is a strong motivator for entering the teaching profession, and this can impact on the “educational ideals” of the beginning teacher (Simonsz et al., 2022), although it is recognized that this understanding would benefit from further exploration across the disciplines (Simonsz et al., 2020). While a wish to be a future role model in the subject and conveying passion for the subject may be desirable for beginning teachers (Bergmark et al., 2018), immersion in understanding the broader role of the teacher and its complexity positions students to explore and challenge the beliefs that underpin their own thinking and practice, while exploring and challenging the system, structures, and silences that create inequalities and barriers to understanding about diversity. This foregrounds the beginning teachers’ positionality to support their adoption of core principles of diversity, inclusion, and inclusive practice and equality, aligning with one of the eight “best practice principles for teacher education programs” synthesized in an Australian Council for Educational Research report: “explicit strategies that help students (1) confront their own deep-seated beliefs and assumptions about learning and students and (2) learn about the experiences of people different from themselves” (Ingvarson et al., 2014, p. x).

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Only once BAT has challenged the beginning teachers to reflect upon their beliefs, values, and positionality in relation to these key issues are the other courses – CPP and RELLT – introduced. Each is discussed in subsequent sections of this chapter.

Content Informed by Research-Based Knowledge and Scholarship Much of the PGDE program is developed and taught by colleagues working within their specialist research background; these colleagues also develop seminar materials and provide reading lists. This includes: • • • • • • • • •

The role of the teacher: past and present Community and the assets of the community: who are we teaching? Social justice: what does it mean to be a socially just educator? Teaching in Scotland in the twenty-first century: policy landscape Being an inclusive educator and developing inclusive practice Child development Neurodiversity and supporting neurodiverse learners Attachment and trauma-informed practice Poverty and its impact of learning and education

Within BAT, the synchronous and asynchronous spine of materials which continues through Semesters 1 and 2 ensures coverage of issues and topics that underpin the SPR and teacher professionalism, including those that have a significant impact on children’s educational experiences, such as diversity, inclusivity, social justice, and global issues such as sustainability. Recognizing coherence and a strong core curriculum as a feature of quality teacher education (Ingvarson et al., 2014), the themes within BAT are developed further within CPP and RELLT. For example, community and the assets of the community: who are we teaching? is explored further in RELLT through learning about addiction and stigma with an emphasis on taking action in practice as a classroom teacher. Throughout, beginning teachers are expected to recognize that it is not enough to know about issues relating to social justice and diversity, it is insufficient to be aware and be sympathetic, but rather the expectation is of transformational inclusive practice which makes a difference to the learning of children and young people. In another example, policy landscape is further extended within RELLT through the theme of reading and thinking critically in the context of “education policy and the politics of education, understanding for action” – again the focus here on impact on practice and lives of children and young people. The Curriculum, Pedagogies and Practice (CPP) course aims to develop reflective and enquiring beginning teachers. High-performing education systems recruit “people of the highest calibre” to enter teacher education programs (Ingvarson et al., 2014, p. 48) and competitive entry to ITE at the University of Glasgow means an expectation of strong subject knowledge from undergraduate qualifications, and the ability to extend that knowledge across the curriculum. Within CPP, beginning teachers develop their pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) and an understanding

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of the content and structure of the curricular area(s) relevant to their practice. Through enhancing PCK (Barendsen & Henze, 2019; Guerriero, 2014; MorineDershimer & Kent, 1999; Shulman, 1986), the expectations are set for beginning teachers to create engaging, inclusive and effective curricular content that supports pupil learning, develop critical awareness of a range of approaches to teaching, and theoretical and practical understanding of the relationship between teaching and learning in and through the relevant curricular areas. Like BAT, CPP is supported by a common “spine.” This strengthens the connections between CPP, BAT, RELLT, and School Experience, making core concepts visible and explicit, to create a learning experience for beginning teachers that is coherent and cohesive, one of the “best practice” principles identified within the work of Darling-Hammond and Bransford (2005). For example, assessment and assessment for learning are addressed within CPP, within the spine and within the relevant curricular inputs. It is also addressed within RELLT; the beginning teachers explore what is meant by data and the sources of data around us through the motivating issue of assessment literacy and assessment in the classroom. The “spine” of CPP addresses specific core topics in learning and teaching including, but not limited to • • • • • • • • •

What is curriculum? What is pedagogy? Understanding Curriculum for Excellence What is pedagogical content knowledge and why does it matter? Approaches to pedagogy The nature of knowledge in the disciplines Creative and play based pedagogies Culture and culturally relevant pedagogies Interdisciplinary learning and thinking

The teaching and learning materials are again prepared by academics who are specialists in the relevant field, and connections are made to the learning in the specific curricular areas. Poverty and its positioning within the PGDE program is an illuminating case study, illustrating how an issue is embedded within the learning for beginning teachers, led by research specialities and expertise. In the PGDE program at the University of Glasgow, with its overarching commitment to social justice, it is acknowledged that teacher preparation research must acknowledge and investigate the impact of social, cultural and institutional factors, particularly the impact of poverty, on teaching, learning and teacher preparation (Cochran-Smith et al., 2016, p. 440).

In this case study, there is an exploration of research at the core of the teaching on the BAT and RELLT courses and how research-led and research-informed content equip beginning teachers to critically engage with research data and prepare to

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conduct their own research, whether as individuals or in groups. This enables them to evaluate the impact of interventions and explore “the positive and negative effects of educational practice” (BERA-RSA, 2014a, b), making connections in their learning within CPP and School Experience placements.

Poverty and Child Poverty and Its Impact on Learning and Education: A Case Study The need for those in teacher education to “give a dynamic lead” (p. 213) to encourage their students’ interest in research (Cruickshank, 1970) has been interpreted in a number of ways within the reaccredited PGDE, by adopting and developing points from the BERA-RSA recommendations (BERA-RSA, 2014a). First, it means ensuring that the beginning teachers within the PGDE are aware of the international and national research discourses on child poverty and the effects on school education – and the contested nature of some of these discourses – and that they are aware of the many “hidden” forms of poverty. It also means they are introduced to the diversity of the modes of measurement of poverty and the different interrelated lenses that can be used to understand contemporary child poverty such as class, ethnicity, and gender (Fisher & Ryan, 2021; Wrigley, 2012). Second, the “dynamic lead” also means that the beginning teachers’ skills in reading, analyzing, and interpreting the strengths, usefulness, applicability, and limitations of research findings, reports, and policy statements are developed; sometimes the most crucial observations are not about what is included in research and policy, but what has been excluded. Third, the “dynamic lead” means developing a knowledge and understanding that child poverty and the impact of child poverty on school education are heavily influenced by global and national economic and societal factors and changes in educational policies and directions. Recent increases in child poverty in Europe have been caused by the fuel and food poverty that have been intensified because of post-COVID-19 economic downturn and the effects of the conflict in Ukraine (European Commission, 2022). An important example of a newer understanding of the impact of child poverty on education has been the challenges of the moves to digital, or hybrid, learning and teaching during the restrictions and lockdowns enforced during the period of the pandemic. The inability of many children and young people to engage in forms of online learning exposed the levels of digital poverty and highlighted the necessary combination of skills, equipment, connectivity, and learning spaces required for online learning (Holmes & Burgess, 2020). The strand within BAT and RELLT relating to poverty and its impact on learning draws heavily from the rich seam of national and international research focused on the impact of child poverty on school education. This includes the work of the Poverty and Education Network in the Scottish Educational Research Association (SERA); the Network highlights the research of academics from different universities (including early career academics), school practitioners, and representatives from NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) across Scotland. Launched in 2014,

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members of the Network have contributed to all subsequent annual SERA face-toface conferences and organized two online events in spring 2021 and an online panel for the virtual SERA conference in 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic. Members of the Network have also been involved in a British Educational Research Association (BERA) Research Commission 2015/2017, entitled Poverty and Policy Advocacy (BERA, 2022) which produced reports and an edited book (Ivinson et al., 2018; Thompson & Ivinson, 2020). The Network has produced of a number of joint publications (McKinney et al., 2020b, 2021). Key themes have been presented through the Network in the last few years: food poverty; digital poverty; connected support systems; impact of child poverty on attainment and achievement; uniform poverty; and the poverty experienced by many young carers. Poverty, child poverty, and the impact of child poverty on education are global themes. There are approximately 2.2 billion children in the world, and at least one billion of these live in poverty, and around 356 million are living in extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day) (UNICEF, 2022a). One important initial point for beginning teachers is the care that must be taken when disaggregating the poverty of children from the poverty of their families, carers, or households. Children are normally dependents, and their poverty is determined by the resource (or lack of resource) available to their families, carers, or households. The exceptions are when children are separated from adult support and are technically unaccompanied. Child poverty and the impact of child poverty on school education, as global themes, have many different aspects, and these may be manifested and addressed in distinctive ways in different national and local contexts. One of the most highly publicized international aspects, affecting children worldwide, is food poverty; at least one in four children across the world do not have access to the nutritious food they need for their physical development (Save the Children, 2020). In Scotland, one of the Scottish Government’s strategies to tackle child food poverty has been the introduction of universal free school meals (not subject to means testing) for children in the first 5 years of primary school (elementary school) during school term time (Scottish Government, 2022c). COVID-19 has had a significant impact on many different aspects of child poverty and, ironically, has served to highlight some of the more “hidden” forms of child poverty (McKinney, 2022). Child poverty predated the COVID-19 crisis and will continue to be a major challenge in the wake of pandemic. However, researchers and policy makers have commented that COVID-19 has exacerbated and deepened child poverty and the effects of child poverty (Sinclair & McKendrick, 2021; Van Lancker & Parolin, 2020). UNICEF reported in 2021 that COVID-19 was the “worst crisis for children” in the 75-year history of UNICEF and possibly an insurmountable challenge for the realization of the Sustainable Development Goals (UNICEF, 2021c). The figures for child poverty rose by 100 million between 2019 and 2021, representing a 10% increase. This global concern about poverty, child poverty, and the effects of child poverty was a major influence on the creation of the Millennium Development Goals (2000–2015) which evolved into the aforementioned Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (Chopra & Mason, 2015; United Nations, 2015, 2022). Many of the

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17 SDGs are related to poverty, child poverty, and the effects of poverty and their impact on education throughout the world: No Poverty (number 1); Zero Hunger (number 2); Good Health and Well-Being (number 3); Quality Education (number 4); Gender Equality (number 5); Clean Water and Sanitation (number 6); Affordable and Clean Energy (number 7); Decent Work and Economic Growth (number 8); and Sustainable Cities and Communities (number 11). These help to identify many aspects of poverty that will affect children such as food poverty, fuel poverty, and the poverty of health. Some of the SDGs are directly related to education such as gender equality in education across the world and strategies for reducing the number of children who are out of school. The school closures during COVID-19, albeit temporary in many cases, resulted in 1.6 billion children out of school by April 2020 (United Nations, 2022). These school closures also had very serious repercussions for the 370 million children who relied on free school meals (a figure that increased during COVID-19) (UNICEF, 2020). Research has revealed many examples of global child poverty, and situations caused by child poverty, that make children very vulnerable. Beginning teachers in their teacher programs may not be aware of all of these examples or may only be partly aware of them. These examples would include migrant children and those who have been internally or externally forcibly displaced. There are over 33 million forcibly displaced children throughout the world (UNICEF, 2021a). This means a short-term or even long-term disruption to their school education and implications for the quality of the schooling they can access (Abu-Ghaida & Silva, 2021). While much of the contemporary discussion on forcibly displaced children has been focused on Syria, Afghanistan, and Palestine, there is now serious concern about the number of Ukrainian children who have been internally or externally displaced (UNICEF, 2022b). After 1 month of war, 4.3 million children in Ukraine had been displaced – 1.8 million had been externally displaced and 2.5 million had been internally displaced. This represents more than half of the 7.5 million children in Ukraine. Some of the beginning teachers on ITE programs in Scotland will have had experiences of being a displaced person. Other relevant global issues are: children with disabilities, child labor, child slavery, child trafficking, unaccompanied children, and child soldiers (ILO-UNICEF, 2020; UNICEF, 2021b). All of these issues are strongly associated with poverty. The issue of unaccompanied children provides an example that is, perhaps surprisingly, highly pertinent for the UK. Unaccompanied children have typically fled a situation of war or armed conflict and have been separated from their parents; the parents may have been killed or have sent the children to places deemed to be safe (UNHCR, 2022). Many of these children are in poverty and at risk of abuse and exploitation. The international figures indicate that there are 153,300 unaccompanied children worldwide, and many of these are located in Ethiopia (fleeing the conflict in South Sudan) (41,000), Kenya (10,700), and Cameroon (9000). The part that is surprising to many beginning teachers is that 9000 unaccompanied children have applied for asylum in the UK since 2016 (The Children’s Society, 2022).

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In the UK, 3.9 million children (27% of all children) were living in poverty in the period 2020–2021 (Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG), 2022a). In Scotland, 260,000 children – more than one in four of all children in Scotland – are living in poverty. While it is important to outline and explain the most up-to-date figures on the Scottish national and UK levels of poverty and child poverty, it is equally important to position these figures in the context of recent years and, in the UK context, within a trajectory of an alarming rise in the poverty and child poverty rates (CPAG, 2022a). There has been a worrying growth in working poverty (or in-work poverty). Working poverty is where at least one adult works, and the current figure is that at least one in six working households in the UK is in poverty. There are wellfounded anxieties that the levels of child poverty will continue to rise in the aftermath of COVID-19. As the statistical figures for poverty and child poverty remain alarmingly high, child poverty has become a major focus for the Scottish Government in terms of policy designed to reduce child poverty and in interventions in schooling to support the most disadvantaged. The Child Poverty Act (2017) has an aim to reduce child poverty significantly by 2030 (Scottish Government, 2022a, b). The associated Child Poverty Delivery Plan will provide regular reports on the progress of the reduction of child poverty. Beginning teachers within the PGDE become aware of these ambitious developments through the BAT input and other inputs on the PGDE and learn about the Scottish Attainment Challenge and the ways in which funding, initially targeted to the most deprived areas, is now more evenly shared among the local authorities. The CPAG launched a successful campaign in 2014 called The Cost of the School Day (CPAG, 2022b), addressing the hidden costs of schools and providing information and resources (CPAG, 2022b). Beginning teachers are introduced to the ways in which research has identified the impact of child poverty on school education in recent years: in early years; on attainment and achievement; and on positive school leaver destinations and some of the intervention strategies. It is imperative that those entering the teaching profession understand the variety of ways of measuring poverty that have been adopted in Scotland and the UK and the nuances of the advantages/disadvantages and strengths/weaknesses of these measurements. There are distinctions to be drawn, for example, between income and expenditure poverty, although these are often used together (Falkingham & Namazie, 2002). There are equally important distinctions to be made between urban and rural poverty (McAreavey & Brown, 2019). The more commonly used measurements have become increasingly diverse in their use of terminology: absolute poverty, relative poverty, severe poverty, extreme poverty, and longitudinal poverty (UK Parliament, 2022). This introduction to the key distinctions and the terminology serves a double purpose as it helps the beginning teachers become familiar with the specialized language of the academic and policy discourses on poverty and helps them to critically assess and evaluate the effectiveness and usefulness of the measurement process: what is being measured, how it is being measured, and according to which criteria. It is important to probe the use of threshold measurements and the creation of poverty lines (McKinney et al., 2020a).

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There are two very interesting examples of poverty measures that are used in the Scottish context. First, the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) is a measurement that is widely used in local authorities and in schools in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2020). SIMD data is helpful in that it measures areas in Scotland by dividing them into data zones. These data zones are ranked from the most deprived (ranked 1) to the least deprived (ranked 6976). The SIMD ranking of the data zones is not solely dependent on levels of income but also records the ways in which an area is deprived across seven domains: income, employment, education, health, access to services, crime, and housing. One of the advantages of the SIMD data is that it helps identify the most deprived areas in the country, which can be targeted for intervention. However, the main disadvantage of the SIMD data is that it is zonal, and this zonal data does not identify the situation of individuals. There can be people who suffer from poverty and deprivation in the least deprived zones and people who are not in poverty and not deprived in the most deprived zones. The second example is fascinating because it is a measure of poverty used in Scotland and other parts of the UK and the world and is used in international comparisons. The reason for examining it is that it has become more complicated in Scotland in recent years. The entitlement to means-tested free school meals is a commonly used proxy measurement of poverty and deprivation (Ilie et al., 2017; Kounali et al., 2008). In Scotland, this proxy measurement has to be adapted and used in two ways. For those who receive free school meals between primary one and five (as discussed above), the proxy measure can only be used for those who are entitled to free school meals outside of term time as these remain means tested. For children in primary six and seven and young people throughout the years of the secondary school, the free school meals are all means tested and the proxy measurement can be used. A final observation is that child poverty and the impact on school education is a key topic for any discussion of social justice but is also highly emotive for many of the academic staff and for beginning teachers on the PGDE. Some have personal experience of growing up in poverty, and all have witnessed the visible effects of poverty and child poverty in contemporary Scottish society, whether in schools, on the streets of the city, or in the exponential rise in foodbanks across the country. In addition to the lecture and seminar inputs, beginning teachers are expected to access a range of academic readings around poverty and its impact on learning and to undertake further study commensurate with the masters-level nature of the program. Many chose to explore poverty and its impact on learning within their summative assessments for the PGDE.

Teachers and Teacher Educators Equipped to Engage with and Be Discerning Consumers of Research Within ITE, beginning teachers are expected to go further than simply being discerning consumers of research (BERA-RSA, 2014a). Bain and Gray (2018) argue that there is a need to ensure that “teacher educators are enabled to critique

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the professional, academic and political landscapes of teacher education and to contribute an informed voice to the various communities that influence and shape teacher education” (p. 69). In preparing for reaccreditation, the need to ensure that teachers are enabled to critique the professional, academic, and political landscapes of teaching and education and to contribute an informed voice to the various communities that influence and shape teaching and education was recognized. As described in the previous section, learning and teaching in the PGDE is underpinned by research and evidence, and the reaccredited program brought many of those internationally recognized in their fields for research into learning and teaching within the program, demonstrating the connection between research, learning, and teaching, and the value of understanding research in planning for learning and teaching. Taking the stance that effective teaching must stem from and be underpinned by evidence, literature, and research, and requiring beginning teachers to read widely and deeply to engage in critical and challenging discussions within seminars, requires this understanding to be developed in the teacher educators. Moving away from a model of “teacher training“ requires teacher educators to challenge “simplistic views of teacher training for classroom readiness” (Loughran & Menter, 2019, p. 226). This is discussed further in the section on the teacher education reading group.

Teachers Equipped to Conduct Their Own Research Individually and Collectively Menter and Flores (2021) make a compelling case that the events surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, the need to urgently address inequalities as highlighted by the Black Lives Matter movement, and the increasingly dramatic and damaging effects of climate change, remind us of the need for teachers to be able to respond positively to challenge and to commit to lifelong development and learning. Teacher education, then, must be positioned to address these challenges and prepare beginning teachers with such orientations and dispositions. Understanding research and literature is central to the development of teachers who make and justify appropriate decisions about learning and understand how their practice impacts on learning for children and young people. The research and enquiry-led learning and teaching (RELLT) course runs through the PGDE program, providing the opportunity for beginning teachers to engage in a deep exploration around research, literature, data, and information, developing the understanding and skills necessary to become teachers with an enquiring stance towards their teaching, able to interrogate their own practice and understand what they learn from such interrogation to improve their practice. Within RELLT, beginning teachers are challenged to engage with “big questions”: • What does it mean to work in social sciences and education understanding complexities of human beings and social relationships?

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• What does it mean when we talk about a “research-led,” “evidence-based,” “datadriven,” “evidence-informed” profession? • What is data in the context of this profession (both quantitative and qualitative) and where is data around the teacher, thinking about teachers generating data and using data generated elsewhere? • How do we make sense of data – making meaning but crucially understanding limitations about what is known from data? • How do we find, read, and draw main messages from research and literature? • How do we understand our role and make decisions in learning and teaching, and what does it mean to be enquiring in our stance as teachers? • How do we plan for enquiry to generate data from which we can make meaning and take action to improve learning and teaching? Within RELLT, learning is organized through a series of motivating issues, further extending beginning teachers’ knowledge of their role and their place within the schools, communities, and systems within which they will work and providing coherence with learning in BAT, CPP, and on school placement. Motivating issues include poverty and learning, assessment literacy, drugs, alcohol, and stigma, and beginning teachers move through levels from understanding data, research, and literature in relation to day-to-day lesson planning and evaluation, through to large-scale data sets such as the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) (Scottish Government, 2020) and Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data (PISA, 2022). Throughout RELLT, students experience weekly interactive seminars, in which they engage with and develop their research literacy to understand how to plan and undertake enquiry in relation to their practice. Assessment through the development of a research proposal around an aspect of learning and teaching of interest to the individual includes critical reflection on the limitations of the proposal in relation to the individual’s stance and positioning as a teacherresearcher and therefore connects with BAT, CPP, and School Experience.

Teacher Educators Equipped to Conduct Their Own Research Individually and Collectively: The Teacher Education Reading Group (TERG) Research into professional learning for and of teacher educators is very limited (Murray et al., 2020; Smith & Flores, 2019b). The process of becoming a teacher educator is a challenging “ongoing, relational, and dynamic process” (Hordvik et al., 2021, p. 2) within a complex system (Cochran-Smith et al., 2014). It is different from the role of being a teacher although, “as with school teaching, teacher education involves engagement in difficult and complex practices that look deceptively easy and simple” (Davey, 2013, p. 1). It is only more recently that there has been consideration of teacher educator as an identity, of the role of the teacher educator and of the professional development of teacher educators (Smith & Flores, 2019b), and of the need for support in becoming a teacher educator (Bain & Gray, 2018).

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Much like the commentary on teacher education research, it is noted that research on teacher educators is limited, ill-defined, and poorly understood, even as more research into teacher education has emerged (Grossman & McDonald, 2008; Murray, 2016). Menter and Flores (2021) ask: “Who undertakes research into teaching and teacher education and what is its nature? Is there evidence of independence and criticality in the research undertaken?” (Menter & Flores, 2021, p. 124). This section explores the journey of those in ITE at the School of Education in considering and addressing Menter and Flores’ (2021) questions. Arguably, . . .if the quality of teaching in schools is determined in large part by who teachers are, and how, and what they teach, then the quality of teacher education is also likely to be similarly affected by who teacher educators are, and how, and what, they teach (Davey, 2013, p. 4).

Indeed Smith and Flores (2019a) synthesize literature to suggest that conducting research “makes a better teacher educator and improves the quality of teaching in teacher education” (p. 438). Those involved in ITE in the program discussed in this chapter are diverse. Some are “core” staff, full- or part-time Professors of Education, Readers, Senior Lecturers, and Lecturers in a variety of aspects of education with a background in teaching and teacher education. In addition, there are a large number of adjunct or associate staff who are practicing or retired teachers, depute head teachers, or head teachers. The GTCS requires that all involved with learning and teaching on accredited ITE programs, including that which is related to school placement experience, must possess GTCS Professional Registration. There is significant variety among the routes staff have taken into teacher education involvement. Many hold “subject” postgraduate qualifications at PhD level, including, e.g., Chemistry and Chemical Engineering, alongside those with PhDs in education including, e.g., Children’s Literature & Literacies Education, Mathematics Education, and Science Education. Others hold masters in education or professional doctorates. While masters or doctoral study in education is not the only route into teacher education, the diversity of the “baseline” and experience of research in the field of education does present challenges. For example, those who are classroom teachers rather than specialist teacher educators face challenges in adoption of appropriate adult-teaching styles, their ability to theorise about the social, political and economic context of education, and their ability to reflectively critique existing school practices (Davey, 2013, p. 47).

One action that provides an opportunity to support this transition from teacher to teacher educator at the University of Glasgow is the requirement for new lecturers to undertake a postgraduate certificate in academic practice for higher education (PgCert in Academic Practice, or PgCAP). This provides a space in which individuals can reflect upon and challenge their identity as teachers and take the first steps in building a professional identity as a teacher educator in higher education. However,

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this is not open to all staff; for example, the extended workforce and associate staff within the School of Education cannot access the PgCAP. There is no single model of professional learning and development for teacher educators (Smith & Flores, 2019a). Teacher educators can hold mixed feelings about professional learning in research depending on their career stage (Griffiths et al., 2014), perhaps reflecting the change from “expert teacher” to becoming a novice in this new profession (Swennen et al., 2009). In practice, the role of teacher educator as researcher is “yet to become widely accepted” (Meeus et al., 2018, p. 15), and in a study of Flemish teacher educators, fewer than one in five accessed professional learning to improve their research skills, preferring to focus on strengthening content knowledge and skills (Meeus et al., 2018). The implementation of the reaccredited PGDE provided an impetus to establish a Teacher Education Reading Group (TERG), recognizing that “teacher educators need to know a great many things that are different from and go well beyond both what teachers need to know and what university faculty members need to know about their own areas of scholarly expertise” (Cochran-Smith et al., 2020, p. 20). The TERG was established with the intention that it would • Support the personal and professional growth of staff in their role as teacher educators (Kosnik et al., 2022) • Expand awareness of professional identity and role as teacher educators (Boei et al., 2015) to further develop and strengthen the capacity for implementation of a research-informed teacher education program • Build research capacity of teacher educators to shape the teacher education research agenda (Cochran-Smith et al., 2020; Sleeter, 2014) and to actively engage in research to contribute to the field and to inform teacher education (Menter, 2017; Smith, 2020) The motivation to strengthen the program as a research-informed, masters-level offering demanded of all those involved an understanding of the vision of the program and of what this means for the teacher educators involved with the program in terms of a research stance. The reaccredited PGDE embraces the reality that there can be no effective practice without a theoretical understanding and base to inform and justify the decisions of the day-to-day classroom teacher. This requires teacher educators to develop their capacity to undertake research, acknowledging that “teacher education practice is inherently theoretical,” requiring teacher educators to continually reflect upon and theorize their practice (Cochran-Smith et al., 2020, p. 21). In developing research capacity among teacher educators, to avoid tensions between research and teaching, a focus on integrating the goals is necessary (Cao et al., 2019; Geschwind & Broström, 2015; Robertson, 2007). It was recognized that engaging with research or scholarship in teacher education in meaningful depth is not an individual pursuit but something collaborative that requires appropriate leadership and management (Hill & Haigh, 2012) and a supportive structure within which to do so (Murray et al., 2020). A lack of opportunity to improve research skills and teacher education practices, and for staff to come together and consolidate into

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teams, adapting to the role of teacher educators, can lead to teacher education programs themselves becoming fragmented (Guberman et al., 2021; Murray et al., 2020). The circumstances of the global pandemic perhaps amplified the need for a structured space for collaboration (MacPhail et al., 2018), as colleagues experienced the loss of more informal conversation and collaboration opportunities that may arise naturally within an in-person working environment (Sjølie et al., 2020). Beginning in 2020/2021, the TERG meets monthly. In the first 15 months of meetings, members met online using Zoom, which facilitated whole group discussion and the use of breakout rooms. Microsoft Teams was used to create the online collaborative space in which members make suggestions of papers for the group, identify preferred dates for subsequent meetings, add thoughts on their reading, and access a bibliography that includes other suggested readings. Fundamental to the TERG is a design which avoids a “top down” approach by encouraging members to identify papers of interest and recommend them to the group for discussion. The reduction in pandemic-related restrictions from February 2022 allowed meetings to take place in hybrid form, with some participants accessing via Zoom and others meeting in person. The TERG does not meet on a fixed day and time each month but on a day/time most convenient for as many participants as possible. This avoids exclusion by acknowledging that colleagues may work part-time or on flexible hours, have caring responsibilities, or be part of the extended workforce who also teach in schools. The online space for collaboration also provides flexibility and accessibility. Emerging from the research relating to the TERG is a consensus that opportunities for participation before and after the meeting deepen the engagement and thinking associated with the reading group. The creation of the TERG was identified as an opportunity to undertake research on the professional learning of teacher educators. Initial findings from the research related to the TERG (paper in preparation) indicate emerging themes aligning with the findings of an analysis of an event offered by the European InFO-TED group, a collaboration of teacher educators from seven European countries (Murray et al., 2020). This suggests a reading group can be effective in supporting capacity building and, thus, research-informed teacher education.

Looking Ahead In the spring of 2022, the Muir Report was published, offering a “future vision for Scottish education” with learners at the center (Muir, 2022). This language is not new; indeed, the focus on the learner at the center was illustrated in a Scottish Government guide to the curriculum framework as far back as 2008 (The Scottish Government, 2008). However, as the Scottish Government intends to move forward with significant structural changes to two major bodies – the Scottish Qualifications Agency, which is the statutory awarding body for all qualifications in Scotland, and Education Scotland, a Scottish Government Executive Agency with a remit for

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quality and improvement, including inspection – it is reasonable to think that there may follow changes that impact ITE. It is crucial that ITE within universities is in a strong position to respond and to “interrupt, contest or disprove some of the more common claims that circulate in media, political and public debate about its effectiveness” (Rowan et al., 2015, p. 275). This is most likely to be achieved by large-scale research that can only be undertaken through major grant applications. However, it is incumbent on all in ITE to look for ways in which to support teacher educators within institutions in the development of professional identity and understanding of the field of research and how to contribute to it, to “position [them] to respond” (Rowan et al., 2015, p. 275) to the ongoing debates and challenges about the role of universities in researchinformed teacher education.

Summary Laying the ground work for leadership in teaching and education, through ITE, is by no means a straightforward matter. In Scotland, we aspire to teaching as a masterslevel and research-informed profession. The context is one of career-long support, with masters-level programs for those intending to become head teachers and those who are in head teacher roles. At the University of Glasgow we are committed to taking a “dynamic lead” (Cruickshank, 1970) in developing research-informed teachers through research-informed teacher education and indeed developing research-informed teacher educators. This chapter presents research-informed teacher education, as a bridge for teacher education for leadership, recognizing the complexities and “pressures” upon inservice teachers, illustrated through a case study of our research relating to poverty and learning and its integration with initial teacher education. Further, we provide insight into an approach through which we build teacher educators’ scholarship and research capacity, to underpin our innovative, research-informed teacher education programs.

Cross-References ▶ Developing a “Research Literacy Way of Thinking” in Initial Teacher Education: Students as Co-researchers ▶ Globalization and the Impact of ICT on Teachers’ Work and Professional Status ▶ Initial Teacher Education and Social Justice ▶ Initial Teacher Education: The Opportunities and Problems Inherent in Partnership Working ▶ Learning to Teach: Building Global Research Capacity for Evidence-Based Decision-Making ▶ Policy Problems: Policy Approaches to Teacher Education Research

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▶ Preparing and Supporting Beginning Teachers for the Challenges of Teaching in Urban Primary Schools ▶ Specialized Educational Knowledge and Its Role in Teacher Education ▶ Standardized Testing as a Gatekeeping Mechanism for Teacher Quality ▶ Teacher Education Research in the Twenty-First Century ▶ The Many Meanings of Practice-Based Teacher Education: A Conceptualization of the Term ▶ The Need for Comparative Studies in Teacher Education ▶ The Uses and Abuses of “Quality” in Teacher Education Policy Making ▶ Towards Internationally Shared Principles of Quality Teacher Education: Across Finland, Hong Kong, and the United States ▶ Universities, Research, and Initial Teacher Education in England and Wales: Taking the Long View

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External Change Agents in Professional Learning: The Case of the General Teaching Council Scotland

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . GTC Scotland: The Importance of Qualification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Independent GTC Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Being a Teacher in Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Centrality of Professional Standards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Code of Professionalism and Conduct (The Professional Code) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Update . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complex and Complexity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A “Mature” Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward Intelligent Accountabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Communities of Practice and Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter explores the role of external change agents in professional development, through the lens of the General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTC Scotland). The influence that GTC Scotland has had historically on professional development is discussed. First, a historical overview builds an understanding of the conditions that led to the establishment of GTC Scotland over 55 years ago, rooted in concerns about teacher quality. Then, consideration is given to the impact of an independent teaching council on contemporary developments. The nature of GTC Scotland’s “externality” as a registration and regulatory body for teaching is considered. Through critical reflection on key examples of GTC P. Stephen (*) General Teaching Council Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland e-mail: [email protected] C. Simpson (*) School of Education, University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, Scotland © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_27

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Scotland’s influence in and on practice, key themes are surfaced to explore inherent tensions in an external change in agent’s role in mediating system change in professional development expectations, opportunities, and processes and highlight the unique position of GTC Scotland in navigating different sets of expectations, at different levels of the Scottish education system. Keywords

Registration · Regulation · Professional learning · Teacher education · Teacher learning · Professional development · Teaching council · Professional standards · Complexity · Teacher professionalism · self Regulation · Professional update · GTC Scotland · Initial teacher education · Standard for Provisional Registration · Standard for full registration · Standard for career long professional learning · Standard for middle leadership · Standard for headship

Introduction This chapter advocates for a greater understanding of the mechanics of the requirement for teachers in Scotland to maintain professional learning and highlights the complexity involved in the enactment of teacher professionalism. The possibilities for negotiating this complexity are considered, alongside learning and adaptation as fundamental aspects of professionals’ learning.

GTC Scotland: The Importance of Qualification In 1939, the Secretary of State for Scotland gained the powers from the Education (Scotland) Act (1872) for the certification of teachers, along with the regulation of teacher training (education). At this time, holding a teaching certificate was a prerequisite for teachers to be eligible for appointment to a permanent post and to be entitled to the salaries specified by the teachers’ salaries regulations. The teaching certificate, also known as a teacher’s “parchment,” was awarded in perpetuity and after a 2-year probation period, confirmed by a head teacher. It could only be removed, after the fact, by a proven case of misconduct. In response to the increasing number of uncertificated teachers, meaning those without the parchment, in 1961, David Lambie, a representative of the Education Institute of Scotland, and Arthur Houston, a teacher at St Augustine’s High School in Glasgow, organized a meeting of teachers to debate the issue of unqualified teachers, which led to the notion of the establishment of a Scottish Teachers’ Council. This was to be a professional body for teachers that would determine the entry standards and standards for certification for teachers, the curricula for teacher training (education) courses, the maintaining of a register of teachers eligible to teach in Scotland, and the power to discipline teachers for misconduct. This proposal led to a review of the training and certification of teachers, led by the senior judge, Lord Wheatley. The review recommended the setting up of a

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General Teaching Council for Scotland (GTC Scotland) to enhance the status of the teaching profession through holding the teaching standards, making registration with GTC Scotland compulsory (for teachers in local authority schools), and having disciplinary powers to remove teachers from the register. Royal Assent for the Teaching Council (Scotland) Act was achieved in 1964; the bill finally came into law in June 1965. At this time, Parliament still had final approval on the issues delegated to GTC Scotland in accordance with the Teaching Council (Scotland) Act (1965), which stated that any orders made by the Secretary of State were “subject to annulment in pursuance of a resolution of either House of Parliament” Teaching Council (Scotland) Act, 1965, paragraph 14(2). The General Teaching Council Scotland (GTC Scotland) was therefore established in 1965 as one of the first teaching councils in the world. There was provision in the Teaching Council (Scotland) Act 1965 for registration for those who were eligible; however, there was strong dissent from those who had already been awarded their “parchment” to having to pay a registration fee. In reflecting on this debate, J. Lockhart Whiteford (an elected member of GTC Scotland Council (1971–1979)) concluded that “at the root of the opposition was the failure to appreciate the nature of the Council: that it was to be about teaching rather than simply for teachers” (Matheson, 2015, p. 18). Although under protest, most teachers had registered by late 1968. It can be said that the driving force for the creation of a teaching council was initially to address concerns raised by teachers about the increasing number of uncertificated teachers in Scotland’s schools. There was a strong view that establishing GTC Scotland was an important factor in enhancing the public status of the teaching profession by giving the teaching profession itself responsibility for its own standards. This laid the foundation for the creation of a teaching council as a mechanism for assuring the quality of Scotland’s teachers through the prerequisite that all must hold a teaching qualification. This is an enduring aspect of GTC Scotland’s current system and one that defines “what it means to be a teacher” in Scotland. Therefore, since 1965, GTC Scotland has been interested in teacher professionalism, and this focus continues to be a central theme for the teaching council’s work; the 2021 strategic vision of “inspiring world-class teaching professionalism” reflects this fact. In addition, the withdrawal of the Scottish Government grant, in the financial year 1987–88, meant that GTC Scotland was no longer bound to the government (Sutherland, 1999) and since that time has been funded directly by individual registrants. In 2000, significant changes were made to GTC Scotland’s legislation as a result of the Scottish Government’s White Paper, “Targeting Excellence – Modernising Scotland Schools,” and an external review of GTC Scotland carried out in 1998–1999 by Deloitte and Touche. Donald Dewar, the then Secretary of State, in launching the White Paper stated, “If improvement across the schools’ system as a whole is to be realised, the professional status of teachers must be restored, through a recognition of skills and renewed commitment to the highest professional standards.” That same year, statutory aims were established for GTC Scotland for the first time: to set teaching standards and contribute to improving the quality of

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teaching and learning. The functions of GTC Scotland were also extended to add a role in providing advice related to the continuing professional development of teachers. It was also clarified that GTC Scotland had a role in providing advice not only to Scottish Ministers and teacher education institutions, but also more widely to the education system, including education authorities. This framed a more explicit role for GTC Scotland in matters relating to teachers’ ongoing professional development with the statutory nature of aims for GTC Scotland setting out associated legislative underpinnings. After 35 years, GTC Scotland’s interest in teacher professionalism had been rooted in legislation. Among other changes at this time, employers of registered teachers were made subject to a new requirement to notify GTC Scotland on the dismissal of a teacher on the grounds of misconduct or serious professional incompetence. This latter change was linked to a series of changes made to the GTC Scotland’s investigative/disciplinary provisions, in order to enable it to regulate the incompetence of teachers for the first time. This extension of regulatory functions framed in legislation, sitting alongside functions relating to teacher professional development, reframed GTC Scotland’s role in Scottish education to a focus on professional development and teacher professionalism as part of core registration and regulation functions.

An Independent GTC Scotland In January 2008, Scotland’s then First Minister announced that GTC Scotland would be established as a “self-regulating, profession-led body, along the lines of the General Medical Council.” The Scottish Government Consultation document, Towards an Independent General Teaching Council for Scotland: Consultation on the Future Status of the GTCS (2009), suggested that GTC Scotland was a wellrespected and trusted organization, with a good track record in ensuring that teachers working in Scotland’s schools had high standards. At this time, GTC Scotland existed as an advisory Non-Departmental Public Body, and while not a Government Department, it was part of the Governmental structure and was sponsored by the Schools Directorate. The Public Services Reform (General Teaching Council for Scotland) Order 2011 (2011 Order) placed GTC Scotland on a new statutory footing and established it as a fully independent body. The 2011 Order reflected the main principles contained in earlier legislation but, in line with granting GTC Scotland independent status, provided greater autonomy and flexibility as to how it performed its functions and governed its operations. The 2011 Order stated two aims for GTC Scotland: (a) To contribute to improving the quality of learning and teaching (b) To maintain and improve teachers’ professional standards (The Public Service Reform (General Teaching Council for Scotland) Order 2011, Article 5)

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The independent status of the Council took effect on 2 April 2012, with the first meeting of the newly independent council on 13 June 2012. The 2011 Order required GTC Scotland to establish a new fitness to teach process, to replace the “investigation and disciplinary” regime. The Order also required GTC Scotland to establish a reaccreditation scheme, a scheme which GTC Scotland has designated more positively as “Professional Update” (Finn & Hamilton, 2013, p. 971), with a view to supporting registered teachers to continually improve the quality of teaching and learning and maintaining and improving teachers Professional Standards through engagement in ongoing professional learning. The Professional Update scheme was piloted in session 2012–2013 and was fully implemented as of 1 August 2014. The Order also made various changes to the composition of GTC Scotland’s governing Council: The number of Council members was reduced from 50 to 37, and a requirement to have seven independent, appointed members was introduced. The nature of GTC Scotland’s funding, direct from individual teachers, and its independence from government are described by the Chief Executive of GTC Scotland in an article in Teaching Scotland as providing teachers in Scotland with the “privilege of self-regulation” (2021). This strong foundation of self-regulation is enhanced by having an all-graduate teaching profession, with all teachers holding academic and teaching qualifications (Finn & Hamilton, 2013) and showing a commitment to continuing professional learning to enhance their individual and collective professionalism. This funding and governance model also underpins a system of regulation in the most extreme of circumstances when consideration is required as to whether an individual teacher should be removed from the profession. In the refreshed GTC Scotland Strategic Plan (2022–2023), the vision for GTC Scotland is to “inspire world-class teaching professionalism” (p. 4) and its mission is outlined as “to maintain the integrity of registration and regulation of the teaching profession as a safeguard for the quality of education in Scotland and to enhance teaching professionalism at an individual, group and system level. We believe this helps ensure the best possible outcomes for children, young people and adult learners” (p. 4). This perhaps effectively demonstrates GTC Scotland’s motto Tutela ac Praesidium (Guardian and Protector). At the same time, it raises the question of GTC Scotland’s externality; given its fundamental and unique position in the education system as “guardian and protector,” the question may be asked who and what is GTC Scotland external to?

Being a Teacher in Scotland The term “teacher,” however, is not a protected title in Scotland, and the legal definition of what being a teacher involves is embedded within GTC Scotland’s 2011 Order. Thus, being registered with GTC Scotland is “what it means to be a teacher in Scotland,” and registration is premised on a recognized academic and teaching qualification, reinforcing the driver for the initial establishment of a national teaching council.

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While GTC Scotland’s core functions relate to the registration and regulation of teachers, originally meaning those who work in local authority schools, this has now evolved to include all independent schools as of 1 June 2020. Employment conditions for college lecturers set out in 2017 NJNC Agreements and associated Circulars outlined the requirement for college lecturers to register with GTC Scotland, realizing a long-held ambition of GTC Scotland (see Holroyd, 1999, p. 985). Processes are underway to welcome college lecturers onto the register of teachers in Scotland in the category of teachers of further education. The core work of GTC Scotland as guardians of the standards of professionalism with and for the teaching profession aims to enhance trust and value in teaching and provides a voice for teachers by advising Scottish Government and other partners. Maintaining trust is rooted in keeping a register of those who have qualified as a teacher within Scotland and those qualified elsewhere who choose to teach in Scotland’s schools. GTC Scotland acts in the public interest through effective registration and management of the register of teachers, including fitness to teach regulatory casework where appropriate. In addition, GTC Scotland also works with and for teachers throughout their career, from beginning teachers onward. For example, during the initial phases of “becoming a teacher,” GTC Scotland engages in the following: • Accreditation of all Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programs, ensuring student teachers experience quality programs of study. • Providing input to ITE programs on various topics such as professionalism, Professional Standards, and values, delivering “autumn talks” and “summer talks” to help students and teachers understand the importance of Professional Standards, and belonging to GTC Scotland throughout their probation year and beyond. • Working in partnership with local authorities, Scottish Council of Independent Schools (SCIS), and Education Scotland to provide support to probationer teachers and early career teachers as they progress through their induction to the profession and into the first phase of their careers. • A virtual school is also hosted by GTC Scotland to offer support and guidance specifically to flexible route probationer teachers. Once a teacher has gained full registration, GTC Scotland then continues to guide their professional learning and development through the Professional Update Process, which provides an infrastructure for professional learning and Professional Review and Development through the online MyPL system. More recently and crucially as part of the Covid-19 response, GTC Scotland supported teachers through the creation of two digital hubs. The first provided advice and guidance on health and well-being, and the second focused on equalities and diversity. These have recently been complemented by a digital hub on the central theme of learning for sustainability. Another aspect of GTC Scotland’s core functions lies in acknowledging teachers as accomplished experts as they continue to grow as professionals.

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GTC Scotland provides a range of awards, such as professional recognition, the Standard for Headship, and Excellence in Professional Learning, all of which support teachers to continue to enhance their professionalism and for the system to recognize the achievements of the profession. This also includes opportunities to enhance registration through additional subject and category registration, leading coaching development, working in partnership with national and international partners with the aim of influencing teacher growth in Scotland and providing information, advice, and support directly to teachers through various publications. GTC Scotland’s fundamental role is about ensuring and supporting a trusted and valued self-regulating teaching profession. In summary, this means setting the Professional Standards and code of conduct for teachers as well as the entry criteria to the profession, ensuring teachers commit to ongoing learning through professional update, recognizing and awarding professionalism as well as managing occasions where individual teachers have breached the trust placed in them through the fitness to teach process.

The Centrality of Professional Standards Teacher Professional Standards were originally conceived in 1991 following a Ministerial review of Initial Teacher Education (ITE). This resulted in the development of a set of competencies, entitled Guidelines for Teacher Training Courses (Guidelines), which were issued by the Scottish Government’s Education Department. These were presented to “allow and encourage full development over succeeding years to proficient and expert levels of professionalism” (Holroyd, 1999, p. 928), which is somewhat in tension with the notion of these being a competence framework to be used to plan ITE with an expectation that they would be achieved by student teachers by the end of their ITE program. This set the tone for subsequent Professional Standards which not only were competence based but also aspired to enhance professionalism. These Guidelines were revised in 1998, and again in 2000 after being subject to Quality Assurance Agency benchmarks, to bring them in line with all other subjects taught in universities. At this time, GTC Scotland was invited by the Scottish Executive to create a set of benchmarks for ITE, which would be used as an assessment tool for student teachers, thus removing subjective decisions by head teachers. By August 2000, the Standard for Initial Teacher Education (SITE), the precursor for the Standards for Provisional Registration, had been developed and mandated. A second Professional Standard, the Standard for Headship, was published in 1998. This Professional Standard was the basis of the Scottish Qualification for Headship (SQH), which was to become the prerequisite for employment as a head teacher in local authority schools across Scotland. GTC Scotland was asked by the Scottish Executive to develop this Professional Standard to provide a coherent pathway to headship and describe the professional practice of head teachers and aspiring head teachers. It was designed to be delivered through a partnership model between local authorities and Universities and was assessed through the

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demonstration of professional values, management competence, and intellectual and interpersonal abilities. The assessment model for this qualification was unique in that it involved academic qualification, 120 credits at SCQF 11, an Emotional, Social and Competence Inventory assessment, where peers offered perspective to the candidate on their leadership, and a professional verification visit which assessed the quality and impact of the participant’s leadership practice in their school and community through demonstrating competence in the professional actions. The SQH has now been superseded by a new qualification, Into Headship, which retains many of the features of the SQH, with one significant difference in the number of academic credits being reduced from 120 credits at SCQF 11 to 60 credits at SCQF 11. Into Headship is accredited by GTC Scotland, and those successfully completing the qualification are awarded the Standard for Headship. The publication of A Teaching Profession for the twenty-first century in 2001, commonly known as the McCrone agreement after its author, changed the Scottish educational landscape and brought forward the entitlement and obligation for all teachers to engage in professional learning (Purdon, 2011). This shift resulted in a suite of Professional Standards for use by teachers across their career. The suite consisted of a refreshed SITE and the Standards for Registration (SFR) both of which were used as benchmarks for entry to the profession, The Standard for Chartered Teacher (SCT), and the preexisting Standard for Headship. According to Matthew Maciver (Chief Executive of GTC Scotland 2001–2008), this framework was “the one that set the tone and set the atmosphere for what has happened since” (Matheson, 2015, p. 61) and provided the basis for the suite of Professional Standards published in 2012, which were developed through a model of stakeholder collaboration and writing groups. By 2011, the seminal report for Scottish Education Teaching Scotland’s Future, also known as the Donaldson report, called for a reprofessionalization of the teaching profession in Scotland. This occurred around the same time that GTC Scotland gained their independence in the 2011 Order. With this independence status, GTC Scotland “immediately began reviewing the standards, the first occasion all had been looked at simultaneously” (Hamilton, 2013, p. 874). The new suite of Professional Standards was launched for mandatory enactment as of 1 August 2012. This new suite of Professional Standards, 2012, comprised of: • Standards for Registration – Standard for Provisional Registration (SPR) – Standard for Full Registration (SFR) • Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning (CLPL) • Standards for Leadership and Management (SLM) – Standards for Leadership and Management (Middle Leaders) – Standard for Leadership and Management (Head teachers) This suite of Professional Standards was refreshed and restructured in 2021, for the first time perhaps more clearly defining those Professional Standards that are mandatory benchmarks and those that are aspirational developmental frameworks.

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The mandatory benchmark Professional Standards are Standard for Provisional Registration (SPR), and Standard for Full Registration (SFR). The aspirational frameworks are Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning (CLPL); Standard for Middle Leadership (SML); and Standard for Headship (SfH), although being awarded the SfH is now a requirement for those employed as head teachers in Scotland’s local authority and grant-aided schools, as of 1 August 2020. All five Professional Standards contain a section entitled “being a teacher in Scotland,” which provides the foundation for the professional identity of Scotland’s teachers. It is premised on three central themes: professional values, learning for sustainability, and leadership. The inclusion of professional values moved the Professional Standards from a policy about what teachers do, to a policy that describes a “way of being” and underpins GTC Scotland’s stance of teachers as professionals rather than teachers as practitioners. Each Professional Standard is organized into three key areas: • Being a teacher in Scotland • Professional knowledge and understanding • Professional skills and abilities The Standard for Provisional Registration specifies what is expected of a student teacher at the end of Initial Teacher Education (ITE) and acts as a benchmark statement for accreditation of ITE programs and professional qualifications in Scotland. During ITE, student teachers are expected to be able to clearly demonstrate and evidence their development as a teacher. Having successfully gained the Standard for Provisional Registration, student teachers are eligible for provisional registration with GTC Scotland. The Standard for Full Registration builds on the Standard for Provisional Registration and is the benchmark of teacher competence; all teachers must demonstrate competency across the Standard for Full Registration to become a registered teacher in Scotland. The Standard for Full Registration provides assurance to learners, parents, the profession itself and the wider community about the competency, dispositions, knowledge and abilities of every teacher. The Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning (CLPL) was developed to address the recommendation of “active registration” from Teaching Scotland’s Future (Scottish Government, 2011). In creating this aspirational Professional Standard, GTC Scotland publicly stated that teachers in Scotland were trusted to continue to enhance their professionalism by undertaking professional learning to address their own professional needs. The CLPL standard can be used as a reflective tool to help teachers identify, plan, and develop their own professional learning journey throughout their career. The Standard for Middle Leadership and Standard for Headship include a focus on leadership for learning, teacher leadership, and working collegiately to build leadership capacity in others. It is expected that those in educational leadership roles will develop increasing responsibility for:

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• Building staff capacity through team and line management • Establishing, sustaining, and enhancing a culture and ethos of collaborative learning • Participating and leading multiagency working across the learning community • Self-evaluation and quality assurance through school improvement planning • Leadership for improvement at the system level (authority and national level) The creation and ongoing development of Professional Standards for teachers in Scotland establish the teaching profession in Scotland as a “mature profession” (Sachs, 2016, p. 422). Additionally, this suite of Professional Standards helps move teacher professionalism from rhetoric to reality ensuring teacher professionalism is at the heart of a trusted education system.

Code of Professionalism and Conduct (The Professional Code) GTC Scotland, through its legislation, has a duty to identify the boundaries of professional behavior and conduct and to maintain public trust in the profession. Although first mooted in 1973 in the GTC News, and later in the Statements of Principles (1975), it was not until 2005, that a Code of Conduct was published. This was then revised in 2008 and published under the new title of Code of Professionalism and Conduct (COPAC). Alongside the suite of Professional Standards and a new Student Teacher Code, COPAC was revised and published in 2012. COPAC sets out the key principles and values for registered teachers in Scotland. It states to the profession and to members of the public the standard of conduct and professionalism expected of registered teachers. COPAC “is guidance and not statutory code; therefore, teachers must use their own judgement and common sense in applying the principles to the various situations in which they may find themselves.” (GTCS, 2012, p. 5). However, COPAC alongside the Standard for Full Registration are used as the reference point for Fitness to Teach cases. COPAC is outlined in five sections; these are: • • • • •

Professionalism and maintaining trust in the profession Professional responsibilities toward pupils Professional competence Professionalism toward colleagues, parents, and careers Equality and diversity

In Scotland, Professional Standards and ethical codes of practice are created by and for the profession with the aim to capture and share publicly what teacher professionalism might actually mean. Hoyle and Wallace (2005) suggest that since the 1980s the definition of professionalism has shifted where “autonomy has evidently given way to accountability” (p. 100). There is broad agreement that teacher professionalism is complex and multidimensional (see Kennedy et al., 2012), but it remains a contested term. Professionalism is a socially constructed term that is constantly being defined

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and redefined through educational theory, practice, and policy. Theory and policy may offer a challenge to current practice and support teachers to develop new ways of being and working. However, it is the teachers in the profession, who are the final arbiters of what professionalism means in practice. Personal, political, and professional factors will, of course, inevitably influence these arbitrations, but it is important to recognize that, as a profession, teachers have a voice. Education plays a significant role in the ways in which society develops. As a result of the Covid 19 pandemic, a critical moment for education, for society, and ultimately for humanity has been reached. Expressing a professional voice to influence the future of education and then act on what teachers morally and ethically believe to be important has perhaps never been so poignant (for example, Fullan’s 2021 outline of the right drivers for system success). The postpandemic period offers an unprecedented opportunity for the creation and adoption of innovative frameworks that promote the values they espouse and for the reconstruction of an education system that is effectively designed to support and uphold them.

Professional Update In response to A Teaching Profession for the twenty-first Century, 2001 (Scottish Government, 2001), GTC Scotland was asked by the Scottish Executive to create a “universal” annual review process. Prior to this, GTC Scotland Council’s position on “registration in perpetuity” was being considered as it was deemed “philosophically and professionally untenable to argue that, just because someone has once judged to have met the Standard for Full Registration, that was sufficient for the rest of a career” (Matheson, 2015, p. 98). This annual review process, in GTC Scotland’s view, “would be founded on the premise that most teachers were already performing well” (ibid.). As part of the “McCrone” agreement (SEED, 2001), teachers were contracted to undertake 35 h of professional learning per year. This was not universally accepted, with some teachers suggesting that putting a time factor on the number of hours of professional learning undermined teachers’ professionalism (Watson & Fox, 2015). This mandating of hours of professional learning could be perceived as a shift in policy to professional learning as a prerequisite for registration and counters the previous registration in perpetuity stance. The purpose of the annual review process was aligned with GTC Scotland’s legislative powers given by the 2011 Order, which saw GTC Scotland widen its remit to include teachers’ career-long professional learning. The development of the annual review process also demonstrated the collaborative partnership working between stakeholders across the Scottish education system, for the benefit of the profession. This annual review was established to support teachers to consider their professional development as they reflected against the Professional Standards and to enhance the esteem and capabilities of teachers and public perception of the profession. This was added to by a recommendation from Teaching Scotland’s Future (Scottish Government, 2011) that “active registration” be considered as a way of supporting teachers to continually improve their practice. This process was renamed “Professional Update” and was launched in 2011, by GTC Scotland, with a pilot study.

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Professional update is not a measure of competency but an opportunity for teachers to share their professional learning, and the impact of that learning on themselves, children and young people, colleagues, and their learning community. Watson and Fox (2015) suggest that GTC Scotland by positioning only SFR as a benchmark manages to avoid the criticism leveled by Carr (1993) that “competence standards present teaching as an uncontroversial set of basic skills, which ignores the complexity of the role” (p. 134). Within this process, teachers need to have ownership of their own professional learning, which should enhance their knowledge and skills, and should not feel they are being “done to.” Professional Standards are core to being, knowing, thinking, and doing, “they describe teacher professionalism in Scotland, our ‘way of being’” (GTCS, SFR, 2021, p. 3). It is these standards which make useful connections between ongoing Professional Review and Development, Professional Learning, and Professional Update confirmation. Through engaging in self-evaluation across the professional standards, teachers can interrogate their own practice and identify their next steps in learning. Once they have identified professional learning, they can then engage and reflect upon this learning to ascertain evidence of impact on themselves as learners and the children and young people they teach. The final aspect of Professional Update is an entitlement to an annual Professional Review and Development (PRD) meeting, described in the Unlocking the Potential of Professional Review and Development (GTC Scotland, 2020) which has a section called “Entitlement for all” (p. 6). This GTC Scotland publication was shaped and created by collecting the voices of the profession. It was designed to support the development of cultures that foster teacher agency, promote teacher-led professional learning, and enable collaborative professionalism. GTC Scotland suggests that it is through this cycle of professional learning and PRD meeting, alongside ongoing dialogue, that teachers can enhance their professionalism, develop an enquiring mindset, and take ownership of their learning journey. In Unlocking the Potential of Professional Review and Development (GTC Scotland, 2020), it is stated that: Positively engaging with PRD, using Professional Standards to scaffold and support, empowers teachers to be critical of their thinking and practice, and enhances teacher professionalism to ultimately best serve our children and young people across Scotland. (p. 3)

In this stance, professional capital, which includes human, social and decisional capital, will also grow across learning communities with teachers being recognised and valued by the profession as proactive role models of learning. Professional Update is the mechanism for promoting and understanding ongoing professional learning as central to the professionalism of Scotland’s teachers. As discussed in Unlocking the Potential of Professional Review and Development (GTC Scotland, 2020), a culture of trust plays an important part in supporting professional learning. In supportive professional learning cultures, teacher learning will be inquiry oriented, personal and sustained, and individual and collaborative. However, it needs to be supported by school cultures of inquiry and be evidence based: in such

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cultures where evidence is collected and the complex nature of teachers’ worlds of learning and teaching is valued and where simple questions provoke thoughtful action (Sachs & Mockler, 2011, p. 252). In the first 5 years of implementation, GTC Scotland undertook an annual review of Professional Update, to capture the views and experiences of the cohort undertaking Professional Update for the first time. This research covered four key areas: • • • •

Professional Standards Professional Learning Professional Review and Development Professional Update Sign-Off and Systems

The longitudinal report, Professional Update Longitudinal study (2014–2019), produced by GTC Scotland provided evidence of registrants’ experiences of Professional Update. It was found that there were strong indications of a learning system where Professional Standards were considered a touchstone for teacher professionalism. The Standard for Career-Long Professional Learning was found to be used by most registrants who had responded to the annual PU evaluations 2014–2019, as a very useful self-evaluation tool, alongside other policy documents. However, Professional Standards are mainly used retrospectively, rather than to signpost professional learning activities. The majority of teachers who had responded to the annual PU evaluations, 2014–2019, engaged in an annual Professional Review and Development meeting in a well-established culture of professional learning; teachers were provided with the opportunity to work collaboratively with others and reflect and learn together. Most teachers in these studies reported they were well supported by school leaders and employers in the Professional Update process, with the exception of supply teachers and those who work outwith school, who suggested that they required more specific support. Issues may arise in constructs about the Professional Update process and ongoing requirements (and related entitlement) for professional learning when considering GTC Scotland’s founding principles which have a focus on teacher quality. This can frame Professional Update as a bureaucratic process, as a quality assurance mechanism. This issue is perhaps one example of the impact of GTC Scotland’s “brand” which is arguably a complex one. With a role in providing the framework to enhance professionalism and trust, and celebrate the output of that professionalism as well the mechanism for regulating individual teachers in certain circumstances, GTC Scotland’s organizational identity as a guardian and gatekeeper can be viewed through a narrower lens of watchdog.

Complex and Complexity This complexity is mirrored in the profession. Teaching is complex and it exists in a complex system; however, as Kidd (2018) suggests “complex needn’t be complicated” (p. 64). Didau (2020) suggested that “the more we learn, the more complex it becomes” (p. 36) and goes on to illustrate that complexity when stating, “classrooms

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have so many imponderables” (p. 36). Thus, teaching and learning are complex and occur in complex and uncertain learning environments, where teachers make many decisions with partial information and under time pressure (Le Fevre et al., 2020). This requires teachers to be adaptive, responsive, and apply nonlinear thinking to recognize and respond to their own learning needs and to the needs of the children in their context (ibid.). In self-evaluating with the Professional Standards and identifying and undertaking professional learning, teachers seek to make connections in what they already know, find patterns in this knowledge, and ask hard questions to help them to design high-quality learning experiences for their learners to support their progress. As Kidd (2018) describes, “our ways of seeing and our willingness to accept complexity, very much impacts on our values and what we can tolerate in terms of uncertainty in education” (p. 65). She goes on to suggest that this complexity needs to be navigated so that we can “prepare children not just for the world as it is, but as it will be, which is a world which they will help create” (p. 65). Learning and teaching occur in complex landscapes that are influenced by policy, history, and experiences, which means teachers have to navigate social, cognitive, and moral domains as part of their daily practice. Responding to this complexity, teachers or leaders need to be adaptive and responsive; these dispositions are driven by curiosity and an open mindedness about how children and young people learn and how teaching can support this learning (Le Fever et al., 2020). Teachers embrace the complexity and understand in doing so “it also means engaging with the moral context of making it work” (Kidd, 2018, p. 67) for themselves and their learners. As outlined in the Standard for Full Registration (SFR) (2021) in the introduction, “Teachers in Scotland enhance their professionalism and ensure rigour and challenge that supports a resilient and enabled profession confident in the skills, knowledge and values needed to enable Scotland’s young people to develop skills for learning, life and work” (p. 3). This is premised on an unswerving commitment to social justice and a moral imperative to “get it right for every child” (see GIRFEC) and a commitment to continue to develop as a learner through engaging in collaborative learning. In this way, teachers continue to develop their own human, decisional, and social capital (Hargreaves & Fullan, 2012). Teacher professionalism develops through the interactions between teachers, beginning, established, and expert teachers, and their context. In this way, teacher professionalism is not learned but is “mastered through acquisitions” (Gee, 2015, p.189), meaning that through experience, teachers begin to understand through observation, interaction, and practice, within their social context, what teacher professionalism is. This is a process of “enculturation” into social practices through scaffolded and supported interactions based on shared values, doing deeds, and using particular words and artifacts that are understood by other teachers (Bamberg, 2014) and results in a shared understanding of professionalism. This shared understanding of professionalism builds trust in the profession overall which at the system level in Scotland provides the privilege of self-regulation. Part of self-regulation is working in the public interest; this is part of the legislation that provided GTC Scotland independence as part of Public Service Reform (General Teaching Council for Scotland Order 2011 (2011 Order) where

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article 7 states: “The GTCS must have regard to the interest of the public when performing its functions.” In a complex system, trust in this sense is “relying” on the profession to be “trustworthy.” As D’Olimpio (2018) suggests, to be considered worthy of trust the profession “must do the right thing at the right time for the right reasons, and the action should have its intended effect.” (p. 193). However, trust is developed through “intercourse of words and actions” (Sprod, 2001, p.128) and is contextual, D’Olimpio (2018) states: When it comes to education, schools are the kinds of institutions in which we place our trust, rather than simply rely upon. The two are linked, as surely, I also rely on the school, but to trust in the teachers and other staff is to expect more of them to simply educate the students or, in particular, my child. I also expect them to care about my child’s well-being and this is why I trust in them. (p. 196)

This locates teachers in a complex environment, where trust is relied upon and is built through relationships and interactions between teachers, children and young people, parents, and carers as well as the wider community. There is some suggestion that where teachers are trusted, schools are more agile during turbulent situations (Sahlberg & Walker, 2021, p. 17). Added complexity has also been introduced in the positioning of all teachers as leaders. This has become embedded in Scottish policy text and Professional Standards, in response to the recommendation of the seminal text Teaching Scotland’s Future (2011). However, there is a lack of consensus about what this means, but there does appear to be “greater consensus around what teacher leaders do” (McMahon, 2018, p. 861). The OECD (2015) suggests that teacher leadership promotes professional learning and collaborative practice to support improvement and raises professional status. However, Torrance and Humes (2015) argue that perhaps teacher leadership is promoted to support a bottom-up school improvement agenda, in a way that suggests teachers are empowered; however, this may be considered as a mechanism of managerial professionalism, “thus teacher leadership cannot be understood without consideration of power and hierarchy but also teacher agency and autonomy” (McMahon, 2018, p. 862). This locates teachers as key agents of change in a complex environment, where there is an expectation of leadership at all levels within a culture of trust and accountability of the profession. Teacher leadership is an expected stance of all teachers, whether they have a formal leadership role or not, as all teachers are leaders of learning and learners. Teacher leadership is fundamental to an improving system which is premised on the balance of trust and accountability. Sahlberg & Walker (2021) suggest that “trust is an element of culture that is rooted in a sense of professionalism and shared purpose of education” (p. 21). This is added to in Unlocking the Potential of Professional Review and Development (GTC Scotland, 2020), where a culture of trust is positioned as a fundamental aspect of professional development; it is stated that “rather than assume that trust exists, improving schools regularly self-evaluate to understand the quality of their relationships which are fundamental to a positive learning culture and school ethos” (p. 4). However, trust comes with “consequential accountability to

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guarantee that schools really did what they were expected to do” (Sahlberg & Walker, 2021, p. 40) and is premised on the expectations of teachers “to act in certain ways, make certain choices, and meet their obligations” (Didau, 2020, p. 58). In this way, obligations can be considered as accountabilities and may be positioned as “a culture of suspicion,” where “schools and teachers cannot be trusted to do the right thing and take responsibility for their own development, so they need to be coerced with the cudgel of accountability until they fall into line” (Didau, 2020, p. 43), demonstrating the tension between trust and accountability. However, accountability can also be considered as a mechanism to increase trust, as it de-privatizes teachers’ practice and provides systems of audit and key performance indicators to support evaluation when viewed through a managerial lens. Teachers are not, however, a homogenous group, but a collection of individuals with unique skills, talents, and ambitions; therefore, supporting teachers’ professional learning is another complexity as “one-size” does not fit all. There are groups of teachers, however in similar phases of their career, who can benefit from opportunities for specific and focused professional learning. For example, within the probation to early career continuum, teachers require a varying level of support from more experienced teachers to help them develop their own teacher identity, and not create “cookie cutter” models of teachers. More experienced teachers require focused support and opportunities to continue to grow as professionals and contribute to a wider agenda across schools and communities and at a national level. This may include access to Master-level learning to fulfill the ambition from Teaching Scotland’s Future (2011) of a master-level profession or more formal leadership roles underpinned by Professional Standards and qualifications.

A “Mature” Profession Teaching is considered a profession as it aligns with the characteristic of a profession, outlined by Christie (2003, p. 953) where members of the profession: • • • •

Possess specialist knowledge Have the ability to apply a high level of skills or technical expertise Are committed to an ethic of service Have the capacity to exercise both individual and collective self-regulation

The teaching profession in Scotland, we suggest, is a “mature profession” (Sachs, 2016, p. 422). This suggests that teaching as a profession “has the confidence to represent itself to others in ways that are trusted, valued and respected” (ibid.). Sachs (2016) describes a “mature profession” as one that “is complex and continually evolving” (p. 422) where teachers have the skills to engage with stakeholders and research and take risks to support improvement. The characteristics of the teaching profession in Scotland as a mature profession based on Sachs (2016) assertions, which align with the statutory functions of GTC Scotland, are as follows:

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• To maintain a register of teachers in Scotland • To set the Professional Standards expected of all teachers • To accredit programs leading to the award of GTC Scotland’s Professional Standards including Initial Teacher Education programs at Scottish Universities • To advise the Scottish Government on matters relating to Scotland’s teachers and teacher professionalism • To provide public protection and assure the high quality of the teaching profession by investigating and adjudicating on the Fitness to Teach of registrants through robust and fair regulation processes One of the most important policies to support the notion of a mature profession is the Professional Standards which is used to set and maintain expectations of teachers in Scotland and can therefore be considered as one of the key policies that enable teacher professionalism. Just as the notion of profession is evolving, so too is the notion of teacher professionalism. Changes and adaptions to Professional Standards over time demonstrate the impact of these developing notions. Professionalism is a slippery concept (Goodwin, 2021; Rizvi & Lingard, 2000; Sachs 2016); Goodwin (2021) suggests it is “tied to an ongoing struggle for control over teachers’ work and purpose, with notions of teacher knowledge, autonomy and responsibility buffeted and redefined by external factors, including the social, political or cultural” (p. 8). It appears to be premised on the cultural context and “seems generally to be seen as the identification and expression of what is required and expected of members of a profession” (Evans, 2008, p. 25). It exists in an educational space where teachers express their professional identity through their actions and can comply, strategically, or struggle to comply with the priorities and policies in context. It is where teachers own their “professionality” (Hoyle, 1975) and is intertwined with the collective professionalism of the profession. Thus, Goodwin drawing on the work of Mausethagen and Granlund (2012) comments that there are “constructions of teacher professionalism from ‘above’ and ‘within’” (p. 8). This aligns with Evetts (2011) who discusses “new professionalism” and offers a continuum from organizational (imposed from above) to occupational (consensus from within). Other authors such as Sachs (2016), Whitty (2008) and Fullan, and RinconGallardo & Hargreaves (2015) propose similar models. Sachs (2016) suggests “contractual” and “responsive accountability,” Whitty (2008) posits “democratic” and “managerialism” professionalism, and Fullan, Rincon-Gallardo, & Hargreaves (2015) contrast external and internal accountabilities. Within Scotland, teachers appear to accept that individual and collective professionalism are the foundations of the profession and accountability to self and others is a fundamental aspect of “Being a teacher in Scotland.” This has resonance with Fournier’s (1999) description of professionalism as “autonomous professional practice within a network of accountability” (p. 280) where teachers can express their professionalism in their context but recognize that this exists in a framework of external accountability to the profession and society.

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Toward Intelligent Accountabilities Accountability may be aligned with neoliberal influences where governments try to advance their global economic position, through the marketization of education, which “emphasises performance and product over personal enrichment” (Moore & Clarke, 2016, p. 666). In education, “checks and balances offered by accountability systems are necessary” (Didau, 2020, p. 78) and premised on “what we have collectively decided is the best way to hold each other to account” (Ibid. p. 78). GTC Scotland as an independent registration and regulation body plays a major role in this balance of trust and accountability in the Scottish education system. GTC Scotland as one of the oldest teaching councils in the world, being established in 1965, is governed by a Council of 37 members, 19 elected registered teachers, 11 educational stakeholder nominees, and seven lay members appointed by an Independent Appointments Committee. Council members are impartial and are governed by the Code of Conduct and Membership Scheme (see GTC Scotland website). Council members serve a 4-year term; however, there is a 2-year rolling program of election, nomination, and appointment, which results in half of the Council members stepping down every 2 years. Council members play a significant role in supporting and shaping the teaching profession through establishing the strategic direction of GTC Scotland and overseeing the strategic plan and policy development. Council meetings occur four times a year and are open to the public, it is here that strategy and policy are discussed. Much of the Council’s work is delegated to committees, which recommend policies for approval by Council. At the time of writing, the current committees are the Conveners Committee, Professional Regulatory Assurance Committee, Education Committee, Finance and Corporate Services Committee, and the Appointments Committee. GTC Scotland works with partners and stakeholders both nationally and internationally; this includes having Memoranda of Understanding with large organizations such as the Scottish Social Services Council and the Scottish Government, and as a member of the International Forum of Teacher Regulatory Authorities, working with sister teaching councils across Europe, Africa, North America, and Australasia. The standing of GTC Scotland both nationally and internationally is testament to the clear vision “to inspire world-class teaching professionalism” and its mission “to maintain the integrity of registration and regulation of the teaching profession as a safeguard for the quality of education in Scotland and to enhance teaching professionalism at an individual, group and system level,” as described in the refreshed Strategic Plan 2020–2023 (GTCS, 2021). This provides both aspiration for and trust in the teaching profession and promotes teacher professionalism and also provides a system of professional accountability. This balance of trust and accountability is necessary to maintain an “intelligent accountability” (Didau, 2020) of the teaching profession in Scotland. The main aim of “intelligent accountability” is to increase trust in teachers, where the accountability mechanisms in place support teacher professionalism, where data collection is used to create a data picture that evidences the effectiveness of teaching and helps identify areas where the data is insufficient which can be addressed directly to support improvement.

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Professional Learning GTC Scotland supports and promotes teacher professionalism and professional learning through extensive partnership working. The strategic aims of GTC Scotland for 2020–2023, all underpinned by the suite of Professional Standards (2021), enable teacher professionalism and help harness the power of “intelligent accountability” to create the conditions where teachers have ownership of their own professional learning. This means trusting in Scotland’s teachers and their expertise. We know teaching is complex. The more we learn about how learning happens and how teaching affects this, the more complex it becomes. What teachers do in learning spaces is complex and contains so many uncertainties that it is not easily reduced to “what works” as this does not take into consideration what works for whom, when, where, and how. As Le Fevre et al. (2020) state “linear cause-and-effect thinking, simplifying, and picking apart of processes or problems cannot result in sustained change and improvement” (p. 1). This opens up the debate about what professional learning is, what it is for, and how the time and space is carved out of the daily business of teachers to ensure professional learning has high impact on teachers themselves and importantly on the children and young people they teach. Professional learning, therefore, needs to be about teachers being responsive and adaptive to the needs of themselves as professional learners and the needs of the children and young people with whom they make a difference to through their interactions. Within professional learning, there is a clear tension between the self-evaluation of individual professional learning needs and the collective professional learning needs in any context. In partnership with professional learning providers, GTC Scotland promotes opportunities to enhance teacher professionalism and encourages ownership of professional learning by teachers to create a learning-enriched culture where teachers are supported to engage in collaborative and individual enquiry that supports profession and system growth. A culture and climate of trust, where teachers feel nurtured, valued, and empowered is core to teachers having ownership of their own professional learning and provides a mechanism for “intelligent accountabilities” (Didau, 2020). This climate of trust is a “fundamental aspect of being a supporter” (Morley et al., 2022, p. 38), where supporter is the term given to the coach or mentor of a probationer teacher in Scotland. Drawing on the work of Rippon and Martin (2006), Morley et al. (2022) state “this trusting professional relationship is determined by the interpersonal skills of both supporter and probationer teacher” (p. 39), thus making trust of paramount importance in the professional development of teachers. It is not enough for a coach to possess the required skills and techniques to coach; the teacher being coached also needs to know from the coaches’ behavior, attitude, and consistency that they are a person to be trusted. This provides intelligent accountability through high-quality coaching conversations that offer both support and challenge to the teacher. Coaching conversations, which are the mark of a highquality PRD experience, are helped by coaches using Professional Standards as a professional learning tool, to support a common language and focus on the professional dialogue (Adonoiu & Gallagher, 2017).

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GTC Scotland highlights the role of practitioner enquiry as a tool to enhance teacher professionalism by its inclusion in the suite of Professionals Standards. Practitioner enquiry is an area of professional learning which was highlighted in Teaching Scotland’s Future (Donaldson, 2011) as a way forward to support teachers to become more engaged with research and to support their own learning and ultimately the learning experiences of children and young people. Fitchman-Dana (2015) discusses how a critical inquiry stance is a “way to live one’s life as an educator to maximise impact, making life and learning conditions better for all students” (p. 163). Teachers who engage in enquiry and have an enquiry-as-stance disposition engage in critical analysis of their context and harness “their power inside and outside the classroom” (Nieto, 2007, p. 307) to disrupt and enhance their thinking and practice. Enquiry, as defined by Menter et al. (2011), is a “finding out” or an investigation with a rationale and approach that can be explained or defended. The findings can then be shared so it becomes more than reflection or personal enquiry. This interrogation by teachers into their own practice offers an opportunity to deeply reflect and learn from their own experiences and research, to improve their practice, and can play a major part in making change more systemic and sustainable as teachers become “agents of their own professional learning.”

Communities of Practice and Networks If teachers and teaching are to become truly research informed (Donaldson, 2011), the education system needs to move beyond the current hegemonies to inhabit the “third space” (Soja, 1996; Moje, 2004). Hulme et al. (2009) comment that the “third space” provides a “platform on which professionals from a variety of backgrounds can relate to each other at different levels of conversational complexity” (p. 538). Thus it can be considered as a “neutral space” which allows teacher enquirers to work in small networks to challenge their own assumptions and develop an enhanced professionalism through a more collaborative cocreation. Teacher enquirers must also be provided with multiple opportunities to learn, independently and in collaboration with others, and use Professional Standards to ask critical questions of their practice, their context, and the policy context to support the best possible outcomes for children and young people. This can be achieved through communities of practice or enquiry networks. Sustainable networks and communities of practice can support research-informed teaching, where teachers create networks to support their own professional growth. Erikson (1966) suggests that “belonging” supports the development of our professional identity and professional development. Therefore, communities of practice or networks that are premised on interdependencies and are nurtured through the relationships of the members are valuable spaces for professional learning. These spaces, created through mutual support of an idea rather than tied together by purpose or task, rely on internal professional socialization rather than external accountability. However, as suggested by Drucker (1992), networks and communities of practice do not develop naturally; it requires struggle, and the answer to all the

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tough questions is in the struggle, as networks are defined by the bonds that hold their members together. These spaces also need to provide teachers opportunities to take risks and develop their practice signposted by Professional Standards. The Scottish education system, like other education systems, is complex. An unexpected gain from the Covid-19 pandemic has been the necessity to rethink what we mean by connection and communities of practice. As previously suggested, “belonging” is critically important and the development of communities of practice and networks in digital spaces have created a sense of belonging which needs to be harnessed and further developed to amplify the voices of teachers who may not previously have had space for their voices to be heard. There is too significant opportunity with the creation of the post of lead teacher in Scotland, to support communities of practice or networks, where teachers can demonstrate their leadership of learning for themselves and guide the learning of colleagues. These communities of practice or networks support collaborative professionalism defined by Hargreaves and O’Connor (2018) to be about how teachers collaborate more professionally and also how they work as a profession in a more collaborative way. In a culture of collaborative professionalism, there is potential for adaptive expertise to develop as teachers’ thinking is intentionally interrupted (Hargreaves & O’Connor, 2018). These communities of practice support the development of adaptive experts, those who can navigate the complexity of the educational landscape, taking cognizance of culturally located context and are driven by professional decision-making. Being a proactive problem solver in uncertain times requires adaptive rather than routine skills and expertise. Adaptive experts respond in the moment using their skills, knowledge, and experiences, while being aware of unintended consequences to promote experiences that have a positive impact on their own learning and the learning of others. This is supported by leadership in context, as teachers cannot do this alone and leaders can create the space to help teachers build their adaptive and collective expertise through collaborative working which in turn enhances teacher professionalism. GTC Scotland is a strong proponent of communities of practice and has in a number of ways tried to support this, for example, by supporting the Scottish Education Research Association (SERA) in endeavoring to mobilize communities of practice and bring together academics and teachers to learn together.

Conclusion Through this chapter, we have discussed the centrality of GTC Scotland to the teaching profession of Scotland. In this, we argue that rather than being positioned as external to teachers and teaching, GTC Scotland plays an integral role in ensuring and enhancing trust and value in Scotland’s teaching profession through frameworks that define and scaffold effective professional development and learning and thus teacher professionalism. It is important to look back to the history of the establishment of GTC Scotland and show that teachers have had a long-held desire to be seen as professionals.

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Indeed, GTC Scotland was established in response to teachers being unsatisfied with teacher quality, leading to the creation of the Register of Teachers to ensure that all teachers had suitable qualifications to teach in Scotland’s schools. Reputation was also an important factor in the establishment of GTC Scotland to provide public confidence and work in the public interest, allowing the profession the privilege of being responsible for its own standards. The quality mark, underpinned by the Order (2011), laid out the statutory aims of GTC Scotland to set teaching standards and contribute to improving the quality of teaching and learning. It also positioned GTC Scotland as integral to teachers and the teaching profession and enhanced the role of teachers’ ongoing professional development and learning, alongside a regulatory framework of Fitness to Teach. The 2011 Order also provided the definition of what it means to be a teacher in Scotland as someone who has the required qualification to be included on the Register of Teachers. The 2011 Order also outlined the core functions which allow GTC Scotland to register and regulate. This means that GTC Scotland holds the tension between trust and accountability for teacher professionalism in Scotland. Critics would suggest that “to hold teachers accountable for their performance is wrong” (Didau, 2020, p. 86) and suggest that teachers should be trusted implicitly. However, another school of thought suggests that there is a need for robust accountability system to ensure children and young people are receiving the best quality learning experiences and having their needs met. As a body that registers and regulates teachers, GTC Scotland holds this space, underpinned by the suite of Professionals Standards and the Code of Professionalism and Conduct, to enhance teacher professionalism as teachers “should be held to account for the trust they are given” (Didau, 2020, p. 88). Supporting teachers to navigate the tension between trust and accountability, GTC Scotland scaffolds different aspects of a teacher’s learning and development through the continuum of their career. This work is underpinned by a suite of Professional Standards and The Code of Professionalism and Conduct which have been created by the profession for the profession, again demonstrating the symbiotic relationship of teachers and GTC Scotland. This framework defines what it means to be a teacher in Scotland and shares this professional identity with the public. Reassurance is provided by the Professional Update process, in which teachers are supported to continue to engage in professional learning and maintain their registration. But the world is complex, and teaching is complex. Therefore, GTC Scotland along with partners needs to support teachers develop the skills, knowledge, and aptitudes to embrace and thrive in complexity. GTC Scotland supports teachers to enhance their professionalism and supports the notion of teaching in Scotland being a “mature profession” (Sachs, 2016), where the continuum of trust and accountability is navigated by teachers on a daily basis. This navigation is enhanced by communities of practice where teachers are supported to develop as adaptive experts who embrace complexity to improve outcomes for their own learning and development, and outcomes for children and young people. GTC Scotland supports teacher professionalism through the unique relationships it has with each teacher throughout their career, but more can be done. With partners

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across the education system, GTC Scotland needs to consider what support can be provided to communities of practice? How do professional values and Professional Standards guide how do teachers work? How teachers continue to learn? And how we interact with each other? Additionally, as the registration and regulation body for teachers, GTC Scotland has a responsibility to ensure their public narrative is clear and articulate, ensuring that teachers and teaching are highly trusted and valued by Scottish society throughout the journey of becoming, being, and growing as a teacher.

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Part VI Teacher Identity and Professionalism

Anchoring Teacher Professional Learning and Development in Context: How Schools Enable Teachers to Thrive

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Quality Revisited: Values and Beliefs at the Core . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Soulfulness of Quality: Teaching as a Vocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Psychological Functioning That Enhances Quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Effective Teacher Professional Development Revisited: A Consensus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Effective Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Ineffective Human Capital Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Variation in Teachers’ Professional Concerns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anchoring Professional Learning in Context: How Schools Enable Teachers to Thrive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Social Ecological Approach to Developing Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing and Sustaining Teacher Quality in Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Building and sustaining teacher quality is more than an individual responsibility. This chapter builds upon but extends current understanding of the individual and organizational conditions for developing and sustaining teachers’ learning and development in context and over the course of their professional lives. From a social-ecological perspective and grounded in a synthesis of empirical research over the last two decades, the chapter revisits what we have learned from the literature about effective teacher professional development opportunities – with a view to explore why the human capital approach to teacher development has not worked as well as had been hoped, and how school organizations matter in supporting the professional development of teachers and their identity over time. Q. Gu (*) UCL Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_31

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Keywords

Teacher development · Professional learning and development · Teacher quality · School organization

Introduction The important role of a high-quality teaching profession in raising standards and transforming educational outcomes cannot be better emphasized in research papers nationally and internationally. Getting the right people into the teaching profession and developing them to become effective teachers have played a central role in enabling the world’s most improved school systems to come out on top, and, more importantly, keep getting better (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Mourshed et al., 2010). It is no surprise that the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have repeatedly argued that making teaching a more attractive and more effective profession must be the priority in all school systems if they are to secure and enhance effective learning (OECD, 2009, 2011, 2018a). It remains the case, however, for diverse and complex socio-economic and political reasons, that for many countries retaining and developing committed and effective teachers is a real challenge. In many low- and medium-income countries, for example, where school enrolment is on the rise, an acute shortage of primary teachers represents one of the greatest hurdles to providing education for all school-age children (UNESCO, 2011, 2014, 2015). A lack of resources and financial incentive packages to attract qualified personnel into teaching has meant that quantity, rather than quality, continues to be a primary concern in their efforts to provide basic education. This has meant that, unfortunately, children in countries needing teachers the most tend to be taught by the least qualified personnel (UNESCO, 2006, 2015, 2020). In the world of high-income countries, such as the USA, the UK, and many European countries, shortage of teacher supply tends to be a particularly pressing problem for core subject areas such as maths, modern foreign languages, and science (European Commission, 2012, 2014; European Parliament, 2019) and for schools serving socioeconomically deprived communities (Ingersoll, 2001; Guarino et al., 2006; Boyd et al., 2008; Allen & McInerney, 2019). There are also troubling indicators suggesting that teacher quality is especially lower in schools serving high-need communities (Loeb et al., 2005; Boyd et al., 2008; Goldhaber & Hansen, 2009; Sibieta, 2020) where most children, who are already disadvantaged in accessing or benefiting from rich capital and social capital in their early years, are then denied access to the quality education to which they are entitled when entering the formal school system.

Teacher Quality Revisited: Values and Beliefs at the Core Depending on the theoretical and methodological interests and preferences of educational researchers, the definitions and measures of teacher quality vary considerably. At times, the meaning of teacher quality is used interchangeably with that

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of teaching quality. For example, in some studies where the research focus was on investigating increases in the quality of teaching, value-added scores and learning gains were used to measure and categorize the quality of teachers rather than what they do in the classroom (e.g., Chetty et al., 2014; Bowen & Mills, 2017). It is necessary to make a distinction between teacher quality and teaching quality because, as Kennedy (2010) argues, “the qualities teachers bring with them to their work are not always enough to ensure better teaching practices” (2010: 591). A profound difference is that the former is essentially concerned about the person in the professional teacher, while the latter is about the practice of the professional. Put differently, teacher quality concerns who the teacher is, what being a teacher means to the person, and what the values, capacity, and capabilities they have that influence, positively or negatively, student learning and achievement. In contrast, teaching quality is primarily concerned with what the teacher does in the classroom (i.e., processes and activities of instruction) and how well they do it (i.e., the impact of instruction on student learning). Thus, quality teaching, as Kennedy (2010) reminds us, refers to not only the “enduring personal qualities that they bring with them” but also to ‘a function of schedules, materials, students, institutional incursions into the classroom, and the persistent clutter of reforms that teachers must accommodate’ (2010: 597). Put differently, teacher quality attends to the ethical and vocational values, passion, and resilience, as well as cognitive, social, and psychological resources and dispositions of the person in the teacher – all of which influence, powerfully and profoundly, teachers’ capacity to teach well over the course of their professional lives. Their commitment, enthusiasm, and resilience – qualities that are harder to measure – are fundamental to how teachers feel about their work, how they think about themselves as professionals, and, importantly, how they are (or are not) able to fulfill their professional values and core purposes by making a real difference to children’s learning and achievement. It follows that teachers’ altruistic values and efficacious beliefs are two inner resources of teacher quality.

The Soulfulness of Quality: Teaching as a Vocation In describing teaching a calling and vocation, Hansen (1995, 2021) invites us to probe deeply into understanding the soulfulness and passion in teaching as well as the social origins of the practice of teaching which embodies teachers’ aesthetic (e.g., having a feeling and a sense for work done well), moral, and intellectual endeavors and inspirations to enact their inner urge to make a difference to the learning and achievement of their students. The language of vocation underscores the fact that it is not the teaching role itself, but “the person within the role and who shapes it who teaches students” (1995: 17). It therefore takes us inward to recognize that when the person is called to “be a teacher rather than just to do or perform a job that others might easily accomplish in their place (Sherman, 2013, 2020)” (Hansen, 2021: 23), we see the identity of the person in the teacher and get closer to understand why for many teachers, teaching is much larger than a job.

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The sense of vocation finds its expression at the crossroads of public service and personal fulfilment. It takes shape through involvement in work that has social meaning and value. . . . Vocation is also expressed over time. . . . a person cannot will a sense of service into existence nor wake up one day and decide to be of service. Those dispositions grow and take shape over time, through interaction with people and through the attempt to perform the work well. (Hansen, 2021: 3–4)

In a similar vein, Bullough and Pinnegar (2009) argue that it is in moments when teachers were meeting their ethical obligations to children that they felt elevated and were reminded of why they were first “called to teach” (2009: 246). Over the last decade, evidence from our own research in England and China and international surveys of teachers (OECD, 2014, 2018b) repeatedly shows that the majority of teachers in the profession are still hopeful, committed, and passionate about making a difference to the learning and lives of the children – for whom they care and feel responsible. Recognizing how these inner meanings motivate teachers to improve their ability to teach well is integral to understanding why the teaching profession is regarded by many committed and dedicated teachers as a “lifestyle” (Day & Gu, 2014). Such a view of teaching as vocation leads to a positive and productive emphasis on learning, growth, and development – which regards teachers’ need for intellectual challenge and capacity building as an indispensable part of their moral responsibility. It reveals profoundly that the good life of teaching entails both an intellectual act and a moral enterprise (Huberman, 1993; Palmer, 2007; Day & Gu, 2010, 2014; Goodlad et al., 1990; Hansen, 2021). It is this inner meaningfulness – intellectually, emotionally, and spiritually – that influences, deeply and powerfully, teachers’ own sense of identity and well-being. Becoming a wonderful teacher, or a great or awesome teacher, is a lifetime affair. This is because good teaching is forever pursuing better teaching; it is always dynamic and in motion, always growing, learning, developing, searching for a better way. Teaching is never finished, never still, never easily summed up. “Wonderful Teacher” might be inscribed on someone’s lifetime achievement award, printed on a retirement party banner, or etched on a tombstone, but it is never right for a working teacher. (Ayers, 2010: p. 16)

Psychological Functioning That Enhances Quality Values and efficacious beliefs are both key aspects of psychological functioning (OECD, 2013). On the one hand, purpose and meaning, as “powerful regulators of human behaviour” (Welzel & Inglehart, 2010, p. 47), empower (or limit) individuals’ efficacious beliefs in their capacity to perform proficiently in context. On the other hand, teachers need to feel efficacious in what they do in order for there to be a positive effect on work satisfaction from their strong values. Put differently, only when teachers’ care and love for students are enacted in ways which enable them to master the challenges and thus continue to teach to their best can they experience higher levels of satisfaction with the quality of their work as a teacher.

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Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory defines perceived self-efficacy as individuals’ beliefs about their capabilities to exercise control over events that affect their lives, to produce expected performance, and to influence others. People with strong beliefs in their capabilities make things happen by setting themselves challenging goals, thinking strategically in the face of difficulties, and remaining resilient, motivated, and task-focused (Bandura, 1997). Bandura (1997) thus rejects the view that efficacy beliefs are mere inert predictors of performance accomplishment. Rather, he argues that they are “a vital personal resource” (2000: 120) which function as a key contributor to effective functioning and human flourishing. When faced with obstacles, setbacks, and failures, those who doubt their capabilities slacken their efforts, give up, or settle for mediocre solutions. Those who have a strong belief in their capabilities redouble their effort to master the challenges. (Bandura, 2000: 120)

Bandura’s argument, together with findings from the later research on teachers’ selfefficacy (e.g., Klassen et al., 2011; Renshaw et al., 2015; Zee & Koomen, 2016), offers conceptual and empirical ground for the argument that teachers’ efficacy beliefs are their self-referent judgments of their own capacity and capability to perform at certain levels (Kelley & Finnigan, 2003; Zee & Koomen, 2016). Over the last 30 years, research has consistently reported that self-efficacious teachers tend to suffer less emotional exhaustion and burnout symptoms, and experience more confidence in mastering challenging tasks and higher levels of responsibility for teaching, commitment, personal accomplishment, and job satisfaction (e.g., Klassen & Chiu, 2010; Pillay et al., 2005; Skaalvik & Skaalvik, 2011; Schwerdtfeger et al., 2008; Zee & Koomen, 2016; Song et al., 2020). These findings lend support for the view that the strengths of teachers’ judgements of their performance capability enhance, or constrain, the strengths of their aspiration, commitment, and effort to fulfill different task demands in given circumstances, and, through these, influence, positively or negatively, their emotional outlook and satisfaction with the quality of their work and life.

Effective Teacher Professional Development Revisited: A Consensus Building and sustaining teacher quality is more than an individual responsibility. Those teachers who excel and whose students excel with them do not just do so on their own. While it is clearly the responsibility of each teacher to teach to their best, it is the responsibility of each individual school, school district, and national government to ensure that they are able to do so through high-quality leadership and the provision of intellectual, technical, social, and other necessary resources in their work environments. Key in this regard is how school organizations and the school systems as a whole support teachers – individually and collectively – in their continuing education efforts. This is because, as Randi and Zeichner (2005) concluded in their review of teacher professional development, “the quality of education

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that will be available in our public schools will depend on the quality of professional learning opportunities available to teachers” (2005: 221). In the remainder of the chapter, I will revisit what we have learned from the literature about effective teacher professional development opportunities – with a view to explore why the human capital approach to teacher development has not worked as well as had been hoped, and how school organizations matter in supporting the learning and development of teachers in different professional life phases and in their context of work.

Defining Effective Professional Development Investing in teachers’ career-long professional learning and development has been regarded by policymakers, researchers, and think tanks as a cost-effective approach to retaining committed and capable teachers for the profession (DfE, 2019; EPI, 2020, 2021a, b; RAND, 2021; PBE, 2022; Perry et al., 2022). In their extensive and authoritative review of teacher professional development, Darling-Hammond, Hyler, and Gardner (2017) expanded the consensus in the research literature about effective professional development and defined it as “structured professional learning that results in changes to teacher knowledge and practices, and improvements in student learning outcomes” (2017: 2). Professional learning is conceptualized as “a product of both externally provided and job-embedded activities that increase teachers’ knowledge and help them change their instructional practice in ways that support student learning” (2017: 2). Central to the conceptualization are seven key elements that effective teacher professional development is found to possess to impact teachers’ knowledge and practices: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Is content focused Incorporates active learning utilizing adult learning theory Supports collaboration, typically in job-embedded contexts Uses models and modeling of effective practices Provides coaching and expert support Offers opportunities for feedback and reflection Is of sustained duration (Darling-Hammond et al., 2017: 4)

In her earlier review on effective teacher professional learning and development, Timperley (2008) highlighted more explicitly the significance of professional learning experiences in supporting teachers to understand the links between particular teaching activities, the ways different groups of students respond and what their students actually learn in professional learning, and valued student outcomes. The effectiveness of professional learning and development therefore lies in whether the design is able to develop teachers’ knowledge and skills in ways that promote deep learning and enable effective changes in practice which have positive impacts on their students.

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The Ineffective Human Capital Approach However, to date, extensive efforts to improve schools – especially those serving disadvantaged and marginalized communities – by increasing teachers’ human capital (i.e., sum of teachers’ knowledge, skills, capabilities, and dispositions) appear to have failed to bring about the desired result. Examples include the £355 m funds for strategic school improvement and teaching and leadership innovation in England, and the four-year Wellcome CPD Challenge to increase the quantity of subject-specific professional development. The failure of the teacher-centered human capital strategy to transforming teacher quality and reforming schools is not limited to England alone. In the USA, for example, Johnson (2019) questioned the lack of success in reaching its goal of improving student achievement and graduation rates of the intense and costly effort of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation’s six-year, $575 million intervention to improve human capital in three large urban school districts and four charter management organizations. This and other UK-wide initiatives suffer from a profound conceptual limitation and have struggled to identify sustained impact on improvement: By focusing narrowly on individual teachers’ learning entitlements and increasing the total sum of teachers’ knowledge, skills, and dispositions, these initiatives have largely ignored the integral role of the school organization in developing, harnessing, and retaining the passion and commitment of teachers. Schools are the finders and keepers of teachers (Johnson, 2004). In her more recent work on where teachers thrive, Johnson (2019) argues that Relying exclusively on efforts to improve human capital in this way rests on the shaky assumption that a teacher’s success is independent of the school context in which he works, that a teacher who is effective in one school will be equally effective in any other. It is as if the features of schools that teachers regularly report matter to them – for example, the knowledge and skills of the principal, the effectiveness of schoolwide order and discipline, how time is used, whether they have a curriculum and what it is – have no influence on teachers’ practice or their ability to successfully educate their students. According to this view, schools are little more than collections of classrooms, each housing a teacher and her students, who work together unaffected by others. (Johnson, 2019: 3–4)

Variation in Teachers’ Professional Concerns What appears to have also been overlooked in the research consensus on effective teacher professional development is how professional learning experiences best respond to the variation in teachers’ professional needs and concerns that are closely associated with not only the environments of the school organization, but also teachers’ length of service in the profession. In our work on teachers’ work and lives (Day & Gu, 2007, 2010; Gu, 2017), we identified distinctive “professional life phases” over the course of teachers’ work and lives where groups of teachers demonstrated similar professional needs and concerns and characteristics of

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professional identities. These concerns and characteristics were shown to be associated with their length of service in the profession, rather than chronological age. According to the concerns theory (van den Berg, 2002: 593), “a concern reflects feelings of lacking the competence needed to conduct new educational activities in a responsible manner.” Teachers are likely to experience different challenges in different professional life phases and the ways in which they – and their leaders – are able to manage these are likely to affect their motivation, commitment, and capacity to teach well. The difference in individual teachers’ capacities to manage these challenges reveal not only different levels of psychological, spiritual, and emotional strength in the inner landscape of their professional selves (Palmer, 2007), but also the influence of their ability to manage (or not manage) successfully the complex internal and external influences which threatened to impact negatively on their commitment, resilience, and capacity to teach to their best. For many new teachers who are yet to develop their professional identity as a teacher, for example, the ways that their schools are led and organized often shape their perceptions of what the reality of teaching is and also determine whether their journey into the profession is likely to feature what Huberman (1993) has described as “easy” or “painful” beginnings (Day & Gu, 2010). Our research shows that the provision of responsive and differentiated support to meet teachers’ professional and personal learning needs at different times in their work and lives can help counter declining commitment trajectories, as well as enhance the continuity of positive development of teachers’ professional identity and commitment and, thus, their effectiveness.

Anchoring Professional Learning in Context: How Schools Enable Teachers to Thrive A Social Ecological Approach to Developing Teachers The theoretical underpinning of the social ecology of teachers’ work, lives, and professional development emerged from Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) groundbreaking work on human development which is, in essence, concerned with the interconnectedness and interactions between multilevel systems and the ways they shape the course of human development throughout the life span. Bronfenbrenner defined human development as “the person’s evolving conception of the ecological environment, and is relation to it, as well as the person’s growing capacity to discover, sustain, or later its properties” (1979, p. 9). The relevance of the social-ecological approach to developing teachers’ quality are at least threefold. First, an environment-centered approach to understanding how teachers thrive recognizes that the complexity of the reciprocating multilevel systems in education influences the quality of the intellectual, social, and organizational conditions in which teachers work – which in turn impact on their professional identities and capacity to be committed and effective. Among these, the mediating environment of the school organization, structure, and culture are particularly significant (Gu, 2014; Gu & Day, 2007, 2013).

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Second, the person x environment approach to teacher development (i.e., indispensable interaction between person and environment) (Ungar et al., 2013) recognizes teachers as “moral and political agents” (Soder, 2004: 11) whose values form the hub of a school’s culture which energizes teachers’ collaboration, learning, and development. Deal and Peterson (2009) argue that “like a butterfly, a school must be nurtured by its inner energy in order to thrive” (2009: 180). This reinforces the observation that teachers’ actions, commitment, and beliefs also influence, individually and collectively, the social and organizational culture and contexts in which they work and live. Third, a process-oriented, developmental-contextual approach to investigating teacher development in the context of change and development recognizes that over time teachers’ capacity to learn unfolds progressively, if unevenly, in a developing individual (Schoon, 2012). Teacher quality or, put differently, teachers’ capacity to develop and sustain their qualities to teach well is nurtured, learned, and acquired in their context of work. For many teachers who have managed to sustain their commitment and motivation in the profession, the ability to weather the often unpredictable “storm” of school and classroom life (Patterson & Kelleher, 2005) is not an option, but a necessity. Sustained pursuit of continuing professional learning and development is what makes good teachers and great teaching. This is a careerlong moral commitment and “a sustainable investment for professional capital” (Hargreaves & Fullan, 2012: 186).

Developing and Sustaining Teacher Quality in Context The conceptual strengths of the social ecological approach to researching teachers’ work and lives highlight the significance of schools as “finders and keepers” (Johnson, 2004) of committed, resilient, and quality teachers. Despite the reform and societal pressures on teachers, research consistently shows that three interrelated conditions – teachers’ vocational selves, social and professional relationships with colleagues, and leadership support and recognition – are found to be integral in enabling them to sustain their educational purposes and successfully manage the “unavoidable uncertainty” (Shulman, 1987, p. 1) inherent in their everyday work life to continue to learn, to develop, and to make a difference. Schools that are led by strong leadership create the necessary organizational cultures and conditions that harness the knowledge, skills, and core values and purpose of the staff and enable them to fulfill their professional commitments in collaboration and partnership with colleagues both within and outside the school. The positive impact of strong leadership on student learning through building supportive school culture and creating favorable working conditions for teachers is well documented in the teacher development, school improvement, and school effectiveness literature (Hallinger, 2005; Johnson, 2004; Leithwood et al., 2004, 2006; Gu et al., 2008; Day et al., 2011; Sammons et al., 2011). School principals especially are instrumental in bringing about improved learning experiences and outcomes in schools. They contribute to student learning largely indirectly through

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(re)designing structural, sociocultural, and relational processes that are conducive to promoting communities of professional learning for teachers and, through these, raising the quality of teaching and learning (Bryk et al., 2010; Day et al., 2011; Gu & Johansson, 2013; Hallinger & Heck, 2010a, b; Leithwood et al., 2010, 2017; Sun & Leithwood, 2012, 2015). In this process, school leaders, and school principals especially, are the architects of social relations and learning cultures in their schools. The quality and professional capability of leadership also defines the extent to which individual schools are to be engaged with externally initiated improvement effort and the ways in which the new learning is to be aligned with, as well as advance, the existing culture and capacity for change and sustained improvement. Policy shifts have become unavoidable political realities of education in many education systems which more often than not challenge and frustrate teachers’ professionalism (Gu et al., 2018). How school leaders interpret and make sense, rationally and emotionally, of what a particular policy means to their schools and then decide “whether and how to ignore, adapt, or adopt” this policy locally (Spillane et al., 2002, p. 733) influences not only how the policy is interpreted by their teachers and how effectively it is implemented in the school, but, importantly, the extent to which the actions of “enactment” are likely to disrupt, constrain, or advance further improvement of the school. At the heart of this process are continuous leadership efforts to support collaborative professional learning and development and, through this, to build the necessary whole-school capacity for sustainable personal, social, and academic improvement in student outcomes. In their seminal work on reforms as learning, Hubbard, Mehan, and Stein (2006) argue that embedding organizational learning is key to achieving schools’ improvement goals in the context of reform and change: Only individuals can contribute to an organisation’s learning; however, an organisation’s learning is distinct from an individual’s learning because it inheres in the interrelated activities of many people, not in the heads of solitary people. . . . [Organisational] learning [occurs] when communities of individuals gradually transform their practices over time as they engage one another in response to changes in their environment associated with reaching the organisation’s goal of improving student learning. (Hubbard et al., 2006: 15)

It is perhaps then no surprise that in high-performing schools a key defining aspect of principal leadership is an unrelenting focus on fostering consistent values, expectations, and standards, and through these empowering and transforming staff capacities and organizational conditions to embrace change and improvement. School leaders’ ability to drive professional development in their own schools (i.e., leader self-efficacy) and to develop sustained collaboration with other leaders and schools (i.e., leader collective efficacy) determines the extent to which, and in what ways, the base (existing) capacity is engaged with improvement initiatives within local school systems and shapes “the new capacities that must be developed to sustain and extend these initial efforts over time” (Bryk et al., 2010, p. 220, italics in original; also Leithwood and Louis, 2012).

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Recent research on scaling-up innovations for better teaching and learning outcomes in England also points to the significance of leadership in enabling sustained teacher professional learning, development, and change (Gu et al., 2019, 2020, 2021). The research shows that leadership support for professional learning and development is a prerequisite for change in school culture which shapes the intellectual, social, and organizational environments that are necessary for change in teacher practice and improvement in pupil engagement in learning. External professional development programs that aimed at improving evidence-informed practice in teaching were found to have a significant impact on individual teachers’ improved knowledge and skills, but had no direct impact on their reported change of practice or pupil engagement (Gu et al., 2021). Schools that had already enjoyed clearly defined professional learning cultures were more likely to see the outcomes that individual learning contributes to and strengthen the existing evidence use culture and capacity, and through this, improve the practice of teaching and engagement of learning. Put simply, “A ‘good’ research-informed innovation can rarely travel into the day-to-day realities of classrooms on its own merits without school leaders that can help teachers engage with it and apply and adapt it to their own classroom contexts” (Gu et al., 2021: 19). A strong learning culture characterized with staff collegiality and collaboration has been found to be crucial in building intellectual, emotional, and social capital in schools so that teachers, and especially those working in schools serving socioeconomically deprived communities, are able to maintain their integrity and commitment in times of change (Gu & Day, 2007; Allensworth et al., 2009; Day et al., 2011; Holme & Rangel, 2012). Indeed, recent research evidence on teacher retention shows that teacher leavers are not necessarily “escaping” from pupils’ poor behavior. Rather, they are escaping from poor leadership and dysfunctional school cultures. Toxic cultures devalue our need of others, impede our ability to turn to them for support, and challenge our capacity to form supportive and collegial relationships to learn and develop (Jordan, 2006, 2012). At a result, with a heavy heart, we continue to observe in our research that some teachers see teaching behind closed doors as a reality of the profession. Many of these teachers, more often than not, have struggled to understand why their sheer hard work has failed to bring about the levels of progress and achievement that they would like to see in their students (Matthews et al., 2014). In his reflection of his leadership journey in education, Sir John Dunford (2016) argued that schools and the education system at large should place “retention first” and “recruitment second” in their endeavor to secure an effective workforce to meet the learning entitlements of every student in every school in every country of the world. It would indeed be more fruitful and educationally more meaningful if greater attention were paid to the factors which enable teachers who decide to stay to maintain committed to their own learning and the learning and achievement of their pupils. This is, in essence, a quality retention issue because, as Johnson and her colleagues (2005) have argued, the physical retention of teachers, “in and of itself, is not a worthy goal”:

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Students are not served well when a district retains teachers without regard to quality. Little can be achieved (and much might be lost) when a district succeeds in reducing teacher turnover if some of those teachers are incompetent, mediocre, disengaged, or burnt out. Instead, student learning is the goal, and schools must seek to retain teachers who demonstrate that they are skilled and effective in the classroom, are committed to student learning, and are ready and able to contribute to the improvement of their school. (Johnson et al., 2005, p. 2)

Concluding Remarks Building and sustaining the quality of teachers is not only an agenda for the future (Day, 2017), but equally importantly, for the well-being, learning, and achievement of the children who attend schools today. Improving education quality holds the hope of ending learning poverty for the most disadvantaged and marginalized children and young people around the world. For these children especially, school represents an oasis of safety and hope where they can learn, play, grow, and achieve. Although schools alone cannot address many of the centuries’ old issues of educational and social inequalities that still challenge many children’s fundamental right to quality education in modern times, they are spaces where many committed and caring teachers are dedicated to inspiring the learning and achievement of young minds. Teacher quality is not fixed as individuals’ capacity to express the conviction of their vocational commitment is almost certain to fluctuate over the course of a career. The extent to which individual teachers are able to exercise their capacity to be committed and resilient will depend not only upon their individual histories and their personal resources, but also upon the influence of the school environment, their colleagues, and the quality of their school leadership. The quality of the reciprocating systems in education influences the quality of the intellectual, social, and organizational conditions in which teachers work – which in turn impact, positively or negatively, on their professional identities and their capacity to be committed, efficacious, and effective (Beltman, 2015; Day & Hong, 2016; Gu, 2014; Gu & Day, 2007, 2013; Johnson et al., 2016). Among these, the environments of schools are particularly significant in shaping why and how many teachers are able to continue to commit their time, energy, and passion to a profession which can make them “feel a sense of invisibility and powerlessness” (Nieto, 2015, p. 252; see also Gu & Johansson, 2013; Johnson, 2004; OECD, 2016; UNESCO, 2015). A central task for all concerned with enhancing quality and standards in schools is, therefore, not only to have a better understanding of what influences teachers’ quality over the course of a career, but also the means by which the teacher quality necessary for these to be sustained may be nurtured in the contexts in which they work. Promoting and cultivating healthy individual and collective learning and achievement cultures in schools is essential to how they feel about themselves as professionals.

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Douwe Beijaard, Maaike Koopman, and Gonny Schellings

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Framing Teachers’ Professional Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Identity as Lens for Teacher Education and Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Identity Work in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Investigating Teachers’ Professional Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward a More Comprehensive Framework of Professional Identity Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Core Processes in Teacher Professional Learning and Identity Formation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Connecting Teacher Professional Learning and Identity Formation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reflection and Agency as Vehicles for Professional Identity Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Final Conclusions and Suggestions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Teacher professional identity is conceptualized in this chapter as a complex configuration of personal and contextual factors. Professional identity is also seen as dynamic and subject to change. This coloring of the concept leads here to a specific elaboration of research with regard to (student) teachers’ identity formation. This research then focuses on (student) teachers working on issues arising from tensions between the personal and the contextual, the ways in which they position themselves toward relevant others, the impact of the micropolitical reality of the school on their functioning and well-being, and the role so-called “stories to live by” play in their work. The operationalization of the concept is D. Beijaard (*) · G. Schellings Eindhoven School of Education, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] M. Koopman HU University of Applied Sciences, Utrecht, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_28

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illustrated by two studies in which the complexity and uniqueness of (the development of) professional identity have been investigated using narrative methods and techniques. This chapter also distinguishes between two different but related internal processes that are important in teacher education, namely professional learning (internalizing knowledge and skills that are generally found to be relevant for the profession, i.e., teaching competence) and identity formation (a personal process of validating learning experiences in light of one’s “image-ofself-as-teacher,” that is, the teacher that one is and wants to become). It is argued that both processes can reinforce and enrich each other and, as such, will result in a more comprehensive and coherent framework for understanding teachers’ professional work and their development as teachers. An attempt is made to present both internal processes in an overarching model, referred to here as “framework of professional identity learning.” The chapter concludes with suggestions for (follow-up) research. Keywords

Teacher education · Professional identity · Professional learning · Identity formation · Meaning making · Sense making · Learning experiences

Introduction Research on teachers’ professional identity and its development takes place from very different scientific angles. In a broad sense, teacher professional identity is being used not only as a heuristic for conducting research, but also for supporting teachers’ professional development and their work in practice. Professional identity refers to how teachers see themselves and look for answers to questions such as: “who am I as a teacher?” and “what kind of teacher do I want to be?” Answers to these questions make great demands on the reflective capacity of teachers to look at themselves and being active in shaping and sustaining their identity as teachers. In teacher education, systematic attention for identity work and ways in which to support this is often neglected or undervalued, while – as shown in the many studies on this topic – it is so essential for becoming, being, and remaining a teacher. Teacher professional learning mainly focuses on professional learning of knowledge and skills important to the profession. This chapter emphasizes the importance of identity formation alongside and in connection with teacher professional learning of relevant knowledge and skills. It aims at contributing to the discussion about what is meaningful for teacher education, that is, offering a framework for a broader and more in-depth understanding of what matters in teachers’ professional development and their work as teachers. A framework that can also serve as a source of inspiration for supporting teachers’ development as professionals with a realistic professional identity as expressed in their image of themselves as teacher. The first part of this chapter focuses on current thoughts about teachers’ professional identity, particularly that of student teachers and that of beginning or recently

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qualified teachers. Professional identity is presented in this part of the chapter as a specific lens to look at the work of teachers and how they internalize their work. It first outlines how professional identity is conceived. It is a concept that enables to do justice to the complexity and uniqueness of becoming and being a teacher. Professional identity may function as a heuristic for understanding teachers’ professional development as identity formation. Developing a professional identity incorporates – next to learning subject matter, pedagogical content knowledge, theories of teaching and learning, and skills to turn that all into practical action – many other kinds of factors that play a role in becoming a teacher (Beijaard et al., 2004; Garner & Kaplan, 2019). Factors that influence or arise from teachers’ overall conceptions of who they are as teachers, who they believe they are, and who they want to be as teachers – teacher identities (Capps et al., 2012). In the second part, this chapter presents a framework that attempts to connect identity formation and professional learning. It is argued that these two different perspectives refer to different internal processes as well, but that they – when connected – may enrich and reinforce each other and thus result in a more comprehensive and coherent understanding of teachers’ work and professional development, including the support they need from teacher educators and mentors or coaches in schools.

Framing Teachers’ Professional Identity The last two decades, teachers’ professional identity and its development have got increased attention. Several review studies have been published about this topic (in chronological order, e.g., by Beijaard et al., 2004; Beauchamp & Thomas, 2009; Izadinia, 2013; Rodrigues & Mogarro, 2019). This increased research interest does not necessarily lead to a major increase in our scientific knowledge in this area: the topic diverges and fragments. In summary, the topic has been approached: • From different scientific disciplines or angles, including cognitive psychological, sociological, philosophical, socio-cultural, and social-psychological, each with their own definition of professional identity and associated language use. This also includes (post)modern thoughts about professional identity seeing identity above all as ephemeral and dynamic and in a sense even as ad hoc and in situ (e.g., Cross, 2017). • On the basis of different methods, ranging from very qualitative to very quantitative and very open (e.g., narratives and open interviews) to very closed (e.g., scales consisting of Likert-type items), respectively. • To pursue different aims, including describing and exploring professional identity and its development, identifying and describing identity-related concepts or concepts that provide insight into the development of identity (e.g., concepts like ownership, agency, and sense-making), and concepts that provide insight into the nature or strength of someone’s professional identity (e.g., concepts like selfefficacy, resilience, commitment to the profession, and job satisfaction).

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This diversity and fragmentation of the research is largely due to the fact that professional identity is not only a multifaceted concept, but also a concept that is difficult to define unambiguously. The differences in interpretation and use of the concept certainly promote discussion about teachers’ professional identity and how it develops, but not necessarily leads to a more comprehensive and integrated scientific knowledge base. Nevertheless, the following two aspects more or less seem to be relevant to most research on teachers’ professional identity: 1. Becoming a teacher is a continuous process of seeking answers to questions such as “who am I as a teacher?” and “what kind of teacher do I want to be?” These questions are about obtaining a realistic professional self-image. In developing and sustaining this image, teachers fulfill an active role driven by their own intentions, motives, and emotions. 2. Becoming a teacher involves starting to participate in a professional community. During this process, change of teachers’ participation in the community is required: a process of membership through adopting a certain way of being and acting, including contributing to the work of the community and its further development. Independent of all the different theoretical perspectives and scientific approaches, central to most research on teachers’ professional identity is the question to what extent teacher identity is determined contextually and what influence a teacher has on this. Professional identity is both personally and contextually shaped, that is, if we understand the professional knowledge and skills that are important to the profession to be as part of context. In a previous study, this observation led to the following definition of teachers’ professional identity: (. . .)professional identity results from the interaction between teachers’ beliefs, including the norms and values they hold, on the one hand, and the educational contexts in which they find themselves, including generally accepted theories of teaching and learning, on the other (Beijaard et al., 2004). (Student) teachers’ beliefs stem from many sources, such as being the product of their upbringing, reflections on their life experiences, their own learning history, and their socialization processes in schools (Kennedy, 1997). They are the building blocks of teachers’ professional identity as they filter what they find important for their professional work and lives (Kagan, 1992). Teachers’ beliefs are very personal, persistent in nature and difficult to change (Pajares, 1992). They can be both conflicting and consistent with context demands. Consequently, one’s professional identity consists of a complex configuration of personal and contextual factors (cf. Day & Gu, 2014) that is: • Dynamic, depending on the different situations the teacher is in (e.g., in classes with students of different age and level or in a meeting with colleagues), the types of interactions with relevant others (next to students and colleagues, for example: mentors in schools, peers, teacher educators, and parents), and the availability and use of all kinds of resources (e.g., text books, the internet, and other teaching and learning materials) (cf. Beijaard & Meijer, 2017).

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• Changing under influence of the (re-)interpretation of new experiences (e.g., teaching other students than before, experimenting with a new method, and working with new colleagues). Although teachers themselves may feel that their professional identity is rather stable, their professional identity is never “finished” and continues to develop because of new experiences, either self-initiated on the basis of personal beliefs or under the influence of the context (cf. Lee, 2013). This not only applies to student teachers and beginning teachers but also, though differently, to experienced teachers. The development of a professional identity is in essence an internal and recurring process of reconciling personal beliefs and contextual demands. How this process (can) connect in teacher education with general notions of teacher professional learning is, although important, a rather undisclosed issue to date. For example, in their review study on teacher professional learning, Opfer and Pedder (2011) argue that, in reality, learning a profession is much more complex than learning the necessary knowledge and skills for that profession. They state that a theory of teacher learning should likewise be able to distinguish between those aspects that are generalizable to other teachers and contexts of practice and those aspects that are unique and very contextualized. Opfer and Pedder also point to the influence of personal aspects on learning that are important for professional identity development, including (student) teachers’ beliefs and the sources that underlie them, but they do not elaborate on this from that point of view. It can be argued that, in teacher education, teacher professional learning mainly concerns the acquisition of the generalizable (generally accepted knowledge and skills, i.e., teaching competence), while in identity formation it mainly concerns how this fits with who you are as a person and what is personally important for you to learn, including coping with personally experienced constraints or challenges in becoming and being a teacher. This chapter discusses this distinction in becoming a teacher in more detail later in this chapter where a framework is presented that attempts to do justice to both professional learning and identity formation as two distinct but connected perspectives. It is an attempt to contribute to a more comprehensive and coherent understanding of teachers’ professional development and work as teachers.

Professional Identity as Lens for Teacher Education and Research The description of professional identity above as a complex, dynamic, and changing configuration of personal and contextual factors leads to a specific lens for supporting teachers’ professional development and analyzing their work as teachers. This section deals with several implications of looking through this lens for teacher education and research on becoming and being a teacher based on most of the authors’ own research in this domain.

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Professional Identity Work in Teacher Education Student/Beginning Teachers’ Identity Work Developing a professional identity is a key element of an effective transition into the teaching profession. Particularly the professional identity of student/beginning teachers continually develops due to the complex interaction between the personal and contextual and the interpretations and re-interpretations of their experiences. Based on research with this conception of professional identity as background, at least four different though related kinds of professional identity “issues” can be distinguished that require identity work by these teachers themselves or with the support, for example, of teacher educators, mentors in schools, or peers: 1. Issues due to frictions or tensions between the personal and contextual. Examples of such tensions pertain to their transition phase from a student who is still in teacher education to a teacher in school with all associated responsibilities, to their conceptions of teaching and learning that do not match those of their mentors or colleagues in school, and to finding a balance between work and private life (cf. Pillen et al., 2012; Van der Wal et al., 2019). These tensions sometimes lead to real identity issues accompanied by strong emotions such as fear, anger, frustration, and even to the decision to leave the profession. For example, in their study into six early career teacher leavers, Schaefer and Clandinin (2019) reported on teacher Alis who chose to leave teaching, even though her students performed well and school administrators, colleagues, and parents encouraged her to stay. Alis experienced a strong dissonance between the teacher and the person she imagined being. This study helped Schaefer and Clandinin in their work as teacher educators to shift their attention from retaining teachers in teaching to thinking about sustaining people by also seeing the person behind the teacher with a private life next to the work as a teacher. 2. Issues due to the ways teachers position themselves in their work toward relevant others. Teachers’ position taking depends on the situation they find themselves in and the people in that situation (i.e., students, colleagues, school leaders and others, including parents in particular). Ideally the positions they take coincide with “who they are” and that they are also recognized as such by others. In their work with students, they want to be recognized as a competent teacher. By colleagues and school leaders they want to be heard, accepted, and have the opportunity to share their concerns and ideals with them. It is important that teachers are able and given space to make their own voice heard and to position themselves in ways they want to (Akkerman & Meijer, 2011). Conflicts between how teachers want to position themselves or what is possible in reality may threaten the development of a positive professional identity (see also Mommers et al., 2021). For example, being negatively judged by others, especially by students but also by colleagues, can be devastating for teachers’ professional self-esteem, their confidence and wellbeing. This may trigger intense emotions like discomfort, uncertainty, powerlessness, frustration, and vulnerability (Hargreaves, 2001; Kelchtermans, 1996; Zembylas, 2003). On the other hand,

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emotions like joy and satisfaction occur when interactions with relevant others go well, which fuels feelings of being a successful teacher (Vähäsantanen et al., 2020). For example, Mommers et al. (2021) reported in their study on beginning teachers’ feelings of success in their interactions or contacts with students in terms of satisfaction, fulfillment, positive energy, enthusiasm, being content, being useful, being happy, and being self-confident. Particularly when the contact with students is found important mutually and characterized by exchange of personal information. One teacher who was involved in this study stated: “When I get [personal] input from students, then I feel I can tell something personal as well. This sort of connection gives me the feeling to accomplish a lot in my profession” (p. 161). A harmonious relationship with a class generally appears to create a certain “looseness,” simultaneously motivating and activating students and meeting the learning goals to be achieved by the students. Another teacher involved in the study explained this as follows: “There are certainly moments where contact with students is fun and that feels good. At that point I feel I can walk around in class, help students individually and we can make jokes” (p. 161). Teachers also feel successful when difficult relationships with students improve or when bonds grow, for instance, when students start co-operating in class or share personal information. Teachers feel they can really make a difference then. 3. Issues due to the micropolitics in schools. Micropolitics refers to the use of power and influence executed by individual teachers or groups of teachers to achieve their goals and defend their interests (cf. Altrichter, 2001). Newly qualified teachers’ confrontation with the micropolitical reality in schools may hinder or promote their socialization in schools. Among other things, this is reflected in the atmosphere in the school, in how teachers collaborate, how new teachers are seen and introduced in a school, and in leadership in the school. For beginning teachers, working conditions like these are essential for the development of their professional identity. As with experiencing tensions between the personal and contextual, negative experiences with these conditions are often accompanied by feelings of uncertainty, dissatisfaction, frustration, and vulnerability (e.g., Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002). Working conditions also influence the ways in which they can and may position themselves in the school as described above. The influence of working conditions might affect beginning teachers’ professional identity not only negatively but also positively. Mommers et al. (2021) found that these conditions often have multiple sides. For example, with regard to collaboration one side pertains to beginning teachers who collaborate well with their colleagues and develop new curricula together. These teachers seem to experience feelings of success and being able to perform on a higher level than working alone. Another side of this theme pertains to teachers working individually without mutual consultation or contact, accompanied by feelings of disappointment or discomfort. One beginning teacher said about this: “Towards colleagues I am not able to be myself and I am always searching for the kind of person I have to be” (p. 161/162). This teacher definitely needs support from a mentor or coach. On the other hand, too much support can also lead to feelings of

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insecurity (Devos et al., 2012). In the same study, Mommers et al. also found that a number of beginning teachers positioned themselves as being compliant with school leaders and colleagues; they did not express their opinion until they were sure about their jobs or only when explicitly asked. Other teachers characterized themselves in their relationship with school leaders in particular as being cautious, indecisive, or without strategy. Several of these teachers did not have any contact with school leaders, while others felt too insecure and uncomfortable to seek contact. 4. Issues due to so-called “stories to live by.” These stories refer to expressions of commonly shared beliefs, views, and values about teaching and education; they are collective stories shaped by traditions of schools and the place of schooling in society, that is, the professional landscape that metaphorically can be understood as a “storied landscape” in which teachers live and work (Connelly & Clandinin, 1997, 1999). Consciously and unconsciously teachers use these stories as frames of reference for their interpretation of their experiences and, through that, make sense of themselves as teachers (Leeferink et al., 2015). They may, for example, prescribe what is understood by the school one works in as “good education” or, more generally, what counts as authorized knowledge and how students must come know it (Olson & Craig, 2005). “Stories to live by” can be persuasive, demanding and restrictive, but also provide useful guidelines for teachers’ professional identity development (see also Schaefer & Clandinin, 2019). For example, Mommers et al. (2021) came across quite a few “stories to live by” from beginning teachers in their study that had a positive influence on their well-being, such as stories portraying education as being in a transitional phase nowadays that place teachers in the center of change. Much effort is put nowadays in developing curricula by teachers (in the Netherlands) that focus on students’ interdisciplinary and self-regulated competencies, including their autonomous learning. These curriculum changes not only seem to match societal developments but also relatively many beginning teachers’ desires to innovate and being actively involved in that. These four types of issues described above play more or less an important role in the professional development of student/beginning teachers. They often remain hidden, despite their sometimes significant impact on the teacher one is and wants to become. As it turns out, this is often quite an internal struggle for a large number of them. Identity work should therefore not be limited to an internal matter of individuals themselves. Making experiences regarding identity issues explicit and sharing them, for example in so-called “identity workshops” with peers and a teacher educator (Schellings et al., 2021; Vähäsantanen et al., 2020), can help student/ beginning teachers to develop a realistic and positive professional identity that fits the person and their context, including alignment with relevant professional knowledge and skills that are important for the teaching profession as will be discussed later in this chapter.

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Experienced Teachers’ Identity Work Identity issues do not only arise with student/beginning teachers. Teachers also experience such issues later in their career. Teachers go through different phases during their career, each with its own challenges and constraints (Day et al., 2007; Fessler & Christensen, 1992). The first years of beginning teachers’ career show a considerable and usually positive development in the professional self-image of teachers, that is, the perception of their own professional identity (teachers who develop in the opposite way, on the other hand, often drop out). Teachers’ image of themselves as teachers remains “highly positive” for a large number of years after these initial years. In the second half of their career this becomes on average less positive, regardless of whether someone is a good teacher or not. For example, Day and Gu (2010) reported on teachers with 8–15 years of teaching experience (mid-career) being in a “watershed” phase of their careers. Some decided to “climb up” the management ladder whilst others decided to stay in the classroom to fulfill their original call to teach. This also appears to be a phase in teachers’ professional lives where they begin to face greater need to manage work-life tensions. This is reflected in, among other things, less job satisfaction, feelings of reduced efficacy, and less commitment to and motivation for work (Canrinus et al., 2012). Not much is known yet about the reasons for this. It is assumed that this decline in self-esteem is related, among other things, to balancing private life and work, a lack of sufficient challenge, the growing generation gap between the teachers themselves and their students, decrease of degrees of freedom due to changes in working conditions, and increased resistance to change. Also, not much is known about how mid-career and late-career teachers cope with their professional identity issues. Apparently they seldom talk about their issues; they tend to find solutions themselves or put up with them (Van der Want et al., 2018). Compared to student and beginning teachers, little is known about how to support identity work by experienced teachers to sustain their positive perception of their professional identity. It seems that they are best served with measures in the field of working conditions by creating more space in their work as teachers for specific professional tasks, among which doing or being involved in practice-oriented research, developing new curricula, and taking on new leadership responsibilities such as chairing working groups and coordinating internships by student teachers and their guidance in school. It might be assumed that new tasks also stimulate them to learn and, through that, positively affect their professional identity. Measures such as these are part of a school’s strategic human resource management policy (cf. Runhaar, 2017), which is still a relatively unexplored territory, particularly with respect to supporting to cope with or address identity issues of experienced teachers. It seems useful in this context to also look at other professions, for example, professions in which sabbatical leaves are very common or in which it is common to work in multiple contexts resulting in multiple professional identities as well. For example, being a teacher in school and working as a nurse or a professional in industry, also called “hybrid teachers.” It seems relevant to do research on the benefits of such teachers and the issues they encounter, particularly in the context

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of vocational education (see also a study by Nesje et al., 2018, about student teachers who explored the teaching profession while also developing competencies relevant for other careers). Looking from the perspective of identity work in terms of coping with issues by teachers as indicated above, it is striking that identity work by student/beginning teachers usually sets the bar especially for the individual teacher as a person and much less for the context in which their professional identity should develop. This seems less the case with experienced teachers for whom measures are mainly taken in context, while attention is sometimes also required on a personal level to meet their issues adequately when it comes to sustaining and the further development of their professional identity.

Investigating Teachers’ Professional Identity The previously given description of professional identity as a complex configuration of personal and contextual factors has both analytic and descriptive implications. First, analytically justice must be done to the complexity and uniqueness of professional identity. This implies a process of collecting data with open-ended multiple methods (e.g., logbooks, metaphors, life stories, and interviews) and/or making use of different narrative-like data sources that are available (e.g., assignments made and written reflections about experiences). Second, research based on such data is primarily a qualitative-interpretive and descriptive way of doing research aiming at understanding what configures one’s professional identity. Particularly qualitative methodologies have the potential to provide insight into how teachers live their professional lives and how these intertwine with their personal lives (cf. De-laHidalga & Villardón-Gallego, 2019). Below two examples of such research are given regarding the professional identity of beginning teachers in the context of an induction program and student teachers in the second and third year of teacher education, respectively. Both studies were part of the research program of the authors of this chapter. The first study (Schellings et al., 2021) focuses on the construction of configurations as a specific way to examine and present what matters in beginning teachers’ professional identity on a certain moment in their career. The second study (Leeferink et al., 2019) focuses on student teachers’ workplace learning and the role (chains of activities and) experiences play in their professional identity development (see also Leeferink et al., 2015). In this second study, data was repeatedly collected over a longer period of time. Example 1: Beginning Teachers’ Professional Identity Configurations Representing Complexity and Uniqueness Objective. The aim of this study was twofold: providing insight into the broad range of what beginning teachers focus on from a professional identity perspective and giving identity work a legitimate place in supporting beginning teachers’ growth into the profession, in this study in the context of an induction program.

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Theoretical background. In beginning teachers’ professional identity, the interplay between the personal and contextual in becoming and being a teacher is critical to teachers’ sense of self. Experiences arising from this interplay may promote or hinder professional identity development depending on the internal or mental processing and sense-making of those experiences. Identity work is an important process in negotiating, regulating, and maintaining a coherent sense of self. Teacher identity work requires from teachers to process their understanding of themselves as professionals, which is also an emotionally challenging process. Dealing with emotions, either pleasant or unpleasant ones, is inherent in identity work and have a bearing on the expression of identity and the shaping of it. Experiences that impact identity development need to be subject to reflection and dialogue with peers about the meaning of these experiences, so that they can contribute to teachers’ construction of a realistic and positive professional identity. Method. Four professional identity workshops were organized for the teachers (n¼45), drawing from existing theoretical perspectives that focus on: new teachers learning from the tensions between the personal and contextual of becoming a teacher and new teachers engaging in reflective dialogues with peers about challenging situations in teaching. The workshops consisted of several exercises aimed at supporting the participating teachers to reflect upon relevant personal and contextual aspects of their professional identity development. During each workshop, participants composed reflective notes in their personal notebooks after an explicit identity exercise. These reflective notes, in this study considered as narrative-like data, were then processed and combined into a portrait of each teacher. Analysis of the portraits in several steps revealed five overarching identity themes: Classroom management, Students learning, Workload, Collaboration, and Standing up for oneself. Next, these themes were reconstructed into “configurations” consisting of personal and contextual factors arranged according to three foci: focus on oneself, on students, and on team/organization. Results. The configurations made it possible to do justice to the complexity and uniqueness of professional identity. Both within each configuration and across all five configurations, a diversity of personal and contextual aspects could be identified that seem relevant for who beginning teachers are and who they wish to be. Together, the configurations not only have the potential to cover the complexity and uniqueness of professional identity development, but also the adaptive versatility of becoming a teacher. Constructing configurations might be a promising way to understand what really matters in beginning teachers’ professional identity and, through being a kind of mirror to look at oneself, to support them to both sharpen and deepen their reflection on this identity. Example 2: Overarching Professional Identity Themes in Narrative Configurations of Student Teachers’ Workplace Learning Objective. The study aimed at understanding how personal and contextual factors, including the ways in which they interact, play a role in student teacher workplace learning and, through that, making the complex character of student learning more apparent.

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Theoretical background. Student teachers’ professional identity development and the identity issues they encounter take place above all in the teacher workplace. Workplace learning is a complex process in which teachers both experience the practice and give meaning to their practical experiences. This learning may be a continuous process in which student teachers integrate practical experiences and previous experiences relatively easily into their personal conceptual framework. It may also be a discontinuous process in which frictions arise between what student teachers personally desire and external or contextual demands from the practice schools. Such frictions can lead to tensions in student teachers’ professional identity development. The practice school is the place where student teachers are above all confronted with themselves in terms of the teachers they are, the teachers they can be, and the teachers they wish to be. Method. The study, in which ten student teachers from different teacher education institutes participated, used a narrative approach. During a period of 2 years, data were collected with digital logs (structured stories of the student teachers about how they learned from their practical experiences on a regular basis) and in depthinterviews (one biographical interview, three learning process interviews, and one story-line interview). The data analysis consisted of two phases: (1) reconstructing the data into stories (narrative analysis: constructing a narrative configuration of the data into a temporally organized whole) and (2) unraveling these stories (analysis of narrative: identifying themes and – continuous/discontinuous – patterns in each student teacher’s story). Results. A diversity of themes was found in the student teachers’ stories, such as a focus on developing lessons or dealing with students with special needs. Striking was that the workplace learning process of each student teacher seemed to be dominated by one specific theme that the student teacher attached great importance to, that was relevant for his/her professional development, that returned constantly in his/her story, and that was unique for the student teacher. These dominant themes emerged in two ways: (1) student teachers came to the practice school with a specific theme (e.g., a student teacher who wanted to learn to develop and conduct a series of workshops), or (2) as a result of friction between personal goals, beliefs, values, and attitudes and demands from the context (e.g., a student teacher who thought that teaching entailed above all knowledge transmission where teachers talk and students listen, changed her personal expectations based on past experiences completely when she saw her mentor teaching in very interactive ways and encouraging students to think by asking questions). In eight of the ten stories, the analyses showed a strong relationship between the dominant theme and personal life experiences (e.g., a student teacher focusing on developing self-confidence). Five student teachers experienced their workplace learning as discontinuous: frictions between the personal and contextual led to a crisis and turning point in their professional development, either evoked by an external stimulus, for example, through feedback and observation from a mentor or peers, or by realizing over time that change is needed. The other five students’ learning process was a continuous or steady process, characterized by easily connecting their experiences with their previous ones and their dominant theme.

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Both the example studies above are attempts to investigate professional identity (development) in line with the previously given definition of professional identity that guides this chapter. The identity themes in the first study emerged when analyzing the data of a relatively large group of teachers; individual teachers could also be related to more than one theme. The identity themes in the second study are very individual and personal and emerged by following the learning process of student learners over a longer period of time (2 years). Both studies attempted to do justice to the complexity and uniqueness of professional identity as well as – particularly in the second example study – its dynamic and changing nature. Rich narrative-like data sets collected at different points in time seem to be necessary for this, including a number of methodological principles essential for conducting narrative research, following work by, among others, Clandinin and Connelly (e.g., 2000) about reconstructing data into stories and Polkinghorne (e.g., 1995) about combining narrative data in a story or portrait and then analyzing it. In both example studies much attention was paid to reliability and validity issues inherent in this type of research (transparency of decisions regarding data collection and analysis steps, consensus among the members of the research teams, illustration of findings with representative quotes and examples from the participants, and undergoing audit procedures).

Toward a More Comprehensive Framework of Professional Identity Learning Identity formation is seen in this chapter as a function of developing a professional self-image, including an image of self as participant of a professional community. It is a process fueled by personal beliefs, motives, and emotions. The teacher one is and wishes to become demands specific identity work in terms of coping with identity issues and working on identity themes that are important to the person concerned. It is increasingly recognized that identity work is inseparable from learning and practicing the teaching profession and that in the curricula of teacher education explicit and systematic attention needs to be paid to supporting student/beginning teachers in doing so. It goes without saying that teachers must learn knowledge and skills that represent what is generally accepted as teaching competence and often expressed by formal teaching standards (i.e., teacher professional learning). From an ontological point of view, both perspectives – teacher identity formation and professional learning – differ in nature but are not separate from each other (e.g., Lave & Wenger, 1991; see also Leeferink et al., 2019; Garner & Kaplan, 2019). It is assumed that new knowledge or skills can be a strong support in working on identity issues and identity themes. Conversely, however, the desire or need to learn and put into practice new knowledge and skills can also lead to new identity issues that may constrain or challenge one in the teacher (s)he wants to be and/or can be. Below an attempt is made to present a framework that relates both perspectives to each other but also does justice to the ontological claims of both. This framework – called here

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framework of professional identity learning – attempts to bridge the persisting gap in teacher education that exists between teacher identity formation and professional learning. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, it aims to contribute to a more comprehensive and coherent view of the professional development and work of teachers. It may help teacher educators and mentors in schools to better understand the complex and to a large extent unique process of becoming a teacher and enable them to support this process more broadly and in depth. Identity remains a core concept in the naming of the framework, because also professional learning is a function of becoming and being a teacher with a realistic and positive professional identity as expressed in his/her professional self-image.

Core Processes in Teacher Professional Learning and Identity Formation In teacher professional learning it is important to adapt relevant knowledge and skills for use in practice and, subsequently, to reflect on the learning experiences. This often takes place in the context of a teacher education program with curricula consisting of activities or tasks (e.g., studying a book, discussing themes, and experimenting with explaining a specific topic to students), ways in which student teachers’ learning is organized (e.g., in collaboration with peers), and places (for student teachers either at the practice school or at their teacher education institute). In this view of professional learning, learning is mainly understood in terms of teaching competencies. The learning itself can be best characterized as being cognitiveconstructivist: undertaking different learning activities that result in learning experiences; learning activities also give direction to the meaning the learner gives to those experiences (cf. Clarke & Hollingsworth, 2002; Opfer & Pedder, 2011). Characteristics of what counts as effective professional teacher learning are usually based on this view: giving meaning to learning experiences in light of teaching competencies. Consequently, “meaning” refers to a quite stable understanding of professional aspects (cf. Esteban-Guitart, 2019), because teaching competencies are generally found relevant for teachers, across contexts, and over a relatively long period of time. Giving meaning to learning experiences is essential for becoming a competent teacher, but not sufficient for developing a professional identity. Developing a professional identity also requires making sense of learning experiences by recognizing and interpreting these experiences in relation to the teacher one is or wants to become. This is a personal reflection process that turns learning experiences into “lived experiences” (Esteban-Guitart, 2019). Sense-making informs, forms, and reforms teachers’ professional identity and, through that, favors their construction of their image of themselves as teacher (Cobb, 2020; Rom & Eyal, 2019). “Sense” refers to teachers’ understanding of professional aspects that – when compared to meaning as described above – may vary in stability, because of their personal selection of learning experiences and interpretation and re-interpretation of these experiences.

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Connecting Teacher Professional Learning and Identity Formation In both core processes described above – giving meaning and making sense – learning experiences are central. Figure 1 summarizes the essential components of what is understood in this chapter as professional identity learning mediated and supported by significant others, artifacts, and elements of the learning environment. An overarching and relevant empirical question pertains to the way and extent in which both these processes, though based on different ontological claims regarding learning and professional development, coincide, reinforce or enrich each other. More specific questions pertain to which meanings given to learning experiences from a professional learning perspective contribute to, challenge or constrain professional identity formation. Conversely, the same applies to which sense making of learning experiences from a professional identity perspective contributes, challenges or constrains professional learning of teaching competencies. The previously described example study by Leeferink et al. (2019) in this chapter reports on overarching identity themes that student teachers work on, because they are important to the teacher they can and want to be. Below, two student teachers who

Learning experiences

Professional learning (developing teaching competence)

Giving meaning to learning experiences

Making sense of learning experiences

Professional identity formaon (construcng a professional self-image)

Professional identity learning

Support:

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peers, mentor, school leader, friends, family ∑ Significant others: students, colleagues, 14

Artefacts: good teaching practices, stories (‘from the trenches’ and ‘lived by’) , examples of good teachers, diaries or logbooks, etc. ∑ Learning environment: tasks, assignments, resources / materials

Fig. 1 Framework of professional identity learning

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participated in this study will be referred to in order to illustrate both forms of processing of learning experiences. One of the student teachers, called here under the pseudonym of Kathy, is an illustration of sense making of a learning experience (identity formation), followed by the desire to learn and give meaning to specific knowledge and skills (professional learning). Kathy observed a lesson of her mentor in the first week of her school practice period. Her mentor encouraged the students to think about the subject and regularly asked them questions. The students were very motivated which pleasantly surprised Kathy. She wrote in her digital log: “I thought giving lectures was a kind of knowledge transmission. I went to the same school but the way of teaching was completely different then. Teachers were talking, students were listening” (p. 78). Kathy experienced a friction between her personal expectations and past experiences on the one hand, and the professional performance of her mentor on the other. She decided to cope with this professional identity issue by wanting to learn to teach interactively. She systematically undertook a number of learning activities each followed by a process of meaning making that contributed to this goal, such as trying to introduce a lesson in an interesting way aiming at motivating the students, connecting to students previous knowledge in order to involve them in the lesson, and activating students by asking thinking questions and presenting them small problems to be solved by themselves followed by whole class discussions about the solutions they found. Kathy’s initial sense making of her learning experience resulted in a positive friction and challenged her to professional learning of specific teacher competencies that align with the teacher she wants to be. Another student, called here under the pseudonym of Mohammed, is an illustration of giving meaning to learning experiences (professional learning) followed by a change in one’s self-image as teacher (identity formation). Mohammed wanted to learn and conduct a series of workshops that would positively affect students’ motivation and learning. He explained in his digital log: “I deliberately chose this practice school. My specific goal was, as I stated in my internship application, that I wanted to conduct a series of lessons. Developing and conducting real workshops” (p. 78). He repeatedly tried to make improvements, for example in matching the level of the students. The assignments were often too many and too difficult. In his digital log Mohammed wrote: “The students told me that all these tasks demotivated them. It was not at all successful” (p. 79). However, Mohammed was not convinced of the difficulty of the tasks. His experiences as a student were different. Mohammed gradually became aware of the negative friction between his personal conception of teaching based on experiences as a student and his students’ behavior in the classroom, which constrained him in his professional development which made him uncertain. He changed his perspective: the initial focus in his teaching on his own experiences as a student shifted to a focus on those of his students by more and more developing and conducting workshops that are both challenging and motivating for students. By this change in awareness, and with the support of his mentor, Mohammed began to make sense of his learning experiences by reconsidering the teacher he wanted to be. The ways in which he gave meaning to learning experiences

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were initially not very successful, but after a while still led to sense making and professional identity formation by Mohammed. The stories of both student teachers not only show connections between identity formation and professional learning; they also seem to reinforce each other. It is an indication of empirical evidence for the framework of professional identity learning as presented in Fig. 1. However, more such stories are needed to underpin this framework and giving it power for both research purposes and the support of student/beginning teachers.

Reflection and Agency as Vehicles for Professional Identity Learning As mentioned above, not much is known yet about how and to what extent professional learning and identity formation, including their accompanying processes of giving meaning and sense making, can and should be related in teacher education. Two “principles” are distinguished here that have the potential to facilitate and shape professional identity learning in practice, namely reflection and agency. Reflection, including methods and techniques that enhance the ability to reflect, is generally and already for decades (since the early 1980s) understood as an important teaching and learning principle in teacher education. Through reflection, student teachers are encouraged to think about their functioning and their own professional development. Both giving meaning to and making sense out of experiences take place through reflection on learning experiences. Through reflection, student teachers make explicit to what extent they meet the required teaching competencies and what still needs to be improved or worked on, and how they see themselves as a teacher at that moment, whether the teacher they think they are corresponds to the teacher they actually are, whether the teacher they actually are corresponds to the teacher they want to be, and whether the teacher they think or actually are corresponds to what is generally expected from them, including the identity issues and associated feelings this all raises. This role of reflection in professional identity learning aligns with what Kelchtermans (2009) indicated with broad and deep reflection: broad refers not only to reflecting on technical-instrumental knowledge and skills necessary for competent teaching, but also – for example – to the learning activities that have been undertaken, relevant contextual aspects such as the kind of students taught and the location of the school, and important people such the mentor and colleagues in the practice school that may play a role in one’s professional development. Reflection is deep reflection when it goes beyond this level to the level of personal beliefs, knowledge or ideas. In this context, Esteban-Guitart (2019) writes about teacher learning and professional development on two different levels that need to be connected in teacher education: At the first level it concerns aspects related to the acquisition of competencies and aspects related to that, at the second level it (also) concerns the enrichment of professional identity by involving beliefs, values and norms, including critical reflection on important aspects of the teaching profession (see also Kelchtermans, 2009). Esteban-Guitart further argues that deep

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or profound learning involves both functions of reflection and thus must occur at both levels. An entirely different but equally important function of reflection pertains to making reflections explicit in dialogue with peers, teacher educators, and mentors in schools in order to externally validate and get feedback on their professional learning and identity development, including suggestions for follow-up (Beijaard et al., 2004). Agency might be seen as a vehicle to actively give direction to one’s development and career and staying true to oneself. Agentic teachers are supposed to feel in control of what and how they learn to teach, based on their own goals, interests, and motivation (Etelepälto et al., 2015). Being agents of their own development requires from teachers that they indicate how they see themselves as teachers (having a professional self-image) and what is important for them to learn in order to become a competent teacher. For being agentic, teachers need to experience a certain degree of autonomy and – in the context of teacher education – room for negotiation about their learning trajectories with their educators, and increasingly learn to regulate and be responsible for their own learning. Educators, both in teacher education institutes and schools, apparently need to be more aware of what challenges and constrains student teachers’ agency, and that agency can play a substantial role in becoming a competent teacher with a sound and realistic professional identity (Beijaard & Meijer, 2017). Doing justice to these two principles in a pedagogy of teacher education with professional identity learning as its core seems quite a challenge. In their review study on teacher educators’ professional learning, Ping et al. (2018) found that – at least in research publications – student teachers’ professional identity formation is an underrepresented area in teacher educators’ work in practice, both in terms of what it entails and how to support student teachers to reflect on their identity work (see also Schaefer & Clandinin, 2019). Actually, this also applies to supporting the development of student teachers’ professional agency. These principles of learning and development should be explicit and important parts of the development of the professional identity of teacher educators themselves.

Final Conclusions and Suggestions Before concluding this chapter with some suggestions for further research, two remarks should be made to put things into perspective. Firstly, this chapter not only uses a specific lens to look at teachers’ professional identity, it is also limited to literature in the domain of teaching and teacher education. In other domains, professional identity development is also a relevant topic, for example, in vocational education research where meaning making and sense making are also investigated as two essential learning processes in learning a vocation (e.g., Bijlsma et al., 2016). Another example pertains to research on identity work in professional organizations, particularly in terms of practices and strategies on the basis of which people construct and negotiate their professional identity (e.g., Brown, 2015). Results of research in other domains may provide important new insights.

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Secondly, the connection between professional learning and identity formation is presented in this chapter as a step toward a more comprehensive and coherent framework for understanding the work of teachers and their professional development. The examples of Kathy and Mohammed referred to in this chapter and extensively reported on by Leeferink et al. (2019) indicate the added value of this framework. These examples show that both forms of learning flow into each other without any real problems and thus reinforce each other. There will also be situations where this is less obvious or not an option at all. This concerns, for example, student teachers who struggle with professional identity issues as a result of private circumstances, specific personal characteristics, deep unchangeable beliefs that deviate from what their educators and mentors in schools require of them, or being disappointed in the teaching profession because it does not correspond to how it was expected to be. Every teacher educator now and then has to deal with a student teacher struggling with such and other very personal professional identity issues. Consequently, the framework proposed in this chapter has also its limitations. To what extent and with regard to which categories of learning experiences the framework is satisfactory is an empirical question for further research as mentioned earlier in this chapter. Next, at least the following three areas of attention seem to be important for (follow-up) research: 1. Doing justice in research to the complexity of what configures professional identity, including its formation, and how to present it. The two examples of studies presented in this chapter are different attempts to do so, one of the two also taking into account the dynamic and changing nature of professional identity. Much more research is needed into ways of mapping professional identity from this perspective, including available data sources (e.g., logbooks or diaries and autobiographical writings) and (combinations of) data collection methods and analysis techniques that seem suitable for this purpose. 2. Conduct research into what the identity work of teachers consists of and how to support them in this. Not much is known yet about the internal cognitive, emotional, motivational, and psychodynamic processes that underlie how teachers reconcile the personal and contextual in making sense of experiences and developing their professional identity. For educators to support them in this: how to find out that student teachers are doing identity work? Identity work by (student) teachers is an internal process that often remains hidden, especially when it comes to profound personal matters that are emotionally loaded. Important questions to be answered pertain to helping them to recognize and interpret and re-interpret their experiences that are important for identity formation (either individually or, for example and mentioned earlier in this chapter, by participating in so-called identity workshops with peers). How are teacher educators and mentors in school organizing and doing this and what are the effects of that? 3. (Intervention) research into educational arrangements aimed at professional identity learning. Important to know are the learning experiences that trigger identity work and how to incorporate them into the teacher education curriculum or induction programs for beginning teachers. The experiences of the authors of

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this chapter with specific arrangements for identity work with both student teachers and novice teachers are mixed: some find it important, others not or less because the everyday reality mainly asks them do their work as good as possible which already causes considerable pressure. Many seem to push working on identity issues to the background; probably also because this work is becoming too personal then for at least some of them. However, the identity issues expressed in the context of a specific arrangement do lead to good and informative discussions. An important research question is then when they consider working on their professional identity really important and what in schools’ policy may encourage teachers to invest in identity work as a relevant part of their professional development and work as teachers. It seems appropriate to close this chapter with a conclusion drawn by EstebanGuitart (2019), namely that the identities of students become the beginning of their education and also its ultimate purpose and beyond. This starts long before they enter teacher education or whatever other professional education.

Cross-References ▶ Learning to Teach Equitably: Theoretical Frameworks and Principles for International Research and Practice ▶ Recent Trends in Teacher Identity Research and Pedagogy

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Professionalism in Practice: Contextual Differences in Understandings, Practices, and Effects of Teacher Autonomy

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professionalism and Autonomy in Neoliberal Reform Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deconstructing Autonomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The School Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Legacy of Complacency and Difference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Culture of Comfort, Complacency, and Lack of Ambition for Student Progress and Attainment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pedagogical Leadership Strategies: Tensions Between Collegial and Individual Professional Autonomy in Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Divided Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Students’ Academic Progress and Attainment: A Mixed Picture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . External Reform, Professionalism, and Teacher Autonomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pedagogical Leadership: The (New) Responsibility of Principals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ Entitlements to Individual Professional Autonomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter reports a three-year case study of a primary school in England, in which a recently appointed principal attempted to build “collegial professional autonomy” (Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy, 2, 2015, 20) within a push to improve students’ progress and attainment. The research examined the An earlier version of this chapter was published in the British Educational Research Journal, 46 (1), February 2020, pp.247–264. DOI: 10.1002/berj.3577 C. Day (*) University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_30

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tensions between staff who embraced the principal’s agenda for collegially agreed change, and whose students’ academic progress and performance improved over a three-year consecutive period when measured in terms of students’ entry-level attainment and socioeconomic factors, and staff who asserted their right to “individual professional autonomy” and whose students’ academic progress and attainment declined. The research: (i) examines the contextually situated nature of autonomy as an essential component of professionalism; (ii) challenges claims that reform necessarily results in school cultures of compliancy, de-professionalization, and the technicization of teaching; (iii) raises issues concerning the contextually situated nature of the meanings of autonomy as an essential component of professionalism; and (iv) questions teachers’ entitlements to individual professional autonomy where this is associated with students’ continuing academic underperformance. Keywords

Autonomy · Professionalism · Principal pedagogical leadership · Student progress and achievement

Introduction Schools in many countries across the world have been subject to a raft of government-initiated reforms over the past three decades. These are claimed by policymakers to be a means of building the human, economic, and social capital of citizens who live and work in increasingly competitive and turbulent global environments. In many countries the reforms emphasize devolved governance, diversification of teacher qualification routes, as well as setting, monitoring, and assessing regional and national standards of teaching. Among the consequences for schools and teachers have been increased workloads, intensification of the teaching task, and more transparent contractual accountabilities through public, results-driven assessment. It is claimed that such reforms have led to “the erosion of responsible, accountable and democratic professionalism” (Biesta, 2015: 82), as neoliberal policies have burdened individuals “with tasks that used to be the responsibilities of governments and the state” (Biesta, 2015: 76). One important negative effect of reforms is that the professional space for teachers to exercise individual professional autonomy in their classrooms about students’ academic progress and attainment has become more limited. The aims of the study were to (i) examine, among staff in one primary school in England, the continuing claims that reform necessarily results in school cultures of compliancy, de-professionalization, and the technicization of teaching and (ii) discuss the implementation and effects over a three-year consecutive period of the pedagogical leadership of a newly appointed principal in a devolved, “selfgoverning” school system, as he attempted, through promoting “collegial

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professional autonomy” (Frostenson, 2015), to persuade teachers to be more rigorous in their use of data-informed teaching and learning in classrooms. The research (iii) raises issues concerning the contextually situated nature of the meanings of autonomy as an essential component of professionalism and (iv) questions teachers’ entitlements to classroom autonomy where this is associated with students’ continuing academic underperformance.

Methodology Constructivist theory underpinned the research conceptualization, design, conduct, and interpretation. This assumes that people form meanings from their actions in relation to space, time, and circumstance (Charmaz, 2014). A case study research design (Wellington, 2000; Yin, 2009) was considered to be the most appropriate means to enable the construction of detailed, multiperspective, rich accounts of the impact of the principal on staff, as they responded to his promotion of “collegial autonomy” and the perceived and measured associations between this and students’ academic progress and attainment over a three-year period. Data were collected from all teachers (N ¼ 14), principal, school administrator, secretary, chair of governors, and two focus groups of parents and students at one primary school by means of semi- structured interviews in each of three consecutive years. In addition, documentation about the school’s staffing history, external judgements of the school’s standards by Ofsted (Office of Standards in Education), and student attainment history in national tests were collected over that period. The principal was interviewed on three occasions in year 1 and once in year 2 and 3. Each interview took around 45 min. Teachers and administrative staff members were interviewed once in each of these years for around 30 min each. All data were digitally recorded, transcribed, and categorized into emerging themes by using analytical matrices and thematic analysis (Miles & Huberman, 1984). Datasets were re-interrogated and triangulated in order to identify patterns and relations between the different themes and the participants. The researcher had no previous relationship with the school, and the research was unfunded. Ethical agreements were established with all participants so that consent, the right to withdraw, nonattribution, and anonymity were guaranteed.

Professionalism and Autonomy in Neoliberal Reform Contexts Over the last four decades in the UK, USA, Australia, and many other jurisdictions, the teaching profession has generally become more subordinate to: (i) market forces (e.g., parental choice, transparency, and feedback); (ii) increased competition and public forms of contractual accountability; and (iii) more managerial control through increases in external bureaucratic regulations, the development of national teaching standards, and external school inspection. Performance management cultures are

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now commonplace in many countries, “embedded in policies and practices of education, and are especially evident around government interventions to impose professional standards on the teaching profession” (Sachs & Mockler, 2012: 33). Ball and others have described the system in terms of “performativity” and associate this with oppressive, “neo-liberal” environments that stifle teacher agency: Performativity is enacted through measures and targets against which we are expected to position ourselves but often in ways that also produce uncertainties about how we should organize ourselves within our work... Performativity ‘works’ most powerfully when it is inside our heads and our souls. That is, when we do it to ourselves, when we take responsibility for working harder, faster and better, thus ‘improving’ our ‘output’, as part of our sense of personal worth and the worth of others... Performativity is a key mechanism of neo-liberal management, a form of hands-off management that uses comparisons and judgements in place of interventions and direction... (Ball, 2012: 31–32)

In English schools, standard setting processes for teachers’ work within classrooms now often mimic those set externally as a means of judging their performance, and have become the norm in schools in England (Hall & Noyes, 2009) and many other countries. Taken together, these reforms are claimed by many scholars to have reduced (though not eliminated) teachers’ capacity to exercise autonomy (Apple, 2008; Ozga, 2008; Troman, 2008; Ball, 2012). Historically, individual autonomy has been regarded as a central pillar of teachers’ professionalism, and in Western countries is related closely to the expectation that they have the right to exercise discretion in decision-making in the classroom (Lortie, 1975; Goodlad, 1990; Hargreaves & Fullan, 2012). Much of the academic literature assumes that teachers will exercise discretion within an overall ethic of moral or ethical responsibility for adding value in a range of ways, through what they do and how they do it, to their students’ progress and achievement. On this basis, texts continue to present “autonomy” as an essential component of teachers’ professionalism, asserting that “The quality of public education is undermined when teachers are held accountable to an external authority, rather than to themselves, their colleagues, and their professional associations” (Hyslop-Margison & Sears, 2010: 1), and that neoliberal reforms have “eroded their autonomy of judgment and conditions of work” (Hargreaves, 2003: 11). It would be difficult to argue against the claim that, to make wise decisions, “teachers must be aware of the ways in which students’ learning can unfold in the context of development, learning differences, language and cultural differences, and individual temperaments, interests, and approaches to learning” (Bransford et al., 2005: 1). However, although autonomy itself is often used as a broad, generalized term, in practice it is a “vexed concept... grounded within a complex relation to the influence and authority of individuals, ideas, and ideals we [teachers] reject or claim as our [their] own” (Pitt, 2010: 1). In that sense, it may be understood not as being static or stable, but rather as containing competing elements of control, constraint, freedom, responsibility, and accountability that may vary from teacher to teacher, school to school, and jurisdiction to jurisdiction.

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Deconstructing Autonomy Autonomy refers to “thinking for oneself in uncertain and complex situations in which judgment is more important than routine” (Pitt & Phelan, 2008: 189–90), and is widely regarded in the West as a key component of professionalism. There are a number of writers and researchers who regard autonomy as necessary to resist the forces of repression represented by neoliberalism and successive government reforms which “whittle away” teachers’ authority (Pitt & Phelan, 2008: 190). While acknowledging the views of “critical theorists” (e.g., Ball, 2012; Ozga, 2012) that the contexts for teachers’ to exercise of autonomy have changed others, however, do not accept that these have necessarily led to their technicization and de-professionalization. As a result of close examination of teachers and their workplaces, they propose a more nuanced, evidence-based view in which it is possible for schools and their teachers to be active agents, able to mediate reform, and maintain an ethic and practice of care, commitment, and a measure of autonomy, albeit reduced (Hargreaves, 2003; Day, 2017; Hargreaves & O’Connor, 2018). Researchers have found that, even in countries which may appear to have similarities, teachers’ understandings and practices of autonomy vary according to the influence of cultural, governmental, and situated school contexts. For example, recent research about Chinese teachers has found that autonomy is understood as commitment rather than agency (Day et al., 2022, in press). Even in the West, there are differences in the perceived degree of autonomy, for example, between Ireland and Finland (Salokangas et al., 2020). How autonomy is understood and enacted differs, then, according to influences of inherited structures and cultures. High levels have been often associated with positive effects both on teachers themselves and their students (Parker, 2015; Sahlberg, 2011). While it cannot be concluded that autonomy is a “context-dependent phenomenon” (Salokangas et al., 2020: 329), it is clear that its meaning cannot be general or universal, but both multidimensional, and context situated and context influenced. Higher degrees of autonomy in terms of the power and control of decision-making, for example, may vary at classroom level, school level, and professional levels (Salokangas et al., 2020). Each of these contexts offer different challenges according to the strength/intensification of the wider national, regional, as well as school and classroom cultures, and their interaction with the teachers’ values, core beliefs about their educational beliefs, and agency. One means of reexamining and redefining autonomy in practice has been developed by a Norwegian researcher, who questioned the validity of the work of those who hold to a general view of its meaning in – and impact on – classroom practice: Could it be that the literature on the de-professionalism of the teaching profession jumps to a questionable conclusion? Is it too quick to assume that the general loss of professional autonomy implies that professionals actually lose their autonomy at the level of practice? (Frostenson, 2015: 20)

In doing so, he took account of the variations that are likely to occur in devolved systems of school governance, developing a three-level typology:

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• General professional autonomy. This refers to changes in the frames within which teachers work (governance, school systems, and reforms by which government influences the determination of curriculum “legitimacy,” pedagogies, and assessment measures). • Collegial professional autonomy. Decentralization has increased school autonomy, as against teacher autonomy, as in the case of England’s move to embrace “systems” management through the establishment of multiacademy trusts, chains, teaching school allowances, and other forms of collegial arrangements in which individual managers (chief executive officers or executive headteachers) have the authority to influence teachers’ ways of working. In practice, most of these systems operate through the exercise of collegial forms of autonomy: ...from a practice perspective... the corollary of such requirements may be increased autonomy in collegial form. (Frostenson, 2015: 24)

• Individual professional autonomy. In this third strand, a “substantial sphere of action and decision-making. . . [is]. . . tied to the professional practice of the individual teacher” (Frostenson, 2015: 24). He identified a key tension in the practice of individual autonomy as being “in the use of metrics, or other forms of evaluation as decisive criteria for quality in which the teacher becomes accountable, rather than responsible, implying that the teacher loses the traditionally enjoyed mandate of trust” (Frostenson, 2015: 25). In short, “what it means to be a teacher in one school might be something quite different in another” (Frostenson, 2015: 26). This research used Frostenson’s typology as a frame for further understanding how levels of autonomy in the classroom dimension and the school dimension were promoted and practiced in one primary school. It found differences between teachers that led to tensions, and were associated with different understandings of its meaning as a part of professionalism, and responsibilities of individual teachers and the collective for the “value-added” progress and attainment of students. Teacher autonomy and student progress 251

The School Context River Edge Primary (4- to 11-year-old students) was located in an affluent suburb of a medium-sized city. The majority of its 293 students were drawn from White British middle-class families that lived near the school. There was a small but growing proportion of students from other, less socioeconomically advantaged areas. It had well below the national average of students eligible for free school meals, a proxy for socioeconomic disadvantage (8.9% vs 26.8%), and below average number of students with learning and behavioral difficulties and special educational needs. There

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were ten full-time teachers, many of whom had been teaching at the school for more than 20 years, and four teachers working part-time, as part of a job-share scheme. In addition, there were 11 qualified and 1 unqualified classroom teaching assistants (who support teachers in classrooms in English schools). Recently, the school had become part of a “multi-academy trust” (MAT), one of many similarly constituted groups ensuring school-to-school collaboration within a corporate model of self-governance established by England’s government as part of its systemic reforms (Department for Education, 2010). In these reforms, “more control and responsibility passes to the local level in a spirit of mutual aid between school leaders and their colleagues, who are morally committed to imaginative and sustain- able ways of achieving more ambitious and better outcomes” (Hargreaves, 2010: 23). In MATs, executive principals are appointed to have oversight of several schools, each of which has its own principal. Five years prior to the principal’s appointment, external inspection by Ofsted (which classifies the performance of schools in England) had judged the school to be “Outstanding.” However, an audit of students’ academic progress by the executive principal of the MAT had revealed that, although the students achieved raw academic results at the end of their time in school, with a “good level of development” (GLD) in reading, writing, and mathematics as defined by the English government’s Department for Education (2010), the data on student progress and attainment on a yearly basis showed clearly that they were underperforming relative to their entrylevel abilities (Judgements of teacher performance in schools in England have come to be closely associated with their ability to “add value” over each year to the level at which their students entered their classroom. These are then aggregated at school level and compared with results from schools that serve similar socioeconomic communities. In this sense, schools can be differentiated as performing well or underperforming, when performance is measured against their students’ own previous performance and the socioeconomic histories of their students. This is known as “context value added” (CVA). Although CVA measures have been criticized for “the extent to which they successfully control for time-invariant factors” (Gorard et al., 2013, cited in Morris et al., 2018: 726), they are widely used within schools in England as a reliable means of measuring student progress that is “independent of the selection of pupils, background characteristics and innate ability” (Chetty et al., 2014; Morris et al., 2018: 726). This is regarded as a fairer way of assessing their progress, and their teachers’ contribution to this, than raw attainment measures. Because these measures allow teachers to judge and be judged on their ability to raise levels of student performance on a yearly basis, it may be argued that they could be used to ensure that teachers and their teaching are compliant with the performativity agenda of government, and that this challenges cherished notions of teachers’ individual professional autonomy). This negative, “value-added” improvement trajectory and relatively poor pupil progress during the years since the inspection had, however, for many staff, governors, and parents, gone unnoticed and unnoted; parents, for example, still believed that the school was “at the top of its game” compared to other schools in the area.

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The Findings A Legacy of Complacency and Difference Interviews with staff, parents, and governors revealed continuing inconsistencies between teaching staff in terms of expectations, practices, and ambitions. These were evidenced by: (i) functional disruption – the legacy of discontinuities and ineffectiveness of previous leadership and management; (ii) primacy of personal relationships over professional care among long-serving staff; and (iii) a culture of comfort, complacency, and lack of ambition for student progress and attainment. Functional disruption: The legacy of leadership instability. For many staff, governors, and office staff, the discontinuities and ineffectiveness of a succession of recent principals had negative consequences. There had been a lack of strong, sustained leadership over a six-year period. A long-standing principal had retired. He had been succeeded by a principal who had suffered constant ill health during her two-year tenure, resulting in a lack of presence and collective loss of direction. Recruitment of a suitable successor had proved problematic, and an existing senior member of staff with 18 years of service had been appointed as “acting” principal. Under that more recent leadership, there had been “no agendas or minutes of management team meetings” and “some people’s ideas have been listened to more than other people’s ideas” (TA, 6 years in school). She very much gave the appearance of being ‘the principal’, in a totally different way to the way that... [previous principal].. . did. He understood the staff, trusted the staff and I think that staff worked for him, whereas, for various reasons, that didn’t happen with X. (Class teacher, 9 years in school)

At the time of the new principal’s appointment, there was “no sense of collective purpose and direction.. . management seemed to be in a state of disrepair” (Governor, 14 years in school) Primacy of personal relationships over professional care among long-serving staff. Long- serving teachers placed more importance on harmonious personal relationships than “serious conversations about improving teaching and learning” (Class teacher, 15 years’ teaching, 1 year in this school). They were said to have established a “powerful friend- ship group that extends beyond the school gates” (T2, 20 years’ experience, 2 years in this school). They’ve got such a standing in the community as well. I think that they know everybody and everybody knows them. They have a key to the school. They come in the weekends, and it’s ‘their’ school and anybody says anything against them it’s the end of the world. (Deputy Head)

Their colleagues noted a “lack of dynamic” among these teachers:

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There is a lack of dynamic teaching. You’ve got a few teachers that have been here for a long time, stuck in their old ways and I think there’s a need to have a bit more emphasis in making a bit more exciting, a bit more dynamic. (Phase leader, 8 years, 1 in this school)

A Culture of Comfort, Complacency, and Lack of Ambition for Student Progress and Attainment Some people are at the end of their career and they are just coasting now towards retirement... Sometimes there is too much emphasis on the nurturing side, which is important... but not necessarily encouraging children to exceed their expectations of themselves. (T8)

The lethargy of the most experienced teachers, who taught Key Stage 2 students, was also expressed through their unwillingness to give more attention to raising standards of progress and attainment further, in contrast to the enthusiasm expressed by those teaching Key Stage 1 students. The principal described the dominant vision for the school held by the senior, long- serving staff as “a place where children will be safe and happy”: We get good results, so ‘Why change?’ Some people within the building still seem to be holding quite firmly to the perception that we get good results, so ‘We know what’s best.’ (P)

They were perceived by the school business manager to have a view that, since the school had been judged to be “Outstanding” by Ofsted in 2008 and again in 2013, “no- body can touch us.” As one class teacher observed: “Although most teachers are adding value, some are definitely not.” I think that maybe many people here don’t really know what outstanding teaching is, and I think that they need to see other people in action and realise how good some people are. (Phase leader, 8 years, 1 in this school)

A recently appointed teacher summarized the negative consequences of the complacency of some long-standing colleagues in challenging pupils to learn: .. .there are things that are not going on here that should be going on.,. a All All those things that I was doing in my previous school just didn’t happen here. It was the same topics, the same things all the time... There was a lot of doing the same thing again and again, never adapting it for the class, never extending it and improving it. (Class teacher, 3 years in school)

The discontinuities and hiatus in leadership, the positive external judgements of school results, supportive parental feedback, a culture of placing personal relationships above professional growth needs and responsibilities, and a tradition of exercising individual professional autonomy among experienced, long-serving staff had affected the learning and achievement ambitions for their pupils.A teacher with extensive teaching experience in other schools observed:

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Things like working with lesson plans that were written in 2001; they don’t even have this on computers, they have it in written folders. In my old school, we were further on in terms of management structure and planning when I left 5 years ago than we are here. (Class teacher, 20 years’ experience, 2 in this school)

Pedagogical Leadership Strategies: Tensions Between Collegial and Individual Professional Autonomy in Practice The principal initiated and led pedagogical change in a number of areas during his first 2 years, with mixed success, for example: responding to the government’s new “assessment by levels” policy; introducing the consistent teaching of phonics; establishing a system of regular classroom observations, with an emphasis on students’ progress; restructuring the leadership team; and reorganizing the work of the teaching assistants, so that they were better able to support students with special educational needs. In the first year, the principal focused on restructuring the leadership team and setting new directions for working practices in the classrooms, students’ learning needs assessment, monitoring, and data-informed teaching practices, and the introduction of school-wide behavior management and special educational needs (SEN) policies. In doing so, he promoted collegial professional autonomy, through meetings and joint decision-making based on classroom observations and student work scrutiny, as his primary means of influencing existing mindsets and practices, building social capital through teacher collaborations, and collective decisionmaking in which he was an active participant: There are some things (phonics) where we’ve been able to change things quite quickly and almost despite what people want, and some things where the change has been more considered and demo- cratic – for example, assessment for learning and marking policy. I had different approaches according to the priority, according to the pace needed in the change. (P)

Although the arrival of the new principal had, for some staff, brought the promise of renewed energy for change, increased academic rigor in teaching and learning, student progress and attainment, and productive partnerships, others, especially those who taught Key Stage 2 students, were less accepting. Interviews revealed a clear division between staff in terms of their willingness and confidence to respond to demands for change, particularly with regard to new accountabilities. There [is] still a lot of resistance and a lot of resentment. They don’t see the positive effect that [the principal] has had on the school. It’s almost like they’re blinkered. It’s a struggle. Their influence over the school is so strong that it’s almost as if... there’s nothing we can do... (DH)

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A Divided Staff Although no specific questions were asked about teachers’ sense of well-being during the period, the interviews with staff highlighted the teacher well-being challenges faced by the principal as he sought to engage teachers in pedagogical and belief-change processes which challenged long-held notions of individual professional autonomy of a number of the more experienced teachers: I think that there are two groups in the school. There’s a group that want to see the school moving forward, changing, getting better, and I think that there’s a group that has been here for a long time and that likes the way things have always been... the challenge is [to] unite everyone and get everybody in the same direction... (T7)

Interview data across the three years of the research revealed two broad, stable groupings of staff opinion: (i) those who supported pedagogical change through collegial decision-making and (ii) those who were committed to individual professional autonomy, on the basis of claims that collegial professional autonomy would lead to limiting their individual freedom to promote students’ broader educational opportunities. Group 1: The supporters. The new deputy principal, appointed from within the school, spoke of the positive, whole-school effects of the collegial professional autonomy advocated by the principal: For the staff generally, we know where children are, we know where they need to go. I see massive change, personally. I feel a much more positive atmosphere around with the children around school. I see a vibrant school. The children are engaged, they seem happy... I think a lot of the issues around SEN (special educational needs) particularly were brushed under the carpet before. Children were sat in corridors doing work. Whereas now we insist that they are included in the classroom. (DH)

She praised the principal’s patience in “letting people come up with ideas themselves,” and his clear focus on students’ well-being as well as academic attainment: He’s very good at allowing people the opportunity to input into changes that happen. People come up with the ideas themselves but he guides them. He gives lots of opportunities for improving ourselves. It feels like we’ve got lots of chances for professional development. (DH)

She supported his insistence on collegially agreed changes in student assessment systems in the classroom: Pupil progress meetings which weren’t happening much before the new principal came in, things like intervention groups and having more of a hold on the SEN children and just knowing our children better and having to talk about our children more and being held to account at the end of the year when you have your appraisal... And regular observations, which people don’t like but it’s helped.. . we know where we’re going. (DH)

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However, after three years, some of those who had initially supported change had begun to doubt the principal’s ability to achieve this across the school. Brenda was a year 1 and 2 phase leader and had been at the school for three-plus years, having taught elsewhere previously. She supported the changes that her principal wanted, but was critical of his early collegial stance in which he had been less directive than she would have preferred. The result of this had been that he had failed to “win over” those who doubted the need for pedagogical change. Evidence of this was, she stated, to be found in inconsistencies in the implementation of the whole-school behavior policy, lack of curriculum reform, and “robust” discussion among members of the senior leadership team (SLT). I think there comes a point where you have to say ‘I’m telling you how to do this, I’m offering you reasons why you’ve got to do it. If you’re not gonna do that, these are gonna be the consequences.’ He sits on the fence too much and doesn’t give you enough... I’m now in a place with a team of people who’ve been there for a long time and they are very, very hardworking people, but they like to do things the way they’ve always done them. They can get very uncomfortable if you try and change even some things which you think are obvious that you’ve got to change. I think we very clearly need to know what the development priorities are, but we haven’t had robust enough discussions as an SLT (senior leadership team) about how we’re going to get to them and the time- scales for getting to them and the support that we’re going to put in for people. (T1)

Group two: The unconvinced. Teachers in this group had refused to accept the otherwise collective agreements about how student progress might be enhanced. Lesley was a Key Stage 2 teacher (10- to 11-year-olds), had taught at the school for 15 years and remained unconvinced of the need to change. She pointed particularly to the demands of the increased bureaucracy in implementing the marking scheme that the principal had introduced, the introduction of detailed classroom tracking of student progress, and changes in support structures for students with significant learning difficulties for the purpose of differentiation in teaching, all of which had been agreed by Key Stage 1 teachers. I think that there is still a significant amount of work that we are asked to do which we don’t believe in, or at least that we feel is unnecessary... for instance I think there are a lot of people who are adhering to the marking policy – I’m one of them – but aren’t quite sure whether it’s worth the amount of effort that were putting into it, in terms of whether or not the children read it, or if they have opportunity to read it. We’re meant to give them opportunity to read it, but in a crowded timetable I just don’t think that’s practical a lot of the time. The amount of time we spend marking has increased phenomenally and I’m not certain that there has been a proportional improvement in the work that they’ve produced.

Another teacher, with 19 years of service in the school, listed the changes that had, by implication, adversely affected her world of teaching: (i) “Now everything has become much more boxed. Everything is answerable, very results driven, very much on attainment”; (ii) “The Christian element was an underlying part of day to day life, and over the last 3 or 4 years things have changed drastically”; and (iii) “Sometimes you are fighting a bit for the wider development of the whole child.”

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An experienced teaching assistant also expressed a deep sense of change-induced fatigue: There was a certain point in my career, it was probably about two years ago, where I just said I’m tired of all the change, I’m tired of all the distress and the negativity that comes with change.. . so I still give my 100% to the children, but I keep out of any issues within the school in terms of politics and staffing problems... I don’t want to give my life to that. (TA3)

Students’ Academic Progress and Attainment: A Mixed Picture The principal’s reform-related “improvement” agenda, through his promotion of collegial professional autonomy, met with only partial success. Those who taught Key Stage 1 students (five- to seven-year-olds) collectively reoriented their planning, teaching, and assessment practices so as to take account of the government’s standards agenda. However, they could not be said to be “compliant,” nor to have experienced diminishing autonomy or de-professionalization, since they had not abandoned their broader educational beliefs, values, and practices. In contrast, a group of long-standing, experienced, highly efficacious, and committed teachers, many of whom regarded themselves and were regarded by parents as doing a good job, continued to assert their right to exercise what they claimed to be their professional autonomy in deciding individually how they planned, taught, monitored, and assessed their Key Stage 2 students (7- to 11-year-olds), despite evidence that they were underperforming. Over the principal’s first three years, it became apparent that in Key Stage 1 (fiveto seven-year-olds), students’ progress and performance in reading, writing, and mathematics, according to national tests, had improved. In the three years, 2013–2016, results in phonics in Key Stage 1 rose from 45.5% in 2014 to 80% in 2015 and 93% in 2016. However, this improvement was not matched by students at Key Stage 2 (7- to 11- year-olds). Here, progress over the same period in reading was below the national average (61% vs 66%), and progress in mathematics was well below the national aver age (56% vs 70%). When these results were combined, the GLD of 10to 11-year-old students in River Edge Primary was rated at 46% against a national average of 53%. Strikingly, by 2016, the Key Stage 2 students at this school, drawn from a relatively socioeconomically advantaged community, were judged to be performing on a par with those attending schools in the area which had a greater proportion of economically disadvantaged students.

Discussion Evidence from the research: (i) challenges claims that reform necessarily results in school cultures of compliancy, de-professionalization, and the technicization of teaching; (ii) raises issues about the nature of individual and collective autonomy;

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(iii) examines the pedagogical roles of principals in leading and managing teachers’ work in a devolved, “self-governing” school system; and (iv) questions teachers’ rights to individual classroom autonomy where this is associated with their students’ academic underperformance.

External Reform, Professionalism, and Teacher Autonomy Policy developments internationally are claimed to be directly related to widespread reports of poor recruitment, burnout, early attrition, and low morale among many teachers (Breslin, 2002; Smithers & Robinson, 2003; Liu & Onwuegbuzie, 2012; Lindqvist et al., 2014; Ingersoll et al., 2016), and researchers have highlighted the pedagogical challenges, professional tensions, and ethical dilemmas that education policies and reforms have produced for teachers as constituting a potential threat to their ability to strive to offer a “good” education and engage in “meaningful” professional conduct (Fuhrman, 1999; Mitchell et al., 2011). They have produced, it is claimed: a situation where measurement has become an end in itself rather than a means to achieve a good education in the fullest and broadest sense of the term. (Biesta, 2015: 83)

The findings from this research challenge this apparent cause-and-effect relationship between policy demands and teacher compliance. Long ago, Elmore (2003) concluded that a common misconception of policymakers is “the belief that policies determine how individuals and organizations think and act—what problems they regard as important, how they organize themselves to work on those problems, what results they regard as evidence of their success” (Elmore, 2003: 195); and more recent research in English secondary schools found that schools “enact” rather than “implement” externally initiated reforms, interpreting and contextualizing, rather than strictly implementing (Ball et al., 2012). That research, albeit conducted in secondary schools, found also that there was a “dearth of values-talk”: Social values and principles of social justice are less than obvious components of the policy process... It is often the case that ethical-democratic concerns come into play only weakly over and against and within the interpretation and enactment of policy (Ball et al., 2012: 10)

However, it was clear from the interviews at River Edge Primary over three years that satisfying external policy demands alone was never the primary goal for either the principal or the staff, and that social values and principles of social justice were an ongoing part of the improvement agenda. It was teachers’ moral values, a commitment to make a positive difference to the learning progress of the students, that were the driving force. Moral purposes are at the center of all teachers’ understanding and application of their responsibilities to act in the broader rather than the narrower interests of

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students. They define their motivations, purposes, actions, and professional identities (Hansen, 1993; Nias, 1999; Day & Gu 2007). The principal’s twin emphasis on developing and using measures which enabled them to differentiate more finely between the learning needs and progress of individual students, and equity of care in restructuring the education of SEN (special educational needs) students, supported their moral purpose and was welcomed by the majority. Those teachers who enhanced their pedagogical practices and fine-tuned their systems of monitoring student progress and achievement through collegial professional autonomy did not state that their individual professional autonomy was under threat. They had not abandoned their broader educational purposes and practices, but incorporated the new practices into these. They were pleased that the progress and attainment of their students in literacy and numeracy improved over the three-year period of the research. However, those who refused to countenance a loss to their individual professional autonomy continued to prioritize their broader purposes over increasing the academic progress and performance of their students on the grounds of their long-held notion of strong moral purpose, and their sole authority to judge what was right for the betterment of their students. They believed that the education they were providing benefited their students’ broad development needs. They did not accept that planning and teaching in new ways would add value to their students’ opportunities to improve their academic progress and achievement, despite clear evidence that their students were underperforming. This suggests that, without attention to the accountability requirements from policymakers and parents for students to improve in measurable ways, the achievement of “moral purposes” may be limited. There may be several reasons that these teachers would not engage in new pedagogical classroom practices. For example, they may have been unable or unwilling to summon the additional energy needed, or have lacked the commitment to improving their students’ progress and attainment. There was no evidence, however, of either of these among the teachers. Rather, they used the claim to individual professional autonomy as a way of excusing their resistance, despite the decline over 3 years in their students’ progress and attainment. It may be argued, then, on the basis of these data, that these teachers were disadvantaging their students, and that one example of this was a decline, rather than an improvement, in students’ academic progress and attainment. The meanings and practices of teacher professionalism continue to be a topic of considerable debate, especially among academics in many countries who are variously concerned that changes in national policy demands, particularly external inspection and regulated student assessment related to the achievement of success in particular areas of the curriculum, threaten its key components: qualification following a period of extended training, teacher autonomy, and discretionary decision-making. Although “autonomy” is generally recognized as being central to the ability of teachers to function as professionals, different kinds of autonomy and the use of these in practice have rarely been examined in contexts of changes in school governance, contexts, conditions, and expectations.

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Pedagogical Leadership: The (New) Responsibility of Principals ... the most prevalent universal intervention among OECD countries has been to increase the accountability of schools and schooling systems through the assessment of student performance. (Willms, 2006: 13)

As many national education systems continue to promote devolved governance, so there has been an increase in principals’ pedagogical leadership responsibilities. Under the “self-improving” system of school governance in England, for example, principals are directly responsible and accountable to government for raising the academic standards of students. This has caused the balance in the school system in England, as in many countries, to shift toward the increased use of authority by the principal and away from trust in individual teachers’ ability to make decisions about student learning, progress, and attainment in their classrooms. The extent to which teachers are able to exercise individual professionalism now depends not only on the relative strength of their own knowledge, skills, and moral purpose, but also on how the principal uses his/her pedagogical authority in establishing the collective values expressed in the cultures of the schools in which they work. Thus, how principals interpret and manage this authority in externally initiated neoliberal reform contexts may now determine how their teachers experience professional autonomy. Schleicher (2018: 96) argues that “rarely do teachers own their professional standards to the extent other professionals do, and rarely do they work with the level of autonomy and in the collaborative work culture that people in other knowledge-based professions take for granted.” This research found that under the leadership of a newly appointed principal, while teachers’ individual professional autonomy was willingly reduced, their collective professional autonomy was increased. The principal used his pedagogical authority to promote improvements in the academic progress and attainment of all students, and this was paralleled by the development of a social justice-inspired inclusive agenda. He did so through leading and modeling collegial professionalism. This was embraced by the majority of staff, who reaped the associated rewards of seeing increased student progress and attainment, while sustaining their broader educational purposes and practices. However, a minority of experienced, influential staff insisted on their rights in continuing to engage in what they claimed to be their individual professional autonomy, despite seeing a decline in the “value-added” progress and attainment of their students. These teachers were unwilling to acknowledge that their teaching was simply not good enough in terms of value-added progress and attainment, and that student progress and attainment were below the levels which could reasonably be expected of them. While it is not possible to establish a direct cause-and-effect relationship between teaching and student performance, without taking account of other variables (Fenstermacher & Richardson, 2005), it is reasonable to infer an association when different cohorts of students of a teacher underperform academically in terms of their progress and measured attainment over that teacher’s three consecutive years of teaching.

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It may be argued that the principal’s pedagogical approach of collegial professional autonomy met with only partial success, and that other alternative approaches might have been used with those who refused to abandon what they claimed to be their right to exercise individual professional autonomy. His inability to harmonize internal social relationships points to deeper issues concerning the meanings of “professional- ism” and “autonomy,” which privilege a more functional focus on evidence-informed teaching through which teachers are able to work more effectively toward realizing the academic potential of their students. Under devolved school systems, how principals lead and manage teachers’ sense of professionalism is important, because it defines how their teachers experience professional autonomy. This is especially the case where national reform agendas give more responsibility and accountability for the leadership, management, and students’ academic outcomes to school principals. This research adds to the evidence of a range of research internationally that reforms do not necessarily result in a loss of autonomy or the de-professionalization of teachers, but that autonomy itself needs to be understood as being contextually situated and at different levels (Day et al., 2016; Day, 2017; Gu et al., 2018). These and other studies have acknowledged the complexities and challenges, but also the benefits of the new, reform-induced teacher professionalism, the ways in which teachers in schools understand and exercise autonomy in their individual and collective practices, through their own educational beliefs, and the mediating effects of school leaders.

Teachers’ Entitlements to Individual Professional Autonomy Forrester’s (2000) case study of managerialism in a primary school provides an example of the dynamic interplay between organizational/social structures and individual agency (Giddens, 1976) as interdependent. She suggested that “teachers’ notions of professionalism as understood by them in the past, have been displaced, and their professional autonomy, judgment and expertise denied by the shift in the control of education towards central government” (p. 147). However, while the shift may be constraining, it may also be enabling (Giddens, 1976). The evidence from staff at River Edge Primary shows that the exercise of individual professional autonomy over collegial professional autonomy hindered rather than progressed student learning, but that “general professional autonomy” was thriving. Teachers of students in the Key Stage 1 phase collectively enacted a managerially driven agenda of raising standards of student performance because this corresponded to the moral purposes and professional values and aspirations, without displacing their notions of professional- ism and, within this, autonomy. They did not see themselves as being compliant, and so maintained their sense of general professional autonomy. In contrast, teachers of Key Stage 2 students asserted their right to exercise individual professional autonomy, placing themselves in conflict with colleagues who embraced the principal-promoted agenda of collegial professional autonomy. Claims to a right to exercise individual professional autonomy were used by these teachers as a reason not to change. They associated collegial professional autonomy

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with unnecessary increases in workload, and a narrowing of their broader teaching and learning agendas, a leadership strategy to achieve compliance with the implementation of government policies (Forrester, 2000). These teachers might be said to be using the language of individual professional autonomy as a means of either opposing the principal’s exercise of pedagogical leadership in order to improve students’ academic progress and attainment, justifying their role in their students’ relative underperformance, or both. It may also be that they were at a phase in their careers when they did not possess or were unwilling to raise the energy necessary to engage in change itself, though there was no evidence of this. The research does not challenge claims that autonomy has been reduced for teachers, in terms of their individual freedom and capacity to choose what and how to teach and assess students’ learning needs. Rather, it questions whether this reduction has made any difference to their general and collegial sense of autonomy and their moral and ethical purposes and practices, when an essential part of moral purpose is an ongoing commitment to contribute to the progress and attainment of their students, and their sense of professional autonomy.

Conclusions The research reported in this chapter adds to the evidence internationally that reforms do not necessarily result in the de-professionalization of teachers, but that autonomy itself needs to be understood in different ways. It has provided insights into leadership and teaching in schools in reform contexts that exert external pressures which promote an emphasis on students’ measurable progress and attainment, and illustrates ways in which teachers’ general professional autonomy in practice may be supported through collegial professional autonomy. It has also highlighted the challenges to principals when individual and collegial professional autonomy are enacted within the same school, the negative effects of the former and the positive effects of the latter on both staff relationships and student progress and achievement. These findings are embedded in tensions between “freedom to choose and responsibility for choice” (Brint, 2006: 108). Over the three-year research period these tensions remained unresolved at River Edge Primary, as a group of experienced teachers continued to assert their authority for individual professional autonomy, challenging the collegial professional autonomy of their colleagues. While their position may be regarded as untenable in relation to teachers’ moral purpose, where this includes seeking to include meeting the needs of students in terms of academic progress and attainment, it does not necessarily illustrate obduracy: ... Submitting to the control of an occupational community is difficult and unsatisfying for many people at times; it is a restriction of freedom as much as a prevention for freedom. It requires the willingness to accept autonomy of professional teachers... This takes cour- age, and it requires identification with occupational elites, rather than managers or clients. (Brint, 2006: 120)

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For the majority of teachers at River Edge Primary, even in an era of unprecedented reform, being and behaving as a professional continued to be associated with having a strong technical culture (knowledge base), service ethic (commitment to serving clients’ needs), professional commitment (strong individual and collective identities), and professional autonomy (control over classroom practice), though this latter was now framed collegially by the principal. Although policy trends have changed teachers’ orientations to work (Leicht & Fennell, 2001), general claims that, as a result, teachers have become “technicians” – whose professionalism has been compromised – would appear to be unfounded in practice in this school. An important, as yet relatively unexamined issue, however, is whether some teachers should be able to avoid participation in whole-school “performativity” orientations through collegial professional autonomy, by continuing to exercise individual professional autonomy, if the effect of such nonparticipation is to deny the students the opportunity to develop their personal, social, and academic potential.

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Exposing the Tensions of Teacher Professionalism Rupert Knight

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Context for School-Initiated Pedagogical Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pedagogical Change and Professional Autonomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Individual Responses to Pedagogical Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Case of Green Hill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Individual Experience of Pedagogical Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Experiencing Personal Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Experiencing School-Level Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Experiencing Learner Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pedagogical Change and Professionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Confidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collegiality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Accountability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Education in many countries increasingly exists in an environment of competition, measurement, and comparison. As well as emphasizing external accountability, this landscape may offer schools, in theory, a degree of autonomy. Schoollevel innovation, however, implies a degree of courage on the part of teachers if it involves stepping away from the safety of a conception of professionalism centered on compliance with externally measured standards. This chapter explores the complex interplay of pedagogical change and teacher professionalism. Drawing on the example of a school undergoing a year of pedagogical innovation, the complexity and ambiguity of teachers’ responses to an inspiring, R. Knight (*) University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_32

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but challenging, period of school-level change are revealed. Tensions around professional confidence, collegiality, and accountability in response to pedagogical change are discussed. The case is made in particular for the necessity of a strong collective response to the challenges of unlearning deeply ingrained practices and, above all, reconciling school-led change with external scrutiny. These tensions are related to competing forms of managerial and democratic professionalism. It is suggested that the enactment of pedagogical change that is not externally mandated, but rather school led and “courageous,” can potentially challenge, as well as enhance, teacher professionalism. The notion of the limits of professionalism being exposed in various forms is introduced as a way of explaining the potentially detrimental aspects of this process. Keywords

Pedagogy · Change · Professionalism · Accountability

Introduction Pedagogy, as the act and discourse of teaching (Alexander, 2004), is both a private and a public matter for teachers. The act of teaching may occur largely behind closed doors, unseen even by close colleagues, but the discourse of teaching is vigorously debated as a subject of national and global policy and cuts to the heart of assumptions about educational aims and values. Freedom to innovate pedagogically at school or individual level is an indicator of teaching’s status as a profession but is associated with a complex array of tensions from both inside and outside school. This chapter seeks to explore the relationship between school-initiated pedagogical change and teacher professionalism, with a focus on teachers’ own experiences of such a process. It will consider the global and policy-level context for school change and then how pedagogical change relates to professional autonomy and individual agency, illustrating these principles through the case of teachers in a particular school.

The Context for School-Initiated Pedagogical Change Education systems in many countries are currently subject to a prevailing culture of standardization, measurement, comparison, and competition (Sahlberg, 2016). This neoliberal culture is characterized by high-stakes testing and public accountability for performance that may be at odds with many teachers’ personal philosophies (Moore & Clarke, 2016) and results in what Ball (2012) views as an “active docility and depthless productivity” (p. 31) among teachers and students. Nevertheless, this external accountability is often closely associated with a degree of school-level autonomy and the two may work hand in hand where “effective” student performance is concerned (OECD, 2011). The international nature of this Global

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Education Reform Movement (GERM) (Sahlberg, 2016) is perhaps epitomized by the effects on domestic education policy in the last two decades of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) as a crude means of international comparison. The globalization of education has also influenced the long-standing debate around both what is to be taught and how. An emphasis on PISA performance and other forms of comparison have led to a narrowing of the curriculum (Sahlberg, 2016) and frequent examples of policy borrowing from high-performing – particularly East Asian – education systems (Sellar & Lingard, 2013). The focus on measurable outcomes relates to an increased interest in “knowledge-rich” curricula (Young, 2013; Hirsch, 2009) and, consequently, pedagogical strategies of “instruction” geared toward the retention and retrieval of this knowledge (Deans for Impact, 2015; Sweller, 2016). Alongside this curriculum convergence, there is another response to the globalization of education. This is an ambition to educate students as global citizens through a focus on transferable learning and dispositions for life (Perkins & Salomon, 2012), which may also have implications for teachers’ own willingness to embrace pedagogical risk. While a polarized view of these positions is unhelpful – indeed, policy borrowing operates in different directions, with some highly ranked East Asian regions turning their attention to creative practices often associated with Western systems (Hui et al., 2015) – it is clear that a broad range of stances can be justified, depending on a school’s particular ethos. School leaders, then, find themselves in an ambiguous space when it comes to decisions about pedagogy. They may complicity seek to conform to “safe” practices likely to raise measurable standards or they may seek to resist. In reality, these positions may well be blurred more subtly in what Fuller (2019) identifies as forms of resistance masked with “a semblance of compliance” (p. 47). Nevertheless, there appears to exist potential for schools, individually or in groups, to shape learning, albeit within tight performance-oriented constraints, though it has been argued that school autonomy often concerns managerial rather than curricular or pedagogical issues (Hargreaves, 2016). While true pedagogical innovation at school level perhaps remains a brave and unusual ambition, many examples do exist of schools boldly exercising their ownership of the education process. Sometimes, such change is enacted collectively, as seen with schools following the EL Education program in the USA (Berger et al., 2016) or the Learning Without Limits movement in the UK (Swann et al., 2012). Sometimes, it occurs independently, with examples of individual school-led initiatives in areas such as developing higher-order thinking in Canada (Miedijensky et al., 2021), personalized learning in the UK (Solomon & Lewin, 2016), or curriculum enrichment in the USA (Beecher & Sweeny, 2008). While there is potential to shape pedagogy at school level, therefore, any such freedom must be balanced against new forms of external accountability. As Hargreaves (2016) points out, for example, schools in the USA, England, and Sweden may have opted out of local government control but accountability is now directed to national or state bodies. Much of this balance is echoed by different views of teacher professionalism. A broad distinction has been drawn over many years between professionalism characterized, on the one hand, by trust, collegiality, and professional autonomy, and, on

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the other, by control, performance, and accountability (Evetts, 2011; Sachs, 2015). Sachs, for example (2015), refers to these positions as “democratic” and “managerial” professionalism, respectively. While democratic professionalism implies a trust in teacher judgment, the pedagogical implication of managerial professionalism is that teacher expertise is likely to be defined by mastery of a narrow repertoire of practices prescribed from above. Such practices are increasingly promoted on the basis that they are evidence based, generalizable, and therefore “work.” These competing pressures are also usefully framed by Fullan and Hargreaves’ (2012) notion of business and professional capital. Professional capital, as a product of human, social, and decisional capital, is built over time by nurturing individual talents through effective collaboration and the valuing of practical, situated judgment. Professional capital has also been associated with the fostering of internal accountability on the part of teachers, which can lead to a more intelligent response to the necessary forms of external accountability (Fullan et al., 2015). In contrast, the prevailing business capital viewpoint aims for quick returns and results, based on the assumption that teaching is data driven and technically simple. Considering the focus here on classroom pedagogy, professional and business capital imply contrasting visions. On the one hand, the teacher is positioned as a collegial, reflective decision-maker, willing to take responsibility for learning outcomes and, on the other, as a competent technician, subject to scrutiny and regulation from above. Of course, these are characterizations of two extremes, so it is important to consider some of the nuances around teacher autonomy and change.

Pedagogical Change and Professional Autonomy There is a long-noted culture of conservatism found in schools (Lortie, 1975; Shulman, 2004), whereby short-term responses to day-to-day pressures may dilute ambitious innovation. In the case of one school’s pedagogical change studied by Solomon and Lewin (2016), for example, early ideals were quickly eroded by the realities of high-stakes testing, external inspection, and a change of leadership, so that practices school-wide soon reverted to a more traditional approach. At an individual level, teachers, as the potential agents of change, are frequently portrayed as disenchanted victims of a performative, standards culture. Hargreaves (2003) cites examples of educators worn down by standardization and centralized policy directives, while Ball (2003) refers to “values schizophrenia” (p. 221) as teachers’ ideals come into conflict with imposed practices. It is tempting simply to associate such ideals with a desire for personal autonomy, in line with the democratic vision of professionalism (Sachs, 2015). However, the reality may be more complex. Current discourses of professionalism and competence mean that, far from opposing policy, teachers may seek to enact neoliberal practices. This might arise from a desire to fit in and to be “professional,” in a managerial sense, or simply because, encultured as a competent craftsperson, a teacher is unused to working autonomously (Moore, 2004; Moore & Clarke, 2016). An alternative perspective is offered by Day (2017), who notes that, for some, there may remain “room for manoeuvre” (p. 9) as autonomy and

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moral purpose survive at individual level even in the face of school-level performativity. It seems pertinent, therefore, to explore more closely the extent to which teachers may see school-led pedagogical innovation as empowering, threatening, or merely irrelevant. Having some form of specialized knowledge and skill is widely considered one of the hallmarks of a profession such as teaching (Shulman, 2004; Evetts, 2011). More specifically, this includes expertise in not only the content, but also the transmission of subject matter, whether seen as a facet of a teacher’s knowledge base (DarlingHammond, 2006) or embodied in high-leverage “core practices” (Grossman & Dean, 2019). Pedagogical expertise, however, comprises more than just knowledge and enactment. Lortie (1975) long ago noted the “endemic uncertainties” (p. 134) involved in making judgments about teaching practices. While Lortie referred to this ambiguity as a source of teacher self-doubt and anxiety, teachers’ management of this very complexity has also been associated with their professional status. The capacity of teachers, in a highly complex environment, to understand, justify, and reason about their pedagogical choices in an informed way has been strongly asserted as an essential feature of professionalism (Pollard, 2010; Loughran, 2019). Rooted in this capacity to reason, pedagogical innovation and risk taking, too, have been linked to both “transformative” teacher professionalism (Mockler, 2005) and the ideals of twenty-first-century teaching more widely (Howard et al., 2018). Nevertheless, realizing this professional ideal is far from straightforward, so what are the factors that may foster agency and ownership of pedagogical change at an individual level?

Individual Responses to Pedagogical Change A teacher’s agency, or the belief that they can make a difference, is at the heart of change. However, Priestley et al. (2013) suggest that agency is not an inherent capacity that teachers do or do not possess, but rather something that arises from engagement with environmental factors. In light of the importance of judgment and pedagogical reasoning, one such factor may be the extent to which teachers have been encouraged to challenge assumptions and approach their work from a researchliterate perspective. This has been identified as a hallmark of a “mature” profession (Sachs, 2015) and as an aspirational cornerstone of teacher education (BERA/RSA, 2013). However, an interest in research may also lead to a seductive but simplistic “what works” discourse. Such a view can imply the prescription of generalizable “correct” forms of teaching and may actually serve to undermine professional judgment (Biesta, 2017). Indeed, in the case of school-level innovation, Fullan (2016) emphasizes the importance of developing meaning among individuals at every stage of initiating, implementing, and continuing educational change. A positive disposition to pedagogical change is also related to an individual’s wider orientation as a teacher and whether the changes in question are congruent with their goals and values. Such a response can often be highly emotional, underlining the affective dimension of pedagogical change (Van Veen & Sleegers, 2006). Day

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(2017), for example, argues that school change involves feelings of loss and anxiety, as former practices are unlearned and new ones are tentatively begun, while Elmore (2005) notes that the lack of continuity and linearity means that school improvement changes frequently “hurts emotionally” (p. 139) at teacher level. Readiness to innovate may also depend on the stage of a teacher’s career. Day and Gu’s (2010) large-scale study of English schools challenges the expectation of an inevitable plateau, suggesting that a clear majority of teachers maintain a sense of agency well into the later phases of their professional lives. In the career phases spanning 8–23 years, Day and Gu found that, despite often increased work-life tensions, most teachers sustained their commitment and were “confident, efficacious and enthusiastic” (p. 92). Similarly, Maskit (2011) found the most positive attitudes to pedagogical change to be among early-mid career teachers. These teachers were more likely to view the adoption of new pedagogies positively, as an inseparable part of the teaching profession. Either side of this mid-phase, new teachers in the “Induction” phase were torn between enthusiasm and the need for adaptation and survival at this stage, while late career teachers – veterans of many initiatives – were predictably more reluctant to change well-established practices. In subsequent work with preschool teachers, Maskit and Firstater (2016) link this receptiveness to pedagogical change at mid-career with a positive view of the teaching profession and greater professional confidence at this stage. A further factor in this consideration of personal experiences of school-level innovation is the interplay between the individual and the collective. Any collective initiative has to contend with norms of private practice and individual accountability behind classroom doors (Robinson & Timperley, 2007). Despite moves toward collaboration, studies have repeatedly reported a culture of isolation in schools (Lortie, 1975; Harford & MacRuairic, 2008), though Day (2017) suggests that recent policy shifts are likely to have mitigated this somewhat. Fullan (2016) therefore sets great store by reculturing the profession to avoid isolation and to promote collaboration within professional learning communities. Indeed, the emerging educational landscape referred to earlier has led to the dismantling of some forms of teacher community and the creation of new ones. For example, Miedijensky et al. (2021), in considering the introduction of pedagogies aimed at promoting higher-order thinking in a Canadian school, attribute some of the success to the teachers’ formation of teacher learning communities and the consequent peer support received. Hargreaves (2016), more generally, advocates a model of “collective autonomy” based on a number of factors: Collective autonomy is about constant communication and circulation of ideas in a coherent system where there is collective responsibility to achieve a common vision of student learning, development and success. (p. 131)

The question arises, therefore, how teachers might respond both individually and collectively to an ambitious pedagogical goal within a single school. In line with the association made earlier between autonomy and accountability at school level, Day (2020), for example, sees teacher autonomy as containing “competing elements of

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constraint, freedom, responsibility and accountability” (p. 249). He notes the way that beliefs in individual autonomy can actually hinder the collective implementation of a potentially valuable pedagogical change. While incorporating school-level pedagogical initiatives into one’s practices need not diminish personal autonomy, resisting collective change based on the perceived sanctity of individual autonomy can stand in the way of progress for learners. This issue of the individual’s professional autonomy in response to collective pedagogical change seems particularly important. Significant pedagogical change – whether externally mandated, as with the prescription of systematic synthetic phonics for teaching reading in the UK (DfE, 2013); as part of a broader, optional trend; or even as a more bespoke single school project – is likely to be implemented beyond a single classroom. However, while innovation may tend to begin at school or department level, Fullan (2016) reminds us that change ultimately depends not on this school-level implementation but on what teachers do and think: “it’s as simple and complex as that” (p. 97). In summary, for teachers, pedagogical change is bound up with a complex array of factors within competing conceptions of professionalism. On the surface, pedagogical innovation within school may seem an opportunity to exercise collective, if not individual, professional autonomy, but teachers’ experiences of such a process are likely to be heavily influenced by: (1) Teachers’ own professional confidence and agency (2) Teachers’ abilities to align change with their own values and moral purpose (3) The extent to which school-level innovation is positioned as a collective endeavor (4) The way that school leaders respond to and enact external policies to reconcile the pressures of formal accountability with school’s values In the case that follows, I now illustrate and explore some of these issues through the study of change during the course of a year in one particular school. The school, hereafter known by the pseudonym “Green Hill,” was chosen opportunistically as an example of a school that seemed to be embarking on a period of bold, principled pedagogical innovation.

The Case of Green Hill Green Hill is a medium-sized primary school in an area of social deprivation on the edge of a city in the English Midlands. At the time of the study, in common with many comparable schools locally, there had been a preoccupation with careful compliance and with test and inspection outcomes. In the year documented here, however, school leaders took the courageous decision to introduce a school-wide initiative centered on a more creative approach to pedagogy. The stated aim, under the banner of “immersive learning,” was based on an articulated assumption that children learn best through engaging experiences. It was to provide “A creative, inclusive, challenging and real-world curriculum that inspires future thinkers,

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innovators and problem solvers in an immersive environment that stimulates and supports high quality learning” (School briefing). In practice, this involved enacting a form of pedagogy based on experiential, collaborative, and inquiry-based learning through cross-curricular themes and reflected in immersive physical classroom environments. While representing a considerable change to practice, the introduction of this pedagogical shift at the start of the year was neither dogmatic nor highly prescriptive. Instead, it was presented as an addition to teachers’ repertoires, allowing for considerable professional judgment and freedom in the extent and manner of implementation. The initiative was launched, shortly before data collection began, by a visit to a “model” school which was seen to exemplify these values and by an immersive, themed staff training day, inspired by a high-profile publication and associated training program. School leaders had drawn inspiration from a number of sources but without a single, well-defined theoretical basis. Nevertheless, links can be established to some underlying principles. Creativity was cited frequently as a cornerstone of the project. Collard and Looney (2014) discuss creativity in terms of nurturing dispositions such as divergent thinking and the ability to create new ideas through, for example, openended learning opportunities allowing for student autonomy. Their distinction between teaching for creativity and teaching creatively is also relevant here, for Green Hill focused mainly on the latter, through the creation of immersive environments, themes, and scenarios for learning. The aspiration was for everyday creative learning for all, rather than the cultivation of distinctly original insights, a distinction made by Craft et al. (2007). The school’s interest in learning through inquiry, while not developed into fully fledged student-centered inquiry-based learning, calls to mind the “possibility thinking” described by Craft et al. (2007) with its emphasis on problem finding and solving and speculative dialogue. While superficially attractive to the teachers at Green Hill, such a stance potentially presented a number of immediate challenges, including the need for a secure knowledge base to accompany creativity (Tanggaard, 2014) and the narrow definitions of successful school performance that discourage divergent approaches and thinking (Newton & Newton, 2014). Indeed, as emphasized by Collard and Looney (2014), in the prevailing educational climate, creative teaching is a “risky endeavour” (p. 358) requiring a high degree of support, feedback, and collaboration for teachers. The study of Green Hill sought to capture the lived experiences of teachers in a school undergoing pedagogical change, with a focus on understanding participation in the process of change, rather than on its products and outcomes. As such, the research was conceptualized as an instrumental case study (Stake, 1995) with a longitudinal structure, which aimed to provide insight, beyond the intrinsic interest in this case, into the phenomenon of school-led, “courageous” pedagogical innovation. The study took a phenomenological stance, attempting to explore participants’ meanings and perceptions of their experiences, while minimizing the influence of researcher preconceptions (Moustakas, 1994). Participants were purposively selected from a pool of volunteers to provide a range of year groups and degrees of professional experience. This small sample, summarized in Table 1, allowed for the building close rapport and rich responses over a series of three interviews, one

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Table 1 Profile of participants Teacher 1 Teacher 2 Teacher 3 Teacher 4 Teacher 5 Teacher 6

Teacher, early years Teacher, year 3 Teacher, year 5 Teaching assistant, early years Teacher, year 2 Teacher, year 4

3 years’ experience 8 years’ experience 6 years’ experience 10 years’ experience 8 years’ experience 9 years’ experience

per term of the school year. As part of the ethical procedures, assurances were given about the interest in experiences rather than an evaluation of outcomes. In keeping with the attempt to preserve authentic accounts of personal experiences, interviews were largely unstructured, beginning with a request for a description of the phenomenon and then seeking elaboration through questioning contingent on the interviewee’s response. The inductive analysis followed the interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) procedure described by Smith et al. (2009). Repeated reading of and noting from individual sequences of transcripts led to the emergence of themes and a search for patterns across participants. Individual analyses by two interviewers then fed into a collaborative discussion, during which themes were tested, refined, and clustered, resulting in three overarching categories, before transcript were reread chronologically, participant by participant, in order to preserve a longitudinal sense of the personal journeys.

The Individual Experience of Pedagogical Change Based on the inductive analysis of interview data, three categories of experience over time were identified: personal change, school-level change, and learner change.

Experiencing Personal Change Early in the school year, the impact of the visit to the model school was immediately evident. The school was portrayed as simultaneously inspirational and daunting, providing an impressive stimulus but also perceived as somewhat distant from the realities of practices at Green Hill. While it was described in glowing terms as “incredible,” it was also seen as a “polished show home.” With its open plan classrooms, themed environments, lack of conventional furniture, and well-behaved students socialized into a different way of working, it presented a striking, potentially unattainable spectacle. “It’s so perfect. How can I copy that?” asked one teacher. Professional confidence was fragile as the initiative was launched and the challenge to some teachers’ ways of working were profound. For some, this seemed to reflect a generation who had trained and worked exclusively in a time of various forms of top-down prescription:

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You’ve got your core skills as a teacher, but we all trained the same way, formulaic lessons. We’ve got to retrain at some point. I’m not sure that can be done just in a few INSETs. It’s massive retraining for people and not everyone’s going to be happy to do that. No-one I’ve spoken to has gone, we’re not going to do it. I just think, from my sense, I don’t know how to do it yet. (T2) It’s outside of what we have ever known. I trained in the literacy and numeracy strategies where everything was in separate subjects. (T5)

Nevertheless, among these (self-selecting) participants, there was in general a readiness, receptiveness, and lack of cynicism that suggested the launch of the initiative had been effective. Teaching staff felt empowered by school leaders to have a go at adapting practice without overt pressure and prescription. By the second term, some of the early extremes had dissipated. There was less anxiety about the extent of change expected and, for some, the realization that much of this was nothing new and something they had “always done” as part of their repertoire. Meanwhile, however, the fairly low-key stance of school leaders meant that there was also less of a sense of ambition as, for example, the curriculum areas subject to statutory tests were excluded from the immersive approach and some practices remained unaffected: But in terms of teaching and learning style, for me personally, I’m not sure how much of that has changed. We are still very much teaching specific learning objectives and setting the criteria and the tasks to meet that ourselves so I suppose I’ve not really thought about how that side of things might change yet. That’s still kind of a bit scary. (T3)

Teachers were finding their own way of enacting these ideas, “finding a balance,” rather than “diving in headfirst.” In doing so, they were developing a greater understanding of the immersive pedagogy involved, in contrast with the early preoccupation with superficial features of the physical space. Despite this settling down, confidence remained an issue, with a recognition of the need to relinquish some control and let go of a teacher-led approach to lessons: I think I’m doing it but I’m slightly unsure as to how well I’m doing it. And I don’t know if that’s just me. I’m not very confident. I was doing the other way for years so it’s different. It’s things like noise levels and how they look when you walk in. (T2)

As well as the need for reassurance, this period highlighted the importance of keeping all teachers engaged in the change, as the initial shared stimulus and common vision had given way to diverse interpretations. One teacher noted that some colleagues were being “left behind,” while others, especially those working part-time, had not experienced all of the discussion and training and relied on word of mouth. Although, as the academic year progressed, the initial excitement and schoolwide impetus gave way to a hint of inertia, for T2 in particular there had been a strong personal transformation by the end of the year. As the teacher put it in the final term: “It’s completely and utterly changed what we do,” others described the new

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approach as second nature and reported a newfound freedom to take risks. For most, however, the outcome, while still positive, was more moderate and the momentum more uncertain: The scariness has given way to positivity about it and doing what works for you, so I think it will continue. How far it will go and whether it will be any more than we’ve done this year, I’m not sure. If you came back in a year’s time, I’m not sure you would see the school totally different from what it is now. There might be one or two more bits that have been dropped in. . .Yes, we’ve all taken some elements from it but I don’t think anyone would say they’re anywhere near what we saw [at the model school] in terms of how the teaching is done. (T3)

The degree of true personal transformation was also called into question by the references to school leadership and how relatively little emphasis now seemed to be given to the initiative compared with the start of the year. The claim that the principal “put it out there and then took a step back to see what people did with it.” underlines the importance of wider school change as the backdrop to each teacher’s personal experiences through the year and it is to this we now turn.

Experiencing School-Level Change As well as the changes to personal practice and professional confidence, the Green Hill teachers’ year was also colored by external influences at school level and beyond. It was immediately obvious that, alongside the physical resources needed for this initiative, the most precious commodity was time: time for collaboration but also for the new demands of more open and responsive planning. Time to discuss and plan had been allocated at the outset but sustaining this was difficult, despite the belief that, at the model school, teachers had had time and money to achieve what had been seen. Early concerns also centered on perceived conflict with meeting externally imposed standards. There was a widely held perception of professional conflict between, on the one hand, maintaining academic standards and, on the other, creating, as one teacher put it, “healthy learners” benefiting from a more creative experience. Consequently, some classes were seen as somewhat peripheral to the initiative, with no expectation of the end of key stage year groups (subject to nationally reported external testing) to “necessarily throw themselves into it.” As a phase leader, the emphasis is still on English and Maths and even more so this year. The key drivers are progress and attainment. A creative curriculum will help but in Year Two and Year Six, the creative side is a ‘nice to have’, as the focus is on results. (T5)

Clearly, the pedagogical change needed to be reconciled with accountability pressures. At the heart of this tension was the prospect of a visit from Ofsted (the inspection body for English schools). Rather than having a sense of professional confidence in a well-reasoned approach that could be justified, teachers tended to

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feel that Ofsted’s view was the decisive one. It would be the inspectors who would “change where we go,” either leading to “carrying on full force” or “back tracking,” depending on whether they bought into the new approach. In term two, the precarity and unpredictability arising from this tension was expressed particularly vividly by one teacher: I think Ofsted are confused and the schools are confused. . .It could damage us. Your books weren’t up to scratch, your learning environment was a bit chaotic. If it goes well, they’re going to be saying what you’re doing is brilliant. If it doesn’t then I think it will set us back. It’s quite dangerous. . .For us, as members of staff, we’re either really confident with what we’re doing or we go [sharp intake of breath] someone’s coming in so I’m going to do a normal lesson, how I’ve always done it because I know it works. (T2)

Within school, this ambiguity was reflected in what were seen as mixed messages: They want to see us taking risks and doing whatever these things are, they want to see us being completely and utterly, you know, ‘go for it kids’, that kind of thing. But then, in the next staff meeting, we have to bring our books and get them looked at. And we have to lay them out and go, look how neat your book is. . . I think we either need to work out how to do it well or go one way or the other. (T2)

To a certain extent, the challenge of holding one’s nerve rather than reverting to safe practices seemed to be related to a growing feeling of isolation. After the collaboration at the start of the year, teachers seem to have retreated to their own domains, one referring to the “Foundation bubble.” Time at Christmas to explore classroom environments had been much appreciated, but there was now a lack of awareness of colleagues’ work on the initiative. Teachers were largely unaware of practices beyond their most immediate colleagues and speculation abounded about whether others were “sticking to their guns.” When being observed, some people go for the full-on creative lesson, whereas some people revert back to a safe lesson. (T6)

In some cases, this lack of awareness led to suspicions that particular age groups might somehow be advantaged, or even that sharing could be unhelpful and demotivating if it made teachers feel they were “not doing enough” in comparison with colleagues. Concerns were expressed about whether the effort was sustainable, one teacher describing the staff as “exhausted,” as much by the intellectual demands of planning in a new way as any additional work. Toward the end of the year, while attitudes toward the pedagogical change remained positive on the whole, there was a sense of the standards-related pressure increasingly encroaching. Compromises continued to be made in year groups involved with high-stakes testing and, in the event, results were reported by one teacher to be “not as good as [school leaders] wanted them to be.” This affected other

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age groups too and one teacher described how they had responded as end of year targets had appeared on the horizon: It’s kind of fallen to the wayside this term. We’ve kind of just really gone back to basics: pick a picture, write a sentence about a picture, kind of thing. Just because we’ve been so strapped for time and people and this term’s always one of the busiest, in terms of you’ve got so much to do. . .we’ve got these children who need a big push, it’s quicker and, I suppose, a bit lazy of us to say, here’s some pictures of things they like and can they write a sentence about those. Hopefully next year, if they come in a bit closer to ‘expected’, that gives us the time to really focus on doing these immersive lessons and interactive lessons, as opposed to being, right we’ve got to help these children get the writing goal. (T1)

In addition to the ever-present spectre of inspection, new uncertainty also swirled around two additional factors. One was the impending departure of the school’s principal, who had been the chief architect of the initiative. While there was optimism that things would continue, inevitably this was not a given. There had also been speculation about the school being forced to convert into an “academy” (a school improvement process in England involving a school deemed to be underperforming being incorporated into a group led by a more successful school). The strong association in participants’ minds of these eventualities with the future of the initiative call into question the extent of any intrinsic transformation and teacherlevel autonomy. They remind us instead of the capricious nature of school-level educational reform, in which significant changes can stand or fall on a change of leader or set of results. In some ways, this lack of teacher-level confidence seems to have been compounded by the continued decline of opportunities for collaboration, to see “what’s worked and what hasn’t.” At the start had we had INSETs [training days] to plan and we felt really happy about that term. We didn't have this in the last term and so there wasn't enough collaboration to plan. We need this. It really makes a difference. (T5)

In the face of uncertainty about leadership, the need for teacher-level unity and collaboration arguably became even more important, just as it seemed to be diminishing.

Experiencing Learner Change Despite being positioned as something new, the new form of pedagogy was seen by teachers from the start as being largely compatible with both the school’s approach to learners and their own values: I look at the whole child now and to try not to just push things on them. I look at their background and needs. . . Nurturing is a need and is important before children are ready to learn. The school changes are really emphasising this. (T6)

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Nevertheless, there was a degree of caution about students’ readiness for these changes. In part, this related to the need to adapt midway through school, but also a sense from some staff at the upper end of the school that the approach would be more familiar to younger students, less socialized into formal learning habits. As the year progressed and teachers’ understanding of the need to look beyond purely an immersive physical environment developed, a mixture of views about learners’ progress emerged. Some remained conservative, for fear of change being “too much” for the students. In general, however, the tone was positive and an awareness of the benefits of giving students ownership of their learning seemed particularly striking, Teacher 6 claiming to be: “Much more responsive to the children’s needs, adapting planning for the class and the children.” It seemed clear that students’ performance and teachers’ professional confidence were closely bound up together: I’ve seen an improvement in the independent work and that’s really good to see – it’s built my confidence up a little bit. (T2)

Other teachers gave similarly positive accounts of contexts that had “sparked them” or captured a “natural interest.” By the end of the year, there was a feeling of progress having been made but also reflection on the struggles along the way, particularly involving collaboration and developing independence. While concerns lingered about being able to show evidence of progress, the overriding feeling was one of looking ahead to next year positively rather than seeking to backtrack in any way: We just take it that that’s what it is. We don’t remember the old way. The old way doesn’t exist anymore. Sometimes we say, do you remember such and such when we used to do. . .? And you think, I can’t believe we did that. (T4)

Although it is notable that the comments do not relate to the quality of learning – but rather student autonomy and their ability to respond to this with appropriate learning behaviors – the teachers were keen to convey the journey that their learners had taken.

Pedagogical Change and Professionalism The accounts above paint a vivid picture of the impact of the conflicting push and pull of competing aspects of professionalism, often related to inherent contradictions or tensions within education. While the experience at Green Hill was, on balance, a positive one by the end of the year in focus, it nevertheless revealed how the introduction of a pedagogical change interacts ambiguously and uneasily with conceptions of teacher professionalism. I elaborate on this here in three respects, focusing on professional confidence, collegiality, and, above all, accountability.

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Professional Confidence The introduction of change at Green Hill was broadly welcomed and professionally invigorating, as leaders asserted the school’s commitment to going beyond a preoccupation with standards to consider a broader set of educational aims. In keeping with the rhetoric of market-based reform (Sahlberg, 2016), it is unsurprising, perhaps, that Green Hill leaders looked for their main inspiration not to an established hierarchy of local advisors, but to a school further away which promoted its values and pedagogy through advertised professional development opportunities. While only intended as an initial stimulus (Green Hill held its own lively internal launch shortly afterward), offering the “model” school as a vision and exemplar could imply a belief in a generalizable “correct” form of practice (Biesta, 2017) to be emulated. While straightforward mimicry was almost certainly not the school’s intention, early comments from some teachers did suggest measuring themselves against this ideal, focusing on incorporating superficially observable elements of practice such as flexible working spaces and themed decoration of classrooms. Looking outside for inspiration also risked setting up a deficit view of Green Hill itself. The extent to which change represents true professional growth and not merely the supplanting of one orthodoxy by another hinges on the degree to which teachers can take ownership of new practices. One indicator of this would be evidence of pedagogical reasoning (Loughran, 2019) as teachers use their judgment to adapt principles for their own complex learning environments. Green Hill teachers, for example, spoke as the year progressed of finding a balance between old and new, understanding students’ readiness for new ways of working and a realization of the need to teach children skills of collaboration. Nevertheless, this discussion remained fairly limited. More prevalent was a sense of the loss and anxiety identified by Day (2017) as former, familiar practices were sidelined and new ones begun. While teachers were grateful for the open and nondirective approach adopted by leaders, this freedom to find their own interpretation was accompanied by a sense of unease. Teachers faced doubt about whether they were doing it “right” and the need to “unlearn” familiar habits. This group of teaching professionals had trained and worked exclusively within a climate of externally imposed standards and strategies. The fragility of professional confidence was therefore at the heart of this change and it is possible to view this case as a vivid illustration of the competent craftsperson discourse (Moore, 2004) and these teachers as the products of universities and schools that have become “compliant, fearful locations” (p. 85). While all teachers were either early or early-mid career (largely reflecting the staff team as a whole), it is interesting to note the strongest declarations of personal transformation coming from participants 2 and 4. These were teachers with 8 and 10 years’ experience, respectively – at the beginning of the career phase in which Day and Gu (2010) identify particular confidence, enthusiasm, and efficacy – while the teacher who admitted to abandoning new practices and going “back to basics” in the face of endof-year tests had taught for just 3 years.

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It seems that the relationship between a school-level initiative and professional confidence is precarious one. Undermining former certainties and inviting greater ownership is professionally exposing and may actually diminish professional confidence unless clear parameters, reassurance, and opportunities for peer support are in place: all factors that I now go on to examine.

Collegiality Taking as a reference point Hargreaves’ (2016) model of collective autonomy, the vision and responsibility for the pedagogical change were shared to a certain extent from the outset, since Green Hill’s year began, with much fanfare, as a school-wide endeavor. Hargreaves’ notions of circulation of insights and incessant communication, however, were less consistently evident. The dominant message as the year unfolded was one of uncertainty about others’ practices, with sharing largely confined to year group teams and a fear that some staff would be “left behind.” It seemed that a lack of specificity about core principles and practices, such as “creativity,” “immersion,” and “real-world” learning, together with the freedom to implement these complex ideals in a variety of ways and to differing extents, created a degree of doubt about colleagues’ fidelity to the collective project. As well as practical issues, such as a need to time to collaborate and resource the new classroom environments, the limited sharing of ideas and uneven implementation had other consequences. Although overt conflict between individual autonomy and the collective enterprise (Day, 2020) was not seen, divisions existed in other ways. Firstly, there was a tendency to compare practice, leading to some feelings of inadequacy, or “not doing enough” and a sense that some age groups of students were either better suited to this pedagogy or exempt, due to the need for good test results. This speculation also fueled the anxiety about external pressures, such as inspection and testing, and whether colleagues would be “sticking to their guns” or “back tracking” in the face of eventual scrutiny. The collective solidarity or peer learning needed for courageous change was lacking; to return to the concept of professional capital (Fullan & Hargreaves, 2012), we might say that, while human and decisional capital were nurtured in a limited way, social capital was insufficiently developed. Pedagogical change, then, requires ongoing commitment to collaboration so that developing meaning is important not only during initiation, but as change unfolds over time. Uncertainty over sustained collective commitment to the cause and consequent perceptions of a tiered or fragmented response on the part of one’s colleagues may reinforce divisions (such as age phases within a school) and limit professional growth. The outcome may be what Sachs (2015), for example, refers to as a managerial “collaborative professionalism,” with largely individual and procedural outcomes and processes – in contrast to “activist professionalism,” centered on transformative practice, new knowledge, and collective inquiry.

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Accountability To a great extent, the common thread running through the tensions around professional confidence and collegiality was the ever-present awareness of external accountability. Fullan et al. (2015) remind us of the distinction and interplay between internal and external accountability, internal accountability centering on the willing acceptance of responsibility and therefore teacher “buy-in” to a new initiative. Elmore (2005) suggests that strong internal accountability depends on the alignment of individual responsibility with collective expectations and, crucially, that this is likely to result in a more coherent and robust response to external pressures. At an individual level, the Green Hill teachers were clearly enthusiastic about the changes proposed, seeing them as consistent with their own values and the school’s ethos. Nevertheless, a significant leap of faith was required. Superficially, the trust that Hargreaves (2016) foregrounds as a prerequisite for autonomy was present, with low-key and nonprescriptive leadership of the change. There were signs, however, of this being subverted somewhat by the persistence of school-level practices such as book scrutiny and observation that, for some, felt at odds with the ideals of the immersive learning experience. Even more prominent was the consistent presence in teachers’ minds of external pressures, most notably school inspection and the need for good results in statutory tests. While it may be tempting to see positions as polarized, in line with Ball’s (2003) idea of values schizophrenia, the reality seemed to be more nuanced. Compliance was revealed by teachers in many forms: the emphasis on standards in the externally measured year groups and subjects; the sacrifice of the new pedagogies in order to meet progress targets in early years; and the perceived need for evidence in books. There was little sense conveyed, however, of this being directly imposed on those who are unwilling or resistant from above or outside. Instead, the tone was that of acceptance, summed up in one teacher’s contrast of progress and attainment as “drivers,” with creativity as “a nice to have.” In this, therefore, it is possible to see vividly the voluntary enactment of practices associated with a narrow form of organizational professionalism (Moore & Clarke, 2016). Also emerging from these longitudinal data is a picture of growing compliance over time, as end-of-year targets, external tests, and the uncertainty around the following year’s leadership increasingly encroached on the project. This is in keeping with Solomon and Lewin’s (2016) account of a secondary school undertaking a similar journey of change, which mirrors the difficulties of sustaining innovation under these pressures. In their case, poor test results and a change of leadership ultimately outweighed the successes and led to a reversion to previous practices under “the weight of the education marketplace” (p. 236). The outcome of Green Hill’s journey remained uncertain at the end of the study. This erosion of pedagogical innovation by external pressures is not, however, a foregone conclusion for schools. As shown at scale by Gu et al. (2018), high performing schools often manage to entwine external imperatives with schoollevel priorities and use policy-driven requirements to serve their own values and purposes. Nevertheless, it seems that the teachers at Green Hill had yet to be

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convinced that effectiveness in standards terms and more creative pedagogies need not be mutually exclusive and that authentic internal accountability might strengthen the school’s response to external pressures. Far from being confidently internalized, the new form of pedagogy hung precariously in the balance, dependent in the short term on the vision of the principal, the school’s current status, and its performance. The mixed messages engendered by the persistence of, for example, checking for written evidence of learning meant that school leaders’ complicity in these practices had not sufficiently insulated the teachers from the world outside. Put simply, any alignment of external and internal accountability priorities by school leaders was not apparent to the teachers of Green Hill. Despite instances of individual transformation and class-level success, there is a risk that attempting a brave internal change and experiencing firsthand its vulnerability in the face of a powerful performative culture may be discouraging and actually serve to perpetuate managerial forms of professionalism.

Conclusion In an educational world of competition, measurement, and comparison, professional courage is at the heart of school-initiated pedagogical innovation. Both the literature and the empirical case presented in this chapter highlight the almost insurmountable challenge involved in escaping the strong gravitational pull of standardization and external accountability. If escape is unfeasible, therefore, then mediating these tensions is a more productive ambition. In terms of teacher confidence in any such innovation, a key factor appears to be the degree to which new forms of pedagogy are perceived either to enhance or to undermine a school’s compliance with the standards agenda. This in turn depends largely on the clear, consistent, and visible alignment by school leaders of external and internal priorities. Those changes perceived to enhance standards, as narrowly defined by external forms of accountability and prescribed rigorously across a school or beyond, may be more immediately palatable, albeit within a limited, managerial form of professionalism. Such changes might currently include, for example, greater teacher-led, instructional, and knowledge-based approaches. However, changes predicated on valuing wider educational aims and outcomes require a considerable leap of faith on the part of teachers. Making that leap depends on a strong shared vision, collective solidarity, and, above all, on school leaders providing a consistent buffer of reassurance that individual responsibility, collective expectations, and formal external accountability are compatible. Ultimately, this chapter provides an example of how school-level pedagogical change, however well intentioned, may not always serve to enhance teacher professionalism and may even potentially diminish it. My contention here is that this process can amount to being professionally exposed. By this, I mean that the limitations of professional confidence and autonomy at an individual level are uncomfortably brought to the surface in this process of change. This sense of being professionally exposed through pedagogical change may take three forms:

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1. A teacher’s own competence, confidence, and readiness for enacting change are brought into the spotlight, as former assumptions are challenged and the certainties of familiar practices unlearned. 2. When innovation has to be reconciled with the unyielding realities of a performative agenda, the once implicit limitations of school and teacher autonomy become apparent in a newly explicit form. 3. Any deviation from a truly collective implementation of change risks spotlighting the hierarchies and hidden tiers within a school, as particular year groups, curriculum subjects, or staff members are either privileged or overlooked relative to their peers. Professional courage is a necessary ingredient of a broader, more democratic, view of teacher professionalism, but is also fragile. Pedagogical change, however, depends on strong leadership, a clear vision, and a collective solidarity if it is to thrive in the face of external accountability.

Cross-References ▶ External Change Agents in Professional Learning: The Case of the General Teaching Council Scotland ▶ From Benign Neglect to Performative Accountability: Changing Policy and Practice in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers Acknowledgments This chapter is derived in part from an article published in Research Papers in Education (2020), copyright Taylor and Francis, available online https://doi.org/10.1080/02671522. 2019.1568527

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Advancing Teacher Professionalism in Rural China: An Equality-Oriented Policy Approach

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Professionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenges About Teacher Professionalism in Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Equality-Oriented Policy Approach to Advancing Teacher Professionalism in Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Targeted Recruitment Policies Channeling More Professional Teachers to Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quality Assurance Policies Enhancing the Extent of Teacher Professionalism in Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Development Policies Advancing the Professionalization of Teachers in Rural China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Strengths and Issues of the Equality-Oriented Policy Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter examines how equality-oriented teacher policies influence teacher professionalism in rural China. After a critical review of relevant literature, this chapter conceptualizes teacher professionalism as an evolving set of individual teacher qualities, institutional configurations, and social discourses that enable the teaching profession to negotiate with relevant stakeholders to fulfill its ideal of educating students in moral, effective, and developmental ways. Guided by this conceptualization, this chapter identifies the challenges facing teacher professionW. Liao (*) Beijing Normal University, Center for Teacher Education Research, Key Research Institute of the Ministry of Education of China, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] Y. Wei Peking University, China Institute for Educational Finance Research, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_33

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alism in rural China. Next, statistical data, research literature, and policy documents are used in combination to analyze how the Chinese government’s equality-oriented policies address the identified challenges and advance teacher professionalism in rural China. The analysis results show that: (1) the targeted recruitment policies channel more and better-prepared teachers to rural schools; (2) the quality assurance policies improve the professional qualities of rural teachers; (3) the professional development policies promote the continuing professionalization of the teacher workforce in rural China. These policy endeavors constitute an equality-oriented policy approach to advancing teacher professionalism. This chapter concludes with a critical reflection on the strengths and issues of using the equality-oriented policy approach to advancing teacher professionalism in rural China and other geographically, economically, and educationally challenging circumstances. Keywords

Teacher professionalism · Rural education · Teacher policy · Educational equality

Introduction Being a teacher is a seemingly easy job. Many people believe that teachers’ work, especially in primary and secondary schools, is easy because what schools teach is not “rocket sciences.” A well-educated person with sufficient subject matter knowledge would teach well. Because of such intuitive, convenient, and pervasive misconceptions, the public treats teaching as a semi- or para-profession. Compared to other more established and mature professions (e.g., medicine, law, and engineering), teaching still lacks widely shared standards for practice, a solid and specialized knowledge base, and consequently a sufficient extent of autonomy in deciding what and how to teach (Ingersoll & Perda, 2008). These conditions pose challenges to teachers’ work, lives, and continuing development at both individual and collective levels. But in reality, teaching is complex and challenging. Lortie’s (1975) sociological study of teachers’ work shows that teaching is a highly contextual practice. An array of student, school, community, and sociocultural contexts simultaneously shapes the purposes, process, and outcomes of teaching, making teachers teach in the face of numerous uncertainties moment after moment. Lortie coins the term “endemic uncertainty” (p. 134) to describe this generic feature of teaching. Many other scholars (e.g., Cohen, 2011) further confirm the contextuality and complexity of teaching. Furthermore, several new conditions taking shape in the twenty-first century (e.g., globalization, industrial revolution 4.0, and the Covid-19 pandemic) pose new and significant challenges to teachers. The disparity between how the public views teaching and what teaching entails speaks to a vital concept in teacher education research – teacher professionalism, which is unpacked further in the next section.

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Teacher Professionalism The definition of teacher professionalism hinges on the definition of profession and professionalism. In brief, a profession is a type of job that requires special education, training, or skills. Based on their review of a collection of existing definitions in the literature, Tapper and Millett (2015) identify a series of core elements that a profession should possess. These include the following: holding an ideal of service and responsibility to the public good; based on a body of specialized knowledge; operating as a community and is self-regulating; requiring intensive training and formal qualification; and requiring a code of ethics or shared ethics. Accordingly, professionalism can be understood as the combination of the above elements that constitute a profession. Informed by the general discussions on profession and professionalism, educational scholars (Demirkasımoğlu, 2010; Goodwin, 2021; Whitty, 2008) have proposed various understandings of teacher professionalism, which converge into three primary perspectives: the compositional perspective (Ingersoll & Perda, 2008), the developmental perspective (Hargreaves, 2000), and the power-negotiation perspective (Whitty, 2008). The compositional perspective focuses on the elements entailed for making teaching a profession. Studies taking this perspective have identified a list of elements that the teaching profession must possess. These include credentials, induction, professional development, specialization, authority, and compensation, among others (Ingersoll & Perda, 2008). Studies taking the developmental perspective tend to view teaching professionalism as a process of developing from one phase to another. For instance, Hargreaves (2000) argues that the teaching profession is going through four different ages: the preprofessional age, the autonomous professional age, the collegial professional age, and the postprofessional/postmodern age. The third perspective – the power-negotiation perspective – is mainly concerned with the power dynamics behind the regulations of teachers’ work, lives, and development (Whitty, 2008). In particular, this perspective asks who has the legitimacy and power in controlling teachers. While some scholars within this camp advocate that the power should come from teachers themselves, some others recognize the reality and importance of external forces (e.g., political agenda, global trends) in shaping individual teachers’ work, life, and development and the overall status of the teaching profession (Goodwin, 2021). Informed by the above three perspectives, this chapter conceptualizes teacher professionalism as an evolving set of individual teacher qualities, institutional configurations, and social discourses that enable the teaching profession to negotiate with relevant stakeholders to fulfill its ideal of educating students in moral, effective, and developmental ways. This conceptualization highlights that teacher professionalism is composed of several core elements, including individual teachers’ qualities (e.g., knowledge, abilities, dispositions, and performances), institutional configurations (e.g., shared standards for teaching practices, a credential system for regulating the entry into teaching), and public discourses (e.g., the social status of teachers and teaching). It also stresses that these elements are not static but constantly evolving, which echoes with Hargreaves (2000), who views teacher professionalism as a fluid

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and evolving social phenomenon. Further, this conceptualization points out the politics involved in teacher professionalism. In other words, whether and to what extent teaching is a profession is not a purely scientific question. Instead, it involves the power-negotiations and interest-(re)distributions between the teaching profession and related interest groups, such as government officials who make and enact policies to regulate the teaching workforce, other public servants who compete for fiscal resources, and providers of private, shadow, or extracurricular education outside of the public schooling system. Thus, teacher professionalism inevitably involves how teachers, both individually and collectively, position themselves and are positioned as who they are as they interact and negotiate with other social interest groups to enhance their identity, autonomy, and interests.

Challenges About Teacher Professionalism in Rural China The status of teacher professionalism varies significantly across contexts. Rural China is one of the contexts that witness persisting and severe challenges in relation to teacher professionalism. In the past few decades, China has been drastically developing its economy, education, and overall living conditions for the Chinese people. Nevertheless, the development is quite unbalanced due to the traditional urban-rural divide of Chinese society. In particular, the rural regions of China, including small villages, townships, and suburban areas surrounding county seats, are significantly lagging behind their urban counterparts in many respects, such as economy, living conditions, job opportunities, health care, education, and other respects (Whyte, 2010). In the field of education, two specific types of the urban-rural divide – the household registration system (hukou, 户口) and the urban-rural schooling system – have been the main drivers of educational inequality in basic education in China. In the 1950s, the state started the modernization process with industrialization as the focus and chose the development strategy of giving priority to heavy industry and urban areas. Agriculture and the rural regions play the role of providing primitive accumulation for industrialization by providing low-cost agricultural products to ensure low-cost food supply, low wages, and low costs in cities. The structural transformation of this period mainly relies on three institutional arrangements: the collective purchase and sale of agricultural products, the people’s commune system, and the household registration system (hukou). The hukou system assigns people to rural hukou versus urban hukou according to one’s place of residence and parents’ hukou status, corresponding to the kind of taxes one needs to pay and public goods and social welfare one can enjoy, including education. The urban-rural divide in hukou status and prourban and industry policy strategy has created a social hierarchy with rural residents at the bottom. Despite the drastic economic reform since 1978 – the beginning year of the Reform and Opening-Up Campaign – the hukou system has remained relatively stable over time and is still a structural problem facing the development of a regional balanced and urban-rural integrated education system today.

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While the hukou system stratifies the obligations and rights of people according to their hukou status, the urban-rural schooling system stratifies the educational resources and opportunities at the institutional level. The rural schooling system has been separated from the urban schooling system since the implementation of the hukou system in the 1950s. The division and prourban policies have created a significant disparity in education. Rural schools suffer from the lack of funding and qualified teachers. The passage of “Decision on Educational System Reform” (1985) and “Compulsory Education Law” (1986) entrenched the urban-rural gap, which specified a decentralized compulsory education system in which local governments were held responsible for providing compulsory education. Local governments, mainly the township (乡, xiang) governments, were responsible for raising not only budgetary funds for schools but also extrabudgetary funds through businesses, communities, and households. As a result, the educational resources were further tied to local economic and social development. Under the urban-rural schooling system, rural and underdeveloped areas were disadvantaged, and the disparity was exacerbated by marketization reform and rapid urbanization. The hukou system and separate schooling practices reflect historical and structural discriminations on teachers working in rural schools, which have posed significant challenges to teacher professionalism in rural China. First, the lack of sufficient and high-quality teachers renders the status of teacher professionalism in rural China relatively low as compared to the situation in urban China. Given the harsh work conditions and low incomes, rural regions are always the last choice for those who want to become a teacher. On the other hand, with the enforcement of the Compulsory Education Law beginning in 1986, rural schools have been needing a great number of more teachers to educate the vast and growing number of schoolaged children in rural China. As a result, rural schools are constantly facing teacher shortages. Relatedly, because of the unfavorable conditions of rural China, teachers who ended up teaching in rural schools are generally underprepared for teaching. Compared to their urban counterparts, teachers in rural China have received fewer years of education, mastered less professional knowledge for teaching, and demonstrated lower-level of teaching performance and outcomes (Li et al., 2019). These facts render the overall status of teacher professionalism in rural China relatively low. Furthermore, the urban-centered value orientation in schools and society makes it challenging to advance teacher professionalism in rural China. In schools, the curriculums and textbooks prioritize people’s values, jobs, and lives living in metropolitan areas (Wu & Yang, 2008; Wang & Chen, 2019; Yao & Zheng, 2019; Zheng, 2021). Rural students are encouraged to study hard to “escape” their rural hometowns someday in the future. Rural teachers are often sent to urban regions to learn from their urban counterparts the most “advanced” and “progressive” teaching ideas and techniques, assuming that what works in urban schools would be equally effective in rural schools. In society, preferring the urban over the rural is more apparent and pervasive. One extreme but telling example is that some people in blind-dating markets use “non-rural hukou (非农村户口)” as a criterion to rule out the candidates from rural regions. Given the discriminatory attitudes and actions

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toward the rural within and outside schools, improving teacher professionalism in rural China is challenging.

Equality-Oriented Policy Approach to Advancing Teacher Professionalism in Rural China According to the education reform agendas in the past few decades, the Chinese government seems fully aware of the teacher professionalism related challenges, namely the inadequacy and underpreparedness of teachers, in its rural schools. The government has been issuing a series of policies and programs to address these challenges, aiming to improve the overall teacher professionalism in rural China (Liao & Yuan, 2017). Three main types of equality-oriented teacher policies have been enacted: targeted recruitment policies, quality assurance policies, and professional development policies. Each type of policies has played a particular role in shaping the teacher workforce in rural schools of China. These policies together have advanced teacher professionalism in rural China.

Targeted Recruitment Policies Channeling More Professional Teachers to Rural China Though teacher professionalism mainly focuses on the qualities and performances of teachers, it also concerns the size and adequacy of the teaching workforce. In other words, teacher professionalism involves both the quantity and quality of teachers in a given context. Often, policymakers and school administrators would prioritize the task of staffing schools with a sufficient number of teachers over the task of staffing schools with high-quality teachers. The logic applies to the Chinese government’s effort to improve teacher professionalism in rural China. Chinese rural schools face chronic teacher shortages, and staffing rural schools with sufficient teachers have become the focus of the first type of equality-oriented policies undertaken by the Chinese government. Those policies have channeled more teachers with higher professional qualities to Chinese rural schools, which have helped advance teacher professionalism in rural China. Meanwhile, through these policies, the central government has gradually stepped into the field of educational administration traditionally dominated by local governments. 1. Traditional Way of Teacher Recruitment During the 1980s to 2000, the teacher labor market was localized within each county. Most teachers were locally born and trained in county-level secondary normal schools (zhongdeng shifan xuexiao, 中等师范学校), hired by the township education office (There are five levels of governments, including central government, provincial government, prefecture government, county (municipality in the city) government, and township (district in the city) government. Township education offices are under county education offices in rural areas,

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similar to district education offices in urban regions), and paid by the local government. In addition to regular public-school teachers, there were also large number of contract teachers. Because local governments could not afford the regular teacher payroll during the period of universalizing nine-year compulsory education (pujiu, 普九), less-qualified and less-expensive contract teachers (daike jiaoshi, 代课教师), often villagers with higher-than-average education levels, were hired to fill the vacancies. Another reason was that regular teachers were not willing to work in remote rural regions, especially when there was no additional compensation for tough working conditions. By recruiting contract teachers, the goal of universal compulsory education was achieved in 2000 with low cost and low quality. In sum, under the traditional way of teacher recruitment (Table 1), the countylevel government is the employer of primary and secondary school teachers, and the recruitment standards and recruitment process are dominated by the personnel department of the county-level government. Therefore, there are large regional differences in teachers’ initial training, teacher evaluation, and compensation. Due to the limited fiscal capacity of the county government, public school teachers recruited through formal processes need to meet the demand of urban schools first, and then the demand of rural schools. Also, schools’ demand for main subject teachers (Chinese and mathematics) are considered first. As a result, the shortage of qualified teachers and structural shortage in rural schools is more serious than their urban counterparts under the traditional way of teacher recruitment.

Table 1 Traditional way of recruiting rural teachers and the “Special Post Teacher Project” Employer

Traditional way of recruiting teachers County government/personnel department

Salaries and benefits Positions

Paid by county government, large regional differences Regular public teachers + contract teachers

Appointment of teachers Teacher education

First to schools in the county seat, then town and rural schools Large regional differences, determined by county governments

Subject needs

Mainly the main subject teachers, determined by county governments Normal school/college/university graduates who are local residents within the county Large regional differences, depending on training received in normal school/college/ university County government

Teacher candidates Teacher training Monitoring

Special post-teacher project Central-provincial-municipalcounty (Education department) Central + county governments Guaranteed public post after 3 years of service Rural schools Bachelor’s or college degree, according to national common standards Aggregated to the provincial level Graduates within province Short-term training before teaching Central-provincial-county

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2. Targeted Teacher Recruitment Policies During late 1990s and 2000s, the changes occurred in the higher education system and rural basic education system made the original teacher preparation and supplement mechanism unable to meet the demand, resulting in a serious shortage of rural teachers nationwide. In 1999, the Ministry of Education promoted the transition of the teacher education system from three levels to two levels (The three-level teacher education institutions refer to secondary-level teacher schools (zhongshi, 中师), three-year normal colleges (shizhuan, 师专), and four-year normal universities (shida, 师大). In this hierarchical system, zhongshi was mainly responsible for preparing kindergarten and primary school teachers (grades K–6), shizhuan for preparing middle school teachers (grades 7–9), and shida for preparing high school teachers (grades 10–12) (Liao & Zhou, 2020)). The number of secondary-level teacher schools, which had contributed greatly to the universalization of compulsory education during the mid-1980s and 1990s, was reduced from 1064 in 1978 to 132 in 2011 (Liao & Zhou, 2020). In addition to the reform of higher education institutions, the rural education system also experienced dramatic changes due to the rural tax reform since 2000. The rural tax reform introduced a package of policies to alleviate financial burdens on rural residents, including the levy of education surcharges to finance rural schools. As a result, teachers’ payment was often delayed, and local governments did not have enough funding and willingness to recruit new teachers. To cope with this situation, the central government has been increasing its financial investment and policy influence on rural compulsory education, including the establishment of a long-term mechanism to address the shortage of qualified rural teachers. A series of new measures to supplement rural teachers were carried out, including the “Voluntary Service of College Students in the Western Regions (大学生志愿服务西部计划)” (2003), “The Teacher Training Plan for Master of Education in Rural Schools (农村学校教育硕士师资培养计划)” (2004), “The Project of Recruiting College Graduates to Take Community-Level Posts in Education, Agriculture, Health Care, and Poverty Relief in Rural Areas (三支一扶)” (2006), and “Free Teacher Education Project (免费师范生教育)” (2007). In particular, the “Special Post Teacher Project for Rural Compulsory Education (农村义务教育阶段学校教师特设岗位计划)” launched in 2006 has become the major form of alternative teacher recruitment, and changed the traditional way of local recruitment of rural teachers. Compared to the traditional way of teacher recruitment in rural regions, the project has involved central, provincial, municipal, and county governments, and mobilized resources from all levels to address the shortage of high-quality teachers in rural schools (Table 1). From 2006 to 2021, the project has recruited over 1 million teachers to teach in more than 30,000 rural schools and become the main source of novice teachers in a number of underdeveloped provinces. Meanwhile, it has gradually changed the composition of rural teachers. The implementation of the “Special Post Teacher Project” has greatly alleviated the shortage of rural teachers in the central and western regions, and improved the educational background, age structure, and subject structure of rural teachers.

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In sum, since the mid-2000s, a series of policies have been initiated to address the shortage of educational resources and address the problem of teacher shortage in rural regions. These top-down equality-oriented policies have alleviated the shortage of rural teachers and reduced the reliance on contract teachers and other substitute teachers. The targeted teacher recruitment mechanism has also gradually changed the composition of rural teachers from residents who graduated from county-level secondary normal schools (zhongdeng shifan xuexiao, 中等师范学校), recruited and paid by county governments, to non-native graduates from three- or four-yearcollege recruited through more standardized and transparent procedure, with financial support from central and provincial governments. In addition, the targeted teacher recruitment mechanism has also promoted the standardization of traditional way of teacher recruitment mechanism in rural areas.

Quality Assurance Policies Enhancing the Extent of Teacher Professionalism in Rural China The second type of equality-oriented policy focuses on assuring the quality of teachers in rural China. From the compositional perspective of viewing teacher professionalism, teachers should possess an array of qualities to teach in moral, effective, and developmental ways. While teacher quality is found to be crucial in raising student achievement, it is difficult to measure the quality of a teacher. Some studies find little evidence of significant and positive effects of measurable teacher characteristics, such as educational background and teaching experience, on student achievement. Studies often use teachers’ educational background, the selectivity of teachers’ undergraduate institution, teaching experience, and licensure as proxies for teacher quality. Some others find that teachers’ noncognitive attributes such as personality and self-efficacy can be considered proxies for teacher quality. In this chapter, student-teacher ratio, teachers’ education level, and teachers’ professional rank are used as teacher quality indicators not only because of the availability of these data in the Educational Statistics Yearbook but also because they are the focus of quality assurance policies to improve the quality of teachers in China’s primary and secondary schools, including those located in rural regions, during the 1990s and the 2000s. Furthermore, teacher professionalism is conceptualized as an evolving set of core elements, including teacher qualities, institutional configurations, and public discourses that enable teachers to work professionally. The student-teacher ratio is an indicator of the adequacy of a teacher workforce; education level is an indicator of teacher quality; and professional rank is an institutional arrangement and sometimes also used as an indicator of teacher quality. The three indicators are also frequently discussed in the public discourses around teacher professionalism in rural China. Since the early 1990s, the central government began to pay attention to teacher quality in primary and secondary schools. In 1993, the Teachers’ Law of the People’s Republic of China was passed, signaling the beginning of a teacher certification system. Teachers are required to pass the national teacher certification exam. At the same time, the government attempted to gradually reduce the number of contract

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teachers. In 1985, the contract teachers composed 42% of all teachers in primary and secondary education. The percentage of contract teachers in rural areas was even higher. In 2001, only 6.6% of the rural primary and secondary school teachers were contract teachers (Robinson & Yi, 2008). As the entry requirement for teachers was tightened and contract teachers decreased, the quality of teachers greatly improved. Meanwhile, policymakers also try to improve the education level of primary and secondary school teachers. “Education Reform and Development in China” (1993) set the standards that by 2000, 95% of primary teachers should be graduates of normal schools, 80% of secondary school teachers should be graduates from normal colleges, and 70% of high school teachers should be graduates from 4-year normal universities. To meet the standards, in 1999, the Ministry of Education promoted the transition of the teacher education system from three levels to two levels. In the two-level system, 3-year college is responsible for preparing primary school teachers, and 4-year university is responsible for preparing secondary school teachers. At the same time, the Ministry of Education initiated one of the largest expansions in college enrollments in history. The number of students who could attend college increased from 1 million to 5.7 million, or from 6% to 22% of the age cohort from 1998 to 2007. As a result of the reform of teacher education system and the college expansion, the supply of teachers with college degree increased greatly. This chapter uses the student-teacher ratio and teacher education level to measure teacher quality. The two measures are widely used as an indicator for teacher quality in previous studies (Wayne & Youngs, 2003). Most of the studies on the studentteacher ratio (Schwartz et al., 2012) show a negative relationship between the student-teacher ratio and students’ academic performance. Figure 1 shows the changes in student-teacher ratios of primary and lower secondary schools from 2000 to 2019. The student-teacher ratios have been decreasing over time, especially

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Fig. 1 Student-teacher ratio of primary and lower secondary schools. (Source: Calculation based on China Educational Statistics Yearbook)

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Fig. 2 Proportion of teachers with a bachelor’s degree or above in primary and lower secondary schools. (Source: Calculation based on China Educational Statistics Yearbook)

for rural schools. The student-teacher ratio of rural primary schools has reduced from 23:1 in 2000 to 14:1 in 2019. The student-teacher ratio of rural lower secondary schools has reduced from 20:1 in 2003 to 11.7:1 in 2019. Figure 2 shows the proportion of teachers with a bachelor’s degree or above. In 2003, only 1.4% of rural primary school teachers and 14.4% of rural lower secondary school teachers had a bachelor’s degree or above. In 2019, 50% of rural primary teachers and 81.5% of rural lower secondary school teachers had a bachelor’s degree or above. In addition to student-teacher ratio and teacher education level, we use teachers’ professional rank to measure the change of teacher quality in rural regions. Teachers’ professional rank is one of the most important institutional mechanisms used to evaluate and incentivize teachers in China. There are five ranks in primary and secondary schools, including level 3, level 2, level 1, subsenior, and senior (The current five-level professional rank system has been used since 2015, after years of reforming the professional rank system for primary and secondary school teachers. Before 2015, the professional rank systems for primary and secondary school teachers were separate, and they each included four ranks, namely level 3, level 2, level 1, and the senior level). The basic wages are mainly determined by teachers’ educational background, professional rank, and teaching experience: (1) The level of wage is based on teachers’ professional rank. Teachers with a higher professional rank get higher wages regardless of educational background; (2) the difference in the amount between ranks increases with educational background; and (3) based on teacher’s level, the wage increases over time with experience. As a result, teachers have strong incentive to be promoted. Because the total amount for level 1 and senior ranks available within a district is limited, teachers must compete for promotions (There are rules on the years of teaching experience before a teacher can apply for promotion to the next level. All the teachers start as interns. They can apply for

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Primary School 65%

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Fig. 3 Proportion of teachers with senior/middle professional ranks in primary and lower secondary schools. (Senior/middle professional ranks include “senior secondary (中学高级), senior primary (小学高级), level 1 of secondary school (中学一级).” In 2015, the category of teacher professional rank has been changed from “senior secondary (中学高级), senior primary (小学高 级), level 1 of primary/secondary school (小学/中学一级), level 2 of primary/secondary school (小学/中学二级), level 3 of primary/secondary school (小学/中学三级), no ranking (未定职级)” to “senior (正高级), sub-senior (副高级), middle (中级), associate (助理级), junior (员级), no ranking (未定职级),” which resulted in a jump for primary and secondary school teachers). (Source: Calculation based on China Educational Statistics Yearbook)

promotion to level 3 in the next year. The years required for the eligibility of application for promotion to level 2 and level 1 differ according to the educational background of the teachers, and they also differ among regions). Studies in rural China find that many teachers respond to promotion incentives by working harder (Karachiwalla & Park, 2017), and teachers with higher professional rank are better at improving student achievement compared to those having a college degree (Chu et al., 2015). Figure 3 shows the proportion of teachers with middle- or senior-level professional ranks in primary and secondary schools from 2003 to 2019. Overall, with the change of time, the proportions have been increasing. Although the gap between urban and rural schools has always existed, the gap has been narrowing over the years. For primary schools, it narrowed from 11.64% in 2003 to 3% in 2019; for lower secondary schools, it narrowed from 23.22% in 2003 to 6% in 2019. In sum, since the early 1990s, a series of quality assurance policies have been initiated to improve the quality of primary and lower secondary school teachers. By establishing teacher certification system, the government set a standardized entry requirement for teachers. By reducing the number of contract teachers, the quality of in-service teacher workforce had been improved greatly. By the reform of teacher education system and the college expansion, the supply of teachers with college degree increased greatly. The student-teacher ratio of rural schools has been reduced and become lower than urban schools, and the urban-rural gaps in teacher education level and professional rank have been narrowed. The improvement in these indicators has laid a good foundation for teachers’ professional development.

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Professional Development Policies Advancing the Professionalization of Teachers in Rural China The third type of equality-oriented policy focuses on continuous development of in-service rural teachers. According to the developmental perspective, teacher professionalism in a specific context is not static but is transforming over time under various internal and external factors. The Chinese government has issued a series of professional development policies and programs to advance the continuing professionalization of teachers in rural China. In particular, the scale, contents, and approaches of Chinese rural teacher development have been drastically changing over the past few decades. In terms of scale, the situation has been changing from a small portion of rural teachers seeking professional development to nearly all rural teachers being required to participate in 360 hours of professional development activities every 5 years. Meanwhile, the contents of professional development have been expanding from focusing on enhancing education degrees and instructional techniques to encompassing a variety of new contents, such as educational beliefs and ethics, curriculum standards, and student-centered pedagogies. As for the approaches of professional development, Chinese rural teachers initially relied on school-based teaching research groups and distance education as the main approaches to improving their professional qualities. With the technological and scholarly advancements in education, many Chinese rural teachers today begin to capitalize on several additional approaches, such as action research, online programs, and professional learning communities, to learn and develop. All these positive changes result from the overall development of rural regions and the Chinese society, rural teacher supporting policies, and the emergence of progressive theories and practical models in the research field of teacher education. The scale of rural teachers engaging with professional development has been significantly expanding over time. In the first few decades, few rural teachers participated in professional development activities. Several reasons accounted for this phenomenon. Given the harsh and challenging conditions, rural schools often faced serious challenges in recruiting sufficient numbers of teachers. As a result, adequacy, as opposed to quality or professional development of teachers, became the primary concern of many rural schools in the early decades. The Chinese idiom “Something is Better than Nothing” (liao shengyu wu, 聊胜于无) could well explain why it was not a problem back then that few rural teachers sought professional development. However, drastic changes in socioeconomic, professional, and policy discourses have been pressing rural teachers to seek professional development. With the overall economic and societal development in China, the labor markets are expecting workers to possess greater knowledge and competency. The new and higher expectations for students ask for higher-quality teachers. Professional development has been identified as a critical method of improving teacher quality. As a response to the changing socioeconomic discourse in China and beyond, the teaching profession has also been raising its bars for its members. In particular, teachers, including the ones

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in rural regions, are urged to seek lifelong learning to adapt to the fast-changing world and elevate the overall status of the teaching profession in comparison to other “hard” professions such as medicine and law (Ingersoll & Perda, 2008). Coupling with changes in the socioeconomic and professional discourses, the education policy discourses have been shifting too. As the teacher shortages in rural schools have been significantly alleviated, the education policies began to target more at improving rural teachers’ qualities through professional development policies and programs (Liao, 2019). For instance, beginning in 2013, all Chinese teachers, including the rural ones, are required to renew their teaching certificates every 5 years, and one prerequisite for renewal is that the teacher has completed 360 hours of professional development activities in the past 5 years (Ministry of Education, 2013). Furthermore, many recent teacher policies (e.g., Rural Teacher Support Plan; Ministry of Education of China, 2015) and programs (e.g., Young Rural Teacher Training & Award Plan; Ministry of Education, 2020) have been channeling high-quality resources directly to high-need rural regions, which has also contributed to the scaling up of rural teachers’ professional development. Second, the contents of Chinese rural teachers’ professional development have been enriched over time. Initially, rural teachers’ professional development was mainly focused on lifting educational degrees and improving instructional techniques. As shown above, rural teachers had relatively lower educational qualifications compared to their urban peers. Many people with secondary school or lower-level degrees were recruited to staff rural schools as a provisional measure to tackle teacher shortages in rural regions (Robinson & Yi, 2008). Due to their insufficient preparation in content knowledge, instructional skills, and educational beliefs, many of them experienced a more serious and longer time of challenges as they were being socialized into the teaching profession. Furthermore, educational background was used as a major factor in determining the professional promotion of teachers. Thus, many rural teachers were motivated to improve their educational backgrounds to a higher level to be qualified for promotion. As a result of the external pressure and intrinsic motivation, many rural teachers attended distant degree education programs as the contents of their professional development (Robinson, 2008). Within these degree-based education programs, rural teacher attendees took courses on subject knowledge, educational theories, and pedagogical strategies. For many other rural teachers, the contents of their professional development centered around daily classroom teaching. Hinging on the teaching-research system established in the early 1950s, rural teachers were able to work with their colleagues to plan lessons, develop curricular materials, and participate in different levels of teaching contests as the contents of their professional development. However, the frequency, intensity, and depth of the teaching-research activities significantly varied across different schools and regions. Due to the chronic challenges and constraints that rural schools faced, rural teachers’ teaching research activities tended to be less inquiry-driven, systematically organized, or collaboratively enacted. With the education system’s new expectations for rural schools, rural teachers begin to engage with more diversified contents of professional development. The newly emerging contents include educational beliefs and ethics, national curriculum

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standards, standard mandarin, and student-centered pedagogies, among others. For instance, as a response to the high attrition rates of the rural teacher workforce, some professional development programs purposefully focused on fostering rural teachers’ sense of belonging to rural communities and their commitment to working in rural schools for a long time (Zheng et al., 2021). Some other programs are aimed at helping rural teachers understand the newly made national curriculum standards and guiding them to tailor the standardized curriculum for local uses (Zhou, 2014). Still, others are targeted at improving the Putonghua (i.e., standard Mandarin) proficiency of rural teachers, especially in ethnic minority regions where local dialects are traditionally used for classroom instruction (Wang & Yuan, 2013). Also, as the student-centered pedagogies have become a new “norm” in the Chinese school system, many professional development programs are carried out to support rural teachers to understand such a pedagogical approach and enact it in their rural classrooms. In short, these and other newly emerging programs reflect the increasingly rich contents of rural teacher professional development resulting from the changing discourse in education and society. Third, coupled with the enriched contents, the approaches of rural teacher professional development are also getting increasingly diverse. Traditionally, face-toface teaching research in schools and correspondence-/television-based education were the two main approaches of professional development for rural teachers. In the 1950s, China established a four-level teaching-research ( jiaoyan, 教研) system based on the Soviet Union’s in-service teacher development. The four-level teaching-research system includes province, prefecture, county/district-level teachingresearch offices, and school teaching-research groups. Since its establishment, the system has been serving as a major approach to advancing Chinese primary and secondary school teachers’ professional development, including those working in rural regions (Lu et al., 2020). This approach was particularly important for rural teachers’ professional development because other approaches (e.g., lectures by educational experts, visiting high-performing schools or related social institutions) were either scarce or unaffordable to rural teachers back then. Another traditional approach was distance education through correspondence or television programs. This approach was mainly used for lifting rural teachers’ educational backgrounds (Robinson, 2008). In the last two decades or so, China and elsewhere have been witnessing tremendous progress in information technologies. The theories and research on teacher learning and development have also been advanced toward more selfdirected, collaborative, and situative ways of learning (Darling-Hammond et al., 2017). These new technologies and ideas have been penetrating education and giving rise to several new approaches to advancing rural teachers’ professional development. For instance, some programs adopted participatory action research or lesson study, which were featured with evidence-based inquiry and collaborative learning, to improve rural teachers’ capacities to address practical problems in their own contexts. As a response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the remoteness of rural schools, several online training programs were enacted to provide professional support to many rural teachers across the country. A telling example was the

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“Young Rural Teacher Support Plan (qingjiao jihua, 青椒计划).” Qingjiao Jihua was initiated by Beijing Normal University, Hujiang EdTech, and China Social Entrepreneur Foundation. It provides a one-year online professional development program exclusively designed for rural teachers. To date, about 80,000 young rural teachers from 17,000 rural schools across China have attended and benefited from this program (Yu, 2021).

Strengths and Issues of the Equality-Oriented Policy Approach The equality-oriented policy approach adopted by the Chinese government has presented several strengths and issues in advancing teacher professionalism in rural China. In terms of strengths, the equality-oriented policy approach targets several easy-to-measure components of teacher professionalism, has significantly enhanced the targeted components, and showcases a government-led, systemic, and powerful approach to advancing teacher professionalism in challenging contexts. First, from the compositional perspective, teacher professionalism consists of a long list of elements, including teacher qualities (e.g., mastery of specialized knowledge), institutional arrangements (e.g., shared standards for practice), and social discourses (e.g., social respect) (Demirkasımoğlu, 2010; Goodwin, 2021; Tapper & Millett, 2015). The equality-oriented teacher policy approaches selectively focus on several specific elements (e.g., teacher-student ratio, education degree, and professional rank) that are relatively easy to measure, monitor, and change by the government-funded policies and programs. Such an approach has changed general, abstract, and idealized discussions of teacher professionalism into specific, concrete, and measurable actions of improving teacher professionalism on the ground. Second, the equality-oriented policy approach has significantly enhanced the targeted elements of teacher professionalism in rural China, which reflects the developmental perspective of teacher professionalism. As shown by the nationally representative statistics, the equality-oriented policy approach has staffed rural schools with more and better-prepared teachers, elevated the education degrees of rural teachers, and promoted the continuing professional growth of rural teachers. Multiple reasons seem to have contributed to this favorable outcome. One reason is that the approach targets the core elements of teacher professionalism, including the initial preparation, recruitment, and continuing development of rural teachers. Another reason seems to be the use of both generous incentives (e.g., various forms of monetary and nonmonetary inputs) and strict regulations (e.g., the Special Post Teacher Project participants need to teach in targeted rural schools for at least 3 years) to improve the teacher workforces in rural China. Third, the equality-oriented policy approach showcases a government-led, systemic, and powerful approach to advancing teacher professionalism in geographically, economically, and educationally challenging contexts. From the powernegotiation perspective, teacher professionalism involves different interest groups constantly negotiating with each other to influence teachers. The existing discussions on teacher professionalism, which are mainly embedded in Western societies, tend to

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either highlight the improvement of specific elements of teacher professionalism or focus on the elevation of teachers’ autonomy, social status, and reputation in comparison with other professions (Demirkasımoğlu, 2010; Hargreaves, 2000; Ingersoll & Perda, 2008). In contrast, the equality-oriented policy approach displays a systemic and powerful approach to improving teacher professionalism in rural China. The equality-oriented policy approach acknowledges the teaching profession’s moral obligations and potentially crucial roles in bettering education and society (Liao & Zhou, 2020). In the case of rural China, the teaching profession has been leveraged to enhance educational and social equality and make contributions to China’s undergoing modernization reform. While the equality-oriented policy approach has presented the above advantages in supporting teacher professionalism in rural China, it also brings up several issues that center on the purpose, value orientation, and improvement strategies. The first issue is about the purpose of teacher professionalism. What is teacher professionalism for? Is it for individual teachers and their students? For school and parents? For the teaching profession? Or for a purpose that can bring greater meanings? Although these purposes are not mutually exclusive, they prioritize different values as reflected in different purposes. From a sociological perspective, the teaching profession functions as part of society (Lortie, 1975). It is intuitively valid and empirically verifiable that society as a parental entity of the teaching profession can significantly influence teachers and teaching. In rural China, the historical urban-rural divide, the governance system’s emphasis on equality, and the ongoing modernization reform agenda have significantly shaped Chinese rural teachers and their professionalization. In particular, those social factors have rendered equality a core value to guide the recruitment, practice, and development of teachers in rural China. Societies with different political infrastructure, history, and sociocultural conditions may exert different degrees and kinds of influences on teaching, but the influence is always there. Therefore, we call for future research on teaching professionalism to recognize social influences more explicitly and examine how the teaching profession is being shaped by and, in return, shapes broader social discourses in various settings. Another issue is about the value orientation of teacher professionalism. If teacher professionalism cannot be value-free, what values should be prioritized? Different societies may choose different values in different periods. To date, a wide range of social values has emerged from the history of human beings, such as efficiency, equality, justice, innovation, and sustainability, among others (Peterson & Seligman, 2004; Rokeach, 1973). In the case of China, equality has been significantly advocated in teaching and other sections of society in the past few decades. However, other values have been taken up and stressed in different historical and sociocultural contexts. The plurality of social values and differing ordering of those values in contexts call for researchers to identify the social values that explicitly or implicitly penetrate the teaching profession and shape the understandings of and practices related to teacher professionalism. Such lines of research can help place teacher professionalism in a larger coordinate with which the temporal, geographical, and socio-cultural dimensions of teacher professionalism can be examined and understood more thoroughly.

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The third issue is about the practical strategies for advancing teacher professionalism. Teacher professionalism can be viewed as a process of improving individual teachers’ qualities and the teaching profession toward certain underlying values. What actions can be effective in advancing that process? This chapter examines teacher recruitment practices, teacher quality improvement, and teacher professional development for promoting educational and social equality in China. However, studies have shown that other practices can be effective in advancing teacher professionalism too. Those include but are not limited to professional entity construction (e.g., opening, sustaining, and improving teacher education institutions), professional knowledge production (e.g., conducting research activities, providing publishing outlets, and establishing/updating research paradigms), professional workforce development (e.g., professionalizing teacher educators and administrators), and professional social networking (e.g., partnering with other professions, advocating teaching in political agenda-setting) (Demirkasımoğlu, 2010; Goodwin, 2021; Hargreaves, 2000; Ingersoll & Perda, 2008). Future studies should examine how these and other potentially promising practices shape teachers, their work, and the status of teaching as a profession in specific contexts.

Conclusion This chapter identifies various and supportive roles of the Chinese government’s equality-oriented policies in elevating teacher professionalism in rural schools of China. The equality-oriented policy approach targets maneuverable components of teacher professionalism, uses generous incentives and strict regulations to advance teacher professionalism, and situates the improvement of teacher professionalism in broader educational and social reforms. It is concluded that the equality-oriented policy approach has significantly advanced teacher professionalism in rural China. This approach can be potentially useful in advancing teacher professionalism in other geographically remote, economically lagging, and educationally underresourced contexts after cautiously and adequately considering the purposes, values, conditions, strategies, costs, and benefits of applying this approach in a new context.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subject and Teachers’ Subject Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ Subject Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pedagogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Identity Development in the Figured Worlds of Subject Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Identity Formation as Social and Cultural Products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Identity Formation and the Crisis of Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Transitions in Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing a Subject Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter addresses the question of teacher identity by focusing on the role that teachers’ identification with their subject disciplines plays in the formation of teachers’ identities. The chapter takes the starting point that teachers share a common pedagogical and moral imperative to teach children and young people about the subject that they have invested a considerable amount of time to learn themselves. All teachers, whether subject specialists or not, need to learn to acquire an ability to both understand the concepts that matter in a particular subject and the rules of evidence that are accepted within that discipline. It is the contention in this chapter that this conceptual understanding of what it means to teach a particular discipline in particular contexts that is central to the sociocultural identities of teachers. Although the chapter is concerned with the multiple subjects in schools and the identities of teachers of these subjects, it draws on

I. Thompson (*) University of Oxford, Oxford, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_78

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examples from beginning teachers of English in particular as a subject as way of drawing attention to the contested nature of subject disciplines, school subjects, and subject teacher identity. Keywords

Subject disciplines · Teachers · Identity · Pedagogy · Teaching and learning

Introduction Teacher identity, and how this is formed, is a source of contention and debate in the literature. There is a general consensus that teacher identity is complex and multifaceted (e.g., Beauchamp & Thomas, 2009) but little agreement on the extent to which these factors are personally or socially constructed. Beginning teachers in secondary schools are both subject specialists and subject learners within the sociocultural settings of schools and classrooms. They face the challenge of learning to understand and use the knowledge that matters in the school context and to pitch their teaching at the appropriate level for their learners to develop. They also have to understand the challenges that their particular students face in the literacy curricula of schools. These challenges involve dialectical tensions inherent in learning to teach. The negotiation of these challenges involves a complex renegotiation of identities as the beginning teachers develop their understanding and use of subject pedagogy within particular school settings as the same when engaged critically with theories of teaching and learning. Within the secondary school context, it is both easy and unhelpful to parody the stereotypes of what a particular subject teacher might look and sound like. Yet while secondary subject teachers might share a broad interest in a common school subject, and a geographical space within the school, they remain very different in their patterns of identification as a subject teacher. Some will identify more closely with their managerial, leadership, or professional role in the school. Others will be teaching subject matter that is outside their subject specialism. For example, science teachers in schools in England need to be able to teach biology, chemistry, and physics and are required to enhance their subject knowledge of related but different disciplines from the one that they studied. The majority of teachers at secondary school level will have a degree in a related aspect of their chosen subject discipline but this subject expertise is very different to the teaching of a discipline to a particular school year. Many teachers in the UK teach a subject that they have no academic background in. For example, official Department for Education (DfE) statistics in England for the year 2021 shows that 27.5% of physics teachers, 11.6% mathematics teachers, and 16.7% chemistry teachers did not hold a relevant A Level (post-18 school qualification) in their subject (DfE, 2022). This is not to say that these teachers cannot be successful with appropriate support, but the extent to which their identities develop as subject teachers depends as much on the culture of their department and school setting as on their induction

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into the perceived specialism of a subject. Research suggests that collaborative subject departments play a particular role in teachers’ identity development and their relationship with subject, particularly in the acquisition of subject-specific pedagogical knowledge (e.g. Ball & Lacey, 2012; Burn et al., 2007; Darby, 2010a, b; Hobbs, 2013). Hobbs’ (2013) research on teachers teaching “out of field” suggests that success depends on identity negotiation through a boundary crossing event that involves “support mechanisms, contextual factors and personal resources that influenced the nature of teachers’ negotiation of subject boundaries and its impact on professional identity” (p. 271). This chapter addresses the question of teacher identity by focusing on the role that teachers’ identification with their subject disciplines plays in the formation of teachers’ identities. Subject discipline identity development involves a transition through a social situation of development (Tatto et al., 2018). The chapter takes the starting point that teachers share a common pedagogical and moral imperative to teach children and young people about the subject that they have invested a considerable amount of time to learn themselves. All teachers, whether subject specialists or not, need to learn to acquire an ability to both understand the concepts that matter in a particular subject and the rules of evidence that are accepted within that discipline. It is the contention in this chapter that this conceptual understanding of what it means to teach a particular discipline in particular contexts that is central to the sociocultural identities of teachers. Although the chapter is concerned with the multiple subjects in schools and the identities of teachers of these subjects, examples are primarily drawn from beginning teachers of English in particular as a subject as way of drawing attention to the contested nature of subject disciplines, school subjects, and subject teacher identity.

Subject and Teachers’ Subject Identity McIntyre and Hobson (2016) argue that “an important aspect of a teacher’s identity formation involves their identification with the subject they teach” (p. 143) and Brooks (2016) in her research on geography teachers’ subject identity found that a strong identification with their subject sustained teachers in their career. Teachers throughout their career from trainee to experienced teacher develop generally some conception of themselves as a pedagogue through their classroom experiences and the performative or developmental feedback they receive from other professionals. However, they also develop identities which relate to the subjects that they are required to teach in a particular context. These two identities are both different and entwined. Identity formation in subject teaching involves a difficult transition (Tatto et al., 2018) from being a student or even an expert in a university discipline, often with a specific focus within a particular topic, to the more generalized knowledge required to teach or interpret a school curriculum to particular cohorts of children or young people. This process involves an understanding of subject task design (Thompson, 2015) as a means of translating the school curriculum and available resources in a particular setting into tasks and activities that are aimed at developing a higher-level understanding of curriculum content.

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Doyle and Carter (1984), building on Doyle’s (1979) earlier conceptual framework of task analysis for integrating the academic and managerial aspects of classroom activity, argue that an academic (school) task has three elements: (a) a goal or product; (b) a set of resources or “givens” available in the situation; and (c) a set of operations that can be applied to the resources to reach the goal or generate the product. Doyle’s (1983) “task is more than just content. It also includes the situation in which content is embedded” (Doyle, 1983: 162). It is important to add that the situation in which these operations take place is the social one of the classroom environment with its subject codes and ways of knowing. Egan (2005) states that the task of teaching is to help learners to engage with the symbolic representations of knowledge “from its suspended animation in symbolic codes. The task is to convert, reanimate, transmute the symbolic codes into living human knowledge in students’ minds” (p. 95). This challenge requires the teacher to attend to both the design of the learning environment and to conceptual design in classroom activities and instruction (Derry, 2013).

Teachers’ Subject Knowledge An important element of the development of teacher subject identity is their relationship with the knowledge required to teach a subject and an understanding of how to engage young people with this knowledge. However, Ellis (2007a) has argued that the very notion of what constitutes subject knowledge is both contested and complex and that English as a subject in schools requires different forms of knowledge from the requirements of English language and English literature courses at university degree levels. Subject knowledge is communal, a form of collective knowledge. The ‘subject’, specifically, is the school subject – which has an important relationship with, but is not identical to, the university subject, or governed by it. Those who teach the subject in schools (just as those who teach the university subject) – collectively – are the principal sources of authority over the production of the subject in schools. In this task, they can be supported by teacher educators and educational researchers, advisers and inspectors, and many others. And with this authority comes responsibility for development and for continually examining the boundaries of ‘what counts’ as subject knowledge. (Ellis, 2007a, b, pp. 458–459)

Ellis (2007b) has characterized subject knowledge “as a form of expertise that exists amongst people who engage in the same kind of practice” (167) and warns of inherent dangers involved in using metaphors of subject knowledge or what Shulman (1986) described as pedagogical content knowledge. Ellis argues that intended or unintended consequence of these metaphors “is to distinguish between certain high-status kinds of knowledge that are fixed and universal (subjects or disciplines) and lower status forms of (albeit valued and valuable) ‘professional’ knowledge that depends on ‘use-value’ and context” (Ellis, 2007b: 167). Professional, contextual knowledge underpins successful subject teaching. Mercer (2000) identified three features that good subject teachers do when they teach well: using

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question-and-answer sequences not just to test knowledge, but also to guide the development of understanding; teaching not just “subject knowledge,” but also procedures for solving problems and making sense of experience; and treating learning as a social and communicative process. Subject pedagogy, in this definition of learning, has to attend to both the cognitive and affective processes involved in learners’ development. Learning to teach a subject, or learning to teach that subject in a new context, is a central part of subject identity development. Subject teacher identity encapsulates both teachers’ views of themselves as teachers within the sociocultural environment of school and department and their perception of their pedagogical choices within this context.

Pedagogy Pedagogy involves both knowledge about subject and knowledge about what matters in a subject and the ways that the acquisition of key concepts help students to learn in a particular domain. Learning is complex and requires the learner’s active involvement in the dialectical relationship of appropriation and internalization (Vygotsky, 1987). At the same time, it would be wrong to ignore the importance of teachers’ knowledge of their subject and the ways in which to teach what the science educator Schwab (1978) described as the substantive knowledge (key concepts and their relationship to each other) and syntactic knowledge (ways of thinking and representing) required in a particular subject or domain-specific knowledge such as biology, chemistry, or physics. Shulman’s (1986) subsequent development of the concept of pedagogical content knowledge focused “attention on the subject specific dimensions of teachers’ knowledge but also highlights the connections between different categories of knowledge held and used by teachers” (Burn, 2007, p. 447). Edwards (2015) explains that a “joint emphasis on concepts and ways of demonstrating the validity of one’s arguments runs across all the subjects in school curricula” (p.). She gives the example from the subject of history of substantive knowledge comprising the key concepts such as sovereignty, nationhood, and empire with syntactic knowledge including inference, causality, and evidence-based argument. Grootenboer and Ballantyne (2010) conducted research with specialist mathematics teachers in secondary schools and generalist teachers who taught mathematics in primary/middle schools. Their findings suggest that the pedagogy of mathematics teachers reflects their identities in relation to how much they perceive themselves as being a mathematician or a school teacher of mathematics. Vygotsky (1997) and his colleague Shif extended Vygotsky’s (1998) own theories of scientific and spontaneous concept development to the field of education. Vygotsky argued that scientific concepts have their origins in the structured academic activity of classroom instruction. Schools introduce scientific, logically defined concepts to students. Spontaneous concepts, on the other hand, emerge from the students’ own learning from everyday experience. Vygotsky argued that the relationship between the two types of concept formation is dialectical and bidirectional: spontaneous concepts develop upward toward greater abstractness

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just as scientific concepts develop downward toward greater concreteness. It is only when both concepts engage with each other that students develop mature understanding. Saka et al. (2013, p. 1222), for example, have argued that scientific literacy “requires that students form a deep understanding of a limited number of foundational concepts as opposed to a superficial recognition of a wide range of scientific facts” and that these scientific concepts need to be related by teachers to students’ everyday experiences. Elsewhere, Brooks (2016, 2017) uses the metaphor of developing a professional compass to explain the process of learning to engage students in inquiry in a school subject. Although metaphors for practices within subjects may differ (e.g., “proof” in mathematics or “inference” in history), they share a concern with what matters in a subject and how this is in interpreted in the learning of a school setting.

Identity Development in the Figured Worlds of Subject Teaching The focus on the complexity of identity development in this chapter develops a view of teaching and learning as a process through which beginning teachers as learners take on what is valued in a culture and, in turn, develop the agency that allows them to actively contribute to that culture as subject specialists. As Beijaard et al. (2000) and Hammerness et al. (2005) have argued, teachers’ sense of identity shapes and directs the professional practices of teachers as well as their commitment to different forms of professional development. Beauchamp and Thomas (2009) stress the importance of the influence of contexts and communities on the shaping of teacher identities particularly in the early years of a career. Research (e.g., Morris & Imms, 2021; Popper-Giveon & Shayshon, 2017) has suggested the need to pay attention to learning both as educators and subject specialists.

Identity Formation as Social and Cultural Products Teachers’ identity formation, and their relationship with the subject that they teach, reflects the social and cultural demands as well as motives and dispositions involved in becoming a professional in a given school setting. The professional demands placed on subject teachers’ identities are multiple and may, at times, be contradictory. Holland and Lachicotte (2007) define identity as “a self-understanding to which one is emotionally attached and that informs one’s behaviour and interpretations” (104). However, this self-understanding is also relational in that identities exist in particular practices and settings. Edwards’ concept of relational agency (Edwards, 2007) is helpful in this context. Relational agency can be characterized as joint action on an object of activity, such as a subject department creating a series of schemes of work for particular age groups of students. This involves both the distributed expertise available within the subject department as well as the renegotiation of identities as the various members work on that shared object.

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Dreier (1999) has argued that we must conceptualize individuals as being “always situated in local contexts of social practice and involved from there in primarily practical relations with social structures of practice” (p. 6). However, Dreier (1999) also points out that individuals are engaged in multiple social contexts and “play different parts in a social practice, often from different positions and with different scopes of possibilities, concerns, and obligations” (p. 6). Identity formation is therefore both relational in terms of being formed in social practices and situated in particular places and cultures. Similarly, Holland and Lachicotte’s concept of the figured world refers to the way that individuals position themselves in social or work settings in relation to the “socially and culturally constructed realms of interpretation and performance” (Holland & Lachicotte, 2007:115). Holland and Lachicotte’s (2007) argument is that individual identities are in reality “social and cultural products” (134) that are developed through social situations in particular situated settings. These identities are both mediated through social and professional experience and through interactions with others (Edwards, 2010). Identity is premised as one’s objectified self-image in relation to “the ways of inhabiting roles, positions, and cultural imaginaries that matter to them” (Holland & Lachicotte, 2007: 103). Holland et al. (1998) developed the concept of positionality in order to point out that an individual’s participation in activities in practice takes place from a particular stance or perspective. Identities that develop in activities in action emerge as a “heuristic means to guide, authorize, legitimate, and encourage their own and others’ behaviour” (Holland et al., 1998, 18). This heuristic development of identity requires two distinctive forms of agency: improvization (the openings whereby change comes about) and appropriation (the adoption and reshaping of professional knowledge).

Identity Formation and the Crisis of Development Erikson’s (1968) theory of psychosocial stages of crisis has been particularly influential in analyses of crises in psychological development, particularly in identity formation in adolescence. However, research on identity from the sociocultural and cultural historical traditions (e.g., Penuel & Wertsch, 1995; Holland et al., 1998;) highlights the critical role of mediation in identity formation, particularly in periods of crisis in development (e.g., Cole & Engeström, 1993; Edwards, 2017; Holland & Lachicotte, 2007; Tatto et al., 2018). Penuel and Wertsch (1995) point to the fundamental role of mediation for the study of identity formation. Holland and Lachicotte (2007) point out that Erikson viewed identity formation as individuals’ attempts to answer fundamental questions of who they are as a person and what their place is in society rather than on the ways that identities are constructed in interaction with others. Penuel and Wertsch (1995) argue that while both Erikson and Vygotsky “asserted the importance of cultural and historical resources in individual functioning” (p. 91) they place different emphases on the unit of analysis: For Erikson the unit of analysis is the choices that individuals make from these cultural tools to establish their identity. For Vygotsky, the unit of analysis is “the social origins of

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mental functioning and the role of signs and tools in mediating action” (Penuel & Wertsch, 1995, p. 89). The identity formation of beginning secondary subject teachers reflects the multiple and at times contradictory social and cultural demands involved in becoming a professional. Identity is a notoriously slippery term with many conflicting definitions. McIntyre and Hobson (2016), from the perspective of initial teacher education (ITE) (one-year postgraduate or three- or four-year undergraduate teacher training programs involving university and school partnerships), argue that identities need to be viewed as “multilayered, multifaceted, dynamic and constantly evolving or in continual flow” (p. 136). Hochstetler (2011) makes the case for an early focus on English teachers’ developing identities in ITE courses and defines this work as “thinking critically about what it means to be a teacher” (p. 256). This is a conception of identity within the professional contexts of schools and schooling and suggests that context is central to professional identity formation. This raises a moral argument about school cultures and the placements within which beginning teachers develop their identities. Inevitably, school cultures vary with some placing more emphasis on instructional discourse than regulative discourse (Bernstein, 2000) and not all beginning teachers will find themselves in placements that might be seen as conducive to their development. Yet, as we have previously argued (Tatto et al., 2018), challenging school placements can bring about opportunities for development and change in certain circumstances. In terms of identity development this means that ITE courses need to be explicit about the role of school culture and ways that the beginning teacher can avoid simply being apprenticed into that culture. As Mockler (2011) and Hochstetler (2011) argue, this means initial teacher education programs taking the concept of teacher identity seriously as a practical and political tool.

Transitions in Identities Coté (2005) developed the concept of “identity capital” involving young people’s identity negotiation within specific social environments. Dreier (2009) has argued that we must conceptualize identity formation within the contexts of local social practice. Identity formation is therefore both relational in terms of being formed in social practices and situated in particular places and cultures. Holland and Lachicotte (2007) define identity as “a self-understanding to which one is emotionally attached and that informs one’s behaviour and interpretations” (p. 104). Holland and Lachicotte’s (2007) concept of the figured world refers to the way that individuals position themselves in relation to the “socially and culturally constructed realms of interpretation and performance” (p. 115). Identities that develop in activities in action emerge as a “heuristic means to guide, authorize, legitimate, and encourage their own and others’ behaviour” (Holland et al., 1998, p. 18) and involve both the appropriation of professional knowledge and improvization. Beginning teachers are in a process of complex transition in their identities as they move from learner to practitioner. This involves trying to translate their own subject domain expertise to the pedagogy required to teach young people. Holland

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and Lachicotte (2007) argue that the identities that individuals develop are products of both social and cultural encounters, mediated through social and professional experience and through interactions with others. From a sociocultural perspective, learning and identity formation are viewed as relational involving both social and situated cultural activity (Moll & Arnot-Hopffer, 2005; Edwards, 2009, 2017). For example, in English classes, the activities of writing, reading, speaking, and listening in English subject classrooms are both distributed in the sense of the multiple actors who contribute to these acts of literacy and situated within the specific context of the classroom and school environment (Thompson & Wittek, 2016). Vygotsky (1987) suggested that learning involves mediated activity through psychological tool usage and in particular the culturally acquired conceptual tool of language. Sociocultural theory also highlights the importance of social interaction and cultural contexts in the development of individual consciousness. Learning for the beginning teacher, in this sense, is rooted in the society and culture in which they develop. Edwards (2010) has argued that examining “learning in practice” requires “a focus on the changing relationship between learner and social situation of development” (p. 65). The development of beginning teachers is particularly complex as their experience is refracted through the multiple lenses that they encounter within schools and academia. Edwards (2010) argues that “relationships change as learners take in what is culturally valued, consequently interpret their social worlds differently and therefore act in and on them in newly informed ways, which in turn impact on the social situations” (p. 64). In this sense, learners are active participants in their own learning. They are both changed by the social situations they encounter and actively renegotiate their social relations within them. Vygotsky’s (1997, 1998) concept of the social situation of development for children is characterized by developmental changes that arise from critical periods as the child or young person encounters contradictions between their own psychological development and the demands of the learning situation. Vygotsky’s argument was that there are critical periods for development when the learner encounters contradictions between their own psychological development and the demands of the learning situation. These critical periods are both personal to the particular needs and history of the individual but these are also socially experienced and mediated by interaction with others. The key to development lies in the ability of individuals to perceive the limitations of the situation they are in and to imagine a different role for themselves (Holland et al., 1998). Edwards (2009), Tatto et al. (2018) and others have applied the concept of the social situation to adults’ learning in social settings. Tatto et al. (2018) argue that an analysis of beginning teachers’ social situations of development requires a close focus on the complex relationship between individual learning and the social situations in which that learning occurs. As Edwards (2017) has argued, “in contrived and time-limited learning situations, such as schools and teacher education programmes, mediation from a more expert other is also needed” (p. 9). Mediation in the context of learning to teach involves a dynamic negotiation between the social situations they encounter and the beginning teachers’ own experiences and understandings that they bring to their learning. Although many of these experiences may have motivated the beginning teachers to want to teach,

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there is also the danger that preconceptions about teaching and learning may be based on deficit ideologies that tend to pathologize learning difficulties in ways that are difficult to challenge over the course of their studies (Thompson et al., 2016; Thompson, 2020). Beginning teachers enrolled in traditional university/school partnership courses also need to negotiate the practices and understandings involved in both the university and school settings that at times give out contradictory messages. In these situations, beginning teachers may experience transitions as challenging (Beach, 1999, 2003) as they involve crossing boundaries. Akkerman and Bakker (2011) define boundaries as “sociocultural differences leading to discontinuity in action or interaction” (p. 133). From sociocultural and activity theory perspectives, while discontinuity might be challenging, this rupture also creates opportunities for negotiating a social situation of development through new understandings or changes in practice (Engeström, 2010; Engeström & Sannino, 2010; Tatto et al., 2018). Beginning teachers then face at least two important educational contexts that impact on their social situation of development: their position as learners within the academic environment of a university and their position as learners within the specific professional contexts of their placement schools. Their experience is also mediated by both university tutors and school mentors. At times, these social situations intersect in a complex and dialectical interplay between theory and practice (McIntyre, 1993). At other times, the immediacy of the school or university setting may dominate the student teachers’ time and thoughts. Crafter and Maunder (2012) argue that understanding this process involves a close focus on learning transitions. As Tatto et al. (2018) point out: An understanding of learning to teach needs to go beyond the concept of the transferable acquisition of pedagogical knowledge in different settings towards a more complex understanding of the transitions involved. These transitions, between school and university and between school placements present both pedagogical challenges and opportunities. (p. 51)

Dreier (2009) argues for the need for research to focus on the learning trajectories of individuals over time and across the different social practices that they encounter. However, beginning teachers’ learning trajectories are complex and not necessarily linear (Burn et al., 2003). Zittoun (2006) has portrayed transitions as symbolic transitions that involve identity rupture through changes in cultural contexts, relationships, or interaction. In a study on youth development, she found that transitions involve processes of social relocation, knowledge construction, and meaningmaking (Zittoun, 2007). These categories have relevance for the transitions and potential moments of crisis in identity encountered by beginning subject teachers.

Developing a Subject Identity To illustrate the importance of context to teachers’ subject identities, a case is referred of a beginning English teacher drawn from our previous study of the development of beginning teachers in England and the USA (Tatto et al., 2018).

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Megan was a beginning English teacher entering the second term of her year-long initial teacher education program in an established school/university partnership. She had extensive prior experience working with young people both as a classroom assistant as an English as a second language specialist and through research activities as a university research assistant. Her language and linguistics background, alongside her advanced research interests in English as an additional language, marked her out from the majority of her beginning English teacher cohort who were mostly English Literature specialists. From the beginning of the course Megan was extremely sensitive to the language needs of the learners in her classroom. For example, in her English subject knowledge audit at the start of the year Megan had identified teaching English grammar and sentence structure to mixed linguistic ability classes as a key target. These concerns reflected her identity as an applied linguist encapsulated in her belief in the central importance of semiotic mediation in the English classroom as well as the importance of understanding and using practical pedagogic tools. However, Megan’s experience at school was heavily influenced by the dominant discourse and culture of the school which at the time of her placement focused on behavior management and social control in the classroom. Although the English department in her school placement were aware of her academic credentials and interests, she was viewed as a novice in the context of the classroom. Her mentor (school teacher responsible for assessing her progress as a beginning teachers) and other English teachers reported that she was making good progress as an English teacher in terms of lesson planning, but her targets were based on classroom management. As part of the research project, a researcher observed Megan teaches a mixedability year 7 (aged 11–12) English lesson. Megan’s school mentor also observed the lesson. The lesson and the feedback session immediately after the lesson were video recorded and subsequently analyzed. The lesson was from a sequence of lessons on a novel aimed at adolescents. The lesson was about control: both of atmosphere (behavior) and learning. The first 22 of the 50 min available were given over to silent reading and procedural tasks with very little pedagogic purpose. When the main task was introduced, there was very little time given over to classroom talk aside from teacher direction and explanation as well as some clarification in response to students’ questions. The task outlined an individual response to text using a highly structured scaffold that gave students very little opportunity for creative responses to the text. Students were actively dissuaded from talking about the task or discussing ideas. Megan’s reflections after the lesson were interesting as they suggest an unease with mixed-ability teaching. Indeed, she seemed to equate low-ability labels with disruptive behavior: The students’ level of maturity was not really reflected in this lesson. There are a few quite immature students in this class who can be disruptive. This is a mixed-ability classroom, with the full range of abilities.” Megan, Beginning English teacher.

Megan felt that her modeling of the central task had been particularly effective, her instructions were generally clear, and that she had moved well around the room

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engaging with students. The discussion with her mentor after the lesson focused on the transitions between parts of the lesson. The school mentor remarked that she felt that Megan had taught a very good lesson for that stage of the course. Megan felt that not all students understood at all times what they were supposed to do. She had set herself the target of rewording instructions to provide differentiated support. At the end of the visit Megan was set the following targets by her mentor: • Give opportunities for learners to evaluate and improve their performance • Make accurate and productive use of assessment and feedback • Continue work on being aware of low-level poor behavior/disengagement and using appropriate behavior management strategies to address this None of these targets were subject specific. Although there was a potential pedagogical focus in the first two targets, the institutional priorities of performative assessment and student behavior were central. Megan’s mentor was a school head of year (a leader of a team of form tutors responsible for the academic progress and pastoral care of the students in their form group) as well as a subject specialist English teacher. The year team leadership was reactive to issues of behavior management in the school, which often involved the mentor being asked to intervene in other lessons around the school. This both took up a considerable proportion of her time but also framed her motives for what she deemed to be important in the pastoral welfare of students. As a consequence of this time pressure the mentor frequently missed planned meetings with Megan. The discussion between the mentor and Megan focused on questions of behavior management which perhaps reflects the mentor’s and the school’s priorities. Indeed, much of the pedagogic discourse in the school centered on issues of behavior management and reward structure rather than subject pedagogy. In Megan’s case, the school culture was not at this stage conducive to the development of her identity as an English teacher. It was only when Megan moved to a second school placement, with a school culture more focused on subject learning, that she was able to recognize the complexity of her social situation of development as a teacher of English. A school culture that was both supportive and open to challenge meant that Megan was able to move beyond her preconceptions of what it meant to be an English teacher to become a teacher who focused on the social environment of the English classroom as necessary precursor to learning. In this school Megan developed her understanding of using both her previous expertise as a researcher of second language acquisition with her newly acquired knowledge of essential concepts such as genre and culture from her teaching of English literature.

Conclusion This chapter has argued that the construction of teachers’ identities as subject specialists involves a recontextualization of an understanding of a subject discipline within the formal and sociocultural contexts of the school setting. Subject discipline

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identity development therefore involves a process of continuous and evolving transition from being a subject specialist, in the sense of knowing a defined area of a subject, to becoming a school teacher in command of the pedagogical tools needed to mediate a subject discipline for school-aged learners. School and department cultures play important contextual roles in this process of identity formation as teachers learn to navigate differences between the values inherent in a school culture and their sociocultural identity as a subject teacher.

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Brad Olsen, Rebecca Buchanan, and Christina Hewko

Contents What Is Teacher Identity?: A Review of Five Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recent Research on Teacher Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Identity Remains a Predominantly Individualistic Concept that Centralizes a Dynamic Holism Among Past and Present Influences on a Teacher – Albeit with Increasing Attention to Community and Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers as Individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Identity has Gone Global . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Identity Around the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The “new managerialism” in Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Identity Appears to be Deepening Professional Approaches to Teacher Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodological Choices in Study Designs Affected the Ways Teacher Identity was Understood, Employed, and Studied . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Articulating Theoretical Foundations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alignment Between Conceptualizing Teacher Identity and Studying It . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Use of Quantitative and Mixed-Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Observations and Future Ambitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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B. Olsen (*) The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, USA e-mail: [email protected] R. Buchanan University of Maine, Orono, ME, USA e-mail: [email protected] C. Hewko University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_80

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Abstract

This chapter reviews 42 articles and two books on teacher identity published during the last 13 years in order to explore methodological and pedagogical trends as well as highlight key themes and gaps. First, the chapter defines teacher identity. Next, it reviews the recent research in terms of four loose findings: (1) Teacher identity remains a predominantly individualistic concept that centralizes a dynamic holism among past and present influences on a teacher – albeit with increasing attention to community and context. (2) Teacher identity has gone global. (3) Teacher identity is increasingly being employed to deepen approaches to teacher learning and teacher education. And (4) methodological choices in study designs affected the ways teacher identity is understood, employed, and studied. Along the way, the chapter discusses such teacher identity themes as its ability to address neoliberal contexts of education; its reliance on traditional psychology; its potential to centralize race, gender, and power; its use of quantitative and mixed-method approaches; and its potential to deepen future teacher learning. As a whole, this chapter seeks to characterize the current state of the field and offer commentary for advancing teacher identity in the future. Keywords

Teacher identity · Teacher learning · Teacher education

To teach is to learn twice. –Joseph Joubert

This chapter reviews recent research on teacher identity in order to explore methodological and pedagogical trends as well as highlight key themes and gaps. Our chapter unfolds in three parts. First, we review a few pre-existing research reviews to define teacher identity. Second, we review 44 recent publications to comment on the current state of the field. And third, we close by reflecting on teacher identity as both a research methodology for studying teachers and teaching and a pedagogical framework for teacher development in the twenty-first century. In this chapter we use “teacher identity” and “professional identity of teachers” interchangeably, though we prefer “teacher identity” because it does not separate the personal from the professional – an integration we consider a hallmark of the concept.

What Is Teacher Identity?: A Review of Five Reviews In 2004, Beijaard, Meijer, and Verloop published what has become a frequently cited review. In the decade preceding their article, teachers’ professional identity as a conceptual tool had emerged within teacher development. Beijaard and colleagues sought to characterize this new topic. They reviewed 22 studies, examining each

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study’s purpose, definition of professional identity, methodology, and findings. They noted an overall lack of conceptual clarity among the studies, with some studies failing to define professional identity at all. Most studies reviewed were small-scale, qualitative investigations of personal factors shaping teachers’ emerging personalpractical knowledge. The authors identified four features of professional identity from their review: teacher identity is an ongoing process; it is comprised of both person and context; possible sub-identities sit inside any teacher’s professional identity; and agency is an important consideration. (We note that this review privileged epistemological dimensions of teacher learning at the expense of other possible features of a teacher’s developing self.) Five years later, Beauchamp and Thomas’s (2009) review focused on teacher identity’s implications for teacher education, and their review therefore centralized studies on preservice or novice educators. They found that most studies viewed identity as something that changes over time in relation to both internal and external factors. Yet, they noted a lack of common understanding about how identities shift and change. They highlighted two common dimensions of teacher identity in the literature they reviewed: teachers’ emotions and contexts of teaching. Methodologically, they found that, because many researchers viewed identity as something developed narratively or discursively, most study designs prioritized narrative inquiry, discourse studies, and metaphor to study teacher identity. (We note that, if not handled carefully, this circular focus on narrative could devolve into a self-reinforcing tautology.) Next, Olsen (2011) filled theoretical holes in teacher identity and addressed diversity. He began with Heidegger’s refutation of Descartes in which Heidegger argued that humans do not live apart from the worlds they experience – they do not interact with their existence – but rather “are their existence, creating the worlds they inhabit out of their interpretations of events” (Olsen, p. 260; original italics). Reviewing a handful of social-practice theories, Olsen discussed four characteristics of identity: (1) Individuals construct unique understandings of the world, deriving from prior experience, and act in accordance. (2) A self develops through social interaction via language use. (3) [Identity] processes are situated in or mediated by macro and micro contexts. And (4) “a self is a ‘constellation of [shifting] relations’ among multiple (sometimes contradictory) meanings, attitudes. . . and theories about the world.” (p. 260) He offered that a teacher identity is dynamic, not fixed; is both a product and a process; is political as much as ontological; is socially situated; and is different from a teacher’s “role” but synonymous with a teacher “self.” His chapter also considered ways that teacher identity can attend to historico-cultural and individual “categories of difference” such as gender, race, national origin, religion, and sexual orientation. (We note that his review could have more fully attended to contributions from critical theory.) Two years later, Izadinia (2013) reviewed 29 studies on identity development of student teachers. Izadinia began with a definition similar to Beauchamp and Thomas’: teacher identity “is dynamic and created and recreated during an active process of learning to teach” (Izadinia, 2013, p. 695). Her review found that many studies prioritized reflection as the means by which preservice teachers can make visible and learn from their pasts. She observed that the majority of teacher identity

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research came from Western, higher-income countries and so she called for studies of teacher identity to be undertaken in low- and middle-income countries, too. (We note that reflection is itself a nested construct that will benefit from systematic, critical interrogation [Zeicher & Liston, 1996].) And, finally, Hanna et al. (2019) reviewed quantitative instruments developed and employed to measure teacher identity. Even though the reviewers did not explicitly define teacher identity, they noted that “teacher identity is not a fixed construct” (p. 23) and alluded to it being complex and multi-faceted. Dividing identity into six domains – self-image, motivation, commitment, self-efficacy, task perception, and job satisfaction – they examined ways that twenty quantitative studies collected and analyzed aspects of teachers’ identities. They considered both the quality of the measurement instruments and what aspects of teacher identity got held inside them. In general, they found the measures to have “acceptable” to “good” reliability scores. But they also raised methodological issues: most importantly, that the majority of instruments employed were unconnected to and validated apart from other studies. They advocated that future research identify specific, foundational domains of teacher identity and develop them into a single measurement instrument that is robust, standardizable, and can be employed longitudinally. (We note that most of the quantitative constructs they reviewed draw from twentieth century psychological work on self-concept and personality inventories, which may carry vestigial limitations about the self.) Taken together, these reviews suggest that definitions of teacher identity have not changed much since the early 2000s. Teacher identity continues to be viewed as a dynamic mix of person and context(s), typically studied as combinations of personal-professional features that researchers consider not only components of teacher identity, but also useful learning tools for teacher education itself. For the most part, teacher identity has been investigated within individuals in a single context. There is scant attention to effects of professional identities on teacher practice – e.g., how teachers’ classroom practices are causally linked to their professional identities (or much classroom observational data of any sort). There were few long-term longitudinal studies or studies that compared cases across categories. Qualitative studies were the norm. Taxonomies and typologies were the common analytical structure. And race, power, and culture were rarely centralized.

Recent Research on Teacher Identity To find all academic articles and books published in English during years 2009–2021, we searched the terms, “teacher identity,” “teachers’ professional identity,” and “teachers’ professional identities.” One hundred titles came up. To reduce this to a manageable amount, we retained only those that focused on PK- 12 teachers (eliminating work that focused solely on teacher educators or school leaders). We eliminated all research reviews, too. Next, we removed books or articles that employed teacher identity only tangentially – i.e., that didn’t centralize it. And, finally, we removed anything written by any of us three authors. Forty-two articles

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Table 1 Research reviewed (n ¼ 44) Nation(s) Single Nation

Cross National

Quantitative US Canada Australia UK Croatia Spain Netherlands Portugal Turkey Finland Iran China Israel South Africa Ghana US, Australia, Denmark, Ireland, New Zealand Denmark and Kenya France and Switzerland Spain, Paraguay, Argentina

Qualitative 7 1 3 1

Mixed Methodsa 2

Conceptual 3

2 1

1 1 1

1

2 1 1 3 3 1 2 2

1 1 1 1 1

The “mixed-methods” demarcation is not a clear one because some of these studies are not true mixed-methods studies but rather qualitative analyses that either employed quantitative procedures to select participants or are qualitative sub-studies of larger quantitative projects. We counted them all as mixed-methods research here a

and two books remained. We do not make any claims for a comprehensive or generalizable sample. Instead, we consider this collection of 44 publications a more or less representative output around teacher identity in English-written academic publications over the 13-year period. For details, see Table 1. The 42 articles and two books were each read and coded by one of us using preset and emergent codes. We discussed what we found, wrote memos about what we were learning, discussed again, and finally developed this review. It is presented around four loose themes: I. Teacher identity remains a predominantly individualistic concept that centralizes a dynamic holism among past and present influences on a teacher – albeit with increasing attention to community and context. II. Teacher identity has gone global. III. Teacher identity is increasingly being employed to deepen approaches to teacher learning. IV. Methodological choices in study designs affected the ways teacher identity is understood, employed, and studied.

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Teacher Identity Remains a Predominantly Individualistic Concept that Centralizes a Dynamic Holism Among Past and Present Influences on a Teacher – Albeit with Increasing Attention to Community and Context Teachers as Individuals Perhaps understandably, teacher identity tends to frame teachers and teaching as an individualistic endeavor. We say this is understandable because the word “teacher” is a singular noun and, so, considering a teacher identity as possessed by a single individual was a default stance in most of what we reviewed. This is not to say that social and environmental factors were not frequently posited as influences on teacher’s identity, but professional identities were typically considered as a singular object located inside a single person. For example, Flores (2020) studied written narratives from twenty preservice teachers in a master’s program in Portugal to explore shifts in preservice professional beliefs and expectations as they completed their coursework. She found each preservice teacher to have re-examined their own experiences as students when courses asked them to write and analyze self-narratives. A key finding was that students encountered “inner tension and dilemmas” in their identity development as they transitioned from students to teachers. While all study participants were in the same program, the analysis investigated identity at the individual level. Similarly, 42 student teachers in van der Wal et al.’s (2019) study completed three online journal entries throughout the 2015–2016 academic year. Although the 42 earlycareer teachers were asked to include who was involved in any situation that caused tension, the analytical focus was on participants’ individual experience and reflections. Wal et al. investigated how professional identity tensions were managed through both emotional evaluation levels (low, moderate, and high) and behavioral responses. An individualized view of teacher identity appeared in the quantitative studies, too. One example is Butakor et al. (2021) who investigated how emotional intelligence, job satisfaction, and professional identity influence teachers’ engagement with their work. Using structural equation modeling, the researchers explored relationships among the four constructs by surveying 197 teachers. The survey asked to what extent respondents identify positively with the profession. The researchers found that emotional intelligence positively predicted job satisfaction which positively predicted work engagement. They also found a positive relationship between teachers’ emotional intelligence and professional identity. They did not find a relationship between professional identity and work engagement. While the researchers included collegiality and collaboration in their survey (such as, “I work collaboratively with members of the teaching profession”), the social constructs were used as indicators of whether or not teachers as individuals felt they belonged in the profession.

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An individualistic framing has implications for how teaching and teacher learning are enacted, and what opportunities for collective support and success are made available. We note that in much of the research and practice around teachers – not just teacher identity – educators have historically been framed as more or less selfsealed entities – with permeable borders, perhaps, but still essentially self-reliant, individual selves. We wonder if this is a holdover from early cognitive theory or traditional psychology (Erikson, 1968; Freud, 1961/1909; Leinhardt & Greeno, 1986) which held that cognition occurs inside the mind or that individuals possess and mostly control their own selves. Whatever the reason, while influences from the environment, writ large, or the particular setting in question were frequently acknowledged in the studies – and interpersonal or group identities were sometimes raised – rarely have the nested contexts of a person’s beliefs and practices been treated as inextricable, central parts of one’s identity. Since the 1990s, views from sociocultural learning (Lave & Wenger, 1991), activity theory (Wertch, 1998), structuration (Giddens, 1979), and Bakhtin’s architectonics (Holquist, 1990) have pushed against individualistic framings in social science, but those theories made only moderate headway in the teacher identity research we reviewed. We wonder if a move to “teaching identity” instead of teacher identity could helpfully redirect the concept to teaching practices as located across individuals and contexts and centralize a socially constructed, collaborative teaching self. We did, however, find a few studies where researchers considered a collective notion of identity development or located teachers in community. Tsybulsky and Muchnik-Rozanov (2019) employed narrative analysis to investigate 17 preservice teachers’ identity development during student teaching. Participants engaged in team-teaching during their practicum and wrote narratives about it. The researchers tracked the writers’ pronouns in the narratives to examine when participants viewed themselves as individuals versus when they viewed themselves as part of a group. They found that, early in the project, study participants often used group-focused perspectives but toward the end of their practicum they were more frequently employing self-focused language. The authors speculated this might be a result of increased confidence in participants’ teaching abilities. Additionally, they found that participants perceived that support from mentors and teaching coaches, as well as collaborative relationships with peers and students, was an important influence on their success. Hubbard (2019) also explored preservice teacher identity in communities in a university teacher education program. The preservice teacher participants were offered several opportunities to engage in group professional practice during one of their teaching courses, such as presenting collaborative sessions at the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) Conference and submitting group-produced texts to an online teacher journal. Reviewing the Likert-question survey administered after the 15 weeks, Hubbard found that respondents rated these cooperative opportunities as valuable. Even though both studies still focused, to varying degrees, on individual identity development, they hint at possibilities for analyses that embed teaching and teacher development in collective social systems.

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Context We observed increased focus on the role of context in the studies we reviewed. We saw this appear in four ways: (1) many researchers highlighting “context” within identity development, (2) researchers employing “community” as a factor of teacher development; (3) teacher identity having gone global; and (3) teacher identity in the contemporary neoliberal – or “new managerial” – global context. We take those first two themes up here and discuss the remaining two in the next section. Both Ruohotie-Lyhty and Moate (2016) and Cross and Ndofirepi (2015) emphasized the need to investigate inter-relationships between individuals and their national and local contexts in order to better understand teacher identity, the latter quoting from Wenger (1998, p. 145) that, “[i]dentity cannot be thought of without considering the social interplay between the individual and the larger environment or community.” Additionally, we saw new teaching contexts for identity development being considered – not just the typical examinations of teachers of language and literature, social sciences, and mathematics; and primary school teachers. We found teacher identity studies of early childhood educators (Briggs et al., 2018; Chikoko & Msibi, 2020; Lavina et al., 2020) and teachers of English-as-a-foreign language (Irani et al., 2020; Sardabi et al., 2018; Ruohotie-Lyhty & Moate, 2016; Trent, 2020). And we found examination of teachers developing identities not only within a single context but as they cross contexts, too (Beauchamp and Thomas 2011; Lavina, 2020; Trent, 2020). The notion of boundary-crossing strikes us as a particularly promising way to deepen teacher identity. Not only do educators learn within disparate sites, they learn (which is to say that they develop and enrich new professional identities) as they move across sites and within newly constructed sites; we hope this will be privileged in future work. Additionally, community was occasionally treated as a key component of teacher identity development in studies we reviewed. Sometimes this appeared in the form of “belongingness” being employed as a construct in quantitative instruments examining identity development (Granjo et al., 2021; Hanna et al., 2020). Other times researchers either viewed community as an important influence on teacher identity (Cross & Ndofirepi, 2015; Hubbard, 2019; Larsen & Allen, 2021; Ruohotie-Lyhty & Moate, 2016; Smith et al., 2021; Tsybulsky & Muchnik-Rozanov, 2019) or, in one case, a location that fostered teacher leadership (Aderet-German et al., 2021).

Teacher Identity has Gone Global Another way to think about the increased role of context is in terms of teacher identity research having gone global. Whereas the field in the 1990s and early 2000s was primarily located in the UK, Europe, Australia, and North America, it now traverses the planet. We think that global contributions – not only applying teacher identity in new locations but also using the new contexts to grow teacher identity as a concept – will deepen and strengthen the field (Because we limited our review to publications in English, we cannot comment on teacher identity research written in

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other languages.). Teacher identity offers usefulness in new locations while, at the same time, studies in new contexts can move teacher identity forward.

Teacher Identity Around the World For example, Gholami et al. (2021) examined five female preservice teachers in an Iranian university. The researchers solicited participants’ written reflections on their experiences before they entered the teacher education program as well as during every semester they were enrolled. The researchers found that participants began with a “pseudo-identity” for teaching: none of the student teachers had actually sought out teaching but entered because of family pressure or the culture’s limited access for women in male-dominated fields. As a result, during their teacher education program, they developed “destructive identities:” identities rife with contradictory effects of cultural hegemony, ideological rigidity, and strict Islamic values. Finally, at completion, the researchers found that the student teachers had developed “moral identities” – professional self-understandings featuring a critical stance and focused on what the researchers considered healthy self-determination. Their study analyzed how preservice teachers began as passive beings, incrementally developed a critical stance during their program and – by completion of their program – had taken the initiative to define teaching for themselves rather than accept the traditional norms and values around teaching and women in Iran. Cross and Ndofirepi (2015) focused on teacher identity development as a negotiation of complex biographical factors related to entering the profession in South Africa. During apartheid, the precedent was set that jobs in the police force, nursing, and teaching were among the few highly regarded careers available for Black working-class people. As a result, teaching became a popular pathway in South Africa. And because of gender norms and social traditions stressing commitment to family and one’s community, especially in rural areas, teaching is considered an ethical way to “belong.” As a result, many Black beginning teachers bring with them particular socio-historical expectations of teaching that affect identity development. Drawing on life history interviews with 200 educators, the researchers argued that South Africa should reform teacher education to better integrate incoming teachers’ varied biographical experiences with the country’s histories, educational contexts, and dominant teaching practices. And that it should support career-long development for teachers, too. Chikoko and Msibi (2020) investigated identity development in six early childhood preservice teachers in South Africa. They drew from notions of habitus (Bourdieu, 1977) and community of practice (Wenger, 1998) to investigate ways that preservice teachers invoked their personal histories as they developed identities in their program. Participants referenced ways that apartheid, poverty, religion, and negative schooling experiences shaped their educational commitments and values. These features combined with the formal values and orientations of their university program to form teacher dispositions in ways that emphasized care, compassion, service, knowledge, and love. Chikoko and Msibi recommended that situated

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national/personal histories such as these be taken more fully into consideration when designing teacher education programs. Arndt et al. (2018) examined “constructions” of early childhood educators in the context of neoliberalism across five countries: New Zealand, Ireland, Australia, Denmark, and the United States. The authors pointed to the strained, yet inseparable relationship between the uniformity of the global and the subjectivity of the local within the international education policy context, and employed Kristeva’s conception of identities as open and evolving to explore the influence of this global/local tension in early childhood practitioners. The global context, they argued, has become fraught with standardization while the local context appears to be disorganized and frail (Arndt et al., 2018). How should teachers understand a national curriculum in New Zealand, for example, that emphasizes celebrating cultural diversity – if a national curriculum is about standardization, while diversity is context-specific? Arndt et al. noted that, “[r]earticulating teacher identity through diverse lenses may offer potential cracks and openings to illustrate professional identities as diverse and complex, paving the way for attitudes of openness” (p. 104). They concluded that teacher education should support professional identities that include both the subjective/local and the neoliberal/global. Cross-national comparisons are valuable for teacher identity research. They can isolate single variables of teacher identity for examination across locations as well as dive deeply into cultural or international contours of professional identity. Dahl (2020), for example, compared life histories of four preservice teachers, two in Denmark and two in Kenya. The context was important to the investigation in that both of these countries have struggled to recruit teachers, in part, because teaching is not always seen as socially desirable in the locations. Constructing four teacher case studies, Dahl focused on “turning points” in the participants’ identity development and found that turning points were primarily influenced by social relationships (especially peers, but also students). The study examined contextual details such as a 4-year university program versus teacher training colleges and the religious history of teacher education in Kenya. Dahl’s study highlights both the similarity in development processes across national contexts as well as how different cultural factors influence teachers differently.

The “new managerialism” in Teaching The other context-related aspect of teacher identity research going global is that our review turned up five studies examining teacher identity in the neoliberal or “new managerial” educational context around the world. “Neoliberalism,” “third-wave capitalism,” or the “new managerialism” is a diffuse and debated concept in education. Here, we use all three terms synonymously to describe a currently popular global episteme (Foucault, 1970) in which practices and perspectives from the private sector (such as standardization, strict accountability, quantitative measurement of outcomes, tight management, and post-racial illusions) are increasingly

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applied to public education (Ehrenreich, 2016; Enteman, 1993; Zeichner & PenaSandoval, 2015). The five studies homed in on the conflict experienced by preservice or inservice teachers attempting to develop robust professional identities in a context demanding a kind of teaching self very different from what the teachers expected. Although this research was conducted in different countries, the trend was common: new teachers as complex, humanist agents of change confronting hyper-rational, standardized, rigid teaching contexts and control-oriented teaching policies. For example, Hall and McGinity (2015) conducted a multi-level investigation of neoliberalism’s influence on teachers’ professional identity in England. To examine effects of standards- and market-driven education reforms that they believed have “diminished teacher professionalism in England,” (p. 3), the researchers studied how a raft of education policies called the New Public Management (NPM) shaped rhetoric around teaching in schools. They found that participating high schools employed language that framed teachers as “professionals” when those teachers accepted the reforms, but teachers who opposed the reforms were described unfavorably. Additionally, they found that schools’ NPM professional cultures created an environment in which the teachers’ professional identities were monopolized by the neoliberal reforms, resulting in very little principled resistance to the policies but rather acceptance or early retirement. Unlike Hall and McGinity (2015), Briggs et al. (2018) found less acquiescence and more dissonance in their study of 15 California kindergarten teachers responding to the state’s standards-based school reforms that began in the 1990s. Seven teachers in their sample supported the reform, five teachers did not, and the remaining three were somewhere in between. The authors found that teachers’ reactions and degree of acceptance to the standards-based reforms were shaped by individual characteristics and personalized views of the reform environment – i.e., their teacher identity. Furthermore, they found that the teachers’ well-being (what they called “emotional labor”) corresponded to the degree of alignment between the teachers’ own educational beliefs about teaching and the contours of the reform. Participants were at greater risk of negative emotional labor when they felt pressured to enact aspects of the reform that opposed their own educational views. Hendrikx (2020) explored the effects of this new managerial culture on identity development in secondary teachers in the Netherlands and found a divide between teachers’ self-image and the professional role they were expected to occupy. The new policies in the Netherlands require a new conception of teachers’ work that study participants found pedagogically constraining and crowded with administrative demands and oversight. Hendrikx examined the strategies teachers employed to attend to this rift. Most teachers worked extra hours to meet the additional demands and still accomplish their own goals for teaching. Some redefined their identity to fit the new conceptualization of their work, shifting their professional self-image to match the policy expectations. A few flatly rejected aspects of the new role even though they knew this put them in conflict with the school. And some participants “play[ed] the system” (p. 618) – appropriating the new administrative roles by not

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enacting them as intended, but in ways that supported the choices they would have made anyway. Larsen and Allen’s (2021) book highlighted how a national teacher development policy threatened the professional learning of first-year Australian teachers. Teachers at every experience level in Australia currently participate in mandated professional learning that the authors viewed as a kind of teaching compliance mechanism. Employing teacher identity, Larsen and Allen found that beginning teachers considered the professional learning to be overwhelming and overly standardized, and experienced discomfort with its accountability-oriented focus – instead preferring teacher development that was supportive of their location on the career cycle and tailored to their context. Furthermore, these novice teachers were trepidatious about candidly discussing teaching concerns in a setting in which standardized pedagogical performance was the norm. Some first-year educators simply complied with the learning program out of obligation but had no genuine interest. Others were negatively affected. Larsen and Allen used these findings to highlight the risk of professional isolation that this new managerialism puts on teaching and learning: It is important to consider how the current focus on teacher accountability and performance may inhibit the creation of a culture of collective responsibility for student learning and instead lead teachers to step away from their colleagues experiencing issues of practice to instead focus their energies on their own teaching performance. (p. 176)

Finally, using a longitudinal, interview-based design, Trent (2020) examined the effects of a graduate-level teacher education program in Hong Kong on identities of six language teachers who returned to Mainland China after their program. Upon completion of the Hong Kong program, participants were found to possess identities that emphasized knowledge transformation, dissemination, and integration. They were excited about their new professional identities and wished to present these new versions of themselves to colleagues. However, the Mainland Chinese schools to which they returned were steeped in “relations of [strict hierarchical] power . . .that blocked [further] construction of their preferred teacher identities in practice” (p. 315). During follow-up interviews (occurring 6 and 12 months later), the participants presented teacher identities that were in antagonistic opposition to the identities they had previously held. Now, their teacher identities were marked by conformity, silence, and separation. Trent’s findings highlight how hierarchical, centralized structures of compliance consistent with neoliberal education management can narrow the scope of what professional identities are possible.

Teacher Identity Appears to be Deepening Professional Approaches to Teacher Learning From the beginning, teacher identity has been used not only by researchers to study teachers and teacher education, but also by teaching instructors to support teacher development in their students. Fortuitously, many teacher identity researchers are

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also teacher educators and so a useful dialectic forms: the researcher self learns from the practice self, and the practitioner self can implement what the researcher self is learning. Simultaneously, the results can be shared with broader research and practice communities (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1993). Our review found that teacher identity has made its way into the practices of teacher educators. In particular, looking across the 44 publications in terms of teacher identity as a pedagogical tool, the following six characteristics emerged. As noted earlier, we saw increased focus on community as an active component of research on teacher identity. But for teacher development, too, there is value in foregrounding the myriad ways that teaching and teacher learning are social, contextualized practices of adults and children working together in particular settings. If a teacher identity is a dynamic constellation of influences and effects that inform (and result from) one’s professional views and practices, then locating identities inside the immediate teaching community offers a robust way to integrate the self with others and foreground ways that any context is imbued with powerful cultures, histories, structures, and the possibility for agentive transformation. We hope that teacher educators will continue to employ teacher identity as a frame that bridges the individual with the social and situates both within contexts of practice. We also highlighted studies that centralized personal-professional tensions that educators face when made aware of conflicts between internalized assumptions from their past and the professional views that their university program or school setting puts forward. Although these tensions might initially be uncomfortable (consider Festinger’s 1957 cognitive dissonance), teacher identity can be employed during teacher preparation or professional development to support learners in achieving transformative learning around their professional selves. A large number of studies in our review focused on supporting teachers to recognize, interrogate, and work through the various identity tensions embedded in teaching and learning to teach (e.g., Ruohotie-Lyhty & Moate, 2016; Tsybulsky & Muchnik-Rozanov, 2019; Williams, 2010). (We note that, as important as it is to promote this pedagogical practice, very few publications actually offered specifics on how to do it.) One particular tension several studies highlighted is the disconnect faced when teachers – poised from biography and/or training to think about teaching as deep and transformational – confronted schools, teaching policies, and rhetoric pushing standardized pedagogies, scripted curricula, and high-stakes quantitative teacher assessments. We think this is a topic that merits ample attention. Put simply: teacher identity is always in part about how one answers the question, “What is education for?” If education wishes – as many people and organizations purport – to prepare young people to excel at twenty-first century skills (Darling-Hammond & Oakes, 2019) and improve the world by taking on poverty, food scarcity, public health, discrimination, personal dignity, and climate effects (United Nations, 2015), then it seems to us that reformers would conclude that bureaucratizing teaching and encouraging hyper-technical approaches to learning will produce only bureaucratic, technical outcomes. If education wants deep, creative, curious thinkers committed not only to their own social mobility but also to global improvement then, it seems to us, only complex, caring, constructivist schooling practices will suffice. Teacher

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identity (with its emphases on holism, three-dimensionality, and an always-inprogress nature) appears to be a good pedagogical framework for present times. Several studies exemplified this perspective. (We are struck, however, by what was missing. There was considerable attention to individual teacher educators – often the researchers themselves – employing or advocating teacher identity-based adultlearning strategies for their students, but there was no evidence of teacher identity as a formalized, official program framework – in other words, as a sanctioned, program-wide approach. We wonder why that is.) Teacher identity reflection continues to be a popular teacher learning approach. Many studies considered that reflection – as an agentive, potentially transforming act of mindfulness – will crack open the self-reinforcing cycle of teachers as constrained, limited, and inclined or determined by historical and current conditions of their work (Bessette & Paris, 2020; Lavina, 2020; Lavina et al., 2020; Gholami et al., 2021). As Sardabi et al. (2018) wrote, “Participants were encouraged to address issues discussed in the class in the light of their experiences as both learners and teachers. Rather than transferring the content of information through lectures, topics were posed as problems and [participants] were asked to reflect through a dialogic process, while reconsidering the basis for their assumption” (p. 622). The underlying logic is that becoming conscious of, and attending to, one’s identity dimensions during teacher development is a pedagogical intervention of its own. We observed in the studies that teacher reflection has in some cases become multimodal: not just thinking, writing, and talking but now including the drawing or taking of pictures, submitting work online, and producing other art or realia and engaging metacognitively with the constructed objects. Stretching reflection even further, some studies treated identity reflection as a process of “unlearning” (Arvaja & Sarja, 2021; Flores, 2020). For these researchers, employing teacher identity as a location for reconciling one’s past with the present makes it ripe for actually unlearning the past (and, we hope, [re-]learning the possibilities of teaching). We are pleased to see personal identity reflection as part of the teacher education repertoire, but we hope it does not push to the margins all the academic, socio-critical, and classroom-pedagogical orientations that are also important aspects of professional learning. There was continued attention to teachers’ emotions. (Briggs et al., 2018; Coleman, 2013; Eberley et al., 2013; van der Wal et al., 2019). For example, Shapiro (2010) drew upon Waller from the 1930s who believed that teachers need to maintain distance between themselves and their students. For Waller, teachers’ need to keep a relational distance extends beyond the classroom: their raison d’être in life is their pedagogy and as a result nobody can grasp their true essence, creating a teacher as “an almost mythical creature” (Waller, 1932 as cited in Shapiro, 2010, p. 618). Yet, at the same time Shapiro drew on Hargreaves, who has written about the productive role of emotions and care in teaching (e.g., Hargreaves, 2001 cited in Shapiro, 2010). Mindful of this contradiction, the study examined teachers experiencing psychological dissonance: feeling caught between being a qualified, distant professional and a caring friend for students and adults. Shapiro found that this led to teacher angst around having to hide or withhold one’s emotions from students or colleagues. We would add, as well, that prolonged discomfiture around how to acknowledge and

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express emotions in teaching is also linked to teacher burnout (e.g., Farber & Miller, 1981). A few, but not many, studies trained their gaze on socio-political categories of difference in teacher identity (Sardabi et al., 2018; Jenlink, 2014; Oestreich & Fite, 2019). By this, we mean attention to social inequities related to race, gender, sexuality, religion, national origin, and many other intersectional strata of groups and individuals. As previously discussed, we saw in our review teacher identity being linked to political and new managerial critiques of the current teaching policy climate, but we did not see much examination of ways that critical studies of social power and categories of difference or social justice emphases can become integral parts of teacher identity. Some authors discussed it, but it was rarely built into data analyses or recommendations for practice. We consider this a crucial gap that merits attention because we believe that socio-political forces position all social actors – including students, teachers, and teacher educators – inside identifiable histories and contemporary structures related to race, power, and categories of difference. It seems paramount to learn how to leverage this into transformative identity work that engages teachers in critical interrogation, collective support, and institutional transformation – for themselves and their students. One publication that centralized this topic within teacher education was Jenlink’s (2014) edited volume, which explored whiteness, race, and power within teacher identity development. Some chapters examined race and cultural identity in relation to how power operates in society for teachers. Other chapters highlighted equityminded and justice-oriented teachers confronting and attempting to work within traditional practices, dominant cultural norms, and neoliberal educational policies. Another study in our review (Sardabi et al., 2018) drew from critical pedagogy to examine the development of teacher identities. Both of these publications demonstrate the potential of critical treatments to provide meaningful opportunities for teachers to analyze the power structures around them, develop a critical consciousness as educators, and transform their worlds.

Methodological Choices in Study Designs Affected the Ways Teacher Identity was Understood, Employed, and Studied Articulating Theoretical Foundations The contents of a teacher’s professional identity seem relatively clear: a broad assortment of beliefs, influences, and effects from the past and the present, from the personal and the professional, from individual biographies and educational contexts. And, ever since the beginning of teacher identity research, there has been widespread acceptance that a teacher identity is dynamic. Interestingly, however, the nature of how one’s teacher identity changes (how it develops, shifts, or progresses) is often missing – likely because it is harder to capture or measure. When it is considered, it is often via psychological or sociocultural perspectives (c.f., Mead, 1934; Erikson, 1968; or Holland et al., 1998). In our review, we found some interesting features related to these two points.

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One is that not many researchers were forthcoming about the disciplinary underpinnings of their studies. Instead of sharing disciplinary foundations of their definitions and methodological assumptions, they typically drew only from pre-existing studies or reviews of teacher identity. Maybe this is a benefit of teacher identity: as a transdisciplinary, practice-oriented, twenty-first century concept, it becomes self-referential or chooses to be atheoretical. But conversely, we worry that this runs the risk of teacher identity becoming diluted or myopic: losing its ability to use deep, evolving theoretical histories to scaffold solid but innovative investigations of teachers and teaching. It is hard to interrogate and attend to the deep disciplinary traditions in play when researchers do not describe the theoretical antecedents of their work. When the disciplinary foundations of a study were articulated or indirectly signaled (for example, in the quantitative instruments employed), most often it was twentieth century social or cognitive psychology. As we have mentioned, these traditional psychological framings of human development often emphasize individuals, cognition, and self-direction while neglecting the situated and social nature of identity, extra-cognitive features, categories of human difference, and power. We hope that future teacher identity researchers will not only reflect on and make visible their embedded disciplinary assumptions but also look to a wide variety of theoretical traditions for grounding their work. Additionally, we found an abundance of narrative approaches in the studies we reviewed (e.g., Aderet-German et al., 2021; Noonan, 2019; Trent, 2020; Williams, 2010). Perhaps this is for several reasons: narrative data can be easy to collect (via interviews or writing assignments); they can be valued as emic reproductions that honor participant perspectives; humans have always been drawn to stories; and narrative data can substitute for a person’s inner self (what identity researchers often seek). Many studies prompted participants to write personal narratives about their professional learning and then researchers analyzed those texts. Alternatively, Lavina et al. (2020) asked participants to produce photos, drawings, and artefacts alongside narrative retelling to explore their identity development. The results became a public installation on which both participants and viewers were invited to reflect and comment – and the data were used for analysis. While we find narrative research a useful methodology, we do not want to overlook some of its concerns. Participants engaging in impression management or the Barnum effect, analysts inadvertently making fundamental attribution errors, or the presence of confirmation bias must all be rigorously identified and mitigated. Additionally, we would like to see more studies collect observational data on teachers-in-action. The contributions of self-reports and sharing personal perspectives will be strengthened when triangulated against independent, systematic observations of teachers in situ.

Alignment Between Conceptualizing Teacher Identity and Studying It Another observation related to methodology is that most studies conceptualized teacher identity in terms of three common features but only operationalized one of those features in their research. The three aspects featured in most framings were that

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teacher identity (1) centralizes ways that teachers are shaped not only by their professional and present, but by their personal and past as well; (2) is a holistic framing that captures a multiplicity of factors and forces operating on any teacher; and (3) foregrounds teachers as always in-process inside some context. These are not dissimilar from previous decades’ conceptualizations. But methodologically, we noticed that, in their research design, most employed only that first aspect: reconciling one’s past with one’s present. In this way, teacher identity becomes a location or set of processes in which various reconciliations must occur out of personal-professional tensions, emotional changes, and teacher reflections. For example, Williams (2010) investigated the development of a preservice teacher who was also a career changer and whose teacher identity traversed back and forth between her former professional self and her current developing-teacher self. Sardabi et al. (2018) examined the formation of teacher identities in Iran during a 15-week inservice professional development program. The participants – all novice English-as-a-foreign-language teachers – wrote reflective journals, were interviewed, and had some class discussions videorecorded. The researchers analyzed how the teachers’ prior views of language teaching were changed by participating in the program. Similarly, Arvaja and Sarja (2021) examined shifting beliefs of five preservice teachers in Finland during their teacher education program. The researchers found that the preservice teachers initially viewed teaching through the lens of themselves having experienced traditional pedagogy as students in the past but now, through their studies, began to understand teaching differently and hoped to employ participatory pedagogical approaches in their classrooms once they graduated. Rarely investigated in the studies we reviewed was the second aspect put forward about teacher identity: it is a holistic framing that captures the multiplicity of factors and forces acting on teachers. Though rarely taken up in the research, it was employed a few times. For example, Noonan (2019) conducted a phenomenological study to investigate ways in which teachers’ “anchoring beliefs” both affect and are affected by a professional development experience. Noonan analyzed his data though three different aspects of teacher learning: the what (emphasizing the contents of learning, such as subject matter), the who (relying on good teaching models) and the by whom (prioritizing collaborative practice as a learning support). He analyzed data on participants’ own views of the learning experience to find that professional development was not a one-size-fits-all endeavor – and that developers should take this into account when creating and delivering programs. Similarly, Lentillon-Kaestner et al. (2018) piloted a teacher identity questionnaire as part of a quantitative instrument for predicting teacher identity effects. She divided teacher identity into constituent parts – subject matter expertise, pedagogical content expertise, and interpersonal teaching expertise – and then developed a Questionnaire on Perceived Professional Identity among Teachers (QIPPE). The other aspect of teacher identity that was rarely included in study designs is its ability to view a professional self as always-in-process inside multiple contexts. In the research we reviewed, teacher identity would sometimes be defined as “dynamic and continually formed” (Stenberg & Maaranen, 2020, p. 197), or that, “as [the]

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context changes, norms and the way in which teachers form their identities might change” (Akkoç & Yeşildere- İmre, 2017, p. 50). But most researchers limited their data collection to interviews, reflective writings, or survey responses. Studying different teacher groups or multiple sites for identity development was rare. And there were few longitudinal studies. One study that attended to all three facets is Irani et al. (2020) who examined the professional identity development of preservice teachers becoming Englishlanguage teachers in Iran. The study employed a longitudinal design over one calendar year and covered a three-phase teacher education program. The researchers explored how teacher identity changed over time by employing discourse analysis on collected pre- and post-course interviews, two reflective essays, ten observations, and recordings of two mini-teaching performances during each of the three stages. The study highlights how all three primary features of teacher identity can be operationalized and how data can be analyzed examined in active relation to each other. Another example is Aderet-German et al.’s (2021) focus on reciprocal relationships between teachers and a national reform initiative in Israel. They examined how identity development is related to reform implementation but also attended to how both personal and professional aspects of identity shifted in relation to contextual or interpersonal variables of the setting. To analyze, they employed Gee’s (2000) framework to study relationships among the discourse identity, affinity identity, and institutional identity of participants implementing the national reform over a year. The researchers found that when there was congruence among the three sub-identities, reform implementation was more successful. Furthermore, they found that the development of coherence among sub-identities was shaped by contextual factors for each teacher such as the circumstances around the learning sessions or what additional educator roles (such as vice principal) they occupied in their school while the reform was implemented. Interestingly, Hong and Cross Francis (2020) presented a set of possible qualitative inquiry instruments for use in investigating identity change from an educational psychology perspective. Arguing that educational psychology is often too quantitative, they pointed to several of their own studies that collected longitudinal data and utilized qualitative methods, including case studies, thick description, and purposeful sampling to investigate teacher identity development. We hope that future researchers will continue to be creative in developing new ways to identify, collect, and examine the interrelating processes by which myriad parts, forces, and contexts comprise teacher identity.

The Use of Quantitative and Mixed-Methods As mentioned throughout, we came across six quantitative studies of teacher identity in our review. For example, Hanna et al.’s (2020) validation study of a teacher identity scale included four subscales of identity: motivation, task perception, selfefficacy, and self-image. The researchers suggested this tool could be used

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repeatedly with teachers over time to investigate identity development, or pedagogically support professional development, in primary-school teachers. Additionally, we were pleased to see multi-methods research on teacher identity. When researchers employed both quantitative and qualitative procedures, most tended to use quantitative data as a way to select participants for qualitative analysis (n ¼ 3) or conduct descriptive statistics on survey responses (n ¼ 2). One example is Hsieh (2016) whose published analysis stemmed from a larger study of 150 secondary preservice teachers over multiple semesters. Pre- and post-surveys were used to identify the preservice teachers’ professional development and learning in relation to their understandings of literacy and literacy instructional practices. Seventeen participants who demonstrated significant growth between the pre- and post-surveys were identified and then a sub-group of three was culled for qualitative investigation. Through constant-comparative analysis, Hsieh analyzed the participants’ literacy autobiographies and other literacy documents, class blogs, lesson plans, and their use of literacy theory citations. She found that participants attempted to construct a workable balance between their former experiences and perspectives and their current professional learning in a way that expanded their identities to “integrat[e] literacy-based strategies with professional practice” (p. 109). The mixed-methods approach allowed Hsieh to maximize analytical power by sub-selecting participants who experienced significant growth in their development and learning in relation to their understandings of literacy and literacy instructional practices. Vizek Vidović and Domović (2019) employed multi-methods to investigate preservice teachers’ beliefs on the roles of teachers and students. Similar to Hsieh, their project was a part of a larger study and they used quantitative data from the larger study to select, in their case, 62 participants. Even though the study analyzed only the qualitative data, it offers an example of mixed methods as a participantselection device to study teacher identity. In an example of one of the true mixed-methods studies, Aparicio (2018) used both quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate secondary and university educators’ motivations, hopes, expectations, well-being, and other identity topics. Descriptive and bivariate analysis and complex modeling techniques afforded Aparicio deep views of both secondary and university educators’ emotions and personal health. The quantitative data provided insight into burnout, while the qualitative data elucidated reasons why some educators did not burn out.

Concluding Observations and Future Ambitions While teacher identity cannot capture or support all the factors, features, and processes of teachers, teaching, and teacher development in context, it is able to capture many of them and treat them as active, intersecting, and constitutive. That is one of its primary values. We are pleased to see that teacher identity remains a vibrant, cutting-edge area for both research and practice. We close with some brief comments.

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We are glad to see that it has been taken up in many countries but hope that the adaptation can be mutual: that not only can existing views of teacher identity be applied in new contexts but also the new contexts be used to grow teacher identity as a framework. Additionally, we note that only one study in our review comes from Latin America, and there were none from the Caribbean, none from Japan, only a few from the Middle East, only a few from Africa, and none in Southeast Asia. Though this could be because we only reviewed publications in English, we hope that teacher identity work will increase in the Global South, Asia, and elsewhere. As mentioned, we hope that current and future users of the concept do not take the intellectual contours of teacher identity for granted: do not neglect the theoretical work required to identify and choose disciplinary frames wisely and keep pushing on the concept for depth and progress. Likewise, while it may be efficient to limit data collection to interviews, written narratives, and/or survey responses on a single sample and analyze them for teacher identity characteristics, we believe the field will be better served by more longitudinal and cross-sample study designs, multisource data collection strategies, and deep interactionist analyses. Just as a teacher’s professional identity is always becoming, so is the theoretical and methodological construct of teacher identity itself – but only if researchers commit to the hard theoretical and methodological work required. A lot of the research focused on preservice and novice teachers. That is important (and perhaps expected, because many teacher identity researchers are also university teacher educators), but we do not want the field to neglect experienced teachers or the potential for teacher identity studies on inservice professional development or the whole career cycle of teaching. And finally, the value of teacher identity should not be limited to academic work that spurs on more academic work. While that is valuable, it is our opinion that teacher identity is most useful when applied to the work of teacher education, teacher support, teacher professionalization, and school reform. We hope that this trend continues, not only by way of researchers applying what they learn in their own instructional work but also by find new ways to reach larger audiences in teacher education, teacher induction, and education policy.

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Part VII Policy Studies in Teacher Education

Policy Problems: Policy Approaches to Teacher Education Research

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Emma Towers and Meg Maguire

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Is Policy? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Drives Policy? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy as a Problems Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Are the Policy Problems in Teacher Education? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Whose Problems? Alternative Voices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Regulation and Surveillance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Unintended Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education and Wider Policy Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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For many years and for many nations around the world, teacher education has been a key site of educational reform and policy action. This chapter takes a critical approach toward understanding policy making and policy construction by taking a “problems” approach to policy analysis. The chapter identifies some key policy initiatives in teacher education and some contemporary policy “problems.” It concludes with a call for greater scrutiny of the justifications made for educational policy reform if we are to better understand the direction of teacher education in the years to come. Keywords

Policy · Problem · Teacher education · Policy analysis

E. Towers (*) · M. Maguire King’s College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_70

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Introduction One could see the attention from policymakers and politicians as a good thing. One could see it as the expression of a real concern for the quality of education at all levels and as a recognition of the fact that the quality of teacher education is an important element in the overall picture. But one could also read it more negatively by observing that. . . governments. . . are now turning their attention to teacher education in order to establish total control over the educational system. (Biesta, 2020, p. 9)

All round the world, governments regularly seek to raise the quality of their education systems and one of the key levers in this policy work centers around the production of the schoolteacher. If any government wishes to implement changes in the curriculum, assessment, or pedagogy, then the teacher is the central policy lever involved in enacting this reform in the school and their classrooms. Teachers are central to education and education is their (professional) business. If a government wants to reform education policy, one way to achieve this is through reconfiguring the teacher and their professional preparation. Because of this, teacher education has increasingly been regarded by policy makers and governments as in need of, and susceptible to, reform. Consequently, teacher education has been constantly changed, and elaborated, or cut back, in different historic periods around the world. In this chapter, which introduces the policy section of the Handbook of Teacher Education Research, we want to take a critical lens to the field of teacher education. We start by clarifying how we will “take” policy and how we understand critical policy studies. Our case is that this approach will help reveal some of the more complex and enduring problems that bedevil policy work in this area. We also want to lay out our own approach toward producing this section because, even though we have tried to include some significant and recurring policy issues, this is still inevitably a selective account. There are aspects of teacher education policy that we have not explored such as an in-depth probe into program structures and courses and assessments. Instead, the chapter identifies some key reforms in teacher education and some of the contemporary policy “problems.” The idea in this introduction, and in the chapters that follow, is to present some approaches that will be useful in thinking about teacher education and policy analysis more generally.

What Is Policy? “‘Policy’ is one of those terms we all use but use differently, and often loosely” (Ball, 2017, p. 10). Here we want to explore some of these different approaches. Education policy is often taken to be the plans developed by policy makers, politicians, and their advisors (Maguire and de St Croix, 2018, p. 88) and to some extent, this is exactly the case. What Ozga (2000) calls this “normative” approach can be useful; it enables us to identify in a straightforward manner the range of changes that are being advocated and can facilitate some useful comparative and historical work. For example, policy work often involves the production of a series of documents over

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time and these can be analyzed and changes to what is being suggested or recommended can be identified. Governments produce a wide range of policy documents and artifacts including briefings, guidelines, preliminary legislation, and draft reports. Their policy ideas will also be framed in the speeches made by politicians, and by their contributions on social media and in print outlets. What we can also see when we explore the sequences of policy reforms that have been produced over time, in teacher education as well as in other policy arenas, is that policy is often an accommodation between the past, present, and future as “new principles and innovations are merged and conflated with older rationales and previous practices” (Ball, 2017, p. 63). Here normative policy work can be described as a form of path-dependency, where history is often seen as limiting change and where continuity influences ideas for reform. This notion of path-dependency can also be useful in highlighting “the limits to intentional reform which are due to the presence of institutional inertia” (Torfing, 2009, p. 81). If there is one thing that is certain, even in taking a normative approach toward understanding policy, it is that reforms do not always succeed. Policy analysts like Ozga (2000, p. 2) “stress that there is no fixed, single definition of policy.” She takes a more “diffuse” view of policy as a process “involving negotiation, contestation or struggle between different groups who may lie outside the formal machinery of official policy making” (p. 2). This approach allows for a more inclusive yet critical construction of what policy is taken to be. If a normative approach may be somewhat descriptive and couched in discourses that stress reforms as positive, it may also work to sideline more complex political and explanatory analyses and may marginalize policy struggles and conflicts as well as the origins of policy reforms themselves. Taking policy as a continuing process makes space for understanding the myriad ways in which policy legislation is worked and reworked in different ways at different times. This approach makes space to pay attention to the ways in which policy making extends beyond formal governments and into institutional settings and enactments. It makes space for a more situated and unstable approach toward policy work. As Ball (2017, p. 10) warns, “it is also important not to overestimate the logical rationality of policy.” To this we would add, it is also important to bring insights from other disciplines, such as history and politics to bear on understanding the policy process. For example, a critical historical approach toward policy that explores why some problems have emerged at different moments in time may help to identify those tactics to be avoided, or rekindle institutional memories of what worked more effectively in the past. Drawing on a comparativist approach to policy work can be particularly seductive for governments as it can lead to a somewhat instrumentalist approach to policy – a “what works” and a “policy borrowing” approach, which is arguably relatively straightforward to introduce. Looking at nations that enjoy high levels of attainment in international rankings and applying their policies in different contexts may not always achieve the desired outcome. Putting policy reforms into practice that emanate from elsewhere may be problematic; learning from policy work elsewhere in terms of contextual factors, purposes, and problems may be more useful (Burdett & O’Donnell, 2016).

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In this policy studies section, we take the dynamics of policy to be made up of how governments and politicians approach social problems and what they do in the light of these pressures. Education policy comes out of values and interests, from older traditions and emerging findings. It is “unwieldy and complex” (Ball, 1993, p. 3). It exists on different levels: the international, national, and local. It is made up of different forms or types – education policy that is mandated, suggested, or sometimes produced and circulated within local institutions to make up the specific culture and ethos of that setting. The essential point though is that policy is contested and struggled over; it is not “of a piece” and may be incoherent; it might not even be put into practice and may fail to come to fruition. Policies will be contested and resisted and accommodated in different ways in different education settings. How it is understood matters for analysis as well as for practice. As Ball, Maguire, and Braun (2011, p. 3) claim: “Policy is done by and done to teachers; they are actors and subjects, subject to and objects of policy. Policy is written onto bodies and produces particular subject positions.” The same may also be said of those who teach and research in teacher education.

What Drives Policy? We want to turn to consider briefly some of the various policy drivers that influence policy production and policy work. Again we are not claiming to be exhaustive in our coverage but we want to isolate and explore some critical factors. There will always be some macro issues that will drive policy outcomes within educational settings. These will range from matters such as significant political administrative changes (for example, from a Trump to a Biden administration in the USA) and international financial crises, to devastating events such as the Covid-19 international pandemic. There will be international educational developments that will call out policy responses from various national governments such as dealing with international high-stakes league tables and testing procedures (Grek, 2009). These macro drivers will be accompanied by micro-national imperatives for reform such as the production of policies in election manifestos; these calls being led by key politicians, civil servants, social media, and various inputs from the wide range of “think tanks” jostling to have their views and research influencing policy and practice (Pautz, 2012). Policy is also driven by contextual factors; situated factors, such as resources; affectual factors; as well as past policies (Maguire et al., 2019). In any discussion of policy drivers, it simply is not possible to omit the drivers of economic theory and practice. As Ball (2017, p. 61) asserts, “Education policy is increasingly subordinated to and articulated in terms of economic policy and the necessities of international competition.” As an example, let us take some of the drivers for policy in teacher education reforms in terms of national demands, situated factors, and economic imperatives. There are currently problems in the recruitment and particularly the retention of teachers in many parts of the world (OECD, 2012). Policy drivers may include arguments for changes in the curriculum in order to develop specialist workers such

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as engineers and scientists (the STEM pressure). Past policies may be co-opted and reformulated to argue for a curriculum that meets the need of a knowledge-based economy and traditional approaches to what counts as a subject. Thus, in settings with a myriad of policy drivers and a shortage of professional teachers, there may be a tendency to look for short-cut routes into the profession. Routes such as Teacher Residencies in the USA (Guha et al., 2019) and Teach First in the UK (Allen & Allnutt, 2013; Thomas et al., 2020) reflect concerns about teacher shortages (but they also speak to core questions about the most effective way to support intending teachers as well as who and what makes a good teacher). Different routes into teaching will privilege different approaches to what is involved in becoming a teacher and will draw on the old binary tension between the roles of theory and practice in this process.

Policy as a Problems Approach One thing that emerges from questions about the production of the schoolteacher – an endemic policy conundrum if ever there was one – is that different “solutions” are trialed and tested and refined and sometimes rejected at different times and in different places. However, one factor that binds these policy attempts together is that, in many if not all cases, they stem from the articulation of a policy “problem.” However, as Carol Bacchi (1999, p. 1) explains, much depends on how the actual problem is articulated and represented. Here we include her oft-cited and explanatory account of her “what’s the problem represented to be” (WPR) approach: Have you ever read a newspaper article about a controversial topic and thought you would have approached the issue from a completely different angle? Have you ever compared the two perspectives, yours and that of the columnist or reported speaker, and noted that the contrast in views had all sorts of consequences, including how to deal with the issue? If so, you have already been applying the approach I call . . . “what’s the problem represented to be?” At its most basic, the insight is commonsensical – how we perceive or think about something will affect what we think ought to be done about it. In the words of the psychologists Don Bannister and Fay Fransella (1997, p. 57), “[T]he way we look at things determines what we do about measuring or changing those things; be it the problem child at school, racial prejudice, disturbed behavior in the individual . . . ” The flip-side of this, and the guiding premise of a What’s the Problem? approach, is that every policy proposal contains within it an explicit or implicit diagnosis of the “problem,” which I call its problem representation. A necessary part of policy analysis hence includes identification and assessment of problem representations, the ways in which “problems” get represented in policy proposals.

Bacchi’s premise is that in trying to analyze policy proposals which, as Ball (2017, p. 11) states, are “almost always about doing things differently, about change and improvement,” the central issue is how the policy problem is being articulated. Problems are themselves constructions and interpretations. For example, is it a problem that there are fewer males than females seeking to become elementary school teachers? Does this view reflect a gender-binaried normative perspective?

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Does this view reflect a desire to ensure that male employment rates are raised more generally? Who says this is a problem and why? Bacchi’s central notion is that what needs to happen is a scrutiny of what/how the problem is represented to be (WRP). “We need to shift our analysis from policies as attempted ‘solutions’ to ‘problems,’ to policies as constituting competing interpretations or representations of political issues” (Bacchi, 1999, p. 2). By critically exploring the policy “problem” it may be possible to enact more constructive and enduring changes. So how would Bacchi’s WRP approach “work” in the context of teacher education? How would it help in our analysis of policy in the field? Let us take one longstanding “problem” in teacher education, which is to do with the role of the school placement experience (often) set against a call for more theoretically informed perspectives. Certainly in some nation states, and here the English context comes to mind, there has been a turn away from university-based and research-inflected programs toward a valorization of learning to teach being best undertaken in the classroom. This claim has led to many defenses of a more robust scholarly approach toward becoming a teacher. As Orchard and Winch (2015, p. 33) put it: “teachers need a conceptual framework within which to think about educational issues, a good grasp of what research implies for their practice, and a developed capacity for ethical deliberation.” They recognize the importance of on-the -job training in schools but assert that universities have a part to play in the construction of the teacher. But from a WRP perspective, what exactly is the “problem” here? Is it that teachers’ preparation is woefully lacking? Is it that universities are not doing a good enough job despite their curriculum and programs being regularly inspected and the requirement (for trainee secondary teachers in England at least) to spend 24 of the 36 weeks course in at least two schools. Is this “problem” perhaps more a representation of a political issue – that is, the desire to curb the power of the university and to exert more direct control over the work of the teacher? Maybe the “problem” facing teacher education is that instead of working for “collaborative, reflective, rigorous, capacity building and policy oriented” innovative approaches (Tatto, 2017, p. 621), we are witnessing policy reforms by governments who seek “to establish total control over the educational system” (Biesta, 2020, p. 9).

What Are the Policy Problems in Teacher Education? As we have outlined, education has always been a cause for concern and a “problem” to resolve (Scott & Freeman-Moir, 2000) and teachers have always been a policy concern, starting with how they are “trained,” educated, and shaped. Teachers are regulated by “measures of productivity” (Jeffrey & Troman, 2011, p. 484) such as target setting, school league tables constructed by exam results, performance management, and performance-related pay with the aim of improving teacher “quality.” This policy framework has influenced, and arguably constrained, in-service teacher education or professional development to “what teachers do, and learn to do, and

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what they think and aspire to for themselves . . . [in] a highly regulated and controlled education system” (Opfer and Pedder, 2011, p. 743). Debates surrounding aspects of teacher education such as how to prepare teachers for the classroom, who should prepare them and where, as well as when and how long their training and preparation should be, continue to take place in education systems all over the world (Zeichner, 2014). For example, in England, the responsibility for pre-service teacher education or initial teacher education (ITE) has shifted between higher education institutions and schools in recent decades (Allen & Sims, 2018) whereas in the USA there have been a variety of pathways into teaching both inside and outside colleges and universities (Zeichner, 2014). However, it is worth pulling back from the policy storm over the contested role of schools and higher education institutions and reflect on some of the age-old “problems” widely discussed in teaching and teacher education. One of these key “problems” is that of teacher quality and how to produce the “good” teacher. Indeed, the issue of ensuring that a nation’s schools are staffed with good quality teachers is a significant policy and educational issue affecting many educational systems (Hanushek & Rivkin, 2006). A second, and related, issue is that of teacher shortages and the challenges of recruiting and retaining high quality teachers (OECD, 2012). We turn to the first of our teacher education policy “problems”: teacher quality and producing the “good” teacher. Research shows that teacher quality is one of the most powerful determinants of student learning and that “good” teachers close the attainment gap (Darling-Hammond, 2000; Hargreaves & Fullan, 2015). The debate about what makes a “good” teacher has been discussed and written about for many decades. For example, writing about the English context, Alex Moore’s (2004) seminal study, The Good Teacher, discusses three key competing discourses: the “charismatic” model of the teacher, often represented in Hollywood movies and the media; the “reflective practitioner” model, widespread in universities and teacher education courses; and the “competent craftsperson” model, which he argues is preferred by government. In response to this third discourse of competency, professional standards for teachers have been introduced in many countries including the UK, Australia, and the USA (Goepel, 2012). For example, both Australia and the UK now have national professional standards for teachers (DfE, 2011; GTC, 2021; HWB, 2017; LLUK, 2009; AITSL, 2011). The aim and purpose of these standards is linked to quantifying quality, accountability, and clarity of expectations of the teacher themselves, including their conduct, and expectations of their work across their teaching career (Ryan & Bourke, 2013). Policy discourses detailing teacher quality and teacher professionalism have not only described what a professional teacher should be like, but also what is meant by quality teaching (Allen & Sims, 2018; Ryan & Bourke, 2013). Solutions to the “problem” of teacher quality are often found in policies that focus on concrete ways to make teachers “better” by introducing prescriptive strategies such as continuous monitoring, high stakes testing, strengthening the audit culture in schools, curriculum reform, as well as new types of schools (Ball, 2017). Teacher education is at the mercy of such policy reform, and while proponents for these policies would argue that they are intended to develop the quality of teachers,

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including those who are training to teach (la Velle et al., 2020), others would argue that these reforms focus on teacher competencies rather than quality (Ball, 2017; Moore, 2004). Teacher education policies in recent decades increasingly lack the vision and creativity to truly develop teacher quality in all teachers, but rather focus on a narrow view that a robust audit culture can do the job. As a result, experienced teachers (many of whom are already very good and of high quality) as well as early career teachers are driven away from the profession (Allen & Sims, 2018). This brings us to a second key educational policy issue of our times: teacher shortage and its effect on the recruitment and retention of teachers. Teacher attrition has driven the shortage of qualified teachers internationally (Geiger & Pivovarova, 2018; Toropova et al., 2021) with acute shortages in the STEM subjects – science, technology, engineering. and mathematics – in some countries (Eurydice, 2018; O’Doherty & Harford, 2018). Teacher shortage has been an ongoing global challenge for some time now and is reaching crisis levels in some settings (Eurydice, 2018; O’Doherty & Harford, 2018; Worth & McLean, 2020). Although teacher recruitment shortages have eased to some extent during the current COVID-19 pandemic (Klassen et al., 2021), this is no guarantee that rising recruitment levels are set to last (Worth & McLean, 2020). In many settings, national governments have introduced successive teacher recruitment policies to boost numbers and improve the quality of teacher education programs (O’Doherty & Harford, 2018). For example, in England a wide range of initiatives to improve teacher recruitment, such as the introduction of bursaries and scholarships for trainee teachers in shortage subjects (such as Science and Mathematics), schemes to encourage returnees (Huat See & Gorard, 2020), and the introduction of a wide range of nonuniversity-led routes into teaching (Maguire & George, 2017) have failed to substantially improve the situation. Writing some time ago in the context of teacher shortages in the USA, Merrow (1999) made an observation, which provides an apt description of the current teacher shortage in settings worldwide: “The [teaching] pool keeps losing water because no one is paying attention to the leak. That is, we’re misdiagnosing the problem as ‘recruitment’ when it’s really ‘retention.’” (para 7, n.p.). Recruiting more teachers does not necessarily solve the teacher shortage problem as long as teachers continue to leave. As a consequence, national governments are now beginning to turn the policy focus onto teacher retention measures. Such policy solutions introduced in recent years to improve the retention of teachers in different contexts include strategies to reduce teachers’ workload (Worth et al., 2018), strengthening professional support for early career teachers (Katz, 2018), and policies to improve teacher job satisfaction and teacher well-being (Acton & Glasgow, 2015).

Whose Problems? Alternative Voices We now want to turn to explore what we might term as “new” problems, often overlooked in the wider policy problem discourse, but pressing all the same. Let us take just three such “problems” and briefly explore what they mean for education

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policy work and policy making: minority ethnic teachers and teacher education, teacher well-being, and the urban school. The first of the policy problems that has received little attention in recent decades has been the lack of a diverse teaching workforce in schools in developed nations, such as the UK (Callender, 2020), the USA (Rogers-Ard et al., 2013), Ireland (Heinz & Keane, 2018), and Australia (Cruickshank, 2004). The lack of diversity in the teaching profession constitutes an international phenomenon. For example, while in Australia there has been an increase in the numbers of minority ethnic teachers, they are still largely underrepresented (Cruickshank, 2004). Historically, Kempf (2013) believes that teacher education policies in many different countries have largely neglected to address the diverse nature of classrooms preferring to emphasize a “colour blind” approach to the experiences of minority ethnic students. Similarly, in England, although there has been an increase in the proportion of minority ethnic teachers in the last 10 years (DfE, 2018), teacher recruitment policies over the last 20 years have not managed to significantly increase the number of minority ethnic teachers in schools (Callender, 2020). In recent years, a growing body of research on dismantling racial injustice in schools has influenced the practice of teacher educators who take a “race-visible” approach to their practice and training (Hambacher & Ginn, 2021). For some time now, there have been calls for teacher education programs to meet the needs of Black students (Ladson-Billings, 2000) and increasingly there are efforts to include racial justice in the teacher education curriculum and race-visible teacher education to “foster richer understandings of race, racism, and white identity among those learning to teach” (Hambacher & Ginn, 2021, p. 11). But this problem persists. The second problem area that is beginning to receive greater policy attention, but that will require imaginative and creative solutions in the years to come, is that of teacher well-being. Up until recently, the rhetoric of policy makers has exaggerated teachers’ responsibility for their own well-being and has, on occasion, stigmatized their experiences of stress (Brady & Wilson, 2021). Some media reports have implied that teachers use stress as an excuse to take time off work (Charlton, 2014; Sandbrook, 2017; Sykes, 2015). Frequent changes to policy combined with an already high workload have often left teachers feeling de-professionalized and an emphasis on narrow assessment metrics results in some practitioners being unable to focus on the kinds of learning they value (Turner & Theilking, 2019). Given the issues surrounding reduced teacher recruitment, it is also concerning that pre-service teachers frequently cite poor well-being as a reason for quitting teacher education programs (Russell, 2019). Until recently, the well-being and stress experienced by trainee teachers has been largely overlooked, partly because stress and anxiety are accepted as “a natural element of the transition from novice to a qualified teacher” (Birchinall et al., 2019, p. 2). Therefore, there is a strong case to deliver focused programs for pre-service teachers to equip them with strategies to mitigate effects of stress and support their well-being (Birchinall et al., 2019; Russell, 2019). In response to reports of increasing teacher stress (ES, 2020), policy makers in different nation states have begun to develop policies and interventions designed to support teacher well-being (Hinds, 2019; Lever et al., 2017).

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The third problem we want to explore is that of the urban school. The urban schools with which we are concerned are also referred to as “hard-to-staff” schools, “disadvantaged” schools, and “inner-city” schools. These schools can be characterized by their locations, often in “deprived” neighborhoods, and with high percentages of students living in poverty and often high teacher turnover (Frankenberg et al., 2010; Opfer, 2011). Urban education has been a focus for educators and (some) policy makers for some time now (Pink & Noblit, 2008). Indeed many education policies targeting urban schools in many contexts and settings have been largely concerned with addressing student underachievement. For example, in the USA, the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, a reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) in 2011, was introduced to raise educational attainment by employing high stakes testing to ensure all students in American public schools, regardless of race, class, or special education status achieved academically as determined by individual states (Kauffman & Konold, 2007). The NCLB Act also mandated providing parents with more educational choice for their children and ensuring better qualified teachers in their schools (Darling-Hammond, 2007). However, the Act gave rise to a number of unintended negative consequences including the narrowing of the curriculum and a focus on “teaching to the test” resulting in less engaging teaching and learning experiences, particularly for disadvantaged and low achieving students (Darling-Hammond, 2007). It has also been argued that the NCLB reform partly intended to close the race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic attainment gap, has in fact exacerbated existing inequalities (Hursh, 2007). Similar education policies have been introduced in other developed nations such as Australia and France, where policies designed to reform disadvantaged schools were based on a deficit view of urban communities (Tissot, 2007) and of their families and children as well as their school teachers and leaders (Smyth, 2010). According to Kenway (2013) in the Australian context, such policies aimed at improving educational standards for all have in fact been experienced as largely punitive in character as policies have targeted disadvantaged schools rather than the structures that contribute to disadvantage. More recently, emerging research on the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on children and families has found that school closures and school interruption has already begun to have a detrimental educational effect on children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and certain ethnic groups in the UK (Bayrakdar & Guveli, 2020), the USA (Bacher-Hicks et al., 2021), and Australia (Flack et al., 2020). It has been reported that teachers in the most disadvantaged schools are “over three times more likely to report that their pupils are four months or more behind in their curriculum. . . compared to [those] in the least deprived schools” (Sharp et al., 2020, p. 4). Meanwhile there are many other aspects of a child’s life and experience at school which cannot be solely measured by academic outcomes. Families continue to live in deprived neighborhoods and still face daily challenges and difficulties, and these have been exacerbated by the pandemic. Although we are currently seeing a small rise in levels of teacher recruitment in many nations during the period of the pandemic, research shows that beginning teachers are not often well prepared in their teacher training programs to teach in urban schools (Allen & Sims, 2018;

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Burnett & Lampert, 2016). This is a crucial teacher education issue that needs to be addressed if we are to retain new teachers in our urban schools. It is already well established that disadvantaged urban schools face higher rates of teacher turnover than those in more privileged contexts (Frankenberg et al., 2010) as these schools remain emotionally, socially, and personally challenging places to work in for a range of reasons (Towers, 2020). This will no doubt become a key area for concern in the years following the Covid-19 pandemic.

Regulation and Surveillance So far, we have detailed some of the major policy reforms that have been undertaken related to normative concerns about program structures, routes, and other recurring issues such as recruitment and retention; these may all be seen as practical “problems” that do need to be addressed in teacher education policy work. We have also mapped out what we have termed “new” problems that are often less explored by governments but seem to us to be critical matters. Addressing this second set of issues has more to do with how the “problem” is being represented (or marginalized) as well as whose voices “count” in the policy arena (Bacchi, 2009). However, now we want to foreground one more dimension of policy work that is partly “normative” in that it is led by governments and politicians, but that is simultaneously and overtly strongly ideological. We want to consider policy work, which is more radical in its reach; what Biesta refers to as policy that seeks to establish “total control.” This dimension of policy concerns power, the assertion of control, and the management of consent. In Foucaultian terms: There can be no possible exercise of power without a certain economy of discourses of truth which operates through and on the basis of this association. We are subjected to the production of truth through power and we cannot exercise power except through the production of truth. This is the case for every society. (Foucault, 1980, p. 39).

In the technologies of teacher education policy that work to assert a controlling spirit and the management of consent to reforms in teacher education, we can identify strong regulatory endeavors to resolve the “problem” of teacher education. These regimes, regulations, and program requirements that are nonnegotiable are presented as the “best” way to raise teacher quality and educational standards – a new form of common sense. These pressures are exacerbated by hegemonic claims about the “needs” of the economy, wealth creation, and the “needs” of the labor market that are presented as unassailable and self-evident “truths.” These all come together in the intertwined policies of regulation and surveillance. However, and somewhat contradictorily, we recognize that in some ways there is a loosening up, and, arguably, some new forms of policy deregulation are being produced; this is particularly the case in responses to the problems of teacher shortages. For example, in various states in the USA, there are programs of teacher education that are short in length and which focus on the delivery of set curricula (for

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example, see the Yes Prep Public School Organization in Texas, which runs 21 schools and offers an alternative certification route). Many nation states have some form of alternative pathways into teaching. Some of these have been purposively constructed in order to recruit teachers from “high achieving” backgrounds who might not have considered teaching (Teach for China, etc). Other pathways have been generated in order to recruit teachers for hard-to-staff locations and schools (Ellis et al., 2016). Yet while there is a form of deregulation, it is evident that much of this takes place under the aegis of the alleged gains of marketization and forms of privatization. The contracting out of the preparation of the teacher to various other providers may not necessarily be “for profit,” but in settings where there is a robust and long-standing provision based in national universities, this shift “can contribute towards a loss of professional identity and a reduction in the power of teachers and teacher educators to influence professional development policy and practice” (Maguire, 2017, p. 487). At the same time, in the same settings, it is possible to discern robust policy attempts to determine how to produce the “good” teacher in more controlled environments. For example, in the English setting there is a range of formal teacher education programs provided by institutions of further and higher education and all these have to conform to government-determined standards and regulations (Foster, 2019). One aspect of policy work is that in order to ensure that changes are implemented and are effective, practice and outcomes need to be “policed.” Skourdoumbis (2017, p. 347) has written about “the heightened demands of official probing, the sort favoured by the present-day controllers of finance capital.” In the teacher education arena, again powerfully demonstrated in the English setting, there is a panoply of surveillance techniques that check, measure, and quantify compliance and discipline any deviancy (for example, university-led teacher education programs in England can be closed if there is an unfavorable inspection). In consequence of this assertion of regulation/surveillance, we are looking at the production of a new kind of teacher who can “maximise performance, who can set aside irrelevant principles, or outmoded social commitments, for who, excellence and improvement are the driving force of their practice” (Ball, 2003, p. 223). The teacher accommodates to these technologies of control and their compliance is measured and managed through a corresponding set of regimes of surveillance; inspections, appraisals, datafication, league tables – a whole panoply of assessment and accountability measures (Perryman et al., 2017). However, it may be somewhat mistaken to set processes of regulation and control against processes of deregulation where the state is “steering at a distance,” but steering nevertheless. This is perhaps a form of what Du Gay (2006) calls “controlled de-control.”

Unintended Outcomes The most well-intentioned policy initiative can result in a raft of unforeseen results, which arguably creates further policy problems to be “solved.” As schools and teachers are involved in enacting many different types of policies, at different levels,

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at the same time, this means that some policies will “collide or overlap, producing contradictions or incoherence or confusion” (Ball et al., 2011, p. 7) and result in unintended outcomes. Here we take the recent example of a set of curriculum and assessment reforms targeted at England’s state-maintained secondary schools and consider key consequences, arguably unintended consequences, of the policy initiatives. The package of reforms started in 2010 with the implementation of the English Baccalaureate (EBacc), introduced as a performance measure, which was calculated on the basis of the percentage of students attaining national exams results at grade C and above in the core Ebacc subjects: English, mathematics, the sciences, history or geography, and a foreign language. In 2016, a further set of reforms to assessment and the curriculum were introduced and worked alongside the EBacc, strengthening accountability and performance measures in secondary schools. These new measures resulted in a number of unintended consequences including: a shortage of teachers to teach the core Ebacc subjects; the marginalization and devaluing of creative and vocational subjects; and a decline in the well-being of students and teachers. In what follows, we consider the consequences on teacher supply and the narrowing of the curriculum. Due to the existing failures to meet recruitment and retention targets in England, schools have had to grapple with a shortage of teachers to teach the core Ebacc subjects (Worth and Van den Brande, 2019). In many cases, teachers have been required to teach outside of their specialism, which impacts on the quality of teaching and learning of particular subjects (Neumann et al., 2016). In 2018, it was reported that almost a third of teachers left the profession within 5 years of qualifying and most EBacc subjects saw an increase in secondary school teachers leaving the profession in 2017, with the greatest numbers leaving in mathematics and physics (Foster, 2019; DfE, 2018). This trend has been disrupted to an extent since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, where higher numbers of teachers have been recruited to core Ebacc subjects, with the exception of Physics where recruitment and retention figures remain stubbornly low (Worth & McLean, 2020). While recruitment and retention figures will remain higher in the short-term, this is no guarantee that teacher supply issues will not resurface once the pandemic subsides and the economy recovers (Worth & McLean, 2020). A second outcome of these policy measures has been the marginalization of creative and vocational subjects in English secondary schools. Subjects have been categorized as “core” and “non-core” categories crystallized by the introduction of the EBacc. Research has shown (e.g., Neumann et al., 2016; Bath et al., 2020) that non-Ebacc teachers experience some degree of marginalization, whether reflected in loss of curriculum time or reductions in uptake, resourcing, and staffing of their subjects. One consequence of this subject hierarchy is, arguably, the devaluing of teachers’ skills, knowledge, and expertise in the noncore subjects (Neumann et al., 2016) and a greater attention on meeting the demands of the accountability, pedagogical, curriculum, and assessment frameworks within which teachers work. If we take music teaching as an example, the post 2010 policy settlement has seen pre-service music teacher training moving out of the university setting into schools that are required to work within “strong regulatory and compliance frameworks”

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(Wieneke & Spruce, 2020, p. 9). Other research points to the detrimental effects of devaluing creative and vocational subjects, not least because of the negative impact on student well-being that can be fostered through the arts and other nonacademic subjects (Clarke & Basilio, 2018). Similarly, the side-lining of Physical Education in schools and the reduction of PE staff as a result of the Ebacc means that responding to the health and well-being of students remains a challenge. Indeed, the conflict between the emphasis on academic skills and knowledge and a policy imperative to respond to the well-being of students and student experience results in what Maguire et al. (2019), p. 558) refer to as a “collision and policy clash” that is difficult to resolve.

Teacher Education and Wider Policy Matters As we have seen, teacher education continues to be one of the most urgent topics in educational policy making and research as it is generally seen as the major way to improve and change schools. For this reason, many governments have wrestled with attempts to reform and improve their provision in this area. While the larger policy question may well be centered on how to change schools (Hulme, 2016), there are many other competing sets of imperatives for improvements such as the needs of the economy, constructing an infrastructure for change, and even concerns for the wellbeing and autonomy of young people. As Trippestad et al. (2017, p. 1) suggest, while education reforms may largely be driven by concerns to improve global competitiveness, there are other equally important pressures for reform. Education is seen as the most important instrument in addressing issues such as social justice, democracy, equality, sustainable development, migration and transfer of culturally important knowledge.

Against the background of widespread reform, we believe that there is a need for a critical return to matters such as how policies are actually crafted and constructed and there is a need to tease out those influences and contextual factors that drive policies in one direction rather than another. In short, there is a need for understanding how policy works! As we have noted in this chapter, there are many different ways in which policy has been and continues to be conceptualized and studied. Some of these studies may be mainly normative in approach; that is, they chart the ways in which particular reforms play out in different settings and influence different social actors. For example, accounts that tease out sets of teacher education reform-shifts over time illustrate this policy approach (Tatto, 2017). Then there are approaches to policy studies that take a different starting point. We have demonstrated how a “problem” policy approach as formulated by Carol Bacchi seeks to explore and explain why a particular event or set of circumstances is formally taken to be a policy “problem” at a certain point in time. The recognition of a problem such as the lack of representation in the teaching profession (beyond the majority of white, middle class young

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people in northern hemisphere settings) may rise from the grounded advocacy and concerns of diverse young people, their parents/carers, as well as school teachers and researchers. It may be that these sorts of concerns do eventually get taken up by governments and formal policy makers – but responses to these “problems” that are constructed outside of mainstream ministries may well become diluted along the way. A critical policy studies approach includes an appreciation of constraints and contradictory issues and also helps us in understanding and documenting the ways in which policies can have unexpected and unintended outcomes. Teachers are central to education policy reform. How they are prepared, the sorts of courses they follow, the role of school placements in this process, the support being extended to their continuing professional and personal development over time helping to sustain their commitment in challenging times and in some demanding settings – all of these issues and many more aspects of teacher education – call up policy attention. This attention needs critical interrogation in terms of origins and justifications for reform because, as Menter (2016, p. 3) points out: An analysis of teacher education policy in any state system is deeply revealing of the currently dominant values within that society. Through defining how and where teachers should be prepared for their work and sometimes through prescribing exactly what is it they should know and be able to do, we see how those in power in society are seeking to shape the world for future citizens’.

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Trans-inclusive Policy and Opportunities for Trans-affirming Teacher Education: An Ontario Case Study

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Contents Introduction: Contextualizing the Educational Experience of Trans and Gender Diverse Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Diversity and Teacher Education Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trans-inclusive Policy in Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Limitations of Trans-inclusive Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning from the Ontario Policy Context: Implications for Teacher Education Programs . . . Antioppressive Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Accommodation Policy and Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward Trans-affirming Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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International research confirms that schools are hostile environments for trans and gender diverse students, and that trans-inclusive policies need to outline the right to have gender autonomy recognized and respected at school, to full participation in school life, and to an environment free from discrimination and harassment. This trans-affirming approach needs to be embedded in teacher education programs if it is to become part of the professional repertoire of schools, teachers, and educational professionals. The province of Ontario, Canada, is a leader in trans-inclusive policy, and this chapter draws on its example to illustrate the tensions and limitations of policy created through a discourse of inclusion which targets the individual and not the system, as the site of change and intervention. Given that Teacher Education Programs (TEPs) in Ontario are mandated through to include familiarity with relevant educational policy alongside theoretical and pedagogical skills to create more equitable learning environments, critical J. Kassen (*) Education, Western University, London, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_41

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engagement with trans-inclusive policy texts and the discourses produced by them are indispensable. This chapter explores the ways in which policy and critical frameworks can be leveraged to ensure that teacher trainees are well versed in trans-inclusive policy and aware of the systems of oppression that circulate through the discourse of inclusion embedded in the policy texts. Finally, recognizing that trans-inclusive policies are, in and of themselves, insufficient tools for systems-level change, this chapter proposes strategies for ways in which to move toward trans-affirming TEPs. Keywords

Transgender · Gender diverse · Policy · Intersectionality · Antioppressive education · Teacher Education Program

Introduction: Contextualizing the Educational Experience of Trans and Gender Diverse Students Globally, trans and gender diverse students face hostile school environments, and despite an ever-growing body of empirical knowledge that attests to these experiences and to the practical strategies that can be implemented at individual and systems levels, the precarious conditions in which trans and gender diverse students are expected to learn remain largely unchanged (Kosciw et al., 2020; Peter et al., 2021a, b; Ullman, 2021). Individuals who understand their gendered experiences as other than the sex and gender they were assigned at birth – namely, boy/man or girl/ woman – have a broad and nuanced lexicon at their disposal to describe their gender identity. This chapter employs trans and gender diverse as an umbrella term under which to gather and signal the rich diversity of human experience of gender, recognizing that it does not do justice to the ever-expanding vocabulary being drawn on by individuals within this community. Toxic school environments are the culmination of administrative and interpersonal violence and erasure perpetrated by staff and peers alike (Kassen, 2022; Kosciw et al., 2020; Peter et al., 2021b). According to Lennon and Mistler (2014, p. 63), these toxic school environments are the product of cisgenderism which is “the cultural and systemic ideology that denies, denigrates or pathologizes self-identified gender identities that do not align with assigned gender at birth, as well as resulting behavior, expression and community” (Lennon & Mistler, 2014, p. 63). Cisgenderism operates overtly and covertly within schools and intertwines with other interlocking systems of oppression such as racism and ableism to create environments where trans and gender diverse students are erased and actively targeted (Kennedy, 2018; Ullman, 2014). Trans and gender diverse students consistently report being subject to hostile school climates, rife with physical, verbal, and cyber violence that both peers and educational staff contribute toward (Kosciw et al., 2020; Peter et al., 2021b; UNESCO, 2016). Historically, research about trans and gender diverse students has prioritized investigating gender identity as a

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stand-alone focus, eschewing queries into the impact of intersectional forms of oppression in schools (Kosciw et al., 2020; Rosentel et al., 2020; Singh et al., 2014). Studies that center the experiences of trans and gender diverse students of color reveal that they experience violence along multiple axes of identity (Rosentel et al., 2020; Singh, 2013; Singh et al., 2014). While it is important that more attention is currently being directed to marginalization on the axis of racialized and gendered identities, intersex identities are still largely absent from research (Peter et al., 2021b; Zongrone et al., 2020a, b). Research demonstrates that educators overall report positive views toward trans and gender diverse students; however, positive attitudes do not always result in trans-affirming action, and often good intentions without the support of critical frameworks result in a reassertion of cisgenderism and a reinscribing of trans and gender diverse students as “strange” and “Other” (Marx et al., 2017). Many studies dealing with trans and gender diverse students’ school experiences discuss the important role that educators can play in mitigating negative school climates (Campbell et al., 2021; GLSEN, 2021; Peter et al., 2021b). Trans-inclusive policy is likewise recognized as key in creating safer learning environments. However, when it comes to policy enactments in school settings, these depend largely on the commitment and intervention of adults (teachers) if they are to be successful. For this reason, there is a need for TEPs to ensure that new teachers are carefully prepared for this responsibility and thus the topic of gender diversity needs to be part of the teacher training curriculum for all intending teachers. In Canada, a recent national climate survey of students on homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia revealed that trans and gender diverse students across the country continue to face violence (Peter et al., 2021a). For example, 79% of trans and gender diverse participants reported experiencing physical harassment and reported that school staff were "ineffective in addressing transphobic harassment” (p. 4). In Ontario, a youth-led research project through an LGBT Youth Line called “Do Better” (2020) focused on the well-being of Two-Spirit, Lesbian, Gay, Trans, Queer, and others (2SLGBTQ+) and revealed that these youth feel overwhelmingly disconnected from the communities in which they live. Drawing on the perspectives of over 1200 youth, the report specifically names the education system as a space which must, as the title of the report suggests, do better in terms of representing and affirming 2SLGBTQ+ students from an intersectional standpoint (LGBT Youth Line, 2020). This recommendation has the potential to be addressed through critical engagement with existing systems-level policy, particularly if this engagement is undertaken through TEPs.

Gender Diversity and Teacher Education Programs Research investigating the topic of gender diversity in TEPs has largely focused on pedagogical approaches and the experiences of teacher trainees who themselves are trans and gender diverse (Iskander, 2021; Khayatt & Iskander, 2020; Payne et al., 2021). In an exhaustive review of TEPs spanning 35 years, Airton and Koecher

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(2019) investigated the ways in which international English-language programs have engaged with the subject of gender and sexual diversity. They specifically enquired into what pedagogical approaches “counted” as gender and sexuality work in the context of TEPs, how the quality of a certain approach could be ascertained, and who the subject of focus was within this work. Their inquiry revealed that, though definitions, strategies, and scope were plentiful, there existed no unified approach to integrating gender diversity into TEPs, and no simple manner of determining the quality and impact of the work being done. Though Airton and Koecher’s (2019) study included gender diversity and sexual diversity, the authors intentionally included in their discussion how the focus on sexual diversity could and should translate and extend to questions of gender diversity in TEPs. Pedagogical approaches revealed a broad range of strategies including, but not limited to, the inclusion of various media texts that focused on gender and sexuality, encounters with guest speakers who discussed gender and sexual diversity, role-playing, and teacher trainee self-reflection, strategies that the authors note “aim to generate empathy and encourage TC [Teacher Candidate] perspective-taking in relation to future pupils who might be non-heterosexual, gender non-conforming, and/or on the transgender spectrum” (p. 195). The authors also remarked that the “field generally seeks to foster empathy for gender and sexual minority people, as opposed to foregrounding the deconstruction of gender and sexual norms blighting all school constituents to varying degrees” (p. 196), and that this effect was produced by drawing strongly on the representation of these students as being “at-risk.” In other words, while empathy-driven approaches may have produced the effect of a teacher trainee feeling a responsibility toward the plight of trans and gender diverse students, who were singularly represented as perpetually victimized, they did little to help trainees recognize the trouble of cisgenderism that leads to instances of overt violence. In addressing questions about the relevance, outcomes, and objects of gender and sexual diversity in Teacher Education, Airton and Koecher (2019) expose a field which contains more questions than answers for a unified way forward. In constructing “what counts” as gender and sexual diversity in Teacher Education, they draw from their review to argue that Teacher Trainees must be equipped with skills to navigate a range of interpersonal relationships. An example they give is that of parental consent to support the integration of gender diversity into their classroom content, alongside working to deconstruct dominant negative discourses about gender. Airton and Koecher (2019) pose a question which strikes at the heart of the problem with general TEP policy that mandates “equity”: They ask, “whether a particular course, lesson or activity was ‘GSDTE’ [Gender and Sexual Diversity Teacher Education] if TCs did not recognize at the time that GSDTE was taking place” (p. 198). Airton and Koecher (2019) reveal that determining the quality of gender and sexual diversity content in Teacher Education is an equally difficult task. “Success,” in their review, is defined in several ways including teacher trainees feeling confident with the topic, trainee engagement in a particular class, or even self-reported desire to implement GSDTE content in their future work. This question of measuring success is particularly interesting when taken alongside Airton and

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Koecher’s (2019) observation that, across the literature, teacher trainee resistance to the integration of gender diversity in TEPs is a consistent barrier. Considering this finding in the context of what counts as training related to gender diversity raises questions about the intent behind incorporating issues of gender diversity into TEPs, what impact TEPs hope to have in this field, and how these are being measured. Airton and Koecher (2019) note that, as with studies that center on gender identity in education, the discussion around intersectional understandings of this subject is limited, and that such erasure has implications for the kinds of discussions and learning imaginable within a TEP. For example, the “who” of gender identity within TEPs brings together questions of who is imagined as benefitting from this work, and how that “who” is brought into the pedagogical space for teacher trainees to learn from, whether through guest speakers or by the TEP tutor themselves. Airton and Koecher (2019) note that in the works they reviewed, the integration of gender diversity into TEPs has latched onto certain fixed representations of trans and gender diverse students as perpetually suicidal and at-risk, erasing the dimensions of their intersectional identities, and leading to reductive outcomes where “there is only one lesson to be taken away from the encounter-often a variant of ‘they are people, too’” (Airton & Koecher, 2019, p. 199; see also Aronson & Laughter, 2020). While Airton and Koecher (2019) do not advocate for increased standardization of the methods and content delivered in TEPs, they offer that the focus needs to shift from providing teacher trainees with definitive sets of knowledge about gender diversity as the constantly evolving field itself resists the very notion of fixed definition. They advocate preparing trainees for those identities and experiences that are not yet knowable or known to them and call for teacher TEPs to “find ways to hold open space for however and whoever gender and sexual diversity might be” (p. 200). It is in the spirit of holding space and critical conversations that social policy is presented as an approach that TEPs might use to generate knowledge and foster confidence around transaffirmative work in education, while also supporting trainees in engaging in critical work that makes visible the nuances of intersectional identity and intersecting systems of oppression that are often lost in empathy-focused training. In advocating for making space for and supporting critical conversations in teacher education through policy strategies, it is useful to lay out how policy is being understood in this chapter. The crucial point is to move beyond a normative approach that sees policy as legislation, lists, and rule and constructs it as complex, messy, situated, and sometimes incomplete and unfinished (Ball, 2021). While policy texts are often positioned as objective, they are in fact laden with the biases which result in real-life limitations for those seeking support; policy is not neutral (Ball, 1993; Crenshaw, 1991; Spade, 2015). Some time ago, Ball (1993) advanced a definition of policy that embraced two major perspectives, notably, policy as text and policy as discourse. Policy as text is understood to be writings with the purpose of governing and organizing, or “textual interventions into practice” (p. 12, 1993). He argued that, from these texts which provide a range of options, enactment must follow a process which “relies on things like commitment, understanding, capability, resources, practical limitations,

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cooperation and (importantly) intertextual compatibility” (p. 13). Here, Ball (1993) signaled that policies existed in relation to other policies within their organizational ensemble, and that “the enactment of one may inhibit or contradict or influence the possibility of the enactment of others.” (p. 13). Taking policy as discourse was an invitation to investigate the narratives constructed through policy texts which shape “what can be said, and thought, but also. . .who can speak, when, where, and with what authority” (Ball, 1993, p. 14). Ball suggested that policy texts constructed a vocabulary that rendered the educational space and practices “thinkable”; in other words, groups of policy texts created a discourse that defines aspects of schooling (Ball, 1993).While this discussion of policy is well established, in terms of how policy is to be taken in this chapter and also in relation to its work on trans-inclusive pedagogy, the key conceptual tools that will be deployed are that policy is an intervention into practice, contradictory and inhibiting some outcomes as well as influencing what is “thinkable.”

Trans-inclusive Policy in Education Generally speaking, those policy texts that write of trans and gender diverse students tend to focus on questions of safety and access. Many policies address individual accommodation and antiharassment related to gender identity and gender expression such as provisions that are intended to affirm an individual's autonomy in knowing and naming themselves and expressing their gender identity, ensuring that an individual’s autonomy and privacy is respected by staff and students who share their learning environment, and securing access to school facilities such as restrooms and changerooms and extracurricular activities that align with the student’s gender identity (GLSEN, 2020; Omercajic & Martino, 2020; Ullman, 2021). In addition, they frequently establish codes of conduct and processes for addressing transphobic bullying and harassment. These provisions are granted on a case-by-case basis and require a student to make themselves known as trans and gender diverse to school staff (Meyer & Keenan, 2018; Omercajic & Martino, 2020). These policies are described as trans-inclusive because the intent is to ensure that trans and gender diverse students be integrated into the functioning of the school according to their gender identity, but these provisions target the individual, leaving the system as a whole intact (Martino et al., 2020). Here we see evidence of what Ball was talking about when he argued that “the enactment of one may inhibit or contradict or influence the possibility of the enactment of others” (p. 13). This policy strategy of trans-inclusive approaches contains a number of limitations that will restrain and control the social and academic lives of trans and gender diverse students.

Limitations of Trans-inclusive Policy While trans-inclusive policies can lead to more supportive school environments for those students who choose to make their identities known, the discourse of inclusion

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that these sorts of texts create reveals the limitations of leaving cisgenderism uninterrupted. In policy terms, the central argument in this chapter is that unless cisgenderism is deconstructed and its outcomes displaced, policy texts based on inclusion are not going to be socially just or effective for trans and gender diverse students. On the surface, inclusive policy texts fold students into the school community and allow them passage and integration into the norms of the schools. A closer examination of the texts reveals discourses of cisgenderism that are circulated under the guise of inclusion and which produce barriers to learning for trans and gender diverse students and in turn produce a form of systemic erasure. Distinguishing between policy as text and discourse as it relates to trans and gender diverse students is critical for while the text provides direct guidance on addressing specific situations, examining the underlying discourse demonstrates the limitations of the provisions while messaging the policy itself as “neutral.” The language of inclusion is one such discourse that must be troubled as it erases the complexities of barriers to learning that are erected for trans and gender diverse students. In seeking to include trans and gender diverse students into the practices and processes of school life, the discourse of inclusion positions the individual as the problem to be solved and erases the root cause of the need for protective policies for trans people in the first place. Here cisgenderism creates conditions in which students must seek accommodation and for which schools must establish protocols that anticipate violence toward trans and gender diverse students. For example, Meyer and Keenan (2018, p. 737) note that “When institutions develop policy in the name of trans inclusion, they run the risk of simultaneously codifying what it means to be trans and limiting whose gender expression may be protected by such policies.” They add that student transitioning policy plans, for example, seek to not only affirm transgender students in schools, but also create a narrative about who can legitimately claim a transgender identity. As they say, “Establishing a support plan. . . can provide important institutional supports for a student seeking to transition. . . many transgender students do not identify within the male/female binary and such a ‘transition plan’ implies that is the only recognizable way of being transgender and having one’s identity affirmed at school” (p. 745). In this example, Meyer and Keenan demonstrate how the visibility that policy affords educators for understanding the experiences of trans and gender diverse students marks certain experiences as legitimate while obscuring others through a system-endorsed definition of gender identity. In this case, transition is presented as a ubiquitous transgender experience. Here is another example of how policy texts construct what is thinkable (Ball, 1993) as well as displacing any alternative perspective. These examples reveal the importance of examining the discourses that underpin policy texts in order to reveal the limitations of policy provisions. Trans-inclusive policy is limited in a number of ways that extend from one core issue: The focus is on the individual trans person based on, as Meyer and Keenan (2018) explain, the integration of the individual into the school. Policies that focus on integrating individuals on a case-by-case basis, with no accountability measures in place to evaluate the system’s complicity with systems of oppression, obscure the pervasive nature of cisgenderism in schools and the impact

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of interlocking systems of oppression, while also marking students who access these provisions as Other. In short, while trans-inclusive policies are critical first steps to ensuring that trans and gender diverse students have options, the remedies and provisions enshrined in these policy texts do little to challenge climates of cisgenderism and, in reality, promise only the very bare minimum of dignity that is owed to any person: the right to have gender autonomy recognized and respected, and the right to an environment free of harassment and discrimination. Thus, policies that are inclusive and individually located aimed at trans and gender diverse students run the risk of being insufficient in ensuring that these students are adequately represented and supported. Equally, policies like this may go some way to assuage liberal concerns about inclusion, and they may in fact be counterproductive if they are not addressing the sorts of concerns raised by cisgenderism. In order to explore this contention in more detail, this chapter now turns to the case study of teacher education policy in Ontario.

Learning from the Ontario Policy Context: Implications for Teacher Education Programs Since 2012, gender identity and gender expression have been protected categories under the Ontario Human Rights Code (OHRC) with the addition of Toby’s Act, The Right to be Free from Discrimination and Harassment because of Gender Identity or Gender Expression. This amendment had implications for education, a sector that is classified by the OHRC as a service to which its protections apply at both the public school and postsecondary level. Where research has established how this policy is impacting on public schools (Airton et al., 2019; Martino et al., 2020), the field of trans-inclusive policy as it relates specifically to TEPs remains relatively underexplored. In Ontario, policy governing TEPs serves a dual function of regulating the content and practical components of study regulated by the Ontario College of Teachers (OCT) and also ensuring that the environment in the institution itself is free of discrimination and harassment, as per the OHRC. Despite these directives, TEPs and the policies that guide them are not immune to cisgenderism. The policies that regulate this process require Teacher Education Programs to reflect the OCT’s Standards of Practice for the Teaching Profession and Ethical Standards for the Teaching Profession which explicitly reference the integral role of equity and diversity in effective teaching so that all teacher training includes “a program of professional education with knowledge and understanding of the current Ontario curriculum and provincial policy documents that are relevant to the student’s areas of study and curriculum, including planning and design, special education, equity and diversity, and learning assessment and evaluation” (Ontario College of Teachers Act, 1996)). Despite this apparent commitment to ensuring that teacher trainees receive foundations that reflect equitable approaches to their work, couching requirements in vague discourses of “equity and diversity” does not guarantee that what will be taught is a critical and intersectional approach to education or that issues of gender

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diversity will be taken up at all. The isolation of equity issues and the erasure of gender diversity can be seen in other policy documents supplied by the OCT, such as the Professional Advisory on Anti-Black Racism text. While this is a critical document for supporting educators in identifying, naming, and addressing anti-Black racism both professionally and personally, the document explicitly names the barriers that Black male youth face but fails to mention black trans and gender diverse students altogether (OCT, 2021). Notably, the College has not released any Professional Advisories regarding trans and gender diverse people, despite having previously covered other topics such as bullying and supporting student mental health. Lacking explicit directives from the regulatory body, TEPs can turn to policy developed for implementation in schools to consider how the work of providing training that prepares teacher trainees for supporting trans and gender diverse students might be approached. This can also help TEPs in considering what content would be effective to encourage a critical awareness of the limitations and pitfalls of the discourse of inclusion that permeates trans-inclusive policy. However, this approach relies on the actions of individuals and is no replacement for systematic and mandated policy activity. On the whole, trans-inclusive policy has been embedded within the education system in Ontario and, in theory, the way in which the different policy documents permeate multiple levels of provincial and local educational governance structures should ensure that the basic rights of trans and gender diverse students are being met at school; however, research demonstrates that this is not the case. As Martino et al. (2019) outline, the OHRC’s guidance triggered a series of policy directives from the Ministry of Education to Ontario school boards requiring the “review, development, implementation, and monitoring of equity and inclusive education policies to support student achievement and well-being" (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2013). PPM 119 includes directives for collaboration and shared responsibility for enacting equity-focused policy and the prevention of discrimination and harassment, inclusive curriculum, professional development, and accountability through publicly accessible evidence of equity work (e.g., the policy itself and annual reports on progress toward meeting strategic objectives) to be housed on board websites. Notably, PPM 119 “recognizes that school boards are at different stages in the implementation of an equity and inclusive education policy” and “expects boards to demonstrate continuous improvement” (n.p.) but does not provide a time line for when boards must have their Equity Policies developed and implemented. An important part of the Ontario policy context is that, despite intentional transinclusive policy directives aimed at TEPs and in-service work, educators do not seem better prepared to support trans and gender diverse students at school. For instance, a study entitled Supporting Trans and Gender Diverse Students in School: Policy and Practice involving over 1000 educators from across Ontario revealed that knowledge and implementation of trans-inclusive policy is inconsistent across the province with over a quarter of participants stating that they had little or no awareness of these policies (Martino et al., 2022). In this study, one in five participants stated that policy enactment was not supported by the administration, and

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further, that merely having a policy text did not guarantee that the provisions would be uniformly implemented from school to school, let alone from board to board. Furthermore, the discourse of inclusion within policy texts was interpreted by some participants in a manner which erased particular needs under the guise that “everybody belongs.” One quote in particular illustrates this approach, “We don’t go out of our way to recognize specific individuals as unique, but our policy is to be inclusive of all students.” (p. 31). This comment suggests that underpinning the rhetoric of “all students belonging to the school community” is a conditional acceptance of the individual, so long as they assimilate to the dominant cultural context dictated by the system: that is, white, cis-passing, straight-passing, and not too loud about their differences. In short, this element of diversity will not be anticipated and professionally prepared for, but rather tolerated should these students choose to make themselves known. Though equity, diversity, and inclusion are recognized as “good practice” in Ontarian educational policy to ensure that all students are provided with an inclusive and safe learning environment, this may not go far enough. Importantly, despite the directive in PPM 119 requiring ongoing professional learning about equity in education, 75% of participants in this study had received little or no formal training and 44% indicated that a lack of training was a significant barrier to integrating content related to gender diversity in their practice. This study also revealed a small but vocal minority of educators who expressed outrightly transphobic opinions, foreclosing on the potential for any trans-inclusive representation or support in that context. What is clear from the Ontario example is that, while there is a robust policy framework in place for both TEPs and in-service training on transinclusion, these policy provisions do not translate into more prepared teacher trainees. Much like their in-service colleagues, trainee teachers report feeling ill-prepared to provide trans-inclusive practices in their classrooms (Bartholomaeus et al., 2017; Blair & Deckman, 2019). Examining how gender diversity is enacted within TEPs provides insights as to how this work is being delivered and where generalized equity policy may be falling short. This exploration may also illustrate how TEPs might leverage trans-inclusive policy to ensure that they are, in fact, adhering to their own policies of preparing teacher trainees to “to develop understanding of the role of the teacher as change agent and the importance of working for social justice and equity of access and outcomes for all learners” (OCT, 2017, p. 32). Overall, the ensemble of the inclusive and individually -focused educational policies reviewed here suggests that educators are not, in fact, receiving the support they need to create equitable learning environments for Ontario’s trans and gender diverse students. One more point that is critical to remember is that policy “. . .does not arrive ‘out of the blue’, it has an interpretational and representational history” (Ball, 1993 p. 11) which impacts on the scope of what it is able to identify as problems needing solutions, and the solutions it proposes. Ball (1993) notes that “policies enter existing patterns of inequality. . .they ‘impact’ or are taken up differently as a result. . . policy is not exterior to inequalities, although it may change them, it is also affected, inflected, and deflected by them” (p. 12), and it is therefore imperative to preface and integrate critical frameworks into teacher trainees’

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learning. A second point that also has to be incorporated is that identities are not singular, they are intersectional – and while there is not enough space here to extend this argument, policy texts that purport to affirm trans and gender diverse students frequently construct essentializing narratives by failing to “address the multiple and intersecting experiences youth have based on other aspects of their identities such as social class, race, gender identity, language, national origin, ability, and religion, among others” (Farley & Leonardi, 2021, p. 278) and, that in spite of mandating inclusion and accommodation, leave the cissexist climate intact that led to an accommodation being required. As Ontario’s TEPs are mandated to provide teacher trainees with education about policy and equity, one way to address the curricular requirements in a way that makes visible the limits of inclusion is to consider integrating trans-inclusive policy through the lens of antioppressive education. In order to trouble the cisgenderism embedded within their own policy and obscured by a discourse of inclusion, TEPs must apply these same critical tools to move beyond OHRC-sanctioned provisions for gender autonomy in postsecondary settings and move toward a trans-affirming practice.

Antioppressive Education Given the crisis of safety facing trans and gender diverse students (Kosciw et al., 2020; Peter et al., 2021a, b; Ullman, 2021), a theoretical understanding and awareness of the impact of oppression is insufficient; trainee teachers need a framework that supports them to enact practices that challenge these systems. To this end, Kumashiro (2000) proposed a Theory of Anti-Oppressive Education, a framework comprised of four approaches to antioppressive education: education that is for the Other, about the Other, education that is critical of privileging and Othering, and education that changes society and students. Each approach includes a specific framing of oppression particular to the approach’s aims, the changes afforded within the approach, and the strengths and limitations of each. Kumashiro (2000) emphasized that these approaches were intended to be deployed and engaged with simultaneously to create environments where marginalized students were affirmed, but also where all students alongside their teacher worked beyond building empathy for the Other (Marx et al., 2017) and toward a teaching and learning dynamic that fostered accountability and change for individuals and society at large. Very briefly, education for the Other “. . .focuses on improving the experience of students who are Othered. . .in and by mainstream society” (Kumashiro, 2000, p. 26). In the case of trans and gender diverse students, schools are framed as harmful spaces where these students are harmed either through direct interactions with staff and peers, or by the assumptions and expectations that are projected on them. Change occurs when marginalized students are provided with safer spaces and educators incorporate diverse identities into classroom content and acknowledge the lived, complex, and intersectional realities of their students. While this approach places the responsibility on educators to use school spaces and pedagogical space to create visibility and safety for marginalized students, it positions marginalized

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students as “problems to be fixed” and segregates spaces of safety as opposed to challenging systemic violence. Education about the Other examines oppression through knowledge generation. Harm is produced when students learn through inference about what identities are “normal” and which are Othered, knowledge that is generated through inference and through the proliferation of stereotypes and inaccurate information. Educators can use this approach to challenge stereotyped and/or inaccurate representations of marginalized identities either through dedicated units or, preferably, regularly in all classes to counter students’ partial preexisting knowledge. However, doing this well rests on teachers’ knowledge and expertise. Kumashiro warns that “the expectation that information about the Other leads to empathy is often based on the assumption that learning about “them” helps a student see that “they” are like “us” . . . leaving the self-Other binary intact” (p. 35). Education that is critical of privileging and Othering recognizes “the role of the school in working against oppression must involve not only a critique of structural and ideological forces, but also a movement against its own complicity with oppression” (p. 36). This approach calls on educators to consider their work in a broader societal context and requires them to work to unpack the processes by which some identities are privileged and some are Othered. This approach requires not only knowledge acquisition but also critical thinking on the part of teachers and teacher educators (and reflected in their programs) that can lead to societal change. Though the development of critical thinking with the goal of inspiring change is laudable, this approach runs the risk of “replac[ing] once (socially hegemonic) framework for seeing the world with another (academically hegemonic) one” (Kumashiro, 2000, p. 39). The educator has the added task of reframing the process and purposes of teaching and learning to ensure that their own critical perspectives are not presented as the “correct” ones and should themselves be open to critique. Finally, “oppression itself can be seen as the repetition throughout many levels of society, of harmful citational practices” (Kumashiro, 2000, p. 41) where repetitions of stereotypes become normalized and much less available for critique. Education that changes students and society has to be able to actively challenge and deconstruct normalizing and “taken for granted” discourses – such as cisgenderism. Engaging with policy through Kumashiro’s (2000) framework of AntiOppressive Education can offer opportunities for teacher trainees to acquire accurate and current knowledge about gender diversity and to explore ways in which education as a system is providing for the emotional and physical safety of trans and gender diverse students, while also raising awareness of the system’s role in perpetuating problematic discourses.

Accommodation Policy and Inclusion As has already been signaled, inclusion policies in Ontario rely on students declaring their identity to school employees in order to request an accommodation (Martino et al., 2020; Omercajic & Martino, 2020). Accommodation requests almost always require adult intervention so that, despite having the right to accommodation, there is

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no guarantee that the requests will be met in a manner that empowers the student and helps them feel secure. For this reason, in setting where trans and gender diverse students may not request accommodation, if trainees have been helped to think critically about matters such as privileging and othering, they may be better placed to support their students. Accommodation policy provides a sobering glimpse into the emotional and practical labor that a trans or gender diverse student must undertake simply to be recognized and included in school life in a manner that is as safe as possible. For example, a scan of the Supporting your gender diverse child (2022) webpage created by Egale Canada, the national leader in 2SLGBTQ+ issues, reveals no less than seven separate documents ranging from support guides to safety plans, all of which should be considered when a student decides to make their identity visible at school. One school board policy that is lauded by “Gegi.ca,” a website dedicated to mobilizing knowledge about policy and advocacy for trans and gender diverse students in Ontario, as being an exemplar of accommodation policy is that of the Limestone District School Board (n.d.). The policy in this district showcases the measures required to ensure that should a student make their identity known at school, they will be as safe as possible. The policy outlines measures such as reviewing student timetables to ensure that all teachers and staff who interact with the student are “ready with the capacity to support them” (Limestone District School Board, n.d., p. 3), strategic coordination to ensure that a student is not “outed” (has their gender identity disclosed without their consent) in communications within the school and with parents or guardians, that they are provided with extra time and not penalized for using a washroom that is further away from their classroom, and providing targeted promotion of the fact that students may select to play on a sports team that aligns with their gender identity. These measures reveal some of the complexities that are involved in the work to include trans and gender diverse students in school life. The measures that are needed to protect students, and the constant referral to the need for training among staff, illustrate that schools are not yet spaces where trans and gender diverse students can show up fully as themselves, unencumbered by the constant weighing of whether being open about their identity will cause them more struggle than remaining invisible to staff and peers. This policy explicitly stipulates that, while students in theory have the rights outlined, “A written request is required from the student or parent/guardian requesting accommodation” (Limestone District School Board, n.d., p. 6), suggesting a level of gatekeeping in terms of how accommodations are granted. In learning for trans and gender diverse students, TEPs need to include a focus on practices that create opportunities for students to show up as themselves with the least possible resistance. This might include the following: courses dedicated to advocating for trans and gender diverse students; providing teacher trainees with best practices for gathering and sharing student information; and time to review school and board policies to learn about inclusive facilities while they are out on practicum or placement. These initial programs could explore developing language around making trainees’ commitment to supporting gender autonomy explicit at regular intervals during a teaching semester. For example, this could include firstday introductions and orientation where they make a point of sharing their pronouns;

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sharing the location of all washrooms and explicitly stating the regulations around use; midsemester check-ins for everyone about names and pronouns; and gathering this information and being specific in questions about where and with whom these names and pronouns should be used – asking explicitly about if there is anyone who should not be told about these. In short, there are many small steps that TEPs can help teacher trainees develop that will reduce the labor involved in constantly having to request inclusion. The effect of this constant request results in a decidedly Othering experience where it is made clear that, despite good intentions, the system itself has not challenged the privileging of cisgender people within the organization. Learning with Accommodation policy also creates a pedagogical space in which Teacher Education Programs can engage in supporting a critical interrogation of the barriers raised by intersecting systems of oppression. As the access and enactment of accommodation policies require adult intervention and support, it is crucial to examine the factors that support meaningful connections between students and teachers, and the barriers that students name as preventing them from seeking support from teachers. In the second National Climate Survey on homophobia transphobia and biphobia in Canada, researchers found that students who were Black, Indigenous People of Colour (BIPOC) were less likely to report having an adult at their school that they could talk to than their white peers, and this was especially pronounced among black participants, with 65% of them identifying this (Peter et al., 2021a, b). When taken alongside a policy that requires adult intervention, this finding becomes all the more concerning because it suggests that, even if a student is aware of their rights, they may not be able to access accommodations because they do not feel they have the adult support they need. By presenting Accommodation policy alongside a strategy of pedagogy that is critical of privileging and othering as well as research findings that center the experiences of trans and gender diverse students of color, TEPs can intentionally integrate and reinforce the invaluable work of creating culturally responsive teaching pedagogy and of establishing cultural safety and rapport with students. Providing education that supports Teacher Trainees in troubling the idea of individual neutrality helps them recognize the intentional and explicit work that must be undertaken individually and in a school setting to establish the rapport necessary with students to ensure that they demonstrate that they are trustworthy adults. Merely posting a pride flag in their classroom without engaging in regular discussions of how gender, sexuality, and racism are connected to the classroom subject is relatively ineffective in demonstrating to students their teachers’ understanding of interlocking systems of oppression and does little in the way of building meaningful relationships with students where trust can be gained over time. Accommodation policy provides an additional pedagogical opening for TEPs to create a space to question how accommodation with regard to gender and sexuality comes to be understood – both in terms of identity and what accommodations become officially enshrined and under what lens. Accommodation policies that take an individualized approach (Martino et al., 2020; Meyer & Keenan, 2018) and rely on the individual student to make their identities known are largely based on a Eurocentric approach to “coming out” and publicly declaring one’s identity, a

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decidedly colonial practice (see Genovese et al., 2011). For example, in a study examining how Indigenous trans, queer, and Two-Spirit young people understood and engaged with the term “Two-Spirit” (Laing, 2021), participants reiterated that, while the term could “hold meaning about people’s genders, sexual and attraction preference, the community roles and traditional teachings they hold, and their spiritual lives” (p. 62), it is also a term that is nation-specific in that it holds a specific meaning for each Indigenous community, that it has no one singular definition, and that it is not an identity that resonated with all participants in this Canadian study. The point here is again to underline that in doing socially just work in teacher education round trans and gender diverse pedagogy, complex intersectionalities and axes of difference are intimately bound into this approach, and this point needs to be articulated and incorporated into classroom practices. Using policy as a tool to integrate trans-inclusive perspectives into TEPs is, in and of itself, not a trans-affirming practice. It is part of a much larger and ongoing process though which all aspects of a program are evaluated for how they are currently influenced by and contribute to upholding cissexism, and revised accordingly.

Toward Trans-affirming Teacher Education Trans-inclusive policies seek to represent and recognize trans and gender diverse students to the same extent as their cisgender peers, to ensure that they have access to facilities and programing that aligns with their gender identity, that their learning environment is free from discrimination and harassment or if it is not, and that there are measures in place to address any incidents of violence or harm that may arise. These policies in and of themselves are inclusive in that they do not seek to reform the education system at its cissexist and racist roots, but rather to fulfill the most basic of rights. While some individual students may access these provisions, evidence from across research demonstrates that the majority of trans and gender diverse students are not being included in their educational experience. Certainly, in TEPs, it cannot be taken for granted that trans and gender diverse teacher trainees are experiencing inclusion (Khayatt & Iskander, 2020; Iskander, 2021). Learning from the Ontario context reveals that while TEPs are mandated to equip teacher trainees with the tools necessary to facilitate this inclusion, attending to curriculum content in TEPs alone has not been an effective strategy as Martino et al.’ (2022) study illustrates that including topics related to gender diversity is not resulting in transinclusion. In considering a move toward trans-affirming programming, it is necessary for TEPs to turn reflexively on their own policy and the discourses and environments it creates. A trans-affirming approach is a dynamic and ongoing conversation between theory, policy, and practice in which the aim is to trouble and dismantle harmful systems of oppression that create the conditions for violence to be perpetuated against trans and gender diverse people, and to make visible the discourses that facilitate the privileging and Othering of certain identities over others. The foundations for trans-affirming TEPs that produce trans-affirming educators reside partially

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in establishing and maintaining policies that encourage teacher trainees to learn about and for trans, and to identify and interrupt and reframe citations of harmful discourses (Kumashiro, 2000). However, as Airton and Koecher (2019) indicated, preparing teacher trainees to enter the field sensitized to the critical work of providing trans-inclusive education is not a small feat when considering the very real fact that teacher trainees harbor transphobic and cisgenderist views. In light of this reality, TEPs can learn from the barriers that trans-inclusive policy raises in public school settings and leverage their internal policy to intentionally and actively foster an environment that anticipates trans and gender diverse teacher trainees, while also ensuring that all program participants receive curricular support in challenging the systems of oppression that compound to make learning environments unsafe for trans and gender diverse people. Working toward trans-affirming TEPs requires concerted attention to be placed on. Much like Airton and Koecher’s (2019) considerations, there is no definitive checklist of what “counts” as trans-affirming practices, though the following points do provide some considerations for TEPs seeking to move in this direction. 1. Trans-inclusive policies: Does the TEP have trans-inclusive policies? Are they easy to locate on the TEP website? Are teacher trainee rights to having gender autonomy respected, recognized, and accommodated made explicit throughout the program (e.g., at orientation and prior to practicum)? Does every staff member know about these and have they been trained to support a student in enacting them? Do the staff related to practicums (school-based experience) know about this policy? When on practicum, will students’ gender autonomy be recognized and respected? If not, what contingencies are in place? Have the response policies been developed with an understanding of the ways in which intersecting systems of oppression operate with respect to gender identity? 2. Physical space: Are there multiple options for washrooms and changerooms on site? If not, how can the faculty leverage existing policy to ensure that these facilities are available to students and staff? Is everyone aware of their ability to access rest rooms safely and without being asked to explain their presence? 3. Staff knowledge: Do all tutors have a working knowledge of gender diversity? Have all instructors been supported in learning about the colonial influences on how gender identity is understood? Have all tutors, inclusive of grade level and subject area, been supported in explicitly designing a syllabus that does justice to intersectional transrepresentation? Have all teacher educators been supported in developing and practicing facilitation for conversations about gender identity that occur organically and intentionally within their learning space? Have all instructors received support in unlearning their own biases so that they can engage in pedagogy that is critical of privileging and othering? 4. Administration: Are all teacher trainees asked about the names and pronouns they would like to use in the program? In each class? While on practicum? What measures are in place within the teacher educator program to periodically check

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in with all teacher trainees to make sure that the appropriate names and pronouns are on record and to take away the labor of students having to initiate the process? 5. Community engagement: How is the teacher education program working in consultation and collaboration with local and national community organizations? How are they meaningfully enlisting community organizations that represent a wide range of lived experiences to help shape the program, and are they consulting with and accepting recommendations based on what community members are saying? 6. Youth engagement: How are teacher education programs consulting with trans and gender diverse youth from across cultural backgrounds to learn about what they are saying they need from educators? How is this being done in a manner that recognizes their specialized expertise and does not promote a culture of tokenism? The ongoing process of working toward trans-affirming TEPs will involve an investment of time and resources to ensure that the interventions against discourses of inclusion and cisgenderism more broadly in TEPs are thorough, sustained, and effective. Equipping teacher trainees with the skills, critical frameworks and knowledges, and commitment to work in this way has to be part of TEPs; at the very least, this will ensure that everyone is exposed to the range of complexities that have been explored in this chapter. Only when education plays its part in ensuring the visibility of trans and gender diverse people will there be a shift in safety both in schools and more widely in life. For this reason, TEPs have a critical role to play in this movement.

Summary This chapter has argued that respectful and socially just teacher education programs are essential to producing respectful and socially just schools and societies. Specifically in relation to policy analysis and policy issues in initial teacher education, transgender, and diversity, the chapter has argued that policies of inclusion can distort and disguise some of the practices that are being produced. Multicultural education has been critiqued for positively celebrating diversity but sidelining racism. Inclusive policies that attempt to support and include trans and gender diverse students, who have to self-identify to obtain these provisions, are simultaneously at risk of displacing issues of power/knowledge that prop up these oppressive regimes. Teacher education policy needs to include a critical interrogation of policies and practices as well as ensuring that attention is paid to deconstructing discourses that maintain the status quo – in this case, discourses of cisgenderism. Unless this is undertaken, current policies will “not necessarily work through to, or produce sense and logic, at the level of practice” (Ball, 2021, p. 7).

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Cross-Reference ▶ Initial Teacher Education and Social Justice

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Peter, T., Campbell, C. P., & Taylor, C. (2021b). Still every class in every school: Final report on the second climate survey on homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia in Canadian schools. Egale Canada Human Rights Trust. Rosentel, K., López-Martínez, I., Crosby, R. A., Salazar, L. F., & Hill, B. J. (2020). Black transgender women and the school-to-prison pipeline: Exploring the relationship between anti-trans experiences in school and adverse criminal-legal system outcomes. Sexuality Research & Social Policy, 18(3), 481–494. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-020-00473-7 Singh, A. A. (2013). Transgender youth of color and resilience: Negotiating oppression and finding support. Sex Roles, 68(11), 690–702. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-012-0149-z Singh, A. A., Meng, S. E., & Hansen, A. W. (2014). “I am my own gender”: Resilience strategies of trans youth. Journal of Counseling and Development, 92(2), 208–218. https://doi.org/10.1002/j. 1556-6676.2014.00150.x Spade, D. (2015). Normal life: Administrative violence, critical trans politics, and the limits of law. South End Press. Ullman, J. (2014). Ladylike/butch, sporty/dapper: Exploring ‘gender climate’ with Australian LGBTQ students using stage–environment fit theory. Sex Education, 14(4), 430–443. Ullman, J. (2021). Free2Be.. Yet?: The second national study of Australian high school students who identify as gender and sexuality diverse. https://doi.org/10.26183/3pxm-2t07 UNESCO. (2016). Out in the Open: Education sector responses to violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity/expression. https://www.right-to-education.org/sites/right-toeducation.org/files/resource-attachments/UNESCO_out_in_the_open_2016_En.pdf Zongrone, A. D., Truong, N. L., & Kosciw, J. G. (2020a). Erasure and resilience: The experiences of LGBTQ students of color, Latinx LGBTQ youth in U.S. schools. GLSEN. Zongrone, A. D., Truong, N. L., & Kosciw, J. G. (2020b). Erasure and resilience: The experiences of LGBTQ students of color, Native American, American Indian, and Alaska native LGBTQ youth in U.S. schools. GLSEN.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Representations of Teachers and Teacher Education in Media and Policy Discourses . . . . Duncan, Gove, Pyne, and Teacher Education Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Approach and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Text Selection and Corpus Construction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corpus-Assisted Discourse Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy as Discourse: What Is the Problem Represented to Be? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Media Discourses of Teacher Education: A Corpus-Assisted Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Keyword Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collocation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem(s) of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Shoring up “Teacher Quality” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Over the first two decades of the twenty-first century, teacher education, and particularly initial teacher education (ITE), has been subject to reform in many parts of the world. In times of intensified public interest in issues related to “teacher quality,” the form and quality of initial teacher education has come under increasing scrutiny. Within this, teacher education is often positioned as a policy problem, the solution to which is anticipated to be key in the quest to shore up “teacher quality.” This chapter explores representations of initial teacher education in the public space, as reflected particularly in media discourses in a period of significant international reform. Taking as a starting point the tenures of three prominent Secretaries/Ministers of Education in the United Kingdom (Michael Gove, Secretary of State for Education, 2010–2014), the United States N. Mockler (*) · E. Redpath The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_42

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(Arne Duncan, Secretary of Education, 2009–2015), and Australia (Christopher Pyne, Minister for Education and Training, 2013–2015), all of whom were responsible for overseeing significant changes to initial teacher education policy, it presents an analysis of media discourses of teacher education across the three national contexts in these periods of substantial reform. Working with a purposebuilt corpus of 838 print media articles drawn from high-circulation and highreadership newspapers in all three contexts, supplemented by a selection of significant secretarial/ministerial speeches and press releases relating to initial teacher education, it employs corpus-assisted discourse analysis to explore the construction of teacher education as a policy problem and the similarities, differences, and shifts in discourse across the three contexts and time frames. Keywords

Media discourses of education · Representations of teachers · Initial teacher education · Education policy

Introduction The analysis presented here employs tools borrowed from corpus linguistics and often used in corpus-based discourse studies, such as keyword and collocation analysis (Baker, 2006; Taylor & Marchi, 2018), bringing these together with a broader consideration of the problematization of teacher education via a “policy as discourse” approach (Bacchi & Goodwin, 2016). The chapter proceeds in four parts. After a brief background section that both locates the current study within the broader field of media analyses in education and introduces the three politicians and their work in relation to initial teacher education reform, we outline our approach and the conceptual and methodological tools used. We then present our analysis, highlighting the discursive construction of teacher education across the three contexts, and connecting the findings from the corpus-assisted analysis to three problematizations of teacher education. Our analysis illuminates initial teacher education reform as an example of policy mobility in action in education (Ball et al., 2017; Gulson & Lubienski, 2014) along with instances of local adaptation, where “global [policy] flows are ‘vernacularized’ in the context of specific nations as they meet local cultures and politics” (Rizvi & Lingard, 2010, p. 17). We conclude by considering the conceptual and methodological contribution this work makes in exploring media constructions of teacher education empirically at both “macro” and “micro” levels.

Background This chapter is located within broader discussions of public representations of teachers and education, as reflected in policy and media texts. While research on media representations of teachers and education more broadly has been an

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expanding field over the past two decades, with a small number of exceptions (Edling & Liljestrand, 2020; Southern, 2018) teacher education has not been a focus of this analysis. It does, however, remain relevant to the current study in that first, literature on representations of teachers in the mainstream media often focuses partly on preservice or prospective teachers (e.g., Mockler, 2020), and second, because of the relative frequency with which teacher education is assumed to be a solution to, or at least directly linked to, the problem of teacher quality in print media texts (Barnes, 2021; Mockler, 2020, 2022, in press). This background section will first provide a brief overview of research into representations of teachers in media and policy discourses, before moving to an overview of the three politicians and their relationships to teacher education reform.

Representations of Teachers and Teacher Education in Media and Policy Discourses While research on representations of teacher education and teacher educators in the media is scant, an emerging body of international research has explored such representations of teachers and teaching in the context of primary and secondary schools. Within this work, critical discourse or other forms of close textual analysis are often employed in the identification of dominant “narratives” (Thomson et al., 2003), “identities” (Alhamdan et al., 2014), “propositions” (Shine, 2015), or “frames” (Mockler, 2014) within a selection of media texts, often time- and placebound and usually limited to a particular selection of publications. For example, Shine and O’Donoghue (2013) provide an examination of representations of teachers in relation to standardized testing in one Australian newspaper, The West Australian, from 1997 to 2001, identifying five propositions via their analysis of 106 articles. The propositions are that: “teachers and schools are to blame for declining educational standards”; “teachers resist accountability measures aimed at improving educational standards because they fear being compared”; “teachers are under pressure and testing aimed at improving educational standards increases that pressure”; “teachers will undermine the testing process if testing is enforced”; and “teachers legitimate their opposition to standardized testing by claiming that it has no educational value” (Shine & O’Donoghue, 2013, pp. 390–393). Punakallio and Dervin (2015) explore media representations of Finnish teachers, examining 81 front-page headlines in tabloid newspaper Ilta-Sanomat between 2000 and 2013, identifying two “interpretive repertoires” within the articles, namely “the traditional teacher” and “the vulnerable teacher”; along with two key themes: violence and threats against teachers; and teacher immorality. Alhamdan et al. (2014) investigated representations of teachers in the print media in Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Oman, Bangladesh, and Australia, identifying four categories of teacher identity, the caring practitioner; the transparent (un)professional; the moral and social role model; and the transformative intellectual. These studies, along with others focusing on representations of teachers in the print media in different national and transnational contexts, suggest the dominance

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of commonsense understandings of the binary of “good” and “bad” teachers. Elsewhere, one of us has argued (Mockler, 2022, forthcoming) that these representations resonate both with readers’ recollections of their own experiences of schooling and with dominant representations of teachers in popular culture, informing what Sandra Weber and Claudia Mitchell (Weber, 2006; Weber & Mitchell, 1995) have termed “the cumulative cultural text of ‘teacher.’” A small number of studies, mostly conducted in recent years, have explored media representations of teacher education and/or teacher educators, either as a primary focus or alongside teachers themselves. These include Edling and Liljestrand’s (2020) investigation of media naming and framing of debates around teacher education, based on an analysis of 36 articles published in four Swedish newspapers in 2016 and 2017. They identified four discourses framing the debates, focused on the “woolly” scientific basis for teacher education, the role of ITE in creating teachers with insufficient knowledge, the crisis of teacher shortage, and attention to “disorders” (for example, student behavior issues). Gautreaux and Delgado (2016) explored media narratives around “the universal Teach for All (TFA) teacher” in 12 countries, including those in Latin America, Australasia, Europe, and North America, identifying a close consistency between media representations of TFA teacher characteristics and the framework of TFA ITE programs themselves. With a similar focus, Southern (2018) reports an analysis of media representations of Teach First, based on television and print media texts, finding that a narrative of “triumph over adversity,” relying on portraits of elite graduates, consistent with the framing of the Teach First program, dominates. Barnes (2021) takes initial teacher education reform in Australia, and particularly the introduction of the Literacy and Numeracy Test for Initial Teacher Education (LANTITE) as the starting point for her analysis of media framing of teacher quality, in which she identified narratives of crisis driving reporting of teachers’ work, and by implication teacher education. Analysis of representations of teachers in political discourse is less common but includes Cohen’s (2021) recent analysis of 59 speeches of Betsy De Vos, Secretary of Education in the Trump Administration, which identified the dominance of a populist logic in De Vos’ advocacy of classically neoliberal education policy reform. Spicksley (2021) has recently investigated representations of teachers in 363 post2010 political speeches in England, identifying the “deployment of a discursive division between young teachers and experienced teachers” (p. 1) in political discourse, which privileged young teachers over their experienced counterparts. Finally, Mockler’s (2014) combined analysis of media and political discourse in relation to the National Plan for School Improvement in Australia identified the powerful role played by political rhetoric in framing media discourses of education, in this case animating a discursive shift from equity to quality in discussions of education in the public space. This chapter aims to build on and extend this work. It takes a broad view, beyond individual initial teacher education programs or approaches, bringing analysis of media and political discourse together and using a comparative lens to explore

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aspects of education policy mobility (Ball et al., 2017) as manifested in three national contexts at three specific points in time.

Duncan, Gove, Pyne, and Teacher Education Reform Teacher education has long been constituted as a “policy problem” (Cochran-Smith, 2005) in many parts of the world, and since the 1990s in particular it has been subject to ongoing waves of review and reform (Darling-Hammond, 2017; Kosnik et al., 2016; Louden, 2008). In the United States, England, and Australia, these reforms were driven substantially by three influential Secretaries/Ministers of Education, who ostensibly straddled the political divide but whose perspectives on teacher education reform were largely consonant: Arne Duncan (United States), Michael Gove (UK), and Christopher Pyne (Australia). Arne Duncan was appointed United States Secretary of Education within the Obama Administration in January 2009 and remained in the role until January 2016. Before entering politics, Duncan was CEO of Chicago Public Schools, prior to which he had cofounded a Charter School in Chicago. Duncan, who was responsible during his tenure for creating and driving policies resulting in greater federal control of education (Tatto, 2021), established his vision for teacher education reform early on in his tenure. A key center-piece of these reforms, referenced in his earliest speeches (e.g., Duncan, 2009), flagged in the 2011 “blueprint” for teacher education reform (US Department of Education, 2011), and regulated in late 2015 (Tatto, 2021), was the evaluation of initial teacher education programs based on the standardized test scores of their graduates’ students, a move, in the words of Zeichner, akin to “holding business schools accountable for the terrible state of the economy in the country or holding medical schools accountable for the undisputed problems in our health care system” (2017, p. 26). One of the hallmarks of Duncan’s tenure was thus the rise of particular forms of accountability in ITE, underpinned by the assumption that “systematic, vigilant, and rigorous public evaluation and monitoring of the inputs, processes, and/or outcomes of teacher preparation programmes and the overall impact of their graduates” (Cochran-Smith, 2021, p. 11) would “fix” the “broken system” (Duncan, 2009). Having been Shadow Secretary of State for Children, Schools and Families from 2007 to 2010 and a Member of the House of Commons since 2005, Michael Gove served as Secretary of State for Education for the UK from 2010 to 2014, within the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government. Gove had had a career in print and broadcast journalism prior to entering politics, and like Duncan, his vision for the reform of initial teacher education was first articulated early in his tenure. Gove’s installation as Secretary heralded what Menter et al. (2019) have referred to as an era of marketization in ITE in England, characterized by “complexity and competition in training routes and a teacher model of ‘enhanced effectiveness’ or ‘effective teaching’ incorporating ‘evidence-based teaching’” (p. 66). Gove’s white paper, The Importance of Teaching (Department for Education, 2010), expressed an intent to “reform Initial Teacher Training so that it focuses on what is really

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important” (p. 22), elaborated as a focus on “key skills,” “for example the teaching of systematic synthetic phonics as the proven best way to teach early reading, and the management of poor behaviour in the classroom” (pp. 22–23), and a broad-based shift toward the “school-led” selection of teaching candidates and provision of ITE, realized predominantly through School Direct. This move of the locus of ITE power away from universities and into schools became something of a signature for Gove, who in 2013 famously denounced teacher education academics as “modern enemies of promise” who were “more interested in valuing Marxism, revering jargon and fighting excellence” than in protecting and enforcing high educational standards (Gove, 2013). Christopher Pyne was appointed Minister for Education after the 2013 Australian federal election which saw the election of the Abbott Liberal-National Coalition Government. Prior to this election, Pyne had been a member of the House of Representatives for 20 years and Shadow Minister for Education since 2008. In media interviews ahead of the 2013 election, Pyne too laid out a very specific plan with respect to initial teacher education. When asked on ABC Radio National ahead of the election what his first action would be as Minister for Education, he responded “The first thing we would do is to make sure that the training of our teachers at university is of world standard. I don’t believe it is.” (Kelly, 2013, February 23). True to his word, shortly after the election, Pyne announced the appointment of the Teacher Education Ministerial Advisory Group (TEMAG), with a remit to “identify priorities for actions to improve teacher education and suitable implementation timeframes” (Craven et al., 2015, p. 57). The TEMAG report, Action Now: Classroom Ready Teachers, said by the Chair of TEMAG to be “the toughest report on teacher education that’s ever come down in this country” (Pyne & Craven, 2015) was released in December 2014 and included recommendations ranging across “quality assurance” for initial teacher education programs, entry requirements, professional experience, assessment of graduates, and workforce planning. The TEMAG reforms have been gradually implemented over the past six years and have remained a key education focus of the Coalition Government throughout Pyne’s tenure (until 2015) and into the present day.

Approach and Methods Like most research on representations of education in the public space, this research proceeds from the premise that the print media plays an important role in shaping public perceptions of the quality and effectiveness of teacher education, and consequently, the teaching profession. It also holds that there is a complex interplay between media, policy, and public perceptions: We do not argue that the relationship between political/policy discourses and media discourses is a linear one, but rather that it is multidimensional and reflexive. It employs corpus-assisted discourse analysis and brings this into conversation with analysis generated through the “what’s the problem represented to be?” approach to understanding policy as discourse (Bacchi, 2000; Bacchi & Goodwin, 2016).

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Text Selection and Corpus Construction The analysis makes use of a purpose-built corpus referred to here as the Teacher Education Corpus (TEC), supplemented by a selection of other texts. Given that initial teacher education reform was a priority for each of the Secretaries/Ministers over the duration of their tenures, media texts for the TEC were identified over the full calendar years from their appointment to the end of their time in the role. The ten top newspapers by circulation in each of the three countries in as close a time frame to the data collection as could be accessed were used. Table 1 highlights the 30 newspapers included in the search. The Nexis database was used to identify articles in 24 of the 30 publications, while articles in the remaining six newspapers (three from both the UK and the United States unavailable via Nexis and marked with a * in Table 1) were identified using Factiva. The search terms were identified using trial and error, recognizing in this process that no one search term would yield a similar pool of articles across all three contexts. While “teacher education” is used most often in Australia, “teacher training” is more common in the UK context, and “teacher preparation” in the US context. We found that a combination of these three search terms worked to capture articles in all three contexts, and our close reading of the articles did not yield other terms that created further “hits.” Furthermore, while our initial search identified 3006 potential articles, manual inspection of these articles (undertaken by both researchers and randomly cross-checked throughout) yielded 838 articles substantively focused on initial teacher education for inclusion in the corpus. Of the 838 articles included in the TEC, 280 were published in Australian newspapers, 309 in newspapers published in the United Kingdom, and 249 in Table 1 Publications included in the TEC, listed alphabetically by country Australiaa The Adelaide Advertiser The Age The Australian The Aust. Financial Review The Courier Mail The Daily Telegraph The Herald Sun The Mercury The Sydney Morning Herald The West Australian a

UKb The Daily Express* The Daily Mail The Daily Mirror The Daily Star The Guardian The Independent The Observer The Sun* The Telegraph The Times*

United Statesc am New York* New York Daily News Newsday The Chicago Tribune The Los Angeles Times The New York Post The New York Times The Wall Street Journal* The Washington Post* USA Today

Top ten newspapers by circulation as at June 2016. Source: Roy Morgan Research http://www. roymorgan.com/industries/media/readership/newspaper-readership. Accessed 18 August 2016 b Top ten newspapers by circulation as at January 2017 Source: Press Gazette http://www. pressgazette.co.uk/national-newspaper-print-abcs-for-jan-2017-observer-up-year-on-year-the-sunis-fastest-riser-month-on-month/ Accessed 20 April 2017 c Top ten newspapers by circulation s at May 2016 Source: Cision http://www.cision.com/us/2014/ 06/top-10-us-daily-newspapers/ Accessed 18 August 2016

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those published in the United States. While much could be, and indeed has been, written about the nuances of different newspapers in these three national contexts, related to characteristics such as their type, political leanings, and ownership, to preserve space for the presentation and discussion of our findings, it suffices to say here that in each context, the target newspapers include both tabloids and broadsheets (recognizing that this distinction is becoming more and more blurred in current times), popular newspapers and papers of record, and left-leaning and right-leaning newspapers. One-third of the target newspapers (six in Australia, and two in each of the United States and UK) are owned by companies that are subsidiaries of Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation. The corpus is thus multifaceted and complex, and while we could potentially “dig” into these complexities in the analysis, we focus here on the broad-based similarities and differences between the three subcorpora rather than their internal nuances. A selection of “prototypical texts,” identified using keyword analysis, was made from the TEC to allow for close qualitative analysis. Selected using the ProtAnt software package (Anthony & Baker, 2017), this approach to “down-sampling” from a corpus is designed to ensure “principled selection” of texts for closer analysis and avoid perceived or actual “cherry-picking” of texts (Anthony & Baker, 2015). In this analysis, ProtAnt was used to identify the five media articles from each of the Australian, UK, and US subcorpora of the TEC with the highest number of (normalized) keywords. We supplemented the media corpus with two political speeches and one press release from each of the three politicians, purposefully selected using three criteria. First, the speeches needed to be substantively focused on initial teacher education reform. Second, they needed to be delivered toward the beginning of the politician’s tenure (or early on in their attention to ITE reform). Third, press releases needed to be linked either to one of the speeches themselves or to a key reform that was the focus of one of the speeches. Table 2 lists the speeches and press releases included in the dataset by country.

Corpus-Assisted Discourse Analysis Corpus-assisted discourse analysis begins from the premise that “the language looks different when you look at a lot of it at once” (Sinclair, 1991, p. xvii) and uses corpora, collections of texts assembled electronically, to explore the role of language in shaping discourses. Corpora can be either purpose built for a research project, as is the case with this study, or more general, such as the British National Corpus (BNC), a 100-million-word corpus of written and spoken British English, first developed in 1994 and subsequently updated. Corpus-assisted discourse analysis brings together corpus linguistic and discourse analysis and was originally pioneered by HardtMautner in the 1990s, who argued for the potential of corpus linguistic analysis “in helping to unravel how particular discourses, rooted in particular socio-cultural contexts, construct reality, social identities and social relationships” (Hardt-Mautner,

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Table 2 Political texts selected for analysis Australia Minister’s address to the National Conference of the Independent Education Union of Australia, Canberra (October 3, 2013) The Future of Teacher Education Inaugural Hedley Beare Memorial Lecture, Australian Council for Educational Leaders (February 13, 2015) Press Conference: TEMAG Reforms, Sydney (February 13, 2015)

UK Michael Gove to the National College Annual Conference, Birmingham (June 16, 2010) Michael Gove to Westminster Academy (September 6, 2010)

Press Release: Schools white paper published (November 24, 2010)

United States Teacher Preparation: Reforming the Uncertain Profession, Teachers College, Columbia University (October 22, 2009) Secretary Arne Duncan’s Remarks to National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (November 16, 2010) Press Release: US Secretary of Education Arne Duncan Says Colleges of Education Must Improve for Reforms to Succeed (October 22, 2009)

1995, p. 1). Over the past three decades, corpus-assisted discourse analysis has been employed in a range of ways, such as in Baker, Gabrielatos, and McEnery’s examination of representations of Islam in the British print media (Baker et al., 2013) and in analysis of political discourses in different contexts (e.g., Cohen, 2021; Poulos, 2020). The corpus-assisted discourse analysis used in this study employed corpus linguistic techniques including keyword, collocation, and concordance analysis, each of which is introduced here.

Keyword Analysis Keywords are those identified as occurring more often in one group of texts than another, in a statistically significant sense. As Baker (2006) notes, keywords go beyond measures of frequency to indicate the salience of particular words across a group of texts. Keywords provide a sense of the important distinctions between texts and groups of texts and convey a sense of the “aboutness” (Scott, 2010) of a corpus. In the case of this analysis, each subcorpus of the TEC (i.e., the Australian, US, and UK supcorpora) was used as a “study corpus” and compared to the “reference corpus” comprised of the other texts. Keyword analysis works by using a measure of “keyness,” which indicates how confident we can be that a keyword’s frequent appearance in a corpus cannot be accounted for by chance alone, and an effect size statistic, which indicates the size of the difference. To be identified as a keyword in this study a word must appear in at least 5% of the texts in the corpus to ensure that keywords are not mistakenly identified due to the heavy use of a word in a small proportion of the texts. Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC) values were used as indicators of keyness with keywords classified as those with a BIC of 10 or above (constituting very strong evidence that they are more frequent in the study corpus than the reference corpus) (Wilson, 2013). The log

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ratio statistic (Hardie, 2014) was the effect size statistic used to judge the relative importance of the differences in frequency of identified keywords

Collocation Analysis Working from the premise that “you shall know a lot about a word from the company it keeps” (Firth, 1957, p. 20), collocation analysis explores words of interest in relation to “the associations and connotations they have, and therefore the assumptions they embody” (Stubbs, 1996, p. 172). In this case, we were interested in the words that significantly and frequently collocated with the search terms teacher education, teacher training, and teacher preparation. Collocation analysis provides systematically generated insight into the discourse or semantic prosody of a concept such as teacher education, with semantic prosody defined by Louw (1993, p. 157) as “an aura of meaning by which a form is imbued by its collocates.” There are many different measures of collocation used in corpus linguistic analysis, and in this study, the recommendation of Church et al. (1994) that both Mutual Information (MI) values, which measure collocational strength, and the t-score, which reflects the confidence with which we can conclude that there is indeed an association (and which takes into account the size of the corpus under examination), has been used in identifying collocates. Specifically, an intersection of these two measures has been used, where words with both an MI value greater than three and a t-score greater than two (McEnery et al., 2006) have been identified as collocates of the search term. The collocation analysis was conducted using a 5:5 window (i.e., five words on either side of the search term or “node word”), which is a standard procedure in exploring linguistic collocations (Sinclair et al., 1969). Concordance Analysis In good corpus linguistic analysis, statistical analysis is always accompanied by thorough concordance analysis. Concordancing, according to Hardt-Mautner (1995, p. 24), “heralds a breaking down of the quantitative/qualitative distinction,” in that it comprises manual examination of all instances of keywords, collocates, and other words of interest identified in the quantitative analysis. In this case, extensive concordance analysis was undertaken, and at each stage, preliminary findings were tested and verified. This systematic analysis ensured not only an understanding of quantifiable aspects of the relationship between language and discourse, but also the more subtle and nuanced aspects.

Policy as Discourse: What Is the Problem Represented to Be? Supplementing the corpus-based analysis, Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to Be?” (WPR) (2009) framework was used for the close analysis of the speeches, press releases/conference, and prototypical media texts, selected via the process outlined above. Taking the findings from the corpus analysis as a starting point, the problematizations inherent in the speeches, press releases, and prototypical articles were analyzed, using Bacchi’s six “interrelated questions”:

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1. 2. 3. 4.

What is the problem represented to be? What presuppositions or assumptions underlie this representation of the problem? How has this representation of the problem come about? What is left unproblematic in this representation of the problem? Where are the silences? How would “responses” differ if the “problem” were thought about or represented differently? 5. What effects are produced by this representation of “the problem”? 6. How/where are dominant problem representations produced, disseminated, and defended? How could they be contested/disrupted? The questions were used iteratively and reflexively rather than in a linear manner, with problematizations built up over multiple readings of the texts, as evidence of their manifestation within the texts was iteratively gathered.

Media Discourses of Teacher Education: A Corpus-Assisted Reading Our analysis will be presented in three parts, with first a focus on the “aboutness” of the media subcorpora from Australia, the UK, and the United States presented, based on the keyword analysis; next, a discussion of the discourse prosody of ITE in the media texts, derived from the collocation analysis; and finally a discussion of the problematization of ITE, based on the WPR analysis of the selected policy texts and prototypical media texts.

Keyword Analysis Keywords were derived for each of the subcorpora of media texts, using the approach described above, and systematic concordance analysis was used to code each keyword, taking an “on balance” approach to allocate each to one thematic group. Table 3 highlights the top 50 keywords for each, identified according to their Log Ratio (effect size) values, ordered alphabetically within thematic groups. None of the top 50 keywords were shared across more than one of the subcorpora, indicating a level of linguistic distinctiveness on the part of each subcorpus. The thematic analysis presented in Table 3, however, suggests a number of similarities in the “aboutness” of the three subcorpora, particularly with respect to local and geographical markers, and a focus on initial teacher education programs, largely a product of the search criteria itself. More keywords in the Australian and UK subcorpora related to politics or nonteacher education policy than in the US subcorpora, where Arne was the only keyword in the top 50 in this group, suggesting more overt links in the Australian and UK media texts to the political sphere at national and state levels. Keywords related to governance, accountability, and performance were prevalent across all three subcorpora, and while these ideas were articulated differently in the three contexts, a sense of both the need for a

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Table 3 Top 50 keywords organized by subcorpus and thematic group Thematic Group Locations and other local markers

Politics/Policy (nonteacher education)

Initial teacher education programs

Entry to initial teacher education

Governance/ accountability/ performance

Institutions/ experts Unions

Other

Australia Australia, Australia’s, Australian, Canberra, Melbourne, Melbourne’s, NSW, Queensland, Sydney, territory, Victoria, and Victorian

United Kingdom Britain’s, England’s, London, Manchester, Scotland, Scottish, UK, and Wales

Abbott, Christopher, Commonwealth, Garrett, Gillard, Gonski, Piccoli, Pyne, and Pyne’s Explicit, faculties, practicum, and specialization

Baccalaureate, Cameron, Commons, Gove, Gove’s, labor, labor’s, MPs, Tory, and Whitehall Autumn, PGCE, program, programs, provision, and pupils

ATAR, ATARs, HSC, NAPLAN, enrolments, offs, oversupply, and tertiary Craven, lift, lifting, ministerial, registration, submission, and substandard

Bursaries, bursary, charity, GCSE, and GCSEs

Catholic, Deakin, Grattan, Hattie, Jensen, and Monash Angelo, Correna, Gavrielatos, and Haythorpe

United States Albany, Brooklyn, Calif, California, California’s, district’s, districts, Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, neighborhood, Tennessee, Texas, Unified, and York’s Arne

Behavior, graders, hires, instructional, majors, math, nonprofit, organization, residents, veteran, and Woodrow Enrolment

DfE, headteacher, headteachers, inspection, inspections, inspector, Ofsted, Ofsted’s, QTS, TDA, watchdog, and Wilshaw Graham, Oxford, Royal, and Smithers

Evaluations, layoffs, metrics, Nancy, regents, standardized, Steiner, superintendent, and Walsh

Hunt, NASUWT

Randi, Weingarten

Guardian, Sir, and Telegraph

Criticized, favor, percent, realized, recalled, and Tribune

Center, Columbia, and Levine

level of external surveillance is present in the Australian (registration, lift, and lifting), UK (inspections, Ofsted, and watchdog), and US (evaluations, metrics, and standardized) subcorpora. Keywords reflecting a specific focus on entry requirements and standards for initial teacher education courses and programs were prevalent in the Australian and UK subcorpus, reflecting an ongoing discourse around attracting the “best and brightest” into teaching that was significant at the time and will be discussed at greater length subsequently.

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Collocation Analysis While the keyword analysis provides an immediate snapshot of the aboutness of each of the subcorpora and allows for some exploration of similarities and differences, collocation analysis takes us further toward understanding the representations of teacher education in the subcorpora via an examination of discourse prosody. The collocates of the three search terms, teacher education, teacher training, and teacher preparation, were identified using a combination of T-score and Mutual Information values, as outlined above. Lexical collocates, which, as Baker (2006) notes, highlight more about discourse than their grammatical counterparts, were mapped across the three subcorpora, and identified as either “consistent collocates” (Gabrielatos & Baker, 2008) (those collocating with one or more of the search terms in all three subcorpora), shared collocates (those collocating with one or more of the search terms in two of the subcorpora), or unique collocates. Table 4 highlights both the consistent and shared collocates, while Table 8 displays the unique collocates for each of the subcorpora. The seven consistent collocates across the three subcorpora include three qualitative markers, namely quality, standards, and improve, which are of particular interest because they point to perceptions of teacher education embedded in the media texts. Table 5 includes a randomly selected set of 15 concordance lines for quality as a collocate of the three search terms, drawn from texts across all three subcorpora. The concordance analysis highlighted a consistent concern across the three national contexts about the poor and/or declining quality of ITE, and associated concerns about entry standards and the links between ITE candidates and “quality teachers.” Across all three of the subcorpora, the discussion of teacher education predominantly works from the premise that ITE has a well-known quality-related problem that requires ongoing reform. While this will be the subject of further close analysis later in this chapter, in summary the problem of poor-quality ITE is seldom articulated, much less interrogated in the media texts, but rather assumed as the starting point for discussions of much needed reform, on the basis of “significant public concern,” to quote the first line of the concordance which appears in Table 5. A similar pattern is observable for both standards and improve, as highlighted in Tables 6 and 7. Proceeding from the premise that ITE has a quality problem, externally imposed standards are proposed as a mechanism for improve[ing] ITE in both Australia and the United States, while the discussion of standards in this context in the United Kingdom is a “softer” version (“standards of teacher training”). Entry standards for ITE candidates also form part of this discussion, particularly in the Australian and UK subcorpora, reflecting a focus in these jurisdictions over these time frames on tightening up entry standards in an attempt to shore up the quality of the teaching profession. With respect to improve, the premise of poor quality is once again assumed although very seldom elaborated, with an added assumption evident here that reforms (including standards-based reforms) are the key to systemic improve[ment] of ITE. Standards, quality, and improve thus appear as three closely interlinked and consonant collocates across the three subcorpora, key components of the “language of reform and improvement in education” (Mockler & Groundwater-

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Table 4 Consistent and shared collocates Quality Standards Based Improve University Report Program/s (program/s) Course/Courses Initial Students Universities Better Focus Government National Review Traditional Improving Institutions Long Low Many Overhaul Places Reform/s College/s Experts New System Two

Australia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

United Kingdom ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

United States ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

Smith, 2018) and part of the “public transcript” (Stacey, 2010) of “accountability” in education which, over time, as Bates (2013) has argued, has become self-sustaining. Many of the shared and consistent collocates, and indeed the unique collocates also (Table 8), do not tell us much about the discourse prosody of teacher education, teacher training, or teacher preparation within the texts, as they fall into the category of “expected” words, such as university/ies, program/s, course/s, students, and so on, while a further group reflect the particular circumstances under which the articles in the corpus were produced (e.g., national, review, report, and government). Similar to the discussion above of quality, standards, and improve, however, a number of shared and unique collocates relate to evaluations of ITE in terms of quality, and of particular note are three collocates shared between the Australian and US subcorpora, namely traditional, long, and overhaul.

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Table 5 Randomly selected concordance lines for quality as a collocate of teacher education, training, and preparation there is significant public concern over the shown us that they believe in the a high degree of variability in the College, is a longtime critic of the of Education is also focusing on the can use to finally start improving the Pyne discuss his commitment to lifting the will undermine recent reforms to improve the her assessment and addressing deficiencies in the better teachers? How does the government enforce role that universities play both in highSingapore is to control teacher supply and ACE says: “Low academic entry standards into would certainly not base any decisions about answer more often than not is better

quality of initial teacher education in Australia,” the quality of our education for teacher training, but quality of practice across initial teacher education in quality of teacher preparation in the United States. quality of teacher preparation programs. It has designated $35 quality of teacher preparation,” she said. quality of teacher preparation. The quality of teaching quality of teacher training adopted by the states quality of teacher training. Audits into how NSW quality standards on teacher training? Does the national quality teacher training and in going beyond the quality, by matching teacher education places to the teacher education jeopardise the quality of teaching and teacher education quality on this bogus study. teacher education. Unfortunately, the quality of teacher education

Traditional is used predominantly as a collocate in the Australian and US texts to delineate “traditional,” university-based teacher education with alternative pathways to becoming a teacher such as those that fall under the Teach for All umbrella, including Teach for America and Teach for Australia. While different “alt cert” programs have proliferated in the United States since the 1990s, Teach for Australia, the first such program to be initiated in Australia, was introduced in 2009, having been embraced by both the Government of the day (the Rudd-Gillard Labor Government) and the subsequent and current Liberal-National Coalition Government. Thus, while the contrast between alternative and traditional forms of ITE looks slightly different in the United States to Australia, the fact that the relatively new and fledgling program (which by the 2013 election had produced only approximately 200 teachers) emerged in the Australian corpus as an alternative to traditional ITE, a model of “classroom readiness,” is significant. Across both of the subcorpora, long as a collocate of teacher education/training/ preparation is used consistently to underline the “significant public concern” dimension discussed above, as these extracts from texts within the United States and Australian subcorpora demonstrate:

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Table 6 Randomly selected concordance lines for standards as a collocate of teacher education, training, and preparation to be respected and valued. Higher admissions the other way around. The corrosion of is its failure to recommend elevating the quality; and the most current work on the federal government announced more rigorous challenging certification test? New accreditation said an ongoing review would drive up teachers? How does the government enforce quality according to government figures. New national examination included a review of both national demand more closely? One of the hottest factors have contributed to the problems with running a classroom at the heart of updating programmes of study, we need better student achievement, critics have complained that

standards – alongside other improvements in teacher education - would standards begins, of course, in teacher training colleges, standards for candidates entering teacher education courses. It standards for teacher education must be taken into standards for teacher training courses to improve the standards for teacher training programs? The problem is standards of teacher training, but Labour called his standards on teacher training? Does the national curriculum standards require applicants for teacher education degrees to standards that teacher training courses in all states teacher education debates is about entry standards. The teacher education. Entry standards are low compared with teacher training programs setting new standards for quality. teacher training, higher standards and continual assessment of teacher-training programs have lax admission standards, scattered

Deficiencies in teacher preparation programs have long been the worst kept secret of American education. (Washington Post Editorial Board, 2014)

Improving initial teacher education has long been seen as a “fix” for raising teacher standards. . . (Smith, 2015)

The phenomenon of “significant public concern” is also linked with the collocation of teacher education/training preparation with overhaul: The high modality of both long-held knowledge of inferiority and the need for ITE to be not just reformed or improved but in fact overhaul[ed] contributes a sense of crisis and urgency to the discussion. ITE is positioned here as a notorious problem that can be saved only by a radical renovation. The unique collocates for teacher education/training/preparation presented in Table 8 reflect some of the more subtle nuances at work within the three contexts, for instance, a focus on data, effectiveness, and improvement in Australia, on shifting

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Table 7 Randomly selected concordance lines for improve as a collocate of teacher education, training, and preparation is an urgent need to strengthen and to improve reading literacy. These reforms can closely with particular universities to continually are a number of reforms that can Advisory Group to advise on how to strongly believes there is a need to the best African expertise to design and to learn. Which is why we will said he agreed with the need to new teachers, especially in former-rebel areas; Quality assessment, which is to try to concerns they will undermine recent reforms to r education institutions to identify problems and It’s unlikely that the quality of initial Rhee, who has pushed for more

improve approaches to teacher education. Its summary states “ improve teacher education across the sector as new improve teacher education and training. Again, the evidence improve teacher education but we must focus on improve teacher education. With the ministerial advisory group improve teacher training and classroom readiness of teachers. improve teacher training and to build a multilingual improve teacher training to provide authoritative instruction in improve teacher training, but wondered whether that was improve teacher training, taking into account the new improve the quality of teacher preparation statewide, and improve the quality of teacher training adopted by improve their teacher training. In addition, much of teacher education in England will improve if Gove teacher training in her quest to improve the

recruitment and partnership arrangements in the UK and on accountability and accreditation in the United States, but despite these differences a number of synchronicities are evident. These include a focus on ITE entry, on entrants and subsequent graduates, and on different forms and modes of provision of teacher education across the three jurisdictions. Evidence can also be observed here of a focus on the governance of ITE, albeit differently anchored, across the three contexts.

The Problem(s) of Teacher Education The WPR analysis of the prototypical media texts, along with the speeches and press releases/conference transcript, began from the findings of the corpus analysis and was designed to take a different view of the discursive construction of ITE to that provided by keyword and collocation analysis. It yielded three discrete but interlinked problematizations, namely teacher education program as problem; teacher education candidates as problem; and teacher educators and institutions as

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Table 8 Unique collocates Australia Across, admitted, advice, advisory, Australia, Australian, best, body, data, Dinham, effectiveness, entering, entry, faculties, federal, found, government’s, group, improvements, intensive, ministerial, must, provide, reforming, requirements, service, and standard

United Kingdom Applications, apply, available, away, centered, changes, classroom, cut, development, England, funding, good, graduate, guide, increase, ITT, move, now, number, Ofsted, only, partnerships, postgraduate, professional, providers, provision, recruitment, registry, role, routes, running, school, sector, September, shake, shift, some, start, starting, and still

United States Accountability, accreditation, admission, agree, alternative, association, council, country, director, effort, enrollment, graduates, most, need, one, out, proposed, rate, rules, state, states, stronger, test, top, undergraduate, urban, and vary

problem. Similar to the findings from the corpus-assisted analysis, while these problematizations are all present across texts from Australia, the UK, and the United States, they manifest differently in the three contexts, and the discussion here will seek to provide insight into these nuances.

“A Gaping Need for Practical Approaches”: Teacher Education Programs as Problem The strongest and most consistent problematization, present across the supplementary texts and prototypical articles from all three contexts, this problematization holds that initial teacher education programs are too theoretical and not focused enough on the practicalities of teaching. In a speech to the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education, Duncan (2010) proudly called for “turn[ing] teacher preparation programs upside down,” noting that this “means flipping the content of current teacher preparation programs, which typically emphasize theoretical coursework, loosely supplemented by clinical experience of uneven quality.” A year earlier, speaking at Teachers’ College Columbia, by way of launching his plans for reforms to initial teacher education Duncan had claimed: . . .by almost any standard, many if not most of the nation’s 1450 schools, colleges, and departments of education are doing a mediocre job of preparing teachers for the realities of the twenty-first century classroom. (Duncan, 2009)

This motif of “the realities of the classroom” is present in a number of the US-based texts, including the press release which accompanied Duncan’s Teachers’ College speech (US Department of Education, 2009). This resonates with Christopher Pyne’s address to the Australian Council of Educational Leaders in the inaugural Hedley Beare Lecture in 2015, where he argued: It is important that Australian parents, students and communities have confidence that all teaching graduates have been rigorously assessed throughout their course and that beginning teachers are ready for the realities of the classroom. (Pyne, 2015)

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During Pyne’s tenure, the “realities of the classroom” manifested most notably in the driving concept of “classroom readiness”: the “slippery to define, and hard to argue against” (Mockler, 2017, p. 335) idea that every teacher education graduate should emerge from their initial teacher education “ready to thrive in the classroom” (Australian Government Department of Education and Training, 2015, p. 8). In the UK context, this attention to the practical realities of schools in initial teacher education manifests in the staunch support of Gove and the Cameron Government of approaches that see initial teacher education move from universities and other higher education institutions into schools. Gove argued for the importance of these practicalities in a speech to the National College Annual Conference in June 2010, the month after the General Election that brought his party to coalition government: We will end the arbitrary bureaucratic rule which limits how many teachers can be trained in schools, shift resources so that more heads can train teachers in their own schools, and make it easier for people to shift in mid-career into teaching. Teaching is a craft and it is best learnt as an apprentice observing a master craftsman or woman. Watching others, and being rigorously observed yourself as you develop, is the best route to acquiring mastery in the classroom. (Gove, 2010a)

Advocacy for “alternative pathway” ITE programs and schemes such as Teach First, and what subsequently became known as School Direct, is linked to this preference for “practical” ITE. In both the US and UK contexts in the Duncan and Gove time frames, respectively, we seen an increasing embrace of these approaches. In Australia, alternative pathways are less common, in part due to the regulatory frameworks in some jurisdictions. During Pyne’s tenure, the fledgling Teach for Australia program had been championed by and was strongly associated with the previous Labor government, which perhaps accounts at least partly for the very different approach to maximizing “practical approaches” in ITE. “Classroom readiness” manifested in further mechanisms for performative accountability in ITE, in the form of revised accreditation standards and processes of accreditation, including evidence of “impact.” This emphasis on “impact” and external evidence of the outcomes of ITE programs is a second thread in the problematization of ITE programs and is not limited to Australia. Indeed Duncan, in his Columbia speech, lauded the state of Louisiana, which he identified as: . . .leading the way in building the longitudinal data systems that enable states to track and compare the impact of new teachers from teacher preparation programs on student achievement over a period of years. Louisiana’s system is already up and running, linking teacher education programs in the state back to student performance and growth in math, English, reading, science, and social studies. All students in Louisiana in grades four through nine who took one of the state assessments are eligible for inclusion in Louisiana’s evaluation of teacher impact – and the state uses three years of data involving hundreds of thousands of students and tens of thousands of teachers. Louisiana is using that information to identify effective and

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ineffective programs for the first time – and university-based teacher education programs are using the outcomes data to revamp and strengthen their programs. (Duncan, 2009)

In a prototypical article published shortly after the Columbia speech, Duncan is said to be “urging states to overhaul infamously inadequate teacher preparation programs to demonstrate they are minting teachers who know what they’re doing” (Put teachers to the test, 2009), noting that currently “Just one state – Louisiana – dares to connect teacher training to classroom results.” By the following year, measurement of the effectiveness of ITE programs as a consequence of graduates’ students’ test performance had become more widespread, and Duncan argued forcefully that “it is time to start holding teacher preparation programs more accountable for the impact of their graduates on student learning” (Duncan, 2010). Appropriate measures of impact and effectiveness were seen to constitute not only graduates’ students’ test scores but also, in some states, other measures of evaluation: Delaware will be linking preparation programs to their graduates’ evaluation ratings under new evaluation systems—which include both student learning and other important measures of teaching practice. And this information will be available to the public—to help prospective teachers pick the best training programs to enroll in, and to help principals and districts pick where they would like to recruit new teachers.

In this final example, measurement of impact and effectiveness has an edge not merely of performative accountability but also of the encouragement of the emergence of publicly assessable markets of both ITE programs and early career teachers. In the UK texts, the “impact” agenda is less overt, with Gove drawing links in his Westminster Academy speech (Gove, 2010b) between improved GCSE scores and employment of Teach First graduates in “challenging schools.” In Australia, however, the US approach to impact and effectiveness was embraced by Pyne in the development of new accreditation standards as a response to the “classroom ready teachers” report: Importantly, to gain full course accreditation universities must show that their graduates are classroom ready, demonstrate how their graduates are having a positive impact on student learning, and that employers are satisfied with the graduates they produce.

The problematization of ITE programs as represented in these texts thus involves an emphasis on the lack of practical training and experience embedded in programs, and an implied suggestion that bad programs produce bad teachers who have no positive impact on student learning. While these two elements manifest in different ways in the three contexts, namely via alternative ITE pathways in the United States and the UK, a commitment to “classroom readiness” and accountability in Australia, and different forms of performative accountability via accreditation processes across all three contexts, the positioning of ITE as “infamously inadequate” (Put teachers to the test, 2009) is a common thread across media and political texts in the three contexts.

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Attracting the “Best and Brightest”: ITE Candidates as Problem A second problematization embedded in the texts involves the problem of (generally hypothesized) ITE candidates/potential teachers. While this problematization is also present to some extent across all three contexts, it is most strongly observable in the Australian and UK texts. Within this problematization, entry standards for ITE programs are posited as a policy solution, designed to address issues of both quality and status of the teaching profession. In Australia, Pyne noted that “the new Coalition Government wants to be the best friend teachers have ever had” (Pyne, 2013), arguing that such friendship would be demonstrated via tightening entry requirements for prospective teachers: We do think that concerted action is required to lift the quality and status of the teaching profession. Such action doesn’t start in the classroom, but earlier on – when teachers are gaining their qualifications. The Government will improve admission standards for university teaching courses. (Pyne, 2013)

Pyne’s (and indeed the TEMAG’s) ideas about how to create such improvements, however, diverged from some of the strongly held views expressed within the media at the time, which advocated for the use of a minimum Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank (ATAR) for entry into ITE courses. The appointment of Greg Craven, the Vice Chancellor of the Australian Catholic University (ACU) to chair the TEMAG, was seen by some journalists and media outlets as a threat to the integrity of the review, with an implied threat to the subsequent improvement of “teaching quality”: ACU runs the largest teaching course in the country and has been accused of running education degrees as a “cash cow” for the university, by admitting large numbers of students, some with very low tertiary entry scores. Professor Craven, also a columnist on The Australian, has been an outspoken critic of attempts by the NSW and former federal governments to restrict university admission of students to the top 30 per cent of school-leavers. The cut-off score for studying teaching at ACU this year was an Australian Tertiary Admissions Ranking score of 58.5, which equates to a scaled aggregated mark of 220 out of 500. (Ferrari, 2014)

The suitability of Craven as Chair of the review, and by implication the question of whether Pyne was serious about improving the quality of ITE candidates, was the topic of ongoing speculation in the media, as reflected in another prototypical article: Australian Catholic University vice-chancellor Greg Craven has been appointed as the advisory group chairman, despite ACU having some of the lowest student cut-offs for teacher education nationwide. Mr. Pyne said he thought tertiary rank cut-offs were a blunt instrument. . . (Chilcott, 2014)

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The issue of literacy and numeracy capabilities of ITE candidates and a concern to ensure that potential teachers with inadequate literacy and numeracy were unable to graduate from ITE programs instead became a focus for the Minister, who noted in his 2015 speech that: It is my expectation that teacher education students will be broadly in the top 30 per cent of the population in literacy and numeracy. (Pyne, 2015, p. 16)

The Literacy and Numeracy Test – Initial Teacher Education (LANTITE) was introduced by the Minister as a solution to the “problem” of quality of ITE candidates while simultaneously ensuring that ITE programs placed enhanced emphasis on literacy and numeracy for preservice teachers. In the UK, where the traditional pathway into teaching is via the Post Graduate Certificate of Education (PGCE), the positioning of ITE candidates as problem took on a different but not entirely dissimilar flavor. In both speeches selected for analysis here, Gove referred to the current teaching force as the “best ever”: The generation of teachers currently in our schools is the best ever. . . (Gove, 2010a, p. 9) I believe we have the best generation of teachers ever in our schools. . . (Gove, 2010b, p. 2)

As Spicksley (2021) has noted, this turn of phrase was a favored one of Gove, who used the “best ever” construction in relation to “this generation” of teachers in 14 different speeches made between June 2010 and November 2014 and included in Spicksley’s corpus of post-2010 ministerial speeches in England. Spicksley explores the discursive effect of this repeated construction in terms of the differentiation of different groups or “generations” of teachers, arguing that a binary is constructed which pits “young” and “experienced” teacher identities against each other. Establishing current teachers as the “best ever” also allows them to be subtly contrasted with would-be teachers who are best kept out of the profession by tightening entry standards: Here, we see the need to improve “teacher quality” addressed by politicians without an associated denigration of current teachers, a discursive technique that has been identified in previous analysis (Mockler, 2018). Recruitment of “top graduates” (Department for Education UK, 2010, p. 2) into ITE programs, both “traditional” and alternative, is positioned as a pathway to international competitiveness and improved system performance. The discourse around attracting outstanding ITE candidates is closely linked in the UK to the promotion of more practical, “hands on” training for teachers in the form of alternative pathways: And the reason why Teach First has been so incredibly successful in this country is that they have not only recruited some of our most gifted graduates from our top universities, they have rigorously sifted them to identify those with the leadership and personal qualities that make the best teachers. (Gove, 2010b, p. 10)

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In the prototypical media texts from the UK, the problem of ITE candidates ranges from one related to academic entry standards through to “trainees’ professional dress and conduct” wherein then Ofsted Chief Inspector Sir Michael Wilshaw criticized incoming teachers for being “scruffy and [not acting] as role models” (Trainee teachers must smarten up, 2014). As noted above, the problematization of ITE candidates is more prevalent in the Australian and UK texts than in those from the United States, however here also a thread of concern around the need to “attract and retain great talent” (Duncan, 2009, p. 2) to the teaching profession, particularly in the light of projected teacher shortages.

“Ideological and Faddish”: Initial Teacher Educators and Institutions as Problem While closely connected to the problematization of ITE programs, a distinct and consistent thread of the problematization of the individuals and institutions responsible for the delivery of ITE is present in the political and prototypical media texts. This problematization holds that ITE institutions and the academics within them push an ideological agenda that sees outdated and outmoded approaches to teaching (which often resonate with the theoretical/practical divide as discussed above) promoted to incoming teachers. The language used in one of the prototypical texts from the United States to describe Duncan as having “thr[own] the book at schools of education” in his Teachers College Columbia speech, wherein he is said to have referred to their “scant academic heft” (Put teachers to the test, 2009), is illustrative of this problematization. In the speech itself, Duncan recounts an anecdote from unnamed “colleges of education” featuring unnamed “professors” which underlines this lack of “academic heft”: English professor E.D Hirsch, the father of the acclaimed, content-rich Core Knowledge Program, got his own taste of the ideological blinders at colleges of education when he chose to teach an ed. school course on the causes and cure of the achievement gap. Having authored the 1987 bestseller, Cultural Literacy, Hirsch anticipated that his course would be oversubscribed. But three years in a row, only 10 or so students enrolled. Finally, one of Hirsch’s students informed him that other professors in the ed. school were encouraging students to shun the course because it ran counter to their pedagogical beliefs. (Duncan, 2009, p. 4)

Leaving aside the contested nature of Hirsch’s ideas, which incidentally have also been favored by Gove and other Conservative UK politicians, such that they have greatly influenced the National Curriculum in England (Courtney et al., 2017; Yandell, 2017), the depiction here of the unnamed professors as lacking in both intellectual rigor and professional ethics strongly resonates with this problematization. One of the prototypical media articles from the UK picks up on the subtle distinction embedded in Gove’s plans for teacher education between “theoretical”

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higher education institutions and “practical” alternative pathways by celebrating the move toward the latter: . . .trainee teachers will spend more time in the classroom and less in teacher training colleges in which tired, Left-wing theories of education hold sway. (Teacher training reform is vital to Gove’s plans, 2010)

The editorial continues on to highlight the hold of the “Old Left orthodoxy” on the teaching profession via Schools of Education, positing that this is the driving motivation for shifts to the “locus of training” for teachers: Hence the importance of ensuring that teachers enter the profession with open minds. Mr. Gove plans to shift the locus of training to good schools – and he is frank about the “wrong mindset” instilled by oldstyle colleges. His comments will annoy liberal educationists with an infinite capacity for taking offence; but, in the end, there will be no new ethos in our schools until teacher training is overhauled. Mr. Gove must not shrink from this overdue reform. (Teacher training reform is vital to Gove’s plans, 2010)

In the Australian context, this problematization is shaped slightly differently and, while perhaps more subtly expressed in both the political and media texts, is no less present. Debates around progressive and traditional teaching methods have abounded in Australia over an extended period of time, particularly linked to literacy (Barnes, 2021; Snyder, 2008), with neoliberal-oriented governments increasingly favoring those approaches broadly regarded as “traditional.” This view is evoked by Pyne in his discussion of the importance of both phonics and direct instruction in initial teacher education: . . .we must ensure that all graduates have skills in teaching literacy, especially phonics, like the successful Explicit and Direct Instruction model trialled in Cape York by Noel Pearson. . . (Pyne, 2015, p. 20)

and also in his note that TEMAG “will consider the teaching methods imparted” at the time of launching the review (Pyne, 2013, p. 4). His comments at the time resonated with his more expansive discussion of the purpose of the yet-to-beconstituted TEMAG ahead of the 2013 election, where he said: We would immediately instigate a very short term Ministerial advisory group to advise me on the best model for teaching in the world. How to bring out more practical teaching methods, based on more didactic teaching methods or more traditional methods rather than the child centred learning that has dominated the system for the last 20, 30 or 40 years, so teaching quality would be at my highest priority, followed by a robust curriculum, principal autonomy and more traditional pedagogy. (Kelly, 2013, February 23)

This problematization, constituting teacher educators and institutions as problem, is further reflected in one of the Australian prototypical media texts where Pyne is reported as being.

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. . .concerned teaching courses were “too theoretical, ideological and faddish [and] not based on the evidence of what works in teaching important subjects such as literacy.” (Knott, 2014)

On balance, the teacher educator/teacher education institution as problem conceptualization connects to that of ITE program as problem, by not only holding implications for what is included in (and excluded from) ITE, but also in speaking to the theory/practice divide. Furthermore, it tends to favor simplistic understandings of education, and particularly teaching methods, while dismissing the expertise of education scholars who would suggest that a more nuanced understanding is required of complex education phenomena.

Conclusion: Shoring up “Teacher Quality” While the keyword and collocation analysis of the TEC highlighted the extent to which ITE was constructed as a problem, and something of the shape of the problem, related variously to quality, to the need for improvement, and to mechanisms of governance and accountability, the WPR analysis allowed for a closer look at the precise nature of the problem and how it is discursively constructed in media texts. Of course, naming initial teacher education as a policy problem is not new – over 15 years ago, in her AERA Presidential Address, Marilyn Cochran-Smith argued that: When teacher education is defined as a policy problem, the goal is to determine which of its broad parameters that can be controlled by policymakers is most likely to enhance teacher quality and thus have a positive impact on desired school outcomes. (2015, p. 4)

The three problems identified in this analysis, namely ITE programs, candidates, and institutions and educators, all reflect such “broad parameters” – falling within the remit of policymakers and also being constituted as things that “get in the way” of teacher quality. The construction of problems such as these, constituted as obstructing educational excellence, national performance, and individual opportunities, allows policymakers to posit apt solutions that conveniently resonate with their broader policy commitments and directions. Examples of this include in the United States the commitment to public “accountability” (Zeichner, 2017), in the UK the commitment to fostering markets in education, including teacher education (Menter et al., 2019), and in Australia the commitment to a return to “traditional” or “back to basics” approaches to curriculum and pedagogy (Windle, 2015). That there are resonances between not only the discursive construction of initial teacher education but also in ITE policy directions between the three contexts is not surprising, given the reach of the global education reform movement (GERM) (Sahlberg, 2016). Sahlberg posits that the five dimensions constituting the GERM, namely competition and choice; standardization of teaching and learning; increased emphasis on literacy and numeracy; corporate models of change; and test-based accountability are evident in schooling policy internationally. Fuller and Stevenson (2019) have suggested that in the context of the GERM,

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. . .teacher education has found itself in the eye of the storm as powerful policy actors have sought to re-engineer the teaching profession as one that is more favourably disposed to the new educational landscape and which is less willing, and less confident, to push back. (p. 3)

The GERM redefines and repositions “teacher quality” such that it relies on adherence to this “new educational landscape,” and thus preferred forms of ITE are those that will enhance these redefined forms of teacher quality. The ITE reforms championed by the three Secretaries/Ministers and reported on in the articles included in the TEC are broadly congruent with the similar-but-different embrace of the GERM in the three contexts. This chapter has sought to shed light on media discourses of teacher education across three national contexts in three overlapping periods of significant reform. Its contribution lies in its close and careful analysis of the discursive positioning of ITE in each context and in its identification of the three problematizations that sit at the heart of the policy problem of teacher education, present although differently refracted, across the different contexts. A further contribution lies in its demonstration of the usefulness of bringing different approaches to analysis together, from the broad view afforded by corpus-assisted methods to the close analytical lens afforded by the WPR approach, in researching constructions of public discourse around education. Its limitations lie in its necessarily concentrated time frames and data sources: There is scope for further research to explore representations of ITE, and indeed the three problematizations themselves, across time, in different contexts, and drawing on a range of different media and policy texts. Notwithstanding these limitations, however, this work has provided a unique account of the place of teacher education in the “shoring up” of teacher quality, as represented in media discourses of teacher education in the context of substantial policy reform.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Well-Being and Stress and Presenting Teachers’ Experience of These Phenomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Stress and Its Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Teachers’ Well-Being and Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ Experience of Well-Being and Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Existing Educational Policy and Strategies to Promote Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . English Educational Policy to Promote Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Advocating for a Values-Based Approach to Promoting Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Well-Being and Stress in Relation to Personal Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Teachers’ Well-Being and Stress in Relation to Personal Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Values-Based Approaches to Promoting Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introducing a Values-Based Intervention to Support Teachers’ Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Describing the Intervention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reflections on the Intervention: Implications and Next Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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In England and Wales a recent policy movement, termed the well-being agenda, has been developed in response to concerns about teachers’ and trainee teachers’ reportedly poor well-being, and the increased attrition of teachers and trainee teachers from the profession. The resultant policies purport to identify strategies H. Damon (*) Counselling Psychologist in Independent Practice, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] R. Brock · A. Manning · E. Towers King’s College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_44

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to maximize teachers’ well-being. However, in this chapter, it is argued that the definitions of stress and well-being they adopt lead them to overemphasize teachers’ responsibility for managing their own stress and well-being; overemphasize the impact of factors such as teachers’ workload; underemphasize the diversity of teachers’ contexts and experiences as they impact stress and wellbeing; or promote in-the-moment stress reduction and enhancement of well-being at the expense of fostering teachers’ long-term flourishing. Consequently, this chapter promotes a values-based construction of teachers’ stress and well-being and concomitant policies that aim to address these issues. It concludes with the presentation of one values-based, bottom-up policy initiative, developed and delivered by the chapter authors. This intervention constitutes an alternative to the predominant centralized, top-down approach to policy implementation in the context of Initial Teacher Education (ITE). Keywords

Teacher well-being · Teacher education · Educational policy · Personal values

Introduction In England and Wales, a recent policy movement has arisen in response to concerns about teachers’ and trainee teachers’ well-being. This movement is part of a wider policy turn, the well-being agenda, which has focused on developing interventions to maximize the well-being of populations (Bache & Reardon, 2016; Edwards & Imrie, 2008). In this chapter, the concept of well-being and the opposing concept of stress will be defined and critiqued in general terms, then specifically in relation to teachers – here defined as all those who work with children and young people in an educative capacity in school settings, including trainee teachers.It will be argued that the act of defining a phenomenon – specifically, emphasizing some aspects at the expense of others – constitutes an important act of policy making. Consequently, key policy documents and literature on supporting teacher well-being will be evaluated and a need will be highlighted for an approach that acknowledges the criticality of the interrelationship between teachers and the schools in which they work in managing stress and promoting well-being. A values-based approach to well-being will then be introduced that attempts to bridge this gap. To illustrate this approach, a novel intervention, developed by the chapter authors and delivered by them to trainee teachers at King’s College London, will be presented. This intervention constitutes an alternative approach to the predominant top-down form of education policy implementation, where policies are introduced by central government. It adopts a distinctive, bottom-up policy approach, which draws on practitioners’ knowledge and understanding of educational processes rather than that of external bodies (Darling-Hammond, 1998) and which thereby aims to “flip traditional roles for policy makers and implementers on their heads” (Honig, 2004, p. 528).

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Defining Well-Being and Stress and Presenting Teachers’ Experience of These Phenomena Defining Well-Being The design, enactment, and assessment of policies intended to promote well-being is necessarily dependent on the definition of the central concept (Dodge et al., 2012; Salvador-Carulla et al., 2014). However, the definition of this concept is contested in three ways, which makes policy design and enactment problematic. First, it is debated whether well-being is a subjective or objective concept (Alatartseva & Barysheva, 2015), that is, whether it is associated with empirically measurable variables external to the individual, such as teachers’ working hours, or whether it is accessible only via self-reported measures. Second, some researchers posit well-being as a phenomenon that is experienced on a moment-to-moment basis and may therefore be assessed using experience sampling techniques in which a device regularly prompts participants to record their well-being – for example, at hourly intervals throughout a day (Oerlemans & Bakker, 2013). Conversely, others propose that it arises from a complex interplay of factors; hence, it is not meaningfully measurable at any single moment (Wyn, 2009). Third, well-being has been defined as an emotional state of an individual (Bradburn, 1969). However, although emotional states are necessarily located within an experiencing individual, such personal models of well-being fail to recognize its external influences. Hence, well-being has also been defined as essentially social, insofar as an individual’s experience of it is mediated by their relationships with other people and contexts, such as organizational structures (White, 2010). Therefore, in terms of policy design, a “one-size-fits-all” approach toward maintaining and sustaining well-being is not adequate as it will fail to attend to an individual’s emotional experiences, their organizational context, and their unique relationships with others within those contexts. What is needed is a policy approach that has the flexibility to respond to individuals’ needs in different contexts, making it widely applicable. This chapter advocates for an intermediary, biopsychosocial position that draws on elements from both sides of the three axes described above, by defining wellbeing as a state in which an individual perceives that they have the “psychological, social and physical resources they need to meet a particular psychological, social and/or physical challenge” (Dodge et al., 2012, p. 230). That is, it conceptualizes well-being as a state of equilibrium between an individual’s biopsychosocial resources and the challenges raised by their context.

Defining Stress and Its Impact If well-being is defined as having the resources in place to meet a particular challenge, then stress may be conceptualized as an opposing physiological and psychological state engendered in response to a situation in which something is demanded of an individual (Selye, 1956), which is perceived by them as important

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and as outweighing the internal and external resources they have to meet this demand (Martens, 1987; Niemiec, 2019). Hence, stress arises from the intersection of reality and the individual’s perception of it; for example, in the intersection between a teacher having a certain number of assignments to mark by a certain date and that teacher’s perception of their capacity to complete the work on time and to the required standard. That stress is, therefore, inherently subjective complicates and challenges policy making and enactment in this area. From a simplified biological perspective, the experience of a perceived source of stress (a stressor) leads to the activation of the sympathetic nervous system, causing a host of rapid physiological changes, such as increased heart rate, which have evolved to prepare the body to fight, flee, or freeze in response (Brosan & Todd, 2009). For example, the phenomenon of urinary urgency in response to a stressor is intended to lighten the body to facilitate flight and to enable physiological resources to be diverted away from the digestive system to more critical bodily systems (Brosan & Todd, 2009). Stressors may be acute (short-term), such as perceiving that one has an insufficient amount of time to mark a particular set of assignments, or chronic (long-term), such as working in an understaffed department. Chronic stress entails sustained physiological changes, such as the body continuing to divert its resources from functions that are not involved in the fight, flight, freeze response, including digestion, the immune system and growth, which can lead to feeling run down (Brosan & Todd, 2009). This can create a vicious circle, whereby an individual’s depleted resources render them less able to respond to demands, hence more susceptible to stress, and so on.

Defining Teachers’ Well-Being and Stress The concepts of well-being and stress may be used to make sense of some aspects of teachers’ professional experience. Indeed, for several decades, a research program in the field of occupational health has used the constructs of stress (Travers, 2017; von der Embse et al., 2019) and burnout (Byrne, 1999; Chang, 2009) – physical or psychological collapse or disengagement in response to stress – to assess the impact of the workplace on teachers’ mental health and evaluate potential interventions to promote psychological well-being. Following the argument that polices intended to promote well-being are shaped by their conceptualization of this phenomenon (Dodge et al., 2012; Salvador-Carulla et al., 2014), this chapter advocates for definitions of well-being and stress that emphasize individuals’ subjective experience, that enable these concepts to be evaluated longitudinally, and that conceptualize these concepts as biopsychosocial phenomena arising from the relationship between individuals and contextual – internal and external – stimuli, such as individuals’ response to educational policy. A subjective focus is advocated because, although objective measures of teacher well-being and stress, such as the number of hours spent marking in a given period, are significant markers for policy makers, such indicators may, as has been argued

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above, be perceived differently by different people. A longitudinal focus is advocated because, although it is assumed that teachers’ well-being and stress may fluctuate from moment-to-moment, a focus on these phenomena across longer timescales is more salient to policy discussions on developing policies that support the ongoing maintenance of well-being. In addition, a biopsychosocial focus, which emphasizes that teachers’ well-being and stress are impacted by their relationship to the complex context of the school in which they work, is advocated in response to criticisms of teacher well-being policies derived from definitions of well-being that (over-)emphasize teachers’ agency over their own well-being and neglect the impact of systemic factors (Edwards & Imrie, 2008; Manning et al., 2020; Weinberg et al., 2010). An example would be policies that advocate fostering teachers’ resilience (DfE, 2019a, b) – that is, the capacity rapidly to recover from setbacks (Beltman et al., 2011). This is because such policies may be experienced by teachers as placing undue onus on them to manage their own well-being and stress. Indeed, a workplace culture that promotes resilience may cause teachers to feel inadequate for experiencing an arguably proportionate response to challenging circumstances (Moore & Clarke, 2016). Additionally, such a culture may discourage and disenable attempts to change external working conditions that harm teachers’ well-being (Golden, 2017; Gorski, 2016). Finally, an emphasis on policies that aim to promote teachers’ well-being is advocated in addition to policies that aim to reduce or eliminate teachers’ stress. This is because the former policies could enable teachers to flourish – to attain a positive state of being – whereas the latter policies could, at best, only enable them to attain a neutral state of being – that of not feeling stressed (see Wong et al., 2006).

Teachers’ Experience of Well-Being and Stress Research data suggest that, in the UK, the majority of teachers experience their profession as impacting negatively on their well-being. In a recent survey, 62% of education staff described themselves as “stressed,” 31% reported experiencing a mental health issue in the past academic year, and 55% reported considering leaving the profession for reasons of personal mental health and well-being (Education Support [ES], 2020). Several aspects of teachers’ roles have been identified as contributing to poor well-being, including the time constraints of the job, lack of resources and large class sizes, ambiguous policy guidance, parental pressure, low salaries, managing students’ behavior, and limited recognition (Borg et al., 1991; Kokkinos, 2007). In particular, recently, emerging data suggest that teachers’ wellbeing has been negatively impacted by the transition to online teaching in response to the Covid-19 pandemic (Allen et al., 2020; ES, 2020). In contrast, productive relationships with students, a sense of community and belonging, effective communication with managers, professional recognition and a perception of being valued, and opportunities for personal growth have been identified as promoting teachers’ well-being (Acton & Glasgow, 2015; Borg et al., 1991; Hargreaves, 2000). These

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factors contribute to a complex set of problems for policy-makers to ameliorate, because, as it has been argued, their responses need to acknowledge individual and contextual differences and there is the potential for ill-conceived or poorly implemented policy responses to harm individuals’ well-being.

Existing Educational Policy and Strategies to Promote Teachers’ Well-Being English Educational Policy to Promote Teachers’ Well-Being Before exploring educational policies relating to teachers’ well-being, it is worthwhile sketching out the policy context in which schools in England operate. The current educational landscape of the UK, and, in particular, in England, is dominated by neoliberal ideologies that privilege individual competition, accountability, performativity, and management (Ball, 2021). An intensification of education reform, initiated by the UK Government in 2010 and accelerated by subsequent administrations, has resulted in greater accountability measures in primary and secondary schools and has included significant changes to the curriculum and to assessment procedures (Neumann et al., 2016). Similarly, initial teacher education (ITE) in the UK, and specifically in England, has undergone a long and complex history of policy reform (George & Maguire, 2019) as part of the drive to raise standards (Gibbons, 2018). The negative effects of this unremitting policy attention on teachers’ workload, pedagogy and practice, and, furthermore, on their job satisfaction, felt autonomy, and well-being, have been well rehearsed (e.g., Acton & Glasgow, 2015; Brady & Wilson, 2021; Moore, 2018; Skinner et al., 2019). Such attention adversely affects not only teachers’ work but also their sense of identity (Ball & Olmedo, 2013; Moore, 2018). In response to calls from school leaders, teacher organizations, and teaching unions to address the growing crisis in teacher well-being in the UK, the Department for Education (DfE), the lead government department responsible for child protection and education, and the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (Ofsted), a non-ministerial government department responsible for inspecting all educational institutions, have issued policy guidelines for schools to manage staff well-being (DfE, 2019a, b; Ofsted, 2019). These guidelines notably do not mention well-being directly, instead focusing on proxy measures – primarily, lessening teachers’ workload, through reducing marking, decreasing time spent on data management, and adopting more efficient curriculum planning and behavior management strategies – in order to maximize time spent improving student outcomes (DfE, 2019a, b; Ofsted, 2019). Indeed, whether tacitly or explicitly, raising standards has been the key driver of English educational policy for over two decades. For example, the DfE’s 2019b well-being policy guidelines advise reducing the focus on certain tasks, with the implication that greater focus should be given to

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other tasks – often, those that policy makers perceive as important for raising standards and maximizing teacher efficiency and performance. Similarly, current guidelines for ITE providers (DfE, 2018) only address the wellbeing and mental health of teacher trainees through a focus on developing practices that reduce workload. The Early Career Framework (DfE, 2019a, b), introduced with the aim to support the development of early career teachers, advocates for the management of well-being through a series of objective measures. However, such policy approaches are also, as Acton and Glasgow (2015) wrote of equivalent Australian policy, “underpinned by a focus on ensuring staff are productive” (p.100). That said, some attention has also been focused on creating and fostering school-wide cultures that are collegial, which has been shown to enhance teachers’ well-being (Brady & Wilson, 2021; Manning et al., 2020), and cultures that explicitly foreground well-being (DfE, 2019a, b),
although, as we have highlighted, the way “well-being” is conceptualized will shape the nature of the support strategies that are developed, in practice, to promote it. As Ball et al. (2012) note, education policies are necessarily translated and interpreted in different ways by different policy actors in different educational contexts. Hence, policies are “shaped and influenced by school-specific factors which act as constraints, pressures and enablers” (Ball et al., 2012, p.19). For example, schools in challenging contexts, which may be more likely to be working under a multitude of pressures, such as high teacher turnover, are nonetheless still expected to achieve nationally set standards and results, and may find it more difficult to enact well-being policies than other, more privileged schools (Maguire et al., 2020). In summary, current policy guidelines have been largely unsuccessful in improving teachers’ well-being. This is primarily because they adopt an insufficiently broad conceptualization of the term. In consequence, they advocate relatively minor, palliative amendments to practice while neglecting to address the main causes of poor well-being, including an overemphasis on accountability, performance measures, and raising standards. Such narrow implementations arise from the way in which well-being is constructed in policy texts, and the way its enactment is driven by a focus on teacher efficiency and performance rather than an emphasis on the biopsychosocial well-being of individuals, which is advocated in this chapter. Currently, the policy problem is being constructed in a way that fails to address the complex lived experiences of individual teachers. As such, current policies are unlikely directly to enhance individual teachers’ wellbeing.

Policies to Promote Teachers’ Well-Being Many policy strategies have been proposed to support teachers’ well-being (Brady & Wilson, 2021). These strategies have arisen from research programs, which have focused on different concepts – for example, teachers’ stress, teachers’ burnout, and teachers’ well-being – and have been located in different research traditions and therapeutic modalities. Hence, these differences have constrained, and have resulted

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in different emphases in, practice. Well-being strategies have been categorized into two taxonomies: von der Embse et al.’s (2019) classification sorts studies according to the modality of the intervention, into knowledge-based approaches, behavioral approaches, cognitive-behavioral approaches, and mindfulness approaches. In contrast, Naghieh et al.’s (2015) classification sorts studies according to their system of focus, into interventions concentrating on organizational conditions, such as school policies; teacher role conditions, such as levels of autonomy; and teacher task characteristics and conditions, such as working hours and the physical working environment. Interventions in both taxonomies have a place in supporting teachers’ well-being. However, it is telling that these taxonomies place emphasis either on the individual – for example, through cognitive-behavioral or mindfulness approaches – or on the organization – for example, through interventions that change schools’ formal policies or teachers’ tasks. Like many professions, the role of a teacher entails a balance between individual and collective agency (Gewirtz et al., 2009). Consequently, interventions focused on individual experiences simultaneously aim to facilitate collective, in addition to individual, good (Liu et al., 2018). In practice, schools have tended to respond to calls to foreground well-being by introducing stand-alone activities that focus on reducing felt stress and evoking feelings of well-being in the moment, such as mindfulness-based activities (Gold et al., 2010), massage and reflexology (Health Education Partnership, 2012), and Pilates and yoga (Bubb & Earley, 2004). However, research indicates teachers tend to experience such interventions as palliative and tokenistic as they do not address those aspects of teachers’ workplaces that evoke and perpetuate stress (Brady & Wilson, 2021; Manning et al., 2020). Indeed, policies that support individual teachers’ needs may not cohere with policies that support the effective functioning of a school – at least, not when effectiveness is defined in neoliberal, performative terms. Therefore, well-being policy must support individual teachers and acknowledge their subjective experiences of stress and well-being without also placing a disproportionate responsibility for well-being on the individual: the role of systemic factors, such as marking policies and strategies intended to reward teachers, such as performance-related pay processes, must also be acknowledged. Additionally, wellbeing policy ought to arise from a genuine concern for teachers, rather than being intended primarily to improve performance outcomes, such as by reducing stressrelated staff absences.

Advocating for a Values-Based Approach to Promoting Teachers’ Well-Being In this section, arguments are made for the adoption of a values-based approach toward policies that promote teachers’ well-being. This approach aims to facilitate the identification of both teachers’ personal values and ways in which congruence between these values and those of the contexts in which teachers are working may be enhanced. Thus, this approach occupies a constructive middle ground between

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well-being policies that overemphasize teachers’ personal responsibility and those that overemphasize contextual factors.

Defining Well-Being and Stress in Relation to Personal Values The value fulfillment theory of well-being argues that psychological well-being derives from identifying and enacting one’s personal values – the principles or standards of behavior that an individual considers important and meaningful, and necessary to uphold in order to feel fulfilled and that they are living well (Tiberius, 2018). Indeed, this is a trope common to philosophical, therapeutic, and even literary disciplines. Hence, the Delphic maxim “know thyself,” and the Shakespearian, “This above all: to thine own self be true. . . .” (Hamlet, Act 1, Scene III, line 78). In the field of psychology, Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs theory posits self-actualization – the feeling that one is enacting one’s full potential – as the pinnacle of fulfillment. Likewise, in the field of psychological therapy, Rogers’ (1951) person-centered therapy posits self-actualization as a fundamental human motivation and as central to psychological well-being; and Frankl’s (2004) logotherapy, which is a form of existential therapy, posits identifying and enacting one’s subjective raison d’être as humans’ primary motivating force. Indeed, quoting Nietzsche, Frankl argues that “He [sic] who has a why to live for can bear almost any how.” (p. 109). Thus, answering the question “What’s my why?”, or the thespian cliché “What’s my motivation?”, then enacting the answer, or, at least, having the capacity to reframe a particular demand or situation so that it becomes (at least somewhat) personally meaningful, is fundamental to well-being. As Kobasa (1979), a psychologist with a particular interest in the concept of hardiness, argues, hardy individuals, whom she defines as being less susceptible to stress than other individuals, are characterized by their commitment, which she defines as a strong belief in the value of their undertakings. Conversely, psychological ill-health is commonly linked to constructions of incongruence – rather than being oneself, acting in accordance with values or sources of (self-)worth and meaning one has inherited from or observed in others, including particular individuals, such as one’s parents, or a collective or archetypal Other, such as society or one’s conceptualization of what it means to be a good teacher. For example, Rogers’ (1951) person-centered therapy speaks of conditions of worth, which are beliefs individuals hold about the sorts of things they must do, and the sort of person they must be, in order to be valued by significant others; and the existentialist philosopher Sartre (1993) speaks of mauvais foi (bad faith), which entails acting inauthentically, in accordance with false values – going through the motions, as if one were someone or something one is not. Ball (2003) writes of teachers who, pressed by policies of marketization and performance, feel pressurized to set aside their values at some cost to their well-being. Psychological ill-health may also derive from an individual’s inability to enact their values, or from a conflict of values – an inability to enact one value without frustrating another. For example, an individual may value the perceived Stability of salaried work while yearning for the perceived Autonomy of freelance work.

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Defining Teachers’ Well-Being and Stress in Relation to Personal Values Insofar as teaching is conceptualized, at least anecdotally, as a vocational profession, in the sense of a calling (Hunter, 2013; Lynch, 2015; Senechal, 2012), one might anticipate that an approach to enhancing teachers’ well-being that centers on enabling them to identify and enact the values that drew them to the profession in the first place might be especially successful. Indeed, even if what drew an individual to teach relates not to teaching, per se, but to the context in which teaching takes place – such as the capacity, afforded by becoming a teacher, to care for their own children during the school holidays without having to book time off work – this motivation, as with any motivation, can be identified and, arguably, harnessed to promote that individual’s well-being. This is the case because, critically, the above psychological theorists do not conceptualize any one source of meaning or motivation as inherently superior to any other, provided it is a true source of meaning for the individual concerned. Here, motivation is conceptualized as a source of meaning: if I feel motivated to do something, this signals that I derive meaning from doing that thing. For example, living to work is not inherently superior to working to live, and vice-versa. Thus, well-being policies that incorporate personal values must negotiate differences in individual and institutional values. Conversely, neglecting to consider teachers’ personal values in relation to their experience of well-being and stress risks perpetuating burnout, which may be defined as a reduction in one’s personal engagement consequent to one’s perception of such work as in opposition to one’s personal values (Altun, 2002). This neglect may also accelerate teachers’ decisions to leave the profession.

Values-Based Approaches to Promoting Teachers’ Well-Being One plausible approach to mediating educational policies’ tendency to dichotomize the role of the individual and that of the organizational system in reducing stress and promoting well-being is suggested by research that emphasizes the centrality of value congruence to workers’ well-being in the workplace (Amos & Weathington, 2008; Edwards & Cable, 2009; Ostroff et al., 2005). In this context, value congruence refers to an agreement or fit between individuals’ beliefs about the importance of particular states or behaviors and those states and behaviors that are espoused and enacted by the organizations in which they work (Edwards & Cable, 2009; Kristof, 1996), within which neither the individual nor the organization has priority. A focus on the enactment of values is critical, as psychologists have observed that people’s espoused values may be inconsistent with their behavior (Homer & Kahle, 1998). For example, a headteacher may state that they value staff well-being yet implement policies that increase teachers’ workload. The Department of Education policies in England focusing on well-being are an example of such inconsistency, as, while they purport to promote well-being, they may increase stress and anxiety by emphazising teachers’ performance.

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Within this conceptualization, well-being can be promoted via values clarification exercises. Such exercises support individuals to identify, and develop strategies for enacting, their personal values, and to develop strategies to mitigate or resolve tensions and conflicts between values that are perceived as mutually exclusive in a particular context (Kirschenbaum, 2013). These exercises originated in the field of psychological counseling, and their use in educational contexts arose from the work of Raths (1963; Raths et al., 1966), who observed that young people’s value-related needs were often unmet by the education system, which led to their apathetic or confrontational engagement with schooling.

Introducing a Values-Based Intervention to Support Teachers’ Well-Being In this section, an intervention developed by the chapter authors is presented as an example of the sort of intervention that might be derived from the values-based, well-being-promoting educational policy approach advocated above. In our own experience of working in initial teacher education on PCGE programs at King’s College London (KCL), the most common reason trainees struggle, or fail, to complete their training year is due to their experience of heightened stress and concomitant poor well-being in response to their training. These experiences prompted us to develop a novel intervention to support our trainees’ well-being in collaboration with a counseling psychologist. In 2019, we devised and delivered a 3-hour session on promoting well-being to secondary school trainees on all four of the PGCE Science courses – Chemistry, Biology, Physics and Physics with Mathematics – at King’s College London (KCL) in the interval between trainees’ first and second school placements. This required us to advocate for the importance of carving out space within programs that were already intensive and tightly timetabled, thus highlighting the practical challenges of implementing new, bottom-up policies. Following extremely positive feedback from participants, we were asked to deliver the session for trainees on six of KCL’s PGCE subject programs in 2020 and this was reworked into a 2-hour session for trainees on all eight of KCL’s PGCE subject programs in 2021. The sessions adopted a values-based approach to promoting well-being, described below, which centers on facilitating trainees’ identification of their personal values and of whether, to what extent, and in what ways, these values were or were not actualized in their first school placement and in what ways they might enact them in their second school placement. For example, following a first placement in which their core value Nature (engagement with the natural environment) was insufficiently enacted due to work pressures and time constraints, one trainee proposed that, in their second placement, they would endeavor to make time to walk outside every lunchtime and plan school trips to natural settings. Another trainee, who felt their value of Family was threatened by the workload of their first placement, proposed strategies for ensuring work did not cross into family time, such as placing boundaries on the hours they worked and not taking marking and paperwork home from school.

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The overarching aims of the session were to enable trainees to identify their core personal values; how these values impact their experiences on school placement; and how they might take constructive action, where possible, to optimize the personal value they derive from their placement overall. Doing this was intended to bolster the extent to which trainees are, and perceive that they are, resourced, as a safeguard against the impact of potentially stressful situations in their second placement and in their subsequent careers as qualified teachers.

Describing the Intervention The following is an account of the structure and content of the reworked 2021 sessions. Trainees were invited to prepare for the session by completing a Personal Values Card Sort (PVCS) exercise. The PVCS was created by Miller et al. (2001) and is commonly used in motivational interviewing, which is an approach in psychological therapy that aims to facilitate constructive behavioral changes by enabling individuals to identify and resolve sources of ambivalence that may prevent them from enacting such changes (Rollnick & Miller, 1995). It comprises 83 cards that name and define common values. For example, the value Autonomy is defined as “to be self-determined and independent,” and the value Genuineness is defined as “to act in a manner that is true to who I am” (Miller et al., 2001). To complete the card sort, trainees cut out all the cards then sorted them into the categories Very important to me, Important to me, and Not important to me. They were instructed that they may assign any number of values to the latter two categories and up to ten to the first category. If they identified a personal value that was not represented by the preprinted cards, they were asked to write its name and definition on one of the blank cards included in the resource or to amend the name or definition on one of the preprinted cards so that it better reflected their own value. Trainees were asked to complete the PVCS on their own, in a quiet and private space, endeavoring to focus on, and sort the cards according to, their initial, intuitive, or gut response to each value (see Gendlin, 2003; Kahneman, 2012). It is important that trainees identify their own, subjective values, rather than any incongruent values they may have inherited, as discussed above. After the trainees had identified their Very important values, they were asked to consider whether and how they conceptualized these values as relating to each other. For example, do they have a hierarchy? Is there one overarching value that links them together? Are there inherent or manifest conflicts between certain of the values? The follow-up session was divided into five elements: 1. Introduction. The concept of well-being was introduced and defined in relation to personal values and value congruence, and the rationale for developing and delivering the session was introduced, as described above. The format and content of the session was outlined, then expectations of trainees’ behavior in

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response to the session were set out, with the intention of creating a safe space. To this end, trainees were asked to maintain the confidentiality of the space by not discussing anything shared by others outside the session; to take any necessary action to keep themselves safe in the session – for example, by considering whether or not to respond to invitations to contribute; and to seek further support for their well-being if necessary – hence, appropriate sources of support were signposted to trainees at the end of the session. 2. Reflection on Subject Specialism Stressors. Trainees were invited to share examples of specific stressors they experienced in relation to their subject specialism and the challenges these stressors posed to their well-being. This activity was intended to facilitate trainees’ engagement with the concepts of stress and well-being and identification of the relevance of these concepts to their training experience. For example, trainees studying for PGCEs in core subjects, such as mathematics and science, on which school performativity measures center, have spoken of the negative impact of feeling personally accountable for the outcome of such metrics. In contrast, trainees in subjects that have higher degrees of optionality, such as languages, have spoken of the stress caused by continually needing to promote their specialism to students and justify the existence of their subject to managers. 3. Values Card Sort Activity. Trainees were then invited to share, with the group, whether and in what ways they had experienced their Very important values as having been realized in their first school placement. If they had experienced one or more values as unrealized, or insufficiently realized, they were subsequently invited to consider what steps they might take, in their second school placement, toward better actualizing these values and resolving or finding the best balance in response to conflicting values. For example, several trainees reported valuing flexibility but experiencing their placement schools as, conversely, rigid. In contrast, trainees who value structure and order commented that they find such environments supportive. This has highlighted the subjectivity of the interaction between personal and organizational values and prompted discussions of the importance of trainees considering value congruence when applying for placements and jobs. 4. Well-Being Graphs. Trainees were then introduced to the analogy of the self as a battery: enacting their values recharges their battery, leaving them feeling fulfilled, energized, and motivated. Conversely, acting against their values runs down their battery, leaving them feeling unfulfilled, drained, and unmotivated. After introducing this analogy, trainees were asked to draw line graphs charting their level of well-being across a typical week, or a specific day, on their first placement. They were then invited to discuss what (sort of) things recharge and drain their battery, and to identify in-the-moment and wider, proactive and reactive strategies they could employ to optimize their charge – again, with reference to their core values - while recognizing that fluctuations in charge are an inevitable part of our experience of being in the world. This could entail scheduling a recharging activity before or after a draining activity, or reframing a draining activity in relation to one’s core values to enable one to find its charge.

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5. Well-Being Wall. For the final activity, trainees were asked to write the batteryrecharging strategies they identified on the online notice board tool Padlet – as the 2021 sessions were conducted online. Post-It notes, which trainees stuck to a wall, were used in the 2019 and 2020 sessions – to create a virtual self-help wall, and verbally share their strategies with each other. They were then encouraged to relate others’ strategies to their own core values to assess which alternative strategies may work best for them. Finally, they were asked to reflect on where, and how, they could incorporate potentially effective strategies into their working week. Trainees reported both in-the-moment and preventative strategies for supporting their well-being. In-the-moment strategies included making time to talk to colleagues after a stressful incident or finding a quiet outdoor space in the school to recharge after a busy teaching period. Preventative approaches included: spending some time, at the start of each day, reflecting on the values that brought them to teaching; structuring time to avoid cyclical lows – for example, by planning pleasant, nonwork-related activities for Sunday evening; and choosing to emphasize, in planning and teaching, aspects of the job that brought meaning – for example, fostering social learning and relationships.

Reflections on the Intervention: Implications and Next Steps From the perspective of the individual teacher, values-based interventions, such as the intervention described above, may be perceived as supportive and constructive, as they move beyond aiming merely to reduce in-the-moment stress by encouraging teachers to enact their agency, either by seeking to effect change in their current role in order to realize their values or by seeking out a new role in a school that espouses and enacts values more congruent to their own. From a recruitment and retention perspective on teacher education courses and in educational settings, the concept of value congruence may be used to explore trainees’ rationales and motivations for becoming a teacher and to evaluate and optimize the fit between a given teacher and school – for example, in the context of supporting trainees to identify suitable school placements and, later, paid positions. Value congruence may also be used as a framework for understanding and responding to particular stressors or conflict experienced by trainees in the course of their training.

Summary This chapter has considered some dominant ways in which mainstream education policies in England have responded to the crisis in teachers’ well-being, which has resulted in increasing rates of teacher attrition from the profession and trainee attrition from teacher education programs. Current policy initiatives frame teachers’ diminishing well-being as a problem to be fixed and therefore focus on objective policy measures. Government policy constructs the problem as, for example,

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needing to ensure standards are raised and maintained, that teachers are retained, and teacher attrition is reduced. Such policy emphases have produced policy outcomes that miss the fundamental issues surrounding teacher well-being and are therefore less likely to be successful. Interventions derived from such policies tend to focus on reducing teachers’ workload or other such measurable actions, or, as has been argued, on endeavoring to evoke in-the-moment feelings of reduced stress and increased well-being via stand-alone activities (Brady & Wilson, 2021; Manning et al., 2020). However, such policies fall short insofar as they do not acknowledge teachers’ experience of being unable to enact their values, of or incongruence between their and their workplace’s values, as a significant source of stress. This chapter has discussed the policies being enacted in one ITE institution, which start from a different premise and are bottom-up policies. These policies can be adjusted and amended along the way to ensure they are relevant, meaningful, and effective for successive cohorts of teacher trainees entering the PGCE program. Employing a values-based approach to promoting well-being bridges the division of responsibility for managing stress and promoting well-being between individual teachers and the educational contexts in which they work by focusing on identifying and optimizing value congruence between teachers and their schools with a view to facilitating longterm, mutually growth-enhancing professional partnerships. Research on well-being in pre-service and in-teacher education is still in its infancy. However, a top-down approach to policy that conceptualizes teachers’ well-being as a narrowly defined problem to be solved via the introduction of one-size-fits-all measures misses opportunities afforded by a bottom-up approach to develop policy that has the flexibility to be adapted in responses to different people and institutions, and which may therefore be more widely applicable. Such bottom-up approaches to educational policy implementation may be difficult to sustain in the long term because they rely on ongoing effort from, communication between, and sustained commitment from, individuals and organizations (Honig, 2004; Fullan, 1994). There are challenges to such policy innovation, such as lack of time and space on already busy ITE programs or a lack of commitment from sufficient colleagues where there may need to be a critical mass of colleagues to lead and manage this work. Furthermore, there can be problems with legacy and establishing a bottom-up policy over time. This chapter concludes that a combination of top-down and bottom-up approaches (Darling-Hammond, 1998; Fullan, 1994), where direction and support are provided from the top, and change implemented from the bottom, by individual institutions, may be most effective in developing and sustaining effective teacher well-being policies.

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Policy, Teacher Education, and Covid-19: An International “Crisis” in Four Settings

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Tom Are Trippestad, Panagiota Gkofa, Sawako Yufu, Amanda Heffernan, Stephanie Wescott, Meg Maguire, and Emma Towers

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Covid-19 Crisis in Norway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy-Science Interface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers in a State of Exception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education in a State of Exception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Consequences of the Crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A High Trust Society in a State of Exception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Policy and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Covid-19 Crisis in Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greek Education and the Covid-19 Pandemic: Setting the Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Covid-19 and Teacher Education in Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Policy and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Covid-19 Crisis in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Challenges Faced by Schools in the Covid-19 Pandemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CPD During the Covid-19 Pandemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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T. A. Trippestad Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Bergen, Norway e-mail: [email protected] P. Gkofa Sociology of Education, Greece, King’s College London, London, UK S. Yufu Graduate School of Teacher Education, Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] A. Heffernan · S. Wescott Monash University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] M. Maguire (*) · E. Towers King’s College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_46

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Initial Teacher Training and the Covid-19 Pandemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Policy and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Covid-19 Crisis in Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . COVID-19’s Impact on Teachers and Teacher Education in Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy Tensions During Covid-19 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Struggles for Policy Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy Tensions Affecting Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Student Impacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications for Policy and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Improving Infrastructure and Access . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rethinking Progress and Achievement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Workload and Well-Being for Teachers and Teacher Educators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary and Policy Lessons in a Time of ‘Crisis’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

A great deal of evidence is accruing that illustrates the considerable stress and pressures that teachers have experienced round the world due to the Covid “crisis” (La Velle et al., J Educ Teach 46(4):596–608, 2020; Ellis et al., Eur J Teach Educ 43(4):559–572, 2020; Baker et al., Coping Teach School Psychol Rev 50(4):491–504, 2021). Many teachers have had to manage teaching their own children at home while working on line to support their students in school. Some of these teachers have found online teaching stressful and something they have not been well prepared to tackle. Concerns have also been expressed about teachers considering leaving the profession due to unmanageable workloads and sometimes because of health risks to themselves and their families (Phillips and Cain, ‘Exhausted beyond measure’: what teachers are saying about COVID-10 and the disruption to education. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/ exhausted-beyond-measure-what-teachers-are-saying-about-covid-19-and-the-dis ruption-to-education-143601, 2020; Fuller, Teaching and leadership. Supply and quality. Education Policy Institute, London. https://epi.org.uk/publications-andresearch/the-pandemic-and-teacher-attrition-an-exodus-waiting-to-happen/, 2021). While much is known about the case of teachers and the challenges they face, much less is known about those training to become teachers. This chapter is based on a cross-national account of some policy work in four national settings: Norway, Greece, Japan, and Australia. The case studies consider policies aimed at addressing the problems posed by the Covid-19 pandemic for teacher education. Each account starts with a brief review of contextual factors that play into policy enactment, then they explore how their nation’s policies have responded to the pandemic “crisis,” how responses been implemented and enacted “on the ground,” and the longer term policy implications for teacher education. The chapter ends by attempting to draw together some useful lessons for policy in the context of teacher education that arise from these four studies.

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Keywords

Covid–19 · Crisis · Teacher education · Pre-service education · Policy and practice

Introduction Covid 19 has “precipitated an educational crisis” (La Velle et al., 2020, p. 605) that has impacted provision in all sectors and phases of education – from kindergartens to university settings including teacher education. For this reason, Ellis et al. (2020) talked of education coming to a “screeching halt” (Latour, 2020). As it became evident that Covid-19 was a global pandemic, initial policy work was directed toward health provision and controlling the spread of the virus. When it became apparent that this crisis was more challenging that anything that anyone had ever experienced before, nation states went into various states of lockdown in attempts to suppress the virus. In the UK, by 20 March 2020, all schools had closed for in-person teaching, except for children of key workers and those children considered “vulnerable.” Although a core of schoolteachers and teaching assistants continued to work in their school buildings, many teachers had to work from home and taught their classes online. The educational “crisis” resulted in policies concentrated on ameliorating schools’ problems rather than any other educational sector, so to a large extent, teacher education lingered in the shadows. However, initial teacher education programs, based in university settings, also moved their courses online. . . . the established systems and practices of preparing new teachers for schools closed down too. Student teachers did not go to the universities or schools because buildings were locked shut [. . .] At the outset, they did not even know for how long they were planning – weeks, months or even years. (Ellis et al., 2020, p. 560)

In policy terms, in relation to teacher education, what happened was that a “problem” (Bacchi, 2012, p. 2) was initially taken up by grass roots policy actors in the UK (teacher educators) who set out to respond to the situation from a “bottom up” perspective. As Sabatier (1986, p. 22) has argued, “Rather than start with a policy decision, these ‘bottom-uppers’ start(ed) with an analysis of the multitude of actors who interact at the operational (local) level on a particular problem or issue.” In some ways, the absence of top down approaches to address the teacher education “problems” during the pandemic crisis created a policy vacuum that made space for local responses and local networks to rise to the challenge. In the UK one of the key challenges in Initial Teacher Education (ITE) was the lack of opportunity for practical teaching experience, a core element in teacher education (Kidd & Murray, 2020). Another challenge was establishing and maintaining good relationships between trainee teachers and their mentors and tutors over cyberspace in a period of high stress and anxiety (Damon et al., 2021). However, in other settings, the

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teacher education policy “problem” was taken up differently resulting in contrasting outcomes as we shall see. In part this was due to different contextual factors that shaped policy production and its enactments. The following four case studies are a purposeful “sample” as we want to tease out some of the experiences in differently situated EU settings (Norway and Greece) as well as explore provisions in one national setting that has managed the pandemic comparatively well up until the time of writing (Australia), and also in another setting where, as in the UK, management of the pandemic has been uneven and patchy (Japan). The aim is not to uncover some “truths” about teacher education policy per se in a time of Covid-19, but to understand how policies have been differently constructed. The intention is to consider what has been done and then try to draw some useful lessons for policy in the context of teacher education.

The Covid-19 Crisis in Norway In Norway, the advent of Covid-19 presaged a new turning point, what can be seen as a new normativity. On 12 March 2020, Norway’s prime minister, Erna Solberg, held a press conference to discuss what she called “the most comprehensive measurement ever in peace time’. . . ‘with great impact on citizens’ personal liberties. . . their everyday life and the functioning of society” (Solberg, 2020). In the same press conference, the health minister Bernt Høie legitimized the government’s decision “to limit a pandemic not dangerous to most, but fatal to some. We do this to protect the most vulnerable amongst us” (Høie, 2020). At this point, the role of individual rights was challenged by a new ethical normativity. This ethics of “everyone for the few” was mobilized through an appeal to the Norwegian concept of dugnad (Høie, 2020) which broadly means that voluntary unpaid work in the community is considered to be a virtue and a duty, and even shameful not to participate in. The press conference represented a “moment of truth” in the pandemic which was a turning point for a new narrative. Drawing on medical and social health expertise, new knowledge and new normativities came into play with unprecedented shifts in power relations governing society, citizens and education. Norway introduced a strict lockdown very early on compared to many other countries and, at the time of writing in May 2021, has been very successful in keeping death numbers low during the global pandemic. In the education sector, kindergartens, primary, secondary and upper secondary schools, universities, and colleges were all closed, together with almost all parts of civil society which included the cancellation of cultural and sporting events, restaurants, and public meetings (Norwegian Health Directorate, 2020). Kindergartens and schools were required to continue face-to-face teaching for children with special needs and for those children whose parents were key workers. Almost all national exams in primary, secondary, and upper secondary schools were cancelled in the spring semester 2020. During late spring and early summer, schools were gradually re-opened when infection numbers came under control. Norwegian society also

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began to gradually open up during the summer months, although there were strong appeals to citizens not to travel abroad for their holidays. The new semester in September 2020 began with local outbreaks and rising levels of infections, allegedly due to Norwegians returning from foreign travel. However, it was the universities and the university students who were largely blamed for the rise in new infections in the autumn. They were blamed for holding social gatherings as they took up or returned to their studies.

Policy-Science Interface Changes in policy were driven by a policy-science interface and this was a powerful and pervasive relationship. This shift was managed through the declaration of a state of exception in response to the crisis of the pandemic. The Norwegian Institute of Public Health (NIPH) was responsible for advising government policy based on infection data, growing test capacity and their accumulated new knowledge during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. NIPH was also responsible for providing infection control instructions to all education institutions in Norway. As more knowledge was accumulated and experience of the national lockdown grew, the government combined its national policies with local measures and local authorities were given more sovereign rights to direct decisions about lockdowns dependent on the status of infections in their area. The NIPH were given a national role in producing manuals and circulating instructions to universities, schools, kindergartens, and teachers in how to deal with the crisis when reopening their institutions. When it came to decisions at a more local/regional level, there was some scope for local responses based on contextual factors. This is because kindergartens, primary, and secondary schools are the responsibility of local authorities. Upper secondary schools are the responsibility of regional authorities. Teacher education at universities and colleges is a state/national responsibility. Across Norway, related to the severity and status of geographical outbreaks, different areas employed different patterns of lockdown. The biggest cities in Norway became epicenters for new outbreaks with the most frequent and comprehensive lockdowns occurring in teacher education, schools and kindergartens.

Teachers in a State of Exception In Norway then, the state, regional, and local authorities gained sovereignty over the organization of teaching during the crisis and through its “Corona” Laws. Teachers from primary to university level were instructed to teach their pupils and students, now learning at home, through different digital platforms. Norway enjoys a strong digital infrastructure nationally, in schools and in homes, making this a realistic strategy. Digital optimism and a belief in the power of digital teaching prevailed at

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the beginning of the crisis. As more experience developed with extended use of digital platforms, the social aspects of learning and the need for interactions with others became more recognized, and the limits of digital teaching were critically debated (OECD, 2020a). For example, a survey of 4000 pupils in 5th–10th grade, exploring pupils’ experiences with home schooling during Covid–19 crisis compared to “normal” teaching, concluded that pupils felt less able to concentrate, received less support and feedback from teachers, missed engaging in group work activities, and missed their peers and their teachers. The report concluded that schooling works best at school and that technology does not compensate for the physical and social aspects and support of learning (Nordahl, 2020). The teaching profession was called upon to provide a national dugnad for their pupils and students. Teachers (and healthcare professionals) soon gained a new social position as heroes of the crisis in the media and in government appraisals. The government gave extra financial support to the local and regional authorities to support and enhance education provision. However, in Norway, local authorities have some freedom through law to manage their own budgets. During winter and early spring, the labor unions in education reported that little compensation had been paid, that local and regional authorities and employers showed little generosity, had kept money back, and had been unreasonable negotiators in compensating teachers for their extra work. Enough of dugnad was the response of many teachers and unions as the crisis persisted. Conflict and critique of the lack of compensation for extra work during this state of exception has become an issue and a “blame game” between the state, the employer organizations, and teacher unions leading to reduction in morale and reduced trust in national and local sovereignty (Eide, 2021; NTB, 2020; Union of Education Norway, 2021).

Teacher Education in a State of Exception Teacher education programs in Norway were regularly closed down during the pandemic, both nationally and then locally and institutionally, depending on the regional infection situation. However, educators in schools and universities have been required to continue teaching digitally through the lockdowns. During the Covid crisis, primary and secondary school teacher education has been required to continue enacting its comprehensive reform package (NOKUT, 2021). The reforms signal a move from four-year undergraduate degree programs to a five-year researchbased teacher education course with all students having to complete a master’s degree to be accredited as teachers. The workload of staff in the university sector has therefore been extraordinarily demanding to order to implement the reform, digitalize their teaching, and handle the Covid crisis more generally. Union leaders have been critical of how higher education institutions have treated their academic staff during the pandemic, where staff have been required to continue with reform implementation during the Covid crisis (Schei, 2021). The pandemic has also impacted student teachers’ capacity to complete the obligatory practice in schools which is essential in order to complete their training

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programs as well as carrying out research in schools for their master’s thesis. Nevertheless, the Ministry of Education and Research has demanded that teacher education institutions must provide enough opportunities for trainee teachers to practice even in hard lockdowns. As difficulties emerged with this policy, the government constructed temporary legislation allowing for more flexibility and creativity within teacher education in relation to school practice as long as expected progress and learning outcomes were achieved (Regjeringen, 2021; Ministry of Education and Research, 2020). The Ministry suggested a temporary solution of “digital practice” for student teachers. They were to be considered “employees” under the responsibility of school leaders. The student teachers’ teaching practice could be carried out from the students’ “home office” similar to qualified teachers’ home offices using digital teaching during the different lockdowns (Trædal, 2021). Overall, teacher education institutions and practice schools have responded creatively to the pandemic crisis by providing student teachers with various opportunities for them to complete their practice both digitally and on campus. These opportunities have been largely dependent on the infection situation in different regions. Overall student teachers’ teaching practice has been affected and progression is still a concern among students and institutional leaders (Strand, 2020, 2021).

Consequences of the Crisis Norway has experienced some specific outcomes from the pandemic crisis. The mental health and well-being of Norway’s students, including its student teachers, have been of concern. In March 2021 different student organizations in Norway, in conjunction with NPHI, published an additional survey to Norway’s quadrennial report on the health and well-being of all students during the corona epidemic (SHoT, 2021). The survey produced a dark picture of the student experience during the Covid crisis. Students reported sleep deprivation, loneliness, and stress (SHoT, 2021, pp. 2–3). In addition, the results of the annual national Student Survey (NOKUT, 2021) showed many of the same tendencies of demotivation and lack of social interaction, but also concluded positively that many of the students believed they would progress as planned and that they had maintained their study work ethic. In general, teacher education for primary and secondary schools in Norway traditionally scores lower grades in student satisfaction ratings compared to other disciplines and university-based teacher education program scores are amongst the lowest. The experiences during the Covid crisis show the same tendency compared with other programs of study. Another key problem related to the teaching profession has been a crisis in recruitment. The five-year teacher education reform program has been part of a comprehensive strategy of government to increase the status of teachers in Norway (Ministry of Education and Research, 2017). Higher education in Norway experienced record numbers of applicants during spring 2021. In contrast, teacher education has been an exception reporting a decrease in applicants for the second year in a row. The new five-year teacher education degree program, combined with media

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reports that have highlighted the stress of teaching in a pandemic, has been seen as contributing to this situation. The five-year teacher education program came with a policy of merging a number of higher education institutions in order to arguably produce more “robust,” higher quality, and more research-based preservice provision. All these policy shifts as well as the problems of teacher recruitment to preservice degrees have led to a new “crisis” in Norwegian education provision, and these concerns have been critical factors in debates about policy and practice taking place as part of the 2021 national elections in Norway.

A High Trust Society in a State of Exception In April 2021, an independent expert group appointed by the government delivered their evaluation and verdict on the government’s handling of the Covid-19 epidemic so far (NOU, 2021, p. 6). The commission evaluated the strategy as one of the most successful in Europe because of Norway’s low mortality rate. However, the Commission criticized the Government’s lack of preparation and the lack of resources to deal with national emergencies. The commission evaluated the authorities’ ability to make swift decisions and produce effective policy during the crisis more positively. The introduction of the “Corona” laws that extended distributed sovereignty to local authorities was evaluated as an effective strategy. Although the commission evaluated the “Corona” laws positively, the government was criticized because of concerns that some cohorts had suffered more than others, including the elderly, immigrants, the unemployed, people with lower education levels, children, and young people. The NOU (2021) recommended that the government would need to consider issues of social justice in their future policy work. According to the Commission, what had occurred in Norway was a complex set of tensions thrown up by Covid-19: tensions between individual rights and collective human rights, and constitutional rights and duties. As the Commission noted, in Norway this amounted to a paradigmatic shift in policy affecting citizens’ civil liberties and the private sphere in ways unimaginable before the pandemic. The Commission praised the government’s openness with its citizens; about insecurities in knowledge; and the usefulness of certain public policies designed to mitigate the virus’ impact, through its continuous public deliberation. The government could not have succeeded if the population hadn’t supported the infection measures. In Norway people trust each other and the authorities. It is one of the factors that made Norway well placed to handle the crisis. (. . .) As we see it, the openness has created trust. A large majority of the population express trust in the information given from health authorities. That the population has changed their behavior during the crisis is a clear indication that the authorities have managed to reach the population with their information. (NOU, 2021, pp. 1–3)

Norway has many advantages to help it deal with a major crisis such as Covid-19. It is one of the world’s wealthiest countries per capita with low unemployment. It has

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a robust digital infrastructure and a comprehensive and well-functioning public education system. It is a country with a solid institutionalized history of cooperation between the state, employer organizations, and unions, often called the three-part cooperation. It has a strong tradition of a policy-science interface in shaping policy, a good research structure with strong institutions making a knowledge-based Covid19 response possible, considerable flexibility, and the ability to accumulate necessary knowledge as the crisis has endured. Norwegian citizens and society enjoy one of the highest degrees of trust between citizens and governments (SSB, 2016) making national and institutional strategies, such as the Covid response detailed here, both possible and successful. The negotiated sovereignty and the mobilization of traditional left and right concerns, the critique and judgment in response to the Covid crisis in Norway, have all combined to produce effective capital and employer friendly policies and more “socially just” policy outcomes, although some groups in society have been more affected than others (NOU, 2021). Teachers (and health workers) have gained a new role and enhanced status as heroes of the crisis which has led to demands for higher pay, more recognition of their work-load, less bureaucracy, and more respect. The fundamental contribution and value of schools in Norwegian society has been powerfully demonstrated during this crisis. First reports of managing the pandemic have demonstrated that front-line education staff can be trusted to be innovative, transformative, capable of producing bottom-up policy responses, and cooperative with genuine concerns for their students and pupils. In Norway, after two decades of “post PISA shock” policy that has resulted in a policy focus on higher learning outcomes, competition, performance charts, and pressures on teachers, students, and pupils, the blind spot of students’ mental health and well-being has been highlighted during the crisis potentially laying the ground for the formation of future educational policy (Thomas, 2021).

Implications for Policy and Practice In relation to teacher education policy and practice, the status of teaching has improved in Norway. The Covid-19 crisis has highlighted blind spots in the comprehensive roll-out of the new five-year research degree, such as the relation to the practice-field and the complexities of implementing research opportunities for master’s students in schools in times of lockdown. The alleged underfunding of the new teacher education reform has become a major debate in political discourse during this period. Overall, teacher education has responded as well as possible and, in Norway, this response has drawn on a culture of dugnad, supported by a strong digital infrastructure in a time of unprecedented reform. The task now is to consider more widely what has been learned, what new opportunities have presented themselves, and what Covid-19 has taught us about the possibility of new pedagogies and practices for teacher education programs in the Norwegian setting.

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The Covid-19 Crisis in Greece Covid-19 affected the entire population of Greece fairly swiftly as the government set up strict lockdown protocols in order to avoid the spread of the virus. Lockdown meant that many people lost their jobs, some had to live on supplementary allowances and others had to work online. The school routine changed too. Because of the lockdown, teachers and students had to continue the learning process online. One key issue that was specific to Greece was that Covid was economically taxing for a country which had been deeply affected by the global financial crisis of 2007–2008 (Ozturk & Sozdemir, 2015). The loss of tourism in 2020, a lead earner for the Greek economy, was devastating. However, Greece has been, at least in the early stages of fighting against the pandemic, “an insightful case of good performance for its antiCovid-19 policies” (Tsiotas & Magafas, 2020, p. 326) recording low levels of infected cases and deaths compared to other nation states. Up until the time of writing, this country of around 11,000,000 people experienced 9135 deaths due to Covid-19, and a total of approximately 304,184 cases (gov.gr, 2021).

Greek Education and the Covid-19 Pandemic: Setting the Context In March 2020, a general lockdown was declared in Greece due to the Covid-19 pandemic (Karalis, 2020). Schools closed immediately but how prepared were students and teachers to switch to distance learning procedures? Digital competence is prioritized at a European level (EC, 2019). In Greece, digital competence in schools is taught by specialist teachers and is a compulsory subject (EC, 2019). Students’ certification of digital competences through national testing is not provided, but ICT (Information Computer Technology)-related courses are assessed in secondary education (e.g., for admission to specific higher education departments) (EC, 2019). Overall though, the country’s profile with regard to ICT in education is far from outstanding (EC-ES, 2012). For example, the provision of equipment is lower than the EU average. Both teachers’ and students’ confidence in their ICT skills is below EU averages, and professional development in ICT needs to be improved (EC-ES, 2012). However, the percentage of students in schools where ICT is used is encouraging (ibid). Overall, Greek schools were ill-prepared in many ways for a move away from face to face teaching toward online learning because of its less developed information society (Lindblom & Räsänen, 2017). At the time of the first lockdown some digital tools were available. Myschool, a web-based school administration software system that has supported all Greek schools since 2013 (Circular 1) and enabled school data collection at a national level, was able to host asynchronous learning platforms (e-class and e-me) to support online learning during the lockdown. Although these tools had been available before the pandemic, they were not widely known or used by teachers who, according to Nikolopoulou and Gialamas (2016) faced difficulties in implementing technology in their teaching despite the ICT Teacher Training programs delivered over the last two decades. However, when schools closed, these platforms often crashed because of

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the increasing numbers of new users. At the same time, the Ministry of Education encouraged synchronous online learning providing all teachers with WebEx accounts. In practice, the majority of teachers moved to asynchronous ways of teaching, uploading some revision homework worksheets on the available platforms. Teaching via state television was also broadcast daily for students of nursery and primary school age through the initiative “We stay safe – We learn at home” where volunteer teachers were videotaped teaching their classes to share more widely. Teachers have found it difficult to cope with online learning in many aspects, such as use of digital materials but also in thinking about some differentiation of their teaching practices in an online environment (Circular 1). An accelerated Panhellenic teacher training on applying distance learning programs (20 h) started at the time of writing in March 2021 (T4E, 2021). Meanwhile, students experienced difficulties accessing technology and the internet. The two different zones for broadcasting lessons in primary and secondary education meant that some siblings could use the same devices as long as they did not have lessons simultaneously. Greece is one of the European countries with only 40% or lower broadband penetration (Lindblom & Räsänen, 2017) and students from vulnerable groups had reduced access not only to digital materials but also to Internet resources. The Greek state attempted to provide tablets/laptops to students from vulnerable families (through loaning school devices) (Circular 4) but only since March 2021 have eligible vulnerable families been able to apply for funding in order to buy electronic devices (“Ψηφιακή MEριμνα/Digital Care” initiative) – including families with children at university (Common Ministerial Decision 1).

Covid-19 and Teacher Education in Greece The pandemic also disrupted teacher education programs in Greece. Higher education institutions had to move online from March 2019 until the end of the academic year 2019–2020 and for the whole academic year 2020–2021 (Common Ministerial Decision 2). University-based initial teacher education has been affected by this move (la Velle et al., 2020). In Greece, primary school teachers qualify to teach by undertaking four-year studies at Departments of pre-school/early childhood education (for nursery school teachers) and Departments of primary education (for primary school teachers), based in nine Greek universities. Education departments’ curricula have enhanced their practicum programs in the 3rd and 4th year of study through providing experience of teaching at school (but also teaching simulations at the department), enriched with specialized knowledge resources in pedagogy, “didactics” and their teaching applications (Sarakinioti & Tsatsaroni, 2015). However, according to the Ministry of Education, the practicum hours for higher education students have been curtailed and/or have been realized online when possible during the academic year 2020–2021. Thus, student teachers’ school-based experiences have been limited. The combination of some practical experiences as well as courses on pedagogy and didactics could possibly compensate for the curtailed

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classroom-based hours through offering alternative opportunities for further critical reflection on teaching. This may be helpful in complex times such as the pandemic when “what a classroom looks like” changes its meaning. In these new times, teachers need to be able to manage online teaching effectively, powerfully, and creatively because “being excellent in the classroom will not be enough” (la Velle et al., 2020, p. 9). In a time of Covid crisis, teachers have had to rely on their digital and technological skills in order to support learning and teaching. This new reality may well inform teacher education policy in the future. Not only does it show the value of university-led routes toward teacher qualification but also illustrates the need to improve an effective pedagogy of online teaching and learning, a point that will challenge Greek teacher education in the coming months and years.

Implications for Policy and Practice On all of their undergraduate programs, Greek Universities have achieved fast and effective digital transformations through adopting new technologies as part of the modernization of all undergraduate higher education study programs (Sarakinioti & Tsatsaroni, 2015). Thus intending teachers on educational undergraduate programs have been exposed to these courses and modules as part of their professional development. However, one of the policy “problems” is that many emergent graduates do not obtain teaching posts for some considerable time. “Teachers as a professional group in Greece are ageing while, on the other hand, the knowledge and competencies of new graduates are being wasted” (Sarakinioti & Tsatsaroni, 2015, p. 276). In practice, teaching is still seen as a desirable occupation; teachers are civil servants and enjoy smaller classes and a shorter day than is common in many other national settings. Consequently, many teachers stay in the profession and there are fewer openings for newly qualified teachers. Thus, while younger cohorts may be better prepared for working in a digital environment, many older teachers who have not upskilled or added to their professional repertoires may have less capacity to produce enriching online learning resources. In policy terms what is needed is a concerted effort at systematic and in-depth continuing professional development for in-service teachers. Perhaps too, patterns of employment need to be revisited urgently, although the economic costs of employing more teachers for smaller class sizes is a real problem. Currently, many if not all teachers in Greek schools have attempted to fulfill the government’s demands for online learning at some personal cost. These teachers are often required to switch timetabled lessons (morning to afternoon) whenever the Ministry of Education asks for this to take place, while trying hard to support their students remotely or inside the classroom. During the Covid-19 crisis, concerns have also been expressed about the health risks to teachers, many of whom in Greece are over 50 years old (OECD, 2021a). In this context, policy-makers and government leaders have ignored steps that could be taken to make schools safer. For those studying with the hope of becoming primary school teachers in the future, some of

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the lessons learned about supporting in-school practice in a pandemic could perhaps usefully inform future programs. In Greece, digital teaching and learning has moved into the foreground because of the pandemic (Tzifopoulos, 2020) and yet, teacher education has not yet risen to the challenge. Fundamentally, the challenge experienced in trying to provide quality e-learning in Greek schools during the pandemic has uncovered a need for all teachers to get more and better ICT training on online teaching methods as soon as possible. When schools re-open permanently, teachers and schools will need support to capitalize on those digital skills and the know-how technologies that have been developed during the pandemic in order to improve and supplement the learning process. An aging teaching workforce in Greece and their lack of training in digital skills are key issues for policy makers to address. Young skilled teachers’ unemployment is also of central importance. The value of a university-led teaching background has never been questioned in Greece but nowadays the need for teachers’ continuous life-long training is even stronger. Digital skills, students’ and teachers’ well-being, matters of equality, and social justice will prove fundamental in any policy discussion for future education interventions.

The Covid-19 Crisis in Japan The Covid-19 “crisis” in Japan began on February 7, 2020, when the then Prime Minister Abe announced that all schools would be closed. This statement was met with objections even within the government. The Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology opposed any blanket closure of schools. In the end, however, the Prime Minister’s Office and Prime Minister Abe pushed through with their decisions, and schools were forced to deal with a sudden closure starting from the beginning of the following week. As a result, nearly 99% of public elementary, middle, and high schools, except for those in 18 municipalities in Kyoto and Shimane, were closed simultaneously starting on 2 March (Iwata et al., 2020). From mid-May onwards, schools resumed region by region, with dispersed school attendance. By early June, almost all schools in Japan were holding regular classes and most of the country’s schools were open. The school summer holidays were drastically shortened in many schools in order to make up for the “delay.” Alongside the schools closures, concerns were expressed about the economy, and, as in the UK (González-Pampillón et al., 2021) where there was an “Eat Out to Help Out” policy, Japan launched its nation-wide initiative “Go to eat” to spur on the local economy and open up the hospitality industry. The government also launched a “Go-to-travel” project in July 2020 as a stimulus package which was fully implemented in October 2020. The result was an unprecedented spread of Covid19 infections in the winter. However, this time schools in Japan were not closed. In May 2021, as the spread of Covid-19 infections rose again, a state of emergency was declared in a limited number of areas. At this time, the vaccination program, which had been delayed in other countries, was finally launched, but progress was slow, and although the epidemic continued to spread, the Olympic Games were held in

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July 2021, despite the opposition of many people. Overall, as Harukata (2021) has argued, Japan has seen a highly “fragmented” and somewhat contradictory policy response to the Covid “crisis.”

The Challenges Faced by Schools in the Covid-19 Pandemic As is evident from the policies of closing and then opening up schools, one way forward that has emerged across the globe has been to rely increasingly on online teaching to support the educational progress of children and young people in these difficult times. The same is the case in Japan (Ikeda & Yamaguchi, 2021). However, technology and IT provision in Japanese schools remain largely under-resourced. Since 1990, the government has worked to improve ICT facilities in schools but as late as 2019, there was still only one computer for every 5.4 children (OECD, 2021b). In addition, school closures and remote learning have highlighted digital inequalities in the home. Due to this situated reality, it was difficult to switch wholesale to online classes and digital communications. According to the teachers’ union survey, about 47% of schools used some form of online teaching during the school closures, but only 4.1% of the elementary schools and 8.3% of the middle schools had interactive online classes. IT use mainly comprised of ready-made videos for learning. Therefore, in many schools, the only way to maintain a learning environment was to have students come to school for short periods of time on a regular basis, hand in self-study assignments that had been prepared and exchange messages, or require teachers to send materials to students’ homes through the mail. However, there were other related problems such as varying levels of teachers’ technological expertise (Kang, 2021). Above all, the differences due to the socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds of students’ families across Japan were exacerbated. As soon as schools were closed, various education industries in Japan offered IT materials and online educational programs to families, but only a limited number of families were able to use these when the free service period ended (Kang, 2021). In addition, self-study strategies introduced by schools for their students were not universally successful or effective. Most concerning for schools and teachers was the well-being of their students, including concerns about child protection, poverty, and neglect (Fadanelli, 2021).

CPD During the Covid-19 Pandemic In Japan, as in many countries, improving the quality of teachers has always been a serious concern, and one form this has taken has been to look to enhance the professional qualifications and provide CPD (continuing professional development) programs for teachers. In 2008, a teacher license renewal system was launched by the government, whereby every 10 years, a teacher’s license has to be renewed by

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attending a course on the latest educational issues, without which the teaching license will expire. However, with the outbreak of Covid-19, many of professional development programs have had to be postponed or cancelled, one reason being that the universities and school boards responsible for CPD programs were not always familiar or proficient with online learning. One of the most serious problems that arose was the cancellation or postponement of license renewal programs, which led to the loss of teacher licenses. However, in June 2020, MEXT issued a notice to extend or change the duration of the course, so there was no major disruption to teacher employment as a result. More positively, the Covid-19 crisis provided an opportunity for schools and teachers to reconsider their activities and teaching styles, and for schools and teachers who had developed their own diverse practices to promote those pedagogies. As Kang (2021, p. 20) argued: . . . higher education in Japan quickly started to provide online classes. By contrast, the elementary, middle, and high schools continued to rely on traditional paper-based teaching during the COVID-19 pandemic but gradually introduced online classes and utilization of digital teaching materials. Thus, in Japan, in higher education and in elementary, middle, and high schools, distance education expanded, and educational technologies are under development to complement the distance learning.

In January 2021, the government announced a policy to push forward with IT education, which had gained urgency and momentum during the Covid-19 epidemic. In collaboration with the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), MEXT declared that it would not only guarantee one tablet per pupil, but would also use digital textbooks and other teaching materials, tailor learning to individual needs, and develop more effective teaching methods through the analysis of pupils’ learning histories. In addition, it called for a shift from knowledge-acquisition-based learning, which has been the hallmark of Japanese education to date, to knowledgeapplication-based learning, in which the interests, motivation, and attitudes of pupils and students are deliberately nurtured (see Kariya and Rappleye, 2020). In order to meet the demands of the technology reforms, teachers are now working hard to develop assessment indicators and to acquire skills in the operation and use of IT equipment. As a consequence, the current CPD agenda for teachers has shifted to finding and implementing ways to enact the objectives set out by the government, rather than proactively addressing problems arising from their own day-to-day work, a trend that has been reinforced by the Covid-19 epidemic.

Initial Teacher Training and the Covid-19 Pandemic There has been little impact from the Covid-19 epidemic for initial teacher training. This is because of the way in which teacher education is currently carried out in Japan. Since 1946, teacher training in Japan has been based on the principle of “training at university.” A teacher’s license is awarded after completing a course of

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study as prescribed by law at a university accredited by the MEXT. National university and faculties for teacher education have played a central role in the training of primary school teachers, but the relaxation of the qualifications for the award of teacher’s license has allowed private universities to enter the field of teacher training since 1998. Private universities now have more accredited courses and award more certificates than state funded providers. On the other hand, the majority of secondary teachers are trained in teaching programs in general universities and faculties, and most universities in Japan now offer teaching programs. The spread of the Covid-19 infection led to a switch to online teaching at universities, but this did not cause any major disruptions in teaching courses. In the last semester of the fourth year of university, there is a class called “Kyoiku Jissen Enshu” (the last seminar at university for becoming a teacher), which aims to help students reflect on all the lessons and experiences of teacher training, and to consolidate their intention to become teachers by exchanging practical experience with other students. Although no particular problems were identified with having this last seminar of the teacher’s training online, there was some confusion about the implementation of the “practical training at school.” As most of the practical training takes place between May and July, which is when the school shutdown began in earnest, primary and secondary schools where the practical training takes place were almost completely closed. It was feared, therefore, that some students would sit for the teacher recruitment examinations without having done any practical training, or that some would have to delay starting teaching until the following spring. However, on May 1, 2020, MEXT (2020) issued guidance which indicated that the duration of teaching practice could be applied flexibly and that it could be substituted for with classes or school experience activities as long as this process did not exceed one-third of the total number of hours of teaching practice that are required. In this way, trainee teachers’ fears about not being able to do teaching practice, and therefore not being able to get a teaching license, were put to rest. Although there were several peaks of Covid-19 infection, school closures were lifted at the end of May 2020, and many teacher-trainees responded by changing the timing of their practical training from July onwards to autumn or winter. This has been accomplished without major disruption. The relative lack of impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on teacher training can be attributed to the issue of how teaching practice in teacher training has been managed in Japan.

Implications for Policy and Practice The Covid-19 pandemic has led to a rapid expansion in the use of technologies in schools which, up until the pandemic, had been lagging behind other countries (OECD, 2021b). The pandemic has given impetus to the current government’s education reforms in introducing technologies for teaching and learning. However, these policies are likely to be rolled out with disparities, as many children are not

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guaranteed adequate access both in terms of hardware and software, due to their socioeconomic status and rural/urban diversity. In addition, the introduction into schools of a range of digital devices developed by the education industry may well increase the imposition of particular packages and educational products on schools. There is a danger that this will lead to a disparity between teachers who are unfamiliar with these technologies and those who are not, and that some teachers will be reduced to mere IT operators. It is important to note that the impact of IT use on children’s academic performance in Japan has not yet been fully investigated. It is also feared that these changes in schools will lead to increases in teacher’s workload and well as pressures if teachers do not feel capable of undertaking this work because of lack of expertise and experience with digital technologies. In all proposed policy changes there are advantages and costs. Digital education and traditional education have their strengths and weaknesses. In the future, distance learning will offer students more opportunities and options than traditional education. Educational technologies will enable students to take ownership of their learning. Students’ taking ownership of their learning is the new normal of the education service that is shaping gradually. (Kang, 2021, p. 33)

In the area of teacher training, it may be possible to glimpse a danger that the principle of “teacher training in universities” may be seriously disrupted. Acknowledging the limitations of the former university system, which prioritized theory, and was in a sense a desk-based discipline, reforms have been underway to bring practitioners in to staff universities to support and develop trainee-teachers’ practical teaching skills. Currently, reforms such as relaxing license requirements and considering alternative routes into training are under consideration, which may further promote a situation where university staff are not involved in teacher training – a situation also besetting many other nation states. As Kang (2021, p. 150) argues, “History teaches us that crises reshape society. While it is still uncertain how COVID-19 will reshape our society, the global pandemic is encouraging and accelerating innovation and advancement, especially in the digital sphere.” Japanese education has until now, largely been based on a traditional, examination-driven culture, less dependent on being learner-centered and more reliant on uniformity and standardization (Karia and Rappleye, 2020). Perhaps Covid-19 will be the crisis that provokes further educational changes – not just in classrooms but in how teachers are prepared for their complex roles postCovid.

The Covid-19 Crisis in Australia Australia has been comparatively fortunate during the pandemic and, at the time of writing, continues to be. As of March 2021, the country had seen fewer than 1000 deaths due to COVID-19, and a total of approximately 29,000 cases (numbers that

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other countries are reporting daily). These successes have not come without their costs. The state of Victoria saw the most significant effects of COVID in Australia. A mid-2020 outbreak reached approximately 700 daily cases at its spike, sending the state into a strict 112-day lockdown from July to October, described as “one of the toughest in the world” (BBC News, 2020). Australia’s international borders closed in March 2020 and remain closed at the time of writing in April 2021, with caps on incoming travellers and mandatory hotel quarantine as a condition of entry. Interstate borders opened and closed throughout the year as new cases surfaced, with little notice and long periods before re-opening. Pandemic responses from Australia’s eight states and territories have differed significantly, creating policy confusion, mixed messages, and a lack of clarity that was reflected in opaque definitions of “essential” workers and work (Blakely et al., 2020). The effects of the pandemic have been felt particularly profoundly in the higher education sector; previously Australia’s third largest export industry, and the highest non-mining export (Blackmore, 2020). Government policy was changed multiple times to ensure public universities could not access financial support designed to mitigate against job losses, though four private universities – and New York University’s Sydney campus – were able to access this funding program (Duffy, 2020). University staff across the country, including teacher educators, voted on proposals that saw them take pay cuts and lose hard-won working conditions in an effort to minimize job losses due to the financial impact of COVID-19 – many of which eventuated regardless, when an estimated 17,300+ Australian higher education staff members lost their jobs in 2020 (Universities Australia, 2021). Alongside the lack of support for universities was an open hostility toward international students, who were told by Prime Minister Scott Morrison to “go home” if they were unable to financially support themselves during the pandemic (Blackmore, 2020; Nguyen & Balakrishnan, 2020). Rather than a government-led, policy-driven, and coordinated effort, individual universities were then left to support those students. Research highlighted the inadequacy of the systemic support available for international students, suggesting that “since the beginning of the pandemic, international students have been struggling with basic needs such as paying rent and having food on the table” (Nguyen & Balakrishnan, 2020, p. 1373). The initial outbreak in March 2020 had a significant impact on teacher education with most universities “pivoting” to online learning immediately – lasting most of the year for many students around the country. Indeed, 2021 has seen many universities preparing for a return to face-to-face teaching under COVID-safe protocols for the first time. University staff were classified as non-essential workers and universities were shut down (Scull et al., 2020). Our university, Monash, was among the first in Australia to respond to the crisis. They first postponed the semester commencement date, and then changed delivery mode to online learning and embarked on significant outreach work to those international students stranded outside the country, or inside with a lack of systemic support available to them.

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COVID-19’s Impact on Teachers and Teacher Education in Australia Teacher Education Teacher education was in a state of flux during the pandemic. Universities closed their campuses early in 2020 and nobody knew at the outset how long those closures would last. Teacher educators felt a significant responsibility to their students which was heightened by “a generalised, almost existential anxiety” (Ellis et al., 2020, p. 559) about their own experiences. A number of shifts have occurred in policy and practice that are intended to mitigate the effects of COVID-19 on teacher education in Australia. Concerns arose that the pandemic could affect preservice teacher progression and graduation, holding subsequent implications for teacher workforce staffing. Teacher education placements were disrupted, with our own university reporting that 960 out of 1000 placements were cancelled when schools moved to remote learning (Scull et al., 2020). The flow-on effect of this held significant implications for the teaching workforce. To ensure preservice teachers progressed through their studies as scheduled, universities, and school systems reimagined the practicum experience so students could still attain the number of hours of professional experience required to complete their studies and be registered as teachers. Students undertook virtual placements, and teacher education shifted to remote delivery to ensure there would be as little disruption as possible (Scull et al., 2020). The approaches undertaken by Australian teacher educators echo global trends of innovations being undertaken in teacher education in response to rapidly shifting policy conditions – all while university staff were “running on empty” (Ellis et al., 2020).

Teachers Australian teachers experienced many of the same hardships and disruptions as their international colleagues, reporting a range of challenges, such as access to technology, adapting to new working models, and teaching from home around caring responsibilities; risks, particularly around the prospect of returning to school sites; and tolls to their physical and mental health. A national survey undertaken by researchers from the Melbourne Graduate School of Education at the University of Melbourne found that two-thirds of teachers reported working increased hours, some an additional 20 h per week (Ziebell et al., 2020). Teachers’ concerns fell within broad categories which included the demands of teaching; the quality of learning; personal health and well-being; and equity of student access to resources and support (Ziebell et al., 2020). Aside from the pressures of overhauling their practice, many teachers held fears for their health and safety when return-to-site dates loomed. A survey of teachers in

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the Australian state of New South Wales found that fewer than one in four teachers felt safe working on site in the first quarter of 2020, while 95% felt safest working from home (Wilson & Maude, 2020). Most teachers reported feeling pressure from their government to return to the physical classroom while the risk of contracting Covid remained relatively high, and many reported an inadequate supply of PPE in their workplaces, including basics like soap and sanitizer (Wilson & Maude, 2020). Many teachers felt that their concerns were not being heard, particularly when provided with false reassurance that their workplaces were safe, despite schools not being necessarily able to implement safety measures such as recommended physical distancing (Hooker, 2020). Further, teachers found themselves positioned as “essential workers” – a label assigned to employees of a range of occupations whose work was deemed crucial to the continued function of the nation (Dunn, 2020). However, teachers’ status as essential to the functioning of the Australian economy was complicated and undermined by reported lack of support and safety measures (Gorman, 2020). The Covid-19 pandemic exposed many underlying tensions in how the teaching workforce is deployed to meet economic and political aspirations, with minimal resourcing and support offered in return.

Policy Tensions During Covid-19 A number of particular tensions arose during the pandemic in Australia, including a struggle for power between Federal and State governments, policy confusion about rules that appeared not to apply to education settings, and adverse effects on students and teachers.

Struggles for Policy Influence Australia’s education system is governed by each state and territory, but policy moves over the years have shown a federalization of education as played out through national funding models, national targets, national curriculum, and national standards for teachers and school leaders. Over time, states have ceded some control over their systems and policies, but the pandemic returned governance and policy to the hands of the states in many respects. Though a National Cabinet was established to ostensibly create consistency in policy responses to Covid-19, the pandemic has played out very differently from state to state, and State governments soon took different approaches than those recommended by the Federal government. There were significant tensions between the policy responses of the Federal Government and the states that enacted remote schooling during lockdowns. For example, while the Federal Government responded to calls for school closures by commissioning research to highlight the impact on vulnerable learners (Drane et al., 2020), the Victorian government swiftly moved students to remote learning during 2020’s lockdowns, which continued in 2021 with snap lockdowns shifting schools back

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to remote learning. The Federal government – particularly Australia’s Prime Minister, Scott Morrison – publicly commented on Victoria’s remote schooling and recommended a return to face-to-face learning, citing that evidence of schoolbased transmissions was limited. Morrison pushed for a return to face-to-face schooling as a “key factor in facilitating the return of many Australians to work” (Maguire & McNamara, 2020).

Policy Tensions Affecting Teachers A particular policy tension that arose was a sense that evidence-based policies, such as the requirement to social distance, that applied in some places, including offices and supermarkets, did not seem to apply to schools or education settings, with little clarity about why this might be the case. This caused confusion for educators and heightened anxieties for those working in schools, or with school-aged children. The government’s announcement of increased social distancing policies at the same time as recommending schools be kept open was read as an “inferred exemption” from measures being introduced to stem the spread of the virus (Leask & Hooker, 2020). For example, social distancing was recommended in workplaces and gatherings of over 100 people were banned – except in schools, where groups of these sizes would routinely gather (Hooker, 2020). Concerns were raised by Morrison about children infecting grandparents, without any mention of those same children potentially infecting teachers of the same age (Hooker, 2020). Further, social distancing was required between adults in staff-rooms, but not while in classrooms with students (Davey, 2020). Researchers called for better risk communication, care, and clarity in messaging to reduce some of the public anxiety around these hotly contested issues (Leask & Hooker, 2020). The policy confusion and lack of clarity in messaging compounded the effects of the pandemic itself by heightening anxiety for teachers, teacher educators, and students.

Student Impacts Serious concerns have been raised about student mental health and well-being as a result of Covid-19. Anxiety disorders are the most common mental health challenge among young Australians, and student well-being was a significant point of policy tension during the pandemic. Researchers noted that over 80% of students around the world were undertaking remote learning which held risks of social isolation (Page et al., 2021), and that the loss of school connectedness exacerbated psychological distress for young people (Drane et al., 2020). These conditions raised particular challenges for students who needed structure and routine (Page et al., 2021). Further challenges faced by students included an exacerbated equity divide for Australian students’ access to remote learning opportunities. Evidence suggests that Australia’s “digital divide” is significant. Less than 40% of households in

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disadvantaged areas are connected to the internet, as opposed to over 90% of advantaged houses (Drane et al., 2020). Tensions were evident between policies that have sustained the equity divide in Australia over time, and policies which now called for remote learning. Australian states with high pockets of disadvantage shifted to teaching via television to ensure wider access for students, while other schools delivered laptops and devices to students who did not otherwise have access (Page et al., 2021) and schools and governments funded internet access to those students (Selwyn, 2020).

Implications for Policy and Practice We see a number of key areas that need to be addressed into the future in response to the issues highlighted by Covid-19 in Australian education. These issues were exacerbated by Covid-19 but they did already exist within the policy landscape. We pose these below as provocations and areas for further attention.

Improving Infrastructure and Access Predictions abound that schooling will become more flexible into the future now that hybrid modes of education have been introduced (Cowden et al., 2020). Issues of the “digital divide” and access to opportunities for technology-supported learning need to be addressed into the future to ensure that students in both formal schooling and teacher education are provided with equitable opportunities to engage in learning. The proportion of students who were unable to access internet-based learning opportunities was significant, and while there were workarounds in place via television programming, or schools independently providing necessary hardware and software, it is clear that this type of infrastructure needs to be prioritized as a fundamental issue of access and equity.

Rethinking Progress and Achievement Given the evidence about increased pressure and anxiety for students (both in schooling and in higher education) during the pandemic, it can be argued that some of the source of this pressure can be attributed to discourses about learning loss, time lost, and students falling behind. There should now be a move beyond a replication of learning (Gasevic, 2020), a shift in the narrative from a focus on “time lost” and a resistance to some of the pressures that were already evident in education. This would enable a collective pushback against the standardized assumptions that exist about growth and achievement in education. To do so would potentially have positive implications for engagement, workload, and well-being for all involved.

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Workload and Well-Being for Teachers and Teacher Educators Even before the pandemic, concerns about wellbeing were already at critical levels for teachers and academics (teacher educators) alike (Bell et al., 2012; Rajendran et al., 2020; Thomson, 2020; Vesty et al., 2018). The pandemic significantly increased workloads for teachers and teacher educators who were “running on empty” (Ellis et al., 2020). There were calls for teachers and academics to practice self-care during the pandemic, but without any systematic support or reduction in workload largely being available to people. Given the fundamental shifts toward more flexible forms of schooling and teacher education, such as blended, asynchronous, and self-directed learning models that are evident and predicted to continue into the future, any discussion about reimagining education must be underpinned by a commitment to rethinking and reducing workload for teachers and teacher educators, so that their role is manageable and so that systemic support can be built into new models and ways of working in education. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought these issues into stark relief, and exacerbated the effects, but these particular policy and practice challenges were already embedded into the education landscape in Australia. Media commentary, education experts, and system leaders are regularly seen talking about reimagining education into a post-pandemic world, and we believe these areas – fundamentally questions of equity and social justice – are of critical importance to any discussion about rethinking policy or practice into the future.

Summary and Policy Lessons in a Time of ‘Crisis’ What we see in these four accounts is a complex and sometimes contrasting set of policy outcomes in response to the “crisis” of the pandemic. “Policies become differently embedded in national systems of educational policymaking” (Ball, 2021, p. 48) because of a range of key contextual factors, regardless of policy drivers, even powerful ones like Covid-19. The role of place and space in enacting policies is always critical, if not always recognized. Australia’s federal organization across a massive land mass means that there have been mixed messages and different approaches in the eight different states. In smaller, more compact, national settings like Norway, social policy is more cohesive and able to draw on common shared values such as “dugnad” to promote enactment. One crucial influence is the capacity and skills of the teaching profession in enacting policy. In settings such as Japan and Greece, some gaps in teacher skills have interrupted digital approaches toward coping with the Covid “crisis.” Another key factor relates to available resources. In three of the four settings there have been difficulties with resourcing to limit the pandemic (shortages in vaccines as well as protective clothing and reductions in riskadverse strategies such as social distancing in schools). There have also been shortages in hardware as well as problems of connectivity in some settings. Policies are often proposed by national governments that assume a level playing field and equal access to resources even where this is signally not the case. Overall, policies

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are constructed with an eye to local histories, previous strategies (path dependency) and to patterns of materiality and economic capacity to act effectively (as with the case of Norway). All these points are evidenced in the four accounts laid out in this chapter. The central importance of technology and the capacity of teachers to enlist the support that this can bring toward teaching in a time of “crisis” has been crucial and has been a point for discussion in all four accounts. Technology may be everywhere but if teachers are less able or willing to deploy this provision, as in Greece for example, then it matters little that it is available. In the future, in some settings, it may well be that preservice teacher education will have to devote a greater proportion of time toward supporting IT competences for those choosing to become school teachers. Certainly, teacher education has seen unprecedented change in technological matters. The hurried and urgent move to online education has intensified workloads for staff as they have had to work rapidly to move their teaching content and resources online. In doing so, many teachers and trainee teachers have become more confident and adept at sharing and developing their own technological expertise with other educators and professionals, in what Allen et al. (2020a, b, p. 233) have referred to as “professional development in a time of urgency.” Across the globe, one of the key elements in becoming a teacher is the schoolbased practice experience. The four nations detailed here have all undergone a sequence of school lockdowns that have interrupted and disrupted the practicum element of their programs. While attempts have been made to compensate for this, particularly by supporting trainee teachers in online teaching, a fascinating point of contrast that has emerged is the case of Japan. Here there has been little impact from the Covid “crisis” mainly because the (fairly short) teaching practice requirements were moved into the following academic year. In all the other settings, it seems that teaching-practice became a pressure point for new kinds of policy solutions. It is evident that there will be a range of additional post-Covid policy concerns that will need direct policy attention, such as learning loss and teacher well-being. For example, teacher surveys in many countries (e.g., OECD, 2020b; ES, 2021) have reported high levels of teacher stress, a relentless workload with some considering leaving the profession altogether, unable to cope with the pressures of remote teaching (Phillips & Cain, 2020). While learning loss was only highlighted in the Australian case, it is a key policy concern in the global north as well as the global south (UNICEF, 2021). Teachers and teacher education will have to explore ways of ameliorating for these problems. Alongside the learning “gap” there are a wide range of mental health issues that will also need more policy attention – for children and school students, their teachers and their teachers in training. One outcome may be that future teacher training programs will offer greater support to trainee teachers to assist them with maintaining their own health and life-work balance matters – a point that was made in each setting. In conclusion, it seems to us that the “crisis” of Covid-19 has revealed the persistence of some long-standing policy problems and many of these relate to inequality, injustice, and lack of real commitment to refashioning education provision. In policy terms, it remains to be seen how the “problem” of the Covid-19 crisis

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influences future pathways into teaching and in-service teacher education in the future, as well as to consider and analyze what creative changes generated by the pandemic survive to pattern new teacher education programs.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Initial Teacher Education in the Current Moment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theories of Social Justice and Schooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nancy Fraser: Redistribution, Recognition, and Representation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amartya Sen: A Capability Approach to Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Inequalities Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social Justice in the Classroom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Becoming an Activist Professional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education Cohorts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions: Constraints and Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter aims to provoke discussion and debate about initial teacher education and social justice. We begin with an exploration of ITE in the current moment. Global trends in the preparation of future teachers provide a sense of what is achievable or not in terms of providing preservice teachers with a curriculum that has a focus on social justice. We then outline some theories of social justice and debates within the educational field with which we think preservice teachers need to engage. We then demonstrate how some of these theories inform classroom practices. Following this, we explore some of the contextual factors that affect teachers’ abilities to make a difference in the classroom and key social justice debates with which teachers as professionals M. Mills (QUT & UCL) Queensland University of Technology, Australia and University College London, Brisbane, Australia B. Lingard (*) (ACU & UQ) Australian Catholic University and University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_47

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need to be concerned. We also recognize that teacher education as a field needs to consider the ways in which potential teachers are treated justly. The last section of the chapter details what all these considerations might mean for the ways in which teacher education programs are organized and how preservice teachers are supported in these programs. While our focus is on social justice, we cannot ignore the impact of teacher practices and teacher education on social injustices. Keywords

Initial teacher education · Social justice · Inequalities

Introduction Concerns about education and social justice have a long history (Cochran-Smith, 2010; Hobbel & Bales, 2018). When it comes to initial teacher education (ITE) and social justice, there are several questions that need to be asked: What do we need to include in ITE programs to ensure that future teachers develop an understanding of social justice theories? Understandings of social justice are complex and there are multiple theories that explore its meaning. How can we ensure that prospective teachers can apply their understandings of social justice to their classroom practices? Pedagogy, curriculum, and assessment have all been complicit in reproducing inequalities and in the marginalization of particular student groups. How do we encourage pre-service teachers to think beyond their own classrooms to broader issues of educational in/justice? Injustice, and its remedies, does not solely lie within the classroom or indeed within the school, broader contextual factors are also at play. And for those in initial teacher education, how do we ensure that preservice teachers are treated in socially just ways? Preservice teachers are not an homogenous group, issues of race, ethnicity, class, gender identity, sexual identity, physical ability, and their various intersections all shape their relations with their teacher education providers and school practicum experiences. In this chapter, we engage with these questions, not in an attempt to provide answers, but to provoke discussion and debate about initial teacher education and social justice. In the chapter, we take the position articulated by Connell (1993, p.15) when she argued that social justice is not an “add-on, but fundamental to a good education.” Her reasoning for this is that schools are major public assets and as such how they distribute their benefits matters, that schools help to shape the kind of society we live in and that curriculum decisions demonstrate a society’s values. Connell (1993) argued that any educational provision in a putative democracy that privileges one child over another is antidemocratic and sullies and degrades the education of all, including those who benefit from educational privileges in both funding and provision. Specifically, Connell (1993, p. 15) noted, “An education that privileges one child over another is giving the privileged child a corrupted education, even as it gives him or her a social or economic advantage.” For Connell, teaching – pedagogical practices – and schooling are moral activities. They are central to achieving

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social justice and democracy in the broader society. This means that policy for democratic schooling must be much more than simply about distributive justice, that is, who gets what; serious consideration must also be given to the what of education, the curriculum. She suggested further that socially just schooling and policy in a democracy should focus on the needs of the most disadvantaged through redistributed funding, staffing, and the like. These matters of broader socioeconomic inequalities are often neglected in political talk about improving learning for all in schools (Sellar & Lingard, 2014), as is the pressing need for redistributive funding. We argue here that teacher education is implicated in matters of injustice and justice, while acknowledging that teachers must work within the limits of formal curriculum and evidence-informed pedagogical practices (Holloway & Hedegaard, 2021).

Initial Teacher Education in the Current Moment Initial teacher education is regularly constructed by governments as a policy problem (Darling-Hammond & Lieberman, 2012). This conception of the field has manifested in many reviews of teacher education and more regulation of teacher education programs and of the teaching profession in various nations across the globe. For example, Savage and Lingard (2018, p. 64) writing about ITE in Australia note that “Teacher education is one of the most heavily reviewed and contested domains of Australian public policy” (see also Mayer, 2014). Teacher education has been held responsible for graduating teachers not capable of ensuring a nation is competitive within international testing regimes, for not preparing teachers to adequately manage the behavior of their students, of spending too much time on theory rather than on practice and being ideologically driven. Policy responses to this problem have led to changes designed to improve the quality of entrants into teacher education, to changes and new and tighter regulations in the teacher education curriculum and to an increased emphasis on practice in teacher education programs; the latter has manifested as more time in schools, less time in university, and less focus on theory. In terms of reviews of teacher education, we are thinking, for example, of the Carter Review of Initial Teacher Training (Carter, 2015) in the UK and in Australia Action Now: Classroom Ready Teachers (TEMAG, 2014). The titles of these two reports indicate something of the types of policies for teacher education now favored by governments, namely, a focus on training as opposed to a broader education and a focus on classroom management as opposed to broadly educated preservice teachers. This is an instrumental push for a narrow “what works” approach to teacher education. Linked to this has been greater government regulation of actual teacher education programs. Two more recent reviews in these two nations indicate this trend as well. In mid-2021, the Initial Teacher Training (ITT) Market Review Report (DfE, 2021) was released by England’s Department for Education. The depiction of the provision of teacher education as a market is indicative here of a particular neoliberal economistic framing of public policy. At the time of writing, the Quality

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Initial Teacher Education discussion paper (DESE, 2021) was released. This chapter works with the now dominant discourse of the centrality of teacher quality to quality learning for all students (OECD, 2005) and a bracketing out of structural inequalities that have impact on particular young people and their engagement and success or otherwise at school. In Australia, the Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL), established in 2010, sets the framework for all teacher education programs in the nation and teacher education programs have to be accredited by state-based teacher institutes which use the AITSL framework. This national approach to teacher regulation and ITE reflects in the context of globalization the rescaling to the national level in a policy domain that sits under the jurisdiction of the states and territories in Australia. The AITSL regulation documents standards for each stage of the teaching career, notably, graduate, proficient, highly accomplished, and lead. The graduate-level standards have important flow-on effects in teacher education programs in the nation and their accreditation. In the USA, under President Obama, the Race to the Top (2009) federal reforms of schooling in a somewhat similar rescaling fashion demanded more teacher and teacher education accountability based on systematic collection of performance data. In England, there is a government mandated Initial Teacher Training: Core content framework (DfE, 2019), which sets the course/curriculum framework for all accredited teacher education (training) programs in that country. It is only through such accredited teacher training/education programs in England that teachers can gain Qualified Teacher Status. There is also in England an Early Career Framework for early career teachers. This is another clear indication of state regulation of teacher education and the teaching profession, teaching as a state profession. The latter developments are linked to broader policy changes in education that have emphasized test-based modes of school and teacher accountability, curriculum priority given to literacy and numeracy, standards, performance assessments, and in some nations teacher testing (Savage & Lingard, 2018; Mayer & Mills, 2021). Despite the heavy government regulation of teacher education and the teacher education curriculum in England, teacher education functions in a highly deregulated way. On this point, Mayer and Mills (2021, p. 54) observe, “Teacher Education in England operates in a highly deregulated market as demonstrated through multiple routes into teaching (including in some instances no engagement with HEIs). . . and the discretion on the part of some schools to employ non-qualified teachers.” They argue that the regulation of the teacher education curriculum and the deregulated provision of teacher education together contribute to a deprofessionalization of teachers in that nation. There are similar tendencies in other nations, including Australia, for example. In this age of regulation of teacher education programs, in many locations, there is very little autonomy, if any, for teacher educators in universities to structure programs in particular ways; in a sense, the curriculum of teacher education programs is almost mandated. In that context, many of the types of understandings and dispositions, which we consider necessary to producing socially just teachers for the schools, have been eliminated even when teacher educators see the necessity of

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such programs. For example, courses in the sociology of education, once central in teacher education programs, are no longer offered and it was these courses that enabled a focus on social justice in schooling. We deal with these matters below, when considering models of social justice and inequalities. The ITE policy problem has combined with another serious policy problem in many locations, a shortage of teachers brought about through a lack of attraction to and retention in teaching (Craig, 2017). In some locations, this has led to the introduction of fast-track teacher education programs (such as the Teach for America/Teach first model) (Thomas et al., 2020), where there is a focus on high-quality graduates and extensive classroom practice over university contact and courses. However, in other locations, for example, Ireland and Australia, changes have led to postgraduate programs in initial teacher education increasing from a one year postgraduate certificate/diploma in education following on from an undergraduate degree to a two years Masters degree. While the latter has seen future teachers having to engage in research and with more theory, additional funding for such programs has not been forthcoming. The shortage of teachers in many nations around the globe will also put pressure on these extended programs. We would argue, though, that the inclusion of research in these teacher education Masters degree programs is significant and a potential step towards creating a “researchinformed and research-informing” teaching profession (Lingard & Renshaw, 2010, pp. 26–39). However, the policy climate surrounding teacher education programs, at least in England and Australia, but also elsewhere (Darling-Hammond & Lieberman, 2012; Savage & Lingard, 2018), appears to be, in Mayer and Mills’ (2021) words, one of the derision and mistrust.

Theories of Social Justice and Schooling Many within the education sector stress the importance of contributing to a more socially just society. However, what constitutes social justice is often not defined, nor are the pathways to achieving it made clear. Within the social justice literature, there are theories that can be characterized as primarily “distributive” (Rawls, 1999) or “recognitive” (Young, 1990), or as “intersectional” (Hill Collins, 2019) or comprehensive (Fraser, 2009; Sen, 2011). On top of these, there are theories of social justice that focus, for example, on “spatial justice” (Soja, 2010), “contributive justice” (Gomberg, 2007), “affective justice” (Lynch, 2020), and “environmental justice” (Walker, 2012). Each of these various theories also has critics. Deciding which of these theories to address in an already crowded ITE curriculum is a significant challenge for teacher education programs concerned with social justice. These accounts are all what we might see as “transcendental” accounts of social justice. Another way of considering social justice is to focus on injustice (Sen, 2011). Sen (2011, p. vii) suggests that all human beings have a “strong perception of manifest injustice.” He argues that a more effective politics would be to focus on inequalities rather than spending all of our time on philosophical considerations of social justice. While acknowledging Sen’s point here, we also think spending time

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on philosophical considerations of social justice is a worthwhile intellectual activity. Savage (2021) in his recent book, The Return of Inequality, takes a similar stance to that of Sen, emphasizing the usefulness of focusing on inequalities. In this chapter, we will deal with both. A consideration of the philosophical ways of considering social justice seems to be necessary in the current context where it seems that the concept has been metricized as simply the strength of the correlation between students’ social class or socio-economic backgrounds and scores on high stakes testing (Lingard et al., 2014). Given this is the case, we see a real need to retether social justice to a defensible philosophical account, as well as focusing on manifest injustices. The initial teacher education curriculum does not have the space or time to address all of the complexities and debates contained within the literature on social justice and on injustices, although we do hope that there are opportunities for teachers to engage with these as they progress through their careers, when they study for higher degrees and in professional development programs. What we suggest is that preservice teachers be exposed to some theories of social justice, to be provided with understandings that these are contested and that they engage with educational research that has utilized these theories. We explore two key theories here and demonstrate how they have been used to interrogate the social justice implications of diverse educational debates. We also focus on the matter of inequalities.

Nancy Fraser: Redistribution, Recognition, and Representation Nancy Fraser’s work on social justice has been employed by many within education (Keddie, 2012; Blackmore, 2016; Mills & McGregor, 2014). As a theory it helps to explain, among a number of other things, why social class matters in terms of engagement with and outcomes from schooling, with the ways in which difference (e.g., ethnic, racial, gender, sexualities, (dis)abilities) affects both young people’s and teachers’ experience of learning and working within a school environment and why schools most often do not support democratic forms of organization and representation. Fraser (2009, 16) defines social justice as “parity of participation.” Justice she says: . . . requires social arrangements that permit all to participate as peers in social life. Overcoming injustice means dismantling institutionalised obstacles that prevent some people from participating on a par with others, as full partners in social interaction. (Fraser, 2009, 16)

Her three dimensional model – stressing redistribution, recognition, and representation – works on the assumption that these “instutionalized obstacles” are brought about through distinctive types of injustice, albeit interrelated: economic, cultural, and political. For Fraser, economic injustice occurs when there is a “maldistribution” of resources and income, causing poverty and financial marginalization. Addressing

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such forms of injustice requires a “redistribution” of resources and income; in schooling, the need for redistributive funding for schools serving disadvantaged communities. Cultural injustice is brought about by “misrecognition,” whereby people feel discriminated against because of their gender identity, sexuality, race/ ethnicity, religion, physical attributes, and so on. Such misrecognition can occur through overt forms of oppression and through silences that make people invisible within a dominant cultural norm, processes which “other” them. Addressing these types of injustice, she says, requires active “recognition.” Political injustice occurs when those affected by maldistribution or misrecognition are unable to make justice claims. Her argument in relation to the latter grew out of work concerned by the ways in which globalization and the reconfiguration of the nation states of the Global North (what she calls the Westphalian State) had led to many in the Global South unable to make justice claims. For example, when transglobal companies shift the locus of their production in order to maximize their profits, workers left behind have nowhere to go to seek redress. However, this “misrepresentation” also occurs wherever particular groups have no right to input into decisions that affect them. Tackling such an injustice requires “representation.” More recently, Fraser (2013) has considered further the significance of globalization and the emergence of the post-Westphalian state for social justice politics around intersecting matters of redistribution, recognition, and representation and the ways in which progressive politics have been largely consumed by identity politics (the politics of recognition) to the neglect of class politics and matters of economic (re)distribution and those of representation. Additionally, she makes the point that globalization has widened the frame of where claims for more justice can be made, within the nation but also globally. These forms of injustice are all interlinked and intersect. For example, women in the workplace are often paid less than their male counterparts and are more likely to experience poverty than are men (economic injustice), are more likely to experience sexual harassment in the workplace, street, or home (cultural injustice), and have less say in political processes, in decision-making in the workplace and often home (political injustice). (The situation in most countries of the Global North is of course worse for women of color and Indigenous women.) However, Fraser does argue that these forms of injustice are distinctive. For example, while it is unusual for these manifestations of injustice not to intersect, it is possible to imagine scenarios, where, for example, a gay man experiences cultural injustice but neither economic nor political injustice, where a working class man experiences economic injustice but neither cultural nor political injustices, and where a young man experiences political injustice, but neither economic nor cultural injustice. Their distinctiveness, especially in relation to the first two forms of injustice, has meant that the remedies need to be considered differently. For economic justice to occur, economic differences have to be minimized, whereas for cultural justice to occur difference has to be celebrated. Fraser’s framework has been useful for a number of educational researchers (see for example Vincent, 2019). This has been demonstrated in the field of leadership where Keddie and Holloway (2020) explore the impact of two Australian principals’

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attempts to address the economic injustices in their schools, in Wang’s (2016) investigation of principals’ understandings of social justice in the Canadian city of Toronto, and in Blackmore’s (2016) work on how school leaders mobilize discourses of social justice in their everyday work. Fraser has been employed by those investigating the marginalization of Black and minority ethnic students (Cazden, 2012). those excluded from school (Mills et al., 2016), and to develop theories of teacher education (Cochran-Smith, 2010; Hobbel & Bales, 2018). Provided with a theory of social justice, preservice teachers will be able to think about and theorize their own classroom practices, experiences of schooling, and wider policy agendas that are having impact in schools and classrooms. With these tools, they will be able to consider why it is that certain groups of students reap the benefits of schooling, while others are excluded from school (formally and informally) and any such benefits. They can engage with broader questions about education, such as the purposes of schooling. They will be able to consider the place of topics such as consent education, critical race theory, bullying, and addressing extremism in the school curriculum. In so doing, they will be able to determine courses of action by which they and their schools can put in place sets of remedies that address maldistribution, misrecognition, and misrepresentation.

Amartya Sen: A Capability Approach to Social Justice Another key social justice theory that has been taken up in the field of education is the capability approach advocated by the Nobel Prize winning economist, Amartya Sen (2009) (see for example, Walker, 2006; Walker & Unterhalter, 2010; Hart, 2019). The success of education in this framework is measured by the more equal distribution across all school populations of various capabilities, those thought necessary to maximize the freedom, and opportunities for individuals to choose a satisfactory life course. Sen’s approach emphasizes the freedom all people should have to live lives they value. In a broader sense, in terms of development theory, Sen (1999) has also argued that development’s central goal is not simply a stronger economy, but that it should be about allowing more people the practice of freedom. His approach to development then is a capability one. Sen’s approach downplays the significance of economic riches and plays up instead the enhancement of choice and human well-being. Freedom for Sen is linked to what he calls capabilities, and it is the distribution of certain capabilities through schooling that are necessary for the maximum number of people to live valued lives and practice freedom. Appadurai (2013) has argued in a similar fashion that the distribution of what he calls the “capacity to aspire” is uneven across the population, across the rich and poor, and that central to addressing poverty and its effects is enabling the capacity to aspire in poor populations. The philosopher, Nussbaum (2000, 2011), has actually elaborated ten core capabilities (life, health, bodily integrity, imagination, emotions, practical reason, affiliation, relations with other species, play, and control over environment) she sees as central to the achievement of human dignity, an approach rejected by Sen, who sees these as necessarily more

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open-ended and idiosyncratic to specific contexts. Walker (2006), writing about capabilities and higher education and drawing on both Sen and Nussbaum, lists practical reason, emotional resilience, knowledge, and imagination as core capabilities linked to desired outcomes from higher education. The capability approach has had effects in schooling systems. The Australian curriculum as well as taking a discipline-based framework also stresses the importance of General Capabilities that are important in and of themselves and which cut across all of the eight learning areas of the Australian national curriculum. These include literacy and numeracy, information and communication technology, critical and creative thinking, personal and social capability, and ethical understanding and intercultural understanding. In a sense, a capabilities approach to social justice in and through schooling suggests that there are certain capabilities that all should gain from schooling, irrespective of backgrounds, academic success, and different futures.

An Inequalities Approach A final and necessary focus in teacher education is on inequalities in the society and as manifest through schooling. Here student teachers need access to the voluminous research in the sociology of education that has documented the impacts of social class background on opportunities and performance in and through schooling, as well as on class-based outcomes. This has been the central redemptive project of this academic field. Yet, we know that with tighter state regulations of teacher education degrees that sociology of education as a compulsory course has been deleted or excised from most teacher education programs. Yet the insights from that field need to be included in teacher education programs, along with developments in that field that emphasize intersectionality of social class with gender, sexualities, ethnicity, indigeneity, ability/disability, and so on, and their impact on access to, performance in, and outcomes from schooling. Piketty (2014) in his best-selling tome, Capital in the in the Twenty-First Century, documents unequivocally the growth of inequality in the post-Keynesian period post the end of the Cold War in all of the developed nations. Savage (2021) takes up this argument as well and suggests that recent work documenting the differences in wealth and income between the top one percent and the rest has had substantial impact on activist politics around such matters. This societal inequality has seen a strengthening of the correlation between students’ class background and school performance. Chmielewski (2019, pp. 517–544) has outlined, drawing on empirical analyses of PISA performance data, “the global increase in the socioeconomic achievement gap, 1964–2015” in participating nations. There is a huge amount of evidence, drawing on national and international large scale testing data, which confirms the strength of the social class and test score correlations. Student teachers need to be aware of these data and how to read and interpret them as a basis for reflecting upon their pedagogical practices. There is evidence as well that pedagogical practices that fail to be intellectually demanding function so as to reproduce rather than interrupt the production of inequalities through schooling (Hayes et al.,

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2006; Lingard, 2007). Bourdieu and Passeron (1964/1979, p. 76), for example, wrote about the need for a “rational pedagogy” that eschews class-based cultural capitals, that is, for them a particular approach to curriculum construction such as the capabilities approach is not sufficient to ensure socially just outcomes; a particular kind of pedagogy is centrally important as well (also see Hayes et al., 2006). There is also a need for preservice teachers to know about the policy interventions that have been utilized to date to attempt, in both policy and pedagogical terms, to have schooling actually match the social justice rhetoric that frames its purposes. School funding is an important issue here and particularly so in the Australian education policy context (Reid, 2019). There is also a great need for preservice teachers to understand contemporary policy settings that ensure inequalities are reproduced rather than ameliorated. Bonnor et al. (2021) have demonstrated clearly the impact of growing inequality on social justice through schooling in the Australian context. They note that with the current policy settings emphasizing school choice, competition between schools (a variant of what is common throughout the developed world) that “the current Australian school system is concentrating disadvantaged students in disadvantaged schools” (p. ii) with the effect of exacerbating inequalities through schooling. We note, though, that the focus on inequalities and schooling should not be dealt with in ITE programs in a way that denies the possibilities of teacher practices and resistances to the discursive and material inequities of contemporary policy frames. As Bourdieu (2008, pp. 52–53) noted, just as the law of gravity enables us to fly, so “knowing the laws of reproduction” gives us “a chance, however small, of minimizing the reproductive effect of the educational institution.” Hope is important here and its necessity in the dispositions of student teachers is well grasped in the American poet, Emily Dickinson’s commentary, “‘Hope’ is the thing with feathers – That perches in the soul – And sings the tune without the words – And never stops – at all.”

Social Justice in the Classroom Many of the teacher standards around the world argue that preservice teachers require an appropriate level of subject knowledge, pedagogical practices (including pedagogical content knowledge), an understanding of assessment principles, and a knowledge of the students in their classrooms (see for example, DfE, 2011; AITSL, 2019). These are all important. However, a socially just approach to the classroom requires that each of these areas is underpinned by a concern for how they impact upon the most marginalized in the classroom (see Mills et al., 2021). This concern relates to curriculum, pedagogy, assessment, and classroom and school organizational practices. While teachers do need a grasp of their subject content, given the breadth of the curriculum across subject areas through primary and secondary school, it would be expecting too much of preservice teachers to have an in-depth knowledge of all of the content which they will later be expected to teach. However, it is not beyond a reasonable expectation that they consider the implications of selecting certain

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knowledge for engagement in the classroom. For example, a socially just curriculum would mean that all school students experience a high quality and demanding curriculum where they are introduced to important disciplinary knowledges and practices. They would come to understand that knowledge is socially and politically constructed. They would, as Noddings (2006, p. 290) has argued, be exposed to new forms of knowledge that inspire wonderment. Anything less, especially if those from, for example, low socioeconomic communities receive a less rich curriculum than more affluent communities, would be an example of maldistribution. What knowledge to include in the school curriculum though is contested and often decided by curriculum authorities upon which teachers are unable to exert much influence. However, it is important that teachers can take a critical approach to the official curriculum and operate within the spaces it provides to ensure that it does not contribute to injustice and indeed may enhance “parity of participation.” This would suggest that preservice teachers be introduced to debates about powerful knowledges (Young, 2008, 2013) and about “funds of knowledge” (González, 2005; see also Zipin et al., 2012), including calls to decolonize the curriculum. The importance of these debates is very much grounded in what Fraser (1995) called a distribution-difference dilemma. Sen’s (2011) conception of social justice would suggest that all students should be entitled to the capabilities necessary to being an active and informed citizen and be able to participate actively in politics, work, and the social. While it is clear that a focus on powerful knowledges provides all students, not just those from privileged backgrounds, with the cultural capital that facilitates access to a privileged further education and employment opportunities, it can also work to marginalize forms of knowledge valued by those from the nondominant cultural backgrounds. A socially just curriculum then would thus also seek to make subject material meaningful to young people by also building upon the different background knowledges of the students and their communities (different funds of knowledge), by making connections to the world beyond the classroom, and by considering how knowledge is shaped by different worldviews. This curriculum would also seek to create opportunities for young people to make a difference to their worlds through the exercise of active citizenship (see Hayes et al., 2006). Hence, as Cochran-Smith (2010, p. 456) has claimed: From the perspective of social justice, then, the knowledge teachers need includes much of the traditional canon of school knowledge, but also includes critiquing the universality of traditional knowledge in the first place. . . and teaching students to do the same.

Except in the most extreme cases of teachers having to work with “teacher proofed” curricula, there are possibilities for exerting some influence over the materials introduced into the classroom and facilitating criticality of knowledge presented. This then raises issue of pedagogical decision-making, which can entail the selection of subject matter for classroom delivery, ensuring that all students are challenged intellectually, not just those who are already achieving high grades, and creating an inclusive environment where differences among students in the classroom are valued

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and respected (Hayes et al., 2006). Preservice teachers will also need to consider socially just pedagogical approaches to the coverage of controversial issues, which can be part of the formal curriculum or come up incidentally in any classroom (see for example, Jerome & Elwick, 2020). Such issues include engaging with extremist viewpoints (Taylor et al., 2021), sex education and consent (Bragg et al., 2021), conspiracy theories (Jolley et al., 2021), and certain political debates (e.g., Brexit, same sex marriage, abortion). Preservice teachers will be required to engage with the difficult task of moderating hateful speech, while ensuring that they can open up spaces for honest reflections. Another key component of teacher standards is the expectation that teachers know their students. However, knowing one’s students goes beyond knowing their strengths and weaknesses with the curriculum and being able to talk to them about their favorite television shows or sport, to more complex understandings of diversity. As Rowan et al. (2021, p. 114) have indicated, teachers and new graduates in particular regularly report the notion of teaching “diverse learners” as challenging. However, as they argue, teachers need to learn about diversity. This might mean learning about specific forms of diversity – linked to social injustice, for example, cultural diversity, sexual diversity, and physical diversity – and how to address these various injustices in their classrooms. This will mean, for example, exposing preservice teachers to theories that make sense of institutional racism (e.g., Bradbury, 2014), that identify the reproductive functions of schooling (e.g., Maxwell & Aggleton, 2014), that disrupt gender and sexual normativity (e.g., Martino & Cumming-Potvin, 2016), that challenge dominant construction of physical ability (e.g., Slee, 2019), and that provide complex understandings of youth cultures (e.g., Dillabough & Kennelly, 2010). However, as we have indicated above, access to these theories has been washed out of many university courses and programs in places such as England and Australia. Preservice teachers are thus being denied the intellectual resources that help them make sense of, for example, behavioral issues related to Indigenous boys or of low performances by young people from low socioeconomic backgrounds on standardized tests. A socially just approach to initial teacher education would also ensure that preservice teachers are encouraged to see how young people are treated in the classroom as a social justice issue. Fraser’s notion of political justice is relevant here. Young people in schools, especially those who are regularly punished and/or are excluded from schools, speak of how they often do not feel listened to or feel that they have not been treated with respect by teachers (Mills & McGregor, 2014). The majority of these young people usually come from marginalized backgrounds. However, political injustice and its remedy, representation, are not just related to disciplinary matters, but to all areas of classroom life. Young people’s ability to make contributions to the key decisions that affect them is critical to a socially just approach to education. This too suggests that preservice teachers need to be exposed to the body of literature related to student voice (see for example, Charteris & Smardon, 2019) and poses questions about the initial teacher education curriculum. In many locations, there have been attempts to make newly qualified teachers “classroom ready” through short term and apprenticeship style programs (e.g.,

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Teach for America, Schools Direct) (see for example, Thomas et al., 2020). These fast track approaches to teacher preparation, as stated above, often minimize the amount of time preservice teachers spend in universities and hence their engagement with the academic literature that fosters socially just approaches to classroom practices. They also serve to construct a narrow understanding of teacher professionalism.

Becoming an Activist Professional Much has been written about the ways in which teacher professionalism is being shaped by performative expectations grounded in international and national testing regimes (Savage & Lingard, 2018; Mayer & Mills, 2021). Increasing accountability has seen the pervasiveness of teacher standards linked to evidence of performance. These standards, it has been argued, are promoting a form of professionalism that has been variously referred to as, for example, managerial or organizational (Evetts, 2013; Sachs, 2016). Such forms of professionalism are reflective of a lack of trust in teachers and are deemed necessary to ensure that teachers are maximizing students’ academic outcomes. As such the standards (and associated curriculum and other mandated practices) are designed in ways that minimize teachers’ creativity and opportunities to exercise their own judgments. As Connell (2009, p. 220) has argued in relation to the lists of terms contained with standards documents (e.g., “challenges,” “goals,” “commitment,” and “effective”): They construct the good teacher as an entrepreneurial self, forging a path of personal advancement through the formless landscape of market society with its shadowy stakeholders and its endless challenges and opportunities.

This, she and others would argue, is not good for social justice. Such a construct sees the teacher as someone who works in isolation from others and who conforms to policy expectations rather than critically engaging with them. Teaching, while often occurring individually in a classroom (or similar format), is a collegial activity. Collaboration among teachers in preparing and planning units of work is common in most schools; teachers attend and engage with professional development together; they discuss and moderate student assessment tasks; they share with each other particular strategies that have worked with different students; and they sometimes team teach or watch each other teach, often providing feedback on what they observe. Current teacher professional standards in many locations, as Connell (2009) has argued, often work to suggest that teachers have individual responsibility for their classes and are judged accordingly. As she indicates, “whether an individual teacher appears to be performing well depends a great deal on what other people are doing” (2009, p. 222). Recognizing this requires a rethinking of the ways in which the profession is conceptualized and indeed in the ways in which preservice teachers ought to be assessed.

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In rethinking how teacher professionalism for social justice might be conceptualized, we are drawn to the notion of an “activist professional” (see for example, Sachs, 2003). Cochran-Smith’s (2010, p. 457) theory of teacher education for social justice reflects such a conceptualization. For her, teachers need to be “advocates and activists (who) call explicit attention to school and classroom injustices and work actively with their students, other teachers, parents, and community groups to pursue justice goals.” However, as she claims, the focus in many policy documents on teacher education, as with recent reviews of teacher education in countries such as Australia and England (see for example, TEMAG, 2014; Carter, 2015), has been on teachers’ subject knowledge and teaching skills, Cochran-Smith argues though that: . . .from the perspective of justice, teaching practice also involves how teachers think about their work and interpret what is going on in schools and classrooms; how they understand competing agendas, pose questions, and make decisions; how they form relationships with students; and how they work with colleagues, families, communities and social groups. (Cochran-Smith, 2010, p. 454)

A lot of attention has also been given to the ways in which teachers’ pedagogical practices affect students’ academic outcomes (e.g., Hattie, 2009). A significant body of that literature focuses on the importance of ensuring that young people are challenged intellectually in their classrooms. We agree with this. However, this is insufficient (Lingard, 2007), various forms of discrimination and oppression, for example, poverty, institutional racism, hetero-normative discourses, affect young people’s engagement with schooling. We have argued above that teachers need to have a good understanding about theories of social justice and that they need to apply these to their classroom practices. This is important for the activist professional, but there is also a need to broaden these understandings to the contexts within which schooling operates (Slee, 2010). This has implications for the teacher education curriculum. It cannot be solely related to classroom practices. Becoming an activist professional requires teachers to be concerned with social justice issues beyond their classrooms. For teacher education, this means that preservice teachers need to be encouraged to see the importance at various times of working across multiple fields, for example, health, youth justice, and social services (Pantić & Florian, 2015; see also Mills & McGregor, 2014). For example, teachers may well have students in their classes who become pregnant or have a child, are in conflict with the youth justice system, are homeless, have a parent, sibling, or significant person in their lives in prison, who commits suicide/dies or becomes seriously ill, and so on. A teacher is rarely equipped to completely address the needs of students in such situations, and outstanding pedagogical repertoires alone are unlikely to lead to excellent academic outcomes for such students. While, as Pantić and Florian (2015) indicate, official policy often encourages various services to work together, as in their Scottish context (e.g., Getting it Right for Every Child, Scottish Government, 2006), teachers often face institutional obstacles to such work. Thus, teacher education concerned with social justice has to both

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“normalize” such inter-agency practices and provide preservice teachers with the skills and knowledge to confront these “institutional obstacles.” Many of the current policies related to teachers’ work and teacher education, while individualizing teachers’ labor, also serve to dismiss its intellectual dimension through what can be seen as a practice-theory divide, where practice is valorized over engaging with theory (e.g., with the social justice theories mentioned earlier in this chapter). This has been evident in the uptake of the “Teach for. . .” movement and calls to increase the amount of time preservice teachers spend in schools as opposed to that in universities and to have teachers “classroom ready” once they complete their courses. In some locations (e.g., Ireland, Ontario, and Finland), teachers require a Masters’ postgraduate qualification containing a research element. This aspect of their programs provides an ideal opportunity for preservice teachers to theorize their practices and the institutional contexts in which they will be working. Research literacy has been identified as an essential component of what has been called “a self-improving education system” (BERA/RSA, 2014; see also Sachs, 2016). It will also enhance the opportunities for preservice teachers to engage with research projects that tackle some of the broader educational questions related to social justice, for example: How is educational funding distributed? Does the differentiation of schooling – e.g., grammar schools, private schools – support or hinder social justice? What are the various approaches to school exclusion and what impact do these have on different groups of students? Why is the teaching profession so white and middle class? What is the place of powerful knowledge in the curriculum? Should high school students be exposed to critical race theory? Consent education – at what age should young people be taught about this?

We realize that the teacher education curriculum cannot cover all of the important educational issues facing the profession. However, they can provide preservice teachers with the intellectual resources with which to do so. They can also facilitate a disposition that encourages teachers to ask about the social justice implications of various educational debates. These resources and dispositions will be critical to creating a more socially just education system.

Teacher Education Cohorts Preservice teachers are not an homogeneous body. They come from diverse backgrounds, and, like the students they will teach, are shaped by their economic, cultural, racial, gender, sexual, and religious backgrounds. Teacher diversity, though, is disproportionate to that of the student population. In most locations, teachers, and preservice teachers, come from reasonably privileged backgrounds, for example, middle class and white. As such there have been constant calls for the need to

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diversify the teacher workforce to replicate that of the student population. This is in line with the widening participation agendas with which many universities have been engaging and which has seen young people from marginalized racial and cultural backgrounds and/or disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds entering university, including teacher education programs. However, as Callender (2019) argues in relation to race, there is something quite different between meeting “targets” and supporting diversity. Much of a teacher education program is, rightly so, focused on how to ensure that preservice teachers are able to provide their own students with a high-quality education. However, it is important to recognize that schools are not just places of learning, but also places of work where how workers are treated is also a matter of social justice. As with schools, universities also demonstrate institutionalized forms of discrimination. In relation to teacher education, Callender (2019) has argued that schools of education have been complicit in failing to support the diversification of the teaching profession. For example, she suggests that the increased focus on quality entrants and the concomitant discourses of meritocracy have served to create, what she calls, a “mirrortocracy,” whereby the whiteness of the profession is maintained. Similar claims about a mirrortocracy can be made in relation to, for example, class and disability. This “mirrortocracy” is not only maintained by entry requirements and various selection processes (e.g., interviews), but also by the ways in which preservice teachers are treated in their programs, including their experiences on their practical placements in schools. Preservice teachers are often exhorted to be “professional,” indeed in some locations there are even professional standards for graduating teachers (e.g., AITSL, 2018). However, as Marom (2019) argues, discourses of teacher professionalism often cloak covert racism. She provides examples of this from her Canadian study of teachers who graduated through an Indigenous teacher education program, where when in schools there was a racial and often class element to the expectation of how teachers dressed (or did not dress!), how they spoke in relation to a standardized English accent and how “crisp” their language was, and the knowledge and pedagogies they brought to their classrooms. In the USA, as Bristol and Goings (2019) indicate, there have been efforts to recruit more Black men into teaching. However (as elsewhere, see for example, Callender, 2020), these teachers are expected to work with Black boys, to be disciplinarians and are seldom recognized for their pedagogical expertise and ability to teach all children. Marom (2019) calls these practices “professional microaggressions.” While these “professional microaggressions” might subtly police teacher behavior, minority ethnic teachers also often experience overt racism, especially if they challenge the status quo (see for example, Tereshchenko et al., 2020). The literature on these ethnic and racially marginalized teachers’ experiences suggests that when they come to work in a school where they are a minority, there is an expectation that they “fit in” – become assimilated into the “white culture” of the school. This of course produces significant tensions for the teacher, often causing them to question whether or not to remain in teaching. Both nonminority and minority group teachers need to be made aware of the injustices of this during their teacher education programs.

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While institutionalized forms of discrimination affect all marginalized groups, in most school contexts, the importance of not discriminating on the basis of race and ethnicity, class, physical ability, and gender is often overtly raised. However, this is not always the case with sexual diversity (Heinz et al., 2017; Dykes & Delport, 2018). Russell (2020, p. 3), for example, points to the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (AITSL, 2018), which require teachers to be aware of “diverse linguistic, cultural, religious, and socioeconomic backgrounds,” but make no mention of gender or sexual diversity. Such silences, she argues, contribute to the heteronormativity of schools where the complexity of being a preservice teacher who identifies as LGBTQ+ is erased from consideration. Russell (2020) provides an account of the ways in which 12 LGBTQ+ preservice teachers in Australia navigated the hazards of working within the heteronormative spaces of contemporary schooling. (She also points to the particular complications of understanding teachers’ queer identities in Australia, where religious exemptions apply to antidiscrimination laws, thereby enabling religious private schools to have prejudicial employment practices.) In her study, Russell (2020) sought to understand how these people’s identities as LGBTQ+ preservice teachers impacted upon their practice. There were mixed responses. These included, for some, the ability to “pass” as straight (i.e., not to be obviously recognizable as queer), separating their professional lives from their personal ones so that the latter were left out of the classroom and elsewhere in the school, and being “role models” or disruptors of gender normativities for queer students. These teachers spoke about the injustices of having to separate their professional and personal lives, noting, for example, that it was common for straight teachers to talk about their partner/husbands/wives and children in the class and staff rooms, but often not for them, and the extra pressure of having to confront heteronormativity on a daily basis on top of all the other demands of the job. (The latter extra burden of course follows all those from marginalized groups – see for example, Tereshchenko et al., 2020.) While it is clear from the above that preservice teachers from marginalized ethnic and racial and LGBTQ backgrounds experience what Fraser (2009) calls cultural injustice, these are not the only groups experiencing such injustice. Furthermore, as the discussion on Black male teachers indicated, intersectionality is also important. Where there are silences in teacher education programs on issues related to social justice that encompass different equity groups, then teachers from those groups, as with the students in their care, will be “disappeared” from the teacher education curriculum. Ensuring that this does not happen will require social justice, both the theory and the practice, to be evident in teacher education programs. It is beyond the remit of this chapter, but social justice in relation to who works in teacher education programs in university education departments also needs to be considered (see for example, Acker & Dillabough, 2007). Many of the same institutional barriers that confront preservice teachers from marginalized backgrounds similarly affect staff teaching in the programs. As with schools, the ways in which teaching staff in universities are treated have effects on the quality of educational offerings provided to students and to social justice considerations.

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Conclusions: Constraints and Opportunities What then does the argument of this chapter mean for the initial teacher education curriculum? We have documented the various ways in which teacher education programs in universities have increasingly been subject to government regulations. These regulations, as we have demonstrated, stress practice over theory and also time in schools as opposed to time in universities and have reduced the likelihood of courses in fields such as the sociology of education, where matters of social justice in and through schooling could be dealt with in some depth. Our argument has been that these conditions, dominant policy frames, are not conducive to producing teachers as activist professionals, who understand social justice and how it works or otherwise in classrooms and schools and in the broader society. Despite these nonconducive conditions, we have argued that beginning teachers need to be exposed to social justice theories and develop an understanding of what social justice is and how they might work towards it in their quotidian classroom practices, including curriculum choices, pedagogical approaches, and practices of assessment. Despite the constraining conditions, there is still some space for teachers to resist the socially unjust effects of contemporary policy frames in ITE programs. Teachers as well need to be able to recognize injustices in classrooms and schools and to confront them in pragmatic ways and retain a disposition of hope in respect of these matters. University ITE programs also need to work towards broadening who the people are who enter teacher education programs – broadening access – and ensure that resultant differences in the preservice teacher cohort are treated in equitable and socially just ways. In acknowledging the challenging difficulties surrounding the enactment of our position on socially just teacher education, we emphasize the ongoing significance of Raymond Williams’ well-known aphorism that progressive politics, including social justice in ITE programs, is always about making hope practical rather than despair convincing.

References Acker, S., & Dillabough, J. (2007). Women ‘learning to labour’ in the ‘male emporium’: Exploring gendered work in teacher education. Gender and Education, 19(3), 297–316. Appadurai, A. (2013). The future as cultural fact: Essays on the global condition. Verso. Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL). (2018). Australian professional teacher standards. https://www.aitsl.edu.au/teach/standards Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership (AITSL). (2019). Accreditation of initial teacher education programs in Australia: Standards and procedures. AITSL. BERA/RSA. (2014). Research and the teaching profession: Building the capacity for a selfimproving education system. In Final report of the BERA-RSA inquiry into the role of research in teacher education. Blackmore, J. (2016). Educational leadership and Nancy Fraser. Routledge. Bonnor, C., Kidson, P., Piccoli, A., Sahlberg, P., & Wilson, R. (2021). Structural failure: Why Australia keeps falling short of our educational goals. Uni NSW Gonski Institute for Education. Bourdieu, P. (2008). Political interventions: Social science and political action. Polity Press.

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Policy and Practice in Increasing BME Teachers’ Access to ITE and a Leadership Career in the Teaching Profession in England

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Workforce Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ethnicity Overview of Teacher Educators and Preservice Teachers in ITE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theoretical Framing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Theory and Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Whiteness in Education Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Whiteness Ideology Underpinning Conceptualization of BME Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . BME Teacher and Leadership Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . British Policy Addressing BME Teacher/Headteacher/Principal Underrepresentation . . . . . . . Recruiting BME Preservice Teachers in ITE: Policy Preference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion: Policy Influence on BME Teacher Recruitment and Progression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changing the Status Quo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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In 2018 the Department for Education (DfE) in England published its “Statement of Intent” to make the teacher workforce more diverse. This included increasing the number of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) teachers and those in headship/ principal positions in English schools (DfE, Statement of intent on the diversity of the teaching workforce. DfE. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/ diversity-of-the-teaching-workforce-statement-of-intent. Accessed 2 Sept 2020, 2018). Through critical analysis of the “Statement of Intent” policy initiative, this chapter explores the policy implications for making the teacher workforce more ethnically diverse and what this means in practice for schools and teacher education and focuses on policy enablers and inhibitors in this process. To understand the ethnic makeup of the teacher workforce the chapter provides U. Maylor (*) Institute for Research in Education, University of Bedfordshire, Bedford, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_48

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insight into the numbers, positions, and experiences of BME teachers/leaders in England together with how BME teachers are conceptualized in English schools. An integral part of the discussion concerns the recruitment strategies employed by governments with different political perspectives vis-à-vis ethnic diversity in teaching and learning. This framing facilitates understanding of British government efforts to foster an ethnically diverse teacher workforce, and changes in initial teacher education (ITE) set out for the preparation of new preservice teachers. Contextualizing the ethnicity of the teacher workforce in England is salient to understanding any implications for the recruitment and development of future BME teachers and senior school leaders. Equally important, the chapter considers what does the UK government’s desire to produce “brilliant teachers” through “high-quality initial teacher training” mean in practice for BME preservice teachers. Keywords

Race · Racism · Teacher education · School leadership

Introduction This chapter is concerned with national education policies in England as they impact on the recruitment and preparation of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) teachers in initial teacher education (ITE) and their career progression into school leadership positions. Of specific interest is the role played by the Department for Education (DfE) in England’s Statement of Intent to increase ethnic diversity in the teacher workforce and senior leadership in schools (DfE, 2018). That said, it is salient to note at the outset that the DfE’s vision of a “diverse workforce and school leadership” is associated with “supporting teacher progression and retention, fostering social cohesion” and providing students with access to “visible, diverse role models” (DfE, 2018); though the type of diverse role models is not specified. For the DfE (2018) a key priority it would seem in having a diverse, progressed, and retained teacher workforce is “social cohesion,” and arguably “social cohesion” comes before students in English schools are given access to “visible, diverse role models.” This contention is reinforced by the government’s claim within the “Statement of Intent” that it wants to “see a teaching profession that prides itself on promoting a diverse workforce, that supports the progression and retention of all teachers, and that builds an inclusive environment for teachers and pupils where they can be themselves” (DfE, 2018, p. 2). The reference to teachers being “themselves” suggests a teacher workforce where teacher identities in their various protected characteristics are accepted. In this way no teacher is excluded; there is inclusion and equality for all (DfE, 2010), which coincides with the government’s wider commitment to equality intervention initiatives related to teaching and learning being implemented in schools (discussed in Maylor, 2019). For the British government, having a diverse workforce in senior positions is considered essential to retaining teachers and

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building inclusive school environments. The emphasis on “social cohesion” and “inclusive environment” also suggests that emphasizing teacher ethnicity (or ethnic difference) would undermine social inclusion within schools, which reiterates previous Coalition (Conservative and Liberal Democrat) government fears (DfE, 2010, 2012), which are discussed later in the chapter. Scrutinizing the “Statement of Intent” further, the government’s stated desire to increase the number of diverse school headteachers/principals leads one to question the role of the ITT Core Content Framework (DfE, 2019) as it includes development of teachers, but there is no specific mention of teacher ethnicity, race, or racism and/or increasing numbers of senior leaders within the content framework. Throughout the aims and objectives of the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent are interrogated alongside other education policies as part of identifying the ability of English education policies to enhance BME teacher recruitment and senior leadership positions. To understand why this is necessary the chapter begins by providing a brief overview of the English teacher workforce, followed by preservice teachers in ITE.

Teacher Workforce Overview England is a multiethnic, culturally diverse country with some ethnic groups having greater representation than others (ONS, 2012), but outside of the White British majority population, it is difficult to see such diversity evident in sizeable numbers in the English teacher workforce. For example, in 2019, there were 453,813 full-time equivalent teachers recorded in England (DfE, 2020a), of which 85.7% identified as White British, 8.9% as visible minorities (Asian, Black, Mixed, and Other), and 5.3% White minorities including White Irish and White Other (namely White teachers from Europe – the European Union, European Economic Area, European Free Trade Area, America, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand as outlined below): Ethnicity White White British White Irish White Other Asian Bangladeshi Indian Pakistani Asian Other Black Black African Black Caribbean Black Other

Percentage

Teacher workforce numbers

85.7 1.5 3.8

395,900 6900 17,700

0.6 1.9 1.2 0.7

3000 8900 5700 3200

0.9 1.1 0.3

4200 4900 1500 (continued)

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Ethnicity Mixed Mixed White/Asian Mixed White/Black African Mixed White/Black Caribbean Mixed Other Other Chinese Any Other Unknown

U. Maylor

Percentage

Teacher workforce numbers

0.4 0.1 0.4 0.5

1700 600 1700 2400

0.2 0.6

800 2800 38,800

Source: Department for Education (DfE, 2020a)

Saliently, teacher workforce data never presents a full picture of teacher ethnicity as illustrated by the sizeable “unknown ethnicity” figure as not every teacher discloses their ethnicity to the Department for Education when surveyed. DfE (2020a) teacher workforce data suggests that BME teachers tend to be concentrated in the most ethnically diverse areas of England such that 51% are employed in statefunded London schools and 14% in the next most ethnically diverse area, the West Midlands. Across the rest of England on average BME teachers account for 9% of teachers in the South-East, 7% in the East of England, 6% in the North-West and Yorks and Humber, respectively, 4% in the East Midlands (4%), and 2% in the South-West 1% in the North-East (DfE, 2020a). Despite these pockets of ethnic diversity, the teacher population in England can be characterized as predominantly white (and female), comprising White British, White Other, and White Irish teachers. The “whiteness” of the English teacher workforce is underscored by 46% of English schools having no teachers from ethnically diverse backgrounds (Hamilton Commission, 2021). What accounts for this “whiteness” of the English teaching profession? On one level it is easy to attribute it to the sheer volume of white teachers in the profession, and that volume being merely reflective of England being a majority white country (ONS, 2022). On another, it could be argued that “whiteness” as a medium of power (Picower, 2009) is largely influential in the number of white teachers appointed and together with the negative perception of Black teachers as “not scholarly enough” (hooks, 2010: xiv) accounts for a greater value being attributed to white teacher knowledge which also results in a white senior leadership of 92.7% of White British headteachers/principals and 89.7% of deputy headteachers/principals compared with 6% of BME headteachers and 4% BME school governors (NASUWT, 2017; DfE, 2020a). This white leadership hierarchy is reinforced by 1.8% White Irish headteachers/principals and 1.7% deputy/assistant headteachers/principals (DfE, 2020a). The whiteness of the English teacher population can be juxtaposed against a combined BME student population of 33.5% in primary and 31.3% in secondary schools (DfE, 2020b), with Asian students accounting for the largest proportion at 9.6% (DfE, 2020b). Importantly, students from Mixed heritage backgrounds account for 4.3% of the student population (DfE, 2020b) and are purported to be the fastest

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growing student group in English schools (ONS, 2022; Caballero & Aspinall, 2018; DfE, 2020b). Yet conversely, Mixed White and Black African teachers and deputy/ headteachers/principals have the lowest percentage at 0.1%, respectively, out of all ethnic groups in the teaching population and in deputy/headteacher/principal roles (DfE, 2020a).

Ethnicity Overview of Teacher Educators and Preservice Teachers in ITE The whiteness of the teaching profession is echoed in ITE as teacher educators in higher education institutions responsible for recruiting and developing preservice teachers in England are predominantly White British (Advance HE, 2021). This whiteness also translates into preservice teachers recruited into ITE. In the academic year 2020–2021 postgraduate entrants to ITE recorded ethnicity were: White (79%), Asian (11%), Black (4%), Mixed (3%), and Other (2%) (DfE, online).

Theoretical Framing Critical Theory and Social Justice According to Fraser (1997); see also Vincent, 2019) achieving social justice depends on both “recognition” of the inequality and a “redistribution” of wealth; that is the inequality has to be named, and if it is to be fully rectified, this requires a positive change in the circumstances of those who experience the inequality. Notwithstanding, Atkins and Duckworth (2019, p. 40) view social justice as “a form of politics, a form of critical inquiry and a guiding philosophy” which they regard as essential in understanding the educational world which they see as “structurally unequal” and that this educational inequality is also evident in teaching. Importantly within educational contexts social justice seeks to “respond to positions of power and positioning” and is concerned with issues of “equity, fairness, and right” (Atkins & Duckworth, 2019, p. 30). Following the perspectives of Atkins and Duckworth (2019), the analytical framing employed in this chapter is critical theory combined with social justice, both of which facilitate the questioning of how different ethnic groups are socially constructed and particularly enable us to understand how BME teachers and senior leaders have been constructed in English education policy, and the impact of such constructions on their recruitment and career progression, and the measures that need to be implemented to improve BME teacher recruitment and the number of BME school leaders.

Whiteness in Education Policies The theorization employed is also underpinned by an understanding of English education policy as being “inherently” white, with “whiteness” referring to a system

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of beliefs, practices, and assumptions that constantly center the interests of white people, especially white elites (Gillborn, 2020 p. 115). If ITE and subsequently schools are to successfully recruit and develop student teachers, there needs to be an understanding of how white ideologies underpin the whiteness of the English teacher workforce, alongside how BME teachers are viewed and the roles they have undertaken in schools, which is discussed next.

Whiteness Ideology Underpinning Conceptualization of BME Teachers According to Ansley (1989, p. 1024), the underrepresentation of BME teachers and school leaders in English schools can be attributed to the entrenchment of white supremacist ideology which refers to a “political, economic, and cultural system in which whites overwhelmingly control power and material resources, [whilst] conscious and unconscious ideas of white superiority and entitlement are widespread, and relations of white dominance and non-white subordination are daily re-enacted across a broad array of institutions and social settings” (see also Ladson-Billings & Tate IV, 1995; Gillborn, 2013). In schools and higher education white supremacist ideals are reflected in white teacher knowledge being given greater credence than that of BME educators, and this is exemplified in the continued underrepresentation of BME educators in senior and middle school leadership positions including as heads of department and headteachers/principals (Miller & Callender, 2019; Miller, 2021). Research by Hargreaves et al. (2007) reported concerns by African-Caribbean school headteachers/principals in England whose experience of headship was one of being viewed as there to support student learning rather than to lead their schools. In other words, African-Caribbean teachers were deemed better suited to support roles rather than being equipped with leadership qualities. What some negatively view as a support role capability in England in other contexts (e.g., the USA) is viewed as significant caring roles whereby Black school leaders not only implement a caring approach in the leadership of their schools but also are protective of the whole school community and defenders of the capabilities of the students who attend their school (Smith, 2021). Smith’s (2021) findings also serve to challenge contentions of Black men not having the capacity to lead. Research identifies common themes related to the negative conceptualization of BME teachers which extends beyond school leadership. BME teachers are not identified as “expert teachers” or skilled subject specialists (Berliner, 2004; Meyer, 2004; Tsui, 2009; Loughran, 2010). There is a tendency in western societies for teachers who identify as “minority ethnic” or “Black” to have the label “expert” attached to their ethnicity, cultural or linguistic background (Conteh, 2007). Thus, they become “cultural experts” (Basit & Santoro, 2011; Lander & Zaheerali, 2016) able to educate about BME cultures and customs, “ethnic diversity” issues, “bi/ multilingualism” (Conteh, 2007) and deliver “culturally competent,” “culturally relevant,” and/or “culturally responsive teaching/pedagogies” (Gay, 2010; Hue & Kennedy, 2014; Parkay, 2019). Essentially, where BME teachers share ethnicity with

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students they are viewed as “expert ethnic” mentors (Basit & Santoro, 2011) and role models (Alexander, 2020). Being an appropriate role model has, however, been challenged by Black students from working-class backgrounds who question the ability of Black middle-class teachers to connect with working-class Black students (Maylor, 2009). BME teachers in England have been accorded with the ability to raise the aspirations and achievement of BME students from the same ethnic group as themselves (Basit & McNamara, 2004; Hargreaves et al., 2007). Similarly, American research associates Black (African-American) teachers with the pedagogical excellence to successfully educate Black students (Ladson-Billings, 2009; Yarnell & Borhrnstedt, 2018). Such conceptualization suggests that BME and especially Black teachers are less able to successfully educate white students which is not the case (see Maylor et al., 2006). Nonetheless, notions of white superiority underpin concerns about the intellectual capacity of Black teachers (Milner & Howard, 2004) to educate white students and have in turn been applied to BME preservice teachers (Hoodless, 2004) and Black teacher educators in ITE (Smith & Lander, 2012). Moreover, they possibly account for Black teachers in some English schools not being acknowledged as “proper” teachers or being viewed as not having the capacity to teach even when employed in teaching roles (Maylor, 2018; Maylor et al., 2013). Arguably, it is a white European/ colonial constructed assumption which has led to BME overseas-trained qualified teachers, especially those initially qualified in Africa, the Caribbean, and South-East Asian countries having their overseas teaching qualifications rejected (by the UK National Information Centre for global qualifications and skills) and being required to undertake UK-based teacher training in order to gain recognized UK qualified teacher status, which has led to disillusionment among Global South overseastrained BME teachers who perceived this additional training requirement as racist, especially where they were unable to attain it and found themselves forced to work as supply teachers and/or as teaching assistants (Hargreaves et al., 2007; Miller, 2007, 2019). Global South overseas-trained BME teachers’ disappointment is compounded by the four-year rule, which prohibits overseas-trained teachers without UK QTS from teaching in English schools for more than four years (DfE, 2020c). Beyond that period if they do not have UK QTS they are deemed “illegal” without rights to teach and subsequently lose their employment, and any uplift in BME teacher recruitment is lost. Such treatment of Global South overseas-qualified BME teachers, however, contrasts with Conservative policy commitment and active recruitment of (White) graduates and individuals with teaching qualifications or in lieu of teaching qualifications, a first degree, and a minimum of two years teaching experience (from the European Economic Area, Gibraltar, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Switzerland, and the USA) to apply to enter a 12-week program which assesses their suitability to gain “assessment only” UK qualified teacher status without enrolling on an ITE training program (DfE, 2020c). As the countries listed here are majority white, it can be argued that the ethnic diversity the British government values most is white. This is not dissimilar to the cultural capital of overseas-trained teachers being undervalued in the USA (Jimenez, 2020). The next section explores BME teacher and school leadership experiences.

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BME Teacher and Leadership Experiences Findings by the National Union of Teachers (NUT) revealed that minority ethnic teachers had lower levels of job satisfaction and poorer mental health conditions owing to working in stressful institutionally racist working environments (Miller & Travers, 2005). (The National Union of Teachers (NUT) was formerly the largest teaching union in the UK. On September 1, 2017, the NUT merged with the Association of Teachers and Lecturers (ATL) union to create an even larger (460,000+ members) and more powerful teaching/education union, the National Education Union (NEU). The NEU represents teachers, school leaders, lecturers, and support staff in schools and colleges (https://neu.org.uk/about-neu).) This is supported by Hargreaves et al. (2007) who found that African-Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Indian, and Pakistani teachers were disillusioned with teaching in England, feeling that they must work much harder than white teachers, but were not recognized for their contributions to teaching. These teachers reported experiences of institutional racism which manifested in unequal treatment of teachers from different ethnic groups. An NUT and Runnymede survey of over 1000 teachers conducted 10 years later found BME teachers “feeling isolated and lacking in management support with regards to incidences of racism” (Haque & Elliot, 2017, p. 6), while a Runnymede/NASUWT report (2017, p. 14) contends that “racism . . . is still a significant issue” in the experiences of BME teachers. (The Runnymede Trust (commonly known as the Runnymede) is “‘the UK’s leading independent race equality think tank.” It plays a key role in “generating research to challenge racial inequality in Britain” (https://www.runnymedetrust.org).) (The NASUWT is the National Association of Schoolmasters Union of Women Teachers with a UK-wide membership of 300,000 teachers and head teachers/principals (https:// www.nasuwt.org.uk/).) This contention is echoed in other studies (e.g., Basit & Santoro, 2011; Hue & Kennedy, 2014; Lander & Zaheerali, 2016; Miller & Callender, 2019) and an annual National Black Teachers’ Consultation Conference held by the NASUWT speaks to the entrenchment of racism in BME teachers experiences in English schools. For many BME teachers their experiences in English schools amount to feeling unsupported and undervalued by white senior leadership teams. This is particularly evidenced when it comes to career progression which they describe as being like taking “one step forward” and “two steps back” (Lander & Zaheerali, 2016; see also Haque & Elliot, 2017). Research by McNamara et al. (2009) highlighted the leadership aspirations of BME teachers, but they remained unfilled largely through poor performance reviews and a lack of support from headteachers/principals and selection by school governing bodies, with teachers from Black Muslim and overseas-trained backgrounds experiencing the greatest promotion challenges (see also Osler, 1997; Miller, 2016). Miller’s research further suggests that BME teacher progression is dependent on “white sanction” whereby “the skills and capabilities of a BME individual are, first, acknowledged and, second, endorsed/promoted by a white individual, who is positioned as a broker and/or mediator acting on behalf of or in the interests of the BME individual” (Miller, 2016, p. 125). Similar to white

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interest convergence, “white sanction” is enacted where BME leadership progression fulfills a school’s needs. The underrepresentation of BME headteachers/principals possibly accounts for the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent referring to the need to “see a teaching profession that prides itself on promoting a diverse workforce.” However, experiences such as these referenced here contribute to BME teachers not being retained in teaching and/or securing more senior posts, despite feeling that they do more than what is required to progress (Haque & Eliott, 2017). Unfortunately, this additional workload burden of race and racism experienced by BME teachers is a “hidden cost” to BME teacher/headteacher/principal retention (Tereshchenko et al., 2020), but it is not unique to BME teachers in English schools (see experiences of teachers of color in American schools in, e.g., Milner & Howard, 2004; Brown, 2014; Kohli, 2016). Johnson’s (2021) research suggests that the number of Black and Asian teachers becoming headteachers/principals in England has been affected by the UK government’s academy schools program (DfE, 2010) as this has led to school governance and financial control of state school educational provision being removed from local authority control and placed in the hands of academy headteachers/principals. Moreover, where Black and Asian headteachers/principals become academy headteachers/principals they are more likely to lead schools in “high need neighborhoods which have fallen into special measures and are pressured to improve student outcomes” (Johnson, 2021 p. 679), which mirrors the experiences of principals of color in American charter schools (Noguera & Syeed, 2020). The burden of leading such schools can negatively impact the retention of Black and Asian headteachers/ principals as they experience little support for school improvement work and a lack of professional and career advancement opportunities owing to financial constraints in these schools (p. 680). Clearly, government policy prescription in the running of academy schools is not just experienced by BME headteachers/principals, as government commitment to neoliberalism greatly impacts on academy heads’ experience of autonomy in their leadership decision-making (Fuller, 2019). Notwithstanding, Johnson’s findings seemingly suggest that Black and Asian academy headteachers/principals leadership success is largely dependent on their resilience to survive the leadership challenges they encounter. Next, the chapter explores the policy measures introduced by various British governments to increase numbers of BME teachers and those in senior positions and how this is being addressed in English ITE and school employment practice.

British Policy Addressing BME Teacher/Headteacher/Principal Underrepresentation Much has been written about the underrepresentation of BME teachers and their experiences in English schools (e.g., Carrington & Skelton, 2003; Basit et al., 2006; Miller, 2021), but what is often not discussed is that different governments in England have viewed BME teachers both positively and negatively, and depending on their view, this has influenced government decisions/actions whether or not to put

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policy measures in place to support the recruitment and/or retention of BME teachers and senior leaders. For example, in the early 2000s the New Labour government sought to address BME underrepresentation through positively encouraging local authorities/schools to recruit overseas-trained teachers from the Caribbean, Africa, and India as well as the USA, Canada, and Australia to teach in schools in ethnically diverse cities and towns in England (Miller, 2007; McNamara & Lewis, 2008; Reid et al., 2014). (The New Labour government, led by Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007) and later by Gordon Brown (2007–2010), were in power for three terms between 1997 and 2010; the term “New Labour” reflected the Labour party’s efforts to modernise and re-envision the party in an effort to make it more electable (Parkinson, 2010).) New Labour, particularly at local authority level, were interested in the contributions of BME teachers to raising the achievement of BME students in compulsory schooling and commissioned research at local and national levels to gain detailed insights into such contributions (e.g., Maylor et al., 2006, 2013), while also funding ethnically diverse teaching and learning resources, and teacher professional development initiatives such as Multiverse (a collaboration between eight higher education institutions). New Labour’s recruitment of BME teachers and policy support of ethnically diverse teaching and learning strategies and pedagogies coincided with their belief in enhancing student understanding of racial diversity in the classroom and through the curriculum (Ajegbo et al., 2007). New Labour positivity toward generating multicultural/multi-racial knowledge and employment of ethnically diverse teachers can be contrasted with subsequent Coalition (Conservative and Liberal Democrat – 2010–2015) and Conservative government (since 2015) backlash against multiculturalism regarding it as divisive and exclusionary rather than inclusionary and as destroying Britain as an inclusive society (Cameron, 2011). Coalition and Conservative government retreat from New Labour’s perspectives of viewing BME teacher contributions as crucial to enhancing teaching and learning is reflected in policy prescription in ITE demanding that attainment of qualified teacher status is dependent on student teachers aligning their teaching perspectives with promoting rather than undermining fundamental British values (FBV) which are described as “democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty, and mutual respect, and tolerance of those with different faiths and beliefs” (DfE, 2011, p. 14). Alignment with this policy objective is reinforced in ITE through the Qualifying Teachers Standards, and in-service teaching, by making it a key professional duty requirement for teachers to support the government’s Prevent agenda by reporting students who appear to be radicalized and supportive of terrorist acts (DfE, 2012, 2014; HMI, 2015). This political philosophy of Islamophobia is reinforced in schools by the schools inspectorate (Office for Standards in Education – Ofsted) whose rating of a school considers the extent to which they comply with promoting FBV and the impact of a school’s approach on quality of teaching, school leadership, student achievement, behavior, and safety (Education Inspection Framework, 2021). Within such a policy, teacher ethnicity is significant especially where it is viewed as undermining or detrimental to school promotion of FBV as in the case of 25 so-called “Islamic terrorist” schools in Birmingham, England, whereby the Muslim headteachers of these schools were perceived as a threat to national security

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(HMI, 2015) and consequently were dismissed (or demoted) and replaced with school leaders the DfE/Ofsted determined offered more “acceptable” forms of ethnically inclusive FBV school leadership. The scrutiny placed by Ofsted school inspectors in assessing BME teacher FBV capability led to some previously high achieving secondary schools being downgraded from “outstanding” to “needs improvement” with new governance structures, Islamic free curriculum content, and school ethos imposed (discussed in Maylor, 2018). If we relate this case back to the DfE (2018) “Statement of Intent” to value diversity and increase the number of BME headteachers, it is possible to see how this policy objective can be undermined by the ways in which “diversity” is or is not recognized and/or not valued. Research by Farrell and Lander (2019) exemplifies this further as they found that the education policy prescription concerning FBV not only negatively impacts on Muslim pre- and in-service teachers subjectivity, but has resulted in such teachers rejecting “Muslim over surveillance” (see Mac an Ghaill & Haywood, 2018, 2021) proclaiming “we’re not British values teachers . . . we’re RE [religious education] teachers” (Farrell & Lander, 2019, p. 478). That is, they want to be recognized first and foremost as subject specialists, not teachers who monitor student adherence to FBV because of their ethnicity and faith background, which are accidents of birth. These Muslim teachers call for recognition of their teacher identity first, echoes sentiments expressed by Black teachers (Maylor et al., 2006; Maylor, 2016) who similarly reject, school “othering” and “hyper surveillance” of them (Callender, 2020, p. 1094). They also epitomize the British government’s political silencing and ignoring of teacher ethnicity which sits alongside their belief in neoliberal philosophies which emphasize individual effort, progression based on merit/performativity, and the operation of the market in education competitively (Ball, 2014) in a colorblind way. However, the objection raised by teachers in Farrell and Lander’s study makes clear that teacher ethnic diversity and faith beliefs cannot be ignored in teacher recruitment and progression (see also Johnson, 2021). Increasing diverse teacher recruitment is key aspect of the DfE (2018) “Statement of Intent”; though no recruitment targets regarding teacher ethnicity were set, which is unlike the targets set for increasing BME entrants into ITE by the Training and Development Agency under the New Labour government (see Thompson & Tomlin, 2013). British government policy guidance for the recruitment of headteachers/ principals refers to equal, fair, and inclusive consideration of applications (DfE, 2017). However, the absence of specific recruitment and leadership targets for BME teachers for schools to adhere to is concerning given that BME teachers encounter difficulties in being recruited to posts where their face is considered by the school governing body not to be an “appropriate fit” with the student community at the school (Maylor et al., 2006). Additionally, fears of potential racial, verbal, and physical abuse from teachers and parents in schools situated in areas with no or low proportions of minority ethnic people have contributed to some minority ethnic teachers not applying for teaching and/or leadership posts in predominantly white areas (Hargreaves et al., 2007). The DfE (2018) Statement of Intent seeks to address the underrepresentation of diverse senior leaders through the setting up of equality and diversity hubs and through requiring key performance indicators associated with

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National Professional Qualifications for school leadership. Though it is less clear what these “diversity hubs” will entail and/or whether they will have what is required to counteract the challenges identified in developing and progressing BME teachers into headteacher/principal posts discussed above (see also Tereshchenko et al., 2020). Moreover, what is absent is reference to the role played by culturally relevant mentoring and coaching leadership programs previously supported by the New Labour government such as “Investing in Diversity in London Schools: Leadership Preparation for Black and Global Majority Educators,” which are considered essential in increasing BME school head teachers/principals (Campbell-Stephens, 2009; see also Johnson, 2021; Smith, 2021). However, school investment in and prioritization of such leadership programs may be undermined by the financial constraints experienced especially by academy schools (Miller, 2021). Having explored teacher recruitment and senior leadership policy strategies, the next section of the chapter turns to BME students in ITE as ITE is central to increasing BME teacher numbers.

Recruiting BME Preservice Teachers in ITE: Policy Preference There are several routes that provide training opportunities for individuals who want to become teachers in England, but they can be divided between two main provisions: combined theory and practice-based undergraduate (three-year) and one-year post-graduate courses delivered via higher education institutions and employment-based in-school on-the-job training. In relation to the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent concern to increase diverse teacher recruitment, one employment-based route of specific interest is provided by the “Teach First” (2021) program which recruits high achieving postgraduate students with First or Upper Second Class honors degrees, and who in the long-term see themselves in careers other than teaching. Notably, Teach First has similar aims to Teach for America (Redding & Henry, 2019). In 2021 Teach First was awarded a six-year £113 million contract by the British government to deliver the “High Potential ITT programme” (Gibbons, 2021). The program is designed to recruit “the best and brightest graduates and career changers who have the potential to be highly skilled teachers and leaders and who would be otherwise unlikely to join the profession” or work in low-income disadvantaged communities; with the expectation that they help schools to “close the attainment gap between deprived pupils and their peers” (DfE, 2022b online). Emphasis is placed on preservice teachers working in schools in socioeconomically deprived areas, including primary schools in “poorer rural areas” through Teach First’s partnership with the Church of England and the Chartered College of Teaching. In this way, Teach First is supporting the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent social inclusion goal, which is reflective of government fears about divisions developing between White and BME groups. Interestingly, the Teach First “High Potential ITT programme” has a recruitment and development role for future school leaders, which could be argued coincides

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with the goals of the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent to increase BME teachers and senior leaders. However, it was only after the Lewis Hamilton Foundation Commission report (2021) drew attention to the underrepresentation of Black people in engineering and motorsport that the recruitment of Black STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) preservice teachers became a priority of the Teach First ITT program in 2022. Through partnering with Lewis Hamilton, Teach First aims to recruit 150 high-achieving Black STEM preservice teachers, which has the dual goal of addressing the underrepresentation of quality Black science, mathematics, and computing teachers in English schools, and England’s wider teaching “diversity problem,” that is the underrepresentation of teachers from ethnically diverse backgrounds. The Lewis Hamilton Teach First partnership is intended to “create a framework the wider education industry can implement . . . to attract Black talent to STEM teaching roles.” Notwithstanding, crucially, the number to be recruited – 150 preservice teachers over two years to “work in schools serving disadvantaged communities” – while meeting the British government’s social cohesion objective, does not in any way begin to correct as Teach First observe, the fact that “some pupils/students have no Black teachers throughout their whole time in school.” Neither does it challenge the contention outlined earlier and reinforced below by Teach First that Black teachers are primarily viewed as role models for Black pupils, and that without access to such teachers, Black students cannot achieve: Without representation and role models, young Black pupils are less likely to engage with [STEM] subjects – and further still, pursue careers related to them. . . .We hope that our work will . . . help young Black people realise their potential (Teach First, 2022). . . . Recruiting more Black STEM teachers over the next two years sends a clear message for Black students that they too can aspire to have a successful career in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (Dame Vivian Hunt, Chair of Teach First).

Despite its commitment to increasing the number of Black STEM teachers, Teach First’s main “High Potential ITT programme” is unlikely to increase BME teacher recruitment as is evidenced by their 2021 ethnicity statistics which show that 80% of the recruited participants identify as White (i.e., White-British 69.3%; White Irish 1.5%; White Other 7.8%) (DfE, 2021b) and the recruitment of these trainees echoes similarities with the qualified teacher population as discussed above. Perhaps the naming of the Teach First program as “High Potential” and the absence of a direct focus on ethnicity (as opposed to just Black STEM teachers) suggest that BME graduates and career changers are not considered to have “high potential” to be “highly skilled teachers.” Additionally, while Teach First marketing highlights “access to rapid career opportunities” alongside its greater ability above other higher education teacher training routes to progress graduates into school leadership roles, the program’s lack of emphasis on BME future school leaders further suggests that the whiteness of the teacher workforce and school leadership in England will continue for some time.

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The scrutiny placed here on Teach First is salient owing to the government’s increasing shift in the “balance of power” and funding (as exemplified through the £113 million investment noted above) of teacher training provision from universities to employment-based routes such as Teach First, and to school-led routes that involve “a partnership between a lead school and an accredited training provider associated with academisation” (Ellis & Spendlove, 2020, p. 949); both routes place greater emphasis on the practice of teaching rather than its theorization. The Teach First “High Potential” program is an integral part of a package of ITE reforms announced by the government at the end of 2021 that are expected to “drive up standards and ensure every child and young person can be taught by a brilliant teacher . . . wherever they live.” This reflects government concern about the “quality” of training and development that student teachers experience. For preservice teachers the proposed reforms expected to commence in 2024 include: • The provision of high-quality mentoring from “experienced teachers and other experts” (a key requirement of the new course standards). • Accrediting all ITT providers based on the new Quality Requirements. • Utilizing Teaching School Hubs to support training providers, especially locally and in disadvantaged communities. • Training providers to ensure that all courses have an evidence-based curriculum, are subject to quality assurance checks, and include at least four weeks of intensive training to strengthen the link between evidence-based theory and practice. Importantly, the government’s proposals to reform English ITE do not include reference to ethnicity (either teacher educators or recruited students) and/or refer to the government’s stated intent to increase diversity in the workforce through the teachers recruited (DfE, 2018). Furthermore, the ITE reforms which are considered key to “driving up academic standards” and central to the DfE outcome delivery plan (DfE, 2021a) do not indicate the need to interrogate the systems of oppression that marginalize or totally ignore BME children’s educational experiences and attainment outcomes. They also do not require preservice teachers to develop insights about the ethnically diverse nature of British society to qualify as teachers, which was a New Labour government requirement. Current ITE reforms with their emphasis on social inclusion also point to the ignoring of students’ intersectional identities (Crenshaw, 1989; Armstrong & Mitchell, 2017) and a lack of preparation to support students’ academic success. Fundamentally, the next generation of teachers recruited by ITE schemes such as that offered by Teach First will need to have access to school mentors proficient in diversity and equitable outcomes (Bradbury et al., 2015). Such mentors will only be effective where the mentoring they provide when students are undertaking school placement is supportive of BME preservice teachers. For this to be achieved ITE institutions/providers will need to take advantage of the opportunities they have to challenge poor mentoring practice. This is salient as research with Black male student teachers demonstrates that the unsupportive practice of school mentors is

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not necessarily noticed or challenged by higher education training providers. Consequently, this serves to keep Black male pre-and in-service teacher numbers low (Maylor, 2018; Callender, 2020). As well as these changes in ITE, teacher quality and professional development are expected to improve through support of the Early Career Framework, which it is argued will provide newly qualified teachers (NQTs) with “a funded entitlement to a structured two-year package of high-quality professional development.” But again, it is not clear whether such professional development will serve to enhance and better retain BME NQTs, and therefore sustain increased diversity in teaching.

Discussion: Policy Influence on BME Teacher Recruitment and Progression DfE policy provision/influence on increasing BME teacher recruitment and progression to headteacher/principal needs to be understood within the political climate/ context current at the time and subsequent to its formation (hooks, 1994). Interestingly, 2 years after the DfE’s (2018) stated intention to increase numbers of BME teachers, the UK’s formal membership with the European Union ended (Brexit) on January 31, 2020, which might have given the impression that this would lead to English government predetermined reductions in European teachers working in English schools. However, as the DfE (2020a) workforce figures demonstrate this is not the case. Indeed, after the majority White British group, the second largest group identifying as “White Other” includes European teachers (DfE, 2020a). Government desire (DfE, 2018) to increase BME teachers also needs to be contrasted with comments made by the Equalities Minister (Kemi Badenoch) in October 2020 following Black Lives Matter protests in England as part of a global response to the murder of African-American George Floyd in May 2020 by a now-imprisoned white police officer. Wary of racially biased teacher and student discussions about George Floyd’s murder and white racism in policing, Badenoch made clear that the government objected to schools teaching about the concept of race and “white privilege” and their theorization/critique by critical race theory (CRT). She argued that discussion and theorization of race and presumptions of white “inherited racial guilt” have no place in teaching and learning as teachers are meant to be politically impartial in accordance with the 1996 Education Act which forbids the promotion of partisan political views (Staufenberg, 2020). To reinforce this expectation, the British government published legal duty guidance in February 2022 concerning “political impartiality in schools,” which applies to state and independent schools, governing bodies, and local authorities. Compliance means schools “must prohibit the promotion of partisan political views [and] should take steps to ensure the balanced presentation of opposing views on political issues when they are brought to the attention of pupils” (DfE, 2022b online). These legal duties while published as “guidance” are clearly outlined as legislation in the amendments to chapter 4 paragraphs 406 (political indoctrination) and 407 (duty to secure balanced treatment of political issues) of the 1996 Education Act. Thus despite

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protestations to the contrary, it can be argued that English national education policy is inherently politically biased and comes with an expectation that teachers and school leaders will support and promote the educational policy implemented as exemplified by the earlier discussion of the requirement for pre- and in-service teachers not to undermine FBV, and by the legal duty guidance reminders to teachers – that if their professional behaviors are not politically objective they can be sanctioned in accordance with the Teachers Standards (DfE, 2012) – and leaders of independent schools (including academy schools) that, the Secretary of State for Education has the power to remove them from their leadership positions if they do not comply with the legal duties (DfE, 2022b). Political bias is further reinforced whenever a new government comes into power as policies enacted by previous governments that they disagree with are archived and a disclaimer added on the DfE website as happened with New Labour government education policies when the Coalition government came into power in 2010. According to Gillborn (2020) race is a taboo subject for policymakers “because the majority of policymakers, their advisors, professional contacts and family members are white [so] they tend to view policy questions from a standpoint that not only fails to recognise the significance of certain problems for minoritised communities, but also actively embodies whiteness in their assumptions and actions” (p. 123). Following Gillborn’s framing, as a Black woman, one would expect Badenoch to have an insight into some of the racial inequalities encountered by minority ethnic teachers in schools, but Badenoch’s ministerial support for a government policy that seeks to silence debates on whiteness and white privilege/supremacy reinforces Gillborn’s (2020, p. 115) contention that “people of colour can sometimes become vocal advocates for whiteness.” Equally Badenoch’s active silencing of debates pertaining to generating understanding about educational racism and educational inequality is misguided especially as discussions about “race,” ethnicity, racism, and cultural difference have not been prioritized in English schools since the ousting of the New Labour government in 2010. Since then, there has also been a noticeable absence of any focus on race and anti-racism in the preparation of student teachers in ITE in England, and in the continuing professional development of teachers, owing to Coalition and Conservative government commitment to/belief in neoliberal marketization and cultural assimilation ideologies (Pearce & Lewis, 2019). Government objections to discussions about race and anti-racism (Kendi, 2019; Joseph-Salisbury, 2020) are supported by findings to their commissioned report into racial inequalities which contends that institutional racism (initially identified in England by Macpherson, 1999) is no longer a prominent feature of education institutions or embedded in the UK (Sewell et al., 2021). Yet as argued by Leonardo and Porter (2010) and McGowan et al. (2021) developing student and teacher capacity to talk about race and racism is a critical step in challenging racial educational inequality in England (Coard, 2021) and the USA (Ladson-Billings, 2007; NCES, 2018). It is additionally important for preservice teachers to develop insight into BME students’ experiences of racism (including students from White minority backgrounds during ITE school placements (Wilkins & Lall, 2011; Lander, 2011, Pearce, 2014; Bhopal & Rhamie, 2014), especially if BME entrants in ITE are to become qualified teachers committed

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to entering the teaching profession. This contention is supported by the ITE Induction guidelines which makes clear that “teacher educators need to be prepared to have courageous conversations with novice teachers and support their understanding of how systemic racism supports the status quo” (Boyd et al., 2021, p. 12). The need for “courageous conversations” begs the question as to what is it about racialized conversations that teacher educators need to be “courageous” about? Surely critical conversations about race and anti-racism should be standard practice in ITE. Moreover, do white teacher educators need to be courageous because they lack the knowledge, understanding, and skills to employ anti-racist pedagogies to decolonize western curricula and challenge educational racism, or because they would rather embrace the status quo and maintain white supremacist discourses?

Changing the Status Quo Since the British government’s Statement of Intent to increase BME teacher recruitment and the number in leadership positions was published in 2018 little has changed; a point emphasized by the Commission on Young Peoples Lives (2022) which made a similar recommendation and called for “transparency about the ethnic diversity of those involved in senior decision-making” (p. 57) concerning the leadership progression of BME teachers. The fact that BME teachers remain underrepresented in senior leadership positions would seem to support Miller’s contention of “white sanction” of BME leadership, and reflect Suarez and Berry’s (2020) perception of ethnically diverse academics being employed “as an addition or a guest to the normal thought and practice of [the whiteness of] departments and universities” (Suarez & Berry, 2020, p. 206). In other words BME educators are employed to make white organizations look more diverse, rather than because there is a real desire to change the “colour” of the organization. If the goals of the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent are to be achieved and the number of BME teachers is to increase, ITE educators will need to examine the whiteness of the teaching profession (Santoro, 2014) and educational institutions (Tate & Page, 2018) and include race-equality training as a “core aspect of all teacher training” (Commission on Young Peoples Lives, 2022, p. 57). In practice American research suggests this will require: the teacher education system – curriculum, course design, field placements, models of supervision, co-operating teachers and supervisors – [to] be re-examined for oppressive and racist practices [and] assignments where teachers of color can talk about their culture, backgrounds, race and racism in the context of teacher education. (Mensah, 2019, p. 1446)

Essentially, when teacher education programs fail to name, disrupt and dismantle white supremacy in the many aspects of the system, they inevitably create obstacles and maintain oppressive learning conditions for candidates of color in their pursuit of teaching as their chosen profession. (Mensah, 2019 p. 1446)

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The inclusion of critical racialized discussions about whiteness/white supremacy therefore requires acknowledging white fears of engaging in racial discussions (Diangelo, 2018; Leonardo & Porter, 2010) in teacher preparation programs (Smith & Lander, 2012; Bhopal & Rhamie, 2014). Fundamentally, changing the status quo necessitates reconsideration in teacher preparation of who a teacher is (i.e., Eurocentric notions of a teacher), what subjects/ content they can teach, and how they deliver their subject and what leadership positions they are able to achieve (Muldoon, 2019). As part of considering who a teacher is (including background), ITE educators will need to question their assumptions about teacher knowledge production, structural biases in education and challenge deficit perceptions of and othering of BME student teachers (Callender, 2019; Maylor, 2018) and teachers (Lambert & Smith, 2016; Fuller, 2019), and discrediting contentions such as Black people cannot be teachers (Maylor et al., 2013) or heads of department and/or Black men cannot be successful headteachers/principals (Smith, 2021). ITE and schools will need to look beyond their own prejudices if real change is to happen. If the government is serious about increasing BME teacher recruitment and those in senior leadership roles, it will need to go beyond its Statement of Intent (DfE, 2018) and turn that intent into actual action through creating level playing fields and removing cultural capital glass ceilings which block BME teacher progression into head teacher positions (Haque & Elliot, 2017). They will also need to ensure that continuing professional development for teacher educators and school leadership teams help them to go through a process of conscientization (Freire, 1970) whereby they develop critical awareness of systemic racial inequality in education and equip themselves with “dysconscious racism” tools (King, 1991) which enable them to critically reflect on and challenge knowledge/“understandings that make it difficult for them to act in favour of truly equitable education” (p. 134). With new consciousness, teachers and teacher educators should be able to challenge racialized educational inequality and make changes to their own practice (Picower & Kohli, 2017). In the context of this chapter, this would mean teachers are able to challenge and dismiss stereotypes including their own biases which position Black teachers, for example, as only having relevance during Black history month (Doharty, 2019) or as behavioral experts owing to having “aggressive” tendencies themselves (Haque & Elliott, 2017; Maylor, 2018). The conscientization process (Freire, 1970) should also help teacher educators and in-service teachers to question statistics that suggest that BME teachers are not aspirational, and that this is a reason for them not applying for senior leadership posts. This critical interrogation of racist demonizing assumptions of BME teachers is necessary as Tate and Page (2018) argue that institutional unconscious bias training grounded within equality and diversity training, and which seeks to challenge staffs negative racial, cultural, and gendered biases is ineffective because it “avoids an acknowledgement of structural and systemic racism” and the ways in which “unconscious bias” is “linked to power” (p. 146); and [at the same time] pervades all aspects of institutional life’ including “strategic direction, recruitment and selection, promotion processes, curriculum, admissions as well as student experience and outcomes” (p. 142). Furthermore, research has shown that white preservice teachers in ITE are

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resistant to claims of institutional racism and critiquing white power systems (Lander, 2011; Pearce, 2014). Therefore, Tate and Page (2018) call for decolonization of (un)conscious bias because “(un)conscious bias is also part of the epistemic processes of the production of white supremacy and its concomitant ‘white fragility’ through its claim to ignorance” (p. 146) of how BME people and their knowledge have been negatively constructed by white supremacists/colonialists, in comparison to the positive positioning of “white” knowledge as “superior” (see also Bhambra et al., 2018; Chin et al., 2020; Halpin, 2020). The debunking of misinformation and untruths about BME knowledge is essential for the various ITE routes to understand if BME student teacher knowledge is to be positively re-imagined. Through examining the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent aims to increase the number of BME teachers recruited and those progressed to head teacher positions, this chapter has necessarily focused on policy enablers and inhibitors in this process. However, it is recognized that to achieve this aim changes will also need to be implemented within ITE and schools. Therefore, ITE will need to provide safe spaces where teacher educators, student teachers, and school placement mentors are able to critically reflect on their self-identities. For example, Caballero and Aspinall (2018) observe that people identifying as “Mixed heritage” are not always acknowledged in identity discussions. This may have implications for teacher recruitment and retention of such students where their identities go unacknowledged. Within schools headteachers and governing bodies will need to develop an understanding of “race” and structural racism, and its impact on the lower numbers of BME senior leaders. Moreover, Miller contends that “anti-racist training for school leaders should be central to ongoing professional development to enable them to develop skills and knowledge regarding ‘leading change for race diversity that (i) reflects the contexts within which they live and work, and that (ii) empowers them to more effectively serve their institutions’” (Miller, 2021, p. 7). Achieving the government policy goal of increasing BME teachers and senior leaders is to a large extent dependent on ITE educators developing/becoming more knowledgeable about BME groups through engaging in continuing professional development (CPD) and dialoguing with/listening to ethnically diverse teachers. Such CPD should assist ITE educators in their recruitment of BME student teachers as they recognize and value (contrary to contentions by Bourdieu and Passeron (1977)) that BME groups bring extensive cultural capital (hooks, 1994; Yosso, 2005) to teaching and the wider contributions of BME teachers and senior school leaders in schools. ITE recruitment of BME student teachers can only be effective long-term and begin to challenge the underrepresentation of BME teachers in English schools if the knowledge teacher educators develop about BME groups enables them to not just appreciate racial diversity, but have sufficient knowledge to separate BME groups from entrenched stereotypes that abound about them and challenge racism in ITE and in school practice. Further, there needs to be recognition that BME teachers are not homogeneous and are differentiated by their intersectional identities (i.e., class, gender, ethnicity, sexuality, disability, faith/no faith and country they experienced ITE and gained qualified teacher status, and subsequent teaching experiences). Such insights should assist ITE educators to recognize the ways in

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which implicit assumptions about BME groups/teachers and normative practices both within ITE in universities and during student placements in schools can influence ITE teacher educators teaching practices and their ability to critically challenge negative school placement experiences for BME student teachers, and the mentoring support provided. Ultimately, the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent will become a mere illusion, if ITE does not also address the racism, lack of career development, and progression experienced by BME teacher educators in predominantly white ITE institutions (Lander & Santoro, 2017). Without such action the landscape of ITE will not change, and just as BME teachers are underrepresented in schools/senior leadership in England, Australia, and the USA, so too will BME teacher educators remain underrepresented (Sleeter, 2001, 2017). ITE and schools will also need to ensure that where BME teachers and teacher educators are employed they do not bear the greater responsibility for educating about racial issues and challenging racism. In this way they will avoid experiencing racial battle fatigue (Pizzaro & Kohli, 2018).

Summary Drawing on critical racial and social justice perspectives, this chapter has critically interrogated the UK government’s Statement of Intent (DfE, 2018) to increase diversity in teacher recruitment and senior school leadership from the perspective of having an ethnically diverse teacher workforce which is currently underrepresented in English schools (DfE, 2020c). As such, the chapter explored teacher workforce numbers and roles, conceptualizations, and BME teacher/senior leader experiences and policy (ITE and school) provision since 2000 aimed at enhancing ethnically diverse student and qualified teacher numbers and providing schools with greater access to BME school headteachers/principals. It may be argued that analysis of the DfE (2018) Statement of Intent and its success/not is premature as there has not been sufficient time for the British government to realize their policy objective of increasing diverse teacher and senior leadership numbers. The analysis presented here would however suggest that achieving the goals of this policy objective is not a matter of time, but rather of how BME teachers and senior leaders are conceptualized and the ideologies and school/ITE ethos which underpin such conceptualizations, and the failure of government policy to challenge structural racism in education and barriers to change alongside recognizing the salience of fostering anti-racist practice in ITE and school governance.

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Contents Mapping the Landscape of School Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Glossing Over Intervention By the Supreme Court . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem of Intellectual Isolation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem of Poor State Investment in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preparation of Teacher Educators: A Weak Link and the Absence of Critical Discourse . . . . The Changing Axis of the Quality Debate and Privatization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Privatization of Teacher Education and Policy Propositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Unprepared teachers and a stagnant teacher education sector characterized the landscape of Indian school education when elementary education was declared a fundamental right, more than a decade ago. A large number of teacher vacancies and the sizeable presence of professionally unqualified teachers posed critical challenges to the task of universalizing quality education. Private teacher education institutions (TEIs) increased manifold in the years preceding the Right to Education Act. The Supreme Court’s Justice Verma Commission noted that over 90% teachers were being prepared in private teacher education institutes, while 80% of elementary school children were enrolled in state schools. There has been a 13% rise in private TEIs since then.

P. Batra (*) Formerly with the Central Institute of Education, University of Delhi, Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_50

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Keywords

Public · Private interests · Teacher education · Quality · Policy · Teacher educators · Critical discourse

This chapter argues that the virtual business takeover of teacher education is an outcome of policy inaction and the gross state neglect of public institution building, leaving major national gaps in the preparation of teachers and teacher educators. Teacher education suffered from years of intellectual isolation as a result of rigid and unimaginative regulatory norms and the proliferation of substandard private TEIs that are severed from universities. In the absence of a robust teacher educator community, a culture of uncritical engagement with questions of educational theory and practice normalized; the focus on learning outcomes has essentialized teacher knowledge and undermined teachers’ epistemic identity. The capture of the school teacher by private interests has led to a subversion of the commitment to the Constitution-led policy frame of equity and social justice. The chapter concludes by affirming the promise of educating teachers in the reality of the “public space” and raising the critical question of whether private institutes can provide the space for debate and contestation required for critical teacher education?

Mapping the Landscape of School Teachers When the Right to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) was enacted in 2009, several states of India faced an acute shortfall of professionally qualified teachers. The cumulative shortfall of qualified teachers was due to the adoption of short-term policy measures and the gross neglect over several decades, of developing institutional state capacity to prepare teachers. The huge demand for teachers to implement RTE compelled several Indian states to seek exemption from adhering to norms of qualifications while recruiting teachers. Unqualified candidates were pumped into the teaching profession, adding to the large number of “para teachers” (a term used for teachers appointed in schools on contract basis, under varying service conditions.) that had overrun the state school system since international donor-supported educational reforms of the 1990s in some of the most educationally challenged states of India. The Eighth All India Survey (NCERT, 2009) recorded a growth of 22% in the total number of 6.7 million teachers, including para teachers since the previous survey. It noted a growth of 20% in full-time primary school teachers, 23% in the upper primary, and 24% in the secondary and higher secondary school teachers. The period between 2002 and 2009 saw a phenomenal growth of over 302% in the number of para teachers and of about 210% in the number of part-time teachers.

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The total number of para teachers in the primary and upper primary sections at that time was estimated to be 0.81 million (11%), with several of them not having the requisite essential and professional qualification. Four percent of the 0.56 million para teachers at the primary stage did not have a secondary school certificate, when the essential requirement was higher secondary. Six percent of the 0.25 million para teachers at the upper primary stage had only secondary school qualification, when the essential requirement is graduation. Twenty percent of the 0.13 million teachers at the secondary stage did not have the requisite qualification of graduation, and 25% of the 0.4 million teachers at the higher secondary stage did not have the requisite qualification of postgraduation (NCERT, 2009). By the time the RTE Act was implemented in 2010, the country had accumulated not only a huge shortfall of professionally qualified teachers but also a large cadre of untrained teachers, many even lacking essential qualification. The Bordia RTE-SSA Committee estimated 1.06 million teachers who worked without professional training, and would be required to acquire it within a maximum period of 5 years as per stipulations in the RtE Act (GoI, 2009). The unpreparedness of the teacher and the teacher education system to meet the goals of the National Curriculum framework (NCF), 2005 (Batra, 2005), deepened with a studied silence on defining who an elementary school teacher ought to be, in the RtE Act. Some were of the view that the implementation of RtE would exacerbate inequities in access to quality teachers and teaching across India (Chudgar, 2013). Several Indian states, even today, face acute teacher shortage largely due to poor institutional capacity to prepare teachers. Many of these states continue to recruit teachers on contract, compromising on mandated essential qualifications. Pre-pandemic figures reveal that 34% of teachers in Delhi government schools alone worked as guest teachers and had sought cabinet approval to continue working as such until the retirement age of 60 years (Hindustan Times, 2019). Several states in India have virtually abandoned the responsibility of creating professionally qualified teachers. Some northern states have even done away with the cadre of primary school teachers, as in the case of Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. While 11% primary schools during the Eighth All India Survey were without fulltime teachers, 33% primary schools had less than two full-time teachers. Thus, four out of every ten primary schools had only two full-time teachers in position (NCERT, 2009). The period from 2006 to 2012 (pre- and post-RtE) saw very little improvement in the overall percentage of professionally qualified regular teachers in the system – from 78% to 80%. The overall percentage of contractual teachers (read para teachers) to the total number of teachers declined marginally at the primary level, from 17.01 in 2009–2010 to 16.72 in 2011–2012. The upper primary, secondary, and higher secondary schools, however, showed an increase in the percentage of contractual teachers, from 6.60 in 2009–2010 to 7.48 in 2011–2012.

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The number of contractual teachers who acquired professional qualification enhanced from 45% in 2006–2007 to 62% in 2011–2012. Nevertheless, 38% of the serving contractual teachers continued to teach in schools without any professional qualification. The average number of teachers in government primary schools remained more or less stagnant at 2.6 and 2.8 between 2005 and 2012 (NUEPA, 2012). In private primary schools the average number of teachers was much higher and increased from 4.7 in 2005–2006 to 5.0 in 2011–2012. The average number of teachers at the upper primary, secondary, and higher secondary level in government schools indicated a steady growth from 9.0 in 2009–2010 to 13.7 in 2011–2012, but stagnated in private upper primary, secondary, and high secondary schools at 9.0 in 2009–2010 and 9.1 in 2011–2012. Two years past the RtE deadline of 2015, by when all untrained teachers in the system were expected to acquire requisite professional qualifications, India had accumulated 1.1 million unqualified teachers in the school system as per the HRD minister’s statement in parliament – higher than what it started with in 2009. Waking up to this reality, the central government passed an amendment to the RtE Act, providing elementary school teachers another small window to acquire requisite professional qualifications under the legislation in August 2017 (Hindu, 2017). These 1.1 million teachers were to attain the required certification through massive open online courses on the Swayam Portal, launched for the purpose by the Government of India. However, there was enough ground for skepticism, given that distance learning measures via the involvement of the Indira Gandhi National Open University and National Institute of Open Schooling, suggested in 2010, were found to be poorly operationalized, creating no real impact on the ground (NCTE, 2012). Moreover, a distance learning architecture needed to be operationalized and monitored for transaction and evaluation of registered teachers, for the period September, 2017 to March, 2019 (Batra, 2019). We do not have data to indicate what has been achieved in this regard, so far. The most recent estimates noted in the draft education policy, (a precursor to the Nation Education Policy released in July 2020.) (GoI, 2019, p. 115) show that “the country faces over one million teacher vacancies – a large proportion of them in rural areas – leading to PTRs (pupil-teacher ratios) (The mandated pupil-student ratio is 30: 1 as per RtE norms.) that are even larger than 60:1 in certain areas.” The All India Statistics on Higher Education (AISHE), 2019 indicate that a total of 0.5 million and 0.1 million candidates graduated in secondary and elementary teacher training, respectively. These are woefully inadequate figures given the challenge of the large number of teacher vacancies. Besides, it must be borne in mind that, as per the Teacher Eligibility Test (TET) requirements, only 15% graduates qualified to become teachers at the elementary level. Out of a total of 2.38 million who appeared for the CTET exam in July 2019, 14.80% qualified. This an improvement over the past years when percentage of those qualifying STET and CTET have been as low as 5–7% (Business Today, 2019). As per UDISE 2020 data, the Indian school system, as per RtE norms, requires approximately 8.3 million teachers to cater to 25 million elementary and secondary children in the existing 1.5 million schools in India.

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Glossing Over Intervention By the Supreme Court Major Education Commissions and Committees on education in India, (GoI, 1966; 1985; 1986; 1990; 1993) recommended the need for qualitative reform of teacher education and suggested various measures. The sector remained stagnant despite several attempts to release it from colonial frames and ground it in prevailing school realities and frontiers of decolonized knowledge. As a result, the bulk of schoolteachers across the country are undertrained, under-compensated, and reduced to demotivated instruments of a system of education that was initially conceived to support a colonial regime. Scholars have argued how the concept and content of teacher training, and the model lesson and supervision norms have remained unchanged for over a century (Kumar, 2005; Batra, 2005). Even today this system tends to strengthen rather than question the status quo on questions of caste, community, and gender asymmetry. The Supreme Court of India made a far-reaching intervention in teacher education in June, 2011, to address complaints of widespread malpractice, policy distortions, and regulatory conflicts. After uncovering a viper’s nest of vested interests from widespread corruption, dummy colleges, a moribund teacher educator community to malpractice and widespread political patronage – constituted a high powered commission headed by J. S. Verma, a former Chief Justice of India. The Justice Verma Commission (JVC), after yearlong nationwide consultations, presented a comprehensive report and action plan to reform the teacher education sector, to the Supreme Court in August, 2012. One of the most critical observations made by the JVC was that “. . .close to 90 percent of pre-service teacher training institutions are in the private sector. . . (while) around 80 percent of children enrolled in state schools are the direct responsibility of the state as per the RTE Act” (GoI, 2012, p. 21). The Commission noted that the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE) had failed to control the proliferation of substandard teacher education institutes (TEIs), leading to rampant privatization and commercialization. This in their view had adversely affected the quality of teacher education (p. 21) as the bulk of those who qualify to be teachers through a substandard private system of “teaching shops” fail to address the pedagogic needs of diverse classrooms. Analysis of the data on recognized teacher education institutes updated by NCTE in 2019 reveals that the number of private TEIs increased further since the JVC submitted its report. Data (NCTE, 2020) indicates that 46% (7,725 out of a total 16,917) of recognized TEIs across the country are located in the northern region (see figure below). The southern region has 26% TEIs, the western region 18%, and the eastern region about 10% of total TEIs in India. Figures indicate a total private share of over 91% of all TEIs across the country. Of these, northern and the western regions have the maximum number of private TEIs – 96 and 93%, respectively. The southern region has 89% of TEIs in the private sector. The relatively lower percentage of private TEIs in the eastern region (77%) is largely because two states – Odisha and Mizoram – do not have any TEIs in the private sector.

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All India Percentage of Teacher Education Institutes East Govt, 422, 2% East Pvt, 1,377 , 8% West Govt, 231 , 1% North Pvt, 7,392 , 44%

West Pvt, 2,872 , 17%

South Pvt, 3,823 , 23%

South Govt, 467 , 3%

North Govt, 333 , 2% East Govt

East Pvt

West Govt West Pvt

South Pvt

North Govt

North Pvt

South Govt

Source: Compiled using NCTE (2019) data source

The largest share of private TEIs are located in the larger states of each region. Thus, for large and small states, barring Odisha and Mizoram, private TEIs continue to be the norm as was highlighted by JVC. This is a virtual business takeover of teacher education via contracts between state and national governments with support from the apex regulatory body (National Council for Teacher education [NCTE]) and private providers. Private TEIs sustain on a network of rent-seeking activities, beginning with the requirement of formal institutional recognition and the provision of certification to aspiring students. The award of degrees and diplomas without the need to attend classes is accepted practice. Behar (2015) notes that several private TEIs award degrees without the need to attend classes, have commercial motives, practically no facilities and no teaching staff, only a license from NCTE to operate. For instance, a report on Bihar noted that while 90% TEIs had buildings, office rooms and lecture halls were not usable, and the majority of institutions were without electricity connection. Only a few toilets were usable and 50% institutes lacked drinking water facility (GoI, 2013). The period between 2007 and 2011 saw an exponential rise in the number of private TEIs; the number more than doubled from 7,300 in 2007 to 14,704 in 2011 (Batra 2017a), with a total intake of ~1 million students. Currently, there are a total of 16,917 TEIs offering 24,199 courses (NCTE, 2020) with an intake of over 1.2 million potential seats.

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Estimates indicate that 51% of TEIs train secondary school teachers and 43% train elementary level school teachers. Of the total of 0.5 million potential seats (intake) in pre-service teacher education, 0.3 million (64%) were for training secondary teachers to cater to 27% of secondary level students and 0.1 million (34%) to train elementary level teachers to cater to 73% of primary level students. Data generated using the Census 2001 and 2006 figures and adjusted with the initial results of the NCERT 7th Educational Survey of 2002 indicates a strong skew in the supply of teachers at both the elementary and secondary stage of education (Batra, 2017a). As per current estimates of NCTE, the percentage intake for Diploma in Education or DElEd (Diploma in Elementary Education) ranges from 29.81 in the northern region to 40.79 in the eastern region; and the percentage intake for Bachelor of Education (BEd) ranges from 45.25 in the southern region to 56.27 in the northern region. Clearly, the system of teacher education is geared to produce a far larger number of secondary teachers than what the school system can absorb. In contrast, the number of primary level teacher graduates are far less than the existing need. This systemic imbalance continues to remain in the blind spot of policy makers. Of the total current intake, a mere 40,000 seats (Computed on the basis of AISHE (2019) data, are in District Institutes of Education and Training (DIETs) – state institutions that prepare elementary school teachers. This implies that mushrooming substandard teacher training institutes are expected to fill the unfilled demand of ~1,60,000 (81%) elementary school teachers. Corresponding figures for 2019 indicate an enhanced share of teachers trained in the private sector with a further increase of 13% TEIs since 2011. While the relative arrest of private expansion of TEIs post-2011 can be attributed to JVC’s expressed disapproval of substandard private “teaching shops,” its recommendation to increase state investment in teacher education goes unheeded and finds no mention in the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020.

The Problem of Intellectual Isolation The second critical observation made by JVC was the intellectual isolation of institutional environments in which teachers are prepared. The bulk of TEIs (91% of which are private) exist as standalone institutions offering a single course, such as the Bachelor of Education (BEd) or Diploma in Education (DEd). NCTE estimated that, in 2011 only 20,000 of the 0.3 million secondary level seats approved were university based. According to AISHE data for 2015–2016, nearly 90% of ~17,000 colleges in India that teach a single program are teacher training institutes (GoI, 2019). JVC noted that the standalone nature of TEIs is a “direct consequence of stipulated norms that require separate independent campuses for teacher education institutes even within universities” (2012, p. 14). Also, most colleges of teacher education (CTEs that offer BEd) have very little scope for engagement across disciplines due to lack of physical and academic proximity to the affiliated

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university. About half of the total number of TEIs that train elementary schoolteachers via a Diploma in Elementary Education (DElEd) in any case fall outside universities and the higher education system of the country. This means that the bulk of teacher preparation happens in isolation of centers of higher learning. As a result of their “standalone” nature, noted JVC, TEIs “remain severed from activities of knowledge generation and a culture of research and interdisciplinary studies.” This helps us understand why TEIs remain impoverished in terms of professional capacity and curricular change. “It is therefore desirable,” observed JVC, “that new teacher education institutions are located in multi and inter-disciplinary academic environment.” The Commission emphasized that “apart from augmenting the required capacity to prepare teachers, pre-service programmes require a radical shift in curriculum and institutional design” (GoI, 2012, p. 15). A critical way forward suggested by JVC, to address three of its crucial recommendations, namely (a) increase government investment; (b) prepare high-quality teachers through integrated programs of general and professional education; and (c) remove the intellectual isolation that characterizes school teachers and their preparation, was to locate teacher education programs of secondary and elementary education in university-based undergraduate colleges of liberal arts and sciences. With the revision of NCTE norms in 2014, based on JVC recommendations, all teacher education courses were supposed to have become part of “composite institutions” defined (by the JVC) as multidisciplinary institutions that offer diverse courses in the liberal arts and sciences. One of the several subcommittees set up to provide road maps for the implementation of JVC recommendations outlined concrete strategies to address this specific recommendation, drawing upon UGC database that listed over 35,000 affiliated and constituent colleges of liberal arts and sciences across the country (NCTE, 2014). This number has gone up since then. According to 2018 estimates of AISHE, there are a total of 39,931 undergraduate colleges. Although majority of these colleges are private, over 22% are state run and about 10% are government aided. This subcommittee observed that the large number of undergraduate colleges could potentially offer pre-service teacher education programs beginning with states in urgent need of teachers, but having poor institutional capacity. It recommended that locating teacher education programs in liberal arts and science colleges would enable the gradual transition of the preparation of teachers from standalone institutions to multidisciplinary institutions as recommended by JVC. However, in the revised norms of 2014, the term “composite institutions” was reinterpreted by the NCTE to also mean institutions with more than one teacher education program. Consequentially, the insular nature of TEIs as pointed out by the JVC remained unaddressed and unresolved, despite revision in regulatory norms. With a change in the political regime at the center in 2014, the JVC recommendations were set aside despite their approval by the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) and a ruling by the Supreme Court to ensure their implementation via an implementation committee The Implementation Committee (IC) constituted by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India at the behest of the apex court in 2012 in compliance with the order dated 14/16.5.2013

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prepared a comprehensive Action Plan for giving effect to the recommendations made by Verma Commission. The order directed the NCTE to notify the new regulations latest by 30/11/2013, later extending the date to November 2014. It was further directed by the Supreme Court of India that all “recommendations made by the IC shall be binding on the Government of India, the Government of all States and Administration of Union Territories and also NCTE, University Grant Commission and all of them shall implement the same without any objections and without modifying the same” (Batra 2017b). The JVC, its recommendations, and the road maps proposed by various subcommittees find no mention either in any of the policy provisions and modifications made by NCTE under the new dispensation, since 2014, or in the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020. A precursor to NEP 2020, the draft education policy released in 2019, merely mentions JVC’s observation that a majority of “the standalone teaching institutes – over 10,000 in number (grossly underestimated) – are not even attempting serious teacher education, but are essentially selling degrees for a price” (GoI, 2019, p. 283). The only academic strategy proposed to enhance professionalism among teachers and build their capacity in NEP, 2020, is to set up national level teacher education universities, a concept that many argued against during national level JVC deliberations. Such a move, the Commission noted, would further augment the existing problem of preparing teachers in an intellectual vacuum through standalone institutions.

The Problem of Poor State Investment in Teacher Education The gross financial neglect of teacher education, though characteristic of education policy, rarely finds critical mention in educational debates. The district-based infrastructure for pre- and in-service elementary school teachers (DIETs) established under the centrally sponsored scheme of teacher education in the seventh five-year plan (1985–1990) is a glaring example of such neglect. Established post-1986 education policy, DIETs have remained under plan funds for over three decades until the 12th plan (2012–2017). During this long period most DIETs were allowed to languish (GoI 2013a, b) because of inadequate funds, and the meagre and untimely release of allocated funds. DIETs also faced academic marginalization during the nationwide reforms under the World Bank–funded District Primary Education Program (DPEP) (Batra 2019). With the discontinuation of five-year plans the NDA government disbanded the Planning Commission and with it the practice of developing five-year plans, replacing it with NITI Aayog in 2015. Post2017, the centrally sponsored scheme of teacher education was merged with the SSA and RMSA under Samagra Shiksha (GoI, 2018), implying a further decline in fund allocations. It is important to reiterate that DIETs form a miniscule part (a mere 600 +) of the total number of ~17,000 existing TEIs. Taking note of this and the enrolment rate of over 80% children in elementary state schools, the Justice Verma Commission recommended substantive increase in government spending on teacher education. As indicated earlier, to increase state

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presence in the teacher education sector, the IC via its subcommittees suggested economically viable models such as locating programs of teacher education in undergraduate colleges of liberal arts and sciences. The Commission also saw in this the possibility of shutting down large numbers of substandard standalone institutions without exacerbating the problem of inadequate institutional capacity. However, budget allocations for school education, including teacher education, continue to be inadequate. According to one estimate, even though India stepped up its spending on school education by 9.35% from 2014–2015 to 2018–2019, the education share in the total union budget reduced from 2.55% to 2.05% in this period. Spending on education has fallen from 1% of the national income in 2014–2015 to 0.62% in 2017–2018. The overall share of educational financing in the budget has been slashed from 6.1% to 3.7% (Vivek, 2018). Also, the Union government’s budgetary spending on education accounts for a much smaller share than state governments’ total budgetary spending on education. This puts higher fiscal responsibility on state governments without offering any specific solutions to the existing challenges facing the education sector (Kundu, 2017, p. 33). Kundu (2019) notes that the share of teachers’ education budget in the overall school budget declined from 1.3% in 2009–2010 to 1.1% in 2018–2019. States in India that have large numbers of professionally unqualified teachers do not spend even 1% of their school education budgets on teacher training (Kundu 2018). While on the recommendations of the 14th Finance Commission, some states did increase allocations for the training of teachers; these were as low as 0.001% in Uttar Pradesh and 1.3% in Bihar. Despite JVC recommendations, the central as well as state governments have both failed to invest enough to create institutional capacity for training teachers. Government of India estimates indicate that DIETs, the nodal agencies for elementary teacher education, have over 45% faculty (teacher educators) vacancies (GoI, 2018; 2019). Also, DIETs are often staffed with people who are not appropriate for these roles, leading to ineffective use of budget allocations (GoI, 2019). Paucity of teacher educators is yet another critical manifestation of the poor fiscal health of the teacher education sector.

Preparation of Teacher Educators: A Weak Link and the Absence of Critical Discourse Large number of teacher educator vacancies is characteristic of not only state-run TEIs but of the bulk of private-run TEIs. For instance, Gitarattan Institute of Advanced Studies & Training, affiliated to GGSIPU (Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University) lists about 15 faculty members for two programs of teacher education, namely BEd and DElEd with an intake of 100 students per batch. The NCTE norms suggest a minimum of 16 faculty for an intake of 50 students for a two-year program (GIAST, 2020) as well. Clearly, the extraordinarily large presence of TEIs in the private space has neither solved the chronic problem of teacher shortage nor the problem of acute shortfall of teacher educators across several states.

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The paucity and unpreparedness of teacher educators is usually glossed over in policy debates and is rarely seen to be critical to the preparation of quality teachers. The All India figures of NCTE 2013 (cited in Batra, 2017a) reveal that of all the institutes recognized by the NCTE, less than 6% offer MEd programs amounting to a total intake of about 2%. Current NCTE estimates indicate that the total capacity of institutions that offer a post-graduate degree in education (MEd) – the essential qualification for becoming a teacher educator – is a mere 1,204 with a total student intake of 51,180. Even if all the graduates of MEd (student intake of 51,180) were to be accommodated as teacher educators, an ideal system would need 3,198 TEIs that offer pre-service programs, taking 16 faculty members per institution as per NCTE norms, 2014. In order to meet the requirement of one million school teachers (teacher vacancies as per draft education policy, 2019) a projected institutional capacity to develop teacher educators would need to be six times higher than what exists. Currently, the percent of TEIs offering MEd courses across different regions of the country ranges from 3.32 to 5.61%. The percent intake for the MEd course is as low as1.91% in the eastern region and a maximum of 3.96% in the southern region. While the MEd course is offered in select public universities, states with high MEd intake in private institutions are: Haryana, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Chhattisgarh, and the union territories of Chandigarh and Goa. JVC suggested several concrete ways to fill the massive deficit in teacher educators, reiterating some of the recommendations made by the XII Plan Working Group (GoI, 2011). Recommendations include: (a) enhancing the capacity of existing institutions by increasing the annual intake of students in MEd programs; (b) creating capacity in new universities to offer MEd programs; and (c) diversifying the eligibility criteria for recruiting teacher educators. JVC observed that the key problem of “intellectual isolation,” plaguing the sector of teacher education, impacts the preparation of teacher educators as well, as most MEd programs are offered largely in “standalone” institutions. Commercial substandard institutions disseminate practices nested in an unchanged frame of duration, and curriculum and pedagogic approaches, that remain largely uncontested. In the absence of a robust teacher educator community within and across institutions, a culture of uncritical engagement with questions of educational theory and practice is normalized. The Commission unequivocally noted that the “preparation of teacher educators has remained a weak link in ensuring the quality of pre-service teacher education, and therefore, the issue of the profile of a teacher educator should receive due attention, transcending the existing thinking on the subject” (p. 17). It observed that the current institutional norm of requiring an MEd degree for the recruitment of teacher educators is limiting and needs to change, and recommended a strong grounding in the social sciences for the teaching of foundation courses. Enabling a multi- and interdisciplinary faculty to become teacher educators, with strong theoretical and epistemological grounding in major foundational disciplines, will provide the opportunity for wider and deeper engagement with issues of educational theory and practice. Hence, linkages with higher education need to

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become deeper and lateral, observed the Commission. It suggested that the essential qualification framework for teacher educators be broadened to ensure the entry of specialized faculty to become teacher educators. The XII Plan also observed that the “restrictive norm” of MEd as an essential qualification “needs to be reviewed in the light of the following two aspects: (a) the repertoire of skills and capacities required of teacher educators to respond to the demands of a curriculum outlined in the National Curriculum Framework for Teacher Education (NCTE, 2009); and (b) international practice in respect of teacher education institutions. . .the central idea (of which) is to offer alternate paths for persons from various disciplines to become teacher educators” (GoI, 2011, p. 46). This comes from the understanding that the requirement of teacher educators who can engage with questions around aims of education, epistemological basis of knowledge, learners, learning, and curriculum design can be fulfilled via rigorous theoretical engagement with foundational disciplines and not within frameworks of educational practice alone. The Commission recognized the need to combine the study of education as a liberal discipline and as professional practice. To do this would require bridging the popularly held conceptual distinction between education as professional practice and liberal study. A close scrutiny of the Master of Arts programs in Education and the MEd programs reveal that this distinction remains blurred and is difficult to articulate. Not only do professional concerns and liberal ideas inform each other to enrich educational discourse as well as practice, their confluence is also necessary to develop a language of praxis. To enable this, structural provisions will need to be made at two broad levels: (1) open direct entry of students of social sciences, sciences, mathematics, and humanities into postgraduate educational studies and research, without the existing prerequisite of a degree in teacher education and (2) offer education as an elective subject in undergraduate programs of liberal arts and sciences to pool talent and steer them toward higher degrees in education. Equally critical is the inclusion of faculty trained in diverse disciplines, in programs of teacher education and educational research. Post-JVC, the revised norms did little by way of opening up the space in outlining faculty qualifications for teacher educators. On the contrary, space for those with postgraduate degrees in social science disciplines along with research experience/ research degree in education, that existed in norms of 2009 for the Bachelor of Elementary Education (BElEd) program, was effectively closed with the revisions notified in 2014. In the current norms, a teacher education degree has been made mandatory for being recruited as teacher educators, even in the few positions where MEd is not listed as an essential qualification. This is not only a regressive step, but is also violative of the recommendations made by JVC. The JVC report made far-reaching recommendations to revitalize the teacher education sector; improve pre-service and continuing professional development programs for teachers; bring radical modifications to the statutory regulatory functions of the NCTE; and make substantive revisions in the NCTE Act that would commensurate with the recommendations. Specific recommendations focus on structural changes in institutional arrangements; attracting fresh talent to the field

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of teacher education; the redesign of teacher education curriculum to respond to and enhance diversity; develop knowledge and learning contextualized to India’s plural society; and institute appropriate regulatory mechanisms to enable significant shifts on the ground. The NEP 2020 has chosen to ignore the bulk of these recommendations that require structural rearrangements and major changes in the regulatory functions of teacher education, including the NCTE Act. A separate task force on restructuring of the NCTE, recommended by the JVC, submitted its report in 2014 on how the NCTE needs to reorganize itself administratively and academically to become a more robust regulatory body with academically driven purposes. Glossing over the recommendations of JVC, a high powered committee was constituted by the Government of India (Government of India, MHRD F. No. 11-1/2020-IS.14, dated 21st February, 2020.) to “suggest Sectoral Reforms in teacher education” starting from a clean slate. These form the major policy recommendations outlined in NEP 2020.

The Changing Axis of the Quality Debate and Privatization While the state school system expanded to achieve the goal of universal enrolment, the simultaneous acute need for more teachers was left unaddressed. School enrolments gained ground, but the quality of teaching learning posed several challenges in the absence of qualified teachers. The neglect of building institutional capacity to prepare teachers, especially in states with low literacy rates and the acute shortfall of teachers, made the task of achieving quality education much more difficult. The continued gross neglect of teachers and their education was a strong indication that the state was no longer interested in rejuvenating a fast declining state school system. Large numbers of parents moved their children to private schools in search of quality education. Many unrecognized low-fee-paying schools (LFPS) mushroomed to meet parental aspirations of an English medium education – one of the perceived hallmarks of quality schooling. Continuing international pressures to achieve universal quality education paved the way for policy borrowing and seeking answers from the growing global policy community. Advocacy by global education networks and ideas of educational entrepreneurship caught the imagination of many national and international private players. Encouraged by the policy discourse on inviting the private into the education space, nonstate actors of various hues pitched in to meet the crying need for quality education. Srivastava (2010, p. 524) notes that privatization, which may once have been a default strategy, is becoming the strategy of design. The proliferation of the private in education was aided by several corporations that initiated education projects in the framework of corporate social responsibility (CSR). Toward the end of the second decade of reforms school enrolments in state schools started to decline sharply. This was despite the enactment of a central legislation to provide free and compulsory elementary education. DISE data of 2012 indicates that the share of private school enrolment in rural primary schools is 31%, 37% in upper primary levels, 54% at the secondary level,

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and 60% at the secondary and senior secondary school level (EY & FICCI, 2014). According to the World Bank (2017), India is one of the four South Asian countries where about one-third of children from 6 to 18 years of age attend private schools. The largest number of private schools is at the elementary and secondary level in the states of UP and Maharashtra, followed by Gujarat and West Bengal. The impact of the proliferation of private schools including low-fee-paying schools led to further segregation of schools. State schools became largely homogenous spaces with the children of the economically and socially disadvantaged – a direct outcome of the policy neglect of the state schools. The proliferation of lowfee-paying schools, in particular, intensified inequality between regions and schools in terms of learning (Majumdar & Mooij, 2012; Srivastava & Oh, 2010). The absence of an adequate policy response in matters of institutional neglect in preparing qualified teachers added to the problem of impoverished school learning environments. A multitiered education system spawned by privatization exacerbated inequality and legitimized the presence of unequal learning environments for children from different sections of society. The increasing presence of unequal and segregated learning environments across different types of schools, however, did not inform debates on quality education. Unable to address the complexity of diverse classrooms and teacher unpreparedness, the axis of the quality debate was effectively shifted to the operations of educational practice – especially those that were easy to measure and scale up, namely learning outcomes. Parameters to define quality were narrowed to close the contradictory gap between quality as a fundamental right and the neoliberal thrust on teacher performativity and learning outcomes. As narrow concepts of quality gained premium, purposes of education started disengaging from long-term goals of commitment toward equity and social justice, also undercutting the core role of critical teacher knowledge in enabling socially just education. Outcome-based notions of quality created a rationale for teachers to pay greater attention to learning assessments rather than on creating meaningful learning experiences for children. With policy emphasis on student learning outcomes, state schools too were rearranged into unequal learning environments. For instance, several state schools have English medium sections as well; and the entire school population in Delhi government schools has been streamed into ability-based sections (GNCT Delhi, 2016). The focus on learning outcomes is now part of the RtE via an amendment in 2019, justifying the NITI Aayog’s position that the right to education should really be the “right to learning” (GoI, 2017). This resulted in divorcing notions of “learning” and “teacher professional judgement” from “pedagogic processes” (Batra, 2017a). It can be argued that the trajectory of privatization hastened the process of institutionalizing outcome-based conceptions of quality – a discourse largely borrowed from a “global education policy community” (Ball, 2017) and disseminated by nonstate advocacy groups. This enabled the normalization of a policy discourse that hinged on ensuring tangible but minimalist educational outcomes for the masses – learning achievement scores and teacher accountability. The policy

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focus on teacher performativity in ensuring learning outcomes reduced the teacher to a mere instrument of, and made her complicit in neoliberal reform.

Privatization of Teacher Education and Policy Propositions Privatization of teacher education appears to have followed a slightly different trajectory – one, led by policy “inaction” rather than “action” as in the case of school education, wherein neoliberal reforms had institutionalized unequal learning environments. As teacher education was allowed to expand in the private space, the university-based teacher educator community shrunk and was pushed to the margins of school education policy. This was easy to effect as the NCTE Act itself undermines the role of universities in sustaining the quality of teacher preparation (GoI, 1993). Years of gross neglect and regulatory inaction, followed by withdrawal from the responsibility of preparing teachers, despite judicial intervention, led to a de facto public policy that emasculates the potential role of teachers and teacher education in achieving equitable, quality education. While intervention of the Supreme Court of India led to an increase in the duration of pre-service teacher education, precious little was done to translate the curriculum vision into reality (Batra, 2021). Propagating utilitarian notions of teachers and their education was central to the reform process in India. Teachers were reduced to implement minimalist agendas and “practical knowledge” was positioned as key to ensure student learning. The system continues to certify teachers largely ill-equipped to handle diverse classrooms due to poor theoretical grounding. The de-emphasis of theoretical knowledge in favor of “practical knowledge” could be seen as an outcome of policy borrowing from contexts where neoliberal reforms had already delinked theoretical markers from processes of teacher preparation. In the absence of robust epistemological underpinnings of teacher knowledge, and the orchestrated absence of teachers in problematizing conceptions of school knowledge, it was easy to essentialize teacher knowledge within the frame of neoliberal agendas (Batra, 2021). Reforms that undermined teacher’s epistemic identity derived strength from the distanced policy position on teachers, taken by the NCF, 2005, and RtE, 2009. The turn of international and national policy discourse toward the centrality of teachers in fulfilling the neoliberal agenda continued unabated, making teachers complicit in taking forward narrow school-based reforms (Biesta, 2015), leaving very little latitude for them to exercise agency in real classrooms (Long et al., 2017). While the bulk of pre-service teacher education continues to happen in private “teaching shops,” well into a decade post-JVC, most in-service training of teachers in many states is also being outsourced to private entrepreneurs. The Central Square Foundation (CSF), for instance, is actively involved in creating ecosystems to enable and accelerate the digitization of existing nondigital teacher development solutions, working closely with central and state governments. In 2017, MHRD and NCTE with support from IT-led organizations launched a teacher education platform called

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Digital Infrastructure for Knowledge Sharing (DIKSHA). This platform is being projected as a unique initiative which leverages existing highly scalable and flexible digital infrastructures, with teachers at the center. Several nonstate actors continue to validate standardized pedagogical approaches and influence policy debates on reforming teacher education. This has been “normalised” during the pandemic as students and teachers struggle to engage in meaningful learning via online platforms (Batra et al., 2021). The most recent example is the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) that works with the Government of India across several states. Their intervention in Haryana started with the observation that the state suffers an “anaemic teacher-student ratio where 2,500 primary schools are with either one or two teachers. . . large number of teacher vacancies and lack of focus on the quality of academics.” Without addressing any of the systemic challenges it highlights, BCG claims that of the 1.8 million students assessed on every subject, every month; grade I through VIII students show an improvement of 3–6% in learning outcomes. BCG and Piramal Foundation are also “knowledge partners” with NITI Aayog in implementing its SATH Education program (Sustainable Action for Transforming Human Capital) in Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha. Critical interventions in this program include “school mergers, remediation program, training, monitoring teacher recruitment/rationalization, institutional reorganization at district and state level via the proper utilization of MIS.” The proposed measures address neither the structural problems of teacher shortage nor that of poor teacher capacity. Yet, the NEP 2020 offers school mergers, community-based voluntary service, and sharing of resources including teachers as solutions to a resource-starved state school system. Clearly then, the preparation and in-service support of school teachers in India is almost entirely in the hands of private players. Privatization of teacher education has paved the way for instituting several measures within the neoliberal frame of “governing” education. Foremost among these is reconfiguring the role of the state in line with the logic of the market – as a form of governance and regulator rather than service provider. This is evident in NEP 2020. In its bid to enhance the quality of teacher education, the policy proposes the need to tighten control via a set of professional standards for teachers and periodic performance appraisal of teachers. It views teacher absenteeism and indiscipline as a major problem of governance that needs to be managed via instituting measures of accountability, assisted by technology such as recording attendance with mobile phones and biometric devices; the periodic assessment of teachers is linked to their future promotions and release of increments. Though the policy takes cognizance of some of the critical gaps in the preparedness of school teachers, including the lack of professionalism in teacher training institutes and mismatch between training and practice, it chooses to maintain a studied silence on the critical recommendations made around several of these gaps by the Justice Verma Commission. It merely acknowledges the need to move teacher education into multidisciplinary colleges and universities, as proposed by JVC. But simultaneously

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recommends the provisioning of special short-term local teacher education programs at BITEs (Block Institutes of Teacher Education), DIETs, and school complexes as a measure to prepare teachers for children of “underrepresented groups,” strategies that will exacerbate inequities in access to quality teachers and teaching.

Conclusion Decades of poor state investment and lack of policy attention to the several problems that plague the teacher education sector has led to the virtual business takeover of teacher education. This has happened via contracts between national and state governments with support from the apex regulatory body and private providers. The Supreme Court’s Justice Verma Commission made far-reaching recommendations to revitalize the teacher education sector: prioritize state investment in the education of teachers; bring pre-service and continuing professional development programs in line with NCFTE; bring radical modifications to the statutory regulatory functions of the NCTE; and make substantive revisions in the NCTE Act to commensurate with the recommendations. Despite intervention by the apex court, an institutionalized nexus between an entrenched private sector in teacher education and a compromised state system currently shapes teacher education policy in India. Both the national as well as state governments are now relying exclusively on this new “policy community” that largely focuses on providing digital solutions to enhance learning outcomes. The capture of the school teacher by private interests has led to a subversion of the commitment to the Constitution-led policy frame of equity and social justice. The overwhelming presence of the “private” in school education and the proliferation of private teacher education institutes have adversely impacted the quality of teaching and learning. The expansion of the “private” needs to be cognized as a network of the larger “global education industry” that has made a comfortable entry into defining government policy in India. In this context, how do we view the teacher education space that is dominated by the “private” as a space of debate and contestation required for critical teacher education? This question needs to be examined in the light of Hannah Arendt’s (1958) theorization of the “public.” According to Arendt, two related facts about the human condition – plurality and natality – characterize the public realm. Human plurality she argues, “has to be moulded into an appropriate forum as ‘a space of appearance’ or a public realm” where people have the opportunity to engage in action in the presence of others, enabling the exercise of freedom (Dossa, 1989, p. 74). Drawing on Arendt’s ideas of plurality and natality – that signify “new beginnings,” Greene (1982) asserts that these “new beginnings” are found in education spaces. Diverse perspectives create the reality of the public space that disallows those that reject dialogue, encourage discrimination, and insist on a one-dimensional reality.

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Public education, she argues, plays a critical role in bringing about an authentic public space – one that might give rise to a significant common world. In this sense, the significant common that arises in a public space is “the coherent sense of purpose in education” (p. 9). Asserting this, Greene seeks to establish a deep connect between public education and freedom. Freedom, according to her, interrupts determinism and linearity that often characterize educational forms and spaces (p. 4, 8). Drawing on Arendt’s sense of the “public,” and its deep implications for “public education” as envisioned by Greene, the crucial question that needs to be asked is: Can private institutes prepare teachers to develop notions of public good (not just private interest) that are connected to the social; cultivate in them a coherent sense of purpose in education; and prompt them to act with political freedom?

References AISHE (2019). All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2018–19, Department of Higher Education, New Delhi: MHRD. Arendt, H. (1958). The human condition. University of Chicago Press. Ball, S. J. (2017). Labouring to relate: Neoliberalism, embodied policy and network dynamics. Peabody Journal of Education, 92(1), 29–41. Batra, P. (2005). Voice and agency of teachers: Missing link in national curriculum framework 2005. Economic and Political Weekly, 4347–4356. Batra, P. (2017a). Reclaiming the space for teachers to address the UEE teaching–learning quality deficit. In R. Govinda & M. Sedwal (Eds.), India education report: Progress of basic education. Oxford University Press. Batra, P. (2017b). Inertia in teacher education and the need for judicial intervention. Learning Curve, 26, 25–28. http://publications.azimpremjifoundation.org/990/. Accessed 12 Oct 2021. Batra, P. (2019). Comparative education in South Asia: Contribution, contestation, and possibilities. In Comparative and international education: Survey of an infinite field (International perspectives on education and society) (Vol. 36, pp. 183–211). Emerald Publishing Limited. Batra, P. (2021). Politics, Policy, and Practice of Teacher Education Reform in India. Oxford Research encyclopedia of education. Retrieved 18 Dec 2021, from https://oxfordre.com/ education/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.001.0001/acrefore-9780190264093-e-427 Batra, P., Bazaz, A., Shanmugam, A., Ranjit, N., Kaur, H., & Das, R. (2021). Impact of the COVID19 pandemic on education, livelihoods and health. TESF India, IIHS. https://doi.org/10.24943/ ICPELHI08.2021 Biesta, G. (2015). What is education for? On good education, teacher judgement, and educational professionalism. European Journal of Education, 50(1), 75–87. Chudgar, A. (2013). Teacher labour force and teacher education in India: An analysis of a recent policy change and its potential implications. Teacher Reforms Around the World: Implementations and Outcomes, 19, 55–76. Dossa, S. (1989). The public realm and the public self: The political theory of Hannah Arendt. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. EY, & FICCI. (2014). Private sector’s contribution to K12 education in India: Current impact challenges and way forward. Retrieved from http://www.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssets/ roleof-private-sector-on-K-12-education-in-India/$FILE/EY-role-of-private-sector-on-K-12education-in-India.pdf Gitarattan Institute of Advanced Studies and Training (GIAST). (2020). http://www.giast.org/ academic.php. Accessed 27/07/22. GoI. (2009a). The right of children to free and compulsory education act. Gazette of India, Government Press.

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GoI. (2009b). SSA-RTE report. Anil Bordia Committee. Ministry of Human Resource Development. GoI. (2011). Report of the working group on teacher education for the 12th five year plan, Department of School Education and Literacy, October 2011. MHRD. https://niti.gov.in/planningcommission. gov.in/docs/aboutus/committee/wrkgrp12/hrd/wg_teacher1708.pdf. Accessed 2 Mar 2020. GoI. (2012). Vision of teacher education in India: Quality and regulatory perspective, report of the High-Powered Commission on Teacher Education constituted by the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India. MHRD. GoI. (2013). Report of the joint review mission on teacher education, Bihar, 17–23 March, 2013. MHRD. GoI. (2017). Three year action agenda: 2017–18 TO 2019–20. NITI Aayog. GoI. (2018). Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan: An integrated scheme for school education framework for implementation. Department of School Education and Literacy, MHRD. GoI. (2019). All India survey on higher education (AISHE) 2018–19. MHRD. GoI (Government of India). (2019). Draft national education policy. Department of School Education and Literacy, MHRD. Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCT Delhi) (2016). http://edudel.nic.in/ upload_2015_16/230_dt_29062016.pdf. Accessed on 2 March, 2020. Greene, M. (1982). Public education and the public space. Educational Researcher, 11(6), 4–9. https://maxinegreene.org/uploads/library/public_eps.pdf. Accessed 17 Dec 2021. Hindustan Times. (2019). Delhi Cabinet allows guest teachers to work till 60 years. Retrieved from: https://www.hindustantimes.com/education/delhi-cabinet-allows-guest-teachers-to-work-till60-years/story-M47J4biurBceX8gZaiZdbM.html. Accessed on 4th February, 2020. Javadekar, (2017). HRD Minister’s statement on Prakash Javadekar “Over The last Chance to Unqualified Teachers In Schools.” Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= MByBftdM6po Kundu, P. (2017). Education budget lacks imagination. Economic & Political Weekly, 52(27), 31–33. Kundu, P. (2018). Budgeting for School Education: What has Changed and What Has not? Analysis of Six States in the 14th Finance Commission Recommendation Period. New Delhi: Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability (CBGA) and Child Rights and You (CRY). Retrieved from http://www.cbgaindia.org/study-report/budgeting-school-education-changed-not/. Accessed on 4 February, 2020. Kundu, P. (2019). To improve quality of school education India must spend more on its teachers. 30 January, 2019: IndiaSpend. https://www.indiaspend.com/to-fix-poor-quality-of-schooleducation-teacher-training-holds-the-key/. Accessed 4 Feb 2020. Long, C., et al. (2017). Enabling and constraining conditions of professional teacher agency: The South African context. Contemporary Education Dialogue, 14(1), 5–21. Majumdar, M., & Mooij, J. (2012). Education and inequality in India: A classroom view. Routledge. National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE Retrieved from: https://www.ncte.gov.in/Website/ statewiseTEI.aspx). NCERT (National Council of Education Research and Training). (2009). Eighth All India School Education Survey. NCERT. NCTE. (2009). National Curriculum for Teacher Education (NCFTE): Towards a humane and professional teacher. New Delhi: NCTE. NCTE. (2012). Evaluation of the diploma in primary education programme through distance mode in Bihar. NCTE. NCTE (National Council For Teacher Education). (2014). Report on implementation of Justice Verma Commission recommendations. Poonam Batra Committee. July, 2014. NCTE. NCTE (National Council for Teacher Education). (2020). Recognised Institutions. www.ncte.gov. in/Website/RecognizedInstitutions.aspx NUEPA (National University for Educational Planning and Administration). (2012). DISE graphic presentation 2011–12 teachers. NUEPA.

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Srivastava, P. (2010). Privatization and education for all: Unravelling the mobilizing frames. Development, 53(4), 522–528. Srivastava, P., & Oh, S. A. (2010). Private foundations, philanthropy, and partnership in education and development: Mapping the terrain. International Journal of Educational Development, 30(5), 460–471. Vivek, V. (2018). Budget 2018: Falling education spending aggravates India’s learning crisis, wastes its demographic dividend. IndiaSpend. Retrieved 10 Apr 2019, from https://www. indiaspend.com/budget-2018-falling-education-spending-aggravates-indias-learning-crisiswastes-its-demographic-dividend-96241/ World Bank. (2017). World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.PRM. PRIV.ZS. Accessed 1 Jan 2018

Standards and Stories: Educational Policy and White Supremacy in the Lives and Work of White Teachers

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Contents Standards and Stories: Educational Policy and White Supremacy in the Lives and Work of White Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1082 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1089

Abstract

In this chapter, I work with the stories of two white teachers, Darrin and Aubrey. In my previous writing about their stories, I was focused on challenging how the research literatures on the racial identities of white teachers tended to reduce these teachers to and imagine them as little more than the embodiment of white privilege. Here, I return to Aubrey’s and Darrin’s stories to consider some of the ways that educational policy – specifically, state teacher standards – impacted (or did not impact) their lives and teaching. With Darrin, I concentrate on his interactions with an African-American student named Antonio in their theater class and explore how the problems Darrin faced with this brilliant student might have played out differently if Darrin’s earlier teacher training had taken shape in a different educational policy context. With Aubrey, I examine struggles she faced in her student teaching experience. These struggles point to how Aubrey was plagued by unrelenting demands – from the university and the state – for professionalism and adherence to white supremacy. I close the chapter with two suggestions for teacher educators who work with white future teachers. Keywords

Whiteness · Teacher standards · Educational policy

A. Lensmire (*) Augsburg University, Minneapolis, MN, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_69

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Standards and Stories: Educational Policy and White Supremacy in the Lives and Work of White Teachers Thirty years ago as I simultaneously pursued an elementary grade level teaching license and master’s degree in education, I took the usual courses in child development, reading and writing methods, mathematics and science methods, and the history and philosophy of education in the USA. Never required to take an educational policy course, my role and responsibilities as a teacher seemed clear: know how children learn; build relationships; construct meaningful curriculum. Later, while teaching in public schools in communities of color in the US south and mid-west, I refined my progressive teaching methods as I was pushed by the everyday inequities my students and their communities faced. I took on ever more critical stances on schooling and my teaching. I also learned about my own whiteness and what it meant to be a white woman in such spaces. But it wasn’t until much later, after doing my Ph.D. in curriculum and instruction, and after becoming a professor of teacher education, that I began to notice and wrestle with, consciously, how educational policy had been and was deeply impacting, deeply controlling my work as a teacher and teacher educator. Reflecting on this now, it’s clear that educational policy was never considered important for me to study as part of becoming a teacher. A friendly interpretation of this is that the courses and clinical experiences I engaged in to learn to be a teacher were focused on what was most important – children and methods of instruction. A less friendly interpretation is that the lack of attention to educational policy expressed the belief that teachers had no serious role to play in policymaking in relation to schools, curriculum, and children’s lives. In this chapter, I return to some key stories from past empirical work that I have done with white teachers, in order to consider some of the ways that educational policy impacted the lives and teaching of these teachers. I retell and reinterpret part of Darrin’s story which was featured prominently in my first book, White Urban Teachers: Stories of Fear, Violence, and Desire (2012). I also return to some of Aubrey’s experiences when she was learning to be a teacher. Aubrey is a former teacher education student of mine and a member of the collective that we started with other beginning teachers (we call ourselves “The Wild Horses”). Together, our collective wrote (Re)Narrating Teacher Identity: Telling Truths and Becoming Teachers (Lensmire & Schick, 2017). In my writing for those two books, I was focused on and had taken great care to make the stories of these and other white teachers more nuanced and complex, in response to too much scholarship that represented white future and practicing teachers as little more than the embodiment of white privilege (see Jupp, et al., 2016; Lensmire, et al., 2013). The three-part model of white supremacy and whiteness that Zachary Casey and Shannon McManimon (2021) developed for their 2-year-long project with a small group of white teachers is helpful for describing what I am up to with Darrin’s and Aubrey’s stories. Casey and McManimon approached and theorized white supremacy and whiteness in terms of the (1) personal, (2) local, and (3) structural. An important intervention of their work in imagining antiracist teacher education and

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professional development efforts was their attention to the local, which they described as the “spaces in which we work and live, those areas where we have (some degree of) control over elements of others’ lives (e.g., the classroom)” (p. 25). They noted, correctly, that many antiracist educational efforts attend only to the personal and the structural, “the personal work I need to do for myself and then all the big work that happens outside” (p. 25), with the unfortunate consequence that the idea of doing real antiracist work feels impossible. They write: “We think of acting on the outside world as too big to ever make a difference . . . because ‘what can I do, as just one person, about this immense structure of white supremacy?’” (p. 25). In Casey and McManimon’s terms, in my previous work I was focused on the personal and the local workings of whiteness and white supremacy. That said, in my work with Darrin’s and Aubrey’s stories, below, I focus on interpreting them in relation to the structural, or the “larger systems that regulate, limit, and shape the personal and the local” (Casey & McManimon, 2021, p. 25). In particular, I read their stories in relation to my state’s teacher education standards or the Minnesota Standards of Effective Practice (SEPs), which I discuss in more detail below. In Minnesota, the state legislature creates, debates, and codifies discrete standards that influence, shape, and in some places, frame the curriculum making in teacher education programs. The SEPs are expressions of policymakers’ understandings, values, assumptions, and misconceptions about what future teachers need to know and be able to demonstrate prior to obtaining a teaching license and full employment. Teacher educators implement standards in coursework and through clinical experiences. The Professional Educators Licensing and Standards Board (PELSB) enforces compliance to these and other standards and metes out sanctions for noncompliance, low performance, or other perceived inadequacies. Implementation is messy, contested, politicized. These debates and decisions occur within larger social and political contexts. For this chapter I am mainly concerned about how and where white supremacy is at work. (It is there, always present and as some argue, permanent). The social and political philosopher Charles W. Mills, in his treatise The Racial Contract, explored how the rise of the US nation state in the global West was raced. The United States’ “particular power structure” is not “just a contract between everybody (‘we the people’), but between just the people who count, (‘we the white people’)” (1999, p. 3). The distinction between white and nonwhite people is both an expressed and unexpressed social, political, and moral contract. He explained that “the Racial Contract explains how society was created or crucially transformed, how the individuals in that society were reconstituted, how the state was established, and how a particular moral code and a certain moral psychology were brought into existence” (Mills, 1999, p. 10). Sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant (1994/2015) illustrated how the racial formation of the USA gave rise to ongoing “racial projects.” Education policies and programs can be thought of as racial projects. “A racial project is simultaneously an interpretation, representation, or explanation of racial identities and meanings, and an effort to organize and distribute resources (economic, political, cultural) along particular racial lines” (Omi & Winant, 1994/

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2014, p. 125). For example, Beverly E. Cross (2005) argued that even when teacher education programs use the language of multiculturalism, diversity, or equity, white supremacy “locks teacher education into maintaining the same ole’ oppression that objectifies, dehumanizes, and marginalizes others” (p. 266). Standards and subsequent curriculum making are racial projects. The expectation remains that we, mostly white teacher educators, will uphold whiteness. It’s the contract by which we live. American educational historian David Labaree (2012) traces how reform projects are embedded within the complex political, social, and moral conflicts in this country. Most reforms fail because they originate at the “top” by policymakers. Policymakers’ rhetoric about the SEPs, if and when officially codified by state statute, would then be interpreted and organized for distribution by middle-level staff like those at PELSB (who later evaluate their implementation). These new standards, the reformed standards, are to be carried out by teacher educators (like me) who are required to use the new SEPs in their teaching of future teachers. Teacher educators’ programs will be evaluated on the degree to which the implementation is “correct” according to PELSB. Finally, said changes may impact student learning (which was supposedly the goal in the first place). Labaree (2012) presents a stark reality about policymaking from the top down: too often reforms simply fail to impact student learning. However, as we’ll see with Aubrey, we also need to worry when standards actually end up being powerful and effective. At present, our state’s hundred or so standards are being revised. This is their first revision in nearly two decades. They cover a range of future teacher attitudes and actions related to subject matter, student learning, communication, diverse learners, assessment, reflection, and ethics. (Content knowledge of mathematics, science, writing, etc., are covered in other sets of standards). Over the past decade, in my work as a teacher educator, I have participated in crafting and criticizing various state policies, as well as testified for and against other ones. On balance, I have been quite critical of the role and relevance of my state’s educational policies and standards in relation to the curriculum and experiences required to become a teacher. Recently, I was invited to join an ad hoc, statewide group of deans of colleges of education and teacher educators in order to respond, collectively, to this set of new and revised SEPs. The new and revised SEPs are close to being approved and implemented. They were revised and written by PELSB staff at the request of the “top” state policymakers. Our ad hoc group came together to answer a single question: Are these new and revised SEPs antiracist? (I cannot imagine that you would be surprised to hear that our answer, so far, has been “No”). And, if no, what recommendations for further revisions and new recommendations could we make? We are making many recommendations. But there was/is no guarantee that any our suggestions will be adopted. It is in this immediate context of state educational policymaking (and unmaking and re-making) that I return to Darrin’s and Aubrey’s stories. The stories helped me think through the proposed revisions of the standards and helped me illustrate possible positive or negative (or both) consequences of them.

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Darrin was a white teacher in Minnesota who I interviewed for a larger study about the experiences of veteran white teachers who worked in urban schools with children of color. In what follows I retell parts of Darrin’s story that centered on his interactions, in his theater class, with a young, African-American male student named Antonio. These were complex and often bewildering stories, but here I focus on two moments in order to work through whether, if, and how the problems Darrin faced might have played out differently if Darrin’s earlier teacher training had taken shape in a different educational policy context. More pointedly, would Darrin have acted differently had teacher education standards impacting Darrin’s earlier teacher training been more consistently antiracist? Crucial to Darrin’s story of being a white teacher were the moments of dramatic power struggles between him and a middle school theater student Antonio. While Darrin praised Antonio’s “brilliant” verbal and improvisational skills, he was frustrated by his unwillingness to “follow the rules” he had established in the classroom. Once during theater class there was a fire drill. Darrin led the students outside and tried to keep them in order, but Antonio started fooling around. He was moving out of the line and throwing snow and ice at other students. Darrin yelled at him to stop. He did not stop. “It was like I was invisible,” he said. Darrin approached Antonio and grabbed his shirt. Antonio turned around. His shirt ripped. Darrin said,1 “it became this incident” that eventually involved the principal and Antonio’s parents, who were very angry. Darrin was afraid. While Darrin conceded that he understood how it looked to have a white male teacher put his hands on a black student, he told me that, from his perspective it was like “most racial violence, you don’t really know where the truth is.” Two years later Darrin had Antonio in theater class again. Again, the two were locked in a power struggle. Darrin said: There was a day when Antonio. . .was prancing around behind me. . .basically he was mimicking me. . .you know, just kind of playing around and getting kids to laugh and he was sissifying me. He was acting really gay and stuff like that. And I noticed it. And I just kind of ignored it and kept going. And at one point I just turned around and I went [makes a kissing noise] like that to him.

Antonio was stunned by Darrin’s air kiss. Antonio “went ballistic” but Darrin continued to do the air kisses – teasing and taunting him. Soon afterward, Darrin called the school’s administrators to help him and Antonio was removed, permanently, from Darrin’s theater class. There was so much that was troubling about Darrin’s interactions with Antonio. Darrin used whatever resources were available to control, contain, and humiliate Antonio. He put his hands on Antonio in an attempt to control his body. He was afraid of and avoided talking to Antonio’s parents about what happened. And 2 years

1

My retelling is based on pp. 34–35; 37–40 of White Urban Teachers: Stories of Fear, Violence, and Desire (2012).

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later he participated in teasing based on homophobic assumptions and stereotypes in an effort to control and humiliate the student again and again. In many ways it is hard to imagine how a policy or set of standards could have prevented either incident. Darrin described in great detail how frustrated he was by all of his students – who seemed to “have no idea” about theater, nor any respect for him or his discipline. In the main, Darrin’s complaints about working with students of color had to do with how much the students rejected him and how little he was able to control them. It was troubling that Darrin thought that he needed to control black bodies; he could do so by physical and psychological means; and he would not be held accountable for such actions. Darrin might have better understood his struggles in teaching and in relation to Antonio if he had studied the history of race in the USA. He might have understood the white American project of ownership, control, subordination, and oppression of Black Americans and been able to think about not reproducing racist beliefs and actions in his teaching. Furthermore, a study of gender, patriarchy, and intersectionality would have allowed Darrin to better understand how and why the prancing, the mimicry, and the kiss drove Antonio out of his class – and to reflect on the conditions that enabled a white male teacher to behave that way toward a young black student. The combination of race, gender stereotypes, and homophobia demanded his attention too. Teacher education can attend to these potent histories and trace how they arrive in our present – in our thinking, our living, and our teaching. New antiracist SEPs might have provided teachers like Darrin the sorts of curricular experiences that could have mitigated the situation he was in with Antonio. Take, for example, four of our ad hoc group’s recommended new standards that do focus on antiracism. Each addresses aspects of Darrin’s story as discussed above: A. The teacher assesses and reflects on their racial literacy skills – the ability to read, discuss, and write about situations that involve race or racism – and seek opportunities to practice and develop racial literacy with peers and students. B. The teacher will demonstrate an understanding of their own identity and how that impacts their implicit bias. C. The teacher acknowledges the School-to-Prison Pipeline as a fundamental societal problem by consistently advocating for students’ high level thinking learning experiences at all skill levels. D. The teacher understands and demonstrates the importance of engaging in ongoing reciprocal communication about student learning and performance with families that operates from an asset-based and culturally affirming standpoint. Taken together these proposed standards tackle some of the critical problems in Darrin’s social, historical, and political knowledge, which impacted his teaching. Standards like this are relevant and meaningful to those of us committed to antiracism. Unfortunately, I am pessimistic that these standards will actually be adopted.

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I turn now to Aubrey. I think that Aubrey’s story can help us consider how, despite possessing the sort of racial knowledge I proposed for Darrin above, she remained stuck in unrelenting demands for professionalism and adherence to white supremacy. Aubrey was a white future teacher who I met a decade ago while she was in my university’s elementary education licensure program. Aubrey was part of the Wild Horses Collective I noted above and her story can be found in full in our book (see Hendry, 2017). For the purposes of this chapter, I pick up Aubrey’s story when she was student teaching (the final clinical experience prior to licensure) in an elementary school that served an African-American community. Although Aubrey was more race aware than Darrin had been, student teaching was rough for her. On the one hand, her university supervisor wanted her to demonstrate flexibility by differentiating instruction within the classroom based on diverse student needs. On the other hand, her cooperating teacher (the classroom teacher of record) wanted her to follow the school’s teaching manuals like a script. Both the university supervisor and the classroom teacher were high-stakes evaluators. Their written documentation and evaluations of her performance would impact her future. If successful she would move from student teaching (an unpaid internship) to salaried employment with health care benefits. Research on white future teachers almost always assumes that white future teachers are middle-classed (Lensmire & Snaza, 2010). That was not the case for Aubrey. She struggled financially during her coursework and student teaching. Not quite qualified for government aid, Aubrey would gather and eat students’ leftover food. Once, after an official teaching observation by the university supervisor and classroom teacher, which included feedback that she ought to be more confident, Aubrey had an outburst of frustration and anger. She swore. No children were present in the classroom then or when Aubrey told her supervisor and the classroom teacher that she didn’t think it was right that she was “learning on the backs of students” who were the most vulnerable and needed the best teachers.2 The systems, she insisted, both public elementary school and teacher education, were not doing right by children. For this outburst and her critiques of schooling and teacher education, Aubrey was disciplined. Accused of being unprofessional, she was required to go to the university for an “emergency” conference with the student teaching director. Aubrey was very afraid that she would be kicked out of the program and lose her chance for gainful employment. Aubrey showed the proper remorse for her outburst, completed her student teaching, and was hired into the same district. But she experienced more trouble and frustration in her first-year of teaching after a series of unannounced evaluative observations. Her district “mentor” followed her around with a clipboard checking off boxes on a 24-page new teacher evaluation rubric. Subsequently, she scored a majority of non-proficient ratings and was not rehired the following year. Below I share part of her reflection of being a first-year teacher.

2

See Hendry, A. (2017) pp. 52–53

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I knew I was more than those evaluations. I grew. I learned. I asked for help. . .I’m not saying I was amazing. I’ll be the first to admit that I have a lot to learn. But between the first days of school and midwinter, in this lowest moment, I had learned so much about how to manage students, ask questions, and have a clear teaching point. . . (Hendry, 2017, p. 53).

I worry about the surveillance and punishing critiques of novice teachers. This worry does not mean that I don’t also worry about the school experiences and education of students, particularly those with less social capitol, who depend on school (LadsonBillings, 1994/2009) for its promises. For now, though, I want to focus on how the history of teacher education and ideas about teacher professionalism contributed to the experiences Aubrey had who, despite her racial knowledge and her understanding of how systemic inequities played out in school systems, still found herself in trouble. For me, I read these experiences against the backdrop of the history of teacher education in the USA and, in particular, how women have been positioned within it. Women teachers have always had to contort themselves into whatever model of teaching was demanded by a teacher educator or principal. Madeline Grumet (1988) wrote extensively about how, early on, white women teachers were told to always remain calm and never suggest that teaching was hard. Aubrey certainly violated these ideals when she swore and critiqued the school’s and university’s policies. Aubrey’s struggles also have to do with how white supremacy operates and the position of poor and working-class white people in relation to it. Thandeka’s (2000) powerful account of how white elites imagined and enforced valuable differences between themselves and working class and poor whites is helpful here. Thandeka argued that, for white people in the USA, the “racial superiority and thus the right to rule came to be equated with middle-class respectability and a middle-class disposition. The poor, by definition, could not belong” (p. 44). In this scheme, teacher professionalism is grounded in assumptions of what it means to be white and middle classed. Aubrey’s class status precluded her from ever fitting into the mold of a professional teacher. The policies and practices used by the white supervisors effectively disciplined Aubrey for not being professional, which here meant she was not white enough. If the problem in Darrin’s story was a lack of antiracist standards, the problem for Aubrey was a too effective enforcement of standards grounded in white supremacy. Aubrey couldn’t be recognized as competent because she had criticisms of the systems. She worried too much about the school experiences of her AfricanAmerican students. She was passionate about her teaching and therefore felt and expressed the joy and frustration that comes with learning to teach and teaching. Where do we go from here? Within the complex social-political-economic realities that shape our lives and work in the twenty-first century, teachers’ work is anything but simple. Darrin’s and Aubrey’s stories illuminate the challenges that standards and policies present. Policies are present, whether we know it or not. Below I share two suggestions that I hope will guide future work for transformational antiracism policies in teacher education. I direct my comments to those who are concerned with the education of white future teachers.

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First, education policies matter. I certainly did not know this when I started out as a teacher or a teacher educator. Not only it is critical for teachers and teacher educators to learn about policymaking processes, we must demand access and full participation in those processes. My recent work to make recommendations to revise our state’s standards toward antiracism was a signal to policymakers “up top” that our experiences, knowledge, and opinions ought to shape (or simply make) the very policies that impact our work. We must develop better standards and we should worry about them at the same time. (They are, after all, still racial projects.) Teacher educators’ work extends across multiple levels of policymaking in education and it is from this knotty place that we can assert our power and make change. Second, teacher and teacher educators’ stories matter. In my research and writing about white teachers I have found value in listening to teacher stories and using an interpretive perspective grounded in critical race and critical whiteness theories. They illuminate how race shapes and impacts white teachers’ and white teacher educators’ thinking, sense-making, and teaching practices. While there has been much focus in the research on white teachers in the USA, it is time for white teacher educators to turn the gaze upon ourselves. We must study the history of white supremacy in this country’s schools and university systems. We must tell, retell, interpret, and reinterpret our own stories to better understand how we maintain white supremacy in our policies and practices. We must critically examine all stated and unstated assumptions and expectations for how to be as white teachers and teacher educators. We have to move from reproducing the status quo to transforming our policies and systems toward antiracism.

References Casey, Z. A., & McManimon, S. K. (2021). Building pedagogues: White practicing teachers and the struggle for antiracist work in schools. SUNY Press. Cross, B. E. (2005). New racism, reformed teacher education, and the same ole’ oppression. Educational Studies, 38(3), 263–274. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326993es3803_6 Grumet, M. R. (1988). Bitter milk: Women and teaching (1st ed.). University of Massachusetts Press. Hendry, A. (2017). We’re all learning. In A. Lensmire & A. Schick (Eds.), (Re)narrating teacher identity: Telling truths and becoming teachers (pp. 51–66). Peter Lang. Jupp, J. C., Berry, T. R., & Lensmire, T. J. (2016). Second-wave white teacher identity studies. Review of Educational Research, 86(4), 1151–1191. https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654316629798 Labaree, D. F. (2012). Someone has to fail: The zero-sum game of public schooling. Harvard University Press. Ladson-Billings, G. (1994/2009). Dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American Children. Jossy-Bass. Lensmire, A. (2012). White urban teachers: Stories of fear, violence, and desire (1st ed.). R&L Education. Lensmire, A., & Schick, A. (2017). (Re)narrating teacher identity: Telling truths and becoming teachers. Peter Lang. Lensmire, T. J., & Snaza, N. (2010). What teacher education can learn from blackface minstrelsy. Educational Researcher, 39(5), 413–422. https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189x10374980

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Lensmire, T., McManimon, S., Tierney, J. D., Lee-Nichols, M., Casey, Z., Lensmire, A., & Davis, B. (2013). McIntosh as synecdoche: How teacher education’s focus on white privilege undermines antiracism. Harvard Educational Review, 83(3), 410–431. https://doi.org/10.17763/haer.83.3.35054h14l8230574 Mills, C. W. (1999). The racial contract (1st ed.). Cornell University Press. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2014). Racial formation in the United States (3rd ed.). Routledge. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s. Routledge. Thandeka. (2000). Learning to be white: Money, race and god in America (New ed.). London: Continuum.

Preparing and Supporting Beginning Teachers for the Challenges of Teaching in Urban Primary Schools

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Lisa Gaikhorst and Monique L. L. Volman

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Structure of the Chapter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Challenges of Beginning Teachers in Urban Primary Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teaching in Urban Environments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . “Urban Specific” Challenges? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preparing Teachers for the Challenges of Urban Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dimensions of Urban Teaching in Primary Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Focus on Urban Dimensions in Teacher Education Institutes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Experiences of Student Teachers with Preparation for Urban Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Continued Teacher Professional Development for Teaching in an Urban Context . . . . . . . . . . . Example of a Policy Development Outside the School with an Urban Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . Support Culture and Structure in Primary Schools in an Urban Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary and Policy Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Teacher educators, researchers, and policy makers wonder how to prepare teachers for teaching in urban environments. The literature on urban teaching mainly focuses on teaching children from low socioeconomic status (SES) and/or culturally diverse backgrounds. In many European cities, however, schools are populated by both children from relatively high and from low SES backgrounds. This chapter provides an overview of the challenges that (beginning) teachers face in urban schools with different student populations. Then, the chapter discusses how beginning teachers can be adequately prepared and supported for these challenges. It is argued that beginning teachers at urban primary schools experience various “urban-related” problems, but that the nature of these L. Gaikhorst (*) · M. L. L. Volman Research Institute of Child Development and Education, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_40

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problems is related to the specific student populations of their schools. Furthermore, adequate preparation and support through which teachers learn how to manage the issues associated with urban teaching can transform these issues from problems into challenges, which energize and motivate teachers. Therefore, it is important that initial teacher education and teacher support programs address the various problems that teachers may be confronted with when they start teaching at urban schools. The insights from this chapter can be used to articulate policies at the school and national level needed to develop adequate preparation and support for beginning urban teachers. Keywords

Beginning Teachers · Teacher Education · Professional Development · Urban Teaching · Teacher Retention

Introduction ... The high workload was a problem for me. .. the school was almost closed, we had to work very hard to stay open. The children's results really needed to be improved. That puts pressure on you as a teacher, that you have to take the children to a higher level ... (Lilian, teacher from urban primary school with primarily students from low-SES families). I have trouble communicating with parents, especially with bad news conversations. I think this problem is related to the big city and especially to teaching at a school like this with highly educated white parents, they are extremely critical, those children are really their golden eggs (Mary, teacher at urban primary school with primarily students from high-SES families).

These excerpts provide a glimpse into the complexity of teaching in urban schools. The quotes come from two beginning teachers who participated in a descriptive study on the challenges of urban teaching (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). These teachers were employed in urban primary schools in Amsterdam (the capital of the Netherlands). These examples illustrate the diversity of urban schools and the related challenges faced by their beginning teachers. Beginning teachers often enter the teaching profession inadequately prepared for the specific challenges of the urban classroom (Ingersoll et al., 2012). This can lead to attrition from these schools and from education more generally. The problem of early exit and turnover of beginning teachers is especially strong in urban areas, in particular in high-need schools (De Vos & Fontein, 2019; OECD, 2019; Siwatu, 2011). Urban schools with high proportions of students from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds, with specials needs, or whose first language is different from the language of instruction have the most difficulties to attract and retain high quality teachers (OECD, 2019). Adequate preparation and support programs can help teachers to deal with the challenges of urban teaching (Matsko & Hammerness, 2014). Research has shown that it is key for these programs to focus on the problems and support needs that

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teachers experience in the specific context in which they operate (OECD, 2019; Siwatu, 2011). Therefore, in order to develop good preparation and support for urban teachers, it is important to obtain a clear picture of the problems they face. The literature on urban teaching mainly focuses on teaching children from low socioeconomic status (SES) and/or culturally diverse backgrounds. In many large European cities, including Amsterdam, however, schools are populated by both children from relatively high and from low SES backgrounds. Therefore, this chapter focuses on the problems and support needs of teachers from urban schools with different types of student populations. Because the problems of urban teachers are so diverse – as illustrated by the quotes from the two teachers at the beginning of this chapter – teacher education cannot fully prepare teachers for all the challenges they may encounter. Therefore, there should also be opportunities for continued professional development aimed at teaching in an urban context. The insights from this chapter can be used to articulate the policies needed to develop adequate preparation and support for beginning urban teachers.

Structure of the Chapter This chapter starts with a discussion of the challenges faced by beginning teachers in urban primary schools. Subsequently, section “Preparing Teachers for the Challenges of Urban Teaching” focuses on the preparation of beginning teachers for urban teaching. Finally, section “Continued Teacher Professional Development for Teaching in an Urban Context” focuses on the organization of continued professional development aimed at equipping beginning teachers for teaching in urban environments; both forms of teacher support outside and within the workplace are discussed as well as the need for policy action in this critical arena.

The Challenges of Beginning Teachers in Urban Primary Schools Teaching in Urban Environments Teachers have been shown to encounter numerous problems in their first years of teaching. These problems include classroom discipline, collaboration with parents, relationships with colleagues and principals, insufficient preparation and spare time, the burden of clerical work, and insufficient guidance and support (Alam, 2018; De Jonge & De Muijnck, 2002; Schuck et al., 2012). The problem of a high workload and the associated high levels of stress has also been pointed out in several studies (Abbott et al., 2009; Gaikhorst et al., 2016; Jomuad et al., 2021). Beginning teachers in an urban context appear to have more difficulties than elsewhere, because on top of these problems, they run into problems that are even more complex. First of all they are confronted with cultural diversity (Groulx, 2001; Erskine-Cullen & Sinclair, 1996; Duncan, 2014). Urban teachers work with children

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and parents from different cultures, with different backgrounds and values many of whom may and who speak a language other than the teacher’s native language (Gaikhorst et al., 2019). Zeichner (2003) points at the increasing gap between the backgrounds of students and teachers, which makes it difficult to teach at urban schools. Groulx (2001) argues that teachers need to develop the cultural competence to address the difficulties of cultural diversity. Villegas and Lukas (2002) emphasize the importance of “culturally sensitive teachers” who have affirming views of students from diverse backgrounds and see resources for learning in their students rather than difficulties to overcome. According to Levine-Rasky (1998), beginning teachers find it difficult to bring cultural sensitivity to their dealing with culturally diverse groups of students. In the study of Erskine-Cullen and Sinclair (1996), urban school teachers identified working with parents, and especially communicating with parents, as one of the biggest challenges of teaching at urban schools, primarily because of language barriers. Another important challenge for education in an urban context is that teachers are confronted with relatively large differences within their own classrooms. Teachers must deal with differences between children in terms of character, behavior, norms, and values and attitudes, together with differences in the students’ cognitive and language development (Kooy, 2006; Swanson Gehrke, 2005; Cajklera & Hall, 2012). Regarding differences in language development, second language learners can sometimes present a major challenge for urban teachers. According to Camacho and Parham (2019) urban teachers must also deal with a relatively high number of students who are at risk of academic failure. Furthermore, violence and poverty are important challenges for urban education. Teachers in urban schools felt anxiety about the students’ use of violence at school and also showed fear of the neighborhoods in which they worked (Smith & Smith, 2006). Many teachers in Smith and Smith’s (2006) study left the school or the teaching profession because of violence-induced stress. Urban teachers must also address the numerous material factors that impact students’ learning and development, including hunger, anger, fear, illness, conflict, and death (Swanson Gehrke, 2005). Many large (European) cities are referred to in the scientific literature as “global cities” (Hooge, 2008; Van der Wouden & De Bruijne, 2001; Sassen 2002). Global cities are characterized by a large financial sector, many business services, the headquarters of many large (multinational) companies and pioneering activities, and achievements on a global level (Bridge et al., 2014). Characteristic of “global cities” is that they are marked by social polarization: on the one hand there are many low-educated residents with low incomes who often live in relatively poor, unsafe neighborhoods and, on the other hand, there are highly educated individuals with (extremely) high incomes who populate relatively safe and rich neighborhoods (Hooge, 2008; Van der Wouden & De Bruijne, 2001). A reason for this polarization is the economic structure of “global cities”; on the one hand, there are opportunities for people to earn exceptionally high incomes and, on the other hand, a demand exists for low-paid, peripheral, low-skill workers. Middle incomes are marginalized (Van der Wouden & De Bruijne, 2001; Sassen, 2002). Social polarization is often

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reflected in schools in “global cities”: some schools primarily educate children from high SES families and others educate children from lower SES families and often also from culturally diverse backgrounds. Also “mixed schools” can be found where the student population is a combination of both types of students (Hooge, 2008). Beginning teachers in global cities may thus be confronted with a variety of student populations. A study conducted among beginning primary school teachers in two Dutch large cities showed that the most prominent problems for beginners are high workload, high levels of stress, and insufficient guidance and support (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). Furthermore, this study showed that the problems of the teachers were related to the type of urban school in which the teachers work. Teachers from schools with predominantly students of low SES and/or culturally diverse backgrounds mainly had problems related to the diverse student population, while teachers from schools with predominantly native Dutch students from highly educated families and teachers from more mixed schools had other problems, such as dealing with critical parents and applying differentiation for both the better and less well-performing students.

“Urban Specific” Challenges? A key question is whether the challenges of beginning urban teachers can be characterized as “urban-specific” challenges or whether these are more general societal wide challenges that are also experienced by teachers outside an urban environment. Several challenges that teachers experience in urban schools, such as dealing with differences between students and contact with parents, are not formulated in “urban-specific” terms. However, beginning teachers in an urban environment do experience these problems as related to working in a school in a large city (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). For example, they have difficulty in contact with parents, which they believe has to do with the specific “urban” group of parents at their school. The type of urban school appears to play an important role in the European context; in schools with predominantly highly educated parents, the problem of parent contact mainly refers to the extreme involvement, demands, and expectations of highly involved parents and in schools with parents from culturally diverse backgrounds to the different backgrounds of parents (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). The problems experienced by beginning teachers in urban schools are thus influenced by the specific urban context, and in particular by the type of urban school in which the teachers work. Not all teachers perceive the challenges of urban schools as problems; some see them as challenges through which they can further develop themselves. These are usually the teachers who also receive good preparation and support (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). Adequate preparation and support through which teachers learn how to manage the issues of urban teaching can transform these complexities from problems into challenges that motivate and energize the teachers. This is in line with studies that show the value of good preparation and support for beginning teachers (e.g.,

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Feiman-Nemser, 2003; Kardos & Moore Johnson, 2004). This chapter contributes to existing knowledge on teacher preparation and support programs and provides suggestions for policy and practice for beginning urban teachers.

Preparing Teachers for the Challenges of Urban Teaching As described, teaching in urban areas implies specific challenges for beginning teachers that were influenced by the specific student populations of their schools. It is important that initial teacher education addresses the variety of problems that teachers may be confronted with when they start teaching at urban schools. However, the question is to what extent and how beginning teachers are actually prepared for those urban-related challenges, and to what extent student teachers perceive their teacher preparation as supportive for their teaching jobs. This chapter now turns to a literature-based framework for what urban-related content should be covered in teacher training curricula; an indication of what content is actually offered and how teachers feel prepared for urban-related challenges, based on research in a specific context, the Netherlands.

Dimensions of Urban Teaching in Primary Schools In this section we present a framework that identifies the different areas of expertise that teachers need in order to perform adequately in urban contexts; in what follows seven dimensions of urban teaching are distinguished. The framework is based on the challenges of beginning teachers in urban primary schools, described in the previous section, and is supplemented with insights from a review of the international literature from both the US context (from which much of the research on urban teaching is derived), and literature from the European context. The first dimension is language development, which refers to attention to second language learners, multilingualism, and differences between home and school language (Severiens et al., 2014). A second dimension is adaptive teaching, which refers to differentiated teaching based on social (including socioeconomic and cultural) and individual (cognitive) differences between students (Severiens et al., 2014). Third, lesson content and critical knowledge construction was identified (Banks, 2004). This dimension addresses integration into lessons of knowledge that is relevant for and respectful of students’ different cultural backgrounds. Critical knowledge construction refers to reflection on how knowledge is always constructed from a particular perspective. Social processes and (in)equality is the fourth dimension that was identified, involving sensitivity to aspects such as stereotyping, power relationships, and the social development of children (Banks, 2004). Next, cooperation with parents refers to the importance of parental involvement, and interaction and educational collaboration with all parents including those from diverse cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds (McDermott & Rothenburg, 2000). The dimension of (inter)professional collaboration refers to collaboration with colleagues at the

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Table 1 Framework with seven dimensions of urban teaching 1

Dimension of urban teaching Language development

2

Adaptive teaching

3

Lesson content and critical knowledge construction Social processes and (in)equality

4

5

Parental collaboration

6

(inter)professional collaboration Context of the school

7

Aspects Second language learners, multilingualism, school, and home language Applying differentiation, social (socioeconomic and cultural) and individual (cognitive) differences, culturally responsive teaching Meaningful education, funds of knowledge, perspectives on knowledge, bias, assumptions Social development, racism, power relations, stereotyping, discrimination, prejudices, intercultural dilemmas, pedagogical climate, identity, norms, and values Parental involvement, educational collaboration between school and parents, differences between parents in socioeconomic status, education, and ethnic/cultural background Colleagues, network partners Environment, neighborhood, community, (un)safety, policy, geographic location

school as well as with professionals from outside, such as from youth care agencies (Hooge, 2008). (Inter)professional cooperation does not occur solely in an urban context; however, here it is often more intensive and complex than in nonurban areas (Fukkink & Oostdam, 2016). In urban contexts, there is a higher concentration of institutions (such as youth care organizations) and professionals, which makes greater demands on teachers’ competencies for collaboration among various professionals (Hooge, 2008; Fukkink & Oostdam, 2016). The final dimension focuses on the context of the school and refers to aspects such as the school’s neighborhood, collaboration, and dialogue with the local community, and themes such as (un)safety and the impact of municipal and national policy on the community and the work of teachers in schools (Matsko & Hammerness, 2014). See Table 1 for an overview of the different dimensions and related aspects of teaching in urban environments. At heart, there needs to be a real commitment toward socially just policies and practices that engage with urban communities respectfully, where teachers can engage with children and their families and interact with aspects of diversity and difference, in order to construct more inclusive forms of schooling.

Focus on Urban Dimensions in Teacher Education Institutes A key question is to what extent the seven dimensions of urban teaching are reflected in the current curricula of teacher education institutes. A study in Dutch teacher education showed that the extent to which these dimensions were addressed differed between institutes (Gaikhorst et al., 2019). More specifically, the dimensions of

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language development, adaptive teaching, and (inter)professional collaboration appeared to receive more attention in the teacher education programs than the dimensions of lesson content and critical knowledge construction, parental collaboration, social processes and (in)equality, and context. Furthermore, the results showed that several urban-related aspects within these dimensions were not addressed, or only to a limited degree. For instance, all institutes addressed adaptive teaching. The focus was, however, mainly on differentiation, based on cognitive differences between children, and less on other aspects such as social or cultural differences. Another example was parental contact. The focus in the institutes was not specifically on differences between the SES-backgrounds of parents whereas class background does play an important role in the challenges that beginning teachers experience in (European) urban primary schools (Gaikhorst et al., 2019).

The Experiences of Student Teachers with Preparation for Urban Teaching Student teachers do not always feel sufficiently prepared for urban teaching. Several students note a lack of explicit knowledge about the cultural, ethnic backgrounds of their future students in their initial teacher education programs (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). This is illustrated by this quote from a Dutch student-teacher: “Sometimes things are just missing, particularly in terms of backgrounds and differences between students.” Furthermore, the dimension of collaboration with parents was insufficiently integrated in the teacher education curricula. Student teachers who did an internship at an urban school judged the preparation for urban teaching (at their training institute) more positively than students who did not do such an internship. An internship at urban schools was perceived by students, teacher educators, and directors as a very valuable way to prepare teachers for urban teaching. The internships helped students to develop a positive attitude and selfefficacy regarding urban teaching. However, urban internships were not always compulsory for student teachers. The following quote is from a Dutch student teacher who did not participate in an urban internship: I would have liked it, an internship in the city in the second or third year [of the study program]. . . . I am not inclined to work in a big city now. . . I would have felt more confident. Yes. (...) Also because you do hear that in the big cities there are the most jobs and so they need the most people, that's the way I mean it. So then I think, yes, then it is actually a missed opportunity.

Some of the dimensions of urban teaching, and, more specially, certain urbanrelated aspects within these dimensions (e.g., considering social differences between children, (in)equality and collaboration with parents from diverse backgrounds), were not addressed or were addressed only to a limited degree in teacher education programs (Gaikhorst et al., 2019), whereas it is known from previous research that it is important for urban teachers to develop expertise in these areas (see, e.g.,

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Severiens et al., 2014). Internships in urban schools can help student teachers to be better prepared for urban teaching (Matsko & Hammerness, 2014). Nevertheless, it appeared that not all student-teachers (have the opportunity to) do such an urban internship (Gaikhorst et al., 2019). Therefore, we conclude that a valuable step forward in the preparation of urban teachers in the Netherlands could be to require an internship in an urban school as part of all teacher education programs. Initial teacher education has to address the various dimensions and related challenges that teachers may be confronted with when they start teaching at urban schools. In the Netherlands, there is no fixed program in teacher education for teaching in an urban context. Because the professional requirements of urban teachers are diverse, teacher education cannot fully prepare teachers for all the challenges of urban teaching. Therefore, it is also important that opportunities for policies are constructed that provide teaching in an urban context and that urban schools themselves provide good and specialized support for their (beginning) teachers. In the following sections, insight is provided into how continued professional development in- and outside the school, with a focus on the urban dimensions, can be organized.

Continued Teacher Professional Development for Teaching in an Urban Context Example of a Policy Development Outside the School with an Urban Focus In the period 2009–2014, an in-service training program (called “Mastery”) was offered and evaluated, aimed at supporting beginning Amsterdam primary school teachers in their work in an urban context. The municipality of Amsterdam provided the funding for the program; teachers could participate for free. Educationalists and teacher educators from different knowledge institutes (including the Free University, University of Applied Sciences (iPabo), and an educational consultancy office (ABC)) developed the content of the program. The content focused on the acquisition of competences necessary to deal with the specific challenges faced by teachers in an urban environment. These competences include dealing with (cultural) diversity and (language) differences between students, creating safety in and around the school and being able to cooperate with the environment (including parents). The program consisted of four different modules that had a broader focus than teachers’ own classroom practice. These modules were not only aimed at direct classroom practice, but also specifically at subjects such as language policy and dealing with parents from different (cultural) backgrounds. The central themes of these modules were: Cultural Diversity, Language, School and Environment, and Safety. The training lasted 1 year and consisted of the following three parts: group meetings (in which the four urban themes were further elaborated and explored), application within their own classroom (in which participants applied newly acquired insights in their own teaching practice, after which they discussed their

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experiences during group meetings), and, finally, a lecture series (in which experts substantively discussed urban themes and linked them to research results). In addition, Mastery provided a context for beginning teachers to share their experiences and exchange expertise. The evaluation study on the Mastery-program policy showed that the program had made a positive contribution to the teachers’ competences for teaching in an urban context and to their self-efficacy (Gaikhorst, Beishuizen, et al., 2014a). In addition, by following the program, the teachers developed a broader view on teaching than their own classroom (for example, they also became interested in the school policy on Language and Safety). The teachers considered the network in which they could share experiences and expertise with other beginners and the modules with broad, urban themes as the most valuable elements of the program. Teachers were inspired to look beyond their own classroom and reported feeling better equipped to teach in an urban environment. Based on the research on the Mastery-program, we argue that policy is needed to set up more support programs with a broad, urban focus, where teachers can share their experiences and expertise with teachers from other urban schools. The Mastery evaluation study shows that professional development program outside the workplace are valuable for beginning teachers in an urban environment. Teachers can meet starters from other schools in such programs, which is not always possible in their own school. The teachers who participated in Mastery greatly appreciated the contact with other beginners, because it enabled them to reflect collectively on experiences and to exchange substantive expertise. Contact with beginners from other schools also made it possible to transcend their own school: teachers were provided with information about the situation in other schools and learned about different ways of working. Network learning proved to be a valuable element of professional development interventions, and policies should ensure that this should be encouraged both within and outside the workplace. Professional development interventions outside the school are also valuable for beginning teachers, because they can support teachers in their complex teaching task, for example, by contributing to the development of relevant competences, in this case for teaching in an urban environment. However, out-of-school professional development programs cannot respond to the specific situation within each individual school. That is why – in addition to investing in support programs outside the school – it is necessary that schools themselves organize good guidance and support for their beginning teachers. The next section discusses how schools can realize a good support structure and culture.

Support Culture and Structure in Primary Schools in an Urban Environment Research shows that schools need to invest in both a good support structure and culture to achieve effective support practice for their beginning teachers (Devos et al., 2012). Support structure refers to guidance measures that a school can take to

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steer beginning teachers (for example, introducing an introductory handbook for starters). Support culture refers to the extent to which a school’s culture is intended to be supportive for beginning teachers (for example, starters can easily turn to colleagues for advice). A comparison between the support culture and structure of primary schools where teachers assessed the guidance they had received as a beginner revealed valuable elements of the suggestions (Gaikhorst, Volman, et al., 2014b). In terms of support structure, it was found that support measures were in place in all schools, but in schools where teachers were satisfied with the guidance, these support activities were carried out more consistently than in the other schools. For example, appointing a coach was a support activity undertaken at every school, but this guidance often fell short in schools where teachers were less satisfied with the guidance. In schools where teachers were satisfied with the guidance, the coach also took more initiative than in the other schools. The following measures proved to be particularly valuable for beginning teachers in urban primary schools: classroom visits, guidance by a (trained) coach, and video interaction guidance. All these measures have one thing in common; that there is interaction with a counselor about the actions and questions of the beginning teacher. In addition, a good support culture appears to be very important for beginning teachers in an urban environment, as the support culture largely determined the extent to which teachers reported that they were positive about the support available at their school. In schools where there was a positive assessment of the guidance, there was an open culture, in which novice and experienced teachers collaborated, novice teachers could easily come to colleagues for help and felt taken seriously. In the other schools, the culture was much less open and teachers had difficulties in approaching colleagues for support. The following elements of the support culture were particularly valuable for the teachers: (spontaneous) collaboration between new and experienced colleagues, encouraging teachers to keep developing themselves (by the school management), taking beginning teachers seriously (by both the school management as colleagues), showing interest in the beginning teacher, and offering the opportunity to ask colleagues questions. In many ways, what was present was a process of interactive professional respect. Providing a support structure and culture in urban primary schools that match the problems and needs of teachers is also important for beginning urban teachers. In the schools where teachers were satisfied with the guidance, these schools offered specific guidance in the field of language, during parent discussions or in creating a good and safe atmosphere in the classroom. The teachers who participated in the study indicated that they began to experience the problems of teaching in an urban environment as interesting challenges when they were properly guided and supported in this regard (Gaikhorst et al., 2016). Teachers could benefit when schools implement support measures consistently and embed them in an open culture. It is critical that schools pay attention to the specific urban challenges that beginners have to deal with in the school. Good support, aimed at the urban challenges experienced by starters, can lead to a

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reduction in the complexity of teaching in the urban environment. However, not all schools take up this challenge themselves; there is also a part to play for public policy when it comes to preparing and supporting teachers for teaching in urban primary schools.

Summary and Policy Implications This chapter describes the challenges of beginning teachers in urban primary schools. On the one hand, some of these are general challenges, which are also experienced by teachers outside urban schools, such as insufficient guidance and support and a high workload. On the other hand, teachers experience problems that are referred to in the literature as typical “urban” challenges, such as dealing with cultural diversity and structural differences between students such as poverty and exclusion. Some challenges experienced by beginning teachers are influenced by the specific urban context in which the teachers work, and in the European context, in particular by the type of urban school. A conclusion from this chapter is that with adequate preparation and support, in which the focus is on the urban challenges experienced by teachers, the complexity of teaching in urban schools can be supported more effectively. When they are properly guided and supported, teachers report experiencing the situations they face in urban schools no longer as problems but as challenges to be welcomed. Teacher education as well as in-service training institutes and schools bear some responsibility when it comes to equipping beginning teachers to teach in an urban environment. However, it is also important that after completing their initial teacher education, teachers receive continued support in the form of in-service professional development programs outside the school (in which they are adequately equipped for teaching in an urban environment and where they have the opportunity to exchange experiences and expertise with other teachers) and in the form of guidance at the school itself (in which both the support structure and culture play an important role). In this chapter we have presented and briefly explore a framework of dimensions of urban teaching. This could represent a first step toward a self-evaluation instrument that could be applied by other teacher training institutes to evaluate their programs. This framework offers a broad overview of some of the key areas of expertise that teachers need to perform adequately in urban contexts. This framework is a helpful tool for teacher training institutes to reflect on and improve their own curriculum with regard to urban teaching. It could also be taken up by various educationalists and policy leaders in order to produce a more grounded approach toward consistency in this area of initial teacher education. This chapter has also attempted to contribute to the scientific debate on teacher education. Two main points in the debate were addressed. First: is there a need for context-specific or general teacher education? In the scientific literature, several researchers have pointed to the importance of context-specific teacher education, in order to understand how the social and political contexts of schools influence both

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students and teachers’ opportunities in urban schools (Matsko & Hammerness, 2014; Milner, 2012). Other researchers have referred to the risks of preparing teachers for particular schools and contexts, as this may narrow their views of the teaching context generally, and restrict their ability to transfer their expertise to other settings (Williamson et al., 2016). In the multiple case study (Gaikhorst et al., 2019) we found that the dimension of context receives little attention in the Dutch teacher education programs. Based on these outcomes, we argue that it is essential to pay more attention to the school context in (research on) teacher education. The concept of “context-conscious” teacher education instead of “context-specific” education (which is often used, see, e.g., Matsko & Hammerness, 2014) may be more appropriate in this respect. This alternative concept can help with focusing on the importance of teaching future teachers how to disentangle the school context and become aware of the fact that what happens in their school and classroom is influenced by this specific context (which is also called developing a contextconscious mindset for (urban) teaching, see Williamson et al., 2016). For this reason, it is important to provide student teachers with opportunities for internships in different (urban) contexts, to give them the tools to disentangle and make use of the context, and to let students share their experiences with students from internships in other contexts. Because of the large variety in (European) urban schools, the importance of undertaking internships in both high- and low- SES and mixed schools is underlined in this chapter. As became clear, this is not the case at this moment. Further research could also focus on conditions in those internships that enhance the development of a context-conscious mindset. Another contentious point that emerged from this study is: who is responsible for teachers’ preparation for urban teaching? Because of the complexity of urban teaching, teacher education cannot fully prepare teachers for urban teaching, and schools themselves also have a role in this, for instance by offering adequate induction. Based on current and previous studies in which the complexity of urban teaching was emphasized (see, e.g., Johnson et al., 2012; Feiman-Nemser et al., 2014), it could be helpful to (further) develop and investigate collaboration arrangements between schools and teacher education institutes, in which each can complement and reinforce the other. A review of the national education policy in the Netherlands conducted by the OECD shows that co-operation between teacher education institutions and schools in the Netherlands is insufficient and induction programs for starting teachers are not routine and systematic (OECD, 2016). One of the biggest issues of teacher education at this moment, not only in the Netherlands, but also internationally, is a disconnect between teacher education content and the specific school context (OECD, 2019). There is often little connection between teacher education curricula and the realities in schools. To some degree, partnerships between schools and teacher education institutes can facilitate a better alignment between schools and initial teacher education curriculum. Such partnerships are important in enabling teacher educators based in initial teacher education institutions to keep in touch with schoolbased developments of practice and vice versa for school professionals to be informed with new insights and theories from research (OECD, 2019). An important

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recommendation from OECD is therefore not only for the Netherlands but also on an international level, to invest more in collaboration networks between schools and teacher education institutes (2016, 2019). We conclude this chapter with recommendations for schools, teacher education institutes, and policy makers to invest in the further development of adequate teacher preparation and support through which beginning teachers learn how to deal with the challenges of teaching in urban primary schools. What School Policy Is Needed? Schools are instrumental in developing their own school-specific policies from the “bottom up.” Schools can evaluate their own support structure and culture through asking themselves the following questions: 1. Are support measures taken, such as video interaction guidance or guidance by a coach? If so, are these measures implemented consistently? Where are any points for improvement? 2. Is there an open culture in the school? Can starters easily walk in to colleagues for support? Is there collaboration between more and less experienced colleagues? Is the (new) input of the beginning teacher taken seriously? Where are possible starting points for improvement? 3. To what extent does the current method of support at school match the urban challenges experienced by novice teachers? Is it known what specific problems the teachers experience at the school? To what extent is the support tailored to these problems? 4. Do beginning teachers have the opportunity to participate in in-service training programs in which they meet beginning teachers from other schools and exchange experiences? Do these programs focus on urban themes? Furthermore, schools can try to set up collaboration partnerships with teachers education institutes, in order to facilitate the alignment of schools and initial teacher education curriculum. However, it is not enough to rely on individual schools to rise to this challenge and this is where national policies have a part to play. What National Policy is Needed? In order to facilitate alignment between teacher education curricula and the needs of urban schools, national educational policies should encourage and support teacher education institutions to initiate and maintain close collaboration with urban primary schools. Also partnerships between teacher education institutes, urban schools, and research institutes should be supported, so that new insights from research on urban teaching can be integrated in the curricula of teacher education institutes and in teaching practices in primary schools. In order for beginning teachers to learn how to navigate the challenges of urban teaching, policies that make internships in urban schools a compulsory part of teacher training would also be helpful. Additionally, policy leaders can promote and facilitate continued teacher professional development opportunities for beginning urban teachers, with a particular

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focus on urban themes. The Mastery-program that was described in this chapter is a concrete example of how local policy (in this case from the municipality of Amsterdam) can create opportunities for continued valuable professionalization for beginning urban teachers. Furthermore, policy leaders and teacher education institutes can use the framework with the seven dimensions of urban teaching (described in this chapter) to produce a more grounded approach toward consistency in this area of initial teacher education. There needs to be a real commitment toward socially just policies and practices that engage with urban communities respectfully, where teachers can engage with children and their families and interact with aspects of diversity and difference, in order to construct more inclusive forms of schooling. However, the dimensions introduced in this chapter should not be seen as static and unchangeable: contexts are changing fast, specifically urban ones. Therefore, teacher education institutes, schools, and research institutes together, should remain sensitive to the developments and needs in education within urban educational contexts.

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Fukkink, R., & R. Oostdam, eds. (2016). Onderwijs en opvoeding in een stedelijke context [Education and Pedagogics in an Urban Context]. Bussum: Coutinho. Gaikhorst, L., Beishuizen, J. J., Zijlstra, B. J. H., & Volman, M. L. L. (2014a). Contribution of a professional development programme to the quality and retention of teachers in an urban environment. European Journal of Teacher Education, 38(1), 41–57. Gaikhorst, L., Volman, M. L. L., Korstjens, I., & Beishuizen, J. J. (2014b). Induction of beginning teachers in urban environments: An exploration of the support structure and culture for beginning teachers at primary schools needed to improve retention of primary school teachers. Teaching and Teacher Education, 42, 23–33. Gaikhorst, L., Beishuizen, J. J., Roosenboom, B. H. W., & Volman, M. L. L. (2016). The challenges of beginning teachers in urban primary schools. European Journal of Teacher Education, 40(1), 46–61. Gaikhorst, L., Soeterik, I., Post, J., & März, V. (2019). Teacher preparation for urban teaching: A multiple case study of three primary teacher education programmes. European Journal of Teacher Education. https://doi.org/10.1080/02619768.2019.1695772 Groulx, J. G. (2001). Changing preservice teacher perceptions of minority students. Urban Education, 36, 60–92. Hooge, E. (2008). Op de grenzen van het onderwijs. Professioneel onderwijs in de grote stad [At the boundaries of education. Professional education in a large city]. Hogeschool van Amsterdam. Ingersoll, R. M., Merrill, L., & May, H. (2012). Retaining teachers: How preparation matters. Educational Leadership, 69(8), 30–34. Johnson, S. M., Kraft, M. A., & Papay, J. P. (2012). How context matters in high-need schools: The effects of teachers’ working conditions on their professional satisfaction and their students’ achievement. Teachers College Record, 111(10), 1–39. Jomuad, P. D., Antiquina, L. M. M., Cericos, E. U., Bacus, J. A., Vallejo, J. H., Dionio, B. B., Bazar, J. S., Cocolan, J. V., & Clarin, A. S. (2021). Teachers’ workload in relation to burnout and work performance. International Journal of Educational Policy, Research and Review, 8(2), 48–53. Kooy, M. (2006). The telling stories of novice teachers: Constructing teacher knowledge in book clubs. Teaching and Teacher Education, 22(6), 661–674. Levine-Rasky, C. (1998). Preservice Teacher Education and the Negotiation of Social Difference. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 19(1), 89–112. Matsko, K. K., & Hammerness, K. (2014). Unpacking the “urban” in urban teacher education: Making a case for context-specific preparation. Journal of Teacher Education, 65(2), 128–144. Milner, R. H. (2012). But what is urban education? Urban Education, 47, 556–561. OECD. (2016). Netherlands 2016: Reviews of national policies for education. OECD Publishing. OECD. (2019). A flying start: Improving initial teacher preparation systems. Sassen, S., ed. (2002) Global Networks, Linked Cities (New York, Routledge). Schuck, S., Aubusson, P., Buchanan, J., & Russel, T. (2012). Beginning teaching. Stories from the classroom. Springer Science + Business Media Dordrecht. Severiens, S., Wolff, R., & Van Herpen, S. (2014). Teaching for diversity: A literature overview and an analysis of the curriculum of a teacher training college. European Journal of Teacher Education, 37(3), 295–311. Siwatu, K. O. (2011). Preservice teachers’ sense of preparedness and self-efficacy to teach in America’s urban and suburban schools: Does context matter? Teaching and Teacher Education, 27(2), 357–365. Smith, D. L., & Smith, B. J. (2006). Perceptions of violence: The views of teachers who left urban schools. The High School Journal, 89(3), 34–42. Swanson Gehrke, R. (2005). Poor schools, poor students, successful teachers. Kappa Delta Pi Record, 42(1), 14–17. Van der Wouden, R., & De Bruijne, E. (2001). De stad in de omtrek [The city in the periphery]. Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau.

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Villegas, A. M., & Lukas, T. (2002). Preparing culturally responsive teachers. Rethinking the curriculum. Journal of Teacher Education, 53(1), 20–32. Vos, D., & Fontein. (2019). Arbeidsmobiliteit van leraren primair onderwijs. CentERdata. Williamson, P., Apedoe, X., & Thomas, C. (2016). Context as content in urban teacher education: Learning to teach in and for San Francisco. Urban Education, 51(10), 1170–1197. Zeichner, K. M. (2003). The adequacies and inadequacies of three current strategies to recruit, prepare, and retain the best teachers for all students. Teachers College Record, 105(3), 490–519.

Part VIII Comparative Studies in Teacher Education

The Need for Comparative Studies in Teacher Education

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What Are Comparative Studies in Education? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Why a Comparative Approach to Study Teacher Education? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Globally Validated Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Macrolevel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mesolevel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Microlevel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Approaches in Comparative Studies of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Motive of Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quantitative Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qualitative Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mixed Methods Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Sixteen Studies in this Section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Approaches to the Comparative Study of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Political Economy of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education Research as a Force for Social Justice and Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . Globalization and the Study of Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Teachers’ adequate preparation and development became a priority worldwide once education systems became formalized, beginning in the late 1600s with France’s first Normal School, the École Normale. But while preparing teachers M. T. Tatto (*) Division of Leadership and Innovation, Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_86

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became a global priority across countries, systems to prepare teachers emerged with distinctive cultural characteristics responding to national and local priorities. Over time, different models of teacher education evolved and transitioned from Normal Schools for teachers to preparation programs based in higher education institutions to alternative routes to becoming a teacher challenging longestablished models. The rationale of these transformations has been varied, typically including a political element reflecting national priorities marked by the frequent introduction of reforms. But the efficacy of teacher education reform has been assumed rather than proven through careful and systematic study. The lack of attention to teacher education research is evident in the comparative education literature. While comparative studies of education have a long and distinguished trajectory, comparative studies of teacher education are relatively new. This chapter considers the history of comparative studies in teacher education. It examines the research literature in teacher education, looking for different approaches to comparison. It outlines the impact and challenges of using a comparative lens to improve teachers’ preparation and development locally and globally and calls for the need for comparative studies in teacher education able to inform policy and practice. Keywords

Comparative studies · History · Policy · Research · Teacher education · Theory

Introduction This chapter introduces the Comparative Studies in Teacher Education part of the Handbook of Teacher Education Research. The section contains chapters that provide definitions of comparative studies in education and their application to the study of teacher education. There is a short introduction to the evolution of teacher education systems across several countries to highlight the importance of comparison. Critical reviews of the different approaches used to undertake these studies follow. Next, lessons from these studies are discussed along with the local and global challenges confronting the field and the promise of comparative approaches to improving teacher education and teaching for a more informed and just world. Initial chapters in the section propose contextual, historical, geographical, sociocultural, and applied linguistics frameworks to study teacher education from a comparative perspective. The following chapters draw on empirical research and literature reviews in different contexts to examine diverse aspects of the political economy of teacher education and findings from comparative investigations. Salient issues include the impact of educational reforms on teacher education and professional development, teacher leadership and educational change, the need to prepare teachers for inclusive learner-centered pedagogies, and the cultural benefits of reciprocal learning in teacher education. A final set of chapters explore the influence of globalization on teacher education.

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This opening chapter frames the section by discussing what is meant by comparative studies in education, particularly in teacher education. It identifies critical challenges to comparative research in teacher education. It then considers the contribution of salient comparative studies to better understand teacher education’s nature, structure, curriculum, and outcomes, highlighting how such analyses can contribute to evidence-informed decision-making at all system levels.

What Are Comparative Studies in Education? Comparative education is a field in the discipline of education, and as such, it uses multidisciplinary approaches to study education systems’ origins, functions, and outcomes across nations, regions, and cultures. Comparative studies seek to explore and understand how education approaches and policies spread globally and impact local systems. The belief that education can vastly improve the human condition is at the center of comparative education (Arnove, 2013). Studies in comparative education take different forms. Some studies have advanced significant theoretical contributions. Other studies have sought to alleviate persistent educational issues by studying how societies have addressed these problems. Consequently, comparative education studies have increased collaboration and understanding across nations, especially when these studies bring together theories, methods, and cultural knowledge to solve urgent education concerns. Globalization, marketization, the emergence of COVID-19, threats to democracy, and concerns about climate change have intensified international cooperation. While comparative studies can be traced back to Plato (Mundy & Hayhoe, 2008), the field more formally developed in the nineteenth century. The first investigators were concerned with the evolution of education systems, with Marc Antoine Jullien being considered the field’s founder. Then as now, the education of teachers emerged as a critical priority, followed by attention to pedagogy and the curriculum. However, interest in teacher education faded as developing national education systems became a priority. In the USA, for instance, Horace Mann’s famous travels to England, Germany, France, Holland, Ireland, and Scotland in the mid-1800s resulted in a comparative report of education systems in these countries. As the first Secretary of the Board of Education in Massachusetts, such a report influenced the development of the Common School, which spread to the entire USA and several other countries. The creation of the common schools and similar mass schooling institutions gave rise to the study of education outcomes. In the twentieth century, there was great emphasis on analyzing the inputs and outputs of education. Unfortunately, teaching and other elements such as school and classroom structure, the curriculum, and other resources were simply conceived as inputs. The main research question was how these inputs affected students’ outputs as measured by test scores. The processes of teaching and learning were assumed more than questioned or studied. Two critical organizations emerged after World War II, the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1945 and the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) in 1956. Both organizations and

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others that followed spearheaded comparative explorations. Many studies sought to determine the cost-benefit of education as indicated by inputs and immediate and long-term outputs such as pupils’ academic achievement and its impact on national development as evidence for resource allocation by governments and aid agencies across countries. The results of many of these studies were inconclusive. In 1958, a group of scholars, including educational psychologists, sociologists, and psychometricians under the auspices of UNESCO, founded the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). These scholars were interested in better understanding learning variation across systems and how such variation influenced student learning. They also argued that measuring inputs to education was not enough to explain children’s academic achievement and other educational outcomes. One of the most significant theoretical contributions of this group of scholars was the concept of opportunity to learn. It is not sufficient for a child to attend school to improve learning; there needs to be access to content that can be grasped, contextualized, and used for learning to occur. This concept debunked the validity of many studies that argued the weak effects of schooling using poor indicators, such as correlating years of education with students’ test achievement results, and gave prominence to the study of the curriculum. The intended, implemented, and learned curriculum was fundamental in explaining learning opportunities. The fundamental principle of systemic comparison is that research can gather evidence (e.g., factors theorized to have valid and reliable influences on learning) from various systems to compare inputs, processes, and outcomes while considering contexts and cultures. The assumption is that “the variability on these factors would be sufficient to reveal important relationships within and across different school systems” (IEA, n.d.). A breakthrough in the field occurred when the first comparative and international study of education was launched in 1960 with the participation of 12 countries and assessed 13-year-old students’ achievement in mathematics, reading comprehension, geography, science, and nonverbal ability (Heyneman & Lee, 2013). More extensive and periodic studies based on national representative samples continued in all areas related to the K-12 school curriculum. The best-known studies on the outcomes of K-12 education are TIMSS or Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study, the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), and the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS). While other organizations, including OECD, have periodically engaged in data collection exercises with the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), the IEA studies are unique. IEA studies use the school curriculum and sound theory to frame their studies to inform processes and policies and develop the in-country capacity to carry out these studies collaboratively. Observations such as those made possible by examining the TIMSS Video Studies have helped us understand the contextual nature of teaching and learning (Givvin et al., 2009). The interdisciplinary nature of comparative studies in education has also meant that the field has benefitted from anthropological studies such as

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the classic study Preschool in Three Cultures (Tobin et al., 1991), and from a deep examination of classrooms across cultures (Alexander, 2001). There are many more examples of the impressive scholarship that comparative studies have produced available in the journals of Comparative Societies across the world. The main point in this short historical narrative, however, is to show that while many studies have focused on the outcomes of education pre-K-12 and on teaching effectiveness to understand academic achievement variation, few comparative studies focused on the education of teachers (Avalos, 1980; Ávalos & Haddad, 1981).

Why a Comparative Approach to Study Teacher Education? Comparative scholars were ahead of the field regarding the study of education. Using a comparative framework did not limit scholars in these organizations to a single-nation paradigm. They were aware of the many demands that emerging countries encountered in developing their education systems. While scholars in the field failed to accord teacher education its due importance, once governments addressed access issues, the call for quality teaching took center stage. By implication, so did teacher education. In 1963, one of the earlier comparative studies of teacher education was published, edited by George Z. Bereday and Joseph Lauwerys: The Education and Training of Teachers. (George Bereday is considered to be one of the greatest figures in modern comparative and international education, the cofounder of the Comparative Education Society in 1956, and the founding editor of the Comparative Education Review the Journal of the CIES.) The main object of the book was descriptive, a comprehensive survey of the history, recruitment, organization, curricular content, and certification of teacher education in individual countries across all regions of the globe. While not a systematic comparison, the book was a substantial effort toward understanding different arrangements that lead to preparing future teachers in several countries. At the same time, much research continued exploring the factors contributing to teacher effectiveness (Kennedy, 2015; Manwiller, 1958). This research resulted in all kinds of studies describing the characteristics of the ideal teacher, including long lists of personal traits, actions, or behaviors assumed to contribute to better teachers (Brophy, 1988; Hanushek, 1971/2002; Warwick & Jatoi, 1994). These studies began influencing the curriculum and practices of teacher education (Avalos, 1985). The assumption was that better-prepared teachers would exhibit the characteristics revealed by the teacher effectiveness research and, as such, would raise their pupils’ academic scores (Zeichner, 1999). The unintended consequence of this research was that conceptions of teacher education became reduced to replicating the actions observed in the teacher effectiveness research. Many studies of this kind ensued, yet research study after research study failed – with a few exceptions – to find associations between teacher preparation (nominally defined as years of schooling and credentials) and student test scores (Tatto, 2008). For the most part, teacher education remained a “black box.”

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As Zeichner (1999) explains, reflecting on the US context, [T]hose studies that claimed that teacher education makes a difference and those that argued that it does not, did not tell us very much that was useful, because they did not take into account the content, character, and quality of particular teacher education programs and experiences and often did not look beyond test scores as measures of success. They treated teacher education as if all programs were the same, as if the enterprise of teacher education was a homogeneous entity [. . .]. [These studies] could not attribute the behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs they found in teacher education program graduates to the programs they had completed [. . .]. (p. 5)

Despite the recognized weakness of these studies, there was much resistance to the idea of creating a new type of research focusing on teacher education. For instance, Zeichner (1999) tells us that the mid-1980s in the USA saw the creation of the American Research Association Division K “Teaching and Teacher Education.” The proposal of this division was challenged by many as research in teacher education was seen as inherently weak in contrast to research in other AERA Divisions (Zeichner, 1999). Indeed a comparative analysis of teacher education research in 12 countries (Tisher & Widee, 1990 cited in Zeichner, 1999, p. 6) reported an incoherent field, irrelevant to policy and practice, driven by people who were not involved in educating teachers, and of dubious rigor (p. 256). However, rather than an argument to criticize teacher education, this and other studies served as a justification to create Division K to legitimize the work and knowledge production of teachers and teacher educators. In spite of Tisher and Widee (1990) criticism, comparative teacher education researchers had been engaging in important theoretical examinations and rigorous research relevant to policy and practice since the mid-1980s such as those led by McPhee and Humes (1998), Tatto (1996), Tatto and collaborators (Tatto et al., 1993; Tatto & Kularatna, 1993), and Watson and collaborators (Watson & Williams, 1984). A breakthrough came in 2006 when an interdisciplinary group of teacher educators and measurement experts designed and launched the first cross-national, large-scale empirical comparative study of teacher education. The study under the sponsorship of the IEA and the US National Science Foundation examined the policies, programs, curriculum, and practices for preparing elementary and lowersecondary mathematics teachers in nationally representative samples of teacher education programs in 17 countries (IEA, n.d.; Tatto et al., 2008, 2012, 2018a, 2018b). TEDS-M was the first study to explore teacher education programs’ structure, curriculum, and processes and develop valid and reliable content and pedagogical content knowledge assessments for future teachers to evaluate teacher education programs’ outcomes. The study revealed wide variability in recruitment and selection practices, opportunities to learn provided to future teachers (e.g., program curriculum), and outcomes, including prospective teachers’ knowledge, pedagogy, and beliefs (Tatto et al., 2018a, 2018b). The TEDS-M undertaking helps to provide an answer to the question of why a comparative approach to studying teacher education is essential to move the field

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forward. The study identified the variability of factors in teacher education programs within and across countries that resulted in better-prepared teachers. It helped uncover and challenge long-held assumptions about what it takes to prepare highly qualified teachers. It helped develop the capacity of teacher education researchers across the participating countries to evaluate their teacher education systems. Most importantly, the study helped open the black box of teacher education and demonstrated the importance of evaluation research in the study of teacher education to provide practical and policy-relevant evidence. Since the launch of TEDS-M, other organizations began to pay more attention to teachers and their preparation, for instance, after the IEA launched the TEDS-M study, the OECD launched an indicator collection project called the Teaching and Learning International Survey. TALIS asks teachers if they were instructed on subject content, pedagogy, and classroom practice, and if they participated in induction activities when they joined their current school. The IEA TIMSS study also began to include a few questions concerning teacher preparation, such as whether teachers have a degree in particular disciplines and have participated in professional development. While these questions were asked in every participating country and allow comparison, they do not speak of the content and quality of teacher preparation programs and their outcomes. TEDS-M and subsequent studies continue to use the comparative data collected to explore the relationships between the programs’ opportunities to learn and general pedagogical knowledge (König et al., 2011), early career teachers’ learning, and beliefs in school environments (Tatto et al., 2020), education for diversity (Cardona et al., 2018), and a number of other aspects. More emphasis on comparative studies in teacher education remains necessary in order to enrich and strengthen the broad field of teacher education.

A Globally Validated Framework A coherent and valid framework for comparative international research in teacher education is essential. Yet the field lacks agreement on what elements should be included in such framework. Teacher educators should conceive a coherent framework as a flexible living entity that can be enriched through time and empirical work yet powerful enough to help construct and sustain the field. The lack of a consistent comparative framework in the field prevents accumulating wisdom. It allows others to introduce analytical approaches that may not address urgent questions of relevance to those who work and live in education. Areas of practice in other disciplines have achieved a modest degree of coherence by using frameworks to explore the field globally. The first attempt at this scale in teacher education resulted in a comprehensive framework built by researchers and practitioners worldwide to engage in the most extensive comparative international study in teacher education, the Teacher Education and Development Study in Mathematics (TEDS-M) discussed above. The team included mathematicians measurement, and sampling experts, teacher educators, and future teachers. While some scholars are

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critical of large-scale studies, arguing that they fail to consider the more minute and contextual details, this was not the case with TEDS-M and rather reveals that a false dichotomy still tends to dominate the educational research field (Pring, 2015). The study began with small qualitative-based work and was scaled up to several countries and representative samples of teacher education programs’ faculty and students. This multidisciplinary and multimethod study achieved significant conceptual, definitional, theoretical, and methodological advances in education and teacher education. Authoritative studies such as TEDS-M can help challenge the numerous reviews of research that report that the field is incoherent and has failed to accumulate wisdom from research. Important insights to continue building the field and engaging in cross-cultural and comparative exploration can be found in meta-analyses of research in teacher education. For example, Dunst et al. (2019) have recently completed a metasynthesis of preservice professional preparation and teacher education research studies. They identify fourteen different preservice teacher preparation practices and instructional methods that lead to teaching quality. In their metasynthesis of 118 meta-analyses and 12 surveys of more than three million study participants, they identified the following teacher preparation practices as the most critical: extended student teaching experiences, simulated instructional practices, microteaching, faculty coaching and mentoring, clinical supervision, different types of cooperative learning practices, and course-based active student learning methods (p. 1). While the article search was global, many of these results emerged from locally based researchers. These areas can be engaged comparatively, thus helping develop a theory of effective teacher preparation. Other sources are the many national and international databases frequently collected through organizations such as IEA, OECD, and UNESCO. The deployment of a coherent framework can help answer important questions and identify gaps that require comparative analysis. For instance, it would be essential to explore how the results of the meta-synthesis mentioned above map against the framework developed by the TEDS-M study. As mentioned above, the TEDS-M study was able to bring researchers from different countries on all continents to agree on standard definitions, goals, outcomes, and approaches to studying teacher education. The framework is comprehensive and can help guide the profession toward a systematic research agenda for teacher education. Of course, students of teacher education use several angles, but all have in common the different framework components that the TEDS-M research collaborative identified (Tatto et al., 2008, p. 15). The globally validated framework that resulted from the TEDS-M collaborative can support the design of future comparative studies of teacher education within and across countries. The framework is comprehensive and has three levels. At the macrolevel, the framework uses the nation (understood as a centralized or decentralized system of governance) as a unit of study. At the mesolevel, the units of study are institutions such as teacher education programs and partner schools, and

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at the microlevel are future teachers, teacher educators, classrooms, teachers, and students (Tatto et al., 2018a).

Macrolevel The national context exerts important influences on teacher education. It includes national and local policy (e.g., what counts as a qualified teacher, factors that affect the recruitment, hiring, and retention of teachers in the profession), and regulations (e.g., accreditation mandates, standards). Policies influence teaching contexts (e.g., public, private charter schools) and curriculum expectations (e.g., seeking to respond to schooling purposes and increasingly to globalization and market pressures). The national and local context also considers the study of history, culture, and social traditions, including persistent issues contributing to unequal access and participation in education, such as systemic racism and gender discrimination.

Mesolevel The mesolevel is concerned with the institutions that enact or recreate policy mandates and regulations. In teacher education, the mesolevel includes the diverse programs or teacher education providers regulated by institutional policies (e.g., higher education), self-governance, and program norms. Programs in teacher education typically work in partnership with schools. It is essential to study the characteristics and roles of teacher educators and future teachers within programs and the learning opportunities provided to prospective teachers, including the curriculum, course content, course structure and pathways, in-school practicum experiences, and mentoring.

Microlevel Studies at the microlevel explore the processes of learning to teach. Learning to teach is conceived as mediated by the peer culture, the program’s practices and norms, the program and the school curriculum, and the school community. A critical aspect is the study of the learning outcomes resulting from these programs. These include knowledge of the content, knowledge of the pedagogy of the content, pedagogy, beliefs, and identity. These outcomes also include preparedness to address socioemotional learning concerns and the ability to teach culturally and learning diverse students. Comparative studies of teacher education must encompass some (or all) aspects of the framework and use the social sciences’ methods to develop strength in the professional field. I turn now to discuss some of these approaches.

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Approaches in Comparative Studies of Teacher Education The Motive of Comparison Before discussing approaches as such, a key concept needs discussion: what I call the “motive of comparison.” A fundamental principle in comparative inquiry is that empirical investigation can uncover systematic relationships within and across education systems, thus producing an organized body of knowledge and, eventually, theory. As Farrell (1979) explains, “the object of science is not simply to determine that relationships exist but to determine the range over which they exist” (p. 6). To achieve this object, Farrell continues, “comparative data is essential to establishing the credibility of our theories and hence our explanations” (p. 9). In the production of comparative data, however, data comparability often emerges as an issue accompanied by the frequently mistaken assertion that comparisons are viable only when the phenomena or systems under study are as similar to each other as possible (Adamson, 2012). The consequence is that international comparisons are suspect because contexts are inherently different. For a theoretical treatment of “context sensitivity,” see Crossley and Watson (2009). This problem of comparability is as old, wrong-headed, and counterproductive as it is pervasive. The innovative ISCED-T Project of the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS), for instance, is currently in charge of developing for the first time a much-needed series of indicators to measure the quality of teacher education programs on a global scale. The UIS will most likely not include essential data such as the academic, pedagogical, and practicum content of teacher education programs under the argument that programs and contexts are highly variable (Tatto, 2021). Such a decision is indeed the product of a limited conception of comparative analysis that will deprive the field of vital information to support the development of high-quality teacher education programs (although costs and resistance from countries to collect data on these aspects may also factor in). Farrell’s (1979) significant contribution offers a conceptual reframing that allows comparison. Namely, while variables in education-society relations may not be phenomenally identical, they can be conceptually equivalent. Following this notion, it is possible to construct and gradually establish comparative education as a disciplinary field of study. The motive of comparison thus requires researchers to identify salient issues in education in conceptually equivalent terms. This conceptual reframing makes possible the cross-national study of teacher education. While teacher education systems are highly variable, the comparisons can be on conceptually equivalent terms. For instance, concerning outcomes of teacher education, the question would be how do different approaches to educating teachers on a specific subject matter impact the knowledge, skills, and dispositions of future teachers across countries (Tatto et al., 2008; Tatto, 2013). The construction of this question makes it possible to compare critical outcomes that all teacher education programs aim for and identify factors associated with such results, as was done in the TEDS-M study (Tatto et al., 2018a). It should also be noted that other researchers have investigated teacher education and

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teacher learning (e.g., Blömeke et al., 2012; König et al., 2011; You & Jia, 2004) and the influence of macro- and mesopolicy on teacher education (e.g., Harber & Serf, 2006; Young et al., 2007). We can consider the data collection approaches once the motives of comparison, theories, research questions, and hypotheses are aligned. These aspects are most relevant if we accept Farrell’s affirmation that there is no such thing as the comparative method, rather there are comparisons that use the methods of the social sciences. That is, the weight then falls on how comparisons are constructed by defining the motive of comparison and using the approaches and techniques developed by the social sciences.

Quantitative Approaches While some researchers have attempted to engage in actual experiments (e.g., testing the influence of interventions by randomly assigning individuals to treatment and control groups), most of the research in comparative and international teacher education is nonexperimental. Most studies collect empirical data and use correlational designs or survey designs (including interviews, questionnaires, observations, focus groups, and so on) using robust approaches to sampling. Secondary data analysis uses collected data to determine trends and relationships among variables. Quantitative methods make possible the implementation of large-scale studies. These studies have made essential contributions to the field by providing relevant information on the condition of education systems across multiple countries, exploring complex issues in a new light, and developing and improving research methodologies and data analysis methods. Studies such as TIMSS have, for several consecutive years, enabled teacher educators, policymakers, and scholars to track the progress of different reform strategies and to make empirically based statements about the current status of education globally. The most compelling example in teacher education is the TEDS-M study (Blömeke, 2021; Tatto et al., 2008; Tatto, 2013). Together studies such as TIMSS and TEDS-M have provided comparative data on how different system arrangements, curriculum content, and cultural conditions affect what pupils and teachers learn.

Qualitative Approaches Qualitative approaches have found a welcome home in the comparative study of teacher education. A review of the teacher education literature (Zeichner, 1999, p. 10) identified two main types of qualitative approaches to research. Empirical qualitative research includes case study research, ethnography, narrative research, and phenomenology. Nonempirical qualitative research includes conceptual and historical research. Among the empirical approaches, the case study seems especially suited to study teacher education because it considers a central phenomenon, a system of people

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bounded by space and time to describe and interpret events and occurrences. Qualitative methods are helpful in that they provide detailed information on particular activities in a teacher education program or the practicum experience. Qualitative studies can help understand whether program arrangements effectively prepare teachers to teach diverse students. Such explorations can reveal that successful programs have an institutional commitment to teacher education, a coherent vision of good teaching, and close links to local schools (Tatto et al., 2018a). In contrast, conceptual and historical research have contributed to identifying different traditions or paradigms in teacher education (Whitty & Furlong, 2017). In collaboration with other disciplines such as anthropology, philosophy, psychology, and sociology, it is possible to discuss continuing tensions in teacher education, such as the personal meaning of taking on the role of a teacher, the balance between theory and practice, the role of culture and context, and so on. Some of these analyses have looked at macrolevel influences, including politics, economics, and global trends, on the policies and practices of teacher education. Comparative historical analysis can illuminate the forces and results of teacher education evolution, sometimes going as far back as its origins through to the current day (Tatto & Menter, 2019).

Mixed Methods Approach Mixed methods have been used to study teacher education both broadly and with more detail and depth, considering purposes, conditions, contexts, and norms that mediate learning to teach. More recently, studies of learning to teach have emerged, looking at teaching pedagogy or learning to teach different subject matters. Some of these studies have been descriptive (e.g., illuminating the nature and process of learning to teach). Some of these studies have used an evaluative framework to explore the impact of teacher education on teachers’ knowledge, pedagogy, and beliefs and how well they are equipped to address the needs of culturally and learning diverse pupils. Critical large-scale international comparative studies have revealed the impact of recruitment, the teacher education curriculum, teachers’ learning opportunities, and the knowledge acquired due to different program arrangements within and across countries (Tatto et al., 2018a, 2018b).

Other Approaches Other approaches such as self-studies have added to the knowledge base of teacher education, including those developed by teacher educators studying their own programs and practices. Some studies have utilized life histories and autobiographies to explore the intersection between personal lives and teacher education programs. Other essential areas of study have to do with exploring race, class, and gender issues in the context of teachers’ values and where they will teach (Maandag et al., 2007). Studies of the political economy of teacher education are especially relevant in times of uncertainty and rapid social changes (Tatto & Dharmadasa, 1995). Self-studies of

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teacher education by teacher educators and their students are essential are essential ‘for reflection and self-improvement’ (Tatto et al., 2018a; Zeichner, 1999). In sum, international comparative research on teacher education has become more robust. Nevertheless, scholars in the past and present lament the lack of cumulative knowledge and the impact their research efforts have on program change or the mandates from national and local governments. Zeichner concludes in his Division K vice-presidential address: If policymakers continue to disregard both the scholarship in teacher education and the perspectives of teacher educators in their formulation of regulations and rules affecting teacher education programs, we will all suffer in the end for their deficit, no matter how enlightened they think their vision may be. (p. 13)

Zeichner wrote these words in 1999. Almost a quarter of a decade later, the entire world is witnessing the consequences of poor planning, uninformed by solid evidence of effectiveness. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed the lack of knowledge and resources that every teacher must have (such as knowledge and adequate access to technology) and their often precarious work situations, especially in underserved communities.

Conclusion Much of the research carried out in the field of teacher education is localized, small in scale, and rarely comparative. While these local efforts are valuable and support the daily practice of teachers and teacher educators, the field still lacks sufficient authoritative, comparative, and large-scale research efforts on a global scale. Whether using quantitative, qualitative, or mixed methods, such studies must challenge the powerful detrimental narratives that continue to emerge against teacher education programs in many countries. Educationists can help confirm the value of an adequately prepared teacher force through engagement in comparative research in teacher education locally and globally. Systematic and empirical comparative analysis in teacher education can reveal the value of the knowledge and pedagogies used in different programs to equip teachers to successfully engage in the complex task of teaching. It can help uncover programs’ theory of action, understand best practices, the curriculum, and the best ways to work partnerships with schools. Such studies can help discover and disseminate the testing of innovative approaches emerging from multiple social challenges such as increased migration, bigotry, tribalism, racism, misinformation, technology, and many others that threaten the stability of education systems globally. It can help examine the macro- and mesolevel forces that influence teacher education. Most importantly, comparative research in teacher education allows the forming of international networks of teacher educators to research their areas of expertise. These networks can become advocates for the appropriate preparation for teachers based on solid evidence. There are potent studies that can serve as the basis for developing a

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robust field and powerful frameworks that can guide these studies. As discussed in this chapter, the critical challenge is the selection of the motive of comparison leading to the development of conceptually relevant questions that allow comparisons. Indeed, there are many urgent questions in the field that need attention and for which a research base exists, albeit for the most part local, that has the potential to be used for comparative study. A few questions are as follows: • How can the field support teacher educators in developing comparative studies able to address the needs of the field at the macro-, meso-, and microlevels? • What are the most cost-effective methods to engage in large-scale comparative research in teacher education? • How is the force of globalization affecting teacher education? • How can teacher education contribute to the fight for democracy and against totalitarian regimes? • How do we prepare teachers with the knowledge, skills, and dispositions to become effective in culturally and learning-diverse classrooms? • How do we prepare teachers to effectively use formative assessments to support the daily learning of their students? • How do we support teachers to address their pupils’ social and emotional learning needs? The collection of studies in this section serves as a starting point in the larger conversation needed to develop a solid and sustainable plan for the comparative study of teacher education.

The Sixteen Studies in this Section Approaches to the Comparative Study of Teacher Education ▶ Chapter 53, “Spatial Perspectives: A Missing Link for Comparative Teacher Education Research,” by Clare Brooks, Gong Qian, Ana Angelita Rocha, and Victor Salinas-Silva introduces a theory based on three distinct spaces relative, symbolic, and lived and uses four cases of teacher education policy and practice to illustrate their application. The concept of relative space shows how global trends influence teacher standards and accountability systems in China and England. The use of symbolic space defines professional practice in policymaking in Chile. An exploration of policies influencing university-based teacher education in Brazil shows how an individual’s ability to access teacher education is affected by their lived space: including where they live, their intersectional characteristics, and the risk of urban violence. ▶ Chapter 56, “Learning to Teach Equitably: Theoretical Frameworks and Principles for International Research and Practice,” by Karen Hammerness, David Stroupe, and Kavita Kapadia Matsko describes three theoretical frameworks for

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learning teaching: sociocultural learning theories; critical theory; and complexity theory. The authors argue that each lens helps reveal relationships, tensions, ideas, and interactions that are important for understanding and theorizing new teacher learning and equitable teaching due to their focus on different levels of social systems. The chapter presents examples from programs worldwide to illustrate what these principles look like in teacher education programs. ▶ Chapter 62, “The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared,” by Jo B. Helgetun, uses historical analysis to discuss how England and France are on contrasting paths in teacher education. In England, changes from the 1980s to today have been addressed as a turn to the practical dominated by school-based training. The official image of the ideal teacher in England has gone from “scholar” to “self-improving craftsperson.” In France, changes in the same period evolved from a teachers’ college model centered on practical pedagogy for the primary teacher and a university-focused subject mastery model for the secondary teacher toward a standard model of university-based teacher education emphasizing learning theories, practical experience, and subject knowledge.

The Political Economy of Teacher Education ▶ Chapter 61, “The Political Economy of Teacher Training in Latin America: A Review of the Research Literature,” by Noel McGinn and Ernesto Schiefelbein, discusses the antecedents of education systems in Latin America, followed by a review of reports covering the region presented in more detail in seven case studies, five from the largest countries and two from countries that are attempting reforms radically different from the others. Quality of teaching is a major concern in all seven systems, and improvement in teaching and learning outcomes can be accomplished through changes in teacher training. The chapter concludes with a summary of what available research suggests might be an effective strategy for the improvement of teacher training in the region. ▶ Chapter 51, “A Cross-National Analysis of Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning,” by Motoko Akiba, Alex Moran, Kyeongwon Kim, and Xiaonan Jiang explores cross-national variations in the levels of organizational resources and structures that support teachers’ professional learning. The authors use the 2018 data from the OECD Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) and Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) gathered from over 40 countries. The authors find that, on average, across nations, the levels of organizational support for professional learning are limited. Countries that provide release from teaching and reimbursement for professional learning expenses and multiple types of support tend to have higher student achievement in reading and math. ▶ Chapter 63, “Cases of Four International Reforming Contexts: Prelude to the Pandemic and Beyond,” by Cheryl J. Craig, Maria Assunção Flores, Maria Inês Marcondes, and Darlene Ciuffetelli Parker uses a retrospective lens based on an

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international comparative study of global actors’ influence on national educational policies in four countries: Brazil, Canada, Portugal, and the USA in 2019. For this chapter, the authors use their past collaboration as a starting point to launch this most recent international comparison. They examine whether the trends they found in 2019 continued or whether they lessened or became replaced by other policies when COVID-19 struck in the first quarter of 2020 and has continued to spread throughout the world. ▶ Chapter 65, “Teacher Leadership in Cross-National Perspective,” by Gerald K. LeTendre, argues that teacher leadership is a relatively new field of academic study in the USA. Yet, teachers have occupied leadership roles in schools worldwide, with teacher organizations affecting the historical development of national school systems. The author includes a cross-national review of teachers’ roles as leaders to uncover that teacher movement into leadership is normalized as part of the teacher’s career development pathway in some scenarios. Still, in others, school leadership is restricted to particular classes of administrators. The author also discusses teacher leadership as community activists in social movements and their influence on national policies and educational reforms.

Teacher Education Research as a Force for Social Justice and Transformation ▶ Chapter 58, “Intercultural Education: The Training of Teachers for Inclusion,” by Sylvia Schmelkes and Ana Daniela Ballesteros, looks into how teachers are being trained in some countries in Latin America to deal with diversity and inclusion. The authors use a comparative approach to draw on previous research carried out in four Latin American countries to explore the training of Indigenous teachers. Ethnical and linguistic diversity is the main focus. A look at how other countries with Indigenous populations worldwide are training teachers for inclusion is considered a point of contrast with what happens in initial training in Latin America. ▶ Chapter 52, “Centering Multilingual Learners and Countering Racism in Teacher Education,” by Jeff Bale and Lisa Lackner, begins with a critical overview of 15 years worth of scholarship on preparing teachers to work with multilingual learners. The discussion is intentionally comparative, focusing on literature from North America and Germany. However, the authors argue that the most salient feature of this literature is the disciplinary base from which it operates, not the national context. After identifying the insights and oversights from three disciplines (applied linguistics, teacher education policy research, and critical teacher-education research), the authors propose an emergent framework that connects critical scholarship on race/racism and language to understand how they shape teacher education. ▶ Chapter 64, “Teaching Diverse Students: A Comparative Analysis of Perspectives from South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong,” by A. Lin Goodwin, Andrew Pau Hoang, Monaliza M. Chian, and Melissa Au, argues that teacher education must be different if teachers are to reach the ideals of inclusive, quality education for increasingly diverse student populations. Their chapter compares research and local

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policy documents (such as teaching standards) on teacher preparation for diverse students across three jurisdictions – South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong. The comparisons bring together perspectives shared by key scholars from each jurisdiction, engaging their work as purposeful lenses for insights into conceptions of diversity issues concerning teacher preparation. ▶ Chapter 54, “Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education Between Canada and China in a Globalized Context,” by Shijing Xu and Michael Connelly discusses the Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program as a component of the Canada-China Partnership for Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education and School Education Project. The partnership revolves around the idea that cultures interact, resulting in educational benefits for all involved in the partnership. The goal is cultural equity, represented by the concept of “reciprocal learning,” creating a laboratory for the comparative study of knowledge, values, and teaching methods across cultures. ▶ Chapter 60, “Issues Related to Teacher Preparation in Southern Africa,” by Rachel van Aswegen, Jacob Elmore, and Peter Youngs, focuses on the challenges of implementing learner-centered pedagogy and technology integration in four countries in the South African Development Community: Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, and Tanzania. The authors describe the recent history, current policy context related to teacher preparation, and teacher education policy and practice emphases over time. A cross-case analysis of similarities and variations shows how these countries address learner-centered pedagogy in teacher preparation and organize student teaching placements.

Globalization and the Study of Teacher Education ▶ Chapter 66, “Learning to Teach: Building Global Research Capacity for EvidenceBased Decision-Making,” by Maria Teresa Tatto and Ian Menter reports on their collaborative research with scholars from twelve different countries engaged in a historical analysis of pivotal moments in the evolution of policy and practice in teacher education in each setting to better understand dominant conceptions of teaching and the knowledge required from those aspiring to the job. An essential goal of this work was to examine the existing research evidence in each setting and its reflection on teacher education policy. The study reveals powerful global trends influencing teacher education scholarship, policy, and practice. ▶ Chapter 55, “Teacher Education Perspectives in the Ibero-Latin American Context: A Comparative View,” by Maria Assunção Flores, Juanjo Mena, Maria Inês Marcondes, and Elvira G. Rincon-Flores, focuses on teacher education in Brazil, Mexico, Portugal, and Spain. Taking a comparative perspective, the authors examine key turning points in teacher education marked by the influence of transnational agencies in shaping the landscape of policy development. They argue that while the four countries differ in many respects, they face common challenges, such as the status of the teaching profession and how to provide appropriate and varied responses concerning professional teacher learning.

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▶ Chapter 59, “The Development Discourse of “Quality Teachers”: Implications for Teacher Professional Development,” by Michele Schweisfurth takes a critical perspective on the quality discourse in education. Looking across various documents from national governments and international agencies, the author analyses the use of the term quality and its meaning across different contexts. This discussion leads to considering how the term delimits teacher professionalism and what this means for teacher professional development. ▶ Chapter 57, “Teacher Education in Post-Soviet States: Transformation Trends,” by Aydar M. Kalimullin, and Roza A. Valeeva, describes the experience of five countries (Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, and Ukraine), focusing on different paths of their development as part of the Soviet Union and their individuality in elaborating new models of teacher training in the period from 1991 to 2020. The study aims to analyze the development of Soviet identity in teacher education and the reasons for preserving some of its characteristics amid reforms in several postSoviet independent countries over the last three decades.

Summary This chapter introduces key definitions and historical aspects associated with comparative education research as a context to discuss the value of undertaking comparative research in teacher education. A review of the literature reveals that while there is a rich tradition of research in education using a comparative lens, comparative studies on teacher education are less prominent. A strong argument for more attention to the use of comparisons in teacher education research is to help with common definitions, unify the field, develop a common agenda for methodologically rigorous studies of teacher education, and for the creation of theory. While comparative studies are helpful at the local level, international comparative studies typically involve networks of educationists in multiple conversations that may generate conflicts to be resolved once there is agreement about what is to be studied, how, and with what purpose. The chapter offers a globally validated framework for the comparative study of teacher education based on the largest and more rigorous large-scale study of teacher education programs across 17 countries: The Teacher Education and Development Study in Mathematics (TEDS-M). TEDS-M is an example of a comparative international study produced by a network of educationists rendering the most complete self-study of teacher education to date. The chapter then discusses the concept of the motive of comparison which evolves around the conceptual conception of what is to be compared and the use of the methods of the social sciences to achieve such comparisons. Such conceptualization seeks to move away from the false duality between qualitative and quantitative research and the notion that it is only possible to compare similar objects. The conclusion calls for the need for comparative studies in teacher education to build a strong field and to counter current attacks against the profession. The chapter ends by introducing the 16 studies in the section which are organized around 4 important topics. These include studies using a variety of innovative

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approaches to the study of comparative teacher education, studies that address the political economy of teacher education, studies that show how teacher education research can be a force for social justice and transformation, and studies that examine the influence of globalization in the study of teacher education.

Cross-References ▶ A Cross-National Analysis of Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning ▶ Cases of Four International Reforming Contexts: Prelude to the Pandemic and Beyond ▶ Centering Multilingual Learners and Countering Racism in Teacher Education ▶ Intercultural Education: The Training of Teachers For Inclusion ▶ Issues Related to Teacher Preparation in Southern Africa ▶ Learning to Teach: Building Global Research Capacity for Evidence-Based Decision-Making ▶ Learning to Teach Equitably: Theoretical Frameworks and Principles for International Research and Practice ▶ Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education Between Canada and China in a Globalized Context ▶ Spatial Perspectives: A Missing Link for Comparative Teacher Education Research ▶ Teacher Education in Post-Soviet States: Transformation Trends ▶ Teacher Education Perspectives in the Ibero-Latin American Context: A Comparative View ▶ Teacher Leadership in Cross-National Perspective ▶ Teaching Diverse Students: A Comparative Analysis of Perspectives from South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong ▶ The Development Discourse of “Quality Teachers”: Implications for Teacher Professional Development ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared ▶ The Political Economy of Teacher Training in Latin America: A Review of the Research Literature

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Motoko Akiba, Alex Moran, Kyeongwon Kim, and Xiaonan Jiang

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Literature Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ Professional Learning Around the Globe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Current Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sample and Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organizational Supports for Professional Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mentoring Support for Beginning Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship Between Organizational Support and National Achievement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

As educational policymakers around the globe implement various reforms for improving teachers’ instructional practice and student learning, organizational support for teachers’ professional learning is crucial for successful implementation of these reforms. However, little is known about cross-national variations in the levels of organizational resources and structures that support teachers’ professional learning. Using the 2018 data from the OECD Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) and Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) gathered from over 40 countries, we conducted a cross-national analysis

M. Akiba (*) · A. Moran · K. Kim · X. Jiang Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_34

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of five types of organizational support for professional learning of all teachers and mentoring opportunities provided to beginning teachers. We found that, on average, across nations, the levels of organizational supports for professional learning are limited, ranging from less than 20% of teachers receiving monetary or nonmonetary resources to 45% of teachers receiving release from teaching. However, we also observed major cross-national variations in these measures. Our correlation analysis showed that countries that provide release from teaching and reimbursement for professional learning expenses and multiple types of supports tend to have higher student achievement in reading and math than other countries with limited organizational support. Implications for policymakers, educational administrators, and teacher educators are discussed. Keywords

Teacher professional learning · Organizational support · Cross-national study · Large datasets · TALIS · PISA

Introduction During the last three decades, many countries around the globe have engaged in instructional reform to transform traditional teacher-centered instruction to studentcentered, inquiry-based instruction (Altinyelken, 2010, 2011, 2015; Di Biase, 2019; Luk-Fong & Brennan, 2010; Sriprakash, 2010). Unfortunately, previous research has shown that instructional reform is extremely difficult in the USA (Marrongelle et al., 2013; Thompson & Zeuli, 1999) as well as in many other countries (Akyeampong, 2017; Vavrus & Bartlett, 2012). Instructional reform requires teachers to transform deeply held beliefs about knowledge as facts, teaching as telling, and learning as memorizing, and relearn a vision of teaching for understanding and learning as co-construction of knowledge. This traditional view of teaching and learning is resistant to change because it is embedded in school and society in general, and educators have learned this view through a lifelong “apprenticeship of observation” (Lortie, 1975). To transform teachers’ beliefs and improve instructional practice, teachers must be provided with rich professional learning opportunities that challenge traditional beliefs and support gradual transformation of these beliefs to integrate a new vision of teaching and learning promoted in instructional reform. In this sense, teachers’ professional learning opportunities are a central policy driver for systemwide improvement of instruction and student learning (Elmore & Burney, 1999; Knapp, 2003; Little, 1989, 1993; Marrongelle et al., 2013). Because the time for professional learning is not normally embedded into regular job responsibilities of teachers in many countries, teachers need organizational resources and structures to continuously engage in professional learning. Most existing studies on organizational support for professional learning have focused

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on a single country or region, and few comparative or cross-national studies of organizational support have been conducted so far (Akiba et al., 2019). Understanding the cross-national variations in the levels of organizational resources and structures allow policymakers, educational administrators, and teacher educators in each country to understand where they stand in comparison to other countries and consider whether any improvement is needed. A cross-national analysis of how the levels of various organizational supports are associated with national achievement will reveal which aspects of organizational resources or structures may be important. Using the 2018 OECD Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) and OECD Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) data gathered from over 40 countries, we conducted a cross-national analysis of five types of organizational resources and structures for all teachers and mentoring opportunities for beginning teachers to support their professional learning. Specifically, our study addressed the following questions: 1. How do countries vary in the levels of organizational supports for all teachers and mentoring opportunities for beginning teachers to support their professional learning? 2. How are the levels of organizational supports and mentoring opportunities associated with national achievement in reading and math?

Literature Review Teachers’ Professional Learning Around the Globe The important role of professional learning for successful instructional reform is well recognized globally (OECD, 2005, 2018), and a large body of literature has examined the nature and positive impacts of teacher professional learning on instruction and student achievement (Akiba & Liang, 2016; Blank et al., 2008; Goddard et al., 2007; Heck et al., 2008; Moolenaar et al., 2012; Saunders et al., 2009; Yoon et al., 2007; Vescio et al., 2008). Specifically, these studies have documented the importance of collaborative teacher learning in which teachers can come together as a group to share challenges and successes in teaching, discuss teaching materials and student learning, and observe each other’s teaching and provide feedback (Huffman et al., 2016; McLaughlin & Talbert, 2001, 2006). Professional learning communities (Vescio et al., 2008) and lesson study (Lewis & Lee, 2018) are two global models that teachers engage in many countries. There are many other country-specific forms of collaborative learning such as Practitioner Inquiry in Australia and the UK (Groundwater-Smith & Dadds, 2004), Teachers’ Networks and learning circles in Singapore (Hairon & Dimmock, 2012; Huffman et al., 2016; Tripp, 2004), and Critical Friends Groups in the USA (Curry, 2008; Dunne et al., 2000). All these collaborative learning opportunities are considered as a

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promising approach to systemwide improvement of instruction and student learning (Akiba et al., 2019; Wei et al., 2009). Previous studies have also identified that teachers engage in professional learning through taking university courses, attending and presenting at professional conferences, and engaging in individual learning activities such as reading and studying research articles and instructional and learning materials (Akiba, 2012; Scribner, 1999, 2003). What is not yet known is what types of organizational supports have been provided to teachers across countries to allow them to engage in these learning activities. For beginning teachers, mentors play a critical role in facilitating their learning through individual consultations, classroom observations, co-teaching, and engagement in collaborative learning (Carver & Feiman-Nemser, 2009; Polikoff et al., 2015; Youngs, 2007), but it is not known to what extent beginning teachers have been given mentoring opportunities across the countries. In the next section, we will synthesize findings from single-country studies on organizational support for professional learning of both experienced and beginning teachers.

Organizational Support for Teachers’ Professional Learning Existing single-country studies on organizational support for teachers’ professional learning have identified the importance of allowing sufficient time and resources for teachers to engage in professional learning in various national contexts. First, multiple studies discussed a lack of time as a major barrier to professional learning. For example, Molway (2019) found that 60% of language teachers reported a lack of time as a major barrier to engaging in effective professional learning activities in England. Likewise, time constraint and limited scheduling for professional learning hindered learning opportunities among teachers in Pakistan (Ali, 2018), Taiwan (Su et al., 2018), Tanzania (Luvanga & Mkimbili, 2020), and sub-Saharan Africa (Hassler et al., 2018). In the USA, Akiba et al. (2015) found based on a longitudinal survey of 923 middle school math teachers that teaching release time and designated summer time for professional learning were associated with teachers’ increased participation in highquality professional learning activities. Hayes (2020) also found that substitute teacher availability which allowed teachers to be released from teaching, among other supports, played a central role in professional learning opportunities based on a case study of science teachers in an urban district in the USA. These previous studies collectively point to the importance of providing sufficient time for teachers by releasing them from teaching duties so that they can engage in continuous professional learning. Second, other studies have found that learning resources such as common instructional materials and ICTs play a critical role in promoting teachers’ professional learning. Lack of resources such as insufficient textbooks and teaching and learning materials were identified by chemistry teachers as a hinderance to engaging in inquiry-based science teaching in Tanzania (Luvanga & Mkimbili, 2020).

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Likewise, teachers in Pakistan reported that structural and educational resources such as audiovisual aids, library, Internet access, and a separate study room for the teaching staff are necessary for improving the quality of their professional learning (Ali, 2018). In Singapore, Teo (2018) conducted a survey of 452 English teachers and reported that locally developed resources of classroom discourse data promoted teachers’ reflective practice and professional learning. In low-income countries, the use of ICT has been discussed as important for promoting teachers’ professional learning. For example, Shohel and Banks (2012) identified benefits of handheld mobile devices with audiovisual materials for English teachers in Bangladesh. In Indonesia, Lim et al. (2020) found that teachers’ use of ICT for accessing and sharing resources and engaging in discussion promoted their professional learning, especially among teachers in remote rural locations. Access to open educational resources and mobile devices were also discussed as promoting school-based teacher professional development in low-resourced contexts in sub-Sahara Africa as well (Hassler et al., 2018). These resources not only promote teachers’ professional learning but also serve as major incentives for them to engage in professional learning. In summary, available studies have mainly focused on the importance of time and learning resources, and few studies have examined other supports such as monetary support in forms of reimbursement for professional learning expenses and extra payment for engaging in learning activities outside working hours or salary increase. The only study that examined monetary support was conducted by Akiba et al. (2015) and this study found that stipends for professional development offered outside the regular school hours were associated with greater teacher participation in high-quality professional learning activities in the USA. Because teachers in most countries do not receive high income compared to other professions (Dolton et al., 2018), monetary support such as extra payment, reimbursement for learning expenses, or salary increase likely serves as a major incentive to engage in professional learning. Investment in monetary support also communicates the importance of continuous professional learning to teachers, and which will in turn promote instructional reform. In addition, provision of mentors to new teachers is an important organizational support to engage in professional learning. Multiple studies identified the importance and positive effects of mentoring for new teachers (Carver & Feiman-Nemser, 2009; Polikoff et al., 2015; Youngs, 2007).

Current Study This study addresses two research questions: 1. How do countries vary in the levels of organizational supports for all teachers and mentoring opportunities for beginning teachers to support their professional learning?

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2. How are the levels of organizational supports and mentoring opportunities associated with national achievement in reading and math? We focus on five types of organizational supports reported by teachers: (1) release from teaching duties for professional learning activities during regular working hours, (2) nonmonetary rewards (e.g., classroom resources/materials, book vouchers, and software/apps) for participating in professional learning activities, (3) reimbursement or payment of costs associated with professional learning activities, (4) extra payment for professional learning activities outside working hours, and (5) increased salary as a result of participating in professional learning activities. We also examine the level of mentoring support as part of organizational support for professional learning of beginning teachers. Based on the previous studies that identified the importance of these types of organizational supports for promoting teacher learning, which would likely lead to improved instruction and student learning, we test the following hypothesis: In countries where more teachers report receiving teaching release, nonmonetary resources, and monetary incentives and where more beginning teachers and schools report receiving or providing mentoring opportunities, students tend to achieve better on average in reading and math.

Methods Sample and Data We used data from the 2018 TALIS and PISA administered by OECD. Since 2008, OECD has gathered survey data from nationally representative samples of principals and teachers in lower secondary schools every 5 years. In addition, OECD gathered PISA assessment data in math, science, and reading from a nationally representative sample of 15-year-olds since 2000 every 3 years. The year 2018 was the first year when TALIS and PISA were administered in the same year, which allowed us to examine the relationships between organizational support measures based on the TALIS teacher and principal survey data and student achievement data from PISA. Both TALIS and PISA use a two-stage stratified cluster sampling method where schools are first selected and teachers or students are randomly selected within schools. In this study, we focused on 40 countries that provided teacher survey data on organizational support for professional learning of all teachers and 44 countries that provided principal and teacher survey on mentoring opportunities. Of these countries, 37 countries provided both organizational support data and PISA assessment data, and 41 countries provided both mentoring data and PISA assessment data. In the 2018 TALIS, the number of teachers that participated in the teacher survey ranged from 1,611 in Cyprus to 8,648 United Arab Emirates (UAE) with an international average of 3,352 teachers, and the number of principals that

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participated in the school survey ranged from 54 in Malta to 476 UAE with an international average of 195 schools (OECD, 2019). In the 2018 PISA study, the number of students participating ranged from 3,363 in Malta to 35,943 in Spain with an international average of 8,232 students per country (OECD, n.d.).

Variables All the key variables, survey questions and items from 2018 TALIS and PISA, and original coding and computation of national variables are explained in Table 1. All key variables on organizational support were drawn from teacher survey data except the variables on schools with access to mentoring programs and subject field matching for mentors, which were measured using principal survey data. Two national achievement level variables in reading and math were computed from ten reading plausible values and ten math plausible values from PISA. PISA technical report describes plausible values as, “random draws from the posterior distribution of the proficiencies given the item responses xv, background variables y, and estimated model parameters” (OECD, n.d., p. 23). Simply, they are a representation of the reasonable range of a student’s abilities, but, importantly, they are intended to allow for group-level, not individual-level inferences. For the PISA results, plausible values are important as they allow for the unbiased interpretation at a country level. OECD calculated these values through a three-step process: IRT scaling, latent regression, and then multiple imputation. The final multiple imputation step is repeated ten times to draw the ten plausible values for each student on each domain. Organizational support for professional learning of all teachers was measured with five survey items asking teachers to indicate if they received teaching release time, nonmonetary resources, reimbursement or repayment of costs, extra payment, or salary increases (1 ¼ Yes, 0 ¼ No). A composite variable was also created by summing the number of supports and computing the national mean. Mentoring opportunity was measured with three items: (1) percentage of teachers with 3 or less years of experience who are assigned a mentor; (2) percentage of schools with access to mentoring program; and (3) percentage of schools whose assigned mentors are in the same subject field as the mentees.

Analysis To address the first research question, we computed and compared the percentage of teachers who reported the presence of the five aspects of professional learning support, and then we computed the country level average number of PD supports which teachers received. In addition, we computed and compared the percentage of teachers who reported having an assigned mentor, and the percentage of schools that provided access to a mentoring program and that reported that the mentors’ subject areas match those of mentees.

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Table 1 Variables

Achievement

PL support

Variable Reading

Survey items 10 plausible values

Original coding Continuous

Math

10 plausible values

Continuous

Release

1. For the professional development in which you participated during the last 12 months, did you receive any of the following? (a) Release from teaching duties for activities during regular working hours (b) Nonmonetary rewards (e.g., classroom resources/ materials, book vouchers, and software/apps) (c) Reimbursement or payment of costs

1 ¼ Yes 0 ¼ No

Nonmonetary resources

Reimbursement

Extra payment

Salary increase

Mentoring opportunity

Mentor assigned

Percentage of teachers who received nonmonetary rewards

(d) Monetary supplements for activities outside working hours (e) Increased salary

N of PL support

Sum of 5 PL supports 2. Are you currently involved in any mentoring activities as part of a formal

National variables Country level mean of PV1READ – PV10READ Country level mean of PV1Math – PV10Math Percentage of teachers who received teaching release

1 ¼ Yes 0 ¼ No

Percentage of teachers who received reimbursement Percentage of teachers who received extra payment Percentage of teachers who received salary increase Country level mean of number of PD supports teachers received Percentage of teachers with 3 or less years of (continued)

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Table 1 (continued) Variable

Mentoring programa

Mentor subject matcha

Survey items arrangement at this school? I currently have an assigned mentor to support me 3. Do teachers at this school have access to a mentoring programme? 4. Is the mentor’s main subject field(s) the same as that of the teacher being mentored?

Original coding

National variables experience who are assigned a mentor

1 ¼ Yes 0 ¼ No 1 ¼ Yes 0 ¼ No

Percentage of schools with access to a mentoring program Percentage of schools whose assigned mentors are in the same subject field as the mentees

Note: These two variables were created based on principal survey responses. All the other variables are based on teacher survey responses

a

For the second research question, we conducted a Pearson r correlation analysis to examine the relationships between organizational supports and mentoring opportunities, and national achievement levels. In computing national variables on organizational supports, mentoring opportunities, and national achievement levels, we used teacher, school, and student sampling weights included in the TALIS and PISA datasets to adjust for unequal probability of sampling used in complex sample methods.

Results Organizational Supports for Professional Learning Table 2 presents the percentages of lower secondary school teachers who reported receiving five types of organizational support for professional learning activities: (1) release from teaching duties for activities during regular working hours, (2) nonmonetary resources (e.g., classroom resources/materials, book vouchers, and software/apps), (3) reimbursement or payment of costs, (4) extra payment for activities outside working hours, and (5) increased salary, as well as the national mean number of organizational supports in 40 countries. Based on the international means listed at the bottom row for 40 countries, we can see that release from teaching duties is the most common type of organizational

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support, with an average of 45.3% of teachers receiving teaching release. Although this percentage is higher than any other types of support, less than half of teachers are receiving this important support for engaging in professional learning. We can also see a major cross-national variation ranging from only 5.8% of teachers in Mexico to 78.2% of Australian teachers receiving teaching release. Despite the importance of nonmonetary resources identified in previous studies, only an average of 17% of teachers received these resources for professional learning. Again, there is a major cross-national variation ranging from only 4.2% in Finland and Sweden to more than 50% in Korea. In most countries, less than one-third of teachers are receiving nonmonetary resources such as classroom resources or materials, book vouchers, and software or apps for their professional learning. When we look at three types of monetary supports, the data show that reimbursement or payment of costs is the most common type of support, with an average of 30.9% of teachers receiving this type of support. Receiving extra payment for activities outside working hours and increased salary is rare in most countries as only an average of 13.9% and 13.2% of teachers reported receiving these types of support, respectively. We observed major cross-national variation in all three supports – with Vietnam and Czech Republic among the countries with the highest levels of support and Portugal and Mexico among the lowest. Across all five types of organizational support for professional learning as presented in Table 2, our data show that most teachers are not receiving sufficient support. This is also evident in the average number of supports to be only 1.2 out of 5 possible supports across 40 countries. The number of supports ranged from less than 0.3 in Mexico and Portugal to more than 2.2 in Czech Republic and Vietnam. Of five types of support that were identified as important for promoting professional learning, on average, teachers are receiving only one of them if any. This low level of support in most countries examined here is concerning, considering the critical role of professional learning for improvement of instruction and student learning – the goal of instructional reform that many countries are promoting.

Mentoring Support for Beginning Teachers Mentoring is an important support for beginning teachers as mentors play a critical role in facilitating their learning through individual consultations, classroom observations, co-teaching, and engagement in collaborative learning. Table 3 presents three measures of mentoring support: (1) percentage of lower secondary school beginning teachers with 3 or less years of teaching experience who reported having an assigned mentor; (2) percentage of schools where the principal reported having a mentoring program for beginning teachers; and (3) percentage of schools with a mentoring program where assigned mentors are in the same subject area as the mentees in 44 countries. On average, 30.6% of beginning teachers reported having an assigned mentor. It could be that only the first-year teachers are normally assigned a mentor in many

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Table 2 Organizational support for professional learning

1 2 3

Release from teaching duties Australia 78.2 Latvia 73.7 New Zealand 70.1

1 2 3

4

Kazakhstan

68.7

4

5

Estonia

66.8

6

18 19 20 21

Slovak Republic Finland Austria Czech Republic Denmark Singapore Colombia Norway Saudi Arabia Russia England The Netherlands South Africa Malta Turkey Chinese Taipei

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

Nonmonetary resources (e.g., classroom resources/materials) Korea 52.5 Vietnam 37.0 South Africa 33.3

1 2 3

30.1

4

5

Czech Republic UAE

28.3

5

65.4

6

Bulgaria

26.6

64.4 64.2 64.2

7 8 9

Estonia Singapore Kazakhstan

62.9 59.8 59.2 59.0 58.3 57.4 56.3 53.8

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

50.7 48.1 46.6 45.0

Slovenia Korea Vietnam France UAE Lithuania Bulgaria Chile Croatia Sweden Israel

Reimbursement or payment of costs Slovenia Vietnam Czech Republic Estonia

65.0 58.2 58.1 56.5

6

The Netherlands Lithuania

55.7 53.7

24.9 23.3 22.9

7 8 9

New Zealand Korea Croatia

50.6 50.3 48.5

Latvia Chinese Taipei Saudi Arabia Georgia Colombia Chile Russia Australia

22.4 22.1 21.8 18.9 18.7 17.2 16.8 16.5

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

Bulgaria Australia Singapore Austria Latvia Denmark England South Africa

48.4 47.3 40.6 37.3 37.3 36.8 36.5 35.6

18 19 20 21

Cyprus Malta New Zealand Slovenia

16.4 16.0 16.0 15.1

18 19 20 21

34.1 32.6 31.6 30.2

42.2 42.1 42.0

22 23 24

14.9 14.4 14.0

22 23 24

40.8 37.2 37.0 35.7 34.8 33.8 33.3 30.3

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Turkey Romania Slovak Republic Italy Israel Croatia Lithuania Spain England The Netherlands Portugal

Finland Norway UAE Slovak Republic Russia France Kazakhstan

13.4 13.2 12.7 12.7 11.0 9.9 9.6 9.3

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Sweden Turkey Israel Chile Malta Romania Chinese Taipei Spain

21.3 19.9 18.6 17.7 17.7 17.6 16.2 12.7

29.3 27.4 26.7

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued) Nonmonetary resources (e.g., classroom resources/materials) Brazil 9.2 Austria 6.9 Mexico 6.6 France 6.3 Denmark 5.0 Norway 4.4 Finland 4.2 Sweden 4.2 International 17.0 mean

2 3 4

Release from teaching duties Brazil 26.2 Cyprus 20.9 Spain 19.9 Georgia 17.1 Romania 16.1 Italy 15.5 Portugal 8.6 Mexico 5.8 International 45.3 mean Extra payment outside work hrs Czech 53.5 Republic Vietnam 48.7 Korea 47.1 Russia 35.7

5 6 7 8

South Africa Estonia Israel Italy

24.6 22.6 21.0 18.9

5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12

Lithuania Turkey Bulgaria Chinese Taipei

17.7 15.7 15.3 14.3

9 10 11 12

South Africa Vietnam Czech Republic Estonia Colombia Russia Slovak Republic Malta Brazil UAE Israel

13 14 15 16

Latvia Denmark UAE Malta

13.6 13.0 12.9 11.9

13 14 15 16

Chile Singapore Kazakhstan Korea

13.2 12.9 12.8 11.3

13 14 15 16

17 18 19 20 21 22 23

France Singapore New Zealand Colombia Slovenia Chile Slovak Republic

11.6 10.7 10.5 10.0 9.9 9.8 9.8

17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Georgia Latvia Norway Romania England Turkey Saudi Arabia

10.3 9.3 9.0 9.0 8.5 8.4 8.0

17 18 19 20 21 22 23

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

1

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

1 2 3 4

Increased salary Bulgaria

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Reimbursement or payment of costs Colombia Italy Cyprus Saudi Arabia Georgia Brazil Portugal Mexico International mean

10.3 9.7 8.9 8.8 8.5 7.1 6.4 5.2 30.9

50.1

1

43.4 40.3 39.9

2 3 4

Total N of PL support Czech 2.45 Republic Vietnam 2.26 Estonia 2.07 Korea 2.04

36.5 27.9 25.5 20.4

5 6 7 8

South Africa Bulgaria Russia Latvia

1.89 1.76 1.65 1.56

18.5 15.7 15.4 14.7

9 10 11 12

Australia New Zealand Singapore Slovak Republic Kazakhstan Slovenia Lithuania The Netherlands Colombia UAE Denmark England Austria Norway Malta

1.55 1.53 1.47 1.40 1.40 1.35 1.27 1.26 1.26 1.25 1.22 1.18 1.14 1.14 1.12

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Extra payment outside work hrs Norway 8.8 Australia 8.5 Kazakhstan 8.4 Brazil 8.1 Georgia 7.0 Saudi Arabia 6.8 England 6.7 Finland 6.1 Cyprus 5.4 Austria 4.9 The Netherlands 4.9 Croatia 4.3 Spain 4.3 Sweden 4.3 Mexico 3.5 Romania 2.9 Portugal 1.9 International 13.9 mean

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Increased salary Mexico New Zealand Cyprus Sweden Lithuania Chinese Taipei Australia France Denmark Croatia Spain The Netherlands Italy Slovenia Finland Austria Portugal International mean

7.9 7.3 6.1 5.8 5.6 5.3 4.2 4.2 4.0 2.9 2.8 2.7 2.6 2.6 1.5 1.1 1.1 13.2

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Total N of PL support Finland 1.10 Turkey 1.06 Saudi Arabia 1.04 Chinese Taipei 1.03 Croatia 1.02 Israel 0.97 Chile 0.92 France 0.90 Sweden 0.68 Brazil 0.67 Georgia 0.62 Italy 0.60 Romania 0.60 Cyprus 0.58 Spain 0.50 Mexico 0.28 Portugal 0.27 International 1.20 mean

countries. If that is the case, one-third of beginning teachers with 3 or less years of experience having a mentor may mean that most first-year teachers are assigned a mentor on average. However, we also see large variation across 44 countries ranging from less than 10% of teachers with assigned mentors in Italy, Slovenia, and Chile to more than 60% in New Zealand, Singapore, and Kazakhstan. In Italy, Slovenia, and Chile, mentoring may not be a common support structure for beginning teachers while in New Zealand, Singapore, and Kazakhstan, not only the new teachers, but also second- and third-year teachers may be assigned a mentor as well. When school principals were asked whether their schools give teachers access to a mentoring program in 44 participating countries, an average of 67% of them reported in the affirmative. In some countries such as Kazakhstan, England, and the USA, a mentoring program is almost universal with over 95% of schools providing a mentoring program access to teachers. In other countries such as Finland and Chile, mentoring is not common as less than 30% of schools provide access to a mentoring program. Among the schools that offer a mentoring program access to teachers, 64.3% of them are assigning mentors with the same subject area as the mentees. This is encouraging as previous studies identified that subject content focus to be one of the important characteristics of professional learning (i.e., Desimone, 2009), and only the mentors with the same subject area can provide rich learning opportunities for improving instruction in the assigned subject area. It is also important to note the major variation in the percentage of mentors who have the

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Table 3 Mentoring opportunities for beginning teachers (teacher and principal reports)

1 2 3 4 5

Beginning teachers with a mentor (% of teachers) New Zealand 75.5 Singapore 74.0 Kazakhstan 63.1 Israel 57.8 The USA 56.8

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

England The Netherlands UAE South Africa Australia Japan Brazil Belgium Vietnam

53.7 51.3 50.8 48.1 43.2 42.1 37.5 35.7 34.2

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Croatia The Netherlands Russia Israel UAE New Zealand Bulgaria Korea Sweden

93.5 92.4 92.0 91.6 89.4 87.0 85.9 84.7 81.4

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Czech Republic Hungary Slovak Republic Malta Cyprus Russia Romania Turkey Chinese Taipei Norway Sweden France Saudi Arabia Croatia Estonia Korea Latvia Mexico Denmark Bulgaria Colombia Portugal Austria Georgia Finland

33.8 32.5 32.1 30.6 28.3 28.1 27.6 26.0 25.6 25.2 23.6 23.5 22.1 21.5 20.8 20.7 19.7 19.5 18.7 18.2 17.2 16.9 15.8 15.6 14.2

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

South Africa Hungary Denmark France Turkey Malta Japan Italy Chinese Taipei Slovak Republic Vietnam Belgium Romania Slovenia Cyprus Norway Estonia Lithuania Brazil Mexico Georgia Colombia Spain Czech Republic Portugal

78.4 78.3 78.2 76.6 74.0 72.8 71.4 69.8 69.4 69.1 67.9 63.7 62.8 61.5 59.4 58.5 54.8 53.0 50.2 47.1 46.1 43.8 41.2 40.8 40.1

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

1 2 3 4 5

Mentoring program (% of schools) Kazakhstan 97.3 England 97.3 The USA 96.1 Australia 95.9 Singapore 95.6

1 2 3 4 5

Mentor’s subject match France 97.5 Croatia 96.4 Slovenia 93.7 Italy 92.0 Slovak 86.2 Republic Cyprus 84.4 Singapore 84.2 Portugal 82.9 Hungary 81.0 Romania 80.1 Vietnam 79.2 Israel 77.6 Turkey 77.1 Czech 76.6 Republic Chinese Taipei 74.3 Finland 73.8 New Zealand 73.7 UAE 72.4 Austria 72.2 Spain 71.1 Russia 70.9 Kazakhstan 68.0 Lithuania 66.0 Bulgaria 64.7 Estonia 62.0 Latvia 61.8 England 60.5 South Africa 60.0 The USA 59.2 Norway 56.6 Korea 56.3 Chile 56.1 Colombia 52.9 Sweden 49.8 Australia 49.1 Mexico 48.4 Japan 40.6 Georgia 40.1 Denmark 37.5 (continued)

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Table 3 (continued)

40 41 42 43 44

Beginning teachers with a mentor (% of teachers) Spain 12.6 Lithuania 10.1 Chile 8.4 Slovenia 7.1 Italy 4.6 International 30.6 mean

40 41 42 43 44

Mentoring program (% of schools) Austria 32.8 Saudi Arabia 31.6 Latvia 31.5 Finland 26.5 Chile 17.5 International 67.0 mean

40 41 42 43 44

Mentor’s subject match Saudi Arabia 36.6 Brazil 32.9 Belgium 25.6 Malta 24.1 The Netherlands 21.8 International 64.3 mean

same subject area as the mentees ranging from less than 25% in Malta and the Netherlands to over 95% in France and Croatia. In summary, although a majority of schools are providing beginning teachers access to a mentoring program and at least one-third of beginning teachers and likely most first-year teachers have an assigned mentor, the level of organizational supports for all teachers in the format of teaching release and nonmonetary and monetary supports is quite limited. We observed major cross-national variation in every type of organizational support, indicating the differences in how national and local governments support teachers’ professional learning. How are these national levels of organizational supports associated with national achievement? Our final analysis tested our hypothesis: In countries where more teachers report receiving teaching release, nonmonetary resources, and monetary incentives and where more beginning teachers and schools report receiving or providing mentoring opportunities, students tend to achieve better on average in reading and math.

Relationship Between Organizational Support and National Achievement Table 4 presents Pearson r correlation results between national achievement levels in reading and math, and eight measures of organizational support for all teachers and mentoring support for beginning teachers. We can see that the percentages of teachers who were released from teaching duties for learning activities during regular working hours and teachers who received reimbursement or payment of costs to participate in professional learning were significantly and positively associated with higher reading and math achievement levels at lower secondary level. The relationships between reimbursement and national achievement levels were stronger and significant compared to other relationships with correlation coefficients of 0.556 and 0.574 for reading and math, respectively. In countries where a greater percentage of teachers are given reimbursement for professional learning expenses, students are likely to have higher achievement on average. Likewise, in countries

Math Release Nonmonetary resources Reimbursement Extra payment Salary increase N of PD support Mentor assigned Mentoring program Mentor subject Match 0.297 0.193

0.232

0.193

**

*

Mentoring opportunities

0.158 0.044

0.134

0.173

0.337* 0.710** 0.580** 0.680**

0.15

0.312*

0.192

0.444** 0.272 0.781**

0.125

0.118

0.041

0.049 0.028

0.078 0.242

0.139 0.275

0.603** 0.753** 0.666**

0.075 0.084

0.645**

N of Nonmonetary Extra Salary PL Mentor Mentoring resources Reimbursement payment increase support assigned program

0.15

0.353*

0.527** 0.186 0.173 0.671**

0.556** 0.574** 0.246 0.265 0.204 0.169 0.353* 0.382* 0.168

0.138

0.151

Release

Reading Math 0.918** 0.369* 0.360* 0.061 0.023

Correlation is significant at the p ¼ 0.05 level (two tailed) Correlation is significant at the p ¼ 0.01 level (two tailed)

Mentoring opportunities

Achievement PL support

PL support

Achievement

Table 4 Correlations between national student achievement and organizational supports

1148 M. Akiba et al.

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where teachers are released from teaching duties to engage in professional learning, students achieve higher on average in both reading and math. In these countries, teachers may be able to engage in professional learning without worrying about the associated expenses or their teaching responsibilities. These supports likely encourage many teachers to participate in continuous learning activities, which in turn lead to improvement of instruction and student learning. In addition, the total number of organizational supports on national average was significantly and positively associated with higher reading and math achievement levels. In countries where teachers are given multiple types of organizational supports for professional learning, students tend to achieve better. Multiple supports likely encourage teachers to consider expanding their learning opportunities, which may lead to instructional improvement and achievement growth. Despite the importance of nonmonetary resources such as classroom materials, book vouchers, and ICT including software or apps identified in previous studies (Ali, 2018; Hassler et al., 2018; Lim et al., 2020; Luvanga & Mkimbili, 2020; Shohel & Banks, 2012; Teo, 2018), this type of resources was not significantly associated with national achievement. Likewise, extra payment for activities outside working hours or increased salary did not have a statistically significant relationship with national achievement levels. These resources especially ICT were identified as especially critical in low-income settings in previous studies (Hassler et al., 2018; Lim et al., 2020; Shohel & Banks, 2012), but most countries that participated in TALIS are middle- to high-income countries. These teachers may already have sufficient resources to use for professional learning. It is also possible that how these resources are used – the information not available from the TALIS data – matters more than whether they received these resources or not. Likewise, a lack of significant relationship between extra payment or salary increase and national achievement was also unexpected, but the impact of these incentives may depend on the actual amount of payment or salary increase, which are not available in the TALIS data. It is also possible that participation in professional learning activities is only one of many criteria considered for salary increase, minimizing its impact as an incentive for teachers to participate in professional learning activities. Reimbursement, which was significantly associated higher math and reading scores, on the other hand, will ensure that expenses are covered and teachers can freely participate in learning opportunities based on their learning need. This type of support may be considered more attractive by teachers. None of the mentoring opportunity measures were significantly associated with national achievement as well. Because only beginning teachers benefit from mentoring and these teachers constitute only a small percentage of the entire teacher population, its impact on all students may be limited.

Discussion A cross-national comparison of 40 to 44 countries using teacher survey data from a nationally representative sample of lower secondary teachers revealed that the levels of organizational supports for all teachers’ professional learning is limited, ranging

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from less than 20% of teachers receiving monetary or nonmonetary resources to 45% of teachers receiving release from teaching on average. In addition, teachers are receiving only one type of organizational support out of five possible supports on average. Mentoring opportunities seem to be more common in many countries, with 30% of beginning teachers with 3 or less teaching experience and likely most of firstyear teachers having an assigned mentor. Over two-third (67%) of schools provide access to a mentoring program, and a majority of these schools (64%) assign mentors with the same subject areas as the mentees. However, we also observed major cross-national variation in these measures of organizational supports. These variations may reflect the extent to which national and local educational authorities understand the importance of organizational support for promoting professional learning. Many countries have promoted instructional reform to move away from teacher-centered instruction toward student-centered instruction that promotes co-construction of knowledge and deeper conceptual understanding (Altinyelken, 2010, 2011, 2015, Di Biase, 2019; Luk-Fong & Brennan, 2010; Sriprakash, 2010). Because this shift requires transformation of teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning, professional learning is a driver for instructional reform (Elmore & Burney, 1999; Knapp, 2003; Little, 1989, 1993; Marrongelle et al., 2013). Given the importance of teachers’ professional learning, the limited level of organizational support in many countries requires the attention of policymakers and educational administrators. Our cross-national analysis revealed that in the countries where larger percentages of teachers receive release from teaching and reimbursement for professional learning expenses, and where multiple types of organizational supports are provided, their students tend to achieve better on average in reading and math. Previous studies identified the lack of time as the major barrier for professional learning in various countries (Ali, 2018; Hassler et al., 2018; Luvanga & Mkimbili, 2020; Molway, 2019; Su et al., 2018), and provision of release time and availability of substitute teachers to be associated with more engagement in high-quality professional learning in the USA (Akiba et al., 2015; Hayes et al., 2020). While few studies examined the importance of reimbursement of professional learning expenses, the modest level of teacher salary may support the importance of not incurring extra expenses for professional learning. Our findings are consistent with previous studies in supporting the importance of these types of supports as well as access to multiple supports for promoting teachers’ engagement in professional learning, which may lead to improvement of instruction and student learning. However, other types of supports – nonmonetary resources such as classroom materials, book vouchers, and software/apps, monetary incentives including extra payment for activities outside working hours and increase salary, and mentoring opportunities were not significantly associated with higher national achievement in reading or math. This finding is inconsistent with the previous studies that identified the importance of nonmonetary resources (Ali, 2008; Hassler et al., 2018; Lim et al., 2020; Luvanga & Mkimbili, 2020; Shohel & Banks, 2012; Teo, 2018), extra stipend for engaging in professional learning outside the regular school hours (Akiba et al., 2015), and mentoring for beginning teachers (Carver & Feiman-Nemser, 2009; Polikoff et al., 2015; Youngs, 2007).

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The lack of statistically significant relationship between resources and national achievement may be explained by the fact that most countries that participated in TALIS are middle- and high-income countries where these learning resources are already available. It is also possible that the potential benefits of these resources depend on how these learning resources are used by teachers during their learning activities and in instruction later on – the information not available in TALIS. The possible impacts of extra stipend and salary increase may also depend on the actual amount to serve as incentives or specific criteria beyond professional learning used for providing salary increase. Because the actual amount or criteria for these financial incentives were not reported in TALIS, it is difficult to pinpoint why these incentives are not associated with higher achievement. In summary, our hypothesis on the relationship between organizational support and national achievement was only partially supported. Our analysis showed that it depends on the type of support – teaching release, reimbursement of professional learning expenses, and multiple types of supports were significantly associated with higher achievement, but other types of supports did not have a statistically significant relationship with national achievement. Before discussing the policy implications, it is important to note the study limitations. First, although the TALIS teacher survey gathered information on major types of organizational support identified as important in previous studies, these measures are limited to dichotomous variables of whether teachers received each resource or not, instead of specific amount or use of resources. For examples, we do not know how many hours of release time teachers received and how much extra payment for professional learning activities or salary increase teachers received. In addition, we do not know how nonmonetary resources such as classroom resources or materials, book vouchers, and software or apps teacher received were used by teachers for their professional learning and future instruction. These are important data that need to be analyzed to fully examine the nature and possible impacts of organizational support for professional learning on student learning outcomes in future studies. Second, this study focused on material and time resources that were available from the TALIS dataset. Previous studies identified social resources and knowledge resources, in addition to material and time resources to be important for promoting professional learning and instructional improvement (Akiba et al., 2015; Gamoran, 2003; Lampert et al., 2011; Spillane & Thompson, 1997). Social resources are shaped by characteristics of human relationships such as trust, collegiality, and shared sense of responsibility for educating students, and knowledge resources come from teachers’ access to professional knowledge including subject content knowledge and pedagogical content knowledge (Shulman & Shulman, 2004) that may come from experienced peers or outside experts such as district-based subject specialists, instructional coaches, outside consultants, and university researchers. Teachers’ access to social and knowledge resources influences the quality of learning and its potential impacts on improvement of instruction and student learning. Future comparative or cross-national studies should also examine these important types of resources as part of organizational support for professional learning.

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Finally, the relationships between organizational supports and national achievement are only correlational as the data are cross-sectional in nature, which does not allow any causal inferences. We do not know whether the significant relationships indicate that greater organizational supports lead to national achievement, or countries with high student achievement happen to provide greater support for professional learning. In addition, the relationship between organizational support and student achievement is mediated by multiple key factors including actual amount and nature of professional learning and instructional quality, both of which are difficult to measure using a survey and thus not available in TALIS. Despite these limitations, this study produced findings that have important implications for policy and practice. First, the limited level of organizational support in many countries requires an attention of policymakers and administrators who promote instructional reform. Our data allows policymakers and administrators in each nation to compare the levels of organizational supports provided to teachers in their own countries with that of other countries and consider whether more support is needed to promote teachers’ engagement in professional learning. Second, teaching release and reimbursement for professional learning expenses seem to be important types of supports as they are associated with higher national achievement. In addition, providing multiple types of supports, instead of only one type, seems beneficial. When teachers are given multiple types of supports, they may be able to seek various types of learning opportunities including teacher learning communities, professional conferences, and university courses. The findings from this study also have important implications for teacher educators. As they educate preservice teachers about the importance of continuous engagement in professional learning for instructional improvement, it is necessary to inform them about the level of organizational support beginning teachers can expect. Depending on the country, mentoring opportunities may not be available in the first year, and new teachers may need to seek informal opportunities from experienced colleague or external mentors to help them navigate the difficult transition into teaching. Even if a mentoring opportunity is available in the first year, organizational support in terms of time and material resources for continuous professional learning beyond the first year is limited in many countries. This requires teacher educators to prepare preservice teachers to actively seek out support such as reaching out to formal and informal teacher leaders with expert knowledge and school administrators to receive necessary resources for professional learning. Professional learning opportunities allow teachers to transform their beliefs about teaching and student learning, which promotes improvement of instruction and student learning. Many countries struggle with instructional reform because the transformation of deeply rooted beliefs is challenging. Providing organizational supports not only promotes teachers’ engagement in professional learning, but also make teachers feel valued as professionals who continue to improve their knowledge and skills to serve the learning needs of their students. National and local governments’ investment in organizational supports for professional learning will show their respect and trust in teachers that they can improve their teaching with their support as key players of instructional reform.

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A Comparative Analysis of Research in Austria, Germany and Canada Jeff Bale and Lisa Lackner Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Stable Research Area Coheres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Disciplinary Silos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Applied Linguistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education Policy Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Teacher Education Research on Multiculturalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Race/Racism, Language, and Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theories of Race and Racism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Race/Racism and Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Race/Racism, Language, and Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter begins with a critical overview of 15 years’ worth of scholarship on preparing teachers to work with multilingual learners. The discussion is intentionally comparative, with a focus on literature from North America and Germany. However, the chapter argues that the most salient feature of this literature is the disciplinary base from which it operates, not the national context in which it was conducted. After identifying the insights and oversights from three disciplines (viz., applied linguistics, teacher education policy research, and critical teacher education research), the chapter proposes an emergent framework that seeks to build on the most useful insights from across these disciplinary bases. The framework connects critical scholarship on race/racism and language to understand how they shape teacher education. As theoretically driven as this J. Bale (*) · L. Lackner Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_35

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part of the chapter is, it closes with practical ways teacher educators can use this framework to guide their practice. Keywords

Multilingualism · Teacher education policy · Linguicism · Raciolinguistics

Introduction In March 2014, some 350 experts in educational research and policy met in Berlin for the Bildungsforschung 2020 conference. The purpose of this gathering was to envision a future for German education in 2020 and to lay out a research agenda for realizing it. In their contribution on the future of multilingualism at school, Gogolin et al. (2016) imagined that by the year 2020, multilingual communication is taken for granted as part of school life. Multilingualism in teaching and learning is assumed to be a general condition of education, and the entire linguistic repertoire of every child is respected. Multilingualism is recognized as an educational asset, and naïve assumptions about linguistic normality are seen as a joke. In addition, all teachers are aware of the contribution their instruction makes to language education, and these teaching competencies . . . are taken for granted as part of qualifying all educators. (p. 290, our translation)

The year 2020 is already well behind us, yet this future remains far off, whether in Germany or elsewhere. This is not a criticism of Gogolin and her colleagues; we share the same hope for multilingual schools. Rather, we start with their vision as a way to introduce the fundamental question animating this chapter: Why does the future they describe still seem so out of reach? In fact, why is this future so distant despite growing attention to the relationship between teacher education and multilingualism in both policy and research? To address these questions, this chapter analyzes 15 years of research on teacher education that centers multilingualism, with a particular comparative focus on research from Canada, the USA, and Germany. We identified this literature in multiple rounds of searches tied to a three-year policy ethnography, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, on preparing teachers to support multilingual learners. For each round, we used keywords related to the project’s themes – mainstream teacher education for school settings (i.e., not the preparation of future language teacher specialists or teacher education for adult learners), multilingualism, and multilingual learners – to search in major databases of education research, as well as in specific journals such as the Journal of Teacher Education and Teaching and Teacher Education. Finally, based on our professional networks and knowledge of ongoing research in Germany, we consulted websites for relevant research projects to identify the most recent publications. Although the initial impetus of this analysis was comparative, that is, to understand and compare trends in scholarship on teacher education for multilingual

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settings in North America and Germany, what became more salient – and what is addressed in greater detail below – was the disciplinary perspective the research was operating with, less so the national context in which a given study was conducted. Table 1 below provides a brief overview of these disciplinary differences, the key studies this chapter consulted, and the national context of each study. The chapter begins with a summary of key findings from major literature reviews on teacher education scholarship about supporting multilingual learners, then continues with a discussion of the disciplinary divisions the analysis uncovered in this literature. To synthesize the most fruitful insights from across these disciplinary divides, the chapter then proposes a theoretical framework that explicitly centers the relationship between language, race/racism, and teacher education to help teacher education scholars and practitioners bring the future that Gogolin and her colleagues imagined a little closer to reality.

A Stable Research Area Coheres One indication that the research base on teacher education and multilingual learners has cohered into a more stable agenda in teacher education scholarship is the presence of multiple literature reviews on this topic. The reviews discussed here are all based on research in the USA. However, as argued later in this chapter, many of the trends identified in these reviews are present, if not dominant, in teacher education scholarship on multilingualism in other contexts. Lucas and Grinberg (2008) is sometimes acknowledged as the literature review that first identified the relationship between teacher education and multilingualism as a budding area of inquiry. The text begins to lay out a theoretical framework for informing policies for and curriculum in initial teacher education (ITE) programs. Because the interface between teacher education and multilingualism was still largely under-researched in the mid-aughts, the authors called for more descriptive studies to better understand how and to what extent ITE programs attend to, if not yet center, multilingual learners. They also argued for research on this question that is more comprehensive and systematic, that is, research that focuses not only on programs and their curriculum but also on teacher candidates and teacher educators in terms of their linguistic identities and experiences with learning and teaching about multilingualism, respectively. Additionally, the authors noted that of the 17 empirical studies informing their analysis, most focused on teacher candidates beliefs about multilingualism and students labeled English learners. As we will see, this focus on beliefs has remained dominant in the literature. Finally, and building on Zeichner’s (2005) critique of teacher education research broadly, Lucas and Grinberg argued for higher quality research on teacher education and multilingualism. In the nearly 15 years since their text appeared, several comprehensive literature reviews have assessed the development of research in the USA on teacher education and multilingualism. Most of this scholarship comprises small case studies carried out by teacher educators, often working within a single course or practicum

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Table 1 Comparative overview of the disciplinary and national context of the literature analyzed for this chapter Applied linguistics

Teachereducation policy research

Study Lucas & Villegas, 2011

Country USA

Ehmke et al., 2018

Germany

de Oliviera & Alvalos, 2018 Schleppegrell, 2004 Wernicke et al., 2021

USA

BenderSymanski, 2008 Darsow, 2017

Critical teacher education scholarship

USA Canada Germany Sweden Finland Croatia Trentino, Italy Ireland Germany

Germany

Köker, 2015

Germany

Banks, 2004 CochranSmith et al., 2004 Eidoo, 2017 Evans-Winters & Twyman Hoff, 2011 Hollins & Guzman, 2005 LadsonBillings, 1995 Marom, 2019 Milner, 2008 Ragoonadan et al., 2015 Sleeter, 2017

USA USA

Focus Linguistically responsive teaching (LRT) Deutsch als Zweitsprache Kompetenzen (Daz-Kom) Systematic functional linguistics (SFL)

Trends Theoretical and practical knowledge about second-language acquisition

Teacher education programs responding to multilingual contexts

Descriptive and comparative policy research

Intercultural competence

Teacher competencies in policy research

Competence in Sprachbildung Competence in German as a second language Critical, anti-racist, and/or decolonial analyses

Language as constituent part of a larger phenomenon (e.g., culture, diversity)

Canada USA

USA USA Canada USA Canada USA (continued)

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Table 1 (continued) Study Picower, 2021

Country USA

Karakasoğlu & Mecheril, 2019

Germany

Focus Critical anti-racism and teacher education Multilingualism and critical analysis and teacher education

Trends Language not considered Critique of language as set of competencies

experience in their respective ITE program (Cochran–Smith et al., 2015). Moreover, the inquiry tends to adopt a process–product approach to teacher candidate learning that focuses on outcomes based on curricular interventions or practicum experiences (Viesca et al., 2019). In response, Cochran–Smith et al. (2015) and Viesca et al. (2019) have called for more holistic research designs that broaden our understanding of how teacher candidates learn about multilingual learners. While Cochran–Smith et al. (2015) stress the importance of better understanding program coherence and how it shapes teacher candidate learning, Solano–Campos et al. (2020) underscore that teacher candidate learning about multilingualism cannot be separated analytically from candidates’ own lived experiences with racial and linguistic diversity. That is, research on this question needs to be more explicit and systematic in accounting for teacher candidates’ own experiences in making sense of what and how they learn about linguistic diversity. Another consistent finding across these reviews is the ongoing focus on the beliefs and attitudes teacher candidates have toward multilingualism in general, and teaching multilingual learners in particular (Cochran–Smith et al., 2015; Feiman–Nemser, 2018; Solano–Campos et al., 2020; Villegas et al., 2018). In addition to the pragmatic challenges that lead to a limited focus on teacher candidates beliefs (Cochran–Smith et al., 2015), a more conceptual explanation for this trend is the unspoken theory of change behind it, namely that changing how teacher candidates think leads to changes in how they (will) teach. However, as Viesca et al. (2019) argue, these linear, developmental assumptions are inadequate for understanding how teaching – and teachers – changes. There is a small empirical research base that goes beyond candidates’ beliefs or attitudes toward multilingualism and their future multilingual students. Within this practice-oriented literature, scaffolding strategies have received the most attention. Solano–Campos et al. (2020) distinguish this kind of learning from theoretical knowledge about language acquisition itself, and how teachers use this knowledge to identify the language demands of the content they teach. This distinction suggests that simply learning strategies without knowing the theoretical basis for them, or how they address specific language demands present in the content areas, does not adequately prepare teachers to work successfully with multilingual learners. Other reviews make a similar point (e.g., Faltis & Valdes, 2016; Villegas et al., 2018), but underscore that existing research has not yet clarified how much theoretical knowledge about language acquisition teacher candidates need to support multilingual students. Moreover, Villegas et al. (2018) note that even if candidates learn about

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scaffolding instruction to support multilingual learners, the existing research demonstrates that candidates typically do not base their instructional decisions on an assessment of learners’ needs or on a complete understanding of what these scaffolding strategies are meant to do. What is especially relevant about these literature reviews is the conceptual, disciplinary, and sociopolitical explanations they offer for how the research base on teacher education and multilingual learners has developed. First, most of the research is influenced by, if not directly rooted in, Shulman’s foundational concept of pedagogical content knowledge. However, as Faltis & Valdes (2016) argued, Shulman’s concept paid no attention to how language mediates, or indeed co-constitutes, these different kinds of teacher knowledge. Moreover, most recent efforts to integrate specific declarative and pedagogical knowledge about language hew more closely to what specialized language teachers must know and be able to do, rather than helping general classroom teachers understand the language demands of the content areas or of the instructional tasks they design. Third, Faltis and Valdes (2016) argue that broader social and political factors shaping teacher attitudes and practice toward multilingualism and multilingual learners are “particularly absent” (p. 551) from research on this topic. They note an ongoing disciplinary divide between applied linguistic innovation in theorizing language (e.g., in particular, translanguaging) on one hand and on the other that “no solid research exists on the impact of knowledge about bilingualism on preservice teachers’ advocacy, understanding, or practice in linguistically diverse classrooms” (p. 551).

Disciplinary Silos Recent literature from multiple international contexts confirms several key arguments made in these literature reviews based in the USA. However, what is most noteworthy are the deep disciplinary divisions that continue to frame what matters most for teacher education in multilingual contexts. This section addresses three specific disciplines, namely applied linguistics, teacher education policy research, and critical teacher education scholarship. While there is certainly some overlap in the research base among these three disciplines, they are treated separately here to clarify the argument. Moreover, the goal here is less to critique any specific discipline or set of authors, but rather to underscore the urgency of synthesizing the most useful and compatible disciplinary insights into a more coherent theoretical perspective on teacher education and multilingualism.

Applied Linguistics Within applied linguistics, a major focus has been on establishing new conceptual frameworks to guide what teacher education programs should be doing to prepare future teachers to work with multilingual learners. These frameworks include linguistically responsive teaching (LRT) (Lucas & Villegas, 2011), Deutsch als

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Zweitsprache-Kompetenzen (DaZ-Kom) (Ehmke et al., 2018), and frameworks rooted in systemic functional linguistics (de Oliveira & Avalos, 2018; see also Schleppegrell, 2004). In each case, these frameworks identify (1) specific dispositions or attitudes about linguistic diversity and the relationship between language and identity; (2) theoretical knowledge of language learning and the cognitive and social factors that shape it; (3) metalinguistic knowledge required for teacher candidates (perhaps also for those teacher educators who are not language specialists) to understand the language demands of the curriculum; and (4) pedagogical know-how for designing effective instruction based on awareness and assessment of multilingual learners’ academic, social, and linguistic needs. What is consistent among these frameworks is the imbalance in their respective emphasis on theoretical knowledge about language as it relates to learning and teaching and theoretical knowledge about how language relates to social differentiation and oppression. To be sure, each of these frameworks includes some attention to the social, political, and historical dimensions of multilingualism. The LRT framework, for example, emphasizes teachers’ disposition for advocating on behalf of their multilingual students, not just knowing how to design effective instruction within the classroom. Indeed, the framework draws on broader educational research rooted in critical theories of social justice to define the kinds of linguistically responsive orientations that teachers need. Still, the bulk of this framework comprises theoretical and practical knowledge about second language acquisition. Not only is this know-how defined as conceptually distinct from attitudes toward multilingual learners, but also it is rooted in cognitive approaches to language education. The Daz-Kom framework provides another instructive example. Only two of its 19 competencies in German as an additional language relate to the social and institutional dimensions of supporting multilingual learners. The rest focus on structural analysis of language, cognitive approaches to understanding language learning, and discrete teaching strategies based on assessment and scaffolding at both the individual student and classroom level. Indeed, as the LRT and DaZ-Kom frameworks quickly become a standard conceptual reference point for research on teacher education and multilingualism (at least in the USA and Germany, respectively), this disciplinary imbalance risks being reproduced in subsequent knowledge production on the topic. The point in highlighting this imbalance is not to critique the authors of these frameworks for under- or overemphasizing certain knowledge and skills. Rather, this imbalance is tied to a disciplinary tradition in applied linguistics, namely its hesitancy, at times refusal, to center its analysis on racism and (settler-)colonialism and how they structure language education, and, in this case, teacher education about multilingualism. For example, in their recent review of research within applied linguistics on race and racism, Von Esch et al. (2020) argue that not only has the intersection of race, colonialism, and language education been “eerily absent” (p. 1) from the applied linguistic study of language teaching, but also some recent critical scholarship still fails to mention race or racism by name using other concepts (such as language ideology or native-speakerism) as analytical proxies.

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Teacher Education Policy Research Within policy-oriented research, there are two trends taking shape. In part, because teacher education policies with specific requirements about multilingualism or learning the dominant school language(s) as an additional language are still relatively new, much of the research about these policies is descriptive and comparative. Wernicke et al. (2021) is an excellent example of this approach to studying policy. As the editors note, “The current volume is thus unique in that it provides a descriptive perspective of how teacher education programmes in a range of different countries have responded to multilingual contexts, thereby contextualising, historically and ideologically, the specific initiatives and measures taken in the participating countries or regions” (pp. 3–4). Based on contributions from teacher education scholars in six European countries, the USA, and Canada, the volume describes the various policy contexts governing teacher education in multilingual settings and then analyzes how these policies have been taken up in practice in teacher education programs. The richness of the descriptions in each chapter leads to one of the volume’s most important contributions, namely challenging assumptions about societal multilingualism primarily as a recent phenomenon driven by migration. Instead, the authors call on scholars to consider the relationship between multilingualism and schooling in broader and more historically situated ways. The second trend reflects the tendency within teacher education policies to define the kinds of dispositions, knowledge, and abilities that teachers need as competencies, that is, as discrete skills that teachers develop through teacher education and other professionalization efforts. Germany provides an excellent example of this and the impact it has had on policy-related research. At both the federal and state level, Germany has been extremely active in policymaking concerning education, migration, and linguistic diversity (see Morris–Lange et al., 2016 for an overview). The skills-based orientation within these documents is often reflected in the relevant research, for example, in efforts to define and then measure intercultural competence (e.g., Bender–Szymanski, 2008), or competence in Sprachbildung (e.g., Jostes & Darsow, 2017) or Deutsch als Zweitsprache (e.g., Köker et al., 2015). Furthermore, this work is typically quantitative by design, using surveys or pedagogical content knowledge tests to measure the competencies teacher candidates develop and to what extent. In one way, this policy-driven research in Germany is more comprehensive than the small-scale, qualitative case studies so common in the US-based literature. However, framing teacher knowledge as discrete, measurable competencies also risks flattening the complex relationship between language, race, and migration to the narrow question of how multilingual learners acquire language skills in the respective dominant language, and which specific teaching strategies best support this learning. As such, there exists a similar limitation as within applied linguistic research in not systematically accounting for the social and political contexts of multilingualism when studying teacher candidate learning.

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Critical Teacher Education Research on Multiculturalism Concerning the literature base on multiculturalism and teacher education, by contrast, there is no shortage of research that centers critical, anti-racist, and/or decolonial analyses in its calls for curriculum reform (e.g., Banks, 2004; Cochran–Smith et al., 2004; Eidoo, 2017; Evans-Winters & Twyman Hoff, 2011; Hollins & Guzman, 2005; Ladson–Billings, 1995; Marom, 2019; Milner 2008; Ragoonaden et al., 2015; Sleeter, 2017). As important as this work is, what is often less clear is how language and language education fits into its analysis. At times, language is subsumed under broader notions of “culture” or “diversity,” as if language were just one among many domains of cultural diversity. However, as noted above, Lucas and Grinberg (2008) identified some time ago the specific dimensions to language that must be addressed in teacher education programs. Their argument in no small part helped launch a research agenda on teacher education and multilingualism, even if, as argued earlier, that research has gone too far in framing language as primarily a cognitive question and thereby separating language from critical, anti-racist, and decolonial perspectives. As such, the place of language in critical teacher education scholarship continues to be an open question. Picower (2021) is an excellent example, perhaps because the book itself and Picower’s overall contribution to teacher education scholarship and practice are so significant. The power of this book’s arguments derives not only from Picower’s extensive experience as a teacher and teacher educator but also from the deep collaborations between Picower and her colleagues at Montclair State University, teachers in Newark, NJ public schools, as well as networks of other radical, anti-racist, and decolonial teachers and teacher educators. Picower combines her experience and these networks of practice with the main tenets of critical race theory and critical whiteness studies to examine how whiteness and racism function in both implicit and explicit ways in the teacher education curriculum. Picower then enumerates several principles that other teacher educators can adopt for their respective programs. As powerful as the analysis and corresponding recommendations are, they are silent on language and its place in anti-racists critique of teacher education, and what part language plays in establishing a liberatory teacher education curriculum. A second example relates to the description earlier of the rapid increase of German research about the intersection of teacher education and multilingualism. That research tends to conceive of language as a set of competencies that students must have in teaching German as a second language and, by extension, considers language education a set of competencies that teacher candidates must develop. For Yasemin Karakaşoğlu and Paul Mecheril, two leading scholars on critical antiracism, migration, and education in Germany, framing this question as one of competencies reflects “the misguided belief that providing German-language support ‘gets at the root’ of the tasks that a migration society presents to the education system” (Karakaşoğlu & Mecheril, 2019, p. 20; our translation). Instead, for these scholars, understanding the relationship between migration and schooling, and what

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this means for teacher education, involves a much broader project of rethinking education from the perspective of a migration society. This shift begins by understanding Germany as a “migration society” not because of the presence of individual migrants, whose arrival in Germany is often presumed to be a recent phenomenon. Rather, Germany exists as a migration society because of the social relations that trigger migration in the first place. That is, the material and ideological conditions that produce Germany as a wealthy nation-state shape migration in two ways: not only are these the same material and ideological conditions that impel people toward Germany, but also these are the same conditions that produce the ideological category migrant and ascribe to it a particular position in German society. In this way, everyone is implicated in a migration society, not only “migrants,” and thus everyone must change within a migration society (Karakaşoğlu et al., 2019). For Karakaşoğlu and Mecheril, consequently, teacher education must do more than develop teacher candidate skills in this or that compensatory teaching strategy (e.g., German language support) targeting a single type of student (e.g., “students with a migration background” as per the standard euphemism in German). Rather, for them, teacher education is a far more comprehensive project of engaging teacher candidates in their fundamental stances toward and ways of thinking about the social relations that produce “students with a migration background” in the first place.

Race/Racism, Language, and Teacher Education As powerful as Karakaşoğlu and Mecheril’s argument is, what remains unclear is how language, language use, and language education fit into this critical rethinking of migration societies. To address this gap, the chapter closes by discussing an emergent theoretical framework for understanding the co-constitution of race and language as naturalized categories that not only organize society in general but also the specific conditions shaping teacher education and teacher candidate learning. Figure 1 provides a visual overview of this theoretical framework. As explained in greater detail below, this framework does not understand race and language as intersecting in ways to shape social reality; to see these modes of social differentiation as intersections would assume that each is its discrete system. By contrast, this framework starts from the premise that race and language collaborate both in the organization of society and the distribution of resources and in the justification or naturalization of society organized in that way. Consequently, race and language are analytically inseparable from one another; this figure attempts to signal that stance by using embedded circles rather than intersecting vectors or a Venn diagram. It is this collaboration of race and language that then shapes the contexts, processes, and lived experiences in teacher education. Finally, this framework begins with a discussion of race and racism, rather than with language, to make a direct connection to critical teacher education scholarship that reckons with racism and (settler-) colonialism.

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Fig. 1 Theoretical framework

Theories of Race and Racism Is Race Real? In to and rejection of biological definitions of race – namely that there is any genetic basis for dividing humans into discrete “races” – critical scholars of racism stress the social construction of the category race (e.g., Omi & Winant, 2014) and how that category is deployed “as a system of categorization and subject formation” (Frankenberg, 1997, p. 9). In this way, ostensibly objective definitions of race are quickly replaced by critical notions of racism or racialization, that is, moving from definitions of race as a fixed trait inherent in an individual to understanding racism as a social, historical, material, and ideological process. Not so dissimilar from current debates within critical applied linguistics as to whether languages are real, (mere) historical inventions, or practices that humans engage in, conceiving of race and racism as constructed raises a similar question: Is defining race as a social construction akin to asserting that race is not real?

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To address that question, the applied linguistic research centering anti-racism (e.g., Crump, 2014; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Von Esch et al., 2020) typically refers to legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw (1991) and her argument that even if “race” is a social construct, it has real consequences in terms of structuring society. In addition to the reality of structural racism, sociologist Karen E. Fields and historian Barbara J. Fields (2014) remind us that racist ideology is equally real. They argue, “Racist concepts do considerable work in political and economic life; but, if they were merely an appendage of politics and economics, without immediate roots in other phases of life, their persuasiveness would accordingly diminish” (p. 11, their emphasis). Fields and Fields are not simply referring to racist stereotypes or similar “bad ideas” about this or that group of people. Rather, and more complicated, they focus on an ideological process that ultimately blames racialized people for the racism they experience, while simultaneously obfuscating the sources of that racism. To illustrate this point, they discuss a 2009 case of an off-duty police officer shot to death in the course of a car robbery in New York City. The off-duty officer came across the theft in process. As on-duty colleagues arrived at the scene, one of them assessed the situation and then fired at him, the off-duty colleague, ultimately killing him. He was Black, his on-duty colleagues White. Reflecting on multiple media reports about this incident, Fields and Fields (2014) argue: The instant, inevitable—but, upon examination, bizarre—diagnosis of many people is that black officers in such situations have been “killed because of their skin color.” But has their skin color killed them? If so, why does the skin color of white officers not kill them in the same way? . . . Everyone has skin color, but not everyone’s skin color counts as race, let alone as evidence of criminal conduct. The missing step between someone’s physical appearance and an invidious outcome is the practice of a double standard: in a word, racism. (p. 27)

What makes Fields and Fields’ argument so useful is its attention to two ideological processes going on here. At issue is not only how one’s physical appearance is taken as evidence of criminality, but also how the source of that presumption is erased by explanations such as “because of skin color.” This way of narrating – what the authors call a “verbal prop” (p. 27) – performs the powerful function of locating the source of this “invidious outcome” in the person who was killed. Consequently, this ideological process, which they call racecraft, is a constituent element in both creating and sustaining the material reality of racism. That is, “racecraft has permitted the consequence under investigation to masquerade among the causes” (p. 41).

How Does Race Relate to Other Forms of Oppression? A second task in defining racism is clarifying its relation to other kinds of social differentiation and oppression. At one level, this is a historical question, in terms of understanding how racism, (settler-)colonialism, and capitalism not only “relate” to each other but are mutually constitutive. It has become uncontroversial to argue that racism and colonialism are so intimately connected that they cannot be theorized separately from one another (e.g., Motha, 2014). European incursion into other parts

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of the world – whether for proselytizing, land seizure, labor seizure, such as the transatlantic slave trade, resource extraction, settlement, or other material reasons – required a parallel ideological project of transforming the people encountered on these incursions into Others. This ideological process not only facilitated the external colonial process by construing colonized peoples in racialized terms as subordinate or nonhuman, not subject to emergent bourgeois ideals about individual rights and freedoms, and thus deserving of their violent treatment. But also, this ideological process of dividing the world by “race” helped entrench social divides internal to the respective metropole as those societies were also radically reorganized by colonialism. At times, especially in recent language scholarship that addresses this history (e.g., Heller & McElhinny, 2017; Makoni & Pennycook, 2007; Rosa & Flores, 2017), emphasis has been placed on its ideological aspects. In particular, the goal has been to understand more clearly how the process of dividing up the world into discrete nations and discrete races also involved dividing human linguistic practice into discrete languages, and the impact this way of thinking has had on the study of language across multiple disciplines. Even if this scholarship insists on the material outcomes of this ideological process, what is sometimes left un(der)addressed are the material roots of colonialism in the first place, namely its roots in capitalism. Radical scholarship on racism and transatlantic slavery helps clarify this issue. In their extensive essay on ideology, Fields and Fields (2014) anchor their discussion in a synthesis of histories of slavery and the Jim Crow South in the USA. Their argument stresses that even if ideologies are real, they do not need to be accurate. They only need to function to rationalize social relations, to “help insiders make sense of the things they do and see—ritually, repetitively—on a daily basis” (p. 135). This means that ideologies are not only rooted in but also are analytically inseparable from reproducing those same social relations. It is this second part of their argument that is often overlooked when discussing racism and its origins. They argue, in no uncertain terms: Probably a majority of American historians think of slavery in the United States as primarily a system of race relations—as though the chief business of slavery were the production of white supremacy rather than the production of cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco. (p. 117)

In other words, if one’s analysis focuses only on the ideological dimensions of racism, even if it allows for their material consequences, then it is difficult to understand, let alone do anything about, the material roots of racism itself. At another, contemporary level, intersectionality has become a dominant theoretical framework for understanding the relationship between racism and other forms of oppression. Intersectionality is a political and intellectual framework for understanding the experiences of people who live at the crossroads of multiply marginalized subject positions (Hill Collins, 1990; see Hancock, 2007). One key insight of intersectional politics is not just that some people experience multiple forms of oppression. Rather, it is precisely the intersection of these various forms of marginalization that produce specific forms and experiences of oppression. Indeed, these

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experiences are easily overlooked when we treat multiple oppressions separately or additively, and not as simultaneous (see Smooth, 2013). Second, and perhaps counterintuitively, the political instinct of intersectionality is one of solidarity. The purpose of intersectional analysis is to understand how various oppressions intersect specifically to challenge all of them. Rather than generating static or essentialized notions of identity, one located at each intersection, an intersectional approach “keeps the analytical gaze steadily on the dynamics of structural power” (Wilson, 2013, p. 3, emphasis original). Ferguson (2016) raises important questions as to whether intersectionality can deliver on its promise of leveraging the specific to understand the totality of social relations that rely on differentiated forms of oppression in the first place. No matter its intent to reveal the “dynamics of structural power,” an intersectional analysis that remains at the level of the specific is unable to offer a logic of solidarity and instead must rely on moral suasion. As Ferguson argues: A more compelling case for solidarity requires a conception of the diverse-yet-unified nature of power, one that illustrates how oppressions which sometimes contradict each other also systematically uphold an unfree and punishing world. By explaining that oppressed subjects share more than just experiences of discrimination . . . a robust theory of the social whole reveals a socio-material logic for political solidarity. (p. 43; emphasis original)

Thus, the challenge when conceptualizing racism – that is, its historical roots, how it manifests today, and how it connects to language – is always to work from the perspective of the analytical whole. These critiques are vital for holding onto the theoretical and political impulses behind intersectionality. Consider how the Combahee River Collective of radical Black feminists, many of whom were lesbians, captured this complex theoretical idea in the most direct, succinct way: “If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression” (cited in Taylor, 2017, n.p.).

Race and (Dis)Continuity A final consideration in defining racism is its (dis)continuity over time. Indeed, many of the texts cited above not only appeared after Barack Obama’s presidency but were written specifically to understand the continued existence – the centrality – of racism in the USA that could also produce a Black president. A requisite part of conceptualizing the “diverse-yet-unified nature of power” as Ferguson (2016) argued is to understand how systems of oppression such as racism change over time. Anderson (2010) provides a famous example of this, tracing the shifts in structural racism in the USA from slavery and then Jim Crow segregation to mass incarceration in an ostensibly post-racial era. Likewise, in the USA, Taylor (2019) performs a careful dissection of federal housing and urban planning policies and their shift after World War II from explicit and formal segregation in mortgage-lending practices to what she calls predatory inclusion, that is, extracting profit from federally guaranteed subprime mortgages, issued to Black women in particular, that were designed to fail.

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Eve Haque’s scholarship (2012) on the emergence of official bilingualism and multiculturalism represents a groundbreaking analysis of the dynamic reproduction of racism in the Canadian context. Haque’s argument is based on genealogical analysis of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963–1969), its final report, and the Official Languages Act (1969) and Multiculturalism Policy (1971) that resulted from it. A simplistic read of this historical moment would conclude that the hierarchy the commission created – by excluding Indigenous and “immigrant” languages from its inquiry while codifying English and French as Canada’s (only) official languages – is but another example of settlercolonialism and racism in the Canadian state. No doubt it is. But the power in Haque’s analysis is tracing how systems of settler-colonialism and racism (were) changed to entrench the hierarchy of racialized and minoritized languages that had already long existed in Canada. To wit: If English and French language rights were already codified in the British North America Act that proclaimed the creation of the Canadian state in 1867, then why was a royal commission on this question necessary a century later? Despite the longevity of this hierarchy, the rise of Quebec nationalism from the 1950s and the Red Power movement of Indigenous peoples in the 1960s called its very existence – and that of the Canadian state – into question (Haque & Patrick, 2015). To rescue itself, the state’s response was to “study” the relationship between language, culture, and Canadian national identity. The commission’s answer, in part, was official bilingualism. Naming English and French as official languages aimed to resolve one fundamental contradiction underlying the Canadian state, insofar as it reorganized a White settler identity to equalize relations between British and French settlers. At the same time, official bilingualism exacerbated another fundamental contradiction by denying official status to Indigenous peoples, and to other immigrant groups. More to the point, by placing language at the heart of a rebranded national identity, the commission shifted how race was encoded in Canada. For example, the commission’s original mandate used the term “the founding races” – in reference to British and French settlers – to frame its study of the relationship between these two groups. Such language, however, was increasingly impossible to sustain, and not just because of domestic social movements. The civil rights struggle in the USA had begun to develop into a movement for Black Power; and revolutions and other independence movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America had imposed new ways of thinking about racism and (post)colonial relations. These ideas resonated not only with racialized people living in Canada but also among migrants from these same regions of the world, who arrived in Canada in greater numbers from the mid-1960s after racist immigration quotas were lifted. Throughout its inquiry, the commission thus began to use the terms Anglophone and Francophone to refer to the same “founding” groups; indeed, these terms have since become standard when referring to speakers of Canada’s official languages. What matters here, though, is the race work these terms do. In defining Canadian national identity in terms of two official languages, the commission not only helped to solidify the social hierarchy that had long existed in the Canadian state. But also, it shifted the logic underlying this hierarchy away from race. As Haque (2012)

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argues so effectively, this did not mean that race was no longer central in organizing Canadian society. On the contrary, this discursive shift performed (and still performs) the dual task of entrenching this hierarchy while also obfuscating its roots in racism and White settler-colonialism.

Race/Racism and Language Haque’s scholarship on official bilingualism is an important example of how research in applied linguistics has theorized “race” and “language,” and how the field has begun to apply these theoretical perspectives in studies of language policy, teaching, and learning. Von Esch et al. (2020) present a useful analysis of applied linguistic research that centers race and racism and how this line of inquiry has developed over the last 15 years. In particular, they discuss several long-standing concepts in critical applied and sociolinguistics (e.g., standard language ideologies, native-speakerism, linguistic hierarchization, and language teacher identity) and how recent literature has (re)theorized these concepts from explicitly anti-racist perspectives. An important insight in their review is identifying the theoretical and/or disciplinary bridge between critical scholarship on race/racism and language education. For example, they cite empirical studies informed by critical race theory, anti- and decolonial theory, post-structuralism, racial capitalism, and various critical theories accounting for the denial of race as a strategy for maintaining racism (e.g., colorblind ideologies, cultural racism, etc.). In most cases, the studies they cite borrow one of these critical theories to analyze a specific context or experience of language education. In other words – and reminiscent of the argument made earlier about the ongoing disciplinary isolation between critical applied linguistics and other kinds of critical social theory – most recent language education research that centers race applies critical anti-racist theories from other disciplines to their specific study. In only a few instances have these cross-disciplinary bridges led to new, explicit, and coherent theories unto themselves of the interplay between race/racism and language.

LangCrit One example is Crump’s (2014) proposal for LangCrit. As the name implies, Crump roots her call for an explicit focus on the intersection of race/racism with language in critical race theory (CRT). Crump proposes LangCrit to better understand “how linguistic identities intersect with racial(ized) identities and what this might mean for how individuals negotiate and perform their identities” (p. 216). What makes LangCrit particularly useful is highlighting the tension that exists in much applied linguistic research between analysis of the “subject-as-heard” and the “subject-asseen” (p. 219). Crumps argues language scholarship focuses too sharply on the former, thus “masking. . . issues of race behind more ‘neutral’ terms” (p. 216). Instead, by foregrounding the subject-as-seen, Crump defines LangCrit as a “critical

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framework for language studies that recognize intersections of audible and visible identity in shaping possibilities for being and becoming” (p. 219). However, because LangCrit relies primarily on post-structural notions of identity, it risks overemphasizing “individual social practices and identity performances” (p. 219) concerning historical, material, and ideological conditions that shape these performances in the first place.

Raciolinguistics The theoretical propositions informing raciolinguistics are more effective at understanding marginalized subject positions (rather than individual identities) and the social conditions that produce them. The term raciolinguistics itself has roots in different disciplinary traditions, including Alim’s (2016) perspective informed by sociolinguistics and Rosa and Flores’ (2017) theorization rooted in linguisticanthropological analysis of postcolonialism and post-structuralism, and Foucauldian notions of governmentality. It is their approach to raciolinguistics that has made a powerful intervention into critical scholarship on language, indeed for three reasons. Rosa and Flores are not the first to historicize the emergence of “race” and of “language” as social categories of differentiation, or how those categories have come to be seen as obvious, natural, and timeless. However, they move the analysis beyond a simple intersection of race and language (which presupposes these categories of differentiation can ever be analytically separate from each other), and instead reveal how they mutually co-construct each other. They note in particular how this co-construction has the effect of producing categories of race and language as taken for granted in how society is organized. Second, as they outline the main theoretical tenets of raciolinguistics, Rosa and Flores insist that the analytical gaze must shift away from the racialized individual or group, and thus away from efforts to understand what makes their language practices different. Instead, what matters are the practices of the perceiver, and the historical, social, and material processes that have created racialized language(s) and their speaker(s) in the first place. This point has been captured most succinctly in their term white listening subject (Flores & Rosa, 2015), namely how the perception of white listening subjects is shaped by the racialized position of their interlocutor, not the objective language that interlocutor produces. Third, shifting the analytical gaze away from the specific practice of racialized subjects also means questioning assumptions about what counts as positive change. Instead of asking teacher educators and candidates to focus their efforts on changing how racialized subjects use language as a strategy for social equity, a raciolinguistic analysis focuses on white supremacy itself and changing, if not eradicating, the material and ideological ways white supremacy manifests in institutions such as schools. Rosa and Flores (2017) clarify: We are not simply advocating linguistic pluralism or racial inclusion, but instead interrogating the foundational forms of governance through which such diversity discourses deceptively perpetuate disparities by stipulating the terms on which perceived differences are embraced or abjected. (p. 641)

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The asset versus deficit perspective on multilingual learners and their language practices serves as an example of their argument in the context of teacher education. It has become standard for teacher education courses to orient themselves on “assetbased perspectives” and to call on teacher candidates to challenge “deficit orientations” toward minoritized and racialized languages at school. The arguments that Rosa and Flores advance move far beyond simply shifting one’s thinking from negative to positive beliefs about multilingualism in general and student multilingual practices in particular. Rather, their arguments urge teachers (and by extension teacher candidates) to challenge the material foundations on which these ideological categories of “asset” and “deficit” are created and rendered meaningful in the first place.

Race/Racism, Language, and Teacher Education The final component of this theoretical framework is an understanding of the relationship between race/racism, language, and teacher education. Some studies have begun to apply a raciolinguistics perspective to teacher education (e.g., Schornack, 2019), and to theorize from teacher educator experiences teaching about race, Indigeneity, and schooling (Khanam, Fayant and Sterzuk, 2021). However, Daniels and Varghese (2020) and Rösch (2019) remain unique in explicitly defining a framework for understanding how race and language shape teacher education and teacher candidate learning. Daniels and Varghese (2020) read scholarship on post-structuralism, critical whiteness studies, and raciolinguistics alongside each other to explore how race and language collaborate to shape teacher candidate subjectivities. Extending Flores and Rosa’s (2015) notion of the white listening subject, “who hears and interprets the linguistic practices of language-minoritized populations as deviant based on their racial positioning in society as opposed to any objective characteristics of their language use” (p. 151), Daniels and Varghese (2020) frame teacher education as a form of white institutional listening which both produces and is produced by teacher candidate subjectivities. Understanding teacher education from this perspective is necessary for avoiding analysis rooted in moral judgment that evaluates some kinds of teacher candidate learning or practice as “good” and other kinds as “bad.” As well, this perspective helps us better understand how even racialized and multilingual teacher candidates can learn to perform this white institutional listening by policing the language practices of the multilingual youth with whom they work. Additionally, Daniels and Varghese connect the influential work of Deborah Britzman (2003) on teacher subjectivities and to critical race theory to propose the notion of raciolinguicized subjectivities. On one hand, this notion helps identify who the imagined audience is in curriculum materials used in ITE programs. That is, do these materials anticipate a multilingual, multiracial group of future teachers, or do they assume their audience to be monolingual and White? Moreover, and drawing on the work of Marcelle Haddix, the authors consider “the hybrid nature of [teachercandidates’] racial and linguistic identities between the discursive spaces of their

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‘sistahood’ and the context of teacher education” (Haddix, 2012, p. 170). This means that as raciolinguicized teacher candidates move through their ITE program and the university- and school-based spaces in which the program takes place, they move between, among, and sometimes simultaneously through subjectivities that position them as an expert student, novice teacher, and/or racialized and multilingual in ways that might work to exclude or include them, depending on the context and their interlocutors. The final insight from Daniels and Varghese (2020) concerns putative solutions offered to “fix” teacher education. The focus of their critique is specific to the USA and the claims made about practice-based models for reforming teacher education. Thus, they are outside the scope of this chapter. However, the general argument the authors make is directly relevant, namely that such reforms “might in fact reinscribe Whiteness itself” (Daniels & Varghese, 2020, p. 56), insofar as the solutions offered to teacher education can sometimes work to reinforce the dynamics, structures, and ideologies they promised to redress. Importantly, the authors are not interested in ascribing intent. That is, a putative solution for teacher education need not intend to work in ways that further marginalize racialized and multilingual teacher candidates or their future students. Rather, the point is to reveal how these same solutions nevertheless “might reinscribe Whiteness, marginalize the experiences and insights of teachers and teacher educators/scholars of Color, and trivialize the importance of teacher subjectivity” (p. 58). In the German language literature, Rösch (2019) advances the most explicit theorization of language, race, and teacher education. Her entry point into the conversation is the concept of linguicism and the German language scholarship, especially that of İnci Dirim (e.g., 2010, 2016), which has expanded the term’s analytical scope. Drawing on post-structural analysis of race (Melter & Mecheril, 2009) and language as ordering principles (Dlugaj & Fürstenau, 2019) for society, this broader approach to linguicism denotes an ideological presupposition that nation and language are naturally linked. This assumption not only constructs monolingualism as the normal human condition, and multilingualism as the exception (Dirim, 2010), but also functions as a principle for organizing social reality. Rösch (2019) makes a further distinction between different dimensions of linguicism. If Linguizismus is a form of oppression that focuses on language itself (e.g., how specific languages are positioned in society), then for her Lingualisierung is a form of oppression that focuses on people, namely the speakers of racialized and minoritized languages. In particular, Rösch is concerned with how this discrimination occurs when the language practices of multilingual people are misheard. Although Rösch neither cites Rosa and Flores (2017) nor draws on raciolinguistics for her argument, she arrives at remarkably similar conclusions. The power of linguicism (or better, Lingualisierung) is how the listening practices of Germans are shaped by racialized categories that construct certain individuals as “migrant.” Consequently, “migrant” language practices are misheard and marked as inaccurate – no matter how objectively correct that language might be. Yet Rösch also underscores the flipside of Lingualisierung, namely a Privilegierung that accrues to those racialized multilinguals who also speak the dominant national language as part of

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their repertoire, and therefore sometimes gain greater access to institutions and other spaces of power as compared to other racialized multilingual peers. For Rösch, a critique of the interplay of language and race must account for these multiple, and sometimes contradictory experiences. To synthesize linguicism with teacher education, Rösch draws on critical notions of Germany as a migration society, along the lines discussed earlier, and the kinds of migration pedagogy that have been proposed (e.g., Mecheril 2004; Karakaşoğlu, et al., 2019). At the core of her argument is a specific theory of change that addresses what and who must change, and how that change takes place. As an example of the first two dimensions of change, Rösch argues that teacher candidates need the opportunity to think critically about how categories such as “multilingual” are produced, and the racialized assumptions they project. Here, Rösch draws on Dirim (2016) and her argument that “multilingual” too often is conflated with “migrant.” In this way, Germany and other migration societies are seen to comprise an Us, who speaks the national language, and a Them, who do not. It is the multilingualism of Them that then becomes the central preoccupation of teacher education, insofar as preparing candidates to teach academic language or German as an additional language come to be seen as desirable “solutions” to the “problem” of “their” multilingualism. By contrast, Rösch argues that teacher education must instead support future teachers in unlearning this Us-Them way of framing Germany, not only by engaging candidates in a more thorough history of multilingualism in the geographic space now called Germany, but also by considering multilingualism as a normal human and societal condition in general. In this way, teacher candidates come to understand that the changes required in a migration society implicate everyone, not just speakers of racialized and minoritized languages. As rich as Rösch’s arguments are in theory, in the end, they are most deeply concerned with teacher education practice. Indeed, a significant component of Rösch’s critique addresses reflection as a common learning activity in teacher education and the limits of reflection as a way to foster change. On one hand, and similar to Daniels and Varghese’s (2020) concern about putative solutions that may in fact “reinscribe Whiteness” (p. 56), Rösch (2019) argues: in fact, critical approaches [to reflection] focus more on revealing than overcoming the phenomenon they are meant to critique, which poses the danger of reproducing the very thing that needs to be overcome (p. 183; our translation)

In counterposing “revealing” to “overcoming,” Rösch clarifies how teacher education can contribute to fundamental changes at school. She concludes, In the context [of learning about] critical theories of racism and linguicism, the point is not to investigate or reveal [the dichotomy] between perpetrators and victims, but rather to understand and to undo these social positions, and the structurally anchored practices of discrimination and privileging related to them . . . In sum, reflection can be an important foundation for critiquing linguicism as well. But it cannot remain the only practice [in which we engage teacher candidates]. Instead, and more important, part of reflective praxis is the development of alternatives and the courage to try them out. (p. 184, our translation)

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In sum, this emergent framework for theorizing teacher education and multilingualism starts with an understanding of race and language as collaborating in the organization of society and distribution of resources, and in the ideological justification or naturalization of society structured in this way. In connecting this theorization of race and language to teacher education, this framework consists of three main arguments. First, similar to how race and language collaborate in the production of the “white listening subject” (Flores & Rosa, 2015) that can mishear language produced by racialized subjects and deems it deficient, even what that language is objectively correct, this framework follows Daniels and Varghese (2020) in understanding teacher education as a kind of “white institutional listening,” in which teacher candidates can be socialized into and learn how to function as white listening subjects. Second, and concurring with Rösch (2019), this framework argues that all teacher candidates, whether multi- or monolingual, whether racialized or not, can learn to reproduce such white institutional listening. Finally, and by contrast, by understanding the multiple subject positions that teacher candidates inhabit, and engaging teacher candidates in exploring their own racial and linguistic subject positions, teacher education can provide sustained opportunities for teacher candidates to understand how race and language collaborate to shape school life and to consider the kinds of political and pedagogical commitments necessary to undo white institutional listening. As Rösch concludes, this requires a bit of courage, as much from teacher educators and candidates themselves.

Conclusion It is with this call for alternatives and a bit of courage that this chapter concludes. Despite the considerable attention paid in this chapter to theory, it is ultimately teacher education practice that animates the discussion. In other words, the conclusion to draw from the arguments presented here is not necessarily to transform the “how to support language learners” module or course in a given teacher education program into a survey course on histories of racism or theories of language. Instead, the contention is that it is possible to get at these most theoretical and complicated ideas through a sharp focus on practice. For example, it is common to motivate the significance of teacher education modules or courses about linguistic diversity by framing them as a response to rapid or recent demographic change. Indeed, virtually every empirical study on teacher education and multilingualism begins in this way. To treat seriously – and practically – the contention that multilingualism is the norm for human society, teacher education might instead help candidates understand multilingualism and linguistic variation historically, as well as how conceptions of the category “multilingual” itself have changed over time. In other words, teacher candidates need to understand why multilingualism is important for their teaching practice, but not because of perceived increases in linguistic diversity in a given context. Rather they need meaningful opportunities to understand how the schools in which they will soon work have been

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so deeply shaped by racialized assumptions and practices of monolingualism as the ideal. Moreover, a practical approach to the theoretically complex notion of raciolinguicized subjectivities could start with teacher candidates themselves. That is, programs could be serious in supporting teacher candidates in exploring their lived experiences as individuals, as former students, and as future teachers in terms of the interplay of race and language (among other categories), and how it has shaped those experiences and candidates’ perceptions of them. This analysis might also be extended to students. Programs could move beyond the common “case study” assignment, in which candidates are asked to interview a language learner and analyze their oral and written production. In addition to this work, candidates might also learn to consider how policy, curriculum, and practice produced that student as a “language learner” in the first place. Finally, in many teacher education modules or courses on linguistic diversity, the primary focus is helping teacher candidates learn specific instructional and assessment strategies that are appropriate for linguistically diverse classrooms. At one level, there is no need to discontinue this core focus on practice. However, the theoretical framework presented here challenges teacher educators to reflect on the (often unspoken) theory of change that drives this focus on practice. When we ask teacher candidates to learn about the formal linguistic demands embedded in their respective content areas, what are we asking them to learn? Is it simply to create ancillary teaching materials to support “English learners” or “students with a migration background” to better access that content, or to learn the “academic language” in which that content is coded? Or is the goal to help all students, both those formally labeled as language learners and those who are not, to understand not only the grammatical but also the social rules that produce “academic language” in the first place and its idealized position in communicating content? Similarly, how do teacher education programs support teacher candidates in learning to hear their future students differently, and not only to require those future students to produce language differently? For every instructional activity in a given teacher education course that helps candidates learn to scaffold their instruction, how many help teacher candidates to scaffold the way they listen to their future students, especially to those students who speak languages that candidates do not fully understand? Such questions require a broader understanding of expertise, insofar as multilingual students in some contexts will be more knowledgeable and capable than their monolingual peers or their teachers. Indeed, they also presuppose that it is not only, or even primarily, multilingual learners who need to change.

Cross-References ▶ Globalization, Teachers, and Teacher Education: Theories, Themes, and Methodologies ▶ Globalizing Teacher Education Through English as a Medium of Instruction: A Vygotskian Perspective

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▶ Intercultural Education: The Training of Teachers For Inclusion ▶ Teaching Diverse Students: A Comparative Analysis of Perspectives from South Africa, Canada, and Hong Kong

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Spatial Perspectives: A Missing Link for Comparative Teacher Education Research

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Clare Brooks, Qian Gong, Ana Angelita Rocha, and Victor Salinas-Silva

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Why Spatial Theory? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Spatial Triad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relative Space: Influences on Teacher Standards Policies in China and England . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Standards in China: Global Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Professional Standards in England – Why Relative Space Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Representational Space: The Visibility of Rural Teachers in Chilean Education Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lived Space: Recognizing the Lived Experiences of Brazilian (Preservice) Teachers . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Spatial theory can move comparative teacher education research into a new realm of analysis. A spatial triad of relative, representational, and lived space is applied to four illustrative cases of teacher education policy and practice to

C. Brooks (*) UCL Institute of Education, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] Q. Gong Nanjing Normal University, Nanjing, China A. A. Rocha State University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil e-mail: [email protected] V. Salinas-Silva Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Valparaíso, Chile e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_36

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argue that such an approach offers a more nuanced, rich, and contextual understanding, which moves beyond descriptive accounts of the influence of context. The concept of relative space is used to show how global trends influence Teacher Standards and accountability systems in China and England. The use of representational space shows how spaces of professional practice are defined in policymaking in Chile. An exploration of policies, influencing university-based teacher education in Brazil, shows how an individual’s ability to access teacher education is affected by their lived space: where they live, their intersectional characteristics, and the risk of urban violence. The use of this spatial triad of theories, individually or collectively, can enrich comparative teacher education research, as they enable researchers to move beyond description into a nuanced understanding of teacher education as a thoroughly spatial practice. Keywords

Spatial theory · Territoriality · Context · Socio-spatial

Introduction Research in education has started to take notice of the valuable contribution that spatial perspectives can add. The concept of “third space” has been widely adopted in teacher education (Beck, 2018), and the work of key spatial theorists such as Doreen Massey, Henri Lefebvre, and David Harvey have become more commonplace in research accounts (see Mayer et al., 2015). However spatial theories have a particular role for comparative research in teacher education. Adamson (2012) has argued that comparative studies need to be highly sensitive to the cultural context when implementing research findings. The spatial triad outlined in this chapter illustrates a structured and systematic way of ensuring a deeper understanding of that cultural context. The approach outlined highlights how such context is influenced by location, how that location is situated relative to others, and the issues of power and representation inherent within it. David Harvey has explored how practices move between these spaces, noting the distinction between actual space (as location), relative space (in how spaces relate to each other), and representational space (how ideas are represented spatially). The analytical power of spatial theory is demonstrated through four illustrative accounts, each of which are related to one dimension of a spatial triad. Individually, each element of the triad can enrich accounts of comparative research into teacher education, but taken together, they offer a powerful tool that enables comparative accounts to move beyond the descriptive, toward a systematic account of power, representation, and the influence of relevant structures. These accounts are summarized in Table 1. The chapter begins with an explanation of the theoretical background to this spatial triad.

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Table 1 How spatial theory can enhance comparative research in teacher education Spatial triad elements Relative space (how spaces relate to each other such as global/local interactions mediated by the scale of space in question and its history, culture, and politics)

Representational space (how ideas are represented spatially as mediated by power dynamics)

Location within space (how the site and situation of a place can influence the lived space of those located there)

Case study/example The development of teacher professional standards in China shows the global influence of policy trends affecting a previously fairly independent system How standards are expressed in the English accountability system shows that even though they are a global trend, they are expressed differently in different locations, and at different scales. Hence a relative scalar perspective can reveal different roles and functions Policy made in capital cities can diminish the different needs and experiences in rural areas. The Chilean example illustrates how teachers can be agentic within their territory. However, national policies do not recognize local variations. But through creating spatial networks and communities with strong links to their territory, teachers can exercise their agency Research, for example, into the changing nature of teacher education in Brazil, often focusses on systemic issues – such as how teacher education programs are changing or have changed This is important but needs to be balanced by accounts of the lived experience of the individuals involved. In the case of Brazil, barriers to teacher education can include financial constraints and colonial practices that fail to recognize the experiences of black bodies within Brazil. These perform equally important barriers to high quality, accessible teacher education

Relevance for comparative research in teacher education When seeking to compare international education systems or phenomena, scale matters. The scale of the area under study will also reflect a particular historical, political, and cultural makeup

Spatial theory is useful because it reveals issues of power. Here we have examples of two different types of power – the power of policy makers which can conceal local variation, and the power of individuals to be agentic in their own context. For comparative research in teacher education, it is important to consider how power, actors, and contexts are represented in the system being explored To fully understand issues that affect teacher education, it is important to move beyond the policy analysis, but to look at the lived experience and how that privileges and silences certain bodies

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Why Spatial Theory? Spatial theories have already established a particular role in some education research. For example, there is a growing interest in the geographies of education (West et al., 2020). Already this movement has revealed the significance of the spatial in decision-making about school choice: Where you live can influence the schools you have access to, and the decisions you make (Cohen, 2020; Henry, 2020; Redford, 2021). These observations are important because they illustrate how inequalities (in this case in relation to access to schools) are produced and reproduced through space. The spatial turn in social theory has led to the practice turn in teacher education which draws upon spatial perspectives. Schatzki et al. (2005) notes how the practice turn is reflective of a site ontology, specifically recognizing that practice occurs in space, as well as being influenced by space-time or the temporal dimension. For teacher education, the recognition of this spatial dimension has resulted in valuable analytical work recognizing the “third space” of teacher education where the site of classroom practice and theoretical discussion and practitioner reflection need to come together. Comparative research has long recognized the importance of context to understand educational phenomena. However, context itself is an undertheorized and weak concept, often used in research as a broad category akin to an empty container and rarely examined conceptually. Dourish (2004) argues that research often sees context as an interactional or representational problem. According to Brock (2016, p. 14), this is because comparative studies are “fixated with only one spatial scale of reference, the national.” But spatial variation in education happens not only from country to country but also within countries. Spatial theories can be of specific value, as they can reveal the complexities of context by placing emphasis on understanding how it is situated in social, locational, and cultural integrated influences: In other words, it does more than acknowledge that context is important but explores the various ways in which context shapes and influences practices. In particular, spatial theories offer alternative ways of viewing context that brings to the fore issues of power, how it is situated, and how it is experienced. These theories recognize that power is central to the construction and reconstruction of space and the experiences of those situated within it, and so offers intellectual tools that can deepen our understanding of practice in a variety of ways.

A Spatial Triad The spatial framework adopted in this chapter is a combination of the work of Lefebvre (1991) and Harvey (2004), who both independently identified a triad of approaches of examining space. Lefebvre identified three fundamental pillars to analyze space:

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Spatial practice – which embraces production and reproduction and the particular locations and spatial sets characteristics of each social formation. Spatial practice ensures continuity and to some degree cohesion. In terms of social space, and each member of a given society’s relationship to space, this cohesion implies a guaranteed level of competence and specific level of performance. Representations of space – which are tied to the relations of the production and to the “order” which those relations impose, and hence to knowledge, to signs, to codes, and to “frontal” relations. Representational spaces – embodying complex symbolisms, sometimes coded, sometimes not, linked to the clandestine or underground of social life, as also to art (which may come eventually to be defined less as a code of space than a code of representational spaces) (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 33). David Harvey has taken this further by exploring how practices move between these spaces, noting the distinction between actual space (as location), relative space (in how spaces relate to each other), and representational space (how ideas are represented spatially). Through critically exploring, and seeking to understand, the complexities of these spatial practices, Harvey argues we will be in a position to transform them. It was Harvey himself who drew parallels between his thinking about space with Lefebvre’s spatial triad, recognizing that their conceptualizations are complementary. While both theorists are interested in space and scale, and situate their work within a Marxist analysis of production and the importance of the flow of capital, their attention is focused in different directions. Harvey is concerned with how the flow of capital is generative of inequalities that occur in (global) space, but that can be seen in how national systems are configured and understood through the spread of neoliberalism and globalization. Lefebvre’s concepts however, while attuned to these macro influences, look more at the impact on the everyday, and on the experiences of individuals. Bringing the two similar approaches together then, comparative research can draw upon the following three pillars to come to a deeper understanding of spatial phenomena, such as teacher education and how it sits within wider structures and power dynamics. These three pillars are the following: • Relative space: Teacher education is defined in relation to its vicinity. All providers will have distinctive relations to a range of spatial scales: the individual (teacher educators and preservice teachers), the local (the school and university partners involved), the national (for example, policies about teacher education), the regional (nestled within traditions and their educational (and social) histories such as colonialism), and the global (reflecting how trends and policy borrowing now occur on a global scale). Scale in this sense represents relative power and influence. • Representational space: Teacher education is dominated by images or conceptions of how both education and teacher education should be. All educators live within this representational space, which includes discourses around quality,

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standards and quality conundrums, and how these are represented in policy and practice frameworks. • Lived space: Teacher education happens in places but involves individuals who live in those spaces. Locations have features in themselves (such as large diverse populations), and the combination of those places and those people affects the nature of the teacher education provision. While each of these pillars is a valuable analytical tool in themselves, combined they offer a holistic and rounded account of the spatial influences on phenomena. Scholars who have used the spatial triad as an analytical tool see the relationship between as connected in complex and various ways reflecting how the themes of experience, power, and agency are codependent and mutually generative. The remainder of this chapter will focus on each pillar of the triad illustrated by case studies to reveal their explanatory power.

Relative Space: Influences on Teacher Standards Policies in China and England The introduction of standards into the teaching profession has been a global movement (Caena, 2014; Page, 2015; Santoro et al., 2012). As Darling-Hammond (2008, p. 39) argues, “professional standards for teaching hold promise for mobilizing reforms of the teaching career and helping to structure opportunities that reflect the complex, reciprocal nature of teaching work.” Professional standards for teachers have significant potential to provide the necessary provocation for teachers to think about their work, classroom activities, and professional identity in quite fundamental different and generative ways (Sachs, 2003). However, there are also claims that Teacher Standards can narrow teaching practice, reduce teacher autonomy, and de-professionalize teachers (Bourke et al., 2013; Connell, 2009). It is common, particularly in research that focusses on policy, to directly compare policy initiatives across and between states. While this performs a valuable function, for a more detailed comparative understanding it is important to identify the relative space of the place under analysis. To this end, we offer two examples: in the first, China, a previously independent state with a unique education system, which has recently been influenced by global trends in teacher education, in particular standards for the teaching profession; and in the second, England, where teacher education policy is used as a “technology” (in the Foucauldian sense) to affect practices (Ball, 2015), in this case to enact professional standards. Both examples show how the scale of analysis can reveal significant and otherwise hidden trends.

Professional Standards in China: Global Influence The recent introduction of standards for the teaching profession in China reflects not only the influence of global trends, but also a significant shift from being a previously inward-facing policy space to something more outward facing. This illustrates

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how viewing this as relative space helps to reveal trends in research which are both spatially and temporally significant. Education policy in China from 1949 to 1965 was heavily influenced by approaches from the Soviet Union. During this period, the professional standards for teachers were politically oriented, aligned with the politics and ideology of the communist state. Since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, there has been a reversal in the professional development of Chinese teachers orientated away from a purely communist perspective. It was not until 2012 that professional standards for teachers in China were officially published, and these revealed a shift away from an inward-national approach to something more reflective of global trends and educational approaches that orientated outside of China. Over the past 10 years, there has been a considerable change in the space that Teacher Standards have occupied in the teaching landscape in China. The changes in this policy landscape are reflective of patterns elsewhere. Since the mid-1980s, professionalization in teaching and teacher education has taken place in the United States (Darling-Hammond, 2009), Europe (Garm & Karlsen, 2004), Australia (Louden, 2000), and New Zealand (Locke, 2001). The emergence of teacher professionalization arose as a response to the shortcomings of traditional teacher education courses (Page, 2015). Moving to “full” professional status was seen as part of an aspiring occupation’s “professional project,” and this has been applied to the strategy of teachers in many countries (Whitty, 2000). A set of standards for professional practice is one of the main components in a teacher education model which seeks to promote education as a real career and to assure the preparation of future academic leaders. This global trend of how to professionalize teacher education has influenced the Chinese proposal to also develop professional standards for teachers (You et al., 2020). A national professional standard for teachers had been absent until the Chinese National Professional Standards for Teachers (trial implementation) (NPST) were endorsed in 2012. The standards define the professional requirements for teachers at three levels: kindergarten, primary and secondary school (Carrington et al., 2015). The standards were built on four conceptual bases: student-orientation, teachers’ ethics first, abilities as the most important, and life-long learning and are grouped across three dimensions of teaching: professional code of ethics, professional knowledge, and professional skills (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2012). The shape and formation of these professional standards in China, and their similarity to those in other systems, reveal the profound influence of international teacher education trends. To a certain extent, the Chinese National Professional Standards for Teachers (trial implementation) reflect similar standards such as the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) and the Teachers’ Standards in England. The APST is made up of seven interconnecting standards which outline what a teacher should know and be able to do at four different career progressions of graduate, proficient, highly accomplished, and lead (Carrington et al., 2015). These Australian standards are grouped across three domains of teaching: professional knowledge, professional practice, and professional engagement (Australian Institute for Teaching and School

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Leadership, 2011). The NPST are also grouped across three dimensions of teaching: professional code of ethics, professional knowledge, and professional skills, and the seven standards in APST, namely: know students and how they learn; know the content and how to teach it; plan for and implement effective teaching and learning; create and maintain supportive and safe learning environments; assess, provide feedback, and report on student learning; engage in professional learning; and engage professionally with colleagues, parents/carers and the community, are all covered under the dimension of professional knowledge and professional skills. Unlike APST, the dimension of “personal and professional conduct” is highlighted in the English Teachers’ Standards: “teachers uphold public trust in the profession and maintain high standards of ethics and behaviour, within and outside school; teachers must have proper and professional regard for the ethos, policies and practices of the school in which they teach, and maintain high standards in their attendance and punctuality; teachers must have an understanding of, and always act within, the statutory frameworks which set out their professional duties and responsibilities” (Department for Education, 2011). The “professional code of ethics” dimension in the NPST echoes the “personal and professional conduct” dimension in the English Teachers’ Standards from four aspects: professional understanding and knowledge, attitudes and behaviors toward students, attitudes, and behaviors toward education and teaching, and personal accomplishment and behavior (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2012). NPST is no longer just a policy and direction guidance, but a significant shift in articulating a nationwide set of professional standards for all teachers in China. The similarity between the definitions of these standards with counterparts in Australia and England shows the pervasiveness of the global discourses around defining a good teacher and the mechanisms for accounting for such a judgment. Recognizing the influence of global, and in particular Western, approaches to teacher education policy reveals a distinctive and significant shift in China’s teacher education policy discourses. The scaled nature of this shift is of particular interest. As an extremely large nation state, China was previously, and could continue to be, autonomous in its education system and how it prepares and rewards teachers. However, the pervasive influence of education as a global market place, with many Chinese students now looking internationally to continue their education, could be seen has having a profound impact on domestic policy. The significance of this trend is relative: in both time and space. For comparative research, understanding the shift this represents for China is key to understanding the trajectory of teacher education policy and trends and also how China’s “place” in the world is shifting. Both factors are key in any attempt to compare Chinese teacher education with any other jurisdictions.

Professional Standards in England – Why Relative Space Matters While the above example shows China within its relative space on the global stage, this further example taken from England illustrates how relative space can be seen

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across and between a single national state, in this case through looking at the different ways in which research is positioned in key documents that define teacher standards in England. England has an autonomous (national) education system from the other three devolved nations (Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales). The current version of the Teacher Standards was introduced in July 2011 by the Department for Education, replacing the previous 33 standards devised by a former government agency. New teachers need to show evidence they have met each of these standards in order to gain Qualified Teacher Status. This can be demonstrated through a variety of routes into teaching (postgraduate and undergraduate), and through employment-based or assessment-only routes. The establishment of Teacher Standards, a key policy technology (Ball, 2015) in the governance of teacher education, is just one way in which spatial patterns can be observed. Teacher education is beset with a variety of measures around accountability, accreditation, and validation. The extent of these is such that Ling, concerning the Australian context, described it as a situation of “supercomplexity” (2017). Teacher educators have to navigate these various requirements, which may stem from different sources. For example, in Australia, there are national standards and state-based interpretations which operate alongside the university system of award assessment. In England, the Department for Education has mandated content for teacher education (the Core Content Framework), as well as a list of statutory requirements around recruitment and program parameters. The Teacher Standards, which have to be met for the award of Qualified Teacher Status, sit alongside a rigid and prescriptive inspection regime (though a government inspection agency, Ofsted). However, for university programs, the program award (e.g., the Post Graduate Certification of Education) belongs to the university and has to sit within their additional accountability structures. This dual accountability presents significant challenges, in particular around the ability of universities to control and oversee the assessment of their academic awards. The accountability is therefore site-specific and sets up the teacher education provider (in many cases a university) in tension between the competing emphasis in different frameworks. Policies, and what they emphasize, are valuable tools particularly in understanding relative space. For example, within the English education system, evidencebased approaches are highly valued. The initial teacher education market review cited its aim to be “to make well informed, evidence-based recommendations” which would support the policy priority of “evidence-based professional development and support” (DfE, 2021). The focus on evidence (and not research) is deliberate, as the policy intention is to focus teachers to what has been called a narrow and partial set of research findings orientated to knowledge-rich and direct instructional approaches (Claxton, 2021). As an illustrative example, the third section of the English Teacher Standards, which focuses on subject and curriculum knowledge, makes no explicit reference to research (see Table 2). This contrasts with the university-awarding oversight agency, the QAA’s requirements for a Level 7 (postgraduate) award of which many university-based teacher education programs (the Post Graduate Certificate of Education) are required to adhere to, which places a much stronger emphasis on research (see Table 3).

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Table 2 Extracts from the English Teacher Standards. Source: DfE (2011) 3. Demonstrate good subject and curriculum knowledge: Have a secure knowledge of the relevant subject(s) and curriculum areas, foster and maintain pupils’ interest in the subject, and address misunderstandings. Demonstrate a critical understanding of developments in the subject and curriculum areas and promote the value of scholarship. 5. Adapt teaching to respond to the strengths and needs of all pupils: Have a secure understanding of how a range of factors can inhibit pupils’ ability to learn, and how best to overcome these. 8. Fulfill wider professional responsibilities: Develop effective professional relationships with colleagues, knowing how and when to draw on advice and specialist support. Table 3 Extract from QAA level 7 qualifications (Source QAA, 2014, p. 31) Master’s degrees are awarded to students who have demonstrated the following: A systematic understanding of knowledge, and a critical awareness of current problems and/or new insights, much of which is at, or informed by, the forefront of their academic discipline, field of study, or area of professional practice A comprehensive understanding of techniques applicable to their own research or advanced scholarship Originality in the application of knowledge, together with a practical understanding of how established techniques of research and enquiry are used to create and interpret knowledge in the discipline Conceptual understanding that enables the student: to evaluate critically current research and advanced scholarship in the discipline; to evaluate methodologies and develop critiques of them; and, where appropriate, to propose new hypotheses 4.17.1 Much of the study undertaken for master’s degrees is at, or informed by, the forefront of an academic or professional discipline. Successful students show originality in the application of knowledge, and they understand how the boundaries of knowledge are advanced through research. They are able to deal with complex issues both systematically and creatively, and they show originality in tackling and solving problems. They have the qualities needed for employment in circumstances requiring sound judgment, personal responsibility, and initiative in complex and unpredictable professional environments

Additionally, in England, teacher education is also influenced by the Ofsted inspection framework which sets out the criteria for inspection for initial teacher education providers. Here, research is positioned differently again. According to the Ofsted framework for inspection for Initial Teacher Education (ITE), for a provider to be graded as Good, they must demonstrate the features outlined in Table 4. The positioning of the new teacher (or trainee) concerning research is key here: According to the English Teacher Standards, the new teacher is not required to understand research, or to be able to discern quality in research reports, but is positioned as a recipient or consumer of research that has been curated by others and presented to them by their teacher education provider. This lies in contrast with the more “researcher” orientation outlined in the qualifications criteria. One reason for this difference may be that it is not compulsory to undertake a Level 7 course to

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Table 4 Extract from the Ofsted ITE inspection framework (Source: Ofsted, 2021, p. 39) Informed by up-to-date or pertinent research The ITE curriculum is designed to ensure that trainees engage with up-to-date or pertinent research findings, for example, the research informing the ITT core content framework (for primary and secondary phase trainees) The curriculum ensures that trainees are taught how to apply principles from scholarship relevant to their subject and phase when making professional decisions. Trainees learn how to assess the appropriateness and value of new approaches that they might encounter in future by: considering the validity and reliability of any research on which the approach depends; considering its context in existing community debates (for example, subject, phase, SEND, and psychology); and relating it to their professional experience Trainees know about up-to-date research for promoting inclusion and teaching pupils with SEND, and those who speak EAL. They are able to apply this knowledge in their subject and phase Classroom practice The ITE curriculum introduces trainees to up-to-date research on effective classroom practice. This includes research on how to present subject matter clearly and explicitly, promoting appropriate discussion, reflection, and questioning, and on how to use relevant pedagogy to enable effective teaching of the subject/specialist area. Trainees are taught how to plan and resource lesson sequences within their specialist subject(s) in their phase, and to understand how sequences fit into and serve wider goals for that subject

qualify as a teacher (a graduate or Level 6 qualification is sufficient). However, a provider of a Level 6 course still needs to ensure that they meet the research criteria laid down by Ofsted, which promotes a “research as content” approach to teacher education pedagogy. A spatial analysis, particularly emphasizing relative space, indicates how the relative positioning of these document reveals their “power” within the education system as policy technologies design to elicit change in practices. The policies situate expertise within teacher education, as “outside” of the practice of the new teacher or the teacher educator, and are located elsewhere in the education system (under the direct control of central government). For example, the evidence to which teachers should be inducted is located outside of the teacher’s remit or personal interest but clearly stated through officially sanctioned sources curated for the teacher (and approved by the Education Endowment Foundation, a governmentfunded body), and articulated in the government’s document the Core Content Framework (CCF). In the CCF, “expertise” is expressed as located with schoolbased colleagues and mentors, situated firmly in the classroom with more experienced practitioners, than with “outside” sources such as those from the university or research community. This construction: evidence from a curated source and expertise orientated to the classroom marginalizes university-based teacher educators, and with it access to the rich research base excluded from the curated sources. This selection of “included” evidence and “excluded” research is not an unintended consequence. A previous Secretary of State for Education described universitybased educators as the “enemies of promise” and saw them as deliberately sabotaging government efforts to change teacher education (for a full debate, see Claxton,

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2021). Spatial analysis, and the identification of relative space, reveals the Janusfaced nature of this policy initiative – looking out to evidence curated elsewhere, and inward to the classroom-based expertise. In relative terms, this positioning is part of a practice-turn in teacher education internationally, where the focus on research is underplayed against a focus on research as knowledge rather than as a form of teacher education pedagogy. The verb constructions of these accounts situate the relationship between the teacher and the research as a passive one, where the teacher “draws on,” is “informed by,” and can “demonstrate” their knowledge of research. The idea of a teacher as a researcher or as a critical consumer of research is absent. As this brief analysis shows, adopting a spatial perspective, which draws upon relative space, can reveal the scaled nature of influences on key policy technologies: both in the adoption and definition of standards but also their representational nature: where they locate power and influence. Within these constructions, there are complex influences related to the location of the activity (and how policies define and “solve” problems related to that location), and how they represent notions of the good teacher within those locations. These expressions are shot through with expressions of power and influence, a theme which is taken up in the next section. They also illustrate how recognizing relative space is central for comparative research in teacher education, as it enables the researcher to understand the phenomena in relation to its context, and in particular how it is situated within time, space, and the influence it is afforded.

Representational Space: The Visibility of Rural Teachers in Chilean Education Policy As outlined in the introduction, teacher education is fundamentally a spatial practice, operating in different physical locations under the supervision of various organizations who are working in partnership. To understand initial teacher education in a specific location requires examining the complexity of those specific locations, the way they interact with each other and the implied and actual hierarchies involved, and the different degrees of importance and meaning they attach to the practicebased activity of initial teacher education. Integral to this analysis is the issue of representation: Who is being represented and how? Spatial theory recognizes that this representation can be spatially defined and, in doing so, holds power. This phenomenon can be seen in the way in which teacher education policy has been formulated in Chile, in particular in relation to rural and urban contexts. In South America, the idea of power relations and space, outlined here as representational space, is often explored through the concept of territory (Haesbaert, 2020, 2021; Santos, 2000). Territory, as a spatial category, encompasses how spatial relations are mediated by power relations and how spaces are produced as part of situated social relations. This is evident in Chile through the ways in which policies toward teacher education are constructed, implemented, and experienced. Table 5 shows the criteria for teacher education programs assessment in Chile. It involves an extensive process by which programs are examined regularly. These are

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Table 5 Criteria and standards for teacher education programs in Chile. (Adapted and translated from Centro de Perfeccionamiento, Experimentación e Investigaciones Pedagógicas (2021)) Domain A. Teaching and learning preparation Standard 1: pupils’ learning and development Standard 2: disciplinary, didactic, and school curriculum knowledge Standard 3: lesson planning Standard 4: assessment planning Domain B. Learning environment Standard 5: organized and respectful environment Standard 6: personal and social development Domain C. Teaching for all Standard 7: teaching strategies for deep learning Standard 8: teaching strategies for thinking skills Standard 9: assessment and feedback Domain D. Professional responsibilities Standard 10: professional ethics Standard 11: professional development Standard 12: commitment with the school community’s improvement

requirements that programs have to comply with to be accredited as a provider in the country, ranging from graduation profiles to issues of internal governance and selfconduct. In an effort to improve quality in a rather deregulated teacher education market across the country, government bodies have created measures to raise the standards to the expense of tailored experiences specific to particular territories. Initial teacher education for primary and secondary teachers in Chile is diverse. Even though it follows a similar 5-year training structure provided by universities across the country, there are differences concerning the emphasis that a specific program might have on subject knowledge or teaching methods. According to Dentice and Garrido (2013), standardization in Chile involves centralization policies developed in the capital city, but that neglect the reality of regions outside the capital. As the policy seeks to standardize teacher education, it reveals underlying power hierarchies in the education system. Teaching standards in Chile homogenize practice of primary and secondary teachers in one single framework for the entire country. These standards inform and influence both teacher education programs and teachers’ curriculum making practices in Chile as a framework for practice, and defining them as a set of propositions around knowledge and skills. However, this definition fails to recognize the extent to which teachers are influenced by individual school contexts, or through teaching in predominantly rural regions. For example, if it is recognized that schools are made up by multiple teachers’ school-based practices, then individual teachers’ practices can be seen as territories that are created in interactions with other people and are part of teachers’ processes of professional learning. This is particularly the case for teachers who work in rural communities who are often deeply embedded in those communities.

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In the case of Chile, the centralized location of power is characterized as urbanized and in great contrast with the experience of teachers in rural areas (which make up the majority of the country). Recent research on rural teachers in Chile (Salinas Silva & Brooks, 2018; Salinas-Silva, Arenas-Martija & Ramirez, 2017) indicates that the relationship between space and teachers is much more prominent and entangled with their lived experiences, particularly for teachers in rural contexts. For these teachers, their understanding of their local spaces appears to be actively influencing the way they learn about their professional practice both within and beyond the classroom. In this context, the territory of teachers (or how they represent power within space) can be seen as an agentic process which is manifest in how they actively build a learning environment, connect with people in different places, and make the school a space with a particular meaning for pupils. In doing so, teachers’ territories appear to be informed by a combination of subject and practical knowledge specifically tailored to the school context in which teachers are situated. This lies in contrast to how the education policy is expressed which is focused on standardization rather than supporting regional variation. These variances in the representational space highlight three specific spatial problems found in the relevant education policies in Chile: Schools are understood as standard all across the country. There is little consensus on the influence of the school context besides the notions that it is locally specific and driven by teachers’ individual practical knowledge (Edwards, 2010). Cognitive studies of teacher expertise (Wilson et al., 1987) have framed the understanding of context as the final stage in the process of professional growth. However, the professional problem for teacher education here is how the application of this knowledge can be adapted to their specific school context. While research recognizes the importance of teachers’ subject expertise (Mitchell & Lambert, 2015), there is a need to reflect on the role of teachers’ expertise in society (Young & Lambert, 2015). International changes in school systems have framed this discussion, prompting further inquiry into the infrastructure that supports and influences the work of teachers in various contexts (Arenas Martija et al., 2016; Brooks, 2016). Teacher knowledge is conceived as “space-less.” Spatial practices can be subject to its own forms of knowledge specialization. According to Pumain and SaintJulien (2014, p. 70), spatial specialization defines “a state and a process of geographical differentiation.” This has been commonly studied by regional and economic geography to establish the optimal location of activities and the aptitude of a region to host specialized functions (Faulconbridge, 2006). Urban geography developed a similar interest in this issue during the twentieth century to characterize the relationship across different city districts from peripheral areas to the center considering transportation issues and the function of different neighborhoods. These studies contributed to the understanding that specialization can develop “naturally” but can also be induced by planning or other influences (Pumain & Saint-Julien, 2014, p. 72). The processes of spatial specialization are not homogeneous and can have different routes which suggests that teachers’

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practices that digress from its standard form are not outliers but rather expected derivations from a wider school system with different degrees of power and control along its networks. This representation is absent from the national policy context. Neglecting the significance of spatial networks for teachers. Teachers’ schoolbased territories are networked spaces. Seeing these spaces as involving interrelationships (as is the case with networks) means they can be seen as a form what Massey (1991) calls a “power geometry.” In this understanding, power relations can shift toward teachers within an education or school system. In other words, teachers’ work can occupy space in a way which is fluent and can transcend the notions of authority that are normally reflected in educational structures. This can be observed when one sees their work as networked and connected to particular places. Massey’s approach conceives local interactions as “constructed on a far wider scale than what we happen to define for that moment as the place itself. . . [Places] can thus be imagined as articulated moments in networks of social relations and understandings” (Massey, 1991, p. 28). This means that even the most local practices of teachers are interconnected. Therefore, the territoriality of teachers’ expertise is not defined by proximity but by the similarity of experiences: In other words, remote schools may share more experiences with each other than they do with their closest (urban) neighbors. The key argument here is that the centralization of education policy to a homogenized view of education provision neglects these important networks which are a key feature of education in rural parts of Chile. In particular, the provision of networks that link these rural communities is a key site where teachers feel represented and where their presence (and power) is acknowledged. These networks are then central to how they feel and are represented through their work. Networks are specific spatial relations that have been understood as “a set of geographic locations interconnected in a system by a number of routes” (Hagget & Chorley, 1969, p. 5), but they also have strong representational (and therefore powerrelated) expressions. In education, they can be understood as formal arrangements of public and private organizations and agencies that according to Ehren et al. (2017) have been constituted to facilitate collective action. Teacher practice in Chile also includes informal networks. Even though teacher education plays a part in disseminating conventional practices, part of the knowledge informing teachers’ expertise circulates among these networks as a commodity and within each “knowledge transfer” changes or adapts to a local context (Faulconbridge, 2006). Adopting a spatial perspective that emphasizes this representational dimension enables these otherwise hidden complexities of the system to come to the fore, ripe then for comparative analysis. In addition, these elements can also be seen as relative and scaled. Literature on leadership has emphasized the role of networks and support (Hargreaves & Ainscow, 2015), but as its focus is on the role of head teachers and the understanding of schools as organizations, it tends to neglect the negotiations that teachers do as part of their everyday routines and the ways in which this becomes a constitutive part of

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teacher education and development. Recognizing this spatial component of these networks raises the possibility of overlapping territorialities. Teachers with similar processes of specialization may share a common understanding of what constitutes teachers’ practice, particularly if they are spatially situated. This is important not only for the education and development of those teachers but also in the opportunities it affords for rural communities to take control of the education they offer their communities and is central to understanding teacher education in these regions.

Lived Space: Recognizing the Lived Experiences of Brazilian (Preservice) Teachers Lefebvre asserted that “every living body is a living space and has its space.” A key benefit of adopting a spatial approach is the recognition that the body is itself an important space (Schatzki et al., 2005). For teaching and teacher education, this is an important observation, as teachers literally embody the act of teaching. Comparative research in teacher education then needs to understand how bodies (de)colonize the knowledge space that impacts the future teacher. As our example of how efforts to decolonize teacher education and to encourage more black and Indigenous students to become teachers from Brazil reveals, it is too easy for the lived experience to be hidden from view, and this can create significant barriers to their success. The history of teacher professionalization in Brazil is intertwined with the history of its urbanization. Educational institutes were built in large and medium-sized cities in the twentieth century. The training of teachers was based on normal schools, strongly related to science or universities, which aligned with the change in culture and customs of the young Republic. In 1988, after more than two decades of military dictatorship, the Federal Constitution granted that education was a citizen’s right and a duty of the State (Saviani, 2013). The Law of Directives and Bases 9.394/96 (Brasil, 1996), arising from the chapters of the Constitution, regulated for teacher education to be based on higher education. However, even since the enactment of this law in 1996, the debate on the teacher professionalization model continues to be politically divisive (Reis et al., 2020). Currently, teacher education takes place in two models: 1) In a 4-year technical high school (called educational institutes or Normal Schools), students are trained to be teachers in the early years who can work with children from 0 to 10 years old; 2) at the university, there are undergraduate courses that train teachers who work in the early years and in specific subjects, such as geography, who work with teenagers, aged 11–14, with secondary education and with adult education. Every teacher graduated from higher education is qualified to act in the management of the school. Since 2019, with the approval of the Resolution of the National Council of Education, undergraduate courses have been undergoing curricular reform. According to the last of this decree, the courses for both primary and secondary school teachers will have a minimum workload of 3200 h and will be organized in three axes:

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1. Total 800 h dedicated to the science of education 2. Total 1600 h dedicated to studying the specific contents of the course and complying with the national curriculum policy called the Common National Curriculum Base approved in 2018 3. Total 800 h of pedagogical practice divided into two groups, a) 400 h dedicated to supervised internship, in a real work situation at school and b) practices applied to the curricular components of the first axis. In recent years, critics of these educational reforms have announced at least two possible impacts on teachers: i) the lack of teacher motivation for advancement and ii) the intensification of teacher evaluation. The current reform runs counter to the freedom that institutions have enjoyed building curricula for initial and continuing teacher education. Oliveira (2020) has noted that the flexibility of teacher education models deepens the precarious conditions of education workers. While these are valuable critiques, they focus on the systematic impact of these policies and neglect to consider how these reforms will impact on the very people, or bodies, that are the subject of these policies, those learning to teach. Adopting a spatial perspective, which acknowledges the lived space, brings this to the fore. The regulation of the teacher education curriculum does not deal with the significant issue of the social conditions of those that want to become teachers. Most students enrolled in these courses experience socioeconomic vulnerability: Even though federal universities and institutes are exclusively maintained by the government and offer free degree courses, there is still a significant issue about the interdependence of student food security, which can influence, for example, higher education dropout rates. In Brazil, there is a strong need to secure a student assistance policy particularly for working class students to ensure a strong supply of future teachers from these communities. Understanding the impact of food security of future teachers is, however, just one element of understanding their lived space and experiences. Living in what can be referred to as “the periphery” (outlying urban areas adjacent to the city) is a continuous process of resistance and one that recognizes the need to signify education as a process for surviving, drawing on the idea of a survival curriculum into the debate on teacher education (Lambert, 2013). Lambert warned that education needs to respond to the demand of the times of economic and environmental crisis. This has become even more prominent by the tragedies resulting from the coronavirus pandemic. David Lambert’s metaphor of the “survival curriculum” highlights the significance of the body, and the territory within teacher education, and is echoed in discussions stemming from the Black Lives Matter movement, and the need to decolonize education. The concept of survival is reflected in Brazilian Indigenous ideas as illustrated here by Ailton Krenak (2020) a Brazilian Indigenous Activist: If we survive, we will fight over the pieces of a planet that we did not eat, and our grandchildren or great-grandchildren - or the grandchildren of our great-great-grandchildren - will be able to walk around to see what Earth was like in the past.

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This theme is also evident in the movements of Latin American Indigenous women who have in particular drawn attention to the material and immaterial dimension of space-time when exploring strategies of survival for children and young people in urban peripheries of Rio de Janeiro, for instance. There are recent studies about the territorial growth of the militia in the city of Rio de Janeiro, for example, almost 57% of the city is now under the control of violent and military groups. Recognizing the importance of the body as a site of practice, part of the lived space is a key feature of spatial thinking. Haesbaert (2021) highlights how the body has been an object of study through different schools of geographic thought, particularly in the 1990s, with the growth of gender studies. More recently, the relationship between body and territory has been widely defended in Latin American Activisms, especially ecofeminism and Indigenous women’s activism, which seek to draw relationships between bodies (as individuals and collectives) with the territories in which policies are enacted. These have become dominant themes in spatial analysis of the Global South in the last decade. Moreover, in different Indigenous cultures, the body is an important aspect in shaping cosmologies (Krenak, 2020). The body-territory and lived space then become an important site of decolonized and activist knowledge generation, which offers invaluable perspectives on attempts to decolonize teacher education and to make it attractive for diverse and underrepresented groups. Adopting this approach means moving the body as central to our analysis of teacher education and seeing it as the lived space that is situated within, in this case, the peripheral area of large Latin American metropolises, such as Rio de Janeiro, and the bio/necropolitics which governs that area. The use of necropolitics here is deliberate. At the time of writing, it would be remiss not to acknowledge the serious impact of deaths in this region, particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic. Teachers who work in this area are highly sensitized to the seriousness of these deaths, and the suffering communities which are also often silenced by a complex of related militia and drug-trafficking activities. If school life returns at some point in the future, then schools will need to address the sacrifices of many workers during this period and put at the center that all violence is heir to this colonial wound. A key question is how do we prepare new teachers to work in such a complex and traumatized community? One approach has been to explore and strengthen possible resistances to death policies (necropolitics, in the terms of Mbembe, 2006). It is significant that the key professions such as teachers and caregivers are mainly occupied by women. Valverde argues that the emergence of neoliberal policies of accountability violates these bodies due to precariousness (2015, p. 22). In effect, these bodies are perceived as the least able to resist. All of these dimensions make up key aspects of the lived space. Recognizing body-territory can then be a useful analytical tool for teacher education, as it recognizes the experience of the individuals within their spatial context. According to Massey: “If space is indeed the product of interrelations, then it must be predicated upon the existence of plurality. Multiplicity and space are co-constitutive” (1999, p. 28). Space is a condition to think about the multiplicity of

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the world through the combination of multiple trajectories. The violence in Brazil raises questions about how we live in space (with few who are privileged to have home conditions where they can take refuge, a condition exacerbated and even more evident in the pandemic), and how the conditions around us, such as accountability policies, and atomized curricular plans can incarcerate individuals instead of providing the promised emancipation. The implications for teachers are huge, as can be seen in the following analysis of the Student Assistant Policy. In 2010, a Decree (PNAES, DECREE NO. 7.234/2010) (Brasil, 2010) created by President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva defines that one of the targets of the newly introduced Student Assistance Policy is: “ii – to minimize the effects of social and regional inequalities in the permanence and conclusion of higher education.” In this sense, in Brazil, The National Student Assistance Plan (PNAES) may be identified as a policy which supports the enrolment of low-income students into face-to-face undergraduate courses at public higher education institutions, and has particular relevance for teacher education. The aim of PNAES is to enable equal opportunities among all students and contribute to the improvement of academic performance, based on measures that seek to combat situations of students failing and dropout. PNAES aids student housing, food, transportation, health, digital inclusion, culture, sports, day care, and educational support. The actions of the plan are carried out by the educational institution itself, which must monitor and evaluate the development of the program. The selection criteria for students who are eligible for this support are based on their socioeconomic profile but can also include criteria established relative to each institution. The students who are eligible for support under this policy are often the ones that have their bodies most at risk, such as transsexual students, or those that live in areas of conflict or have been victims of extreme violence. These students also often live in key areas or territories, for example. The urban segregation and regional inequality are key spatial issues which can affect access to university. A significant factor here is that teacher education undergraduate courses are especially attractive to students from vulnerable socioeconomic backgrounds, and so programs need to understand the basic needs of these students. This must be seen as part of a body of work which recognizes and has contributed to the democratization process of higher education in Brazil and affirmative actions of the last 20 years. Despite these policies aimed at supporting vulnerable students, who will become future teachers, the policy does not fully address the realities of their lived space. Living on the edge means, first of all, being endowed with mobility, because the frontier limit, in this case, is established not only to control, contain, and detain, but also (and sometimes above all) to be transposed, circumvented, transgressed, and finally “enjoyed,” since, in some way, it can often become the very central locus of our life and, by proposing differences, more directly incites us to face and/or share them (Haesbaert, 2020). This would seem to suggest then that to be successful in mobilizing oneself beyond the periphery, requires new teachers to fully engage with what the periphery means for them and for the territory, or their community. They need to become selfreflective about their own bodies and territories, and the social impact of those.

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Inspired by Mbembe (2014), it is possible to imagine that a resistant educational establishment would be one that insists on a decolonization purpose that circumvents normalizing territorialities, and refuses to impose a disciplining curriculum for the control of bodies. However, the reality of the necropolitics is that schools and universities have found that they need to adopt a “survival” curriculum that is determined in relation to the future. The experience of Brazil highlights that decolonization is not enough: Self-decolonization would still be necessary. A survival curriculum based on lived space requires inventing teacher education as a meeting place for several vulnerable individuals and teachers of self-decolonization, and to provide opportunities to question the colonizing processes of knowledge. This approach challenges us to decolonize our view of education, as well as teacher education, and highlights the importance of encouraging black and Indigenous people into the university to become teachers. It also implies that the new teacher must make themselves a sensitive, biological, symbolic body who is able to be both determined by and able to determine the territory (or territories) of where they live and work. Although this example is set in Brazil, the lived space of many candidates for teacher education will have a huge impact on their experiences. Recognizing this as a spatial phenomenon (and not just a social one) allows us to recognize that these experiences occur in space: where these students live, work, and connect with their communities. As spaces, they are also situated in wider networks and communities and regional and national spaces. Feeling part of the mainstream, or periphery, has a real effect on this lived experience. Understanding this complexity is an important dimension for any comparative research.

Conclusion This chapter has offered four examples of how adopting perspectives derived from spatial theories can offer rich and textured ways of understanding teacher education policies and practices, by drawing on four different cases, which operate at different scales, but also that focus on teacher education through a range of lenses. The aim has been not only to show the versatility of spatial theories, and their applicability for teacher education, but also to demonstrate how adopting these approaches can significantly help to move beyond the flat notion of context, into the more textured and complex understanding of space. • Examination of the definition of teacher professional standards in China reveals how they have been influenced by global trends, or their position in relative space. Similarly, examining how those professional standards are reflected in different documentation in England shows how the scale of analysis can illustrate which voices are silenced and which are privileged. Comparative research into teacher education needs to pay close attention to the scale of study, what that reveals, and how it relates to other scales.

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• The case study of Chile reveals how policy formulated in the urban area can be interpreted and adapted in rural communities. Combined with the geographical concept of territory, this illustrates how teacher agency can be expressed relative to the local context and how it is represented in space. This case reveals how comparative teacher education research needs to consider how power, actors, and places are represented in the system under study. • Finally, looking at the experience of teacher education students in Brazil illustrates the disconnect between policy and the lived experience of those affected by that policy. Location within space and how it impacts on individuals are central here and a key message for comparative teacher education research that studies need to move beyond policy analysis and should consider the lived experience and how it privileges and silences certain bodies. Teacher education occurs in space. Our argument has been that comparative research therefore needs to see that space as a key aspect of its analysis: revealing not just how phenomena works, but the (spatial) factors that affect how it works. The spatial triad explored in this chapter illustrates three ways that this can add conceptual depth. Individually, they are powerful tools. Taken together, they illustrate the intriguing paradox of both the universal and the unique, moving beyond simplistic notions of context in their analysis.

Cross-References ▶ Educational Isolation and the Challenge of “place” for Securing and Sustaining a Quality Teacher Supply ▶ From Benign Neglect to Performative Accountability: Changing Policy and Practice in Continuing Professional Development for Teachers ▶ Global Discourses, Teacher Education Quality, and Teacher Education Policies in the Latin American Region ▶ Regulating and Reifying Teacher Professional Development: Teachers’ Learning Under Global Policy Conditions ▶ Teacher Education Perspectives in the Ibero-Latin American Context: A Comparative View ▶ The Importance of Context: Teacher Education Policy in England and France Compared

References Adamson, B. (2012). International comparative studies in teaching and teacher education. Teaching and Teacher Education, 28(5), 641–648. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2012.02.003 Arenas Martija, A., Fernández, H., & Pérez, P. (Eds.). (2016). Una Educación Geográfica para Chile. Sociedad Chilena de Ciencias Geográficas.

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education in International and Comparative Education and the Concept of Reciprocal Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reciprocal Learning as a Conceptual Guiding Principle for RLP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reciprocal Learning as a Practical Approach for RLP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The RLP Curriculum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changing Contexts and RLP Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The RLP Handbooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Portfolios, Practicum/Internship Placements, and Extracurricular/Cultural Activities: Selected Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . RLP Learnings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Short-Term Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Long-Term Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . International Intercultural Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education Lessons for Global Understanding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education Is a Cross-Cultural Space for Global Understanding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collaborative Teacher Education, Teaching, and Curriculum Tasks Create Environments for Personal Practical Testing, Sharing, and Exploring of Different Values, Theories, and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teacher Education Is Part of a Global Educational Ecosystem in Which Curriculum and Classroom Community Play Vital Roles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cultural Experiential Immersion Is a Powerful Force for Personal Reflective Assessment of Differing Cultural Narrative Histories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Teacher Education for Global Understanding Is Strengthened by All Manner of Cross-Culturally Linked Connections Among Teachers, School Students, Graduate Students, University Faculty, Administrators, School Boards, and Communities. Teacher Education for Global Understanding Takes Place in Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1232 Time, Sustained Activity, and Consistent Support Among Like-Minded People with Shared Visions of an Interconnected Global World Are Necessary to Create Lasting Cross-Cultural and Intercultural Global Teacher Values in Teacher Education . . . 1233 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1233

Abstract

The Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program discussed in this chapter is a component of the Canada-China Partnership for Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education and School Education project. The partnership is founded on the idea that cultures interact, resulting in educational benefits for all. The goal is cultural equity, represented by the idea of “reciprocal learning.” Reciprocal learning studies are structured so that Canadian and Chinese researchers, school board administrators, teachers, and students come into direct collaborative contact of shared responsibility and value, creating a laboratory for the comparative study of knowledge, values, and teaching methods. This is accomplished by building on two programs: the Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program (RLP) and the Canada-China sister school network (SSN). The primary objective is to build a knowledge base for understanding and comparing the Canadian and Chinese educational systems, for generating positive, reciprocal, practitioner knowledge and methods, and for contributing to public discussion of primary and secondary education as well as teacher education in China, Canada, and more broadly. This chapter describes the Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program component and illustrates the reciprocal educational value of working in sister school contexts. The project began with a view of the global educational potential of East-West reciprocal learning. Notwithstanding certain discouraging events, there is hope for global harmony through “West-East reciprocal learning.” Keywords

West-East reciprocal learning · Teacher education · Sister schools · Canada and China Partnership · Teacher candidates

Introduction The pre-service Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program (RLP) aims to build cross-cultural bridges for West-East reciprocal learning in education in a Canada-China Partnership for Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education and School Education, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) (Xu & Connelly, 2013–2022, SSHRC Partnership Grant 895-

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2012-1011). Two research infrastructure features support this aim, the Canada-China sister school network (SSN) (Connelly & Xu, 2009–2012) and the pre-service Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program (RLP) (Built on Connelly and Xu’s school-based work, especially the sister school project, Xu at the University of Windsor initiated the Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program (RLP) between 2008 and 2010 with support of Dr. Pat Rogers, former Dean of Education and the top university administration, in collaboration with Dr. Shijian Chen at Southwest University (SWU) and with his SWU colleague Dr. Ling Li’s assistance. The program was supported by University of Windsor Strategic Priority Fund (Xu, 2011a) and Southwest University Pre-Service Teacher Education Fund with in-kind contributions from Greater Essex County District School Board in Windsor and Chinese schools associated with SWU in Chongqing). (Xu, 2011a). In this chapter, we demonstrate why and how the RLP was developed, how it facilitates exchanges and interactions between Canadian and Chinese pre-service teachers and teacher educators, and how it engages Canadian and Chinese school educators and students in West-East reciprocal learning. Equipping young generations with twenty-first-century competences to succeed at home and abroad and preparing globally competent teachers have become a new imperative for teacher education and school education (Shultz & Elfert, 2018; Study Group on Global Education, 2017; UNESCO, 2015, 2017; Zhao, 2010). Paine (2019) points out that the discourses of teacher education contain an urgent need to prepare teachers to help students develop the skills to live and work with people different from themselves, and for teacher education to support the development of young people who are able to live and act as global citizens. We hope this chapter contributes to the dialogue among teacher educators about how teacher education may respond to this changing global world, and how teacher educators and school educators can work collaboratively with shared goals for teacher education and K-12 schooling. In general, there has been a greater overall sense that the East has more to learn from the West. We use “West-East” instead of “East-West” in our project conference themes and writings to bring more attention to the need and importance of the West learning from the East, with our emphasis on reciprocal learning between the West and East to expand and extend our sense of “WE-ness.”

Teacher Education in International and Comparative Education and the Concept of Reciprocal Learning The concept of West-East reciprocal learning first emerged from the image of “a multidimensional bridge” in Xu’s (Xu, 2006, 2011b, 2017) initial inquiry into Chinese newcomer families’ cross-cultural schooling experience in Canada. This study was situated in Connelly’s longitudinal school-based research program (Xu, 2017; Xu & Connelly, 2010a). This concept was further developed in collaborative SSHRC research projects in Emergent issues in immigrant children’s education: Transnational circular migration and reciprocal learning with Dr. Luxin Yang at

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Beijing Foreign Studies University (Xu with Connelly and Yang, 2008–2011) and in the establishment of a Shanghai and Toronto sister school network with Professor Ye Lan at East China Normal University and Dr. Yang in Beijing (Connelly & Xu with Ye and Yang, 2009–2012). Paine et al. (2017) argue that “teacher education is positioned at the intersection of global influences and transnational forces” (p. 1133). This positioning defines the starting point for the concept of reciprocal learning developed in our teacher education work. Among other things, “global influences and transnational forces” refers to the impact of different cultural traditions on common matters such as the social position and value of teacher education, and its form and methods as an outgrowth of its narrative history. Seeing these things differently through different cultural lenses is both a source of judgement about the value and worth of different practices and indeed of different societies, as well as a source of educative insight when differences are explored openly. Considerable evidence of negative judgements has emerged in recent years, especially since the 2019 COVID pandemic. However, the work reported in this chapter is aimed at positive educational insights that may emerge from seeing teacher education differently at the intersection. The spirit of this work is captured by the term reciprocal learning. Reciprocal learning refers to the mutual benefits that emerge from collaborative cultural work and study at the intersection. Those working at the intersection of global influence and transnational forces gain mutual, reciprocal learnings. Moreover, while some benefits may fall under more traditional definitions of reciprocal teaching and learning, the concept of reciprocal learning reported herein is broadly cultural, reaching beyond the practice of learning to teach to learning to become respectful global citizens. The pre-service Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program (RLP) is an expression of this idea. The main steps in our work were studies of Chinese immigrant families in Canada (Xu, 2006, 2017), transnational circular migration (Xu with Connelly and Yang, 2008–2011), and the development of the Canada-China sister school network (SSN) (Connelly & Xu with Ye and Yang, 2009–2012). Running through the studies was the dual agenda of educational and cultural needs and the contributions of travelers and newcomers. In effect, the intersection of travelers and newcomers with cultures visited and adopted led to educational benefits for both. Reciprocal learning is the story of positive cultural interaction. These school-based research projects led Xu to explore a vision of teacher education based on West-East reciprocal learning at the intersection of Chinese and Canadian educational narratives within a global context (Xu, 2006; Xu & Connelly, 2009). This work is impacted by three related streams of thought that influence and shape the idea of reciprocal learning. The above studies share a practical inquiry perspective expressed in Schwab’s philosophical writing on “the Practical” (Schwab, 1969, 1971, 1973, 1978, 1983, as cited in Connelly & Xu, 2020). From this idea, reciprocal learning is studied in practical working settings, and is demonstrated by participant learnings. The work is also influenced by Hall and Ames’ (1999) “weconsciousness” and by international and comparative educators’ contributions to “dialogue among civilizations” (e.g., Hayhoe & Liu, 2011; Hayhoe & Pan, 2001;

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Mundy & Zha, 2012). Our hope is to expand “we-ness” in East-West international, cross-cultural communication, and mutual appreciation as a replacement for comparative discussion in terms of “we,” “they,” and “others.” Reciprocal learning is both a concept and an approach for international and cross-cultural teacher education and school education to bridge the West-East dichotomy by harmonizing Eastern learning and Western knowledge with mutual respect and appreciation (Connelly & Xu, 2019; Xu, 2011a, 2011b, 2019a, 2019b; Xu & Connelly, 2015). We envision that reciprocal learning between the West and the East will over time help extend and expand global “we-consciousness” (Hall & Ames, 1999). “We-consciousness” avoids one-way inward-looking worldviews and emphasizes intercultural, global competences wherein cultures learn, work, and live together with mutual respect and appreciation in a globally extended and expanded “we” (Xu, 2019b, p. 725). In summary, the term reciprocal learning as applied to teacher education is intended to generate imaginative, hopeful, and positive worldviews about other cultures. It is an evocative term, intended to invoke student teacher images of dynamic mutually educative opportunities at cultural intersections. In brief, reciprocal learning in our work is defined and understood as follows: 1. Reciprocal learning is a cultural concept and references equity among cultures. 2. The starting point for reciprocal learning is the “intersection of global influences and transnational forces” (Paine et al., 2017, p. 1133). 3. Reciprocal learning refers to the mutual benefits of collaborative work at the intersection through which people are able to observe and reflect on their assumptions and bias and, hence, see differences differently and gain new insights also into their own cultural, educational, and personal practices. 4. Reciprocal learning is a practical concept (Schwab, 1969). 5. Reciprocal learning implies “we-consciousness” (Hall & Ames, 1999). 6. Reciprocal learning seeks cultural respect and “dialogue among civilizations” (Hayhoe & Pan, 2001). 7. Reciprocal learning is both a concept and an approach for international and crosscultural teacher education and school education for bridging the West-East dichotomy by harmonizing Eastern learning and Western knowledge with mutual respect and appreciation (Xu, 2011a, b, 2019a, b).

Reciprocal Learning as a Conceptual Guiding Principle for RLP The RLP is often referred to as an exchange program because Canadian and Chinese teacher education students study for an agreed-upon time in the host country. But when the program was initiated in 2009, it did not meet the University of Windsor’s exchange program criterion whereby exchange students earn course credits from their host university. Hence, the name of Reciprocal Learning Program was used with an intention to bring awareness of the need for West-East reciprocal learning through the international cross-cultural communication and interaction.

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Reciprocal learning is primarily a concept of the learning relationship among cultures in which cultures are equal, and do not have graded relationships like “developing country.” Related terms with quite different meanings are reciprocal teaching (Okkinga et al., 2018) and reciprocal learning as a mentoring or learning strategy (Iserbyt, 2012; Iserbyt et al., 2014). The cultural quality of reciprocal learning in the RLP is built around West-East relations and the increasing tension and threat to world peace associated with recent global developments. West-East relations have a long history of inquiry, and action has often been framed in competitive, ideological, and colonial terms. Reciprocal learning, with its focus on cultural equality and cultural narrative histories, is actualized in practical schoolbased teacher education research settings that represent “intersection of global influences” as what Paine et al. (2017, p. 1133) point out. The interaction among student teachers and teacher educators at the intersection is an expression of Hayhoe and colleagues’ ideas on “knowledge across cultures” and “dialogue among civilizations” (Hayhoe & Li, 2017; Hayhoe & Pan, 2001). In this way, reciprocal learning is a conceptual guiding principle for Canadian and Chinese teacher candidates as they learn to teach and interact with China and other cultures in the modern globalized world. At the very least, reciprocal learning provides guidance for student teachers to focus on the cultural educational understanding of education systems different from their own. This overall principle directly influenced RLP student guidance. Throughout their participation in the RLP from predeparture preparation to the completion of international internships, teacher candidates are discouraged from making quick comparisons and judgements. Observation of school practice combined with dialogue and reflection with others across cultures is stressed. Immersion in the host culture, especially in education settings, and writing daily/weekly reflections combined with weekly group debriefings aim to encouraging students from making meaning of cultural and educational differences. Students are asked to reflect on the role and value of what they observe in the host culture. They are advised to minimize comparison and judgement in terms of their home culture. In effect, inquiry, reflection, and dialogue are advised while judgement and value weighing of home and host practices are minimized.

Reciprocal Learning as a Practical Approach for RLP The pre-service Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program adopted reciprocal learning as an approach in practice (Xu, 2019a, b). The purpose of the RLP is not only to prepare pre-service teachers for the challenges in meeting the needs of linguistically- and culturally diverse learners with broadened horizons, but also to engage them in international and intercultural reciprocal learning with mutual respect and appreciation among cultures so as to become both culturally responsive and globally minded teachers for the increasingly diverse society and the constantly changing international world (Xu, 2019a, p. 2).

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The significance of reciprocal learning as a practical approach in teacher education is that it countered prevailing supportive practices and policies for newcomers. Immigrants to Canada were expected to adapt to the mainstream culture and society (Xu & Connelly, 2010b). Teacher education programs supported this. Mutual adaptation and reciprocal learning between minority groups and mainstream society were not in mainstream thinking (Xu, 2006, 2017; Xu & Connelly, 2010b). These views coincided with China’s outreach in which, among other things, an effort was made “to make teaching the most respected career in Chinese society” and “to train large numbers of teachers” by sending them abroad to study (Ministry of Education, China, 2007, as cited in Xu, 2019a, p. 2). The RLP Chinese partner university aimed at a long-term goal of 10% of its students having study-abroad experience (Xu et al., 2015). It initially referred to the RLP as an International Education Program for Global Communication and Enhancement. The Canadian and Chinese purposes differed because of the Canadian need to accommodate immigrant newcomers. Neither China nor Canada framed their interaction in terms of reciprocity. However, reciprocal learning provided a way of talking about the different cultural goals. China saw itself learning from Canada, while Canada is often referred to as an immigrant nation shaped by the knowledge and values of its newcomers. Reciprocal learning establishes common ground between the East and West. Currently, both Canadian and Chinese partners use the program name “Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Program” (Xu, 2011a) in all activities and written documents. This title is used in Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) research support (Xu & Connelly, 2013–2020) and in a Palgrave Macmillan book series on Intercultural Reciprocal Learning in Chinese and Western Education (https://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15114?facet-type¼type__book).

The RLP Curriculum Changing Contexts and RLP Development That the RLP did not qualify as an exchange program, worked to its benefit by permitting variations to accommodate Canadian and Chinese teacher education conditions. The principal impacts were the number and size of student cohorts, more and larger for the Chinese and, to begin the program, different visitation periods: one month for Canadian students in China and three months for Chinese students in Canada. This variation disappeared when the Canadian pre-service teacher education programs in Ontario were extended from one to two years, and a national not-for-profit Canadian organization, Mitacs (https://www.mitacs.ca/en/ programs/globalink), began funding research studies abroad for undergraduate and graduate students who can apply for a Mitacs Globalink Research Award with the support of home and host supervisors for their three-month international internship in a Mitacs-designated country (Xu, 2019b). The importance of the flexibility permitting these developments was especially significant given teacher education changes in Canada and China, all of which took place during sometimes dramatic

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changes in international relations. In Ontario, Canada, where the RLP was initiated, teacher education was extended from a one- to two-year bachelor’s degree in education. The added time opened windows of opportunity for international programs such as the RLP (Beckford et al., 2022). In China, the opening of international trade, commerce, and communication led to global visions of “China rising,” part of which included extensive international outreach in study-abroad programs. Of the 60,000 students at the Chinese partner university, 20,000 students were registered in its pre-service teacher education programs in more than 20 faculties across the university because of its long history as a Normal University (Chinese universities focusing on pre-service teacher education were known historically as Normal Universities with four-year concurrent teacher education programs across the university in different subject matters) (personal communication with Chinese partner university administration, May 2013). These and many other differences between the Canadian and Chinese teacher education settings, summarized in Table 1, led reasonably smoothly to the RLP exchange visitation structure. Chinese teacher candidates visited Canada each fall between mid-September and mid-December for three months, while Canadian teacher candidates initially began a one-month visit in May when the Ontario pre-service teacher education program was one year, and later, a three-month visit to China in March-June in the two-year program with their successful applications for the Mitacs Globalink Research Award (Xu, 2019b).

The RLP Handbooks RLP Handbook for Canadian Cohorts in China The curriculum developed in the form of a program handbook had three main components: academic seminars and salons, school visits, and cultural activities. Table 2 is an excerpt of the first RLP handbook developed by the Chinese partner university for the Canadian visiting students when the visit was only one month, during which the Canadian participants made a half-day visit to 8–10 local schools in addition to academic salons, seminars, and extracurricular cultural events organized by the Chinese university. Since 2015, when the visit to China was expanded into a three-month internship, the Canadian teacher candidates have much longer school placements, with teaching opportunities on a weekly basis (see Table 3). They were divided into groups placed in different local Chinese schools paired with Windsor schools in the Canada-China Reciprocal Learning Partnership. Students observed classes and participated in teacher development activities in the Chinese schools. They were also mentored to take observation notes and do weekly reflections and group debriefings for their proposed Mitacs international research in the context of the RLP. RLP Handbook for Chinese Cohorts in Canada Each RLP partner university was responsible for the outline of the detailed handbook; the Chinese university was responsible for the Canadian cohorts; and the Canadian university was responsible for the Chinese cohorts. Though the handbook outline differed in detail for each country, the basic structure was common. The table

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Table 1 Canadian and Chinese RLP curriculum and support context Pre-service teacher education program

Student background

RLP recruitment time Internship time

RLP cohort size Selection process

Predeparture preparation

Time and length of the international internship

Canadian teacher candidates One-year consecutive program before 2016; two-year consecutive program since 2016 for post-BA and BSc students; five-year concurrent Faculty of Education program; K-8 generalist training, and 9–12 specialist training Diverse in age and ethnicity; more independent with part-time jobs to self-support their university education; all with their first bachelor’s degree in different subject areas

September–October

One month in May before 2015

Mid-March to mid-June since 2015

Chinese teacher candidates Four-year program; specialist subject matter focus for both elementary and secondary areas

Most Han Chinese aged 19–22 years, with 1–2 ethnic minority students in each cohort; all students doing full-time four-year pre-service teacher education with free tuition and free accommodation at the Chinese university; little or no working experience January–March

Three months between mid-September and mid-December

10–20 students

15–22 students

RLP application form and follow-up interview before 2015; RLP application form, Mitacs Globalink Research Award Application Package and follow-up interview since 2015 Weekly preparation meetings in mid-Sept to mid-March; eight-hour International Student Center predeparture workshop; Mitacs International Research Award application; lessons on Chinese language, culture, and education; lesson planning for workshops and classes during the international internship; visa application and flight booking One month Three months before 2015 after 2015 from during the last mid-March to school practicum mid-June during after completing the Ontario the courses in the school one-year Ontario placement with pre-service the completion teacher of the first year of the two-year education program; program

Student interest with interview, criteria, and recommendations made by each faculty offering teacher education programs at the Chinese university Less formal meetings between mid-March to August to apply for passports and visas and flight booking; lesson planning for the international internship

Three months from mid-September to mid-December, occupying one semester of the four-year teacher education program; occasionally a fourth-year student participated

(continued)

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Table 1 (continued) Canadian teacher candidates

Administrative and faculty support

Sister school network (SSN)

Funding (Mitacs Globalink Program)

occasionally 1–2 students participated in their second year ▪ Canadian and Chinese universities signed agreement, 2010 ▪ President’s Strategic Priority Fund support, 2011 ▪ A faculty member is designated RLP coordinator with graduate assistant support provided by the Faculty of Education ▪ Other faculty members invited to be host co-supervisors for visiting Chinese students and/or home co-supervisors for the Canadian students’ Mitacs international research award application ▪ Chinese cohorts given attendance rights for Professional Learning Series at the Faculty of Education ▪ Canadian faculty members, school board officers and school principals were invited speakers for the RLP guest speaking series ▪ Chinese visiting cohorts granted course audit, pending faculty approval The SSN component of the SSHRCsupported Canada-China reciprocal learning partnership supported RLP cohort placement. Canadian RLP participants participated in ongoing sister school Skype meetings with Chinese partner schools and attended the Chinese sister schools during the China internship. Canadian and Chinese teacher candidates strengthened the SSN and were positively impacted by the international sister school collaboration Before 2015, the After 2015, the RLP was RLP participants supported by the were supported University by the Mitacs President’s Globalink Strategic Priority Research Award, Fund, in-kind Canadian and Chinese host Chinese partner university cash contributions by

Chinese teacher candidates

▪ Chinese university cash and in-kind contributions for hosting Canadian cohorts ▪ Guide teacher appointed to travel abroad with each cohort ▪ Faculty members acted as host supervisor and co-supervisors for Canadian cohorts ▪ Seminars and workshops developed by Chinese Englishspeaking professors for the Canadian cohorts ▪ Staff member designated to host Canadian cohorts with administrative support ▪ Canadian cohorts were invited to visit pre-service classes with the help of Chinese RLP participants who were paired with the Canadian RLP participants as study partners

Chinese RLP participants were paired with Canadian participants during their China internship, and visited Chinese schools before interning in Canada. This helped Chinese teacher candidates because most would not have a China school placement until their fourth year. Chinese cohorts also attended sister school meetings during their Canadian internship. All RLP students benefited from the reciprocal learning vision demonstrated in the sister schools Chinese Initially, Ministry of international Education education was funding fully funded at provided free the Chinese pre-service partner teacher university. education for Subsequently, students students were (continued)

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Table 1 (continued)

Student credit arrangements

Leveraging related activities

Canadian teacher candidates

Chinese teacher candidates

the university, and student selfsupport

committed to teaching as a career

and in-kind contributions, and SSHRC Partnership Grant support

Participation in the RLP requires a long-term voluntary commitment from participants to informal activities ranging from predeparture and internship preparation, internship and research abroad, and post-internship activities. The RLP began as an extracurricular program in 2010 in the one-year Canadian pre-service teacher education program. In 2016, it developed into a service learning course in the two-year pre-service teacher education program. Canadian students normally complete their regular pre-service program courses before departure The Teacher Education RLP program maximized a set of philosophically related activities. The impact was greater than a stand-alone teacher education program. The team of professors, graduate research assistants, and school board staff integrated university instruction, school board placement, sister school collaboration, the Canada Research Chair Program, and SSHRC Partnership Grant Project research. Mitacs turned globalization in teacher education into a student research occasion. Community support extended to housing and visitations by intern students

supported by a home university scholarship for international education The Office of Teacher Education and later College of Teacher Education at the Chinese university coordinated with different faculties to select RLP participants, and transferred their international internship into credits for courses missed during the internship semester. Some faculties (e.g., chemistry, physics, and maths) require their students to make up the key compulsory courses in their pre-service teacher education programs in the new semester

Leveraging described for the Canadian side applies to the Chinese side. In addition, the RLP program had benefited from national Chinese support variously found in university student study-abroad programs

of contents for the Chinese cohorts remained fairly consistant during the program years, as seen in Table 4. In addition to auditing regular pre-service classes at the Canadian university, Chinese students also attended the Canadian university seminars and workshops delivered by representatives from the Ontario Ministry of Education, Teachers’ Federations, Ontario College of Teachers, and school boards through the Professional Learning Series at the Faculty of Education. The RLP curriculum for the Chinese students also included a guest speaker series organized through the RLP,

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Table 2 Itinerary for Canadian study group 活动日程 Time 时间 05/11 Friday

05/12 Saturday

05/13 Sunday 05/14 Monday

Activities 活动 Morning 10:30 a.m

Afternoon 4:00 p.m.

Campus tour 参观校园

Evening 6:30 p.m.

Welcome reception 宴请访问团

Morning

Welcome ceremony 欢迎仪式

Afternoon 3:00 p.m.

Seminar 主题讲座

Evening

Free activity 自由活动 Free activity 自由活动 School visits 参观学习

Morning 8:00 a.m to Afternoon p.m.

Content 内容 Pickup at 10:30; arrival and stay at 11: 30 (XY Hotel); lunch at noon 10:30接机,11:30到 达入住学员宾馆,中 午吃饭 Visit the university history museum 参观大学校史陈列 馆 Campus tour 参观校园

Welcome ceremony; visit the college of teacher education; photo at the university gate 欢迎仪式、校门口 合影、 参观教师教 育学院 Education in China: 1949–2011 (Professor Li) 建国六十二年中国 教育的变迁(李教 授)

Visit affiliated elementary school to the university 参观大学附小

Place and participants 地点、参加人员 Place: faculty canteen Participants: study partners 地点:教工食堂 参加人员:配对学生 Participants: study partners 参加人员:配对学生

Place: XY Hotel Restaurant Participants: host administrators, professors, and delegates 地点:学员餐厅 参加人员: 教师教育 学院领导、老师、 访问团 Place: 7102 of No.7 Building 地点: 7教学楼7102

Place:6414 of No.6 Building 地点: 6教学楼6414

Photographer: 摄影师:

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued) Time Evening 05/15 Tuesday

Morning 9:00 a.m.

Afternoon 3:00 p.m. Evening 05/16 Wednesday

05/17 Thursday

Moring 8: 00 a.m to Afternoon p.m. Evening Morning 9:00 a.m.

Activities Free activity 自由活动 Seminar 主题讲座

Cultural activity 参观学习 Free activity 自由活动 School visits 参观学习

Free activity 自由活动 Seminar 主题讲座

Content

Place and participants

A study on education issues of ethnic minority in Southwest China (Professor Jiang) 西南少数民族教育 问题研究(蒋教授) Mountain climbing

Place:6414 of No.6 Building Photographer: 地点: 6教学楼6414 摄影师:

Visit affiliated middle school to the university 走访大学附属中学

Photographer: 摄影师:

A study of Chinese education finance (Professor Zhang) 中国教育财政研究 (张教授)

Place:6414 of No.6 Building 地点: 6414

with education professors and school principals as invited speakers on topics such as “How to Create a Professional Development Portfolio,” “Classroom Management in Canadian Schools,” “School Teacher vs. Classroom Teacher – Is there a Difference,” “Multiliteracies Pedagogy,” and “Special Education.”

Portfolios, Practicum/Internship Placements, and Extracurricular/ Cultural Activities: Selected Cases Portfolios Portfolios are an important record-keeping component of the curriculum. Students are required to maintain a personal professional development portfolio built on their weekly learning and reflections for submission upon completion of the international internship. In addition, cohort students working in groups create monthly newsletters to summarize cohort learning experiences using information from individual student portfolios. Portfolios are an important curricular activity for establishing a reciprocal learning spirit.

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Table 3 RLP handbook for Canadian cohort 2019 04/07 Sunday 04/08 Monday

Early morning

04/09–04/10 Tuesday and Wednesday

04/11 Thursday

04/12 Friday

Morning 9:00 a.m. Afternoon 3:00 p.m.

Afternoon 04/13 Saturday

Morning 9:00 pm

Observation and replacement 课堂观摩及 在校实习 Observation and replacement 课堂观摩及 在校实习 Campus tour 学校游览 Seminar 主题讲座

Debriefing 小组讨论 Field trip 当地旅行

MU2865 (预计抵达时间上午 10:30) Arrive at 10:30 AM Orientation 见面会

Place: Room 101 of No.6 Building 地点:第六教 学楼101教室

大学附中(The high school affiliated to the University)

ZJY小学 (ZJY Primary school)

Campus tour: Central Library 中心图书馆 The Art of Chinese Ideas in Pre-Qin Period Chapter 1: Walking Out Legend and Wild, Thunder Is Coming (Dr. Deng) 中国先秦百家争鸣 (邓博士) Class 1- 走出蛮荒,风暴将至

Visit Nature Museum 参观自然博物馆)

Place: 101 of No.6 Building 地点: 6教学 楼101

Place: Nature Museum 地点:自然博 物馆

Weekend

04/14 Sunday 04/15-04/17 Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday 04/18 Thursday

04/19 Friday

Airport pickup 接机

Morning 9:00 am

Observation and replacement 课堂观摩及 在校实习 Observation and replacement 课堂观摩及 在校实习 Seminar 主题讲座

大学附中(The high school affiliated to the university)

TJB中学 (TJB Middle School) ZJY小学 (ZJY Primary School)

Two subgroups 两个实习小 组

The Art of Chinese Ideas in Pre-Qin Period (Dr. Deng) Class 2: Love is a big question 中国先秦百家争鸣 (邓博士) 第二课:爱是一个大问题

Place: 101 of No.6 Building 地点: 6教学 楼101 (continued)

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Table 3 (continued) 04/07 Sunday

04/20 Saturday 04/21 Sunday

Early morning Afternoon

Airport pickup 接机 Debriefing

MU2865 (预计抵达时间上午 10:30) Arrive at 10:30 AM Debriefing 小结报告

Morning 9:00 a.m

Field trip 当地旅行

City tour 城市一日游 Weekend

Table 4 RLP handbook excerpts for Chinese cohort

Table of Contents Program Introduction Program Courses A. Chinese Elementary Teacher Candidates B. Chinese Secondary Teacher Candidates School Visits A. Faculty of Education School Placements B. Classroom Observation Guide Professional Development Programs A. The Guest Speaker Sessions B. Professional Learning Series Extracurricular Program Requirements Appendix A. Course Descriptions B. Professors’ Contact Information

Place: 101 of No.6 Building 地点: 6教学 楼101

1 3 3 5 7 7 9 12 12 13 14 16 17 17 20

Practicum/Internship Placements RLP cohorts are assigned school placements in groups, which take place in the Canada-China sister school network (SSN). These placements fulfill the idea of reciprocal learning. Chinese RLP students are more fluent in English than Canadian RLP students are fluent in Chinese. This discrepancy is accommodated by the College of Teacher Education in the Chinese university sponsorship of a series of English lectures for Canadian cohorts by English-fluent faculty members. In addition English-fluent Chinese graduate students and faculty often assist with simultaneous translation in academic and practicum settings. Canadian RLP students tended to be given more classroom teaching, and were often treated more as Canadian teachers than students. Both Canadian and Chinese school principals wanted to provide the best immersion school placement for visiting teacher candidates, and worked to make them feel at home in their schools. For example, as Chinese schools provide free hot lunches for staff, one principal made sure the school chef prepared dishes according to the needs of the Canadian teacher

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candidates: one Muslim, another vegetarian, and two with food allergies. This principal hosted an office teatime for visiting students during which she got to know the students, taught them basic Chinese words and, in return, learned some basic English vocabulary. She and her staff invited families of the school children to volunteer to host home visits for the Canadian teacher candidates during festivals, such as the Dragon Boat Festival. Field trips were organized to important historical/ cultural sites, for example, the Three Gorges Museum and to a tea plantation in the mountain. During a home visit, a three-generation family prepared a Chinese feast for their grandson’s Canadian teachers. This visit helped Canadian teacher candidates see Confucian values deeply rooted in generational Chinese families, where the children’s education is the number one priority of the family, and where the children’s teachers are highly regarded family guests. One of the grandfathers quoted a Confucian saying at the dinner table, “有朋自远方来不亦乐乎! What a joy to have friends from afar!” Reciprocity was in mind when the principal reported that her school children had changed significantly thanks to the RLP and the sister school project in the Canada-China partnership. The educational benefits went beyond the visiting RLP Canadian cohort. She pointed out that, when the school had just started to participate in the sister school project, her school children were very shy and dared not talk at the Skype meetings or when they saw visitors in their school. Now, because of the interactive monthly Skype meetings with the Canadian sister school children and the direct interactions with visiting teacher candidates from Canada over several years during their school placements in her school, the children are more active and interactive, more interested in learning English, and more motivated in learning in general. Her school, an average school in downtown Chongqing, has children from low-income families whose learning motivations strengthened because of the RLP Canadian internships. She and her staff are thankful for the benefits of participating in the RLP program. (Personal communication with Chongqing sister school principal, May 2019). On the other hand, placing Chinese RLP students in Canadian schools requires special accommodations programmatically and practically. In order to provide sustained school internship along with the academic curriculum, Chinese students are offered opportunities by Windsor sister schools to begin school internships soon after arrival rather than closely following the local pre-service student placement schedules at the Canadian university. This results in more academic emphasis on after-school and evening course audits and academic activities at the university. Canadian schools create special learning opportunities. For example, Chinese students were invited to participate in a school’s breakfast program, in after-school programs, and student camping trips to a nearby national park. One secondary school principal foresaw the possibility that some students would be interested in school administration in their future career, and created a principal shadowing program for the Chinese visiting students. These activities and others were designed to enrich the Chinese students’ understanding of Canadian education. We have been awestruck by the educational generosity shown during internships. Principals in Ontario schools are often reassigned to new schools. Two Canadian

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sister school principals, who moved to a rural school with no public transit, worked hard to bring the RLP to their new schools. One principal hosted two Chinese students at her home, daily driving them to and from school and weekly between their university residence and her home so they could return to their cohort on weekends to participate in seminars and debriefing meetings. Another principal, after moving from a city school to a suburban school, assumed driving duties for three other Chinese students. The principal, a teacher, and a student family volunteered to provide homestay four days per week. Xu attended the farewell party hosted by the school student’s family with the principal, vice principal, and several schoolteachers for all three Chinese visiting teacher candidates placed in this school. Reciprocity prevailed as Chinese RLP students expressed Chinese culture through painting, paper-cutting, calligraphy, food, and architecture. Chinese students’ placements in Canadian schools frequently ended with exuberant learning-filled exit lunches, speeches, and gift giving.

Extracurricular/Cultural Activities The extracurricular component gives the RLP program that special quality, and binds the cultural and global insights in the cognitive emotional matrix. Every aspect of experience is read and experienced in meaningful cultural and global terms. The RLP experience involves considerable deliberate cultural learning. Seemingly endless entertaining and reciprocal educational stories are associated with it. Canadian teacher candidates have opportunities to learn Chinese painting, calligraphy, and tai chi. Students learn about ancient Chinese musical instruments, Peking opera, rock carving, and the tea ceremony. They learn how to make dumplings, and why Chinese people make dumplings for the Chinese New Year. They learn to make bamboo-wrapped rice balls, and why this special food originated with the Dragon Boat Festival. Canadian students participate in Chinese life as it unfolds. Those with birthdays between March and June have a special birthday noodle celebration. Family visits and family dinners with Chinese professors, university students, or school students are common. Culturally oriented field trips related to local traditional lifestyles in the southwest region of China occur, such as rice cake making, fishing, and wax-printing. In addition to organized trips to historic sites in Beijing and Chongqing, from year to year, side trips are organized for Canadian cohorts to visit other places. Some Chinese RLP alumni bring their Canadian friends to their homes or to visit the schools where they are teaching. Similarly, the RLP provided a rich extracurricular program for visiting Chinese teacher candidates in Windsor, Canada, with the support of Canadian RLP participants and their families. Each October, the Chinese cohort is divided into small groups to spend a Canadian Thanksgiving holiday with a Canadian professor or student’s family. Frequently, the parents of a cohort member would offer to host an RLP reunion for the visiting Chinese cohort and the returned Canadian cohort. Anna’s (pseudonym) 2019 family offer is illustrative. Anna contacted Xu saying that her mother would like to meet her. Xu thought it might be about Anna, who had just returned from the China internship. However, Anna’s mother asked for Xu’s permission to host the upcoming Chinese 2019 cohort at their home for an overnight

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sleepover. Including Chinese and Canadian cohorts and the RLP RA team, there would be over 30 people! Anna’s mother said that she and Anna’s father would prepare tents, blankets, pillows, and carpets to make sure all the tents were warm and dry for everyone as long as Xu allowed the event to take place in her backyard. By then, Xu realized that Anna’s mother was worried that she might not gain approval because of Xu’s objection to a mountain camping trip for health and safety reasons in inclement weather when the Canadian cohort was in China. Xu laughed and approved the plan. The Chinese cohort arrived on the second Friday evening in September 2019. The next morning, they were brought to Anna’s home. Nobody appeared to have jet lag when they were so excited to see their Canadian friends who had been in China the past spring. They engaged in cultural activities organized by Anna’s family, their neighbors, and friends. In addition to horse riding, games, and singing around the bonfire at night, Anna’s mother invited friends who dressed as early settlers to demonstrate how early Canadians used a homemade machine to make colorful ropes, how a hunter used a rifle, and how a lady made corn mills. The most educational game was the blanket exercise an Indigenous educator executed with Anna’s mother, Anna, and the UW 2019 cohort. From the blanket exercise, we all learned experientially the catastrophic loss the First Nations had lived. The Chinese RLP 2019 cohort had their first turkey dinner and the first camping night in their life, as well as the first cup of Tim Hortons coffee and Canadian breakfast the next morning. Tim Hortons was one of the fondest memories of all Chinese cohorts. However, what was more special was that, on hearing why Anna’s mother wanted so many coffees, the owner of the Tim Hortons franchise responded to the mother’s discount request, “I am not going to give you any discount, because I will make this order free for you!” So the Tim Hortons breakfast and coffee tasted especially good that morning, not only because it was Tim Hortons but also because the generosity of Anna’s family had brought forward more generosity and kindness that made the newly arrived Chinese teacher candidates feel warmly welcomed. In the RLP Letter of Appreciation to Anna’s family, a Chinese visiting student wrote, “It’s my first time to sit around the fire and sleep in a real tent! The special night would become precious memories in my life. I believe Anna’s family and neighbors must have made lots of efforts to prepare. Special thanks to them. Wish the friendship forever!” Another student wrote: “I tried to use the ancient machine many times, which needed three people altogether to cooperate. When I finally got the rope made by myself, I felt so excited! It was like a wonderful dream. The cabin was like a house in a fairy tale and people dressed up in costumes were like characters in TV dramas.” Another student wrote, “Amy, a teacher from the Cree tribe of Indigenous People told us, “Your life is like a feather. When you experienced a lot, it would have many cracks. But if you go through your whole life, the cracks will all disappear. You don’t need to fix it. ”Although she has gone through such a painful process, she still loves life and children. Such persistence and efforts deserve our applause and respect.” Members of the Canadian 2019 cohort wrote as follows: I wanted to thank you for inviting the Chinese students and the RLP Team to your home to teach the students about Canadian culture. The effort that you put in to make the experience

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memorable for all of us was very generous. It was nice to do some backyard camping and having a nice safe area to bond as a program and connect with the students from abroad. The dinner was amazing and the volunteers that came to teach about our history did a great job.

I wanted to let you know how grateful I am to have been a part of the lovely two day celebration that you held for the incoming Chinese students. It was so wonderful to be able to watch these students get excited for things in our culture such as different types of pop, Tim Hortons, horseback riding, campfires. . . The activities that were arranged for us were very unique and educational too. I can’t imagine a better way that we could have greeted our new guests into our county. I want to express my heartfelt thanks for the kindness and hospitality you showed to our 2019 cohort of Chinese students, and to everyone involved in this year’s RLP group. In China, we always talked about how we wanted to return the care shown to us by the Chinese buddies and teachers, but your family more than any other was able to make this possible. I am in awe of your ability to organize and to host such an amazing event. . . .. I hope you know how much your event meant to the Chinese buddies and to our group as a whole.

RLP Learnings RLP learning outcomes are multidimensional. The program has impacted the lives of Canadian and Chinese teacher candidates and their families, school principals, teachers, school children and their families, professors, graduate students, and others with program contact. Each year, RLP participants complete entry and exit surveys to assess their program entrance motivations and program learning. Results are summarized annually, and students present results at the RLP farewell party to which professors, school principals, teachers, and Canadian RLP participants and families are invited. Some years, the Chinese cohort also presented at the Windsor Public School Board Council monthly meeting in December. In addition, Canadian participants’ learning outcomes were presented in conference presentations and media interviews. Some students went farther by presenting their Mitacs research as book chapter segments in the project’s Palgrave reciprocal learning book series. Student learning outcomes are also collected and assessed in weekly reflections, monthly newsletters, and individual professional development portfolios.

Short-Term Impact Short-term internship impact is tracked via the weekly reflections, monthly newsletters, and ultimately via the end of internship professional development portfolio. These student writings summarize the learning experience highlights and takeaways. The following selections are illustrative.

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Short-Term Impact on Canadian RLP Participants Canadian cohort member newsletter comments: Throughout our time in Chongqing, we have had the opportunity to visit five kindergartens. We were amazed by the level of innovation present in the areas of arts, culture, and outdoor education. Students were educated in a wide variety of musical and cultural activities, including pianos in every classroom and traditional Chinese dances. Students received constant exposure to fresh air and enjoyed a wide array of activities such as physical education, outdoor play, and learning how to cultivate the school garden. The Dazu Rock Carvings are yet another example of the profound impact that the artistic and historic Chinese monuments have had upon us. During this tour, we gained insight into Buddhism and its tradition in China as well as the workers and artists whose labour was on display. Our trip to the Museum of Natural History was a great excursion filled with many interesting exhibits, new Chinese vocabulary, and time with our RLP buddies. It was interesting to see the exhibits on North American animals, as well as some Canadian species we had never expected to encounter quite so far from home. Altogether it was a fun-filled day and just one of many examples of the plethora of sights and activities that Chongqing has to offer.

A Canadian cohort member wrote in his portfolio: I have been extremely impressed with the emphasis on sustainability in China. The campus of Southwest University is full of lush greenery. The mornings are full of the songs of chirping birds and the rustling of leaves. I find the smell of the plants and flowers refreshing every morning. At the canteen, each person is expected to clean up after themselves, which includes scraping plates off and sorting dirty dishes. There are not any napkins on tables or extra toilet paper in rooms. It is the little details like this that have forced me to be aware of how much paper I would be wasting on a regular day in Canada.

The teacher candidate also wrote about the Canadian cohort’s experience in the international program of a public high school in Chongqing: We were able to work with students that had been familiar with a Canadian style of teaching. These unique opportunities allowed us to observe the effects of Canadian curriculum and how it operates outside of Canada. When teaching at these schools, we were able to do many other things that would not have been successful with local Chinese students. Actively participating in a Canadian curriculum outside of a Canadian classroom gave us a perspective of our pedagogical beliefs in practice.

A Canadian cohort member commented in the exit survey as: I learned a lot about the importance of preparation as a teacher. I also learned more about Chinese culture and Chinese history that I can bring to teaching in Canada. Perhaps most importantly, I developed my confidence as a teacher because of the terrific feedback I received from my associate teachers.

Another participant responded:

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I learned how to take control of the classroom. When I was in Canada, I struggled to find a way to keep control of my class and be able to run a classroom of my own. Having my own classroom in China gave me the chance to be in charge of my class. It gave me the confidence I was lacking and made me the teacher I am.

Another Canadian participant concluded his portfolio as follows: The 2019 reciprocal learning program was a profound and enlightening experience. Myself and all the participants were able to grow as educators and people in an increasingly smaller global world. . . .. We were able to use the insights that we obtained to make informed opinions about our own education system as well as further our pedagogies as educators. The friends and colleagues we met along the way began to form lifelong relationships with us. Maintaining communication with these individuals will help us in both our professional careers and personal lives. Travelling for three months gave us a unique insight into our own lives. We were able to contemplate the purpose of our own lives’ journey. Being away from home gave us the perspective to analyze from a distance what we had and the meaning of it. Observing our lives from a distance can help personal growth in a unique way. Teaching in China gave us the perspectives to contemplate our pedagogies and personal practice, fully removed from our own country. The MITACS Globalink award gave us an amazing opportunity to live in China and research specific and unique aspects of education and how we can adapt that to Canadian classrooms.

Short-Term Impact on Chinese RLP Participants (Direct quotes are taken verbatim from participants’ newsletters or portfolios except that school names and teachers’ names are made anonymous). Because most of the Chinese RLP 2019 cohort became secondary schoolteachers, they started their first Canadian school practicum in secondary schools. Here are a few excerpts taken verbatim from the Chinese 2019 cohort’ newsletter: We had our first practicum at WK high school and participated in the English class, cooking class, dance class, biology class, geography class, history class, math class, etc. Many of the classes made us feel the difference between Chinese and Canadian education and inspired us to think more deeply about the reasons for it. Although we come from different countries, teachers have a global vision. It is precisely because of this open vision that we can learn from each other, draw on each other’s strengths and choose teaching methods that are more suitable for us. Besides, we all hope to educate our students to become better man and make the world a better place. Though we come from two different education systems, we share the same values that we all yearn to make every student a better person. We all feel proud of our careers as educators. What we have learned will undoubtedly impact greatly in our future teaching career.

At the initial weekly reflections, Chinese teacher candidates compared what they perceived as strengths in the Canadian education with what they disliked in the Chinese education. As they were given the option to write their reflections in Chinese until they were ready to write in English, the following is a translation:

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The Windsor trip woke me up: To become a teacher, first of all, one must have a soul, and first of all to be a person with a soul. So I began to open the books and focus on spiritual growth. Second, one must know how to get along with your soul. Every student is a new soul. A teacher should not be working on an assembly line like a puppet; nor a student is a screw in the world factory. We should not expect that the teaching process is like “I tell you, you remember; I repeat, you remember hard”.

At the end of the second school practicum, the same student was comfortable about writing in English: TL Public School claims that the best students gather there. What I admire the most is that TL develop the best students into the kindest students, which lead the kindness into the future. They know how to show respect and how to make a person important.

Chinese teacher candidates placed in another high school wrote in their newsletter in English: Before I came here, I knew nearly nothing about Special Education. In my opinion, it is always a big problem to deal with students with bad behaviors. However, the way WT School handles these problems can be a real model for schools back in China. There will be Youth Workers and study assistant to help students with their schoolwork. Any student who need extra help can get what they want. Every kid has the chance to success. I am impressed by the education idea to teach students to find what they want. The special education and career education here have expanded my horizon a lot. MAPS program and STEPS program here aim to help special students with learning disability or physical disability. “Different is different.” Ms. K discussed with us about providing the suitable education for special people and show love for them. Everyone is born to make a difference. I am really delighted to see special students here that can harvest the love and skills in society with the professional teachers.

During the second half of their Canadian internship, Chinese teacher candidates were placed in elementary schools. They felt more confident about writing reflections and presenting their school observations at the weekly debriefing sessions in English, and they began paying more attention to the students and other aspects of a school, not just the classroom teachers they observed. The following are excerpts from their portfolios compiled on the basis of their weekly reflections: WG Public School is a warm school in my mind. Every morning’s breakfast project, every day’s Radio greetings from the principal, and every day’s care after school here show me WG’s care and love for students. Although some of the students here come from low-income families, divorced families or refugee families, the students I see in the school are lively, cheerful and full of creativity, which is inseparable from the efforts of the teachers in WG. As a future teacher in China, this experience in WG made me understand that we should give every student care, not give up any children, teach them hope and kindness, and teach students to be optimistic and brave about life.

Another wrote about her impression of a Canadian school principal:

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I still remembered the first time I saw Ms. C. She was holding a pile of pizza with a sunny smile. The smile was like a warm breeze suddenly comforting our uneasiness in the new environment. She was always busy with lots of work including delivering the pizza, scrutiny of safety, notification announcement and managing the school operation. She showed me the image of the example of a principal—undertake more responsibility, make further contributions but always be kind, helpful and gentle to other people. ‘Happiness is the first and knowledge is the second’ This is a great inspiration for my future classes. Even though the teaching modes of the two countries are different, it will be my goal to make students learn knowledge happily in my future teaching career.

These are only a few quotes from Canadian and Chinese 2019 cohorts’ enormous amount of writing during their three-month international internship in China or Canada. However, they reveal an interesting phenomenon: Canadian teacher candidates, having been educated in reflective practice, were reflective of both professional and personal growth. Chinese teacher candidates, coming from a more structured and exam-oriented education system, paid more attention to classroom instructions and the care and happiness in Canadian school education, yet still believed that East-West teachers share the same vision for helping their students become better people and the world a better place for all. Narrative thinking and inquiry into the lives of participants helps develop an understanding of learning to teach in different cultural settings. Chinese teacher candidates tend to think of West-East reciprocal learning as a way of learning about the strengths of the others and, as future teachers, seeing that a teacher’s role is to cocreate common good for all. Canadian teacher candidates tend to see reciprocal learning as a vehicle for seeing themselves differently and, from this reflective position, to see cultural differences differently.

Long-Term Impact The question of long-term versus short-term exchange visit outcomes arose following the first 2010–2011 round of exchange visits when the program director, Xu, was challenged to justify long-term benefits based on short-term experience. The response was that the intention was to plant seeds and build bridges between the two cultures. Some seeds would flourish, grow, and become part of the desperately needed cultural bridge. The Teacher Education RLP joins students in a process of promoting educational cooperation and collaborative reciprocal learning (Connelly & Xu, 2019, 2020; Xu & Connelly, 2015). This assertion and vision for West-East reciprocal learning echoes through the RLP, and is expressed by frontline school educators with RLP experience. A Canadian principal responded to an interview saying: At ED Public School, our students and staff graciously welcome the visiting teachers from China, with excitement and open arms. This is evident from our first assembly, where we have an opportunity to meet the teachers from China. The learning is reciprocal. The Chinese teacher candidates are immersed in our learning community and the Canadian school system, while the ED Public School students are gaining firsthand a more global perspective. It is an exciting opportunity for our students to learn more about the Chinese culture and to think globally about world issues.

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The reciprocal learning project makes learning about another culture very real, engaging and exciting for our students.

Howitt, education superintendent of the participating Canadian school board, summarized the intended benefits of the RLP and sister school network through the Canada-China reciprocal learning partnership project. She wrote: 1) it enhanced reflective teacher practice to include pedagogical moves and a deepened knowledge of content in various disciplines; 2) it respects and values cultural traditions, differences and similarities, and; 3) it deepens understanding of global citizenship (Howitt, 2019, p. 746). Howitt and participating Canadian sister school principals spoke at the fifth international West-East Reciprocal Learning in Education conference in 2018 in Changchun, China, about the unintended benefit as the human element: “the human capacity to change the trajectory of lives of others through kindness, friendship and genuine reciprocity,” as commented by a Canadian principal. Howitt (2019) states that “The world suddenly seemed accessible, particularly to students who have not travelled outside of the district. Engagement and performance on the part of the students was evident in their actions and in educators’ observations of student learning” (p. 747). Study abroad programs almost universally report positive student outcomes (Byker & Putman, 2019; Craig et al., 2014; Craig et al., 2015; Cushner, 2007; Czop Assaf et al., 2019). RLP studies with Canadian and Chinese RLP alumni between 2010 and 2020 through a RLP survey (Xu et al., in progress) show similar positive learning outcomes and strong long-term impact. Nineteen Canadian RLP alumni and 74 Chinese RLP alumni responded to the survey. Because our Chinese Teacher Education Research Team has a different focus in finding out the RLP impact on their own teacher candidates, some survey questions and statements

Table 5 RLP student survey Statement I value the international learning experiences The RLP has had little impact on my daily life and work The RLP has been life-changing for me I believe that cross-cultural understanding and communication is one of the key competencies of teachers a

RLP cohort Canadian Chinese Canadian Chinese Canadian Chinese

a

SD 0 0 26.67 23.61 0 0

D 0 0 46.66 41.67 6.67 0

N 0 0 13.33 19.44 6.67

A 6.67 19.44 6.67 5.56 13.33

SA 93.33 80.56 6.67 9.72 73.33

11.11

25

63.89

SD, D, N, A, and SA represent Strongly Disagree, Disagree, Neutral, Agree, Strongly Agree

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differed for Canadian and Chinese respondents. Long-term learning RLP outcomes based on the preliminary survey are represented in Table 5. Table 5 shows that, among 19 Canadian responses and 74 Chinese responses, 93.33% of the Canadian participants extremely agree and 6.67% of them agree with the statement, “I value the international learning experiences”; 80.56% of the Chinese participants extremely agree and 19.44% agree with this statement. In response to the statement, “The RLP has had little impact on my daily life and work,” among the 19 Canadian responses, 46.67% disagree and 26.67% extremely disagree with this statement. Among the 74 Chinese responses, 41.67% disagree and 23.61% extremely disagree.

International Intercultural Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education Lessons for Global Understanding Many specific outcomes and insights are arising from RLP work. Above, we shared the curriculum and stories of the pre-service teacher education RLP to demonstrate the short- and long-term outcomes for West-East reciprocal learning. More detailed results are in journal and book publications by the partnership’s six research teams; for example, books published in our Palgrave series (e.g., Bu, 2020; Zhou et al., in press; Zhu et al., 2020). This concluding section identifies the main insights of importance to global teacher education.

Teacher Education Is a Cross-Cultural Space for Global Understanding Based on RLP fieldwork, both Canadian and Chinese teacher candidates significantly reformulated their assumptions and biases about the content and practice of their host educational system. While they were surprised that educators in the West or East share much in common, e.g., in their love and care for the children and their passion and dedication to education, the international cross-cultural learning made them reflect more on their own culture and educational practice. This interpersonal practical commonality was shared as well by experienced teachers in sister school activities.

Collaborative Teacher Education, Teaching, and Curriculum Tasks Create Environments for Personal Practical Testing, Sharing, and Exploring of Different Values, Theories, and Methods Most BEd students in the program had never been to the other side of the world before participating in the RLP. For Canadian teacher candidates, the RLP was an exciting and impactful time as they stepped outside their comfort zone and explored endless options including a professional career path. For the Chinese teacher

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candidates, the RLP made them live an independent life with many first-time experiences. The program, while under strict supervision by home and host cohort supervisors, created a sense of freedom that went beyond learning about another culture to learning about themselves. There is a creative juxtaposition between travel and learning about a new culture amidst personal development and exploration.

Teacher Education Is Part of a Global Educational Ecosystem in Which Curriculum and Classroom Community Play Vital Roles Teacher education occurs in the context of the education system. Context is reified in the universal use of the student practicum. The relevance and power of context is magnified and programmatically complicated by the goal of global education added to the goal of teacher education in response to the call for equipping young generations with twenty-first-century competences (Shultz & Elfert, 2018; Study Group on Global Education, 2017; UNESCO, 2015, 2017). The complication and benefits for the partnership grew out of the requirement that traditional, local teacher education needs were fully retained while students were immersed in thinking crossculturally and globally. See Howitt (2019) below for further notes on this matter.

Cultural Experiential Immersion Is a Powerful Force for Personal Reflective Assessment of Differing Cultural Narrative Histories Analysis of the students’ weekly reflections, written portfolios, and follow-up interviews show that many Canadian and Chinese RLP participants found the experience life-changing. Students variously attributed their choice of teaching position, decision to continue further studies, or to work abroad to the program’s impact on their sense of self and their future. Virtually all Canadian BEd participants reported that the RLP experience made them a more culturally sensitive and responsive teacher. Students reported feeling more confident and competent to work with students of diverse cultural backgrounds, especially newcomer students. It was common for students to say that they walked a similar path to newcomers and could understand the challenges and needs of those new to a linguistically foreign country.

Teacher Education for Global Understanding Is Strengthened by All Manner of Cross-Culturally Linked Connections Among Teachers, School Students, Graduate Students, University Faculty, Administrators, School Boards, and Communities. Teacher Education for Global Understanding Takes Place in Context This network of cross-culturally linked connections in teacher education is most clearly visible in the partnership’s school-based work where RLP BEd student

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placements occur in partnership sister schools. University, school, and community members interact. Howitt (2019), the education superintendent supervising Windsor sister schools and hosting Chinese RLP cohorts, wrote: “the greatest learning was in the area of differentiated instruction, differentiated assessment, warm and inclusive classroom environments, special education, inquiry-based learning and student collaboration (p.747).” Howitt’s observations document a teacher education learning network consisting of formal teacher education, schooling, and curriculum. Howitt also writes “. . . the human element. . .underscores the power of the human capacity to change the trajectory of lives of others . . . The world suddenly seemed accessible, particularly to students who have not travelled outside of the district (p.746).” In effect, teacher education for global understanding occurs via a holistic interweaving of professional and personal reciprocal learning experiences.

Time, Sustained Activity, and Consistent Support Among LikeMinded People with Shared Visions of an Interconnected Global World Are Necessary to Create Lasting Cross-Cultural and Intercultural Global Teacher Values in Teacher Education The RLP has a ten-year history with the last seven years enhanced by the Canada-China Partnership Grant Project during which purpose and method were strengthened and sharpened for university and school researchers and organizers. Experienced schoolteachers and administrators were involved for 5–10 years. RLP participants had a minimum nine months experience and, for most, this extended to multiple years of RLP involvement in various ways. The students’ intellectual/social environment consistently supported the spirit of global teacher education reciprocity. When the world faces tension, conflict, and uncertainty, intercultural teacher education may offer hope and pathways for reciprocal lives of harmony with respect to cultural diversity and difference.

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Teacher Education Perspectives in the Ibero-Latin American Context: A Comparative View

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Maria Assunc¸a˜o Flores, Juanjo Mena, Maria Ineˆs Marcondes, and Elvira G. Rincon-Flores

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Initial Teacher Education in the Four Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Portugal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion and Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The External Impetus for Change in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Teaching Profession at the Crossroads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Current Challenges and Tensions in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Future Directions: Toward a Common Frame of Reference? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This paper focuses on teacher education in Brazil, Mexico, Portugal, and Spain. Taking a comparative perspective, we look at key turning points and the influence of transnational agencies in shaping the landscape of policy development. While the four countries differ in many respects, they face common challenges, such as the status of the teaching profession and how to provide appropriate and varied responses with regard to professional teacher learning. The issues analyzed M. A. Flores (*) Research Centre on Child Studies, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal e-mail: afl[email protected] J. Mena University of Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain M. I. Marcondes Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil E. G. Rincon-Flores IFE, Tecnologico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_38

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include the external impetus for change in teacher education, the complex situation of the teaching profession, as well as current challenges and tensions. The chapter concludes with implications and future directions. Keywords

Initial teacher education · Policy · Comparative perspective

Introduction The need to raise the quality of teaching has led governments worldwide to introduce reforms in education. Rapid technological change, increasing globalization and movement from one country to others, and a focus on standards for schools, teachers, and teacher education have been identified in the literature (Townsend, 2011) along with increased marketization of education (Tatto & Pippin, 2017). Teacher education has clearly been affected by globalization and governmental concerns to enhance the quality of teachers and teaching (Flores, 2016). In most cases, initial teacher education (ITE) reforms are related to the pressure on countries to do well in international assessments such as PISA (learning) or TALIS (teaching) but they have also been the policy focus of transnational agencies such as the World Bank, OECD, and UNESCO. Drawing upon Menter and Flores (2021), we look at forces for convergence and divergence in policy development in initial teacher education in the Ibero-Latin American context, taking Brazil, Mexico, Portugal, and Spain as examples. Specific cultural, social, economic and political characteristics connect Portugal and Spain. Both nations are situated in the Iberian Peninsula, both joined the European Union in 1986 and have developed a great deal since then (Heitor et al., 2016). The education sectors of the two countries also share common features, such as precarious job conditions, short-term teaching contracts and high levels of teacher unemployment, with implications for teacher education (Flores, 2018; Sancho-Gil et al., 2014). In addition, these two Iberian nations have historical and cultural links with Brazil and Mexico. Context is essential to better understand how teacher education policies in the different countries have evolved as are international influences. Menter and Flores (2021) discuss how teacher professionalism has been subject to processes of redefinition in several settings, notably through major changes in teacher education. They identify the influence of OECD exercises such as PISA and TALIS, “leading to international comparisons and to policies trying to “emulate those systems that are most ‘successful’” (p. 121) but also transnational agreements such as the Bologna process in Europe, with implications for “new alignments between diverse systems of teacher education, for example in terms of course structures, durations and credit points” (p. 121). As for forces of divergence, the same authors suggest issues of national identity (e.g., distinctive approaches to languages and language education, cultural diversity, and citizenship education). All these elements are important to examine how teacher education has been shaped and reshaped in different contexts.

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By adopting a comparative perspective across these four countries, we discuss the landscape of policy development in teacher education drawing on the following questions: (i) What have been the key turning points in teacher education policy development over the last two decades? (ii) To what extent has policy development in teacher education been shaped by transnational agencies and how has it been enacted in each context? The chapter is divided into two main sections. First, we describe the turning points in teacher education in the four countries based on policy documents and research. We then examine the main trends in order to determine similarities and differences, before discussing implications for teacher education.

Initial Teacher Education in the Four Countries Initial teacher education has been subject to reforms in many parts of the world. Brazil, Mexico, Portugal and Mexico are no exception. In this section, we look at changes in teacher education and discuss the major trends emerging from existing national frameworks but also international influences such as the Bologna process in Europe, and the World Bank and UNESCO in Latin America (see Table 1). Looking at the structure of teacher education internationally, Craig (2016) asserts that it has been shaped not only by history and culture but is increasingly dictated by politics. In this section, we present the key features of teacher education in each of the countries, based on international and national frameworks and research.

Brazil Teacher Education: National Curricular Guidelines During their initial education, 83% of teachers in Brazil are instructed on subject content, pedagogy, and classroom practice – a higher proportion than the average in OECD countries and economies participating in TALIS (79%). The National Curricular Guidelines for Initial and In-Service Teacher Education for Basic Education Professionals (2015) guides universities and higher education institutions to organize their curricula (Mesquita & Marcondes, 2020). This document was produced during the progressive government of the Workers’ Party in 2015 and establishes that initial teacher education should take place through theoretical-practical studies, research, and critical reflection. By emphasizing these principles of theory-practice, research and critical reflection, the document proposes that the initial teacher education curriculum should combine study with research across three curricular units distributed over 2,200 h. The first unit is dedicated to basic studies allowing student teachers to study: (a) basic education and basic education management; (b) philosophical, historical, political and sociological aspects of education; (c) children and adolescents’ development and learning in their social, psychological and cultural contexts; and (d) research and study of the relations between education and work, education and

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Table 1 Initial teacher education: policy context, structure, and key features

Country Brazil

Mexico

Policy context UNESCO National framework

Teachers’ qualification High school (normal school from pre-school to initial basic school) Licenciatura higher education (2,200 hours)

World Bank (MB) UNESCO OCED Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) InterAmerican development bank (BID) National framework

Bachelor degree (from pre-school to middle basic school) Master degree (from bachelor degree)

Teacher education institutions Normal Schools (High School) Universities

Normal schools National Pedagogical University Universities

Curriculum components Educational Philosophy, History of Education, Educational Sociology Educational, Psychology Human Rights, Environment Education, Research Methods. Methodology of Portuguese Language, Mathematics, Science and Social Studies Seminars and Projects of scientific initiation and initial education projects Subject knowledge Professional practice from the first year Social-emotional education Inclusive education Use of ICT

Key features Consecutive Model Separation between subject knowledge and educational and pedagogical components Emphasis on didactics Professional practice in schools Multiculturalism and inclusion of a research dimension

Strengthening the profile Transforming the normal schools and institutes of higher education Consolidate curricula Curriculum innovation Professional development Teacher mobility Research and academic networks Acquisition of a second and third language (continued)

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Table 1 (continued)

Country Portugal

Spain

Policy context European Higher Education Area Bologna Declaration National framework

Teachers’ qualification Master degree for all entrants (from pre-school to secondary school) 120 ECTS for all programs except kindergarten and primary school which only need to complete 90 ECTS

European Higher Education Area Bologna Declaration National framework

Diploma for Kindergarten and Primary education and Master’s degree for secondary school 240 ECTS for kindergarten and primary school education. 240 ECTS (content knowledge) + 60 ECTS (Pedagogy and Didactics) for Secondary Education

Teacher education institutions Universities (for all sectors of teaching) Polytechnics (for preschool, primary schools and elementary school (year 5 and 6)

Universities (for all sectors of teaching) Colleges (only for kindergarten & primary schools)

Curriculum components Subject knowledge General education (e.g., Developmental psychology, Curriculum and assessment, School as an educational organization, Special educational needs, Classroom management and organization) Specific didactics Professional practice The cultural, social, and ethical dimension Subject knowledge Pedagogy or didactics General education (e.g., Curriculum and assessment, School organization, Special educational needs, Classroom management and organization) Related areas (e. g., Developmental psychology, Sociology of education, etc.)

Source: Authors (drawing on national and institutional frameworks)

Key features Consecutive model Separation between subject knowledge and educational and pedagogical components Emphasis on content knowledge and specific didactics Valorization of professional practice but less time spent in schools Inclusion of a research dimension

Concurrent model in kindergarten and primary education. Consecutive model in secondary education Emphasis on pedagogy and didactics in kindergarten and primary education Emphasis on content knowledge in secondary education Valorization of professional practice but less time spent in schools Inclusive education

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diversity, as well as issues such as human rights, citizenship and environment education. The second curricular unit deepens and diversifies studies in its subject areas, consisting of specific, pedagogical content, such as (a) objectives formulation, choice of teaching methods and pedagogical tools; (b) study and research of pedagogical knowledge and basic education, didactics and teaching practices, educational theories, educational policies, funding policies, assessment, and curriculum studies. The third curricular unit proposes that higher education institutions promote seminars, scientific initiation projects, and initial education projects. These three units are clearly concerned with research throughout initial teacher education. Another proposal to integrate theory and practice in the National Curricular Guidelines refers to “practice as a curricular component,” in which the studentteacher will have the chance to experience and analyze pedagogical situations (400 h are to be dedicated to this component throughout the program). Moreover, the guidelines suggest that 200 h should be given to theory-practice activities to deepen specific subject matter of interest to the student teachers, such as: (a) scientific initiation; (b) teacher education initiation; (c) extension; (d) tutorials; and (e) any other activity that each higher education institution might consider consistent with its curriculum. Finally, the National Curricular Guidelines suggest that initial teacher education programs allow 400 h for supervised practicum in each subject area (such as education, mathematics, and physics). As the student teachers join a school for their practicum, they will have the opportunity to engage in a professional community and to become familiar with the school where they are placed, including the socio-economic and cultural situation of the pupils, and the physical conditions of the school itself. In conjunction with teacher educators, supervisors and school teachers, student teachers get to analyze, research and test out solutions in observed and unobserved practices during their practicum. It does not mean, however, that all initial teacher education programs will, in fact, follow this recommendation, since each higher education institution recontextualizes the Guidelines according to its own political pedagogical project and contextual reality.

Government Grant Program for Initial Teacher Education (PIBID): An Innovative Initiative An innovative initiative is the creation of the Government Grant Program for Initial Teacher Education – or PIBID in Portuguese – which offers scholarships for undergraduate students to work in public schools where a more experienced teacher supervises them. PIBID was created in 2009 by CAPES – Coordination for the Improvement of Higher-level Personnel – and implemented by Ordinance no.72, in April 2010. PIBID’s main objectives are to support and promote teaching as a career and improve the process of teacher education for basic education in all regions of the country, especially public education. The institutions that formally participate in PIBID are CAPES, public higher education institutions – HEIs – and basic education school systems. PIBID deals with teaching projects designed and proposed by each participant HEI, which are then undertaken by student teachers in state schools under the supervision of

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both basic education teachers and university supervisors (teacher educators). In order to carry out the projects, CAPES provides financial support to the program by funding academic activities, as well as giving grants to these students, to the schoolteachers who supervise them, and also to the HEI’s coordinators. The student-teacher has the opportunity to combine theory and practice from the very beginning of their university programs, since they may take part in PIBID from their first academic term onwards, as well as having the opportunity to experience teaching situations and environments in real-world contexts. According to Gatti (2014), PIBID has contributed to teacher education courses by promoting reflection on curricular organization regarding how to connect knowledge, academic participation and critical thinking about learning processes (Mesquita & Marcondes, 2020).

New Perspectives on Teacher Education Policies Allowing future teachers to enter into schools from the beginning of their training certainly makes up for the limitations that internship activities can present, since PIBID makes it possible to bridge the gap between theoretical and practical training. PIBID also contributes to bringing schools and universities involved in the projects closer together. This approach validates the knowledge of professional teachers and recognizes them as important collaborators in training practices. Initial teacher education cannot be dissociated from the field of professional activity. The professional training of teachers requires a gradual contact with the reality of classrooms and education systems, and time to consider the culture of the profession, its knowledge, practices, contexts and interactions with other professional colleagues. In summary, PIBID contributes significantly to the training of the teachers involved and the schools that participate in the program. Thus, it needs to be evaluated and enhanced so that it can become public policy, and be able to consolidate and make a nationwide difference in teacher education. Teaching work requires not only qualifications but also reflective skills and human interaction, especially in the context of globalization in which we live today. Strong partnerships between schools and teacher education institutions can promote the alignment of teacher education content in accord with the school context.

Mexico Initial Teacher Education in Mexico: Successes and Failures In the 2000s, the teaching workforce involved in initial training consisted of teachers who were not specialized in any one discipline, under the assumption that preschool and primary teachers should be able to teach any discipline, despite the need to have trained specialist teachers and thus improve the quality of teaching (Medrano et al., 2017). From then until now, teacher education has gradually deteriorated, thus affecting the main results of the national and international tests applied to basic and middle basic level students (Backhoff, 2005; Backhoff & Contreras, 2014; Caracas-Sánchez & Ornelas-Hernandéz, 2019; INEE, 2019; OECD, 2019; Salinas et al., 2018). In addition, the effects have reached higher education, since students

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will not have received the quality training necessary to face the challenges of higher education, particularly when they come from state schools (Casillas et al., 2015; Fernández, 2017; Hanel et al., 1985). Moreover, according to Tatto and Parra-Gaete (2019), only 50.7% of primary school teachers obtained teaching certificates. Concerning secondary school teachers, about 40% obtained a certificate from a higher education institution, 25% obtained one from a Normal school, and almost 20% have completed postgraduate studies. Currently, anyone can enter a teacher training career at a Normal school, and applicants merely have to present the selection exam applied by the training institution together with their average high school grade, usually 8 out of 10 (Medrano et al., 2017). It takes eight semesters to complete a bachelor’s degree (SEP, 2018). The training objectives of the 1997 curriculum, which is still in force in some institutions (Medrano et al., 2017), include the development of specific intellectual skills, mastery of teaching contents, didactic skills, professional identity, and ethics, as well as the capacity to perceive and respond to the social conditions of the school environment (SEP, 2002). The training processes involved in the 2010 curriculum proposal promote a more dynamic graduate profile, including the ability to plan for learning, organize the classroom environment and encourage the learning of all students, as well as creating a sense of commitment and responsibility within the profession and building links with the community and institutional environment (SEP, 2016). Currently, there are several universities, public and private, that offer careers in initial education, each one has its own rules of admission and duration.

Internship The period of professional practice is a time of interaction for developing teaching skills, so that future teachers can put into practice their knowledge, skills, attitudes, values and competencies, and are able to contrast what they learned at their training school with the reality of the classroom (Medrano et al., 2017). During their internship, the students have an advisor from the Normal School, and they are supervised by an associate professor, who must have at least 2 years of experience and academic prestige, whose functions are to guide, direct and evaluate the performance of the student practitioner, as well as communicate any irregularities to the student’s advisor (Borges, 2012). The so-called Normal School selects the practicum placements for the student teachers. The internship begins with an assistantship in aspects related to teaching, such as group organization, elaboration of didactic materials, and revision of school tasks, then gradually proceeds to cover all the subjects of basic education until, finally, the student must carry out their own analysis of the results obtained and the feedback from their tutor teacher (Montes, 2021). Although this should be the ideal scenario, some students have decontextualized teaching experiences, such as painting classrooms or furniture, reforesting green areas, or some other such activity (Careaga-Domínguez et al., 2018). What is more, the study carried out by Rocas (2021) found that several schools complain that the practitioners do not have sufficient knowledge of disciplines (mathematics, Spanish, history) since some of these are taken in a single semester. In the case of Public and Private Universities, the

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number of hours of professional practice will depend on the corresponding curricular program; there are even cases in which they are not required. However, the SEP has a tutoring program for new teachers (SEP, 2019c).

Regulatory Institutions Among the most significant programs that have been launched in the last two decades, the following stand out: The National Higher Education Scholarship Program (PRONABES, 2008), followed by the Program for Institutional Improvement of Public Normal Schools in 2002 (PROMIN, 2015) which was later replaced by the Program to Strengthen the Quality of Educational Institutions (PROFOCIE). In 2009, the Program for Teacher Professional Development (SEP, 2019a) was created to evaluate the educational programs of the institutions in charge of initial teacher education. Later, the National Institute of Educational Evaluation (INEE) was created whose mission is to evaluate compulsory education and regulate evaluation tasks, and whose principles are to improve education, equity, justice, recognition, assessment, and attention to diversity. In addition, until 2019 the INEE was an autonomous constitutional institution in charge of applying national assessments to both students and teachers, as well as generating reports from international tests such as PISA and TALIS. As of 2019, INEE was replaced by the Commission for the Continuous Improvement of Education, as part of the New Mexican School, and aims to promote the continuous improvement of basic, secondary, inclusive and adult education (MEJOREDU, 2019). To ensure the success of the New Educational Model launched in 2018, the National Strategy for the Transformation and Strengthening of Normal Schools was created, which has six axes: pedagogical transformation by the new educational model; indigenous and intercultural education; English learning; professionalization of teaching staff in Normal schools; synergies with universities and research centers; as well as support for Normal Schools and incentives for excellence (Leyva & Guerra, 2019). However, with the arrival of the new National government, in 2019 the New Mexican School Program was launched. It follows a humanist approach with a view toward integral education for life, promoting inclusivity and gender perspectives, as well as a culture for peace (SEP, 2019b). This means that teachers must adjust to these pedagogical dynamics, with greater curricular flexibility, and must redistribute their time in the classroom (Hernández-Ríos, 2019). Unfortunately, the Covid-19 pandemic has been an obstacle to its full implementation. Although Mexico has made efforts to improve the quality of education through the creation of programs and institutions, it has not yet been able to meet the commitments made to the OECD in 2008 (Cuevas & Moreno, 2016).

Portugal The Bologna Process as a Turning Point The implementation of the Bologna process in Europe represented a turning point in initial teacher education as it forced the restructuring of all teacher education

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programs for all sectors of education in Portugal. The creation of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) was at the forefront of the reform to ensure more comparable, compatible, and coherent higher education systems across Europe. A 3-cycle structure for higher education degrees was defined (bachelor’s degree, master’s degree and PhD) and the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) was created to facilitate student and teacher mobility. Although the pace and focus of the Bologna process varied from country to country, it instigated discussions about higher education in general and teacher education in particular.

A High Qualified Profession at Master’s Level A master’s degree in teaching has become the required qualification for all entrants into teaching (from pre-school to secondary school). A consecutive model was adopted (Decree-Law No. 43/2007, published after Decree-Law 74/2006, which stipulates the organization of study cycles in higher education in general). The consecutive model thus involved a two-stage process, including a 3-year bachelor’s degree (Licenciatura) in a specific subject (e.g., mathematics, history) followed by a master’s degree in teaching (usually a 2-year degree), combining subject-based elements with educational and pedagogical components, including a practicum. In the case of pre-school and primary school, student teachers complete a bachelor’s degree in Basic Education followed by a master’s degree. This new configuration of initial teacher education (ITE) represented, in many ways, a drawback compared with the pre-existing Integrated Model of Teacher Education (Flores, 2011; Flores et al., 2014) which had involved subject areas (e.g., mathematics, history, etc.) and pedagogical components being distributed simultaneously from the very beginning of the program (a 4- to 5-year program including 1 year of practicum at school). As such, the restructured program faced new and old challenges, namely, the link between theory and practice and the fragmentation of curriculum components arising from the separation of a bachelor’s degree focusing on content knowledge and a master’s degree centred on knowledge acquisition about theoretical principles, including curriculum, pedagogy, and specific didactics, but also dealing with professional practice, including practicum and associated research (Flores, 2011, 2018; Flores et al., 2016; Vieira et al., 2019). As initial teacher education (ITE) occurred at the second cycle level (master’s degree), the research component was tacitly assumed by institutions and encouraged by external assessments (Flores et al., 2016). The legislative text currently in place (Decree-Law No. 79/2014) stipulates five compulsory components of the ITE curriculum: (i) subject matter, (ii) general education, (iii) specific didactics, (iv) ethical, social, and cultural dimensions, and (v) professional practice. Overall, emphasis is placed on specific didactics and professional practice. For instance, for the ITE program for secondary school teaching (master’s degree in teaching with 120 credits in total) includes the following credits: subject matter (minimum of 18 credits); general education (minimum 18 credits); specific didactics (minimum 30 credits); and professional practice (minimum 42 credits). The ethical, social, and cultural dimension receives no credits, and it is to be developed within the context of the other components of the program.

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The Place of the Practicum Taking the case of the University of Minho, the practicum occurs in the last two semesters of the master’s degree in teaching and involves the development of a small-scale, learner-centered pedagogical project to combine teaching and research within a praxeological epistemology (Vieira et al., 2019). The aim is to bring teaching and research together in the practicum, whereby research is at the service of pedagogy under a transformative view of education based on humanistic and democratic values (see Flores, 2020; Flores et al., 2016; Vieira et al., 2019, 2021). A three-dimensional professional profile of future teachers is advocated including a conceptual dimension (the theoretical framework of professional practice), a strategic dimension (the methodological framework of professional practice), and an axiological dimension (the values of professional practice including the ethical and political values that underpin educational action) (Flores, 2018; Vieira et al., 2019). The design and development of the pedagogical project draw upon a set of principles that include a humanistic and democratic view of schooling; the appropriacy of practical interventions within the overall context of teaching practice and their educational value regarding teacher and learner experience; the use of data collection to support the understanding and renewal of pedagogy; and the enhancement of professional development based on reflectivity, self-direction, collaboration, creativity, and innovation. Such a practicum model aims at developing student teachers’ research literacy to make informed decisions about their practices. A recent study of the first 10 years since the implementation of the new practicum model (Vieira et al., 2020a, b, 2021) concluded that supervisors, cooperating teachers and student teachers’ perceptions (perceived quality) and evidence from practicum reports (inferred quality) are, in general, aligned with the model’s rationale (intended quality). The model promotes inquiry skills, multifaceted professional knowledge, and a transformative vision of education. However, some critical aspects were also found. Classroom inquiry represents an increase in student teachers’ workload and an expansion of supervision roles, as cooperating teachers show concerns about their ability to meet the requirements and demands of an inquiry-based approach (Vieira et al., 2019).

Spain Changing Teacher Education as a Result of the Bologna Process According to Eurydice (2015), in Europe there are two coexisting models for organizing initial teacher education: consecutive and concurrent. In the consecutive model, after undertaking specific training in a discipline, didactic training is carried out; in the concurrent model, specific training is combined with didactic or practical training. In Spain, the predominant model in the education of Early Childhood and Primary Education teachers is concurrent or simultaneous. This model combines a theoretical component with a practical component (practicum). It is a homogeneous training program lasting 4 years, which is equivalent to 240 ECTS, and is called a

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“teaching degree.” The components included under any university teaching degree, according to Decree-Law ECI / 3857/2007, are organized into three modules: basic, pedagogical, and disciplinary training, as well as the Practicum (external practicum). The degree is completed when the students pass the final degree project or final thesis (or TFG in its Spanish acronym). As mentioned above, with the creation of the EHEA, the initial education of teachers underwent changes. It introduced reforms in the educational systems of many countries (Llorent-Bedmar and Cobano-Delgado, 2018), including Spain. These reforms are included in the so-called Bologna Plan, aimed at pursuing, according to Llorent-Bedmar and Cobano-Delgado (2018), the harmonization and standardization of European higher education systems: bachelor’s degree, master’s degree, and doctorate (Reindal, 2013). In addition, it is intended to equip undergraduate students with the necessary skills to respond to the challenges of modern society and reinforce shared values and a sense of belonging to a common social and cultural space (Bologna Declaration, 1999). To achieve these objectives, the Bologna Declaration (1999) established a series of measures: adopting a system of comparable qualifications between countries; adopting a university system essentially based on two cycles (undergraduate and graduate); launching a common credit system (ECTS) to facilitate student mobility between countries; promoting the mobility of students, teachers, and research and administrative staff; and promoting European cooperation between different higher education institutions. To respond to these measures, Spanish Decree-Law 1393/2007 regulated official university education courses, European credit transfers (ECTS) between universities, and the structure, guidelines, and verification procedures of university syllabi. Focusing on undergraduate university teaching, this royal decree sets out some of the guidelines for the design of graduate degrees which, according to Organic Law 4/2007 on universities, refer to students’ basic and general education rather than their specialization: this program is to have between 180 and 240 ECTS and will combine theoretical and practical components; when the undergraduate degree has less than 240 credits, the training will be completed with Master’s credits; a final degree project (TFG) must be prepared and defended; basic training will occupy at least 25% of the credits; the subjects must have a minimum of 6 ECTS including the TFG, to constitute no more than 12.5% of total credits; and external internships will provide no more than 25% of the total credits. Existing literature points to the significance to students of the practical component “both for the performance of the profession and for their personal and academic development” (Rivas & Beraza, 2011, p.17) corroborating the importance of the practicum identified by other Spanish authors (Sanmamed & Abeledo, 2011).

Teachers’ Competencies for the Practicum Decree-Laws ECI / 3854/2007 and ECI / 3857/2007 establish the competencies that future teachers, both in early childhood education and in primary education, must acquire during the practicum. These include: knowing the subject areas and/or objectives, curricular contents and evaluation criteria of the corresponding stage; acquiring practical knowledge such as classroom management; designing, planning

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and evaluating teaching and learning processes individually and in collaboration with other teachers; knowing and applying the processes of interaction and communication in the classroom and mastering the necessary skills to promote a classroom environment that facilitates learning and coexistence; managing and monitoring the educational process and, in particular, the teaching-learning process by mastering the necessary pedagogical strategies; participating in teaching activity and learning how to act and reflect on practice; participating in the improvement proposals in the different areas of action that may be established in a center; regulating the processes of interaction and communication for elementary school students; knowing the school’s organizational diversity; and learning about ways of collaborating with the different sectors of the educational community and the social environment. The practicum constitutes one of the most important parts of initial teacher education to the extent that it determines the quality and importance that it has for future teachers (Clarke & Mena, 2020). Among these elements are the school or the selected teacher-tutor, the supervision of the academic tutor, the activities carried out in the school, etc. (Manso, 2019). Even though the practicum in the Degree in Teaching in Primary Education has a generalist profile that can be used to analyze what the practicum is like in Spain (Mena et al., 2020), both in the aforementioned degree and in the Degree in Teaching in Early Childhood Education. However, although general competencies are established, the universities and educational administrations of each community have autonomy in the organization, design, and evaluation of the practicum. According to Pérez García (2008), some of the general competencies acquired by teachers during the practicum are: respecting individual differences and working as a team. In addition, the practicum, according to Manso (2019), must provide at least 50 ECTS, including the external practices in school. There are significant differences among Spanish universities since some dedicate 36 ECTS and others 48 ECTS to these external practices.

Discussion and Conclusion This chapter set out to examine the key features of teacher education policy development in Brazil, Mexico, Portugal and Spain in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Cultural and historical considerations are key to understanding the focus and direction of recent teacher education policies in the four countries, as is the influence of supranational agencies and organizations. Elements of both convergence and divergence can be identified, as well as contextual features that explain how given policies are enacted.

The External Impetus for Change in Teacher Education Although teacher education policy development is essentially determined by country-specific elements, set by national frameworks, in Portugal and Spain the impetus for change was instigated by the Bologna process. It has led to reforms in

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initial teacher education, chiefly dictated by the 3-cycle structure, aimed at converging with European norms while maintaining diversity and specific national requirements. The process was not without controversy in relation to both the structure of initial teacher education programs and to their curriculum and core features. Tensions and dilemmas in this regard have been identified (see Flores et al., 2016; Kuhlee, 2017; Vieira et al., 2019; Sacilotto-Vasylenko, 2013). Amaral (2005), for instance, argued that policy directives related to the Bologna process had more to do with structural features and solving economic problems rather than enhancing the quality of education. This picture is corroborated elsewhere in the literature, with questions raised as to whether the Bologna reform enhanced the quality of teacher education and improved the status of the teaching profession (Sacilotto-Vasylenko, 2013) since it was used “at national level to legitimize individual reform intentions, while its features and design were adapted to national or local requirements” (Kuhlee, 2017). Similarly, Symeonidis (2018) asserts that despite having had a significant impact on the structure of teacher education systems, “a more profound influence in terms of changing institutional cultures toward learner-centered approaches is an ambiguous issue and requires more time” (p. 24). While Portugal has adopted a consecutive model for all sectors of teaching and a master’s degree as the requisite professional qualification to become a teacher, Spain has maintained a consecutive model for secondary education and a concurrent model for primary education, resulting in two different teacher education models. A master’s degree is only required for secondary school teachers although preparation and curriculum vitae requirements continue to increase in response to changing social demands. Brazil and Mexico’s reforms in teacher education have also been influenced by transnational agencies. In the case of Brazil, training and teaching work are linked to the quality of education, according to statements from international organizations in the Ibero-American Region such as the Organization of Ibero-American States for Education, Science and Culture (OEI) and the United Nations Organization for Education, Science, and Culture (UNESCO), and in particular, its Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC), based in Santiago, Chile. There is a clear emphasis on the relationship between teacher and student performance as well as the establishment of a culture of assessment. Performance is seen as something to be measured and verified for potential control of education quality. As a result, in Brazil, the proposal of a Common National Curriculum Base (BNCC) will allow skills-focused training to deliver given content that will be evaluated by standardized tests. The proposal is that the Common National Curriculum Base and the National Assessment begin to shape the direction of both teacher education and teaching. Although the same document, based on documents from international organizations, focuses on the centrality of the teacher, it also reveals a certain ambivalence. As well as defending the innovative and autonomous nature of teachers’ work, the argument revolves around performativity in teaching, emphasizing students’ performance through standardized assessments. The dissemination of assessment results, without consideration of the complex reality in which the school, its students, and teachers are involved, can end up producing a societal distrust in

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education and in the work of the teacher, a key player for achieving quality education. In 2019, new guidelines for teacher education in Brazil were proposed, but the pandemic has interrupted the process of making these new guidelines mandatory. These are more technical, and essentially instrumental principles to facilitate the implementation of the Common National Curriculum Base (BNCC) proposed by the Ministry of Education as a guide for assessment of the education system. In recent decades Mexico has been supported by international organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB), the InterAmerican Development Bank (IDB), the OECD, and UNESCO. In particular, the World Bank became a key source of financing with the publication of policy documents and studies on educational policies in primary education, technical and vocational training, and higher education (Maldonado, 2000). In 2017 it awarded USD$350,000,000 and in 2021 this amount rose to USD $1,725,000,000 (World Bank, 2021). The IDB, founded in 1959, is the largest source of long-term financing in Latin America and the Caribbean, and between 1961 and 2019 the projects and guarantees it approved totaled USD 41,874,600,000, of which a significant percentage has been allocated to education (IDB, 2021; Rodríguez, 2020). UNESCO, for its part, issues recommendations but does not grant economic resources unless they are specific projects such as the UNESCO Catedra (2021). The World Bank, IDB, and UNESCO expect to see results from the resources invested eventually influencing Mexican educational policies.

The Teaching Profession at the Crossroads The four contexts analyzed face several challenges with implications for teacher education. The aging of the teaching workforce (especially in Portugal and Spain), the heavy workload and the deterioration of working conditions (all four countries) as well as the provision of appropriate professional development opportunities in light of current demands on the profession (e.g., special education, diversity, and inclusion) are key features identified above. The historical and political background explains the tensions and even contradictions in how the teaching profession is understood with implications for the preparation of future teachers. In Portugal, a centralized and bureaucratic tradition prevails, leading to top-down policies. Teachers have experienced a deterioration in their working conditions over time (Flores, 2020). While teaching is a highly qualified profession (a master’s degree is required for all entrants into teaching), its socio-economic status and lack of career prospects do not make it attractive at all. In contrast, in Spain, the decentralized nature of education administration points to a more federal model whereby each autonomous region identifies its own schooling, training, and curricular needs and regulates within its own jurisdiction. Nonetheless, the 17 regions all adopt a common national framework to guarantee homogeneity. As for Brazil, the government has announced some measures in line with what has been considered “international best practices” (OECD, 2019). These measures include new National Curriculum

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Guidelines for Initial Teacher Education for Basic Education, intended to make learning more grounded in practice (reflecting criticism of courses considered to be too theoretical, with little emphasis on pedagogical knowledge and skills or on classroom management). This proposal emphasizes more of a technical approach than a professional approach. This policy of “more practical” training is based on a common curriculum and national tests that do not take into account the different realities of a country of continental size, thus deepening and entrenching the inequalities of students and schools across the nation. Brazilian teachers who start their careers in the public sector have low salaries and a large number of them have to work two shifts, often in two different schools, in the morning and in the afternoon to earn a living from their salary. The result is teacher attrition and burnout. This is a Latin American reality that is not found in European countries like Portugal and Spain. In Mexico, as in Portugal, educational policies are centralized and bureaucratized, a situation that is aggravated by each change of the presidential period. In addition, although there is a career path for teachers, giving them the opportunity of promotion and with it economic benefits, when a teacher starts out, particularly in the public sector, salaries are very low, so in the initial years a large number of teachers must work two shifts; that is, in the morning they work in one school and in the afternoon in another, to generate the necessary financial income. This results in burnout and lack of time to prepare for classes and follow up on students (Fuentes, 2009). While the four countries differ in many respects, they face common challenges, such as the status of the teaching profession and how to maintain appropriate and diverse responses in terms of professional teacher learning.

Current Challenges and Tensions in Teacher Education Teacher education has been described as a policy but also a political problem in which values and ideology are played out (Cochran-Smith, 2004). Teacher education reforms in the four countries point to tensions in how the teaching profession and education are understood. Teaching in Portugal is a highly qualified profession and initial teacher education includes some innovative features such as the research dimension and the practicum model. However, while practice is being promoted, there is at the same time a reduction in time spent in schools, and the new configuration of the consecutive model has resulted in the fragmentation of curriculum components. In Spain, teaching is also regarded as a qualified professional that increasingly demands new teachers who are better prepared to meet the educational standards: not only in curricular terms but also with regard to technical skills and L2 teaching proficiency. Schools are being supplied with more facilities and materials, while students and parents are more worried about quality teaching, leading teachers to take on long-life learning as part of their profession. In Mexico a high qualification is not required as in Portugal or Spain, and it is enough to have a bachelor’s degree. However, there are mechanisms to regulate and improve the performance of teachers, particularly in the public sector, where

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evaluations are periodically applied to teachers, of whom those attaining a certain score can enter the public education system, and if they are already within it, they can obtain vertical benefits, such as promotion in their teaching career and horizontal benefits such as financial stimuli (USICAMM, 2021). In Brazil, teacher education and recruitment are interlinked with the unattractiveness of teaching as a career, due to the social undervaluation of teaching and practical difficulties that teachers face in schools, which are insufficient to meet the demands of the population that need to use them, as a result of problems with working conditions, particularly in the public sector. Thus, as in Mexico, to be a teacher, it is enough to have a high grade in the Licenciatura (bachelor’s degree), unlike what happens today in Portugal and Spain. Taken together the realities of the four countries point to the role of practice in the education of prospective teachers but also the tension between the technical and professional approach to teaching. The former is seen in the growing focus on the what and how of teaching, associated with an outcome-led orientation, prescriptive curricula, and a narrow view of what a good teacher entails (Flores, 2016; Moreira, 2017). Such a more instrumental perspective has been accompanied by the lack of attention to foundational courses such as Philosophy of Education and Sociology of Education. As Zeichner (2014, p. 560) argues, “the teacher as a professional view goes beyond providing teachers with teaching and management skills.” The “discourse of derision” (Furlong, 2019) and the “populist and simplistic view of teaching and teacher education” (e.g., the USA and England) have been identified in the literature in contrast to a perspective that entails “complexity, professional growth, agency and autonomy (e.g., Finland, the Republic of Ireland)” (Menter & Flores, 2021, p. 117). The reality of teacher education in the four countries also calls into question the role of schools and higher education institutions in the education of teachers. An inquiry-based stance may foster the development of more collaborative, committed and contextualized approaches to teaching and teacher education in light of the “third space” where theory, research, and experience meet and diverse rationales can be negotiated (Zeichner, 2010). As Menter and Flores (2021, p. 124) argue, “Teaching is after all a profession concerned not only with knowledge and cognition, crucial though these are, but also with values and morality. It is challenges such as these that require full recognition of the need to imbue teaching - and teacher education - with a sustainable inquiry orientation, indeed a base in education research.”

Future Directions: Toward a Common Frame of Reference? Teacher education programs aim to prepare student teachers to teach. The complex reality of schools and classrooms, which has been amplified by the COVID-19 pandemic, requires broad knowledge and competencies as well as a respected profession. The four cases presented in this chapter illustrate current and future challenges related not only to the socio-economic status of the profession in IberoAmerican countries but also to the education of future and practicing teachers. The validation of a higher education qualification for teaching, in some cases including a

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research-based orientation, co-exists with more pragmatic and technical approaches that threaten the enhancement of teacher professionalism. At the same time, the strong influence of transnational agencies is shaping the reforms in teacher education. Teacher education frameworks are led by national priorities but also influenced by international orientations linked to issues of internationalization and competitiveness in the contemporary global economic market. As Ling (2017, p. 562) suggests, looking at teacher education entails “an iterative process rather than a linear one and needs to be backwards, forwards, inside-out and outside-in somewhat simultaneously, because it is complex, recursive and has multiple layers.” The analysis presented in this chapter leads us to think that the clear cultural similarities between the four countries should be conducive to common approaches within their educational frameworks. Although the educational perspectives and initial teacher education policies have elements in common, there remains a lack of any structure that fundamentally links them all. The two countries that do operate under a similar framework are Spain and Portugal, since they are subject to the Bologna process and belong to the European Union. Mexico and Brazil are dependent on ambitious national programs that differ from each other. Devising a common frame of reference for the Spanish-Portuguese speaking countries might be less likely to occur given the globalized trends in education and the divergent geopolitical scenarios of these nations. However, shared cultural identities might be reason to call for a more contextually adapted framework that unites these countries so as to respond more effectively to particular scenarios of practice. A pivotal argument for this to occur is to first draw a distinction between those indicators that could apply to any teacher worldwide and those potentially similar ones that are revealed by these four-way cross-national comparisons. The second layer of analysis would focus on identifying singular indicators for each country to account for the differences. International and national agencies could push to publish regular reports giving information about the education systems, teacher education programs, and the teaching profession in these four countries in order to get a more detailed and upto-date picture of how their education systems are evolving. Consistent and largescale research would also be beneficial not only for exploring the strengths and weaknesses of the current reality of teacher education and the teaching profession in the four countries but also for improving policies to enhance the quality of education provided to students. Acknowledgments The first author would like to acknowledge the funding of the research by CIEC - Research Centre on Child Studies of the University of Minho - project under the reference UIDB/00317/2020 and UIDP/00317/2020 through national funds of the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT).

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Learning to Teach Equitably: Theoretical Frameworks and Principles for International Research and Practice Karen Hammerness, David Stroupe, and Kavita Kapadia Matsko

Contents Using Theoretical Frameworks in Combination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sociocultural Learning Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complexity Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Understanding Perennial Challenges of New Teacher Learning Through Theoretical Frameworks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complexity Theory and the Principles of Learning Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing a Shared Vision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Involving all Stakeholders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Identifying Key Foundational Ideas and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Opportunities to Learn About the Nested Contexts of Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preparation for Inquiry and Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Critical Theory and Principles for Learning Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Explicit Focus upon Justice and Equity in Program Vision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Opportunities to Learn about Out-of-School Factors that Shape Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Opportunities to Unpack Assumptions about Identity, Teaching, and Learning . . . . . . . . . . Specific Teaching and Relational Practices that Center Students and Communities . . . . . . Sociocultural Learning Theory and Principles for Learning Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Construction of a Professional Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing Shared Languages, Practices, and Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Opportunities to Test Out Valued Practices and Receive Feedback . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Linking a Developing Vision of Equitable Teaching to Foundational Knowledge, Pedagogy, and Concrete Practices and Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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K. Hammerness (*) American Museum of Natural History, New York, NY, USA e-mail: [email protected] D. Stroupe Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected] K. K. Matsko Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_64

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Principles in Practice: International Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . University of Oslo, Norway: Targeting the Problem of Fragmentation and Enactment . . . University of Helsinki, Finland: Targeting the Problem of Apprenticeship of Observation and Enactment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . American Museum of Natural History, United States of America: Targeting the Problem of Equity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Theoretical Lenses for Comparative Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter shares three theoretical frameworks that can be especially helpful in puzzling through six perennial “problems of learning teaching”: enactment, observation, vision, equity, complexity, and fragmentation. Each of the three frameworks signals specific principles that can help address those perennial problems, and in turn, can help guide teacher education program design. The three complementary theoretical frameworks can be helpful for those engaged in comparative research, and by helping support program design and planning for new teachers learning to teach in equitable ways. Examples from programs around the world help illustrate what these principles look like in teacher education programs. Keywords

Teacher learning · Program design · Learning theory · Preservice teacher learning

Using Theoretical Frameworks in Combination Theoretical frameworks – a network of interlinked and explanatory concepts that together provide a deeper understanding of a phenomenon (Jabareen, 2009) – are critical in thinking about new teacher learning, and in puzzling through the dilemmas of learning to teach. Importantly, theoretical frameworks help teacher educators design learning opportunities for preservice teachers (PSTs) while also providing researchers with lenses to understand how new teachers learn. Theoretical frameworks push teacher educators to ask foundational questions about their work, such as: How do different explanatory concepts support our thinking about how PSTs learn? What features of pedagogical opportunities do frameworks reveal that can guide program design to support PST learning and equitable teaching? This chapter describes three theoretical frameworks that could be used when thinking about learning to teach: sociocultural learning theories; critical theory; and complexity theory. Each lens helps reveal relationships, tensions, ideas, and interactions that are important for understanding and theorizing new teacher learning and equitable teaching due to their focus upon different levels of social systems. Often, researchers treat theoretical frameworks as separate entities that compete with each other for the most complete explanations of phenomena. We argue that positioning theoretical frameworks about learning to teach as separate hinders our

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understanding of PST learning given the complexity and scale of the phenomenon. Bringing together theoretical frameworks to understand learning reveals different characteristics of the experience and when taken together can usefully account for and illuminate the complexity of teacher learning (Cochran-Smith et al., 2014; Kennedy, 2016: Tatto et al., 2018a, Tatto2018b). Making visible the various theoretical frameworks aimed at explaining PST learning in teacher education research can also aid comparative research. Placing theoretical frameworks in concert supports shared and common concepts under examination, ensuring that researchers and teacher educators have an explicit and shared understanding of the fundamental assumptions they are making about how PSTs learn.

Sociocultural Learning Theories Sociocultural learning theories are a family of theories emerging from socioconstructivist framings of interaction and learning (Vygotsky, 1978). Sociocultural learning theories see knowledge and participation as inextricably linked to the context in which individuals interact with actors, practices, and tools whose roles have been negotiated over time (Danish & Gresalfi, 2018). As Esmonde (2016) notes, “[s]ociocultural perspectives treat context [as] inseparable from cognition” (p. 6). Rather than framing knowledge as concrete entities that an individual can transfer from setting to setting, sociocultural perspectives view knowledge as mediated between actors who create, shape, and negotiate meaning and practices in social activity. Learning, then, embodies complex processes by which people develop discourses and practices that involve speaking, acting, and being in the world. As scholars have noted, there is not a singular sociocultural learning theory; the perspective describes a family of theories that share six similar features (Esmonde, 2016, pp. 7–8): 1. Cultural artifacts (tools and signs) mediate human activity. 2. Learning should be studied as it occurs in everyday life, not just in the laboratory. 3. As people cross boundaries between different contexts, their learning both endures and shifts. 4. Multiple historical timescales are relevant for the study of learning. 5. Learning should be studied using a developmental method that allows insight into the process of learning, not just the outcomes. 6. As they participate in joint activity, people simultaneously exercise joint agency and are constrained. These six elements illustrate the intimate and indistinguishable relationships between people, context, knowledge, thoughts, and actions. From the perspective of researchers examining new teacher learning, sociocultural learning theories help explain how individuals and communities develop roles, routines, practices, and identities (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998; Wenger et al., 2002; see also Tatto et al., 2018a, 2018b). In particular, we often examine how

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participating in a shared effort of learning to teach, and developing a collective understanding of purpose is aided by a common understanding of norms, expectations, and relationships, and a shared set of practices, language, and tools that guide the work. However, key questions remain: What is the role of power and oppression when analyzing sites of PST learning, particularly around valued practices, participatory norms, and shared language (Esmonde & Booker, 2016). How should equity and justice perspectives inform our analysis of how PSTs learn across settings?

Critical Theory Critical theory provides a particularly useful theoretical framework for learning to teach because the perspective calls for direct interrogation and questioning of settings and contexts. Importantly, critical theory explicitly examines the interplay of power and oppression (Bell, 1973; Crenshaw et al., 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). As a theoretical framework, critical theory accounts for the ways in which racism, sexism, and oppression continue to be global forces that educators must disrupt to provide equitable education for all students. Critical theory reminds researchers that the settings in which educators and teachers learn and teach are not neutral. Critical theory asks that educators account for the ways that decisions, interactions, experiences, and environments – as well as the goals within them – are shaped by social constructions such as race, which are embedded in institutions (Alim & Reyes, 2011; Calabrese-Barton, 2003; Grande, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1995, 2021). Critical theory also calls attention to the ways that race intersects with other identities, such as gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and religion (Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw et al., 1995). Identities are often linked to a person’s access to resources and power navigating within institutions. Therefore, educators must understand how the impact of marginalized identities puts themselves and students in the position of contending with multiple systems of oppression and compounding harm. This harm can operate at both individual and systemic levels. Critical theory provides educators with language and lenses to understand the multiplicity of forces that intersect and influence the experiences of groups on the periphery/margins of any community. For example, in the United States, students of color who attend schools in economically marginalized communities have significantly fewer odds of being taught by a high-quality teacher (Lankford et al., 2002; Loeb et al., 2005. Thus, we see how the effects of race and class can have compounding effects on poor students of color (Milner, 2015). While socially constructed identities play out in different ways in international settings, understanding the policy contexts, histories, and ways that public policies can and do lead to systematic injustices is critical for educators to address and for new teachers to encounter. In education, critical theory calls for an explicit accounting of the power-laden and historically and structurally mediation of learning (Ellis et al., 2019; Esmonde & Booker, 2016; Philip et al., 2019; Shah, 2021), and the careful interrogation of structures and institutions with regards to systematic injustice, racism, and oppression (Khasnabis & Goldin, 2020). Importantly, critical theory

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cautions teacher educators from equating equitable and just teaching with the goal of “access” to dominant forms of instruction because such an effort signals that students – rather than systems and structures – need to be fixed. Instead, educators, faculty, and students must come together to critically analyze the status quo and to address local or national injustices, and work together toward change. In addition, critical theory calls upon educators to be aware of and reject often implicit, deficit views of learners and communities that are embedded in norms, curricula, and policies. In contrast, critical theory emphasizes humanization, repair, and culturally sustaining work as priorities (Shah, 2021) as well as a systemic view of inequality and injustice. Together, sociocultural learning theories and critical theory can help teacher educators examine teacher learning by focusing upon how identities develop, how new teachers might learn practices and use tools in ways that directly address and make clear the intersection of race and racism within systems and institutions. However, while critical theory takes up questions about how individuals, systems, and institutions construct race, racism, and equity, while also taking account of the history of those institutions, the theory leaves open other questions about teaching and learning as well as how such systems change and develop over time. To help us address some of these other questions about learning and teaching, we include a third theoretical lens, complexity theory, that helps us focus upon how institutions interact with, produce, and reproduce other important outcomes related to education. These outcomes include changing entrenched teaching practices or the development of a vision of good teaching – while also pointing to the role of equity and justice within those aspects. In contrast to sociocultural theory which focuses upon how individuals learn and develop in different activity settings and how those settings interact with one another, complexity theory encourages us to take a systemic view of these teaching and learning processes. Complexity theory also addresses concerns noted in previous research about the tendency of teacher education research to focus upon parts, or specific aspects of teacher education and teacher learning, rather than consider the whole. We include this third perspective as a means to help us to account for a broader and holistic understanding of teacher learning with a systemic view; one that would allow us to look at the interactions between and across settings for teacher learning (Cochran-Smith et al., 2014; Opfer & Pedder, 2011).

Complexity Theory The third theoretical framework, complexity theory, focuses upon questions about how systems learn, change, develop, and evolve (Mason, 2008; Morrison, 2008; Walby, 2007). Complexity theory suggests that “multiple relationships and dynamic” interactions among stakeholders and features of systems are responsible for patterns and phenomena (Byrne, 1998; Cochran-Smith et al., 2014; Ell et al., 2017; see also Davis & Sumara, 1997; Opfer & Pedder, 2011). A central tenet of complexity theory is the distinction between complicated and complex systems. While complicated systems can be understood as the sum of their parts; complex

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systems are more than their parts – complexity emerges even at the level of the system itself and outcomes are emergent and unpredictable. As Cochran-Smith et al. (2014) contend: Teacher education may be regarded as a complex system at multiple levels. These include teacher education’s individual participants (e.g., teacher candidates, school-based cooperating teachers, and course instructors), who are themselves complex systems, particularly university-based or alternate route teacher education programs and pathways as systems; state or national teacher preparation, accreditation, and certification systems; national and international networks of actors and agencies engaged in the professional preparation of teachers and/or in research about teacher preparation; and the overall global enterprise of recruiting, selecting, preparing, supporting, and evaluating teachers in order to achieve economic, enculturation, and social goals. This means that teacher education is shaped by the same multiple intersecting social inequalities (Walby, 2007) that characterize larger social systems. (p. 7.)

Complexity theory points to the nested contexts of teacher preparation, and helps make transparent the multiple, overlapping, and often nonlinear influences on teacher learning. In doing so, the theory calls attention to the interdependence between systems – that is, university/teacher education sites, school sites, which are crucially important to consider when examining how settings impact teacher learning. Other key ideas in complexity theory include the presence of feedback loops and the reproduction of ideas and re-emergence of ideas and self-organization. Thus, complexity theory calls upon researchers to take a systemic view of teacher learning, a key idea argued for by a number of scholars in teacher education (Wideen et al., 1998). The theory leads us to think about teacher education from a holistic perspective instead of seeing disparate parts. Critical theory also emphasizes relationships, self-organization, and bottom-up learning, thus revealing and acknowledging how the design of teacher education programs reflects and is shaped by larger cultural conversations, understandings, processes. Further complexity theory examines how privileges and inequities in the larger educational system also shape teacher education and teacher learning. Finally, the theory presses programs to develop a more expansive view of “who is a teacher educator” to involve school faculty, school-based mentors, school administrators, and preservice teachers as peer teachers for one another (Ell et al., 2017; Cochran-Smith et al., 2019).

Understanding Perennial Challenges of New Teacher Learning Through Theoretical Frameworks Research around the globe has documented a set of perennial problems of learning teaching (Donoso & Gerard, in press; Harfitt & Chan, 2017; Kennedy, 1999; Korthagan et al., 2001; Lortie, 1975; Lampert, 2003; Finne et al., 2014; Lid, 2013; Moon, 2016; National Academies of Science, Engineering and Medicine, 2020; Norwegian Ministry for Education and Research, 2018; Toom & Husu, 2021; Oancea & Orchard, 2012). Articulating and naming these problems can be especially important for comparative

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teacher education research because such labeling enables researchers across international contexts to compare and contrast studies and findings, within a common or shared understanding about the framing of the research. By “problems” we mean perennial challenges that continue to emerge as tensions in the process of learning to think and act like a teacher, to enact practices that are equitable, and to impact student learning. We call them “perennial” because they are important and foundational challenges for the process, are not easily addressed, and are persistent tensions in designing for new teacher learning. For instance, learning to teach requires that new teachers come to think about and understand teaching quite differently than they experienced it as students. Daniel Lortie (1975) called this problem “the apprenticeship of observation,” referring to the learning that takes place by virtue of being a student for twelve or more years in classroom settings. Complicating the apprenticeship of observation is the consistent finding of the difficulty of overcoming closely held routines, practices, and the historical challenge Zeichner and Tabachnik (1981) identified that schools and schooling might be “washing out” the effects of teacher preparation. As many global teacher educators have noted, there is a constant tension between the emphasis upon theory and practice in teacher education (Clandinin, 1995; Harfitt & Chan, 2017; Toom & Husu, 2021; Korthagan et al., 2001). This tension is often called the “problem of enactment” recognizing that new teachers do not always learn about the practice of teaching nor do they always implement what they have learned about in their programs (Kennedy, 1998). Of course, the problem of enactment can also emerge due to lack of strong curriculum, program design, and even program selection; other aspects of teacher education programs that can weaken the impact of preparation and lead to disappointing outcomes for preservice teachers. Further complicating the challenges of learning to teach is that the intra- and interpersonal aspects of human interaction require teachers to always be aware of social and emotional dynamics while balancing goals for deeper learning – what some have called the “problem of complexity” (Darling-Hammond et al., 2005; Jackson, 1968; Lampert, 2003). In addition, some of these perennial challenges can lead to frustration as new teachers develop an ambitious and personal vision of good teaching, but enter the classroom perceiving that they are unable to teach in the ways they hoped. Veenman (1984) referred to this problem of the juxtaposition of vision and practice as “practice shock” or, sometimes translated as “transition shock” (Arfwedson et al., 1993; Britzman, 1986; Dann et al., 1981; Hinsch, 1979; MüllerFohrbrodt et al., 1978; Fransson & Morberg, 2012). The “problem of vision and practice” also captures how the juxtaposition of vision and reality can either discourage and depress teachers, or, if supported by opportunities to learn to test, rehearse, and enact practices that are consistent with that vision, can be inspiring and motivating (Hammerness, 2006; Korthagan et al., 2001). At an institutional level, the “the problem of fragmentation” refers to the challenges teacher educators face in ensuring that courses across a program reflect coherent visions of good teaching, that messages from the university and school settings are consistent, and that mentors and course instructors may emphasize and

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underscore similar ideas about teaching and learning (TEMAG, 2014). This problem is also related to what Feiman-Nemser and Buchmann (1985) coined the “two worlds pitfall,” which refers to the experience that preservice teachers have when encountering the traditions, routines, accepted practices, norms, and institutional pressures in schools, which can sometimes conflict with those at the university (see also Anagnostopoulous et al., 2007). Finally, at multiple levels in the system of teacher education, we confront the “problem of inequity.” In numerous classrooms, the cultural assets and funds of knowledge students bring to the classroom and their potential as sense makers are not fully realized and utilized (Moll & Diaz, 1987). Further, in some teacher education programs, racism, and equity are not explicitly recognized, named or explored – a problem raised globally, in countries from Chile (Cox & Gerard, in press; Fernández, 2018); to Scotland (Menter, 2016) to New Zealand (Grudnoff et al., 2019) to the United States and Canada (LadsonBillings, 2021; Moll, 2019). The problem of inequity also pushes us to re-consider the framing of key ideas in teacher education, including, for instance, how core ideas such as subject matter or content knowledge are understood and conceptualized. Scholars like Nasir (2008) point out “all knowledge is cultural” (p. 187), blurring the boundaries between “domain” knowledge and “cultural” knowledge. These six problems of enactment, observation, vision, equity, complexity, and fragmentation are persistent in that they continue to emerge as tensions within teacher education. They overlap and can even compound one another in many ways as well: The problem of equity can be reinforced by the problem of apprenticeship of observation, because PSTs are not likely to have experienced or witnessed anti-racist or justice-oriented teaching. The problem of equity can be even further confounded by fragmentation because schools, K-12 classrooms, and universities may send conflicting messages about good teaching, children, and race and racism that may undermine another – and together, can reinforce and continue to uphold unjust practices. Notably, the problems of vision and enactment have special implications for the problem of equity – even as teachers may have a vision of equitable practice, if they are not engaged in opportunities to interrogate their own assumptions and identities and implications for teaching and learning, as well as explore, test out, or rehearse strategies for their daily work in classrooms, they may end up perpetuating unjust practices. The problem of fragmentation can reinforce the apprenticeship of observation. Teachers may receive different messages from schools, mentors, and faculty about good teaching that counter what they hear and learn in their teacher education program. Further, if the inequitable messages are more or less consistent with PSTs’ own experiences as learners, such statements can further increase the difficulty, for instance, of enacting new practices. Each of the three theoretical frameworks lifts particular aspects of learning to teach into special focus. Using these three frameworks can help teacher educators plan for and address these long-standing dilemmas by pointing to a set of principles that can help account for some of these tensions, which we will share and describe in detail in this chapter (Table 1).

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Table 1 Theoretical frameworks and the perennial problems of learning to teach Theoretical Lens Complexity

Critical

Sociocultural

Core ideas Multiple, overlapping settings and relationships as responsible for patterns and outcomes; emphasis on wholes and not parts; learning through feedback loops; selforganization; the reproduction of knowledge and patterns; the non-linearity of outcomes and systems; emergence Social construction of race and racism; intersectionality of identities; non-neutral and systemic reproduction of injustice; need for healing, repair and culturally sustaining practices Learning in community and in practice; developing identity; appropriating and shaping tools and practices

Perennial problem it foregrounds and helps address... Equity; complexity; fragmentation; vision

Equity; apprenticeship of observation; vision; fragmentation

Apprenticeship of observation; enactment; complexity; fragmentation

Complexity Theory and the Principles of Learning Teaching Using complexity theory as a framework helps with the four interconnected problems of equity, enactment, fragmentation, and vision. Since teacher education is a complex system, which can often reflect and reinforce messages and practices of the larger system and reproduce the very messages it intends to disrupt (Cochran-Smith et al., 2014; Davis & Sumara, 1997; Keay et al., 2019; Ell et al., 2017; Pedder & Opfer, 2019), complexity theory points to five principles (see Table 2) that may be important for acknowledging and working within that complex system in relation to the problem of equity.

Developing a Shared Vision Looking through complexity theory, teacher education is considered as a whole and not in parts, and teacher learning occurs as part of a larger, holistic effort, rather than from the perspective of single courses or experiences. These key ideas emphasize the importance of developing a vision of good teaching across teacher educators. Research on teacher education programs reveal consistently that establishing a shared vision of good teaching is critical for supporting PST learning (Darling-Hammond et al., 2005; Feiman-Nemser, 2001; Klette & Hammerness, 2016; Kennedy, 2006; Zeichner & Conklin, 2008). Vision embodies a teacher education program’s larger purposes and reflects the pedagogical values of program graduates. When teacher educators share a clear vision with their PSTs, new teachers can imagine and understand the work for which they are preparing (Tatto, 1996, 1999; see also Cavenna et al. 2020; Hammerness & Klette, 2015). The research

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Table 2 Complexity theoretical framework and principles for teacher education Theoretical framework Complexity

Principles for teacher education Development of shared vision Involving all stakeholders Identifying key foundational ideas and practices Opportunities to learn about nested contexts of learning Preparation for inquiry and research

suggests that strong programs have a coherent vision not only of good teachers, but also of good teaching practices (Darling-Hammond et al., 2005; Feiman-Nemser et al., 2014). Returning to the lens from critical theory, for a moment, however, makes clear that to help PSTs learn equitable teaching, a program vision would need to be explicit about the role of race, racism, and power; centering equity in a vision cannot be assumed (Picower, 2021). Further, in emphasizing the self-organizational nature of learning, this lens points to the importance of teachers themselves having opportunities to articulate and develop their visions (Keay et al., 2019).

Involving all Stakeholders Importantly, avoiding fragmentation and working towards more coherence means involving everyone in developing that shared understanding of the work of teacher education. Coherence means going beyond the teacher education course or courses, and recognizing that preservice teachers are learning with and from each other, as well as from their clinical settings, from the faculty in the schools where they are teaching, and from interactions with parents and children (Cavanna et al., 2021; Cochran-Smith et al., 2019; Mayer et al., 2015). Specifically naming and defining good teaching and processes for capturing evidence of such teaching is not just held by university-based faculty, but the work of developing, critiquing, and revising such evidence-gathering is shared across multiple stakeholders responsible for PST learning. Critical to that effort of developing a shared vision is making clear that schoolbased mentors are also teacher educators and ensuring that school partners and school-based clinical mentors and PSTs are part of conversations (Keay et al., 2019; Mayer et al., 2015). Teacher education programs often reinforce (albeit unintentionally) a split between the “two worlds” of universities and schools (Feiman-Nemser & Buchmann, 1985; Anagnostopoulous et al., 2007). Differences in status, expertise, and roles between teacher education institution educators and school-based educators can make it difficult to position these two groups as jointly responsible teacher educators and can impede efforts to develop shared vision and responsibility (Cochran-Smith et al., 2019; Grossman et al., 2000; 2001).

Identifying Key Foundational Ideas and Practices Complexity theory also draws attention to the idea that in systems, feedback loops (sometimes non-linear) shape learning, an especially helpful perspective in

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addressing fragmentation. Teacher educators take advantage of learning through feedback loops by working to surface and identify a set of foundational ideas and practices that might be most critical for new teachers to repeatedly encounter – while simultaneously helping candidates see and understand how the knowledge embedded in those key ideas and practices are fluid, interconnected, cultural, and socially enacted (Nasir, 2008). Disrupting fragmentation requires reflecting on the big ideas that may be surfaced in those feedback loops, and that might not only be introduced chronologically but also regularly returned to and repeated over time with the intention of building deeper understanding (see Tatto, 1996). The Teacher Education and Learning to Teach (TELT) study, a comparative investigation of 11 teacher education programs in the USA during the 1980s and 1990s, emphasizes this principle. The study’s authors found that the more a program cohered around a set of consistent ideas about teaching and learning, the more powerful the influence of the program was upon student teachers’ learning to teach (National Center for Research on Teacher Education, 1991; Kennedy et al., 1993). Some US programs have found “curriculum mapping” across the entire programs to be a fruitful exercise to help articulate a learning progression and to surface key ideas that should be addressed regularly (Uchimaya & Radin, 2009; Wolff & Kinzler, 2015), helping address the nonlinearity of learning. Curriculum mapping involves examining how courses, learning experiences, and benchmark assignments line up and gradually build over time to identify alignments, gaps, overlaps, and strengths and make revisions across the program. Such work may illuminate what work to not focus upon and help guide hard choices about what features of teaching are most critical for novices to learn.

Opportunities to Learn About the Nested Contexts of Learning All three of our theoretical frames call our attention to learning ecologies and the larger intersecting and complex systems within which teacher education operates (Walby, 2007). The theories affirm principles that allow teachers to learn about the contexts that shape their experiences as teachers – from the national to the local. For this reason, providing PSTs with opportunities to learn about what complexity theorists refer to as “nestedness” (Keay et al., 2019); and to develop a deeper understanding of the systemic nature of student learning and schools themselves is important. Importantly, this approach to designing teacher preparation helps candidates to not only learn specific assets of local, individual, and classroom contexts but, simultaneously, to examine local and national historical and political contexts that shape schooling, and by doing so, provides a necessary systemic view of teaching contexts. For example, context-specific teacher education suggests that PSTs learn about the particular students, families and communities, and schools with whom they will eventually work and be prepared in these particular contexts. In turn, context-specific education helps candidates look beyond individual and classroom contexts to understand broader contexts that shape schooling (Feiman-Nemser et al., 2014; Matsko & Hammerness, 2014). Complexity theory calls attention to the

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role of specific contexts as well as relationships within and across these contexts. Considering these contexts from the perspectives of race and power with a lens from critical theory encourages both researchers and program designers to consider these relationships and their ripple effects (Allen et al., 2017).

Preparation for Inquiry and Research Complexity theory also reveals and helps underscore the challenges of making substantial inroads on shifting teaching practice to center equity and student ideas as crucial to teacher learning. Complexity theory reminds us how the cultures, practices, and ways of knowing of different institutions (schools, communities, universities) shape the ways that teachers learn and can pose additional challenges to teaching in ways that equitably center students’ ideas and experiences. Complexity theory calls upon us to continually be aware of the ways that, as scholars have made clear, practice does not lead to perfection. Inequitable and oppressive routines and habits in teaching are not only hard to reconstruct but sometimes even hard to notice (Britzman et al., 1997; Davis & Sumara, 1997). This poses special challenges for the problem of equity and underscores in particular how inequitable practices are maintained, and reinforced. Additionally, we must confront how difficult it can be to overcome those patterns and habits. Just as racism is subtle and unconscious, some of these patterns will be as well. Addressing these challenges requires teachers who can unpack accepted or “typical” practices, who raise questions, who do not take practices at face value, and who have the agency to inquire, learn, and push for change (Grudnoff et al., 2019; Lewis & Diamond, 2015). Because nonlinearity and reproduction of patterns can heighten and continue to produce inequities, helping PSTs develop skills of inquiry and research themselves is especially critical (Keay et al., 2019). This means providing opportunities in programs for PSTs to learn to engage in action research, inquiry into practice, and learning about how to learn from their classrooms, and practices (Conway & Munthe, 2015; Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1993; Hulme, 2014; Nieimi et al., 2013; Toom et al., 2010; Oancea et al., 2021). In better understanding how to address the relational, nonlinear, multidimensional aspects of learning in the complex systems of teacher education, we offer some key principles. These principles: developing a shared vision of teachers and teaching; continued surfacing of key or foundational ideas and ensuring that learning is consistent across settings by explicitly acknowledging the important role of mentors and school faculty as teacher educators, and finally supporting preservice teachers to learn inquiry and research, can be deeply useful in helping contribute to strong program design for preservice teacher learning.

Critical Theory and Principles for Learning Teaching Critical theory is particularly important in contending with the problem of inequity in teaching, and also asks that we keep equity central in addressing the problems of apprenticeship of observation and fragmentation. Since critical theory calls us to

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Table 3 Critical theoretical framework and principles for teacher education Theoretical framework Critical

Principles for teacher education Explicit focus upon justice and equity in program vision Opportunities to learn about out of school factors that shape learning Opportunities to unpack assumptions about teaching and learning Specific teaching and relational practices that center students and communities Explicit attention to power, and development of norms to address it

make explicit and take into account the power-laden and historically and structural mediation of learning or “learning as a racialized process” this research helps point to four key principles for PST learning (Esmonde, 2016; Esmonde & Booker, 2016; Philip et al., 2019) (see Table 3.)

Explicit Focus upon Justice and Equity in Program Vision Ideas from critical theory can be used to guide and cultivate the development of a clear vision that explicitly focuses on justice and equity, which can underscore the centrality of attention to injustices in education. Of note here is the use and clarity of terms and developing shared meaning, as well as the importance of explicit attention to race and racism (Harlap & Riese, 2021) as opposed to “color-blind” or color evasive approaches (Annamma et al., 2017; Wells, 2014). This involves defining terms such as equity and justice locally (Cochran-Smith, 2010; Picower, 2021), and getting specific about the emphasis in vision so as not to default to a generic focus on -isms (racism, classism, sexism) (Shah, 2021). A careful focus on language can help programs make explicit, for example, what they mean by “racial equity” and “racial justice.” Critical frameworks invite the consideration the dynamics of race and power in education institutions including teacher preparation programs and schools and intentionally center and lift the experiences of teachers of color. Kholi (Kohli, 2019), for example, finds that critical professional learning experiences in the form of collectivized teacher-led spaces to support racial literacy development have helped to sustain teachers of color in the field. It also calls us to pay attention to specific contexts and recognize the ways, for example in the USA, racism is contextually mediated. Anti-racist work, for instance, in the USA, should address a “multiplicity” of racisms (Shah, 2021) and eschew color-blindness (Annamma et al., 2017; Wells, 2014).

Opportunities to Learn about Out-of-School Factors that Shape Learning Next, critical theory suggests that PSTs need opportunities to learn about how institutions like schools are influenced by a variety of out of school, socio-political

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factors (Milner, 2020; Anderson & Stillman, 2010; Gutiérrez, 2013; Nasir et al., 2016), and how these factors might permeate and influence educational policy, which in turn can reinforce inequity (Darling-Hammond, 2013; Mason-Williams, 2015). For instance, PSTs in the USA can benefit from developing critical understandings about their education system by learning about how housing and financial policies such as the influence of red-lining and property taxation have led to patterns of segregation, poverty, and underresourced schools for Black and Latinx students (Desmond, 2017; Rothstein, 2018; Kendi, 2016). Knowledge about persistent patterns and challenges especially for students from historically marginalized backgrounds in schools and classrooms can help candidates develop both urgency and agency toward navigating and advocating for changes in practice and policy (Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2014). This means not only learning about this at a federal or national level, but also at a local level and personal level, and understanding how out of school factors, often brokered by systemic inequities play out in various contexts (Gist et al., 2019; Matsko et al., 2022).

Opportunities to Unpack Assumptions about Identity, Teaching, and Learning A critical theory perspective can also directly help address the problem of apprenticeship of observation and fragmentation. Given the primacy of prior experience and observation that candidates bring with them to education programs, without structured opportunities to consider the implicit and power-laden assumptions in place about quality teaching, learning, and success in schools, candidates might unintentionally perpetuate power-laden norms and expectations in their classrooms and schools (Anderson & Stillman, 2010). Teacher educators must similarly ask themselves about the implicit norms that guide teaching, learning, and success in their preparation programs (Haynes, 2017; Obidah & Howard, 2005). Identifying these norms and making them visible will illuminate the potential inequities that are playing out, particularly for candidates who may not reflect the profile of a typical student in the program (Cross, 2003).

Specific Teaching and Relational Practices that Center Students and Communities Finally, critical theory engages PSTs interrogating systems, structures, and institutions, which moves away from assimilationist perspectives that often prioritize the goal of inclusion over access to dominant forms of instruction. For PSTs this means learning how to develop classroom communities that center the experiences and voices of students, acribe competence, and make the criteria for success explicit (Bang et al., 2012; Lee, 2018; Mawyer, 2019; Thompson et al., 2020; Kang & Zinger, 2019; Vincent et al., 2017). PSTs should also learn how to critically review curricula and select materials that reflect their diverse experiences and perspective.

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For example, this might involve engaging in school and community-based projects that help students see themselves as having agency and finding opportunities to co-construct and question measures of success (Christ & Sharma, 2018; Gist et al., 2019; Flynn et al., 2018). Working toward a more just and equitable education requires efforts from within and outside of the institution, equipping new teachers with the perspectives afforded by critical theory will help progress in both realms (Allen et al., 2017). Throughout systems – teacher, school, districts, and beyond, interactions and decision making are guided by norms that are often implicit. Working with an equity stance requires PSTs to begin to understand the various hierarchies of power that shape inequitable distribution of resources and power within and across various systems. Without carefully interrogating these systems in terms of their assumptions, motivations, and needs, inequities can be reinforced and unintentionally perpetuated (Carter Andrews et al., 2019). Though the idea of systemic change is daunting and perhaps not what is front and center for aspiring teachers, having experience with critically analyzing a system and its potential levers in education can help PSTs with an initial appreciation of this key idea. Further, it will set the stage for candidates to begin to better understand their positionality and that of their students within the system, and begin to create and advocate for change within their spheres of influence (Lee, 2018; Guillen & Zeichner, 2018; Picower, 2021; Rolón-Dow et al., 2021).

Sociocultural Learning Theory and Principles for Learning Teaching Given the focus upon developing an identity through shared languages, practices, and tools, sociocultural learning theories are particularly important for understanding and disrupting the problems of enactment and helping to overcome the problems of the apprenticeship of observation. Furthermore, with the focus upon immersing in practices, routines, and visions that are shared across community members, and that are directly pointed at addressing equity and justice, sociocultural learning theories can promote coherence. They can also guide concrete attention to equity in daily classroom teaching. The theories points to four key principles for PST learning (see Table 4).

Table 4 Sociocultural theoretical framework and principles for teacher education Theoretical framework Sociocultural

Principles for teacher education Construction of a professional identity Developing shared languages, practices and tools Opportunities to test out valued practices and receive feedback Linking a developing vision of equitable instruction to concrete practices and tools

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Construction of a Professional Identity First, utilizing sociocultural learning theories when designing, enacting, and examining opportunities for PST learning help teacher educators navigate four interconnected challenges of teacher preparation. First, an inherent and important aspect of teacher preparation is PSTs’ continual construction of professional identities – they learn to “think, feel and act” like a teacher (Feiman-Nemser, 2008). In addition, identities are shaped by interlinking constructs of emotion, discourse and stories, reflection, an understanding of self, and agency (Beauchamp & Thomas, 2009); even prior work identities shape early career teachers (Skarstein, 2020). Teacher preparation offers multiple avenues for PSTs to simultaneously try out teaching practice while having opportunities to reflect on their developing vision of professional work. Importantly for teacher educators, providing opportunities for PSTs to develop professional identities should also work in tandem with helping PSTs to develop a vision for equitable and socially just teaching (Kavanagh, 2017). Thus, when PSTs encounter practices, tools, language, students, and communities, they are pushed to see and act on everything through a lens of equity and justice, because they see teaching as a profession aimed at changing opportunities and society.

Developing Shared Languages, Practices, and Tools Second, sociocultural learning theories emphasize the importance of developing shared languages, practices, and tools that can be used, adapted, and worked on collectively across sites of teacher preparation. Sites of teacher preparation might use the same term to describe an aspect of learning, but the meaning and enactment of the term might differ. This lack of shared meaning and concrete practice creates an immediate barrier to learning together as PSTs and teacher educators (Grossman & Pupik, 2019). Without a shared language, practice, and tools, we cannot focus on common problems of practice, nor can we begin to think about equitable classrooms given the vastly different images of instruction across sites of teacher preparation (Shah, 2021). Sociocultural learning theories help teacher educators define “what counts” as equitable instruction, reify instructional practices and tools for preservice teachers to learn. They can also provide a lens to understand how and why practices and tools are adapted and created by new teachers in classrooms.

Opportunities to Test Out Valued Practices and Receive Feedback Third, sociocultural learning theories make clear that novices to any community must have opportunities to try out valued practices and to receive feedback. Without such opportunities, preservice teachers might develop a vision of good teaching, but feel lost when required to enact that vision in a classroom (Bettini & Park, 2021; Hammerness, 2006). Preservice teachers need to experience representations of

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instructional practices by teacher educators, to have such practices decomposed into named parts and actions, and to have opportunities to approximate teaching through pedagogical rehearsals (Kavanagh & Rainey, 2017; Grossman et al., 2009). This fusion of seeing and reflecting on equitable teaching with opportunities to rehearse such teaching allows preservice teachers to develop a vision of good teaching along with building a repertoire of instructional practices to enact their vision in classrooms (Youngs et al., 2022; Kang & Windschitl, 2018).

Linking a Developing Vision of Equitable Teaching to Foundational Knowledge, Pedagogy, and Concrete Practices and Tools Fourth, sociocultural learning theories illuminate the importance of people with power – teacher educators in our case – to represent a vision of good teaching for PSTs in their own instruction, and be open to feedback and discussion and debate about the vision. Teacher educators must also carefully design learning opportunities for PSTs that help them maintain a vision of good teaching as well as learn foundational knowledge, pedagogy, tools and practices that enable them to enact it in their own teaching (Hammerness & Kennedy, 2018; Kang & Windschitl, 2018; Matsko et al., 2022). Additionally, teacher educators must engage in the “meta” work of representing those principles and practices in their teacher education courses (Windschitl & Stroupe, 2017) The most difficult aspect of this work for teacher educators is making public their knowledge, planning, teaching, and decision-making, which also includes being vulnerable, making mistakes, talking through challenges, and being comfortable talking through tensions and questions about vision. As teacher educators, we must represent what we want teaching to look like, including how we create and foster equitable participation structures in our own classrooms, and how that relates to key foundational ideas and theoretical principles (Calabrese-Barton, Tan & Birmingham, 2020; Carter Andrews et al., 2019; Picower, 2021).

Principles in Practice: International Examples What do these design principles look like in practice? We share examples from three countries, Norway, Finland, and the USA, helping illuminate the ways that teacher education programs in different contexts might enact these principles (see Table 5, for program details). Each of these three programs has considerable evidence of impact and effectiveness in terms of preservice teachers’ learning, and in some cases, student outcomes (Wallace et al., 2022; Canrinus et al., 2019; Jenset et al., 2019; Toom & Husu, 2021). And, as in all teacher education programs, their program faculty have contended with the perennial problems of teacher education – enactment, observation, vision, equity, complexity, and fragmentation. While all three of these programs could illustrate multiple efforts to address the perennial challenges of teaching, we magnify select aspects of their designs to show these principles in action. We share these three programs in the form of brief “cases”

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Table 5 Program details Program name University of Oslo’s PPU program University of Helsinki’s CLASS program American Museum of Natural History’s earth science residency program

Program type Preservice; BA and Master’s degree (5 year integrated) Preservice; BA and Master’s degree (5 year integrated); Preservice; Master’s degree

Program characteristics 5 year program preparing upper primary and lower secondary teachers; situated in a university 5 year blended program; prepares primary teachers; situated in a university 15 month program; prepares high school science teachers; situated in a graduate school in a museum

that illustrate the approaches of these different programs to some of these challenges. For instance, the University of Oslo program illustrates how a program faculty targeted the perennial problem of fragmentation; the University of Helsinki program, the problem of enactment and apprenticeship of observation; and the American Museum of Natural History program, the problem of equity. Looking at each of these programs through the lens of the three frameworks of complexity theory, critical theory and sociocultural theory not only helps bring into focus aspects of the problem they have tried to address, but also some of the specific principles that they have employed to make progress on these continued challenges (see Table 6 Examples and principles). One limitation of these three cases is that they are not fully representative of the variety of approaches to teacher education internationally. We need more studies of teacher education programs that are not only more racially and linguistically diverse but also diverse in terms of representation across continents (see, e.g. Tatto et al., 2012; Tatto et al., 2018a, 2018b; Schmidt et al., 2011a, 2011b; Hammerness, et al., 2020) to better represent the full wealth of global knowledge of teacher education – as critical theory would push us to address. As we continue to strengthen our knowledge of teacher education internationally in these broader ways, the field will be far better served and developed (Tatto et al., 2018a, 2018b).

University of Oslo, Norway: Targeting the Problem of Fragmentation and Enactment The Oslo program illustrates how a program faculty targeted the perennial problem of fragmentation. This case provides a useful example of how principles from complexity theory such as promoting coherence through defining a shared vision; identification of foundational ideas and practices for the focus of the curriculum and the basis for learning experiences for PSTs; and preparing PSTs for engaging in inquiry and research helped promote coherence and consistency across the program. This case also illustrates how a program can address the problem of equity, and using our lens from critical theory reveals their enactment of the principles of practices that center students and communities. Oslo prepares teachers for all subjects at the upper

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Table 6 Program examples and principles Program name University of Oslo’s PUPILs teacher education program

University of Helsinki’s CLASS teacher education program

American Museum of Natural History’s earth science residency program

Principles for teacher education it illustrates Development of shared vision Identifying key foundational ideas and practices Preparation for inquiry and research Specific teaching and relational practices that center students and communities Construction of a professional identity Opportunities to test out valued practices and receive feedback Involving all stakeholders in the work of teacher education Preparation for inquiry and research Explicit focus upon justice and equity in program vision Identifying key foundational ideas and practices Opportunities to learn about out of school factors that shape learning; nested contexts of learning and assumptions about teaching and learning

primary and lower secondary level, and offers both a one-year program and a five year integrated master’s degree program; in this case we focus upon the five-year integrated program (Klette & Jenset, in press; Hatlevik et al., under review; Hatlevik et al., 2020). However, both programs have been informed by the same design principles. Both programs aim to prepare teachers who deeply understand core principles of learning and development, who have a strong beginning repertoire of teaching practices and who are able to engage in research on and inquiry into their own teaching and learning. Currently, program faculty have seen an increase in the selectivity and application rates to the five-year program, growing numbers of candidates applying to the programs. They note a strengthened reputation within the University, and report international attention to the program. However, over a decade ago, teacher education at the University of Oslo was facing considerable critique from preservice teachers. The student newspaper reported that teacher preparation “has great organizational challenges, a great potential for improvement, and above all a serious reputation problem” (Universitas, September, 2010). The program had many strengths, ranging from committed expert faculty and a broad set of partnerships with local schools to strong support from the university leadership and administration. However, program leaders and core faculty in the program agreed that the program suffered from several of the perennial challenges plaguing teacher education, in particular, fragmentation (especially in terms of weak alignment between courses, and between coursework and fieldwork, which students pointed to as a main concern); the lack of a shared vision of good teaching across faculty (one of the critiques put forward by students was different messages about good teaching from faculty); and enactment, with graduates often reporting feeling unprepared for the realities of the classroom upon graduation. An examination of the program’s reform

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efforts to respond to those critiques reveals some of the principles we’ve elaborated from complexity theory. After organizing a redesign team of faculty and student-advisors, the program team embarked upon a set of related reform efforts focused upon: (1) developing a shared vision; (2) becoming more coherent, through identification of a set of key themes that would organize the program and coursework; (3) deeper and more explicit connections to teaching practice through new or revisions to benchmark assignments. Over several years, a team of faculty and PSTs worked together to clarify the program vision of good teaching as a professional practice that rests upon a foundation of inquiry, observation of learning, and the enactment of researchinformed teaching practices known to have an impact on student learning. The preparation redesign effort also produced a set of four programmatic themes – observation of teaching and learning; classroom environment and management; assessment of learning; and working in heterogeneous classrooms – that represented focal fields for foundational learning (with associated foundational ideas) that would help guide program curriculum design and course revision. Then, the redesign team worked to sequence coursework and assignments so that candidates explored those four areas over the course of the program, intended to build upon key ideas that were introduced at critical time periods in the program, and accompanied by opportunities to rehearse specific teaching practices such as facilitating whole-class discussion. In addition, they developed a design for a one-week field placement at the very start of the program, building onto two long periods of teaching practice later in the program. They developed assignments connected to fieldwork so that curriculum was tightly linked to the four thematic themes of the program. Finally, program redesigners added new program assignments to more explicitly reflect a research and development paradigm, emphasizing an “inquiry stance” to teaching. Recently, in the wake of global awareness of inequities and racism, the program has also made a number of shifts to directly address equity by focusing upon core ideas such as intersectionality and cultural awareness and asking candidates to reflect upon their assumptions about identity, as well as to develop relational practices that center students and communities. For instance, while preservice teachers at the University of Oslo are in the middle of their longest clinical placement, they return for a week of courses on campus. A special focus of this week is on diversity in schools, and preservice teachers explore foundational ideas about what it means to be a minority student in Norway. As a starting point, the candidates reflect upon their own identities in relationship to concepts of intersectionality. Preservice teachers read sections of Tante Ullrike’s Vei, a Norwegian novel written by Muslim author Zesham Shakar, on his life and schooling in an east-side neighborhood of Oslo which addresses discrimination and the challenges of integrating into Norwegian culture as a first-generation youth. One excerpt from the book describes how a teacher reacts to the author’s reluctance to observe a moment of silence for the victims of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA. The teacher education faculty ask preservice teachers to consider practices teachers could use that would be more responsive to the student, using key concepts like intersectionality and cultural consciousness, and move into a broader conversation intended to help preservice teachers prepare practices that can address hate speech in

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the classroom. The efforts the program has taken to become more coherent, to address and develop a shared vision, and to focus more explicitly on specific learning of teaching practices has had an impact. In regular surveys of preservice teachers in the program, preservice teachers report increased coherence and a clarity of vision (Canrinus et al., 2017, 2019).

University of Helsinki, Finland: Targeting the Problem of Apprenticeship of Observation and Enactment The Helsinki program exemplifies some of the ways a program can work over decades on the perennial problems of enactment and apprenticeship of observation. We use this program to provide an illustrative example of principles from sociocultural theory. We reveal how this program, by focusing upon the construction of professional identity, by placing PSTs in practice schools where they can trying out practices and get feedback, and by centering the role of school-based teachers as key stakeholders in that effort, has worked to address this long-standing dilemma of teacher education. The University of Finland’s elementary teacher education program is a five year, Master’s degree program and one of only eight programs that prepares teachers in the country. The programs’ curricula focuses upon a set of key ideas: the ability to create learning-focused curricula, and assessment of students’ growth and learning by engaging preservice teachers in research and inquiry on a regular basis (Toom & Husu, 2021). Further, through deep immersion in professional practice, the program faculty and master teachers intend to help preservice teachers develop a strong professional identity as a Finnish teacher – a key strategy that sociocultural theory points to for teacher education. The programs’ inclusion of considerable periods of practice, taking place in schools especially designed for student-teacher learning, as well as the incorporation of experienced school-based teachers in very explicit roles in mentoring preservice teachers are a key focus in this case. These choices are examples of how principles from sociocultural theory can help tackle key problems of teacher education of the observation of apprenticeship and enactment. In Finland, the primary school teacher education curriculum includes a substantial amount of clinical experience, which takes place in specially designed teacher practice schools that each university has as an operational unit. Teacher practice schools are public schools that are subject to national curriculum and teaching requirements just like any other municipal school. However, teacher practice schools have been particularly designed pedagogically and often also architecturally to support both pupils and teacher-students in their learning. Teachers in these schools are required to hold a strong professional record of teaching and advanced studies in educational sciences, many holding doctorates, as do the teacher education faculty at the university. A main purpose of these schools is to support the learning of prospective teachers. In Helsinki, PSTs engage in three sets of experiences at the Viikki practice school, the teacher practice school associated with the program. All field experiences are

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focused upon the opportunities to test out valued instructional practices and to get feedback from experienced teachers and their faculty supervisors. This helps PSTs see how to enact theoretical principles from their program in practice, and provides some visions of strong classroom instruction as modeled by acting teachers. Drawing on sociocultural learning theories we might say that the school itself serves as a “community of practice” for PSTs. The architectural design of the Viikki school has features that are directly intended to support the learning of PSTs including rooms specifically designed for the analysis of teaching, with screens and technology specifically to analysis and reflection of videos of teaching, and for reflective meetings between preservice teachers, master teachers, and university faculty. There is even a “viewing platform” above the gymnasium space for master teachers to observe, and support preservice teachers with feedback, who are teaching physical education courses. In the first year of preparation, PSTs conduct a few days of observations and three weeks of practice teaching, conducted in pairs. The program integrates key assignments from courses with this fieldwork. For instance, the initial focus of the few days during the first year is to chart children’s social interactions and friendships, and to begin to understand the social community of the classroom. PSTs also write a case study that focuses upon a child in that classroom, also tied to particular classes they take at the university. Later that first year, pairs of student-teachers return to the same classroom, where they charted the social interactions – because they are learning to build relationships with students – and spend three weeks focusing upon the teaching of Finnish and drama given their university coursework up to this point. During their third, fourth, and/or fifth years, PSTs take on more and more responsibility in the classroom, during their clinical practice periods, always planning and sharing teaching responsibility in pairs. What stands out in particular in the design of the practicum at the teacher practice school is that the master teachers are deeply involved in the work of the teacher education program; they are involved in the work to identify the vision of the program by emphasizing key practices, and meet regularly not only with the PSTs but with the faculty supervisors. All three of these strategies reflect key principles that sociocultural theory underscores. Preservice teachers receive feedback every day; they also participate in co-planning activities with their practice teachers and partner from their teacher education program. Another key unique feature in the program is the emphasis of teacher education upon research, inquiry, and analysis of teaching and learning – which includes the study of research methods and a master’s degree thesis. These competencies are considered central to the development of professional teachers. All courses integrate educational research (Kansanen, 2007; Toom et al., 2010). PSTs, then, are autonomous professionals who are reflective and systematic in their practice, and are prepared to use a research-based approach in their work (Hökkä & Eteläpelto, 2014; Maaranen & Krokfors, 2007). The program offers considerable support for these master’s level theses: faculty sponsor and supervise small “research groups” of 3–7 students who are investigating issues close to the interests and expertise of faculty. Anu Laine, the director of the programs, sees the value of learning to do

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research not only informing how prospective teachers see their work as teachers but importantly, as underscoring the deep connection between teaching and inquiry: “We want them to be researchers, as teachers and researchers, . . . so that they are not separated, but they are combined” (Hammerness, et al., 2017, pg. 29).

American Museum of Natural History, United States of America: Targeting the Problem of Equity Finally, the American Museum of Natural History’s Earth Science Teacher Residency program (AMNH-ESRP) illustrates how a program works on the problem of equity, and provides an example of how a program implements principles we’ve discussed from critical theory and complexity theory: articulating an explicit focus upon equity in program vision, to identifying key foundational ideas and practices for teaching science, and providing opportunities to learn about identity and out-ofschool factors that shape learning. The AMNH-ESRP prepares teachers to teach Earth Science in secondary schools in New York City and Yonkers. The program was designed with the specific goal of helping prepare Earth Science teachers to support more access and stronger preparation for students in New York State in highneeds schools, a very specific equity goal. Developing STEM competency in middle and high school is critical to student outcomes, particularly among groups underrepresented in science such as African American and Hispanic students, English Language Learners, and students with disabilities. In New York State, Earth science is considered one of the “gateway” science courses to more advanced chemistry and physics and to AP-level science courses. The earlier students take one of these courses and pass the state exam, the more high-level science courses they will be able to take throughout high school, increasing their chances of future success in STEM fields. Yet teachers with preparation in Earth Science continue to be in short supply and high demand. While it is unusual that this residency program is situated within a museum, it takes place within the museum’s graduate school with courses cotaught by science curators and teacher educators. The museum itself is a research institution with a long history of teacher preparation and professional development. To prepare its preservice teachers (about 15 a year, roughly 35% residents of color), the program partners with five high-needs high schools (consistent with their goals for equity). PSTs engage in 10 months of residency four days a week while they teach together with a mentor who is the teacher of record, while taking a full, master’s level courseload. Unique to this program, selected clinical faculty teach academic courses at the museum and physically supervise the residencies at the partner schools, observing and providing feedback to residents in the classroom. Seeking and obtaining national accreditation (through the Council of Accreditation for Educator Preparation, or CAEP) and engaging in self-study was an important process for the program, which helped to develop cohesiveness, shared language, and emphasis on continual improvement. While the program’s curriculum focuses upon supporting PSTs to understand the value of a number of science teaching practices, the Ambitious Science Teaching Practices (AST, see Windschitl et al.,

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2012), with its focus upon sensemaking, rigor, and equity, reflects central commitments of the program for science teaching. The program provides multiple opportunities to learn about four core practices of AST which include, for example, eliciting students’ ideas and adapting instruction; supporting on going changes in students’ thinking and drawing together evidence-based explanations (Windschitl et al., 2018). Multiple courses offer PSTs opportunities to observe, analyze, and rehearse AST practices with course assignments carried out with students in the partner schools. For instance, one of the central science methods courses in the program focuses specifically upon eliciting students’ ideas and pressing for evidence-based explanations (MacPherson et al., 2020). In this course, they learn a set of ‘discussion moves’ that they practice and regularly receive feedback, and instructors regularly model and demonstrate the practices throughout the course. These key practices are taught in concert with core ideas about how students learn science, about how people learn in both in and out of school settings, and how to assess and support student sensemaking in science. More recently, in the wake of the growing movements for racial equity in the USA, the program has intensified efforts to not only be explicit about the nature of equitable teaching practices, but to also prepare preservice teachers to develop a deep understanding of their own identities and how their incoming assumptions may shape how they develop learning experiences and work with students. For instance, for the past 2 years, the program has held a module at the beginning of the program, taught by a faculty member along with a program graduate, dedicated to developing racial literacy (Wallace et al., 2021a, 2021b, 2022). The workshops provide opportunities to examine one’s own identities, privilege, and power in relation to becoming a science teacher. Preservice teachers read about abolutionist teaching (Love, 2019) and intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw et al., 1995) and engage in activities like designing an identity wheel. Emphasis is placed on reflection and selfexamination, and residents have opportunity to engage in relational practices like role playing. Preservice teachers learn about how one’s classroom environment can be set up to send messages about anti-racism and gender inclusivity and begin to think about aspects of their identity that they want to share with their future students. In turn, the racial literacy workshops are followed up with sessions on Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Access throughout the year and specific sessions focused on dispositions for teaching and learning. In addition, the program requires all preservice teachers to take a course that focuses upon the nested contexts of learning in New York City, and out-of-school factors that shape learning, which focuses in particular upon helping candidates understand the historical and legal structures that undergird public education system in New York City. With an emphasis on critical theory, PSTs read foundational works by Gloria Ladson-Billings and legal cases and policies that shaped the current education system. Especially helpful for preservice teachers to learn about the role of out-of-school learning is the “Museum Teaching Residency” the first summer clinical practice which they do in the museum, prior to entering classrooms in the fall (Adams & Gupta, 2017; Gupta et al., 2016; Cooke-Nieves et al., in press). That experience dovetails with a course throughout the summer and fall on research and

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learning in informal science settings that deepens and develops PST’s understanding of out-of-school factors that shape learning. Throughout the program, residents use tools such as the program’s “Observation Rubric” and the “Dispositions Continuum for Teaching & Learning” rubrics designed to align with the state’s culturally responsive-sustaining education framework. These rubrics serve as explicit means for engaging PSTs in self-assessment as well as are used by supervising faculty to provide feedback to PSTs (Trowbridge & Wallace, 2018). The “Dispositions Continuum for Teaching and Learning” for instance, explicitly focuses on developing a critical consciousness and opportunities to reflect on one’s own implicit bias, efforts to develop student-centered classrooms and forefront out of school factors that shape learning and provide opportunities for residents to unpack their own assumptions and biases. Looking Across the Program Examples Comparative work in teacher education requires understanding and appreciating the complexity and depth of teacher education programs and recognizing unique design elements and contexts. Using shared principles derived from these theoretical lenses, we can draw upon common terms and ideas that can support understanding and comparing programs across settings. Teacher education programs around the world will never look the same or be designed in the same ways. By focusing upon how programs interpret key ideas in teacher learning, how programs build upon or reflect key theoretical ideas about teacher learning, and how they respond to perennial challenges for teacher education, we can more easily and fully understand and appreciate the specifics of different programs around the world. For instance, looking across the descriptions of all three of these programs – in Oslo, Helsinki, and New York—shows that they have all faced the six perennial challenges in teacher education of enactment, observation, vision, equity, complexity, and fragmentation. Each program’s efforts to address these challenges represents fruitful examples of some of the key principles, and their efforts are well supported by foundational ideas from the three lenses of sociocultural, complexity, and critical theory – but we can start to understand these programs more easily by examining how and in what ways the programs have enacted some foundational design principles. By examining how programs enact these principles, our own work as teacher educators and our efforts to develop specific coursework, syllabi, and approaches to working with schools may come into greater clarity.

Conclusion: Theoretical Lenses for Comparative Research While the perennial challenges of teacher education will continue to surface, understanding how programs are designed to address them can provide a useful strategy for shared work and research across settings. The theoretical lenses of sociocultural, complexity, and critical theory can be especially helpful in this comparative effort – as can be examining the ways in which different programs enact the key principles that emerge. Using this approach of viewing our own programs through the three theoretical lenses, the perennial problems of teacher education and related design

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principles can not only help researchers studying teacher education programs but can also help to guide design and reform. We can more adeptly speak to and share our work with one another by drawing on these common principles and theories, and we can improve our programs by being explicit about the theoretical lenses we are using, and the challenges we are working to address. We advocate that the complementary and additive nature of these theories can help support comparative efforts and help guide theoretically informed program improvement.

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Teacher Education in Post-Soviet States: Transformation Trends Aydar M. Kalimullin

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and Roza A. Valeeva

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical Background: Prerevolutionary Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Soviet Reformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Post-Soviet Reforms in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Modern Systems of Teacher Education in Post-Soviet Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Divergent and Convergent Trends in Teacher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In 1991, the world’s largest country of the twentieth century – the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics (USSR) collapsed, suffering the same fate of many empires recorded in the history of mankind. Formed in 1922, the unified country was built on common political, economic, social, and cultural principles, placing education at the forefront. As a result of maximum unification, almost identical education system with insignificant national characteristics was introduced in 15 republics. In teacher education, this was reflected in common principles and the content of teacher training programs. The collapse of the USSR, which resulted in the creation of 15 independent countries, marked a new stage in the history of teacher education in the postSoviet space. Over the past 30 years several countries, chiefly Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Moldova, have gone through drastic reforms that severely changed their educational landscapes. In contrast, Central Asian countries, Ukraine, and Belarus have preserved some features of the Soviet model, demonstrating the post-Soviet identity in teacher education. A. M. Kalimullin Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia R. A. Valeeva (*) Institute of Psychology and Education, Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_65

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This chapter describes the experience of five countries – Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, and Ukraine – focusing on different paths of their development as part of the Soviet Union and the individuality in elaborating new models of teacher training in the period from 1991 to 2020. The study aims to analyze the development of Soviet identity in teacher education and the reasons for preserving some of its characteristics amid reforms in a number of post-Soviet independent countries over the last three decades. In light of this, teacher education is considered as a major geopolitical resource in the Eurasian space, which enhances cooperation within an international organization – the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) consisting of several post-Soviet countries. The current trend supporting this point is the increased export of Russian educational services to a number of Central Asian countries and Belarus. Keywords

Teacher education · Soviet Union · Post-Soviet countries · History of education

Introduction The challenges of modern education, which are relevant for almost each country of the world, calls for an effective system of teacher training and support in order to ensure quality and equitable education of children (Beauchamp & Clarke, 2015; Menter et al., 2017; Tatto & Menter, 2019). This issue is particularly acute for the post-Soviet region, where 30 years ago the member countries represented a single political and economic mechanism that provided ample opportunities to receive education. Today, in the global context the existence of the USSR (1922–1991), the cornerstone of which was prerevolutionary Russia, can be seen as a unique historical experiment on creating one of the largest in the evolution of mankind states, which united a vast territory and more than 100 ethnic groups. Many of them were representatives of remote cultures, religions, races, lifestyles, and political and economic structures. The creation of a single community was built on many grounds. The unification of education played one of the leading roles in this process. The present-day priorities for the development of education systems in the postSoviet countries are quite far from the past social and political realities, which are often criticized in terms of national approaches. The destruction of the Soviet educational landscape resulted in attempts to introduce educational reforms that required critical and adequate analysis. This is not a question of idealizing the socialist model, but one should evaluate realistically its achievements and shortcomings, especially in the context of changes that the former Soviet states underwent, being already in the status of independent countries. Regardless of the current political affiliation, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and Baltic countries are influenced to some extent by the post-Soviet identity, despite the fact that some countries have actively sought to conceal it over the past three decades. In view of this, when introducing reforms, policy makers and

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administrators have to recognize the influence of educational traditions on the regional community, to rethink the sociocultural significance of the content and value-based orientations of Soviet education, and to take into account the role of the Russian language as one of the state languages or a language of interethnic communication. The post-Soviet identity is clearly observed in the field of teacher education in all five countries under review. This is an area where the relics of socialist traditions, modern international trends, and the national characteristics, pertinent to the local attempts to transform this field, are closely intertwined. The historical principles of consistency, integrity, and objectivity in relation to the examined processes and phenomena are reflected in the works of Medynsky (1929), Osovski (1959), Kornetov (1994), Dzhurinsky (1999), Piskunov (2001), and Boguslavsky (1987). Most of the writings created in the Soviet era is understandably based on the Marxist-Leninist methodology, which manifested itself in the idealization of the educational policy formulated in the socialist period. The contemporary analysis of teacher education at the end of the twentieth century, often focusing only on the problems and shortcomings of the Soviet past, strikes a discordant note. Although the number of works on the transformation of teacher education in the post-Soviet space (Pashkevich et al., 2008; Stepanets, 2014; Tastanbekova, 2018; Valeeva & Gafurov, 2017; Valeeva & Kalimullin, 2019; Zhilbaev 2015; Ventseva, 2013; Kalimullin et al., 2020) is increasing, comprehensive comparative studies are still lacking. Special mention should be made of the collaborative research “25 Years of Transformations of Higher Education Systems in Post-Soviet Countries,” which analyzes the general processes in higher education in all former Soviet republics and covers indirectly the issue of teacher education (Huisman et al., 2018). The report of the European Commission on the training of teachers for primary and secondary education in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine is of great interest in this regard (Duda & Clifford-Amos, 2011). This chapter substantiates two main scientific approaches to the investigation of the history of teacher education. These approaches identify the prospects for the transformation of teacher education in the post-Soviet space. The first approach is the need for an unbiased assessment of the Soviet educational policy and practice, which for several reasons have been considered mainly from the negative perspectives in national historiographies. It is impossible to deny that we had a shared history, which to a great extent specifies the current state of the education sector. Hence, teachers, researchers, and policymakers must be aware of the historical affinity in the implementation of the contemporary teacher education policy and practice. The second approach is the analysis of the current state of teacher education on the territory of the former Soviet Union as a result of a profound transformation that has taken place since the 1990s, explaining the differences in the teacher education systems and a rejection of the Soviet model. This enables us to compare the content and success of reforms in these countries and take into consideration their positive and negative experiences to devise a further development strategy. In addition, taking into account the geographic proximity, political interests, economic relations, cultural interaction, migration flows, and other factors, it is impossible to deny the

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impact of educational reforms on the potential integration processes in the CIS countries. The aforesaid determines the relevance and scientific significance of exploring the raised issue to bring together historical and pedagogical research, which allows examining the origins and prospects for the development of present-day reforms in the field of teacher education in the post-Soviet space. This comparative study is a part of the long-term research project on the investigation of patterns and peculiarities in the development of teacher education systems in 15 independent states, appeared after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The result of this work will be a multiauthored monograph summarizing the experience of transforming teacher education in post-Soviet countries. The aim of this research is twofold. The first is to evaluate the national systems of teacher education developed as a result of the transformation of the basic Soviet model taken place from 1991 to the present day. The second is to analyze the impact of socialist traditions, global trends, and national reforms since the dissolution of the USSR on the current state of teacher education in Russia, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. The authors conducted the historic-logical, critical, and theoretical analysis of a wide range of sources, i.e., government documents, official projects on reforming the education systems as a whole and teacher education in particular; documents from international and European organizations, pedagogical and sociopolitical newspapers and magazines. The study has also used the methods of content analysis, comparative analysis, generalization, scientific interpretation, synthesis of factual materials, and a combination of inductive and deductive approaches.

Historical Background: Prerevolutionary Period The countries that comprised the USSR had a different and quite contradictory history of integration not only into this union but also into the previous structure of prerevolutionary Russia. Along with that, they all had a common starting point of their modern statehood – 26 December 1991, when the Soviet Union was dissolved. This enables us to distinguish three main periods in the development of teacher education systems in the examined countries, which have both typical features and their characteristics. The first period is the establishment of Russian statehood in the prerevolutionary period which was generally connected with military activities of the Russian army, the expansion and extension of Russia’s influence over new territories. Despite the rich and intertwined previous history, the reunification of Russia and Ukraine took place in the middle of the seventeenth century. The main Belarusian lands became part of the Russian Empire in the late eighteenth century. Bessarabia (Moldova) was joined at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Kazakh lands were incorporated into the Russian state in the middle of the nineteenth century. By the end of the nineteenth century, the Russian Empire was a large multinational state. Seventy percent of the population spoke Slavic languages and were Orthodox Christians.

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Approximately 8.9% of the population practiced Catholicism, and 8.7% were Muslims (Mironov, 2015). Traditionally one of the priorities of the Russian government has been to integrate as many peoples into a single state as possible. In addition to political, economic, military, and religious integration, the ambition to form a unified educational space was seen as the long-term strategy for unification concerning the incorporated lands. The gradual spread of education among the population and a desire for knowledge led to the emergence of mass primary schooling, which required a huge number of teachers at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This promoted the active introduction of educational reforms, implemented first in the center and then in other parts of the country. However, it is necessary to recognize the higher quality of primary education in the central and western parts of Russia, mainly due to the level of their industrial development and partly to the borders with Europe and religious factors (Saprykin, 2009). The university teacher training can be traced back to the middle of the eighteenth century driven by the establishment of Moscow University in 1755. A teachers’ training college with a 3-year length program of study was opened at the premises of the university in 1779. This date was a starting point in the 240-year history of teacher education in Russia. The St. Petersburg main public school focusing on the training of teachers for small schools was founded in 1783. In 1786, a teachers’ training college was formed out of the St. Petersburg main public school. The new educational establishment was created to prepare teachers for all the other main public schools in the country (Eskin, 1952). The subsequent history of Russia up to the Soviet period was replete with educational reforms promoting further development of the teacher education system. Innovations taking the form of new types of educational institutions, differentiation in their status (state-owned, public, private), and improvements on training programs affected almost all Russian governorates. Secular schools gradually replaced the teacher training institutions within the framework of traditional spiritual (religious) education, which was partially preserved until the beginning of the twentieth century. Religious education was historically provided by educational institutions of the Holy Governing Synod, such as the Kiev-Mohyla and Slavic-Greek-Latin Academies, Trinity, Novgorod, and Alexander Nevsky theological seminaries. Catholic educational institutions had their influence over the western parts of Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova (Krachun, 1969; Stepanets, 2014; Pashkevich et al., 2008). A similar pattern was observed among the Muslim population of Russia. Their main educational institutions were mektebe (primary schools) and madrasahs (secondary and high schools). As a rule, classes were taught by clergymen (mullahs), who had completed a course of study at madrasahs within the country or in the largest religious centers of Central Asia and the Middle East (Khanbikov, 1975). A fairly complex system of teacher training in secular teacher institutions was created in Russia during the nineteenth century. The system’s development was in line with the global trends of that period. This refers to an increase in the importance of mass and accessible general education, the support of secular ideas, and a focus on tackling the issues of economic and social development of the country (Eskin, 1952;

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Koroleva, 1979; Nefedova, 2013; Panachin, 1979; Pletneva, 1997). At the same time, the development of education in different parts of the Russian Empire had its own unique characteristics owing to the geographic distance, religious, ethnic, and social composition of the population, as well as to the duration and degree of integration into the unified state. The bourgeois reforms of the 1860–1870s and an accelerating capitalist development of the country in the post-reform period gave a strong impetus to the quantitative and qualitative expansion of the educational space. For instance, the teacher training system on the territory of Ukraine was mainly developed in the 1860–1870s. First and foremost, this addressed the needs of primary schools, supported considerably by the zemstvos (district councils) (Lodatko & Tatarinov, 2013). On the basis of secondary educational institutions, 3-year teachers’ training colleges were established in the cities of Korostyshev (1865), Kherson (1871), Akkerman (1872), and Pereyaslav (1878) (Stepanets, 2014). On the Western Ukrainian lands, teachers for public schools were trained by Lviv, Mukachev, and Uzhgorod teachers’ training colleges. The school reforms of the 1860s also had a positive impact on the training of primary school teachers in Belarus. Among the first teachers’ training colleges, opened on the territory of the present-day Republic of Belarus, were Molodechno (1864), Svisloch (1878), Polotsk (1872), and Nesvizh (1875) training colleges. In Russia, the system of higher pedagogical education specializing on the training of teachers for gymnasiums and nonclassical secondary schools was represented by universities. Despite the fact that pedagogical institutes were closed at that time, teacher education could be obtained by completing 2-year pedagogical courses at universities. These courses were provided by St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kazan, Kiev, and Kharkiv universities (Eskin, 1952). Teachers’ institutes specializing on the preparation of teachers for uyezd (district), municipal, and higher primary schools began to appear on the territory of the Russian Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. By the end of the nineteenth century, teachers’ institutes were opened in ten cities, such as Moscow, Tambov, Kazan, Tomsk, Belgorod, Vilno, Glukhov, Feodosia, Tbilisi, and St. Petersburg (Koroleva, 1979; Nefedova, 2013). The history of professional teacher education in Kazakhstan dates back to 1883 when the first Kazakh teachers’ school was opened in the city of Orsk in the Orenburg region (Sembaev, 1958). The Semipalatinsk teachers’ training college, which is considered as a cradle of teacher education, was founded in July 1903. Despite the name, which served more to denote the national character of the student body, this teachers’ training college conducted classes in the spirit of “Orthodox Christianity and absolutism” (Zhanaeva et al., 2018). After the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, when democratic rights and civil liberties were significantly expanded, teachers’ institutes became open educational institutions that accepted men of all titles and status. In the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a tendency to establish teachers’ institutes in large provincial cities of the country. By 1917, their number had increased to 20. As a consequence, the number of students also increased considerably. Only in Ukraine in

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the period from 1908 to 1916 there were 22 teachers’ training colleges and 7 teachers’ institutes (Dneprov et al., 1991). In addition, Kharkiv, Kiev, and Novorossiysk universities trained teachers of classical languages, history, physics, and mathematics (Stepanets, 2014). Thus, there was rather a complex, but not fully interconnected system of teacher education in Russia in the beginning of the twentieth century. There were various educational institutions of different types and levels: teachers’ training colleges, religious schools, pedagogical courses and classes in women’s institutions for the training of primary school teachers, teachers’ institutes for the training of teachers for higher primary schools, separate pedagogical institutes, pedagogical courses for the training of secondary school teachers, and others. However, the curricula and the quality of education differed significantly depending on their affiliation to certain departments, i.e., the Ministry of Public Education, zemstvos, or the Orthodox Church. The geographical factor caused an uneven distribution of pedagogical institutions in Russia. The high population density in the central and western parts of the country led to a sufficient number of teacher training institutions in some governorates. One could observe the dependence of the level of teacher education on the industrial development of a particular region, since manufacturing industry required a higher proportion of educated people as compared to the agricultural sector (Knyazev, 1989; Tereshchenko, 2016). Considering the eastern part of the country, there were fewer educational institutions, especially in the field of higher education. Some governorates did not even have one. Generally, the outlying areas received teachers from the central regions of the country. It was the case of Bessarabia, Central Asia, the Far East, and partly Siberia. The situation was aggravated by the lack of a longterm national strategy for teacher education, leading to inconsistence and even contradictory transformations, the closure of certain types of educational institutions, and insufficient support from the government. Therefore, the teacher shortage increased steadily from the second half of the nineteenth up to the early twentieth centuries.

The Soviet Reformation There were massive attempts to tackle many educational issues in the Soviet period, which demonstrates a striking example of the influence of the political regime on changing the goals, curricula, and modes of teacher training. The initial creation of the USSR, which started almost from the early days of the Soviet power, was largely built on the national tradition of statehood, characterized by the centuries-old accession of territories within the Russian Empire. The disintegrating tendencies in the post-revolutionary events of 1917, accompanied by the separation or attempts to do so of some peripheral regions, were quickly overcome. This resulted in the establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on 30 December 1922. Having included only four federal republics at first, the Union expanded gradually, changed its administrative and territorial units, and acquired new territories,

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especially during the Second World War (1939–1945). The USSR was completely formed by 1945, having existed as a Union of 15 republics until 26 December 1991. A huge unified country was characterized by the highest centralization and unification of all spheres of life, including education. Despite the sociocultural context, national characteristics, and traditions, the Soviet education system was formed in all 15 republics. It had both obvious disadvantages in the form of excessive ideologization and undeniable advantages, such as the possibility for everyone to have access to free and fundamental education. This enabled a fairly effective education system throughout the country. Unified teacher education has become one of its key elements (Lyman, 2019; Vasilyev, 1966). In a number of republics, socialist principles were imposed on the already existing system, and in others, they contributed to the rise of mass secular pedagogical education, especially in the regions that had a relatively high degree of illiteracy among the population in the prewar period, i.e., Central Asia, the Caucasus (Sembaev, 1958). The western territories affected during the Second World War had an important and timely personnel and material assistance provided by the regions in the central and eastern parts of the USSR (Ventseva, 2013). In the postwar decades, it was possible to bridge the fundamental differences in the education level of the population of different republics and establish educational consistency throughout the Soviet Union. This enabled to create almost similar curriculum content in universities and ensure a high level of student mobility in the republics. The standardized and extensive system of teacher training was at the core of the whole system. It had an identical structure and was built on common approaches and unified programs in all educational institutions. By the end of the Soviet era, pedagogical educational institutions were quite numerous and functioned not only in all capital and regional centers but also in several relatively small cities, performing important educational functions in the surrounding areas (Shcherbakov, 1968; Slastenin, 1976; Yashchuk, 2013). Teacher education at the time was focused on training on disciplinary subjects [such as biology, mathematics, language and literature, etc.], while curriculum changes were developed and imposed by state scientific and methodological organizations (Postovoy, 1971). The curriculum in all teacher training institutions was mandatory.

Post-Soviet Reforms in Teacher Education The collapse of the USSR in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 independent states in the post-Soviet space. Over the past three decades, they have demonstrated different pace and approaches to reforming the educational sector, which to date has resulted in the formation of fairly diverse national education systems. Changes related to the organization of teacher training and the content of teacher education curriculum are of particular interest as, ultimately, they determined the success of all other educational reforms (Bolotov, 2001). Since the early 1990s, the post-Soviet states started building their own models of teacher education. This process unfolded amid severe economic crises and resulted

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in rather timid attempts at reform. Many countries adopted their own legislation in the field of education as important evidence indicating the independence of the newly formed states. The first to be adopted was the Law of Ukraine “On Education” (Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR, 1991), which provided for “the independence of the state education system from political parties and other public and religious organizations.” Then, the Law “On Education in the Republic of Belarus” (1991) was adopted. In 1992, the Law “On Education” was adopted in the Russian Federation (GRF, 1992) and Kazakhstan (Law “On Education in the Republic of Kazakhstan”, 1992), and in 1995 – in the Republic of Moldova (Law “On Education in the Republic of Moldova”, 1995). At the same time, teacher education became the most conservative area of educational policy in most the countries, which led to rather superficial changes in the content of teacher education. This turned out to be characteristic of all postSoviet countries that were striving to forget the communist past. For example, even after Ukraine gained its independence, teacher training was provided within the framework inherited from the USSR. Nevertheless, reforms were gradually introduced to the area of teacher education as the response to fundamental changes in overall education systems. Initially, the reforms aimed at the depoliticization of teacher training. This entailed the exclusion of courses, the content of which, in one way or another, promoted the MarxistLeninist and communist ideas. Such courses as “History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,” “Political Economy of Capitalism and Socialism,” “Scientific Communism,” “Atheism,” and other politically fringe courses were removed from the teacher education curriculum. These courses had no relation to any of the sciences and were introduced only to convey the Communist Party ideas. The content of courses in pedagogy and psychology, which contained the MarxistLeninist methodological guidelines, was revised. The next two decades witnessed continuous innovations in the field of teacher education in Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, and Ukraine (Bolotov, 2014; Margolis, 2014; Duda & Clifford-Amos, 2011). The innovative changes in teacher education in these countries were almost identical. Only sometimes they differed in chronology, determined by the priorities of the state educational policy. Several of the most important trends can be identified among them. The first trend is the denationalization of education systems, in general, and teacher education, in particular. Perhaps, this was influenced by international organizations, which had varying degrees of influence on the countries. The decentralization of higher education institutions resulted in the establishment of non-state (private) universities along with the state ones. In particular, since the late 1980s, private universities started appearing in Ukraine (Pokataeva, 2013), and since the mid-1990s, they were quickly spreading across Russia. In some countries, this process advanced even further. This way, in 2000, the first wave of privatization of state universities was initiated in Kazakhstan. This process was called “horizontal diversification of higher education” (Ahn et al., 2018). Today, Kazakhstan is the only post-Soviet country where the private sector dominates the higher education system

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(Ahn et al., 2018). The Republic of Moldova, in turn, involved international universities in the process of teacher training. The second trend is related to the Bologna Declaration. The five countries started gradually meeting the conditions for joining the Bologna Process. Thus, the 1991 Law of Ukraine “On education” (1991) and the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers on the multitier education system (Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, 1998) and subsequent legislative amendments provided for the transition to a fourand then, two-tier education system. The Bachelor Degree in a specific major was the first academic degree awarded to graduate students, and the Master Degree in a specific major was the second academic degree that students could obtain (Article 37). The provisions of this article served as the guidelines for further regulatory steps made in the teacher education field. Ukraine officially joined the Bologna Process in 2005. In 2004, Kazakhstan implemented an academic credit system and a three-tier education system in universities in order to join the Bologna Process. Five-year specialist’s programs were substituted by 4-year Bachelor Degree programs. This entailed a decrease in the number of courses in pedagogy and psychology and the duration of teaching internship, which undoubtedly had a negative impact on the quality of teacher training (Tastanbekova, 2018). However, the final decision to join the Bologna Process was made in Kazakhstan in 2010. In Russia, the transition to a multilevel system of higher education also manifested itself as an attempt to finally abandon a deeply rooted approach to teacher education when teachers were trained in a narrow specialization during 5 years. Although Russia officially joined the Bologna Process in 2003, the process itself started in the early 1990s. After the adoption of the Federal Law “On Education” in 1992 (GRF, 1992), the implementation of a multilevel system of higher education was regulated in the national education system (Artamonova, 2011). The Republic of Moldova demonstrated the most radical departure from the Soviet past. This was connected with the strategic orientation of the state policy in the field of higher education and the desire for rapid integration into the European space. Initially, the country used the Romanian education model as an example. After joining the Bologna Process in 2005, a rather unique multilevel system of higher education was developed. Differences can be traced even in the way the levels of higher education are entitled: the first cycle – “licentiate”; the second cycle – master’s degree; the third cycle – doctoral studies. The credit system also differs from that in other countries (Duda & Clifford-Amos, 2011). In 2012, Belarus submitted its first application to join the Bologna Process; however, it was rejected. The second attempt was made in 2015, and thus, the country became a member of the European Higher Education Area. However, full integration into the European education system was extended until 2018, subject to a deeper reform of the education system (Zhigalova, 2017). The principles of the Bologna Declaration had both positive and negative impact on the transformation of teacher education in the post-Soviet space. This was manifested in moving away from the specialist’s degree system, introduction of multilevel training and the European credit transfer and accumulation system, and

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other changes. These measures, however, did not solve the problem of the full inclusion of the post-Soviet countries into the European Higher Education Area and entailed a number of problems specific to each country. This refers to the difficulties in developing an efficient student information systems, staff and academic mobility, implicit academic recognition, equal employment opportunities, and joint programs (Duda & Clifford-Amos, 2011). The third trend suggests that in a number of countries, the 1990s reforms of teacher education entailed the merger of pedagogical institutes with other universities. This resulted in the creation of regional multidisciplinary universities. During this period, the public expenditure on education was low, which led to the reduction of teaching staff in view of low salaries. Also, the material and technical equipment of universities deteriorated rather seriously (Tastanbekova, 2018; Valeeva & Gafurov, 2017; Valeeva & Kalimullin, 2019). Depending on the state, pedagogical universities were especially vulnerable as the state was unable to sufficiently support them during the years of economic difficulties. By their nature, teacher education institutions were almost incapable of commercializing their activities. For this reason, several countries such as Kazakhstan and Russia decided to merge pedagogical institutes and universities with other higher education institutions. These new joint universities have more powerful educational and scientific potential, together with the best equipment, which they can use in training teachers.

Modern Systems of Teacher Education in Post-Soviet Countries As a result, a diversified teacher education system has emerged over the past 20 years. Currently, teachers are trained in higher education institutions of various types. The institutions differ in the area of specialization (pedagogical, non-pedagogical, technical, and other types) and the form of ownership (state, municipal, private). For example, in Kazakhstan, there are 85 universities that are licensed to prepare future teachers (Vlast, 2019). Among them are five pedagogical universities (The National Pedagogical University named after Abai, Kazakh State Women’s Pedagogical University, South Kazakhstan State Pedagogical University, Pavlodar Pedagogical Institute, Arkalyk State Pedagogical Institute named after Y. Altynsarin), and several public and private multidisciplinary universities. In Russia, at the end of the 1990s, more than 170 higher education institutions, including 90 pedagogical universities and institutes, prepared teachers. Today, teachers are trained in more than 250 universities of various types and affiliations, of which only 33 are state pedagogical universities and institutes (Valeeva & Kalimullin, 2019). The number of multidisciplinary (non-pedagogical) universities that prepare future teacher is growing every year (Menter, 2021). In Ukraine, there are about 20–25 independent teacher training vocational education institutions. Also, about 30 universities prepare teachers for general education schools, special needs education schools, and preschool institutions. Future teachers majoring in certain subjects can also be trained in multidisciplinary universities.

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These can be non-pedagogical and industrial universities or colleges licensed to train specialists in certain fields of teaching. In Belarus, there are currently 12 universities that train teachers, but there is only one specialized pedagogical university – Belarusian State Pedagogical University named after Maxim Tank (BSPU). In Moldova, there are 18 public and 11 private higher education institutions, some of which offer teacher training programs. Among them, only one university is specialized in pedagogical – Ion Creangă State Pedagogical University. Overall, teacher education in the post-Soviet space underwent important transformations amid major political, economic, and social reforms. This was the period when the country was transitioning from socialism to capitalism. However, reforms often failed, and this entailed a complete change in the status of education, teachers, and education establishments. Nonetheless, different experimental work was actively carried out in search of new models of teacher education. Changes were introduced to the legislative framework, scientific foundation, organization, economics, and content of teacher education. The modern Russian system of teacher education has inherited the Soviet traditions of strict regulation and unification of the content of educational activities. Almost all requirements for teacher training are specified in detail in the Federal State Educational Standards (FSES), set for all levels of teacher education. Strict compliance with requirements is obligatory for all educational institutions. This is due to the need to ensure the established level of quality of education, the unity of the educational space in the Russian Federation, and the objectivity of evaluating educational institutions. Each FSES is a set of obligatory requirements for the implementation of the main professional educational programs of higher education. FSES regulates all aspects of the development and implementation of teacher education programs. However, they are created by higher education institutions themselves (Gogoberidze & Golovina, 2015; Gogoberidze & Golovina, 2018; Kasprzhak, 2014). While developing an educational program, each university sets out requirements for the course outcomes in the form of universal, general professional, and core professional competencies of graduates. A guide for developing an educational program is the relevant Approximate Basic Educational Programme (ABEP) included in the recommended Register of approximate basic educational programs. Teacher education programs have an obligatory part and an elective one, formed by participants of the educational process. The obligatory part includes disciplines (modules) and internships aimed at the formation of general professional competencies, as well as core professional competencies defined by the ABEP as mandatory (if any). Disciplines (modules) and internships ensuring the formation of universal competencies can be included in both the obligatory and elective parts (Tryapitsyna, 2013). The obligatory part of a program also includes disciplines (modules), the content of which is consistent with the obligatory part of the ABEP. For example, in the case of master’s courses, the obligatory part without the state final certification should make up no less than 40% of the total study load. Unfortunately, over the past two decades, several FSES have been inconsistently implemented, which has had a destabilizing effect on the educational process at

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universities and institutes that implement teacher education programs. Often, they differed significantly from each other in the structure and sometimes in content, the ratio of basic and variable parts, and in the theoretical and practical training. At the same time, the development of new FSES should be seen as a drive toward continuous reform of the teacher training process. Their introduction to the educational practice led to major changes in the content of teacher training. Therefore, the 2018 Federal State Educational Standards (FSES 3++), which is used today, is quite an efficient document that grants broad rights to higher education institutions when developing their own programs (Gafurov & Kalimullin, 2021). The same processes have taken place in the other five countries listed above – former Soviet republics. With the adoption of amendments to the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On Education” in 2018, there was a significant expansion of the academic freedom of universities in the development of educational programs. If earlier the university had the right to independently determine 50% of the curriculum (Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 2012), now this figure is about 80%, which is enshrined in the State Compulsory Education Standard. Compulsory disciplines include general education disciplines – History of Kazakhstan, philosophy, Russian (Kazakh) language depending on the language of instruction, computer science, foreign language, physical education, political science, sociology, psychology, and cultural studies (Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 2018). The reform of the content of teacher education requires from pedagogical universities skills in the development of educational programs; therefore the Ministry of Education and Science conducts educational training for teachers. Since Kazakhstan declared a trilingual policy of teaching in schools, in 2012, the curricula of pedagogical specialties included the disciplines “Professional Kazakh/Russian/English” for the preparation of trilingual teachers (Tastanbekova, 2018). By 2022, the reform of the curriculum in pedagogical sciences will be completed, all educational programs will be updated in accordance with the professional standard “Teacher.” Since 1998, pilot standards for some specialties (for example, primary school teachers) appeared in pedagogical institutes of Ukraine determining the competence requirements for applicants for a bachelor’s degree. Since 2002, pedagogical universities (institutes) have begun to issue the first bachelors who could continue their studies to obtain a specialist diploma or go to a specialized master’s program. By 2007, bachelor’s programs at pedagogical universities (institutes) became the basis of educational activities, since the licensed volume of master’s training programs (as well as specialists) was several times less and did not allow to provide teaching staff teaching specialized disciplines with an academic load. Educational standards for bachelor’s and master’s levels were developed by specialized methodological commissions, which were created in leading universities for certain specialties. For example, the standard for the pedagogical specialty of primary education (Industry standard, 2005) was developed at the National Pedagogical University named after M.P. Dragomanov. When preparing future teachers, Ukrainian universities independently design educational programs, although earlier they were guided by state standards. In 2014, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, instead of updating the existing standards, abandoned them, redirecting the design of

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educational programs to higher educational institutions. This was motivated by the fact that higher educational institutions, within the framework of the autonomy of educational activities, were legally entitled to “develop and implement educational (scientific) programs within a licensed specialty” (On higher education, 2014, art. 32). As a result, the content of educational programs (in the same pedagogical specialty) in different universities began to differ significantly, which actually ruled out the possibility of concretizing and unifying competence-based results, as well as the implementation of academic mobility. In Belarus, a mixed approach is used to formulate curricula. The ratio of the volumes of the state and university components affects the creativity of a teacher and a student. This ratio is, respectively: at the first stage – from 35% to 55%, and at the second stage – from 25% to 35% and from 65% to 75%. This means that there are standard programs that are compulsory for all universities, including a compulsory state component, curricula in subjects and work programs. The program of the proposed subject is drawn up by the teacher, taking into account the wishes of the students and based on the hours allocated for the university component, that is, the component of the institution of higher education (HEI). The teacher is guided by the “Educational standards of the Republic of Belarus” (2007), in particular, the standard for a specific specialty, which sets the goals and objectives of a specialist’s professional activity, requirements for the level of training of a university graduate, and requirements for the content of the educational program and its implementation. Over the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the educational system of the Republic of Moldova was in a state of constant reform, first adopting the model of education in Romania as a model, and then, together with other European countries, the model proposed by the Bologna process. Most of the higher educational institutions of the Republic of Moldova, preparing future teachers, were originally institutes and during the reform they adopted the experience of the only university of this kind at that time – the State University of the Republic of Moldova. Over time, it turned out that this model of training future teachers is ineffective. Suffice it to point out that in 1993 in the training programs for subject teachers for 5 years of study, there was only one course of pedagogy, psychology, and methodology of the subject, one semester and only one pedagogical practice. Thus, it was necessary to revise the complete set of disciplines offered by universities in order to form the key competencies of a teacher already in the learning process. That’s why one of the principles of the Bologna Process – the autonomy of universities in the field of training future teachers has been sufficiently manifested in Moldova. With a single set of recommended disciplines: fundamental, humanitarian, and general education, compulsory for specialization and elective disciplines for specialization, each university has chosen its own ratio between them. In the first courses of study, the basis is formed for a more successful formation of the primary professional competencies of future teachers. Starting from the third semester, there is a very serious specialization of future teachers, and most of them choose their own trajectory of their development through elective disciplines. As elective courses, both special courses in psychology and pedagogy are offered, as well as the study of modern trends in the methodology of teaching the subject (Zastynchanu, 2011).

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Divergent and Convergent Trends in Teacher Education The centuries-long interaction and mutual influence of the post-Soviet countries, which was especially strong during the period of the USSR, had a significant impact on education, culture, religion, everyday life, and psychology of peoples in each country. Therefore, it is fair to assume that the post-Soviet identity will influence many processes that are taking place and will unfold over a vast territory from Eastern Europe to the Far East and from the Russian North to Central Asia. The concept of the “post-Soviet identity,” when applied to the field of teacher education, can imply two aspects. On the one hand, it suggests the maintenance and use of certain principles and content of teacher education of that time in today’s realities. On the other hand, it points at the similarity of some reform movements that occurred during the last three decades of independent development. It is, therefore, possible to identify a number of divergent and convergent trends in the development of teacher education systems, including their future advancement. The first trend is related to the maintenance of a certain proportion of tuition-free teacher education, state control, regulation of educational programs, and multitier teacher education system. Among antagonistic innovations of recent times, there exist such completely new phenomena as diversification, variability, commercialization, and dependence on international factors. The second trend concerns the unpredictability that accompanies the replacement of the communist ideology-based education with nationally politicized education. The latter depends on the priorities of home and foreign policy. Here, an objective assessment of joining to the Bologna Process is especially important as the process entailed the breakdown of many traditional practices in the 15 countries. It has now become apparent that some of the principles of the Bologna Declaration, when applied to teacher education, have remained largely declarative and not properly implemented. Barriers to integration into the European Higher Education Area still present a major challenge for most students and teaching staff. This has also been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, there are still difficulties related to the credit transfer system and the recognition of foreign university degrees as equal with native within the CIS. This problem can be resolved only at the local intergovernmental level. Although the structure of teacher education curricula is relatively similar (240 ECTS for bachelors and 120 ECTS for masters), there are noticeable differences in their content, balance between the core and variable programs, theoretical and practical training, and other aspects. Criticism of the existing multilevel system of higher education is becoming more severe in some countries. The third trend is connected with the decentralization of teacher education system in a number of countries, which occurred after shifting away from the centralized Soviet model. The Soviet model that existed in the late 1980s was the result of more than 200 years of evolution of teacher education in Russia and the USSR. The model lived up to its main tasks ensuring a high level of universal secondary education among the country’s entire population and creating single educational space. One important achievement was that teacher shortages did not exist in the country. Teachers had a relatively steady economic and social status in comparison with other professions in the Soviet Union. It is no coincidence that the field of teacher

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education had not experienced any significant changes for a long time and has preserved some traditions to the present day. After the introduction of innovations and reforms, teacher education in almost all countries lost strong government support. This entailed not so much financial and logistical problems as considerable teacher shortage (with the exception of Belarus). Consequently, the teaching profession became unpopular. The weakening of the state control was caused by the liberalization of life in some countries which, ultimately, reduced the level of regulation of educational programs in the field of teacher training. As a result, in Ukraine, for example, higher education institutions obtained the right to develop their own educational programs and curricula, the content of which (even in the case of the same major) significantly varied in different universities. This way, concretizing and unifying competency-based learning outcomes, as well as the implementation of academic mobility even within one country became, in fact, impossible. The fourth trend concerns the uncertain status and the future of the Russian language as the main means of interethnic communication in the former USSR. In Belarus, the Russian language is officially recognized as the state language. It is used as the language of instruction in schools, colleges, and universities; all business papers are compiled in Russian. In Kazakhstan, Russian is officially used on a par with the Kazakh language. In Moldova and Ukraine, it is the second most common language, which, however, does not have an official status (Gabdulkhakov et al., 2018). Admittedly, having its advantages and disadvantages, the national policy of the Soviet Union cannot be considered perfect. However, the fact that there are quite large groups of the population in the post-Soviet countries who consider Russian as their native language is undeniable. According to the 1989 census, 25 million Russians lived in the former republics of the USSR, and today there are 14 million of them. The proportion of Russian speaking people in the five countries is the following: 7.5% of the population of Belarus, 18.4% of the population of Kazakhstan, 17.3% in Ukraine, and 4.1% of the population of Moldova (Popov, 2005). This raises the question of preparing teachers in the post-Soviet countries who are ready to teach in the Russian language. In general, over the past three decades, there has been a trend away from using the Russian language throughout the countries of the former Soviet Union. This leads to a decrease in its use in educational institutions of the countries, which, among other markers, points at the growing distance between the independent post-Soviet countries and their common past. Geopolitically, this poses potential risks to the existing model of political, economic, cultural, and educational cooperation within the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Summary The analysis of the ways teacher education has transformed in the five post-Soviet countries showed that during 1991–2020, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, and Ukraine retained, to a greater extent, similar organizational models, and, to a lesser extent – the content of teacher education. To date, all countries have developed rather diversified teacher education systems, which include several types of higher

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education institutions. This resulted in a general trend toward the reduction in numbers of specialized pedagogical universities, which dominated in the Soviet period. Equally, the countries experienced the influence of international trends related to the integration into the European Higher Education Area within the framework of the Bologna process. The significance and results of this integration, however, require a special comparative study. At the government policy level, awareness of the importance to reform teacher education, as a key mechanism for enhancing the efficiency of the overall education system, increased in the five countries. However, the progress, consistency, and results regarding these reforms differ in all the countries due to political instability and economic problems. The lack of integration and cooperation in the field of teacher education significantly complicates the exchange of best educational practices. Local contexts of applied pedagogical concepts, educational programs that are focused on the ideology of independent states, differences in the course contents, especially within the humanities, increase the gap between the countries. This necessitates the search for the mechanisms to implement professional mobility of students and graduates of pedagogical universities within the CIS countries. It can be assumed that, in the coming years, the teacher education field will undergo serious institutional transformation and become a priority in the state policy of many post-Soviet countries. This will happen amid internal political differences, increasing political discontent among young people, attempt at foreign interference, terrorist threats and threats to information security, and COVID-19 pandemic impact, which will again elevate the status of education as the most important social institution. This will require the development of effective teacher education systems as the key agents of state policy in the education field. The most urgent problems to be solved in teacher education in five countries include: strengthening the practical orientation of professional training; promoting the deployment of resources to support the educational process and research activities; development of a flexible system for updating educational programs that meet the needs of the market; and bringing the system of professional pedagogical training in line with the latest developments in pedagogical theory and practice. At the same time, intergovernmental agreements between countries can result in the establishment of a single educational space. This trend appeared after the political rapprochement of Russia with Belarus and Uzbekistan. Presumably, several more post-Soviet countries will integrate into this system in the near future. Acknowledgments This paper has been supported by the Kazan Federal University Strategic Academic Leadership Program (PRIORITY-2030)

References Ahn, E. S., Dixon, J., & Chekmareva, L. (2018). Looking at Kazakhstan’s higher education landscape: From transition to transformation between 1920 and 2015. In J. Huisman, A. Smolentseva, & I. Froumin (Eds.), 25 years of transformations of higher education systems in post-Soviet countries (pp. 199–228). Springer International Publishing.

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Artamonova, E. I. (2011). Peculiarities of organization of multilevel teacher education and its functioning in the framework of the Bologna process. Pedagogicheskoye obrazovanie i nauka [Pedagogical Education and Science], 8, 8–15. Beauchamp, G., & Clarke, L. (2015). Teacher education in times of change. Policy Press. Boguslavsky, M. V. (1987). The history of pedagogy and the present. ITIP RAO. Bolotov, V. A. (2001). Theory and practice of the teacher education reform in Russia in terms of social change (Doctoral dissertation, St. Petersburg, Russia). Retrieved from https://www.dissercat.com/ content/teoriya-i-praktika-reformirovaniya-pedagogicheskogo-obrazovaniya-v-rossii-v-usloviyakhsotsi Bolotov, V. A. (2014). The issues of the teacher education reform. Psikhologicheskaya nauka i obrazovaniye [Psychological Science and Education], 19(3), 32–40. Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. (1998). On approval of the Regulation on educational and qualification levels (stepwise education): Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of January 20, 1998 N 65. Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/65-98-%D0%BF#Text Dneprov, E. D., Egorova, S. F., Panachina, F. G., & Tibeeva, B. K. (Eds.). (1991). Essays on the history of the school and pedagogical thought of the peoples of the USSR. The end of XIX – Early XX century. Pedagogika. Duda, A., & Clifford-Amos, T. (2011). Study on teacher education for primary and secondary education in six countries of the Eastern Partnership: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Final report. Brussels: European Commission, Directorate-General for Education and Culture. Dzhurinsky, A. N. (1999). History of education and pedagogical thought of the ancient and medieval world. Publishing house “Sovershenstvo”. Educational standards of the Republic of Belarus. (2007). Retrieved from https://mognovse.ru/ iix-obrazovatelenij-standart-respubliki-belaruse-visshee-obraz.html Eskin, M. I. (1952). Secondary school teachers’ training in pre-revolutionary Russia (XVIII beginning of XX century). (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Moscow. Gabdulkhakov, V. F., Zhigalova, M. P., Kobylyanskaya, L. I., Khodynyuk, Yu. E., & Semyonova, M. G. (2018). Formation of the cultural code in teachers’ minds in Eastern Europe. Nepreryvnoye pedagogicheskoye obrazovaniye: problemy i poiski [Continuous pedagogical education: problems and searches], 2(8), 9–14. Gafurov, I. R., & Kalimullin, A. M. (2021). Institutional reform in the twenty-first century and its impact on teacher education in Russia. In I. Menter (Ed.), Teacher education in Russia. Past, present and future (pp. 99–127). Routledge. Gogoberidze, A. G., & Golovina, I. V. (2015). Model and modules for training applied bachelors for work in the field of preschool education. Psychological Science and Education, 20(5), 99–107. Gogoberidze, A. G., & Golovina, I. V. (2018). Modernisation of kindergarten teacher education: Markers of new basic professional educational programmes. Psychological Science and Education, 23(5), 38–45. Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan. (2012). On the approval of state compulsory education standards for the corresponding levels of education. No. 1080. Retrieved from http://adilet.zan. kz/rus/docs/P1200001080 Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan. (2018). On the approval of state compulsory education standards for the corresponding levels of education. No. 895. Retrieved from https://zakon. uchet.kz/rus/docs/P1200001080 Government of the Russian Federation (GRF). (1992). Law “On Education”. Retrieved from https://rg.ru/1992/07/31/obrazovanie-dok.html Huisman, J., Smolentseva, A., & Froumin, I. (Eds.). (2018). 25 years of transformations of higher education systems in post-soviet countries. Reform and continuity. Palgrave Macmillan. Industry standard. (2005). Industry standard of higher education (2005): educational-professional bachelor’s program in specialty 6.010100 primary education in the direction of training 0101 pedagogical education qualification 3310 primary school teacher. In V.І. Bondar, I.N. Shaposhnikova, A.P. Kanishchenko, S.V. Strashko, T.I. Titova, Z.L. Geichmann

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(Developers); V.І. Bondar (Ed.). Publishing House of the National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Kalimullin, A. M., Zhigalova, M. P., Ibrasheva, A. K., Kobylyanskaya, L. I., Lodatko, E. A., & Nurlanov, Y. B. (2020). Post-soviet identity and teacher education: Past, present, future. Education and Self Development, 15(3), 145–163. Kasprzhak, A. G. (2014). Building рrograms module of the basic educational program (graduate, undergraduate) from the results. http://pedagogicheskoeobrazovanie.rf/documents/show/13 Khanbikov, Y. I. (1975). The history of the pedagogy of the Tatar people. KGPI. Knyazev, E. A. (1989). Formation and development of the higher teacher education in Russia (1905–1917). (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Moscow. Kornetov, G. B. (1994). A civilizational approach to the study of the world historical and pedagogical process. ITPIMIO. Koroleva, G. I. (1979). Preparation of the teacher at the Kazan University in the pre-revolutionary period (1804–1917). (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Moscow. Krachun, T. A. (1969). Essays on the history of school development and pedagogical thought in Moldova. Lumina. Law “On Education in the Republic of Belarus”. (1991). Retrieved from http://base.spinform.ru/ show_doc.fwx?rgn¼1922 Law “On Education in the Republic of Kazakhstan”. (1992). Retrieved from https://online.zakon. kz/Document/?doc_id¼1000964 Law “On Education in the Republic of Moldova”. (1995). Retrieved from http://base.spinform.ru/ show_doc.fwx?rgn¼3340 Lodatko, Y., & Tatarinov, S. (2013). Activities of zemstvo institutions for the development of public education in Bakhmut district in the late XIX – Early XX century. Scientific Treasury of Education of Donetsk Region, 4, 6–12. Lyman, I. (2019). Peculiarities of the development of higher pedagogical education in the USSR (1920–1935). Retrieved from https://www.i-lyman.name/BerdjanskPedKursy/History/1.html Margolis, A. A. (2014). Problems and prospects of the development of pedagogical education in the Russian Federation. Psikhologicheskaya nauka i obrazovanie [Psychological Science and Education], 19(3), 41–57. Medynsky, E. N. (1929). History of pedagogy in connection with the development of society. Rabotnik prosveshcheniya. Menter, I. (Ed.). (2021). Teacher education in Russia. Past, present, future. Routledge. Menter, I., Valeeva, R. A., & Kalimullin, A. M. (2017). A tale of two countries - forty years on: Politics and teacher education in Russia and England. European Journal of Teacher Education, 40(5), 616–629. Mironov, B. N. (2015). Russian empire: From tradition to modernity. In 3 volumes. Dmitry Bulanin. Nefedova, M. V. (2013). Formation and development of pedagogical education at the Kazan Imperial University: 1804–1917. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Kazan. On higher education, 2014 – On higher education: Law of Ukraine of July 1, 2014 № 1556-VII. Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Legislation of Ukraine. Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/ laws/show/1556-18#top. Osovski, E. G. (1959). Higher education for women in pre-revolutionary Russia. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Moscow. Panachin, F. G. (1979). Teacher education in Russia. Historical and pedagogical essays. Pedagogika. Pashkevich, V. V., Baranova, A. S., & Kolbasko, I. I. (2008). History of education and pedagogical thought in Belarus. Sodeystviye. Piskunov, A. I. (2001). History of pedagogy and education. TC “Sfera”. Pletneva, I. F. (1997). Formation and development of higher teacher education in Russia in the XIX century. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). MPGU, Moscow. Pokataeva, T. A. (2013). F.I. Poddubnuj – First organizer of private education in Ukraine. Journal of Public and Municipal Administration, 4, 34–41.

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Popov, A. V. (2005). Russian orthodox diaspora: History and sources. With an appendix of a systematic bibliography. Institut politicheskogo i voyennogo analiza. Postovoy, E. S. (1971). Public education of the Moldavian SSR at a new stage. Lumina. Saprykin, D. L. (2009). The educational potential of the Russian empire. IYET. RAS. Sembaev, A. I. (1958). Essays on the history of the Kazakh Soviet school. Kazuchpedgiz. Shcherbakov, A. I. (1968). Formation of the Soviet school teachers in higher teacher education. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Leningrad, USSR. Slastenin, V. A. (1976). Formation of the Soviet school teachers in the process of vocational training. Prosveshcheniye. Stepanets, I. (2014). Prerequisites for the formation of the system of higher pedagogical education in Ukraine. Scientific notes of pedagogy department [Kharkiv], ХХХVІ, 152–160. Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR. (1991). Law of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic “On education”. Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1060-12/ed19910604#Text Tastanbekova, K. (2018). Teacher education reforms in Kazakhstan: Trends and issues. Bulletin of Institute of Education, University of Tsukuba, 48(2), 87–97. Tatto, M. T., & Menter, I. (Eds.). (2019). Knowledge, policy and practice in teacher education: A cross-national study. Bloomsbury Academic. Tereshchenko, S. (2016). Features of the formation of pedagogical education in Ukraine (1917–1933). Bulletin of Cherkasy University. Pedagogical Sciences Series, 18, 130–136. Tryapitsyna, A. P. (2013). The content of the professional training of students - future teachers to solve the problems of modernization of general education. Universum: Vestnik Gertsenovskogo universiteta, 1, 50–61. Valeeva, R., & Gafurov, I. (2017). Initial teacher education in Russia: Connecting practice, theory and research. European Journal of Teacher Education, 40(3), 342–360. Valeeva, R., & Kalimullin, A. (2019). Teacher education in Russia. In J. Lampert (Ed.), Oxford research encyclopedia of education. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/ 9780190264093.013.446 Vasilyev, K. I. (1966). Essays on the history of higher teacher education in the RSFSR (1918–1932). Centralnoye chernozemnoye knizhnoye izdatelstvo. Ventseva, N. (2013). Peculiarities of reforming higher pedagogical education in Ukraine in 19301940. Pedagogical Sciences: Theory, History, Innovative Technologies, 6(32), 21–30. Vlast. (2019, November 25). In Kazakhstan, the number of universities preparing teachers will be significantly reduced. https://vlast.kz/novosti/36165-v-kazahstane-znacitelno-sokratatkolicestvo-vuzov-gotovasih-pedagogov.html Yashchuk, I. (2013). Peculiarities of teacher education in the 1960s and 1980s. Science and Education, 3, 204–208. Zastynchanu, L. A. (2011). Competence-based approach in the preparation of mathematics teachers in the Republic of Moldova. Psychology and Pedagogy: Methodology and Problems of Practical Application, 18, 435–444. Zhanaeva, A. J., Mukanov, T. M., & Bolenbaeva, A. K. (Eds.). (2018). Alash educational institution. Volume 2. Auezov Pedagogical College Publishing. Zhigalova, M. P. (2017). Training of pedagogical personnel in the Republic of Belarus: Sociocultural and methodological aspects. Nepreryvnoye pedagogicheskoye obrazovaniye: problemy i poiski [Continuous pedagogical education: problems and searches], 3(5), 19–31. Zhilbaev, Zh. O. (Ed.) (2015). I. Altynsarin National Academy of Education: history and modernity. Astana: Natsional'naya akademiya obrazovaniya im. I. Altynsarina.

Intercultural Education: The Training of Teachers for Inclusion

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Sylvia Schmelkes and Ana Daniela Ballesteros

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Characteristics of Indigenous Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Right of Indigenous Peoples to Design Their Educational Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contemporary Challenges for Achieving the Right to a Culturally and Linguistically Pertinent Education on the Part of Indigenous Peoples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Training of Intercultural Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Training of Indigenous Teachers to Work with Indigenous Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Training of All Teachers to Work with an Intercultural Approach to Education . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Inclusion has become a keyword in education. UNESCO SDG 4 proposes to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education for all by 2030. However, it is a fact that, in general, minorities face many more difficulties in attaining schooling and particularly in achieving learning outcomes. Although exclusion from schooling and learning are mainly due to contextual variables such as poverty, rurality, parents’ education, and native language when it is different from that in which education is carried out, what seems to be true is that teaching is not compensating for inequality but rather aggravating it. Inequality and exclusion are becoming exacerbated by the pandemic, and the need for educational policy to face their probably long-term consequences. A significant part of the problem is because teachers are not being trained to deal with diversity and to treat it as a pedagogical advantage. This chapter will look into how teachers are being trained in some countries in Latin America to deal with diversity and inclusion. A comparative approach is used, and the chapter draws on previous research carried S. Schmelkes (*) · A. D. Ballesteros Universidad Iberoamericana Mexico City, Mexico City, Mexico e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 I. Menter (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Teacher Education Research, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16193-3_66

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out in four Latin American countries regarding the training of Indigenous teachers. Ethnical and linguistic diversity will be the main focus. A look at how other countries with Indigenous populations around the world are training teachers for inclusion will be considered as a point of contrast with what happens in initial training in Latin America. Keywords

Intercultural Education · Indigenous Education · Intercultural Teacher Education · Inclusion in Education

Introduction Characteristics of Indigenous Education Around the world, the history of Indigenous populations has three main characteristics: exclusion, learning poverty, and cultural assimilation. Even though there is a clear intention in many countries of surmounting these traits, and an impulse on the part of international treaties and the SDG 42030 Agenda for the need to leave these traits behind, the three of them are still present around the world today. Exclusion Indigenous children and youth are among the minorities that are most excluded from education. In Latin America enormous progress has been made regarding participation in primary education: percentages range from 78% to 99% participation for children in the population as a whole, from 68% to 99% for Indigenous population and from 51% to 98% for children that speak an Indigenous language. However, retention rates in primary school have much greater differences. In Mexico, for example, retention rates are 89.5% for the population as a whole, but only 61.4% for Indigenous language speakers. Differences in participation rates are much greater in preschool and secondary school. Countries like Colombia have participation rates in preschool of 69% for the total population but of less than half (30.7%) for Indigenous language speakers, and in lower secondary, even in a country like Ecuador, which has the least differences between Indigenous and nonIndigenous populations among Latin American countries, the participation rate of Indigenous language speakers – 61.6% – show a strong contrast with that of the total population – 80.3% (Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura [OEI], 2015). One would expect that living in High Income Countries (HIC) would increase the possibility of dedicating greater investments to the education of native communities to avoid exclusion. However, as can be seen in Table 1, the educational situation of native populations in other parts of the world, even in HIC, is very similar to that of Latin American countries. Graduation rates from high school in Canada are 52% for Indigenous males versus 82% non-Indigenous males and 54% for Indigenous females and 87% for non-Indigenous females (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

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Table 1 Percentage of population 25–64 with at least upper secondary education

Country Australia (2016) Canada (2016) New Zealand (2013) USA (2016)

Indigenous 35 50 62 80

1315 Non-indigenous 78 65 70 92

Source: Adapted from OECD (2019), Linking Indigenous Communities with Regional Development, OECD Rural Policy Reviews, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/3203c082-en

[OECD], 2017). The proportion for the age 20–24 cohort with at least high school certification is 71% for Indigenous population, 66% for First Nations, 49.3% for the Inuit, 83.8% for the Métis, while 91.8% of the non-Indigenous 20–24-year-olds have at least high school certificate (Richards & Mahboubi, 2018). Among the Māori in New Zealand, there still exists a gap between Māori and non-Māori students. Sixty percent of Māoris abandon secondary school before finishing (Sherif, cited in Minter, Ke and Persoon Minter et al., 2012). Learning Poverty Progress toward greater participation in schooling has not been sufficient because Indigenous children are not learning at the same level as non-Indigenous children. For example, in Mexico, the PLANEA standardized test measures, among other things, achievement in reading comprehension in four levels. Level 1 reflects insufficient knowledge, level 4 is advanced, and level 2 is considered basic. The sixth grade results in 2015 show that, while only 13% of those attending private schools and 51.6% of those attending public schools achieved below level two, this was true for 80% of children attending Indigenous schools (Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación-United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund [INEE-UNICEF], 2016). While we know that a large percentage of Indigenous students live in poverty and that it is poverty that explains a large part of the differences, the Third Regional Comparative and Explanatory Study (TERCE) of educational achievement in Latin America accounted for socioeconomic differences and even so found that Indigenous students in Paraguay and Perú achieved 32 points below their non-Indigenous peers in the third grade Reading test, and 18 points in the third-grade Mathematics tests (UNESCO Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean [UNESCOOREALC], 2016). This is also the case in HIC. For example, in Canada, the OECD found that 39% of lower secondary students with mid or high achievement were Indigenous, while 58% were non-Indigenous. In higher secondary, 30% of Indigenous students and 48% of non-Indigenous students performed with mid or high achievement (OECD, 2017). In Australia, the latest PISA results showed a decrease in student achievement overall. Though Indigenous students’ performance did not change significantly, Indigenous students are half as likely to achieve the National Proficiency Standard compared to non-Indigenous students (Education Matters, 2019). In Mathematics in 2015, for example, the mean score for non-Indigenous students was 498, while for Indigenous students it was 428. In Australia, the gap between Indigenous and

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non-Indigenous students has diminished in all subject areas, but not because Indigenous students are achieving better, but because there has been a decline in performance in 2012 and 2015 among non-Indigenous students (Davis et al., 2019). In most countries, despite efforts in the way of investments and policy innovation regarding Indigenous education, learning results when available do not improve from one testing to the next and, in many cases, over several years. This speaks of systemic and structural problems in Indigenous education, as will be seen in what follows. Cultural Domination/Assimilation Countries with Indigenous populations have a history of colonization by foreign nations. Indigenous populations in most of them have had a history of internal colonization by those in power after Independence. Histories are very different, but they share important salient traits. The most important is the continuous attempt at assimilating Indigenous peoples to the dominant culture and the persistent struggle of those in power to eliminate Indigenous language and culture from their territories to homogenize the population in the process of nation building. In Latin America, Indigenous peoples were educationally colonized by the Catholic Church aafter the conquest and during the colonial years. They were mostly abandoned by formal education endeavors throughout the colonial years (c. 1520–1810), and even after the triumph of the wars for Independence (c. 1821 in most Latin American countries), and with few exceptions, formal education was centered in urban areas and provincial capitals. What little formal education reached Indigenous communities was very basic and of poor quality. In many other countries colonized by European nations, such as Canada, New Zealand, and many African Countries, during the nineteenth century, Christian missionaries from different denominations set up residential schools to give education to Indigenous children. Much has been written about these schools. Children had to leave their family behind and with it their language, their culture, and their identity. The phrase “kill the Indian, save the man” states clearly what these institutions represented. Children’s burial spots in the Residences’ land recently found in Canada show that they often also killed the children by allowing them to die through neglect of care. For example, some children died of hypothermia or drowning (Porras, 2021). During the first half of the twentieth century, assimilation-oriented education for Indigenous populations in Latin America did not change much. A good case to study is that of Mexico. In 1921, after the first social revolution of the twentieth century, the National Ministry of Education (Secretaría de Educación Pública), now in its 100th year, was created. The first Minister was José Vasconcelos, a Mexican philosopher who had been President of the National University of Mexico. He is well known for reaching rural areas with a strong educational program, the Mexican Rural Schools, which at one point received the praise of John Dewey for their advanced pedagogical model. At that time, most of rural Mexico was Indigenous. José Vasconcelos was a firm believer in what he called “the Bronze Race,” the mestizo, the fusion of the Spanish with the Indigenous. He strived for assimilating the Indigenous population into the “mestizo” culture, and schools became the route toward erasing Indigenous identity and eliminating Indigenous languages.

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Vasconcelos’ project was probably the most successful educational project in the twentieth century in Mexico. It was also successful in developing what Navarrete Linares (2008) has called “mestizophilia” and what can also be considered “incorporated racism” – Indigenous parents want their children to learn Spanish and to become “cultural mestizos” so that they do not have to suffer racism and discrimination the way they have. It was not until the last quarter of the twentieth century when Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) started being considered as an alternative to assimilation in Latin America. This was in part the result of a growing awareness by Indigenous peoples of the worth of their languages and cultures and of the historical attempts at destroying them on the part of Governments and society at large. This consciousness was strengthened by international treaties, particularly Convention 169 of the ILO (International Labour Organization [ILO], 1989) on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, signed by 23 countries.1 Around the world, the education of Indigenous peoples over the centuries has been one of cultural imposition and domination, symbolic violence, and sometimes very successful attempts at destroying their language and their culture. This is important to understand for the question of teacher training, since teachers that have been working with Indigenous populations, even Indigenous teachers, have for the most part been prepared for carrying out the cultural extermination project that has only in the past four decades been severely questioned.

The Right of Indigenous Peoples to Design Their Educational Programs Indigenous peoples have been clear as to their educational aspirations from the time they have been able to speak out against colonizing educational systems and have begun to propose educational alternatives. Many of their demands coincide around the world. As early as 1972, the National Indian Brotherhood (later renamed Assembly of First Nations) in Canada presented the Federal Government with a historical document entitled “Indian Control of Indian Education.” Their work contributed to the government’s ending the Canadian Residential School System. The document proposed has as its objective to make Education relevant for the philosophy and the needs of the Indian peoples. “. . .We want education to give our children a strong sense of identity, with confidence in their worth and ability. We believe in education: as preparation for total living; as a means of free choice of where to live and work; as a means of enabling us to participate fully in our own social, economic, political and

1

This convention has been ratified by almost all Latin American countries with Indigenous population. However, none of the high-income countries with Indigenous population has ratified the convention, and the Central African Republic is the only country in the African Continent that has ratified it.

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educational advancement.” (National Indian Brotherhood, 1973, p. 3, cited in HaigBrown & Hoskins, 2019). Around that time, in 1973, the Māori wrote a statement demanding Indigenous control of education. The objectives were taken up by the Government’s national policy for Indigenous education. The objectives state that Māori education aims at preparing Māoris to (1) live as Māoris, (2) become active world citizens; (3) benefit from good health and a high standard of living (Durie, cited in Haig-Brown & Hoskins, 2019). The National Guidelines for Education incorporate the educational initiatives of the Māoris, including Education in te reo Māori (the Māori language) and the Māori culture, following the Waitangi Treaty (Haig-Brown & Hoskins, 2019). In Latin America, among the first statements on the aspirations of Indigenous Peoples are the San Andrés Accords that were signed by the Federal Government and the Zapatista Movement for National Liberation in Mexico in 1996, after the 1994 revolt. Even though the education statement was never discussed and made operational, their three demands remain clear: a cultural and linguistically pertinent education for Indigenous people; an awareness of the national population of the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity, and the management and administration of their own educational systems. “The Mexican state agreed to offer an intercultural Education to all Mexicans at all levels, to make the history, traditions, customs and, in general, the culture of Indigenous peoples, at the root of our national identity. This is still not carried out to satisfaction, and the agreement is still pending” (Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental [CEMDA], 2020, p. 145). The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly in 2007, reflects many of these rights (United Nations [UN], 2007).2 Its drafting was carried out with the active participation of an international group of Indigenous representatives. Some of these rights worth underlining are the following: Indigenous peoples and individuals have the right not to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture. (Article 8) Indigenous peoples have the right to establish and control their educational systems and institutions providing education in their own languages, in a manner appropriate to their cultural methods of teaching and learning. (Article 14) States shall, in conjunction with Indigenous peoples, take effective measures, for Indigenous individuals, particularly children, including those living outside their communities, to have access, when possible, to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language. (Article 14) States shall take effective measures, in consultation and cooperation with the Indigenous peoples concerned, to combat prejudice and eliminate discrimination

2

The Declaration was adopted by a majority of 144 countries in favor, 4 votes against (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States) and 11 abstentions (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya, Nigeria, Russia, Samoa, and Ukraine). Years later, the four countries that voted against reversed their position and now support the Declaration.

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and to promote tolerance, understanding and good relations among Indigenous peoples and all other segments of society. (Article 15) Although not directly related to education, it is noteworthy that in 2007 the Constitution of Bolivia and in 2008 the Constitution of Ecuador recognized Sumak Kawsai, the philosophy of Andean Indians regarding the harmonious relationship of human beings with “mother earth,” that defines the “good life” as the supportive relationships of the individual with the community and the natural environment (Villalba, 2013). Article 14 of the Constitution of Ecuador states “´[t] he right of the population to live in a healthy and ecologically balanced environment that guarantees sustainability and good life, sumak kawsai” (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe [CEPAL], 2008, p. 1). In Mexico, the INEE (2016) carried out a previous, free and informed consultation of 31 Indigenous communities on the evaluation of education, which implied also consulting them on the education they desired. Indigenous communities want a quality education because they wish to be on equal terms with mainstream society. However, they do not want that to happen at the cost of losing their language and their culture. They all manifested the desire that their children learn their language, that they learn about their culture, that they respect the traditions of the community. They asked for schools to be open to community participation in substantial issues dealing with education content and methodology. For them, ideal teachers would treat all children equally and do not discriminate. As a result, they build trust among their students, carry out their work responsibly, and are genuinely interested in teaching. They wish for teachers to have humility, who teach through exemplary behavior, who are aware of diversity in ways and rates of learning and treat the students accordingly. A good Indigenous teacher speaks the language and variant of the community and teaches it to the children; he or she can integrate both scholarly and community knowledge, which implies that he/she get to know the community and its culture well and that he or she participates in community activities. A good Indigenous teacher is also well trained as such and masters the subject matter. In summary, Indigenous peoples around the world have been rejecting colonized education and demanding education in their own language and culture for centuries, and explicitly for the last 50 years. They also demand the management of their own educational systems. International instruments now recognize these as rights. However, as we shall see in what follows, there is still a long way to go to make these rights a reality. The lack of Indigenous teachers, as well as their adequate training, is one of the shortfalls that explains this gap between aspirations and reality.

Contemporary Challenges for Achieving the Right to a Culturally and Linguistically Pertinent Education on the Part of Indigenous Peoples From what we have seen about the history of Indigenous education in Latin America and most parts of the world, the colonizing/assimilationist orientation to education

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defined governments’ policy until very recently. Recent developments witness a change in political declarations and, in some cases, in normative documents or even in curriculum transformations. Nevertheless, the characteristics of the education of Indigenous peoples are still in a large part the three that we discussed at the beginning of this chapter: exclusion, learning poverty, and cultural domination. Many challenges still have to be met by states and by Indigenous peoples to progress toward the recognition of the wealth of diversity and for fostering a cultural “pluriverse” (Arora & Stirling, 2020) through education. Although this chapter will emphasize only one of them, the lack of Indigenous teachers and their inadequate training, a mention of some of the others is made to attain a more complete understanding of this complex reality. Inequality and Poverty Due to Colonial history, many Indigenous peoples around the world live in poverty and are victims of unequal opportunities. They have been excluded from the benefits of development, and social programs have been slow to reach them and not always adequate. Poverty, as we know, affects educational attainment and achievement, but also limits the political power of Indigenous peoples and the pressure that as a constituency has been able to put on their Governments. Society, in general, ignores the present reality of Indigenous peoples and their education in particular, because the lack of information and education on the cultural diversity of the nations has been useful to governments. This explains the few allies that Indigenous people have had from different sectors of society to advocate for their aspirations. Poverty affects Indigenous teachers-in-training, first of all, because it constitutes a barrier to accessing teacher training institutions. Those who are able to afford the costs involved in training are subject to very precarious living conditions, and often have to abandon their studies because of economic problems at home. It also affects them while in service in the way of precarious living conditions in the communities in which they work, which leads them to want to move to localities in which communications, electricity, and running water are readily available. Thus, the most experienced teachers work in the better-off communities. Racism and Discrimination Are, Unfortunately, Still Prevalent in Most Societies The general social imaginary of a superior race vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples’ places among those who, many think, do not deserve the same benefits. Poverty is seen not as a consequence of history and unequal social structures, but as the demonstration of inferiority or laziness or incompetence. Racism and discrimination offend individuals and communities. To avoid facing them, they limit their contact with the social majority to the minimum necessary to survive. In education, racism and discrimination are part of school realities in multicultural contexts, and they are the cause of many of the dropout cases of Indigenous children and youth, especially when they reach their teens. Racism and discrimination are also reflected in norms and institutions’ political decisions, and the allocation of financial resources. Teacher training institutions are also affected by unequal treatment of Indigenous students. In Mexico, for example, the Intercultural Education teaching

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program designed in 2005 was in most cases deprived of an Indigenous language teacher because of the additional cost it involved (Schmelkes, 2013). Consciously or unconsciously, those who write the norms, regulate the institutions or make policy decisions do not consider it important to adequately serve a diverse population. Diversity in culture is not seen as richness to be enhanced, but as a problem to be combatted. What we have called “incorporated racism” is a consequence of discrimination. While some Indigenous persons and collectivities are clear in claiming their worth and identity, there are others who prefer to deny their Indigenous origin, and parents who object to schools and teachers educating in the Indigenous language. Understandably, they do not want their children to suffer what they have suffered. But in certain communities, it is the very Indigenous population that objects to culturally and linguistically relevant education. The Absence of an Intercultural Approach in the Education of Society at Large Explains Much of Societal and Structural Racism Intercultural education aims at getting students to discover the wealth of diversity through experiencing the way one learns from the different others. Intercultural education is the only tool against racism. Indigenous peoples have realized this and that is why they demand that the population as a whole receive an education that leads to respect and appreciation of Indigenous cultures and languages. However, intercultural education is still not generally accepted, and when it is, as in Latin America, it is narrowly understood as the one that is targeted to the Indigenous population. Teachers are in general not being trained in an intercultural approach, and therefore structural racism is not questioned by the education systems. Weakness of Indigenous Languages This is a consequence of a colonialist education where students were, and still are, expected to master the dominant language at the cost of their own. Indigenous languages are mostly at risk and rapidly disappearing. Language is the vehicle for expressing one’s culture. When language is lost, a part of the culture is unable to be expressed, and therefore is also forgotten. This is an important drawback for achieving the set of educational demands of Indigenous peoples, for it is difficult to find local persons that know their culture well and can transmit it to future generations, and that can teach in their language and to help revitalize those that are no longer spoken by the younger generation. The training of Indigenous teachers should necessarily include the mastery of their native language as the vehicle that best expresses their culture. Ideally, Indigenous teachers should be bilingual, since they should be able to teach their students in their native language as well as in the dominant one. The fact that Indigenous languages are looked down upon (diglossia), and that many of them do not yet have an alphabet and their grammar has not been documented, is often used as an excuse for not training teachers in their native tongue and in the skills needed to teach it. The Lack of Indigenous Teachers and Their Inadequate Training The training of Indigenous teachers occurs in a context in which Indigenous populations face a multifaceted reality, which hinders their participation in society and affects their

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general well-being. It is a context in which a centuries-long pressure toward assimilation to mainstream society has led to the weakening of their languages and cultures. These factors interact and challenge the training of Indigenous teachers. The remaining part of this chapter is dedicated to making these interactions evident and to describing policies that try to face the problem with possible solutions.

The Training of Intercultural Teachers It is impossible to imagine the shift from colonial education to the recognition and strengthening of cultural and linguistic diversity, as has been declared in many countries, without counting on trained teachers that are capable of offering culturally sensitive education to both Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. Teacher training is, without doubt, the most important, though not the sole component, of quality intercultural education. It is surprising, therefore, how little importance has been given to the selection, training, and retention of teachers for intercultural education. The training of Indigenous teachers to work with Indigenous students and of all teachers to work with an intercultural approach to education are two closely interrelated aspects of the training of intercultural teachers. Both pose serious challenges.

The Training of Indigenous Teachers to Work with Indigenous Students Educating the Indigenous population would seem to require that at least half of the teachers in a school be Indigenous, know and love their culture and master their language, to be able to offer truly bilingual intercultural education. A recent study regarding the training of intercultural teachers in five countries in Latin America (Schmelkes & Ballesteros, 2020) concludes that, even though these countries have explicitly abandoned the assimilationist orientation of Indigenous education and instead embraced the recognition and celebration of cultural and linguistic diversity and the need for education systems to foster it, they face serious problems to surmount the long-lasting colonialist focus. On the one hand, the history of poor quality of Indigenous education explains why there are so few Indigenous candidates for the teaching profession. On the other hand, high-school Indigenous graduates are the product of a system that was designed to assimilate them into the mainstream culture, and many of them have been convinced that this is the way it should be, so changing their mindsets toward valuing their own cultural identity and being willing to foster it in others has not proven easy. There is also a problem of prevailing racism among decision-makers, which in Latin America, more than in other countries it would seem, is deeply ingrained, so that it becomes naturalized in such a way that racist attitudes are not recognized as such and racist decisions are taken unconsciously. Mato (2016, 2020) speaks of “epistemological racism” in higher education institutions where Indigenous students are trained. A disregard for their

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knowledge or even the external denial of their existence by the responsible authorities is observed. This omission occurs at all educational levels in Latin America. There is also the question of language: Indigenous language speakers know how to speak their language, but with very few exceptions, do not how to read and write it, since they have never been taught to do so and because many Indigenous languages have an oral tradition and have not been documented. There are very few persons who can teach written Indigenous languages to the teachers-to-be. Indigenous languages are in general not present in written form in the environment, and there is very little literature in Indigenous language, so whatever is learned is not put to use and is soon forgotten. However, fostering the use of language would seem to imply all of these: to speak it, yes, but also to know how to read it and to be able to write and produce in it. This goal requires linguistic policies that foster the public oral and written use of Indigenous languages, which does not happen in most countries. These challenges cannot be solved quickly, and they require long-term and consistent policies. In 1980, the General Directorate of Indigenous Education of the SEP in México produced different school materials in Indigenous languages. As a result, by 1992, literacy books had been written in 37 languages and 66 variants. Currently, books for the first and second grades of primary school in 11 Indigenous languages and 14 variants are available online. In addition, there are language program books for teachers and technical teaching assistants in 11 languages and 13 variants (Villavicencio, 2021). However, although some progress has been made, these are still insufficient for the considerable linguistic diversity of the country with its 68 linguistic groupings and 364 variants. The books are the translation of a common text, so they do not reflect the weltanschauung and cultures of the different Indigenous groups. Also, they have not been translated back into Spanish, so they have not been adequately validated (Schmelkes, 2011). The World Bank (2021) recently published a policy paper on language of instruction. The paper analyzes research results, which show that children that are taught in the language they speak at home “learn more, are better placed to learn a second language, are more likely to stay in school and enjoy a school experience appropriate to their culture and local context (The World Bank, 2021, p. 8). There are strong neurological studies and cognitive development theories that support this (Cummins, 2014; OECD, 2007). This means that teachers should be able to teach their students not only about their mother language but also in their mother language. For that, they have to be adequately trained in the language and in teaching it as a first language. They should also be able to speak the variant of the language spoken by the students, which narrows down the potential candidates for teaching in a school to teachers from the same community or communities nearby. In many countries in Latin America (Bolivia, Perú, Guatemala), teachers – including Indigenous teachers – are trained in normal schools that do not require complete high school education and graduate with a technical degree. This is beginning to change and University-level teaching programs are being established for the training of Indigenous teachers (Cortina, 2017). Attempts at elevating the entrance requirements to either the training institutions or the teaching profession

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have resulted in the lack of sufficient teachers to staff Indigenous schools both in Mexico and in Perú (Schmelkes & Ballesteros, 2020). This is aggravated by the generalized absence of scholarships for Indigenous students, which results in large dropout rates from higher studies due to economic difficulties (Mato, 2016). Despite this, Latin America is vibrant with new institutions, policies, and experiences in the training of Indigenous teachers. The following section exemplifies these experiences in addition to those of other countries. Experiences in Latin America In Argentina, which has a very small Indigenous population, an institution for the training of Wichí, Toba and Mocoví Indians (out of the 15 ethnolinguistic groups) has been established and is being financed by NGOs, Foundations and Universities (Hecht, 2011). Chaco stands out for being one of the pioneer provinces in Indigenous recognition. In 1987, the General Council of Education launched the first training course for aboriginal teaching assistants, which would become the basis of the Tertiary Level Institute CIFMA (Research and Training Center for the Aboriginal Modality) (Hecht, 2015). In 2000, the intercultural bilingual teacher training for General Basic Education 1 and 2 was created (Valenzuela cited in Hecht, 2015). Currently, this institute has grown significantly in the number of Indigenous graduates and the extension it has made to other communities (Hecht, 2015). In Brazil, 21 Universities offer 24 training programs resulting in a bachelor degree for Indigenous students using a hybrid model. Students are selected by their villages and attend the campuses during the summer (Paladino, 2011). In Colombia, the Indigenous Peoples Own Education System (Sistema Educativo Indígena Propio [SEIP]), allows Indigenous peoples political, administrative, and pedagogical power over their educational processes. SEIP schools have cycles equivalent to general education levels (Corbetta, cited in United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2020). A pedagogical high school degree has been established for Indigenous educators by the well-known CRIC (Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca). It is based on the transmission of the Cauca culture and Indigenous ways of teaching and learning. However, the Cauca UAIIN, the Autonomous Indigenous Intercultural University of Cauca was designed to further train Indigenous educators for the CRIC (Bolaños, 2013; Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca [CRIC], 2004). For this institution, training is a strategy for the construction and integral development of the life project of each people. It has teacher training programs specially designed not to disassociate the educator from its community, so they are carried out in a hybrid modality. The communities are widely involved in the planning of the programs, which are designed based on their worldview and on intercultural relationships (AngaritaOssa & Campo-Ángel, 2015; Bolaños, 2013; Palechor, 2017). They are focused on learning and teaching through art and ancestral knowledge and the revitalization of the mother tongue. The duration of the courses is 5 years for a bachelor’s degree and two and a half years for technical training (Universidad Autónoma Indígena Intercultural [UAIIN], n.d.). Through its educational projects, CRIC has managed to recover 60% of the mother tongue and is considered the first successful case in the

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emancipation of an Indigenous people from colonialist education (Muñoz & Tróchez, 2012). However, it is the Indigenous communities themselves who finance the UAIIN, which is why it does not always have sufficient resources. In Mexico, the Government is strengthening the few institutions (24) that have programs for the training of Indigenous teachers that began in 2004 as a bachelor’s degree in Indigenous and Intercultural Education. The professors of these institutions have established a strong network for working on curriculum development and for fostering the establishment of programs for the training of Indigenous educators in other Normal Schools. The percentage of Indigenous language-speaking students who join the normal schools has increased over time. For example, in the 2012–2013 school year, it was 1.5%, while in 2015–2016, it was 2.2%. The normal schools with the highest percentage of Indigenous students are located in Guerrero and San Luis Potosí. The degree programs targeted toward these groups are Intercultural Bilingual Preschool Education (74.2%) and Intercultural Bilingual Primary Education (44.3%); on the other hand, only 0.6% of those studying for the bachelor’s degree in Secondary Education specializing in Telesecundaria, a type of service that serves a significant proportion of Indigenous children and youth, speak an Indigenous language (Medrano et al., 2017). In Paraguay, there is an experimental experience for training Indigenous teachers of the Pai Tavytera People in the Department of Amambay, which will serve as a basis for establishing a national system for training Indigenous teachers. This experience has developed a curriculum that responds to the cultural reality of the Pai Tavytera people (Quiñónez de Bernal, 2012). It is a distance education model that involves itinerant tutors. Indigenous teacher candidates attend face-to-face classes during vacation times. The program lasts 2 years, and graduates receive a Diploma as Intercultural Pluringual Teachers for the first and second cycle of basic education. This program is in an experimental phase and seeks to serve as a basis for establishing a system for training Indigenous teachers with cultural, linguistic, spiritual, and environmental relevance (Carregal Cazal, 2011). Peru has perhaps the oldest and most successful pioneering experience in training Indigenous teachers in the Amazon region through FORMAPIAB (Peruvian Amazon Bilingual Teacher Training Program). FORMAPIAB began its operations 30 years ago, designing its curriculum based on the culture of the Amazonian peoples and with their participation (Trapnell, 2011). One of the achievements of this program has been its pedagogical methodology; future teachers interact with the wise people of the communities and spend extended periods learning from them about language, traditions, and customs. As a result, the percentage of FORMAPIAB graduates who maintain their commitment to intercultural bilingual education is higher than those trained in other programs (Espinosa, 2017). Experiences in Other Parts of the World In Australia, the MATSITI program began in 2011 and aims at training more aboriginal and Torres Straits Indigenous teachers in university programs. The number of graduates has been growing steadily since then. Many of the students had been working as para-professionals in their communities (Rogers, 2018). The Evaluation Panel found that the successful

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participation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the teaching profession is essential to the educational success of children and youth and their families and communities (Johnson et al., 2016). In New Zealand, Māori professional teachers are trained in Wänanga (tertiary level Māori institutions) and universities, in polytechnical institutes, and private centers. They all privilege Māori principles, knowledge, cultural practices, pedagogies, and Māori environments, though only a few of them are completely in the native language. Graduates from these programs are certified teachers (Haig-Brown & Hoskins, 2019). In Canada, in response to the document Indian Control of Indian Education, Indigenous teacher training programs were established across the country during the 1970s. The pressure was put on Universities to set up programs that Indigenous leaders helped to define. Many of them monitor their fidelity to Indigenous content and ensure adequate certification of graduates. Many of these programs send the teachers-in-training to community schools after 1 or 2 years of university-based studies (Haig-Brown & Hoskins, 2019). For example, the Native Teacher Education Training Program (NITEP) at the University of British Columbia requires its students to take arts, sciences, and education courses. Indians control NITEP and its philosophy (Archibald, 2015). Their holistic learning model is an Indian framework used to guide programs and mentoring courses for their teacher candidates. Holistic learning involves developing the spiritual, emotional, physical, and intellectual aspects of human growth (Archibald, 2015). At the beginning of their preparation, students stay in their localities for 2 years to maintain relationships and support from their community and then go to campus to complete their studies. Likewise, their Indigenous experiences and knowledge form the basis of the courses taught. NITEP’s approach to indigeneity is realized through the holistic structure of the program, academic courses, Indigenous values, extended family approach, and community relations. Courses include Introduction to Indigenous Studies, Cultural Studies, Educational Seminar and Experiences, Issues in Indigenous Education, Indigenous Curriculum Field Experience, Aboriginal Education in Canada, and Critical Issues in Indigenous Education (Archibald, 2015). NITEP graduates of the Elementary Option earn a Bachelor of Education (Elementary), and Secondary Option graduates earn the Bachelor of Education (Secondary) degree. Upon completing each program’s requirements, they may apply for the Professional Teaching Certificate from the BC Office of Teacher Regulation (The University of British Columbia, n.d.). In sum, the training of Indigenous teachers around the world is proving its virtues in many ways. School is not seen as an alien institution by Indigenous communities as much as before. Students are more confident in school, learn more, drop out less. Communities and parents feel freer to interact with the teachers and school–community interactions are strengthened. Teachers themselves become cognizant of their cultures and in some cases more fluent in their languages, acquire pride in their Indigenous identity, and develop higher expectations for their students (Sarra et al., 2020).

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The process of training Indigenous teachers, however, is not devoid of problems. These seem to be common in the countries whose experience we have reviewed. Indigenous teachers-to-be experience culture shocks when integrated into regular universities. In many cases, they are also victims of discrimination and racist attitudes on the part of university officials and sometimes even professors, and non-Indigenous students. Many of them feel inadequately prepared to face higherlevel studies. They tend to be shy and quiet and to participate little in class. Dropout rates are high. Some experiences suffer from a lack of sufficient systematization of Indigenous history, values, knowledge, and ways of knowing to sufficiently enrich the content of culturally relevant education. This seems to be truer in Latin America than in the other countries reviewed, but it is a problem everywhere. More research, and more participation of Indigenous professionals in the research of their own cultures, is necessary. As we have mentioned, the teaching of Indigenous languages is also a problem due to the lack of knowledgeable and at the same time certified teachers that can take on the task. It will take time to create a critical mass of linguists in Indigenous tongues to be able to revert their status as endangered languages. In all the countries analyzed, there is a large deficit of Indigenous teachers that will probably continue for years if the number of graduates continues to grow at the present rate. That is why the training of mainstream teachers to work with Indigenous populations is still in progress.

The Training of All Teachers to Work with an Intercultural Approach to Education Experiences in Latin America In Latin America, teachers that work with Indigenous populations are mainly Indigenous themselves. As we have mentioned, the problem here is the fact that many of them have been educated in a system that has undermined Indigenous culture and language, and as teachers have not received a culturally or linguistically pertinent education. The intercultural approach to training teachers is very recent in the region. Even though it started to be developed conceptually in the 1980s, it was not until 1992, on account of the celebration of the 500 years of the “encounter of two worlds” – a better way of referring to the misnomer in the term “discovery” of America (León Portilla & Seoane, 1992) – many countries modified their constitutions to recognize their cultural and linguistic diversity. In the years that followed, education laws were modified to transit toward education of Indigenous peoples that included their languages and transmitted their cultures. Due to the recent development of an intercultural approach to Indigenous education, most Indigenous teachers are the product of the era of education for assimilation, of colonial education. They are therefore not aware of their own cultures; they speak their language but do not read it or write it and, in many cases do not have a strong cultural id