The Oxford Guide to the Malayo-Polynesian Languages of Southeast Asia (Oxford Guides to the World's Languages) 019880735X, 9780198807353

Table of contents :
Cover
Short contents
Detailed contents
Series preface
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations and conventions
The contributors
1 Introduction
1.1 Scope of the volume
1.2 Aims and rationale for the volume
1.3 Organization of the volume
1.3.1 Part I. Historical linguistics
1.3.2 Part II. Sociolinguistics and Language Contact
1.3.3 Part III. Areal overviews
1.3.4 Part IV. Featural overviews
Part I: Historical Linguistics
2 Proto-Malayo-Polynesian
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Proto-Malayo-Polynesian
2.2.1 Proto-Malayo-Polynesian phonology
2.2.1.1 Consonants and word-shape
2.2.1.2 Vowels
2.2.1.3 Stress
2.2.1.4 Summary
2.2.2 Verbal morphology and voice
2.2.2.1 Verbal morphology
2.2.2.2 Case markers
2.2.2.3 Summary
2.3 Malayo-Polynesian within Austronesian
2.3.1 Phonological evidence for Malayo-Polynesian
2.3.2 Homorganic nasal substitution as a PMP innovation
2.3.3 *maR-
2.3.4 The second person politeness shift
2.3.5 Other morphological evidence
2.3.6 Proposals against MP
2.3.7 Amis, East Formosan, and Malayo-Polynesian
2.4 The internal subgrouping of Malayo-Polynesian
2.4.1 Diverse-MP models
2.4.2 Isolates within MP
2.4.3 CMP and CEMP
2.4.4 The Island Southeast Asian archaeological record and Austronesian expansion
2.4.5 Previous subgrouping proposals
2.5 Conclusion
3 Methods in Malayo-Polynesian comparative-historical linguistics
3.1 Introduction
3.2 The classical comparative method and Malayo-Polynesian
3.2.1 Describing the comparative method
3.2.2 Challenges in applying the comparative method
3.2.2.1 Effects of language contact
3.2.2.2 Conditions on the reconstruction of exclusively shared innovations
3.3 History of methods used in Malayo-Polynesian comparative-historical linguistics
3.3.1 The comparative method
3.3.2 Lexicostatistics and homomeric lexical classification
3.3.3 Bayesian phylogenetics
3.4 Challenges and conclusions
4 Linguistic approaches to Austronesian culture history
4.1 Introduction
4.2 House, village, and community
4.3 Agriculture
4.4 Maritime technology
4.5 Kinship, marriage, and social organization
4.5.1 PMP siblings: Two terms or four?
4.5.2. PMP siblings: Four terms or six?
4.6 Conclusions
5 Human genetic approaches to Malayo-Polynesian prehistory
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Genetic diversity before the Austronesian era
5.2.1 Island Southeast Asia hosts multiple major genetic ancestries
5.2.2 Regional settlement was complex
5.2.2.1 After the Out of Africa expansion
5.2.2.2 Climate change during the last glacial maximum and the postglacial period
5.2.2.3 An initial mid-Holocene (~6-4.5kya) small scale migration from Mainland Southeast Asia
5.2.2.4 A second mid-Holocene Neolithic wave
5.3 Genetic signals of the Austronesian expansion
5.3.1 The transition to Neolithic lifestyles was complex
5.3.2 The Austronesian expansion was an extended process
5.3.3 The Austronesian expansion into the Indian and Pacific Oceans was associated with the Polynesian motif
5.3.4 Social behaviours and demographic drivers
5.4 Links between gene–language associations at large and small scales
5.4.1 Language and genetics correlate even over small geographical distances
5.4.2 Language and genetic change are co-dominant
5.5 Later Austronesian movements within and beyond Island Southeast Asia
5.5.1 Historical trading networks influenced Asian gene flow within Island Southeast Asia and beyond
5.5.2 South Asia influenced Island Southeast Asia during the historic period
5.5.3 Sea nomads are a modern proxy for early Austronesian expansions
5.5.4 Crossing the Indian Ocean to Madagascar
5.5.4.1 Austronesians left a genetic legacy in East Africa
5.5.4.2 Migration from southeast Borneo was rapid
5.5.4.3 Who were the first Malagasy?
5.6 Conclusions
5.7 Glossary
6 Archaeological correlations for the dispersal of the Malayo-Polynesian languages of Southeast Asia, western Micronesia, and Madagascar
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Archaeological models of Austronesian dispersal
6.3 The Out of Taiwan hypothesis for AN dispersal
6.4 Taiwan, Island Southeast Asia, and the western half of the MP distribution
6.5 From Taiwan to the Philippines
6.5.1 The Batanes Islands
6.5.2 Luzon
6.5.3 The Visayas and Palawan
6.6 Western Micronesia
6.6.1 The Mariana Islands
6.6.2 The Palau Islands
6.7 Borneo
6.8 Eastern Indonesia
6.8.1 Sulawesi
6.8.2 The Moluccas
6.8.3 The Lesser Sunda Islands (Nusa Tenggara)
6.9 The western Indo-Malaysian archipelago
6.10 Mainland Southeast Asia
6.11 Madagascar
6.12 Conclusion
7 Historical linguistics of the Philippines
7.1 Introduction
7.2 The Philippine languages
7.2.1 Batanic/Bashiic
7.2.2 Northern Luzon
7.2.2.1 Ilokano
7.2.2.2 Cagayan Valley
7.2.2.3 Northeastern Luzon
7.2.2.4 Central Cordilleran
7.2.2.5 Southern Cordilleran
7.2.2.6 Alta
7.2.2.7 Arta
7.2.3 Central Luzon (and Remontado)
7.2.4 Umiray Dumaget
7.2.5 Manide-Alabat
7.2.6 North Mangyan
7.2.7 Greater Central Philippines
7.2.7.1 Central Philippines
7.2.7.2 Manobo
7.2.7.3 Subanen
7.2.7.4 Danaw
7.2.7.5 South Mangyan
7.2.7.6 Mongondow-Gorontalo
7.2.7.7 Palawanic
7.2.8 Kalamianic
7.2.9 Inati and the Ata of Negros
7.2.10 Southwestern Mindanao
7.2.11 Southeastern Mindanao
7.2.12 Sangiric
7.2.13 Minahasan
7.3 Phonological developments
7.3.1 Consonants
7.3.2 Vowels
7.4 Issues and controversies
7.4.1 Proto-Philippines
7.4.2 The complicating factors of axis relationships
7.4.3 Relationship of Bashiic/Batanic, Central Luzon, and North Mangyan
7.4.4 The position of Molbog and Bonggi
7.4.5 The position of the languages of Sabah
7.4.6 Migration and historical levelling
7.4.7 Aboriginal Filipinos
7.5 Conclusion
8 Historical linguistics of Borneo
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Languages and subgroups
8.2.1 Sabahan languages
8.2.2 North Sarawak
8.2.3 Central Sarawak
8.2.4 Land Dayak
8.2.5 Kayanic
8.2.6 Barito-Basap
8.3 Higher-order subgrouping in Borneo
8.3.1 Past proposals on higher-order subgrouping
8.3.2 North Borneo
8.3.3 Greater North Borneo
8.3.4 The Western Indonesian proposal
8.4 Morphosyntax
8.4.1 Homorganic nasal substitution
8.4.2 Voice morphology
8.5 Linguistic insights on recent migrations in Borneo
8.5.1 The Kenyah homeland
8.5.2 The Kayan homeland
8.5.3 The Iban homeland
8.5.4 Punan dispersal and the breakup of Central Sarawak
8.6 Conclusion
9 Historical linguistics of the Malayic subgroup
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Malayic phonology
9.3 Malayic morphology
9.4 Malayic lexicon
9.5 Malayic definition and subgrouping
9.5.1 External relationships
9.5.2 The internal structure of Malayic
9.6 Culture history
9.6.1 The homeland of Proto-Malayic
9.7 Conclusion
10 Historical linguistics of the languages of Sumatra, Java, the Lesser Sunda Islands, and Moken-Moklen
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Major subgroups and subgrouping devices
10.3 Moken and Moklen
10.4 Barrier Island languages, Batak languages, and Enggano
10.4.1 Barrier Island languages and Enggano
10.4.2 Batak languages
10.5 The other Sumatran languages: Gayo, Nasal, Rejang, and Lampung(ic)
10.5.1 Gayo
10.5.2 Nasal
10.5.3 Rejang
10.5.4 Lampung(ic)
10.6 The languages of Java
10.7 Balinese-Sasak-Sumbawa
10.8 The use of *tuzuq `seven' and PMP *j as subgrouping evidence: an appraisal
10.9 Concluding remarks
11 Historical linguistics of the Chamic languages
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Chamic, Malayic, and Malayo-Polynesian
11.3 Chamic and Acehnese
11.4 Chamic subgrouping and reconstruction
11.5 Conclusion
12 Sulawesi historical linguistics
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Historical-comparative work during the Dutch colonial period
12.3 Historical-comparative work in the post-independence era
12.3.1 The Sangiric subgroup
12.3.2 The Minahasan subgroup
12.3.3 The Saluan-Banggai subgroup
12.3.4 The Bungku-Tolaki subgroup
12.3.5 Gorontalo and Mongondow
12.3.6 Wotu and the Wotu-Wolio languages
12.3.7 Internal subgrouping of the Muna-Buton languages
12.3.8 Ledo and the Wotu-Wolio languages
12.3.9 Limola as a Badaic language
12.3.10 Revisions to the notion of a South Sulawesi group
12.4 The search for higher level connections
12.4.1 The Philippine languages of northern Sulawesi
12.4.2 South Sulawesi
12.4.3 Celebic and the outliers: Rampi, Totoli, and Boano
12.4.3.1 Rampi
12.4.3.2 Totoli and Boano
12.5 Conclusions
13 Historical linguistics of the Central Malayo-Polynesian languages
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Low-level subgroups within Central Malayo-Polynesian
13.2.1 The Bima-Sumba-Flores area
13.2.1.1 Bima
13.2.1.2 Sumba-Hawu
13.2.1.3 Western-Central Flores
13.2.1.4 Flores-Lembata
13.2.2 The Timor–southwest Maluku area
13.2.2.1 Rote-Meto
13.2.2.2 Helong
13.2.2.3 Central Timor
13.2.2.4 Tetun-Habun
13.2.2.5 Idate-Lakalei
13.2.2.6 Kawaimina
13.2.2.7 Makuva
13.2.2.8 Wetar-Galolen
13.2.2.9 Kisar-Luangic
13.2.2.10 East Damar
13.2.2.11 Teun-Nila-Serua (TNS)
13.2.2.12 Babar
13.2.3 The southeast Maluku–New Guinea area
13.2.3.1 Selaru
13.2.3.2 Tanimbar-Kei
13.2.3.3 Teor-Kur
13.2.3.4 North Bomberai
13.2.3.5 Kowiai
13.2.3.6 Aru
13.2.4 The central Maluku area
13.2.4.1 Banda-Geser
13.2.4.2 East Seram
13.2.4.3 Nunusaku
13.2.4.4 Buru
13.2.4.5 Sula-Taliabu
13.3 Proposals for mid-level subgroups
13.3.1 Proposals for the Bima-Sumba-Flores area
13.3.2 Proposals for the Timor–southwest Maluku and southeast Maluku–New Guinea areas
13.3.3 Proposals for the central Maluku area
13.4 Central Malayo-Polynesian as a subgroup or linkage
13.4.1 Blust's proposed innovations
13.4.1.1 Apheresis of *V-, *hV-, and *qV-
13.4.1.2 Glide truncation
13.4.1.3 Postnasal voicing
13.4.1.4 Lexical innovations
13.4.2 Assessment
13.5 Topics for further research
13.5.1 Influence from non-AN languages
13.5.2 Wider perspectives within MPSEA
13.5.3 Phonological convergence
13.6 Conclusion
14 Historical linguistics of the South Halmahera–West New Guinea subgroup
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Defining PSHWNG
14.3 Boundaries
14.4 Internal subgrouping and innovations
14.5 Other phonological developments
14.6 PSHWNG reconstruction
Part II: Sociolinguistics and Language Contact
15 Vitality, maintenance, and documentation among the Malayo-Polynesian languages of Southeast Asia
15.1 Introduction
15.2 Philippines
15.2.1 Endangered languages in the Philippines
15.2.2 Major factors responsible for language endangerment
15.2.3 Recent documentation projects
15.3 Malaysia
15.4 Brunei
15.5 Indonesia
15.5.1 Historic and contemporary causes of language endangerment
15.5.2 Recent documentation and maintenance activities
15.6 East Timor
15.7 Madagascar
15.8 Concluding observations
16 Multilingualism
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Asymmetric multilingualism: The exotericity scale
16.3 Multilingualism within individual languages
16.4 Multilingualism across MPSEA languages
16.5 Multilingualism across MPSEA and non-Austronesian languages
16.6 Conclusion
17 Language policy and the politics of language
17.1 Introduction
17.2 National languages
17.2.1 Malagasy
17.2.2 Malay and Indonesian
17.2.3 Filipino
17.2.4 Tetun Dili
17.3 Regional languages
17.3.1 Cham
17.3.2 Javanese
17.3.3 Kapampangan
17.3.4 Malay
17.4 Concluding remarks
18 Malayo-Polynesian contact languages in Southeast Asia and the creole controversy
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Which contact language types?
18.2.1 Pidgins, pidgin-derived varieties, and creoles
18.2.2 Mixed languages
18.3 Singapore Bazaar Malay
18.4 Eastern Malay contact varieties
18.5 Pecok and Javindo
18.6 Chabacano
18.7 Tetun Dili
18.8 Nonthaburi Malay
18.9 Sri Lankan Malay
18.10 Conclusion
19 Heritage languages and the study of Malayo-Polynesian diasporas
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Malay in Sri Lanka
19.3 Malay in the Cocos Islands
19.4 Javanese in Suriname
19.5 Javanese in New Caledonia
19.6 Ambon Malay in the Netherlands
19.7 Conclusion
20 Language contact in Mainland Southeast Asia
20.1 Introduction
20.2 Emergence of mainland features in MP languages
20.3 Chamic
20.3.1 Lexical borrowing
20.3.2 Phonological convergence
20.3.2.1 Hainan Cham/Tsat
20.3.2.2 Haroi
20.4 Acehnese
20.5 Moken-Moklen
20.5.1 Lexical borrowing
20.5.2 Phonological convergence
20.6 Malay
20.6.1 Early Malay-Austroasiatic contact
20.6.2 Pattani Malay and Thai
20.7 Conclusion
21 Language contact in Africa
21.1 Introduction
21.2 Migration history: Interpretations and issues
21.3 Malagasy before and after the migrations: Two different historiolects
21.4 Bantu influence on Malagasy
21.4.1 The languages involved
21.4.2 Bantu lexical influence from Swahili and Comorian languages
21.4.3 Bantu morphological influence
21.4.4 A Bantu substratum in PMLG2
21.4.5 Bantu substratum effects on phonology
21.4.6 Substratum effects on grammar
21.5 Austronesian influence on Bantu languages
21.6 Concluding remarks
22 Papuan contact and its impact on Malayo-Polynesian languages of Island Southeast Asia
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Lexical transfer
22.3 Structural transfer
22.4 Directionality of transfer
22.5 Inheritance vs. diffusion of Papuan features
22.6 Concluding discussion
23 Non-areal contact
23.1 Introduction
23.2 South Asian languages
23.2.1 History of contact
23.2.2 Beyond Sanskrit
23.2.3 Borrowings into South Asian languages
23.2.4 Typological influence
23.2.5 Language planning
23.3 West Asian languages
23.3.1 History of contact
23.3.2 Beyond Classical Arabic
23.3.3 Borrowings into West Asian languages
23.3.4 Typological influence
23.3.5 Language planning
23.4 East Asian languages
23.4.1 History of contact
23.4.2 Borrowings into East Asian languages
23.4.3 Typological influence
23.5 European languages
23.5.1 History of contact
23.5.2 Borrowings into European languages
23.5.3 Typological influence
23.5.4 Language planning
23.6 Concluding remarks
Part III: Areal Overviews
24 Languages of the northern Philippines
24.1 The language scene
24.2 Phonology
24.2.1 Vowel syncope
24.2.2 Vowel raising
24.2.3 Voiced stop allophony
24.2.4 Palatalization
24.2.5 Homorganic stopping and assibilation
24.2.6 Gemination and degemination
24.2.7 Lateral allophony
24.2.8 Lenition
24.3 Morphological profile
24.4 Reduplication
24.4.1 Ca- reduplication
24.4.2 CV- reduplication
24.4.3 C1V1C1- reduplication and -C2- reduplication?
24.4.4 Caw- reduplication
24.4.5 C1V1C2- reduplication
24.4.6 CV"02D0- reduplication
24.4.7 C1V1C2V2- reduplication (or foot reduplication)
24.4.8 Full reduplication
24.4.9 Lexicalized reduplication
24.5 Syntax
24.5.1 Word order
24.5.1.1 Phrasal-level order
24.5.1.2 Clausal-level order
24.5.2 Noun phrases and noun phrase marking systems
24.5.3 Verbal clause structure
24.5.4 Multipredicate constructions, compound sentences, and complex sentences
24.6 Conclusion
25 The languages of the central and southern Philippines
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Phonology
25.2.1 Segment inventories
25.2.2 Phonotactics
25.2.3 Phonological processes
25.2.3.1 Lenition
25.2.3.2 Palatalization
25.2.3.3 Syncope and metathesis
25.2.3.4 Vowel reduction and harmony
25.2.4 Morphophonology
25.2.4.1 Infixation
25.2.4.2 Reduplication
25.2.4.3 Nasal substitution
25.2.5 Stress and prosody
25.3 Morphology
25.3.1 Aspect
25.3.2 Voice
25.3.3 Mode
25.3.3.1 Potentive
25.3.3.2 Distributive
25.3.3.3 Sociative
25.3.3.4 Plural agent marking
25.3.3.5 Multifunctional *paR-/*maR-
25.3.3.6 Reciprocals and reflexives
25.3.3.7 Inchoative
25.3.4 Causative
25.3.5 Negation
25.4 Elements of syntax
25.4.1 Basic word order relations
25.4.2 Word order within the noun phrase
25.4.3 Word order within the clause
25.4.4 Referential expressions
25.4.4.1 Pronouns
25.4.4.2 Demonstratives and deictics
25.4.4.3 Case markers
25.4.4.4 The positioning of clitics
25.5 Complex constructions
25.5.1 Finite complement clauses
25.5.2 Questions and interrogative complements
25.5.3 Nonfinite complement clauses
25.5.3.1 Control patterns
25.5.3.2 The actor voice restriction
25.5.4 Adjunct clauses
25.6 Conclusion
26 Sama-Bajaw languages
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Phonology
26.3 Lexical categories and basic ordering relations
26.4 Grammatical relations
26.4.1 Voice and valency
26.4.2 Pronominal arguments
26.4.3 Transitivity, definiteness, and alignment
26.4.4 The le"0294 actor voice construction
26.5 The noun phrase
26.5.1 Relative clauses
26.6 Conclusion: Internal diversity, contact, and convergence
27 Non-Malayic languages of Borneo
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Phonology
27.2.1 Word shape
27.2.2 Consonant inventories
27.2.2.1 Implosive stops
27.2.2.2 Voiced aspirates
27.2.2.3 Gemination
27.2.3 Vowels
27.2.3.1 Vowel length
27.2.3.2 Velar-conditioned vowel breaking
27.2.4 Nasals and nasality
27.2.5 Stress systems
27.3 Clause structure
27.3.1 Core Sabah languages
27.3.1.1 Voice
27.3.1.2 Case marking
27.3.1.3 Order of clausal constituents and special clitics
27.3.2 Languages of central Borneo
27.3.3 Some problem cases
27.4 Noun phrases
27.4.1 Noun phrase structure
27.4.2 Pronoun systems
27.4.2.1 Philippine-type pronouns in core Sabah languages
27.4.2.2 Central Bornean pronouns
27.4.2.3 Pronominal number
27.5 Conclusion
28 Non-Malayic languages of Sumatra and the Barrier Islands
28.1 Introduction
28.2 Phonology
28.2.1 Phoneme inventories
28.2.1.1 Consonants
28.2.1.2 Vowels
28.2.2 Stress and prosodic prominence
28.2.3 Phonological processes
28.3 Morphology
28.3.1 Verbal morphology
28.3.1.1 Agreement
28.3.1.2 Affixation on verbs
28.3.2 Nominal morphology
28.4 Syntax
28.4.1 Voice, agreement, case, and grammatical relations
28.4.1.1 Voice and grammatical relations in symmetrical voice languages
28.4.1.2 Case, agreement, and grammatical relations in asymmetrical voice NMLS
28.4.1.3 Agreement, case, and grammatical relations in Acehnese
28.4.2 Word order
28.4.2.1 Word order in symmetrical voice NMLS
28.4.2.2 Word order in asymmetrical voice NMLS
28.4.2.3 Word order in Acehnese
28.4.3 Noun phrases
28.5 Tense, aspect, and mood (TAM)
28.6 Conclusion and future directions for research on NMLS
29 Malayic languages
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Phonology
29.2.1 Segmental inventories
29.2.1.1 Consonants
29.2.1.2 Vowels
29.2.2 Prosody
29.2.2.1 Stress
29.2.2.2 Phrasal allophony
29.2.3 Phonological processes
29.2.3.1 Vowel raising
29.2.3.2 Nasalization
29.2.3.3 Nasal assimilation and nasal substitution
29.2.3.4 Reduplication
29.3 Morphology
29.3.1 Nominal morphology
29.3.1.1 Nominal prefixes
29.3.1.2 Circumfixes forming abstract nouns
29.3.1.3 The nominal suffix -an
29.3.1.4 Other nominal morphology
29.3.2 Verbal morphology
29.3.2.1 Causative and applicative affixes
29.3.2.2 Voice prefixes
29.3.2.3 Intransitive and middle prefixes
29.3.2.4 Non-volitional prefixes
29.3.2.5 Affixes indicating plurality, reciprocity, and continuous action
29.3.2.6 The adversative affixes
29.3.2.7 A subjunctive suffix
29.3.3 Initial gemination in Kelantan
29.3.4 Kerinci and Jambi Ulu phrasal alternations
29.3.5 Pronouns and pronominal clitics
29.4 Syntax
29.4.1 Voice and grammatical relations
29.4.2 Word order
29.4.3 Noun phrase structure
29.5 TAM and negation
29.5.1 TAM markers
29.5.2 Negation
29.6 Concluding remarks
30 Chamic languages
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Phonology
30.2.1 Sesquisyllabicity
30.2.2 Consonants
30.2.3 Vowels
30.2.4 Register/tonal developments
30.2.5 Phonological processes
30.3 Morphology
30.3.1 Derivational affixation
30.3.2 Compounding and reduplication
30.4 Syntax
30.4.1 Parts of speech
30.4.2 Word order
30.4.3 Clauses and sentences
30.4.4 Noun phrases
30.4.5 Serial verb constructions (SVCs)
30.5 Information structure
31 Languages of Java
31.1 The language scene
31.1.1 Dialects/varieties of the languages of Java
31.2 Speech levels of the languages of Java
31.3 Phonology
31.3.1 Vowels and related phonological processes
31.3.2 Consonants and related phonetic and phonological processes
31.3.3 Syllable structure
31.3.4 Stress—or lack thereof
31.4 Morphology
31.4.1 Reduplication
31.4.2 Affixation
31.4.3 Morphological typology of the languages of Java
31.5 Word order
31.6 Grammatical relations
31.7 Tense, aspect, modality, and evidentiality
31.8 Multipredicate constructions
31.9 Question constructions
31.10 Future outlook
32 Balinese, Sasak, and Sumbawa
32.1 Introduction
32.2 Phonology
32.2.1 Sound inventory
32.2.2 Syllable structure and phonotactics
32.2.3 Stress
32.2.4 Phonology–morphosyntax interface
32.3 Morphology
32.3.1 Roots and word class
32.3.2 Derivational morphology
32.3.2.1 Actor-oriented middle-related intransitivizing morphology
32.3.2.2 Patient-oriented intransitivizing morphology
32.3.2.3 Transitivizing causative/applicative affixes
32.3.2.4 Nominalization: p"0259- and -an
32.3.3 Reduplication
32.4 Morphosyntax
32.4.1 Noun phrases
32.4.2 Clitics
32.4.3 Negators and tense-aspect-modal (TAM) markers
32.4.4 Clause structure and grammatical relations
32.4.4.1 Subject and [s/a]–v–p order
32.4.4.2 Voice and transitivity
32.4.5 Serial verb constructions (SVCs)
32.4.6 Subordinate clauses
32.5 Speech levels
32.6 Conclusion: Typological remarks
33 Languages of Sulawesi
33.1 Introduction
33.2 Phonology
33.2.1 Consonant inventory
33.2.2 Vowel inventory
33.2.3 Syllable structure and phonotactics
33.2.3.1 Nasal–obstruent clusters
33.2.3.2 Other consonant clusters
33.2.3.3 Diphthongs and vowel sequences
33.2.3.4 Geminate consonants
33.2.3.5 Paragogic syllables
33.2.4 Stress
33.2.5 Morphophonemics
33.2.6 Reduplication
33.3 Word order
33.3.1 Clausal order
33.3.2 Adpositions
33.3.3 Noun-modifiers
33.3.4 Negator
33.4 Morphological profile
33.4.1 Synthesis
33.4.2 Suffixing vs. prefixing
33.4.3 Exponence
33.4.4 Head-dependent marking
33.4.4.1 Within possessive phrases
33.4.4.2 In clauses
33.4.5 Meaning categories
33.5 Basic morphosyntax
33.5.1 Overview
33.5.1.1 The number of symmetrical voices: 4, 3, 2, or none
33.5.1.2 The number of transitive clause constructions
33.5.1.3 Passive clause type
33.5.1.4 NP marking
33.5.1.5 Person marking
33.5.2 Further complications and expansions
33.5.2.1 Verb classes
33.5.2.2 Additional verbal modes
33.5.2.3 Valency-changing derivations
33.5.2.4 Stem formers
33.5.2.5 Noun incorporation
33.5.2.6 Pronoun hopping
33.5.2.7 Consecutive linking
33.5.3 Causatives and applicatives
33.5.4 Pronoun systems
33.6 Tense, aspect, and mood (TAM)
33.6.1 Realized vs. unrealized tense
33.6.2 Aspectual enclitics
33.6.3 Aspectual proclitics
33.6.4 Tense on person markers
33.6.5 Other TAM marking
33.7 Multipredicate constructions and clause combining
33.7.1 Compounding and complex predicates
33.7.2 Serial verb constructions (SVCs)
33.7.3 Juxtaposition
33.7.4 Non-finite clauses
33.7.5 Conjoining and conjunctions
33.8 Deixis and directionals
33.9 Conclusion and outlook
34 Languages of Flores and its satellites
34.1 Introduction
34.2 Phonology
34.3 Morphological profile
34.3.1 Common functions of affixes
34.3.2 Reduplication and compounds
34.4 Word classes
34.5 Word order
34.5.1 Negation
34.5.2 Adnominal possession
34.5.3 Numerals
34.6 Grammatical relations and voice
34.6.1 Alignment: Case-marking, agreement, and word order
34.6.2 Semantic alignment
34.6.3 Passive with and without passive morphology
34.6.4 Other valency-changing operations
34.7 Tense, aspect, mood, and evidentiality
34.8 Serial verb/multipredicate constructions
34.9 Conclusions: Typology and language contact
35 Languages of Timor and southern Maluku
35.1 Introduction
35.2 Phonology
35.2.1 Vowels
35.2.2 Consonants
35.2.3 Syllable and word structure
35.2.4 Stress
35.3 Morphology
35.3.1 Inflectional morphology
35.3.1.1 Agreement on verbs
35.3.1.2 Agreement on nouns
35.3.2 Derivational morphology
35.3.2.1 Valency-changing verbal derivation
35.3.2.2 Deverbal nominalization
35.3.3 Reduplication
35.3.3.1 Form
35.3.3.2 Function
35.3.4 Metathesis
35.3.4.1 Internal metathesis
35.3.4.2 External metathesis
35.3.4.3 The function of metathesis
35.3.4.4 The origin of metathesis
35.4 Noun phrases and their elements
35.4.1 NP word order
35.4.2 Demonstratives
35.4.3 Plural marking
35.4.4 Numerals and classifiers
35.4.4.1 Numeral inflection
35.4.4.2 Numeral classifiers
35.4.5 Grammatical gender and animacy contrasts
35.4.6 Attributes and relative clauses
35.4.6.1 Optional possessive marking of attributes
35.4.6.2 Reduplicative attributes
35.4.6.3 Reduplicative relative clauses
35.4.6.4 Non-reduplicative relative clauses
35.4.7 Adnominal possession
35.5 Grammatical relations
35.5.1 Word order
35.5.2 Alignment of case marking on personal pronouns
35.5.3 Alignment of agreement markers
35.6 Negation
35.7 Serial verb and related constructions
35.8 Summary and outlook
36 Languages of central Maluku
36.1 Phonology and morphophonemics
36.1.1 Consonants
36.1.2 Vowels, vowel sequences, and word stress
36.1.3 Syllable structure
36.1.4 Morphophonemic processes
36.1.5 Reduplication
36.2 Clause level typology
36.2.1 Semantic opposition and Split-S systems
36.2.2 Verb morphology and role interpretation of Subject
36.2.3 Pseudo copula
36.2.4 Presentational clauses
36.3 Pronominal systems
36.3.1 Human/non-human distinctions in Ambon-Seram languages
36.3.2 Plural markers
36.3.3 Dual and trial pronouns
36.3.4 Kin terms in place of pronouns for respect and avoidance
36.4 Noun phrases
36.4.1 Attributive marking and the notion of `adjectives'
36.5 Possession
36.5.1 Word order in the genitive construction
36.5.2 Structures and functions relating to possession
36.6 Deictics and directional systems
36.7 Prepositions
36.8 TAM and other pre-verbal and post-predicate modifiers
36.9 Negation
36.10 Complex sentences and discourse issues
36.10.1 Information questions
36.10.2 Quote formulae and complementizers
36.10.3 Serial verb constructions (SVCs)
36.10.4 Relativization and relative clauses
36.11 Summary and future directions
37 The languages of Halmahera and West New Guinea
37.1 Introduction
37.2 Phonology and morphophonology
37.2.1 Segment inventories
37.2.2 Phonotactics
37.2.3 Stress and tone
37.2.4 VRK mutation
37.2.5 Reduplication
37.2.6 Infixation
37.2.7 Clitics
37.3 Morphology and syntax
37.3.1 Morphological type
37.3.2 Parts of speech
37.3.3 Grammatical relations
37.3.3.1 Subject and object marking
37.3.3.2 Alignment
37.3.4 Person, number, and animacy
37.3.5 The noun phrase
37.3.5.1 NP word order
37.3.5.2 Determiners
37.3.5.3 NP number marking
37.3.5.4 Relative clauses
37.3.6 Possession
37.3.7 VE-morpheme
37.3.8 Valency-changing strategies
37.3.8.1 Reflexives and reciprocals
37.3.8.2 Passives and detransitivizers
37.3.8.3 Applicatives
37.3.8.4 Causatives
37.3.8.5 Fossilized valency-changing morphology
37.3.9 Tense, aspect, and mood (TAM)
37.3.10 Negation
37.3.11 Non-verbal clauses
37.3.11.1 Existential clauses
37.3.11.2 Nominal clauses
37.3.11.3 Possessive clauses
37.3.12 Non-declarative speech acts
37.3.12.1 Imperatives
37.3.12.2 Questions
37.3.13 Spatial orientation
37.3.14 Adpositions
37.3.15 Serial verb constructions (SVCs)
37.4 Other phenomena
37.4.1 Tail–head linkage
37.4.2 Numerals and classifiers
37.5 Conclusion
38 Chamorro
38.1 Introduction
38.2 Phonology
38.3 Nouns and personal pronouns
38.3.1 Case marking
38.3.2 Free and bound pronouns
38.3.3 Possession
38.3.4 Modified noun phrases
38.3.5 Plurals of noun phrases
38.4 Basic clause structure
38.4.1 Split-ergative alignment
38.4.2 Clauses with overt noun phrases
38.4.3 Number agreement
38.4.4 Negation
38.5 Voice and applicatives
38.5.1 Antipassive
38.5.2 Two types of passive
38.5.2.1 The IN-passive
38.5.2.2 The MA-passive
38.5.3 Person–animacy hierarchy
38.5.4 The applicative suffix -i
38.6 Focus
38.6.1 Simple gap strategy
38.6.2 Transitive actor focus
38.6.3 Transitive undergoer focus
38.7 Chamorro's position among the Malayo-Polynesian languages
39 Palauan
39.1 Introduction
39.2 Phonology
39.3 Morphology and morphophonology
39.3.1 Root-initial mutation
39.3.2 Vowel reduction
39.3.3 Realizations of the infix
39.3.4 Thematic vowels
39.4 Personal pronouns and person markers
39.5 Possession
39.6 Verb morphology
39.6.1 Basic verb alternations
39.7 Syntax
39.7.1 Word order
39.7.2 Case marking
39.7.3 The basic clause
39.7.4 Valency-reducing operations
39.7.4.1 Antipassive
39.7.4.2 Passive
39.7.5 Subject and non-subject raising in focus and embedded clauses
39.7.5.1 Subject raising
39.7.5.2 Non-subject raising
39.7.6 Irrealis clauses
39.7.6.1 Finite dependent clauses
39.7.6.2 Negative clauses
39.7.6.3 Hortative clauses
39.8 Conclusion
40 Malagasy
40.1 Introduction
40.2 Phonology
40.2.1 Phoneme inventories
40.2.2 Word structure and stress
40.2.3 Tonogenesis in Central dialects
40.3 Nouns and pronouns
40.3.1 Noun phrase structure
40.3.2 Pronouns and case marking
40.3.3 Demonstrative systems
40.4 Clausal syntax
40.4.1 Simple clause structure
40.4.2 Voice system
40.4.3 Aspect
40.5 Conclusion
Part IV: Featural Overviews
41 Segment inventories
41.1 Introduction
41.2 Consonant inventories
41.2.1 Airstream mechanism
41.2.2 Laryngeal contrasts
41.2.3 Place contrasts
41.2.4 Manner contrasts
41.2.5 Length contrasts
41.2.6 Summary remarks on consonant inventories
41.3 Vowel inventories
41.3.1 Vowel quality
41.3.2 Vowel nasalization
41.3.3 Vowel length
41.3.4 Summary remarks on vowel inventories
42 Suprasegmental phonology
42.1 Introduction
42.2 Typological overview
42.3 Intonation
42.4 The problematic nature of word stress in MPSEA languages
42.4.1 Stressless languages of Indonesia (Java prototype)
42.4.2 The stress window in the Eastern prototype
42.4.3 The Philippine challenge to universal stress
42.4.4 Concluding remarks
42.5 Lexical tone
42.6 Conclusion
43 Phonotactics and morphophonology
43.1 Introduction
43.2 Nasal + plosive sequences
43.3 Templaticity
43.3.1 Sesquisyllabicity
43.3.2 Root templates
43.3.3 Root length
43.3.4 Metathesis
43.3.5 Syllable shapes
43.4 Summary
44 Morphology
44.1 Introduction
44.2 How much morphology is there?
44.3 Formal types: Affixation
44.4 Formal types: Other
44.5 Functional types: Nominal
44.6 Functional types: Tense–aspect–mood (TAM)
44.7 Functional types: Causatives and applicatives
44.8 Functional types: Other
44.9 Conclusion
45 Reduplication
45.1 Introduction
45.2 Forms
45.2.1 Word, stem, and root reduplication
45.2.2 Affix reduplication
45.2.3 Full reduplication with linking elements
45.2.4 Echo-words
45.2.5 Borderline forms
45.2.6 Foot reduplication
45.2.7 Syllable reduplication
45.2.8 Single-segment reduplication
45.2.9 Partial reduplication with fixed segments
45.2.10 Reduplication and affixation
45.2.11 Reduplication and phonological processes
45.2.12 Summary of reduplication forms
45.3 Meanings and functions
45.3.1 Plurality
45.3.2 Intensity
45.3.3 Diminution
45.3.4 Other reduplicative intra-category meaning changes
45.3.5 Reduplicative word-class derivation
45.3.6 Pragmatic uses of reduplication
45.3.7 Summary of reduplication meanings and functions
45.4 Lexical reduplication
45.5 Historical development
45.6 Typological considerations
46 Word order
46.1 Introduction
46.2 Clausal word order
46.3 Noun phrase word order
46.3.1 Numerals and the NP
46.3.2 Genitives in the NP
46.4 Word order in questions
46.4.1 Order of polar question particles
46.4.2 Order of questioned element in content questions
46.5 Order of negator in standard negation
46.6 Summary
47 Voice and transitivity
47.1 Introduction
47.2 Typology of Malayo-Polynesian voice systems
47.2.1 Traditional classification
47.2.2 Symmetrical voice
47.2.3 Transitivity
47.2.3.1 Core arguments vs. obliques
47.2.3.2 Applicatives and voice
47.3 Voice in `Philippine-type' languages
47.3.1 `Topic' and `focus'
47.3.2 Identifying the subject: Actor, nominative argument, both, or `none of the above'?
47.3.3 Nominative as topic-like argument
47.3.4 Ergative–antipassive
47.3.5 Voice as nominalization
47.4 Voice in Borneo and Sulawesi
47.4.1 Borneo (and Madagascar)
47.4.1.1 Sabah interior languages
47.4.1.2 Languages of central Borneo
47.4.1.3 Transitional languages
47.4.1.4 Malagasy
47.4.1.5 Ma"0027anyan
47.4.2 Sulawesi
47.5 From west to east – a cline of voice in the Sundic Islands and beyond
47.5.1 Western Indonesia
47.5.2 Voice – and lack of voice – in eastern Indonesia
47.6 Voice in Chamorro and Palauan
47.6.1 Chamorro
47.6.2 Palauan
47.7 Summary
48 Adnominal possession
48.1 Introduction
48.2 Order of possessor and possessum
48.2.1 Lack of correspondence between genealogy and the reversal of the basic possessive order
48.2.2 Unmarked splits in possessor posing
48.2.3 Marked splits in possessor posing
48.3 Locus and marking of the possessive relationship
48.3.1 Zero-marked possessive constructions
48.3.2 Possessive markers with and without a person feature
48.3.3 Possessum-marking vs. possessor-marking
48.4 Differential possessive marking
48.4.1 Obligatory possessive inflections
48.4.1.1 Obligatory possessors "003D non-obligatory possessors
48.4.1.2 Obligatory possessors "2260 non-obligatory possessors
48.4.1.3 Fossilized possessive morphology on inalienable nouns
48.4.1.4 Unpossession
48.4.2 Optional free possessive linkers
48.4.3 Edible/general possessive contrasts
48.5 Possessive constructions with pragmatically marked possessors
48.6 Concluding discussion
49 Spatial orientation
49.1 Introduction
49.1.1 The study of space in Austronesian languages
49.1.2 The data
49.1.3 Spatial orientation systems
49.1.4 Scale of orientation systems
49.1.5 Organization of this chapter
49.2 Seaward–landward systems
49.2.1 Seaward–landward plus `across'
49.2.2 Seaward–landward plus cardinal
49.2.3 Seaward–landward plus coastal
49.2.4 Seaward–landward plus elevation
49.3 Riverine systems
49.3.1 Riverine plus `across'
49.3.2 Riverine plus towards/away from the river
49.3.3 Riverine plus elevation
49.3.4 Riverine plus cardinal
49.4 Coastal systems
49.4.1 South Sulawesi
49.4.2 Sangir: Coastal adaptation of an elevation system
49.4.3 Halmahera and beyond
49.4.4 Southeast Nusantara
49.4.5 Other coastal systems
49.5 Elevation systems
49.5.1 Elevation in Eastern Celebic
49.5.1.1 Muna
49.5.1.2 Balantak
49.5.1.3 Tukang Besi
49.5.2 Aralle-Tabulahan (South Sulawesi): Elevation and riverine
49.5.3 Sangiric: Elevation and seaward–landward
49.5.4 Other elevation systems
49.6 Cardinal systems
49.6.1 Pure cardinal systems
49.6.2 Secondary cardinal systems
49.7 Summary
50 Negation
50.1 Introduction
50.2 Standard negation
50.3 Existential negation
50.4 Negative indefiniteness
50.5 Prohibitive negation
50.6 Conclusion
51 Phasal polarity
51.1 Introduction
51.2 Encoding of each phasal polarity concept in MPSEA
51.2.1 Expressions for still
51.2.1.1 Formal characteristics
51.2.1.2 Functions
51.2.2 Expressions for not yet
51.2.2.1 Formal characteristics
51.2.2.2 Functions
51.2.2.3 Historical notes and the evolution of not yet as a grammatical marker
51.2.3 Expressions for already
51.2.3.1 Formal characteristics
51.2.3.2 Functions
51.2.4 Expressions for no longer
51.2.4.1 Formal characteristics
51.2.4.2 Functions
51.2.5 The status of phasal polarity items in MPSEA on the lexico-grammatical scale
51.3 Expressibility of phasal polarity concepts
51.4 Coverage
51.5 Summary and conclusions
52 Personal pronouns
52.1 Introduction
52.2 The original PMP pronoun system and prototypical MPSEA systems
52.3 Number
52.3.1 Loss of number
52.3.2 Additional number categories
52.3.3 Morphological marking of the plural
52.4 Clusivity
52.4.1 Minimal vs. augmented number
52.4.2 The development of the first person `dual' form *kita
52.4.3 Loss of clusivity
52.5 Person
52.5.1 Loss of pronominal distinctions
52.5.2 Change of original referent
52.5.3 Generic pronouns
52.5.4 Reflexive pronouns
52.5.5 Gender and animacy distinctions
52.6 Status, formality, and pronoun avoidance
52.7 Pronominal use of kinship terms, terms for professions, rank, and ethnicity, and proper names
52.8 Source of personal pronouns
52.9 Concluding remarks
REFERENCES
Languages Index
Subject Index