The Other New York Jewish Intellectuals 9780814748527

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The "Other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s

R E A P P R A I S A L S I N J E W I SH S O C I A L AND INTELLECTUA L HISTOR Y General Editor: Robert M . Seltzer Martin Buber's Social and Religious Thought: Alienation and the Quest for Meaning LAURENCE J. SILBERSTEI N

The American Judaism of Mordecai M. Kaplan EDITED B Y EMANUE L S . GOLDSMITH , ME L SCULT , AND ROBER T M . SELTZE R

On Socialists and "the Jewish Question" after Marx JACK JACOB S

Easter in Kishinev: Anatomy of a Vogrom EDWARD H . JUDG E

Jewish Responses to Modernity: New Voices from America and Eastern Europe ELI LEDERHENDLE R

Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook and Jewish Spirituality EDITED B Y LAWRENC E J. KAPLA N AN D DAVI D SHAT Z

The "Other" New York Jewish Intellectuals EDITED B Y CAROL E S . KESSNE R

E D I T E D B Y CAROL E S . KESSNE R

THE "OTHER" NE W YORK JEWISH INTELLECTUAL S

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S N E W YOR K &

LONDO N

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 4 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a The "Other " Ne w Yor k Jewish intellectual s / edited b y Carol e S . Kessner. p. cm. — (Reappraisal s i n Jewish socia l an d intellectua l history) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-4659-4.—ISB N 0-8147-4660- 8 (pbk. ) 1. Jews—Ne w Yor k (N.Y.)—Biography . 2 . Jews—Ne w Yor k (N.Y. ) — Intellectual life . 3 . Intellectuals—Ne w Yor k (N.Y.)—Biography . 4. Zionists—Ne w Yor k (N.Y.)—Biography . 5 . America n literature — Jewish authors—Biography . 6 . Jewis h scholars—Ne w Yor k (N.Y. ) — Biography. 7 . Ne w Yor k (N.Y.)—Biography . I . Kessner , Carol e S. , 1932- . II . Series . F128.9.J5087 199 4

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Dedication Mi Dor L'do r For Marion an d Milto n Schwart z Joan, Barbara , an d Judith

Contents

List of Illustrations i

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Acknowledgments x

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Introduction i Carole S. Kessner PART ON E

Opinion Maker s i. Hayi m Greenberg, Jewish Intellectua l 2 Robert M. Seltzer

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2. Mari e Syrkin: An Exemplary lif e 5 Carole S. Kessner

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3. Be n Halpern: "A t Home in Exile" 7 Arthur A. Goren

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4. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin an d the Jewish Spectator 10 Deborah Dash Moore

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PART T W O

Men o f Letter s 5. Morri s Raphael Cohe n 12 Milton R . Konvitz

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6. Horac e M. Kallen 14 Milton R. Konvitz

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7. Ludwi g Lewisohn: A Life in Zionism 16 Stanley F. Chyet

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8. Henr y Hurwitz: Editor, Gadfly , Dreame r 19 Ira Eisenstein

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9. "No t the Recovery of a Grave, but of a Cradle": The Zionist Lif e of Marvin Lowentha l 20 Susanne Klingenstein

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10. Th e Education of Maurice Samuel 22 Emanuel S. Goldsmith

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11. Charle s Reznikoff 24 Milton Hindus

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12. A . M. Klein: The Intellectual A s a True Ohev Israel 26 Rachel Feldhay Brenner

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PART THRE E

Spiritual Leader s 13. Mordeca i M. Kaplan 29 Jack J. Cohen

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14. Milto n Steinberg 31 Simon Noveck

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15. Wil l Herberg 35 DavidDalin

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Contributors 36

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Index 37

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List o f Illustration s

All illustrations appear as an insert following p. 148 Hayim Greenber g Marie Syrki n Ben Halper n Trude Weiss-Rosmari n Horace M. Kalle n Morris Raphael Cohe n Ludwig Lewisoh n Henry Hurwit z Marvin Lowentha l Maurice Samue l A. M. Klein, Sau l Hayes, an d Monroe Abbey Charles Reznikof f Mordecai M . Kapla n Milton Steinber g Will Herber g

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Acknowledgments

The ide a fo r a volum e devote d t o th e man y committe d Jewis h intellectuals wh o wer e influentia l an d playe d a n importan t rol e i n American Jewis h lif e i n th e critica l year s o f th e 1930s , 1940s , an d 1950s originate d a t a pane l entitle d "Th e Othe r Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectuals: Hayi m Greenberg , Mauric e Samuel , an d Mari e Syr kin" tha t I organize d fo r th e Conferenc e fo r th e Associatio n fo r Jewish Studie s i n 1989 . Be n Halper n wa s presen t a t tha t meeting , and i t wa s a t hi s suggestio n tha t I bega n t o thin k o f a boo k o n th e subject. Th e AJ S panel wa s followe d b y a n expande d conferenc e o n the sam e subjec t sponsore d b y th e Josep h an d Cei l Maze r Institut e for Researc h an d Advance d Stud y i n Judaica o f th e Graduat e Schoo l of Cit y Universit y o f Ne w Yor k an d th e Judai c Studie s Departmen t of th e Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Ston y Brook . Fo r thi s latte r conference I a m gratefu l t o Rober t Seltze r fo r hi s proposa l tha t w e hold suc h a meetin g an d fo r hi s effort s t o hel p organiz e it . Earlie r versions o f som e o f th e essay s i n thi s volum e wer e presente d a t th e two conferences . I a m als o gratefu l t o th e America n Jewis h Ar chives a t Hebre w Unio n Colleg e i n Cincinnat i fo r awardin g m e a Lowenstein-Weiner fellowshi p fo r researc h o n Mari e Syrkin . I t wa s while I wa s workin g o n he r biograph y a t th e Archive s tha t I cam e to realiz e tha t ther e wer e tw o clearl y distinguishabl e group s o f Jewish intellectual s activ e i n Americ a i n th e first hal f o f thi s cen tury, an d tha t on e o f the m ha d neve r bee n properl y recognized . Finally, I am indebte d t o Thomas Kranida s who gav e me, a s always , his ow n uniqu e combinatio n o f intellectua l insigh t an d emotiona l support. CAROLE S . KESSNE R XI

Introduction Carole S. Kessner

Everyone knows the New York Jewish Intellectuals ; but thi s book is not abou t them . Thi s i s abou t anothe r grou p o f intellectua l Jew s who live d an d worke d mainl y i n Ne w York , me n an d wome n wh o were in n o way ambivalen t abou t thei r Jewishness. Althoug h ther e is muc h tha t th e tw o group s hav e i n common , i t i s th e rol e tha t Jewishness played in their identities, their ideas, and their activitie s that se t the m upo n divergen t path s whic h wer e t o mee t u p onl y after 1967 .

Recently, considerabl e attentio n ha s been lavished on the adven tures an d achievement s o f th e Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals . I n addition t o the numerou s full-length historica l an d literar y studies , a special issu e of American Jewish History 1 wa s devoted entirel y t o them. Ther e have been countles s article s an d essays, an d in the las t fifteen years a n outpourin g o f personal memoir s by such luminarie s as Willia m Phillips , Irvin g Howe , Sidne y Hook , Willia m Barrett , Lionel Abel , an d Lesli e Fiedler . I f w e ad d th e name s Phili p Rahv , Daniel Bell , Lione l Trilling, Sau l Bellow, Delmor e Schwartz, Alfre d Kazin, Clemen t Greenberg , Isaa c Rosenfeld, Harol d Rosenberg , an d Meyer Schapiro , w e hav e a fairl y representativ e lis t o f th e Jewis h members o f th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s o f th e thirties , forties , an d fifties. The fact tha t thi s outpourin g o f scholarship ha s happened some what belatedly—afte r all , thei r majo r wor k wa s don e ove r thirt y years ago—bring s t o min d a n insigh t tha t Irvin g How e ha d abou t the flowering o f Jewish writing in the mid-twentieth century . Com 1

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paring tw o literar y regiona l subcultures , th e Jewish an d th e South ern, How e claime d that , "i n bot h instances , a subcultur e finds it s voice an d it s passio n a t exactl y th e momen t tha t i t approache s disintegration." 2 Hi s report of the death of American Jewish writin g was a bi t premature , fo r w e find tha t th e genr e continue s wit h subjects othe r tha n immigran t life . Ye t hi s statemen t i s perhap s apposite to the recent profusion o f memoirs and scholarly retrospec tives b y an d abou t th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals , an d particularl y in th e ligh t o f Eugen e Goodheart' s penetratin g essa y "Abandone d Legacy."3 Goodhear t point s ou t tha t th e legac y o f th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals ha s bee n ignore d b y th e contemporar y literar y acad emy an d h e argue s tha t on e reaso n fo r th e abandone d legac y i s the radica l differenc e betwee n th e Marxis m o f th e Ol d Lef t an d contemporary academi c Marxism , th e publi c intellectualis m o f th e former an d th e hermeti c intellectualis m o f th e latter . Henc e th e contemporary academi c theorists , finding n o usefu l mode l i n th e older Marxists , hav e lef t the m fo r dead . Thi s premature buria l ma y also be the inevitabl e consequenc e o f the olde r group' s universalis t aspirations a t th e expense of the particular . Admittedly, thi s boo k too , arrive s late . Th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s have never enjoyed prope r celebrity. Fe w wrote memoirs; some individuals hav e bee n th e subject o f recent scholar ship, bu t fo r th e most part the y have not been thought o f as a group or communit y o f intellectuals , despit e th e fac t tha t thei r live s s o frequently interacte d an d tha t the y probabl y wer e mor e ideologically cohesiv e tha n th e mor e prominen t intellectua l group . Th e justification fo r th e studies in thi s book, however , i s not eulog y bu t recuperation. Unlik e thos e contemporar y academic s wh o ca n find little usabl e from th e past, th e contemporary scholar s of Jewish lif e and letter s wh o hav e writte n th e essay s in thi s volume hav e foun d much t o admir e an d t o emulat e i n thes e proudl y affirmativ e Jew s who i n man y case s wer e thei r teacher s o r thei r colleagues . Th e effort i s a very Jewish one : commitmen t t o th e preservatio n o f th e worthy pas t an d it s incorporatio n int o th e presen t fo r th e sak e o f the future . Let m e tur n bac k no w fo r a brie f descriptio n o f th e Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s so that w e shall be able to measure the subject s of this book against them. Admittedly, th e emblematic figure of this

INTRODUCTION 3

group, Irvin g Howe , neve r reall y coine d th e ter m Ne w York Jewish Intellectual, thoug h th e coinag e gaine d currenc y afte r hi s well known essa y "Ne w Yor k Intellectuals' ' appeare d i n Commentary i n October 1968. 4 Remarkin g tha t althoug h America n intellectuals , including th e Transcendentalists , hav e don e thei r wor k mostl y i n isolation, on e apparen t exceptio n i s th e grou p o f writer s (o f whic h he himsel f wa s a member ) wh o mostl y ha d bee n residen t i n Ne w York i n th e 1930 s an d 1940 s an d wh o ros e t o prominenc e i n main stream America n intellectua l lif e i n th e 1950s . The grou p primaril y cohered aroun d Partisan Review, whic h hel d th e vie w tha t i t wa s not onl y possible , bu t als o natural, t o unite aestheti c avant-gardis m with politica l radicalism . Thus , i n a bol d ac t o f literar y miscegena tion, Marxis m an d T . S . Eliotis m foun d themselve s unde r th e sam e covers. Writin g i n 1968 , How e goe s o n t o explai n tha t th e Ne w York Intellectual s appear t o hav e a commo n history , prolonge d no w fo r mor e tha n thirty years; a common politica l outlook, eve n if marked b y ceaseless internecine quarrels ; a common styl e of thought an d perhaps composition; a commo n focu s o f intellectua l interests ; an d onc e yo u ge t past politeness—whic h becomes , thes e days , easie r an d easier— a common ethni c origin . The y are , o r unti l recentl y hav e been , anti Communist; the y are , o r unti l som e tim e ag o were , radicals ; the y have a fondness fo r ideologica l speculation ; the y writ e literar y criti cism with a strong social emphasis ; they revel in polemic; they striv e self-consciously t o b e "brilliant" ; an d b y birt h o r osmosis , the y ar e Jews.5 In additio n t o thi s las t definin g clause , tha t "b y birt h o r osmosi s they ar e Jews, " How e inform s u s tha t thi s wa s th e "firs t grou p o f Jewish writer s t o com e ou t o f th e immigran t milie u wh o di d no t define themselve s throug h a relationshi p nostalgi c o r hostil e t o memories o f Jewishness." 6 Thes e las t tw o statement s cal l fo r som e examination. I f the y di d no t defin e themselve s throug h nostalgi a o r hostility, the n ho w di d the y defin e themselve s Jewishly—simpl y through th e acciden t o f birth ? Th e answe r i s a bi t mor e compli cated: the y define d themselve s Jewishl y throug h thei r alienatio n from thei r Jewishness. Thi s i s an importan t poin t tha t I shall retur n to later . Furthermore , onc e How e asserte d o f the Ne w Yor k Intellec tuals tha t "b y birt h o r osmosis , the y ar e Jews, " i t wa s inevitabl e

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that th e wor d "Jewish " woul d b e inserte d int o hi s mor e inclusiv e term; thus, New York Jewish Intellectuals , no t alway s used by nonJews withou t a hint o f pejorative. Fro m th e referenc e t o "osmosis " we ca n conclud e tha t th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s include d non Jews wh o absorbe d certai n Jewis h characteristics . Th e statement , however, doe s no t sugges t th e opposite , whic h i s als o true . B y th e same "osmosis, " the Jewish member s o f the grou p absorbe d certai n qualities o f suc h non-Jew s i n th e grou p a s F . W . Dupee , Dwigh t MacDonald, Edmun d Wilson , Willia m Barrett , an d Mar y McCar thy. Indeed , i t wa s a symbioti c affai r i n whic h th e Yale-educate d critics, wh o ha d no t quit e broke n fre e fro m a sens e o f America n inferiority, love d th e up-from-the-ghetto , Cit y College-educate d men (a t th e outset there weren't an y women in this group) fo r thei r universalism, thei r cosmopolitanism , thei r Europeanness , thei r ex oticism, and , no t th e least , thei r brains . Th e Cit y Colleg e type s loved thei r non-Jewis h counterpart s fo r thei r particularism , thei r authentic Americanness , an d fo r th e ticke t the y provide d fo r entr y into th e mainstream . I t wa s a n intermarriag e mad e i n atheist' s heaven. Now, a few words about each of the terms of the descriptive label New York Jewish Intellectuals. First , th e geographi c locale . Ne w York in this context functions mor e as metaphor tha n fact. Wherea s it i s tru e tha t al l thos e i n th e grou p wer e no t nativ e Ne w Yorker s and tha t some , lik e Sau l Bellow , wer e identifie d wit h othe r cities , they becam e Ne w Yorker s throug h thei r associatio n wit h Vartisan Review, and , a s Eugen e Goodhear t ha s pu t it , "the y belonge d t o a fraternit y o f intellec t an d sensibility." 7 Thi s fraternit y ha d it s headquarters i n New York. What i s mean t b y "intellectual " i s mor e difficul t t o pi n down . Russell Jacob y point s ou t i n The Last Intellectuals tha t "unti l re cently argument s about 'intellectuals ' took their cue from th e Dreyfus Affai r o f the 1890's . The artists , writers, an d teachers , includin g Emile Zola , wh o challenge d th e state' s prosecutio n o f Dreyfus , be came know n a s th e 'intellectuals. ' " For th e anti-Dreyfusard s the y were a ne w an d objectionabl e group . Bu t a s Jacob y furthe r ex plains, th e Russia n ter m intelligentsia , whic h date s t o th e 1860s , "gradually passe d int o Englis h o r a t leas t rubbe d of f o n 'intellectu als,' darkenin g it s oppositiona l hues. " Th e rol e o f intelligentsia ,

INTRODUCTION 5

says Jacoby, wa s to pave the way fo r th e Russia n Revolutio n an d i t was almost exclusivel y defined b y "its alienation from an d hostilit y towards th e state." 8 Thi s definitio n i s particularl y interestin g i n light o f Irvin g Howe' s clai m tha t th e "Ne w Yor k Intellectual s ar e perhaps th e onl y grou p Americ a ha s eve r ha d tha t coul d b e described a s a n intelligentsia/ ' How e quote s th e historia n o f Russia n culture, Marti n Malia , wh o describe s th e intelligentsi a a s "mor e than intellectual s i n th e ordinar y sense . Whethe r merel y 'critica l thinking' o r activel y oppositional , thei r nam e indicate s tha t [i n Russia] the y though t o f themselve s a s th e embodie d 'intelligence ' . . . o r 'consciousness ' o f th e nation . The y clearl y fel t a n excep tional sens e of apartness from th e society in which the y lived." 9 It i s thi s "sens e o f apartness " tha t i s them e t o th e variation s o f almost ever y attemp t t o describe and define th e Jewish intellectual , beginning wit h Thorstei n Veblen' s emphasi s o n marginalit y i n hi s 1919 essa y "Th e Intellectua l Pre-eminenc e o f Jews i n Moder n Eu rope." Veblen's theme can b e heard i n variations written b y Danie l Bell, Lewi s Coser , Isaa c Deutscher , Joh n Murra y Cuddihy , Pau l Mendes Flohr , Amo s Funkenstein , an d Sande r Gilman . I f we appl y their insight s t o th e cas e o f th e Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals , i t appears that the y ar e intellectuals par excellence; doubl y marginal , they are voluntarily estranged from th e culture they were born into, involuntarily alienate d fro m th e societ y int o whic h the y wis h t o assimilate. I n all cases the leitmotif i s alienation . We return no w t o th e wor d "Jewish " a s it appear s i n connectio n with th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals . B y th e 1950s , thi s grou p wa s a t the pea k o f it s power , an d it s member s ha d begu n t o hol d dow n academic postion s i n a variet y o f America n universities ; a s How e explains, "Som e writers began t o discover that publishin g a story i n the New Yorker o r Esquire was not a sure ticket t o Satan; other s t o see that th e academy , whil e perhap s les s exciting tha n th e Village , wasn't invariabl y a graveyar d fo r th e i n t e l l e c t . . . " 1 0 Mar k Schechner ha s wittil y adde d tha t thi s journey fro m th e thirtie s t o the fifties travele d th e rout e fro m th e Depressio n t o depression — from radica l politics to psychological neurosis. 11 This was inevitabl e because, a s Howe himself has observed in two-thirds of a truth, "th e New York writers came at the end of the modernist experience , jus t as the y cam e a t wha t ma y ye t hav e t o b e judge d th e en d o f th e

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radical experience, an d they certainly came at the end of the Jewish experience." A s he rightl y point s out , th e grea t battl e fo r modern ism raged i n th e 1920 s and b y the 1930s , when th e Ne w Yor k Intel lectuals sen t i n thei r troops , th e battl e wa s alread y ove r except fo r "skirmishes an d mopping-u p operations." 12 B y th e tim e Partisan Review wa s founde d i n 1936 , Picasso , Stravinsky , an d Joyc e ha d already bee n proclaimed victor s in the battle o f the arts . Moreover , a goo d numbe r o f literar y modernists , suc h a s th e notabl e anti Semites Poun d an d Eliot , frequentl y aligne d themselve s wit h th e political righ t an d took ethical positions antithetical t o those of the New York Intellectuals. With th e hindsight of half a century, How e was to write i n 1991 , "Eliot . . . was our 'cultur e hero / " We faile d to find—this i s a judgement o f retrospect—a coheren t an d dignifie d public respons e t o th e troublin g passage s abou t Jew s tha t li e scat tered i n Eliot' s work, passage s far les s virulent tha n thos e of Poun d but quite bad enough." 13 That the y cam e a t th e en d o f th e radica l experienc e o f th e first part o f thi s centur y i s als o true . Th e battl e fo r orthodo x Marxis m was over as well. The only significant radica l movement in Americ a had bee n th e Communis t party , bu t b y th e lat e thirtie s eve n th e YCL was losing its grip. The politically radica l fiction o f the thirtie s was th e so-calle d proletaria n novel , writte n b y me n an d wome n overtly identifie d wit h th e Communis t party , suc h a s Michael Gol d (whose Jews without Money wa s th e first importan t nove l o f th e genre), Jame s T . Farrell , Joh n Steinbeck , an d othe r mor e o r les s familiar names . Bu t b y th e mid-thirtie s thi s genre' s lif e wa s abou t over. Th e troubl e wit h thi s subclas s o f realisti c fiction wa s tha t i t espoused th e theor y tha t ar t i s a weapon , tha t propagand a i s art . Here it i s apposite t o note that th e Marxist Quarterly, whic h Irvin g Howe argue s was th e mos t distinguishe d Marxis t journal eve r published i n thi s country, bega n it s life i n 193 7 and b y 193 8 had cease d publication. Bu t Partisan Review, begu n i n 1936 , was a journal o f a different color—"of f red"—fo r it s founders , Phili p Rahv , Willia m Phillips, an d Sidney Hook, had by this time shed any sympathy the y might onc e hav e fel t fo r Stalinism . Th e event s o f th e thirtie s wer e too blatan t t o b e excused ; th e Mosco w sho w trial s o f 1936 , th e Hitler-Stalin pact , th e dissectio n o f Poland , an d th e invasio n o f Finland deal t staggerin g blow s to most o n the left . Ther e would, o f

INTRODUCTION J

course, b e a fe w di e hard s suc h a s Howar d Fast , bu t fo r mos t Jew s these wer e blow s t o th e hear t a s wel l a s t o th e head . Partisan Review, then , bega n with dissociatio n fro m th e America n Commu nist party ; ye t i t hel d th e hop e tha t on e coul d find som e othe r system, a purifie d versio n o f Marxism , perhap s somethin g associ ated wit h Trotsky . Bu t eve n thi s piou s hop e wa s doome d fro m th e outset, fo r the times were out of "sync" with clas s struggle: the dar k shadows o f totalitarianis m undercu t thes e once-sacre d categories . Lucy Dawidowicz recalle d i n her memoir of Vilna, From That Vlace and That Time, tha t sh e hersel f qui t th e YC L at Hunte r Colleg e i n 1936 whe n th e Communis t party , abandonin g clas s agains t class , approved th e unite d o r popula r fron t policy—tha t is , tha t "Part y members were now directed t o establish united fronts wit h al l political forces , whateve r thei r particula r positions , s o lon g a s the y opposed German Nazism an d Japanese militarism." 14 Thus th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s arrive d o n stage for th e las t ac t of bot h cultura l modernis m an d politica l radicalism . Bu t wha t about th e third part of Howe's argument, tha t the y als o came at th e end o f th e Jewis h experience ? True , the y cam e a t th e en d o f th e Eastern Europea n Jewis h immigran t experience—but , a s w e shal l see fro m th e essay s i n thi s book , tha t wa s no t th e only Jewis h experience; and as we now see at the close of the twentieth century , there wa s t o b e muc h mor e t o com e wit h regar d t o th e Jewis h experience i n America . What i s more t o th e point , however , i s the fac t tha t thes e wer e the very years tha t wer e dealing no t merel y blow s to the heart , bu t now litera l deat h blow s t o th e Jewis h worl d i n Europ e an d i n Palestine. No t onl y wer e thes e th e year s o f th e Nurember g Laws , the Mosco w trials , th e Britis h Whit e Paper , th e repor t o f th e Pee l Commission urgin g th e partitio n o f Palestine , an d th e Ara b distur bances, bu t th e report s fro m th e ghetto s an d th e camp s bega n t o come in. Fo r the ordinary Jew in America, thoug h th e crisis was not always immediatel y personal , i t wa s profoundl y communal . An d where wer e thes e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s durin g th e year s o f th e least comprehensibl e man-mad e disaste r i n huma n history ? Ha d their live s a s "intellectuals " mad e the m an y mor e sensitiv e t o th e fate o f th e communit y the y ha d rejected , scorned , an d eve n sati rized? Despit e som e o f thei r lat e claim s t o a n earl y response , th e

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truth appear s to be that th e unfolding o f Soviet Russian histor y wa s more compellin g fo r the m tha n th e fat e o f th e Jews. Thus , b y th e postwar period , i n politica l an d intellectua l crisis , i n disillusion ment an d instability , th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s turne d i n thre e directions. Th e literar y critic s shifte d t o th e politica l center , t o democratic socialis m an d politica l liberalism , whil e a t th e sam e time embracin g Americ a b y turnin g t o America n literatur e fo r it s subject: How e wrot e o n Faulkne r an d Sherwoo d Anderson ; Rah v wrote hi s bes t essa y o n Whitma n an d James calle d "Paleface s an d Redskins''; Trilling wrote on James, but, mor e the genteel Victoria n than eithe r How e o r Rahv , Trillin g als o wrote o n Arnol d an d For ster; Kazin' s bes t wor k wa s hi s hym n t o America , On Native Grounds; an d Fiedle r produce d hi s grea t celebratio n o f America , Love and Death in the American Novel. Th e socia l scientist s suc h as Irving Kristo l an d Danie l Bell , an d th e philosopher Sidne y Hook , mostly turne d t o th e right . I n 1952 , unde r th e editorshi p o f Ellio t Cohen who had lef t Menorah Journal, Commentary becam e soft o n anti-communism an d tende d t o downpla y th e threa t o f th e dema gogue senator from Wisconsin . A s for the creative writers—Bellow , Malamud, Schwartz , Rosenfeld , Goodman , an d eve n Trillin g wit h his fora y int o fiction (togethe r wit h thei r disciple s Rot h an d Mailer) —where could they turn? Many turned inward; having been betrayed b y th e faithles s left , an d themselve s havin g spurne d thei r Jewish origins, there was no romance for them save self-love. Alien ated fro m thei r Jewis h mothers , estrange d fro m thei r Marxis t fa thers, the y wer e orphane d i n America . S o they sough t a syste m t o heal thei r sickene d souls : the y foun d i t i n Freud , Wilhel m Reich , Karen Horney , an d Car l Jung . Mar k Schechne r writes , "I t wa s i n the post-wa r climat e o f dis-orientatio n an d regroupin g tha t a fe w disheartened radical s turne d towar d psychoanalysi s a s a n alterna tive t o thei r shattere d Marxism . Onetim e partisan s o f th e workers ' vanguard or the popular front agains t fascism quietl y lay aside their copies of State and Revolution t o com b through The Vsychopathology of Everyday Life or the Function of the Orgasm for clue s to th e universal afflictio n tha t Kare n Horne y ha d calle d 'th e neuroti c personality o f ou r time. ' " 15 Moreover , thei r mid-centur y angs t placed thes e intellectual s acutel y a t th e nerv e cente r o f postwa r

INTRODUCTION 9

philosophical an d literary trends ; they were a veritable casebook on French existentialism . The New York novelists, no w under th e influence o f psychoanalysis, bega n t o reach bac k into thei r ow n Jewish famil y romance s t o create that brie f moment i n the sun for the Jewish America n novel , the momen t whe n Malamud' s immigran t Jew s o f Brookly n i n The Assistant (lik e Joyce's Leopol d Bloo m befor e them) , no w stan d fo r the marginalit y an d alienatio n o f al l mankind ; whe n Bellow' s Au gie Marc h announce s tha t h e i s a n American—Chicag o born , an d in Bellow' s later attac k o n alienation , whe n th e assimilate d Jewis h academic Mose s Herzog—the bette r t o end hi s severe case of alien ation—becomes hi s ow n analyst ; whe n Phili p Rot h escape s fro m suburban Philistine s i n Goodbye Columbus t o his interior, self-abu sive refug e i n Vortnoy's Complaint. I t canno t b e denied , tha t al l these fictions, togethe r wit h man y more , ar e abou t Jews—bu t mostly abou t th e immigran t Jews the New York writers left behin d for th e non-Jewis h Jews they ha d become . I t i s an irony , indeed , t o read in the New York Times obituary for Irvin g Howe that "Perhap s his most famous boo k was World of Our Fathers, a history of Eastern European immigratio n t o th e Unite d State s tha t wo n th e Nationa l Book Award i n 1976." 16 One is hard-pressed t o avoi d invokin g Cyn thia Ozick' s now famous dictu m "I f we blow into the narrow end of the shofar, w e wil l b e hear d far . Bu t i f w e choos e t o b e Mankin d rather tha n Jewis h an d blo w int o th e wide r part , w e wil l no t b e heard a t all ; for us America wil l have been in vain." 17 The so-called Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals , however , wer e no t the only Jewish intellectuals activ e in New York during the critica l years o f th e lat e thirtie s an d forties . Ther e was anothe r grou p wh o read th e ominou s sign s of th e time s an d instantl y kne w tha t thes e were portent s demandin g drasti c action . Withou t hesitation , thi s group o f Jewish intellectual s rallie d t o th e defens e o f thei r fello w Jews in Europe and in the Middle East. These men an d women wer e not nearl y s o widely lionized , bu t the y wer e quite a s "intellectual " as thos e wh o cohere d aroun d tw o journals : Jewish Frontier an d Menorah Journal. An d while some writers of the former group , such as Lione l Trillin g o r Hanna h Arendt , publishe d earl y o n i n Jewish Frontier or Menorah Journal, writer s from th e latter group were no t

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represented i n Partisan Review. Althoug h th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewish intellectual s wer e little celebrate d b y the general America n public, tha t is , Gentile s an d non-Jewis h Jews , th e internationa l Jewish worl d tha t ha d remaine d withi n th e perimeter s o f Zionism , Yiddishism, Judaism , an d Jewish cultur e i n it s infinit e variety , re spected an d revere d suc h name s a s Hayi m Greenberg , Henr y Hur witz, Mari e Syrkin , Mauric e Samuel , Be n Halpern , Ludwi g Lew isohn, an d Mordeca i Kaplan , amon g a longe r lis t o f influentia l thinkers. This i s no t t o sugges t tha t thes e "other " intellectual s spok e i n one voice , no t i n thei r politic s no r i n thei r Jewishness. Mos t wer e Zionists, a fe w wer e not ; som e advocate d a binationa l state , som e argued fo r partition ; mos t argue d agains t shelilat ha golah (nega tion o f th e Diaspora) , on e o r tw o argue d fo r it ; som e wer e secu larists, other s were religiously observant ; som e were immigrants t o America, som e wer e bor n i n th e Unite d States . Ye t perhap s wha t finally unite s thi s grou p i s wha t Ir a Eisenstei n ha s writte n abou t Henry Hurwitz : "H e ha d alway s bee n a n intellectua l Jew , whil e younger writer s an d thinker s were , i n fact , intellectual s wh o hap pened t o b e Jewish. Th e differenc e betwee n th e adjectiv e an d th e noun wa s a t th e hear t o f thei r disagreement. " Al l th e subject s i n this volume ar e intellectual Jews. They wer e a s fully engage d wit h world politic s an d th e cultur e o f thei r tim e a s wer e th e Jewis h intellectuals: Lewisohn , fo r example , wrot e one of the first analytical books on American literature ; Greenber g exchange d view s wit h Mahatma Ghandi ; Samue l wrot e a rejoinde r t o Arnol d Toynbee ; Halpern rebutte d Danie l Bell' s "Parabl e o f Alienation" ; an d Mari e Syrkin too k o n Toynbee , Hanna h Arendt , an d Phili p Roth . Thes e "others," i n contras t t o th e Partisan Review intellectuals , neve r self-consciously strov e to be "brilliant"; an d mos t o f all, the y neve r described themselve s a s alienated—especiall y no t fro m th e Jewis h world. They were nominatively, no t nominally, Jews. I have organize d th e essay s in thi s book into thre e groups : Opinio n Makers, Me n o f Letter s (a s it happens , ther e ar e n o women i n thi s group), an d Spiritua l Leaders . A s the reade r wil l see , th e position s taken b y these men an d wome n ar e by no means identical; the y d o not espous e a "part y line. " Th e first section , "Opinio n Makers, "

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I

includes Hayi m Greenberg , Mari e Syrkin , Be n Halpern , an d Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin. Al l four i n this group are associated with journals, the firs t thre e wit h Jewish Frontier, th e officia l orga n o f th e Labo r Zionist movement , th e las t wit h th e Jewish Spectator. A s the firs t editor of Jewish Frontier, Hayi m Greenber g was not onl y th e undisputed leadin g intellectua l figur e i n th e Labo r Zionis t movemen t i n America fro m th e 1920 s to his death i n 1953 , but h e was regarded a s a mora l forc e a s well . I n th e word s o f hi s frien d an d colleague , Marie Syrkin , "on e canno t pigeo n hol e Greenber g a s a thinker; th e consistency i s on e o f attitude . Hi s writing s reflec t th e continuou s painstaking struggl e o f a sensitiv e an d subtl e spiri t t o discove r th e ethical base s o f action , specia l o r individual." 18 Mari e Syrki n ha d received a graduat e degre e i n Englis h literatur e fro m Cornel l Uni versity an d hoped to become a poet, yet she became associated wit h the Jewish Frontier a t it s outset i n 1934 . The daughter o f Nachma n Syrkin, th e theoreticia n o f socialist Zionism , sh e herself wen t o n t o become th e doyenn e o f Labo r Zionism , whil e a t th e sam e tim e establishing a reputation a s a journalist, polemicist , poet , autho r of a numbe r o f books including th e biograph y o f her dear friend Gold a Meir, an d a s professor o f English at Brandeis University. At Brandeis she wa s joined b y he r frien d Be n Halpern . Afte r receivin g a Ph.D . from Harvard , the n pursuin g a caree r i n th e Labo r Zionis t move ment, bein g elected a member of the Jewish Agenc y Executive, an d becoming managing edito r an d writing for Jewish Frontier, Halper n was named Richar d Kore t Professo r o f Near Eastern Studie s at Bran deis. Halper n wa s revere d b y bot h hi s colleague s an d hi s student s for hi s civility , accessibility , an d sharpnes s o f analytica l powers . The character an d full contributio n o f each of these three interpret ers of Labo r Zionis m an d shaper s o f Zionis t though t i n America — Greenberg, Syrkin , an d Halpern—ar e brough t t o lif e i n essay s b y Robert Seltzer, Carol e Kessner , an d Arthu r Goren . Th e fourth essa y in thi s section , b y Debora h Das h Moore , i s devote d t o th e caree r of Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n wh o earne d he r doctorat e i n Semitics , Archeology, an d Philosoph y a t th e Universit y o f Wurzburg i n 1931. She emigrated t o America an d when she could not secure a position as a professo r o f Assyriology , sh e founde d th e Jewish Spectator i n 1935. Sh e als o founde d th e Schoo l o f th e Jewis h Woma n i n Ne w York Cit y whic h sh e modele d afte r th e famou s Frankfur t Lehrhau s

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where sh e ha d studied . N o mor e a Labo r Zionis t tha n sh e wa s a secularist, he r religiou s traditionalis m le d he r t o th e positio n tha t Judaism an d Zionis m ar e co-extensive . Weiss-Rosmari n ha s bee n called th e most Jewishly learned woma n i n the world . Syrkin an d Weiss-Rosmari n ar e th e onl y wome n include d i n thi s volume. Thi s is perhaps du e t o th e fac t tha t th e choice s they mad e with respec t t o thei r career s i n journalis m an d scholarshi p wer e atypical fo r wome n o f thei r generatio n i n America . Whil e man y American Jewis h wome n mad e importan t contribution s t o Jewis h life i n th e voluntee r realm , Syrki n an d Weiss-Rosmari n chos e th e path o f professionalism . The secon d sectio n o f thi s volume , "Me n o f Letters, " comprise s eight men (liste d chronologically b y date of birth) whos e lives were spent i n a variet y o f occupations . Th e sectio n begin s wit h Morri s Raphael Cohen , wh o wa s bor n i n Russi a i n 188 0 and emigrate d t o the Unite d State s i n 1892 . Cohen' s stor y i s initiall y a typica l up from-the ghett o tal e o f Lowe r Eas t Sid e beginnings , bu t h e wa s t o become a legendar y professo r o f philosoph y a t Cit y Colleg e wher e he acquire d a reputation fo r a probing an d electrifying , bu t pugna cious, style of teaching that intimidate d mos t of his students. Irvin g Howe, wh o wa s hi s admirin g student , describe s hi m a s havin g a "terrifying, sometime s even a sadistic method o f teaching, an d onl y the kinds of students that cam e to Cohen could have withstood it — Jewish boy s wit h mind s hone d t o dialectic , bearin g half-consciou s memories o f pilpul , indifferen t t o th e prescription s o f gentility , intent o n a visio n o f lucidity/' 19 Boys , on e take s it , lik e Irvin g Howe himself. Despite recollections of his ferocious classroom style, Cohen lef t a legacy of "khochem" anecdotes , testifyin g t o his encyclopedic, razo r sharp , analytica l mind . Wha t distinguishe d Cohe n from thos e o f hi s bes t student s wh o admire d him , bu t wen t o n t o join th e Partisan Review, wa s that althoug h Cohe n was an agnosti c or rationalist , a s h e preferre d t o cal l himself , h e wa s a deepl y affirmative Jew . Milto n Konvitz' s essa y o n Cohe n delineate s th e breadth an d dept h o f Cohen' s knowledg e o f Jewis h histor y an d philosophy, o f Yiddis h an d Hebrew , an d hi s decisio n i n th e 1930 s after Hitle r ha d com e t o power , t o devot e himsel f full-tim e t o th e problems of the Jewish people . I n 193 3 he organized th e Conferenc e on Jewish Relations , whic h i n 195 5 became th e Conferenc e o f Jew-

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ish Socia l Studies . Afte r hi s retiremen t i n 193 8 from Cit y College , he devote d almos t al l o f hi s tim e t o th e Conferenc e an d it s schol arly journal. Horace Kallen , bor n i n 1882 , i s probabl y bette r know n i n America toda y tha n an y o f th e other s i n thi s boo k becaus e o f th e current ne w interes t i n multiculturalis m an d America n pluralism . Turn-of-the-century Americ a too k t o it s heart Israe l Zangwill' s im age o f Americ a a s a meltin g pot , bu t Kallen , th e philosophe r o f cultural pluralism , pu t forwar d th e alternativ e metapho r o f th e orchestra, i n whic h eac h instrumen t ha s it s ow n timbr e an d play s its own part , bu t contribute s t o the harmon y o f the whole. Kallen' s essayist i n thi s volume, Milto n Konvitz , inform s us , moreover, tha t the Harvard-educate d Kalle n wa s th e firs t Jewis h professo r o f a non-Jewish subjec t i n a non-Jewis h colleg e o r universit y wh o wa s intimately an d prominentl y identifie d wit h Jewish interests, Jewish concerns, Jewish organizations . H e was, i n Konvitz' s opinion, "primus inter omnes." 20 Ludwig Lewisoh n wa s bor n i n German y i n 188 3 an d gre w u p in gentee l Episcopalia n Charleston , Sout h Carolina . Educate d i n literature a t Columbi a University , bu t denie d a Columbi a fellow ship, h e was compelled t o teach Germa n rathe r tha n Englis h litera ture a t a midwestern university . H e began his career a s a proponent of a moder n post-Victoria n America n literature , h e wrot e th e first Freudian analysi s o f America n literature , an d h e becam e dram a critic fo r th e Nation. Hi s educatio n i n Europea n language s an d literature shoul d hav e mad e hi m th e cosmopolita n par excellence, worthy o f inclusio n i n th e Partisan Review crowd—bu t the y mocked him . Alfre d Kazin , wh o though t tha t hi s ow n comprehen sive exploratio n o f America n literatur e On Native Grounds woul d be th e historica l correctiv e t o Lewisohn' s Freudia n Expression in America, admire d th e olde r criti c t o som e extent , bu t complaine d that Lewisoh n wrot e a t a "Wagneria n pitch, " an d "cam e t o inter pret almos t sadisticall y th e basi c qualitie s o f th e literatur e h e sought t o elevate . I t wa s no t enough, " Kazi n wen t on , "fo r hi m t o write i n hi s autobiograph y tha t 'th e Jewish proble m i s the decisiv e problem o f Wester n Civilization . B y its solutio n thi s worl d o f th e West will stan d o r fall, choos e death o r life/" Thi s was in 1942 ; but then Kazi n wa s onl y twenty-seve n whe n h e publishe d hi s remark -

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able first book. Ultimately Lewisoh n traveled th e route from assimi lation t o negation o f the Diaspora , fro m pacifis m t o militant politi cal Zionism. The story of this conversion i s thoroughly recounte d i n Stanley Chyet' s essay. Henry Hurwit z migh t hav e bee n include d amon g th e "Opinio n Makers" because, i n additio n t o being th e initiato r o f the Menora h Societies in American universities , h e was the founder an d editor of the influentia l periodica l Menorah Journal. Thi s journal publishe d the work of almost everyon e included i n this volume, a s well a s the early writing s o f som e o f th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals , mos t espe cially Lione l Trillin g an d late r Hanna h Arendt . Ye t I have chose n to locat e Hurwit z amon g "Me n o f Letters " because , a s w e lear n from hi s essayis t Ir a Eisenstei n (wh o himsel f edite d a n importan t Jewish journal , Reconstructionist) , amon g othe r goal s Henr y Hur witz intended hi s nonpartisan an d nonacademic publicatio n t o be a new forc e i n moder n critica l intelligence , t o "offe r n o opinion s o f its ow n bu t [t o provide ] a n orderl y platfor m fo r th e discussio n o f mooted question s tha t reall y matter, " an d t o b e "devote d first an d foremost t o the fostering o f Jewish Humanities an d the furthering o f their influence a s a spur to human service. " The nam e Marvi n Lowentha l i s perhaps th e leas t know n amon g those include d i n thi s volume . I f h e i s remembere d a t all , i t i s probably fo r hi s pioneer translatio n int o Englis h o f th e memoir s of Glueckel o f Hameln (1932) . That, however , wa s onl y a minor par t of hi s contributio n t o Jewis h life . Lowenthal , wh o wa s bor n i n 1890 to a n assimilate d Philadelphi a Germa n Jewish family , ha d n o particular interes t i n thing s Jewish unti l h e becam e a student an d then discipl e o f Horac e Kalle n a t th e Universit y o f Wisconsin . There, a s Susann e Klingenstei n recount s fo r u s i n he r stud y o f Lowenthal i n thi s volume , h e inadvertentl y stumble d int o "mildl y Zionist circles, " twic e winnin g th e Wisconsi n Menora h Societ y es say prize . Henr y Hurwit z publishe d Lowenthar s secon d essa y o n Zionism i n th e first issues of Menorah Journal. Afte r a fellowship a t Harvard wher e h e cam e int o contac t wit h Loui s Brandeis , Lowen thal continue d hi s caree r a s a Zionist ; a t Brandeis' s request , h e headed u p th e Zionis t Burea u o f th e Pacifi c Coast . Afte r a twelve year sojour n i n Europe , wher e th e Rathena u cas e i n German y revealed t o hi m th e virulenc e o f anti-Semitis m i n German y an d

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Eastern Europe , a s earl y a s 192 3 he bega n t o war n agains t Hitler . Lowenthal serve d a s representativ e fo r Jewis h interest s a t th e League o f Nation s an d h e wrot e a stud y o f th e Jew s o f German y which "inevitabl y becam e a history o f anti-Semitism i n Germany. " In additio n t o becomin g on e o f Henr y Hurwitz' s closes t associates , Lowenthal wen t o n t o write an d edi t The Life and Letters of Henrietta Szold, and to edit an d translate The Diaries ofTheodorHerzl. In he r forewor d t o The Worlds of Maurice Samuel, edite d b y Milton Hindus , Cynthi a Ozic k remark s tha t i n he r "hungr y twen ties" sh e use d t o "follo w Mauric e Samue l fro m lecter n t o lectern , running afte r whateve r i t wa s I though t I migh t ge t fro m him. " Samuel, indeed, was one of the most charismatic intellectual figures in twentieth-centur y America n Jewis h life , wh o becam e wel l known t o radi o audience s fo r hi s weekl y conversation s abou t th e Bible with Mar k Va n Doren . Bor n in Romani a i n 1895 , educated i n England, an d emigratin g t o the United State s in 1914 , Samuel mad e his livin g a s a publi c lecturer—bu t tha t i s misleading . A n autodi dact, h e wa s a scholar, a love r o f languag e an d poetry , a writer o f fiction an d nonfiction , an d a spokesma n fo r Zionism . I n th e essa y on Mauric e Samue l i n thi s book , Emanue l Goldsmit h tell s u s tha t although Samue l wa s no t a formulator o f Zionis t ideology , h e wa s part o f Chai m Weizmann' s inne r circle , collaboratin g wit h Weiz mann o n his autobiography Trial and Error. Moreover, Samue l wa s a passionat e promote r o f Yiddish , an d a n exposito r o f anti-Semit ism. I n a n interestin g detail , Goldsmit h point s ou t tha t Samue l discovered fro m hi s stud y o f Bibl e an d Jewish histor y tha t Judais m had alway s lacke d a sports-fixation, an d tha t i t was "characterize d by a rejectio n o f sport s an d th e combativ e ethi c whic h wa s th e result o f a mora l fixation roote d i n th e writing s o f th e Hebre w prophets." It als o is of some interest t o note that i n his discussion of the rang e o f Jewish intellectual s i n Americ a i n The World of Our Fathers, Irvin g How e bestow s specia l favo r o n tw o representative s of th e affirmativ e Jews . "Th e Zionis t movement, " How e writes , "produced som e kee n English-speakin g intellectuals , especiall y i n later years, men like Maurice Samuel an d Be n Halpern." 21 Of all the personalities in this volume, Charle s Reznikoff i s alone in hi s total commitmen t t o hi s tru e professio n a s a poet. Despit e a degree i n law , h e neve r reall y practice d a s a lawyer, an d althoug h

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he wa s force d t o tr y t o ear n a livin g a t othe r enterprise s suc h a s writing fo r a lega l encyclopedia , a n unlikel y stin t a s a Hollywoo d scenario reader an d writer, an d managing editor of the Jewish Frontier, hi s true vocation wa s poetry. Reznikof f wa s not a n activist ; h e was a n intellectua l wh o spent hi s days reading, writing , an d walk ing. He was associated closel y with th e American objectivis t schoo l of poetry founde d b y Loui s Zukofsky an d whos e mos t famou s prac titioner wa s Willia m Carlo s Williams . Reznikoff , however , wa s steeped i n Jewish learning , i n lov e wit h Jewish literatur e an d lore , and man y o f hi s poem s wer e permeate d wit h Jewish nationa l an d religious awareness. His activism was in his verse, in his lyric poems on Jewish Hol y Days , Jewish liturgy , a verse playlet o n Rashi , an d a lon g cycle entitled Holocaust, base d on th e Nuremberg trials . Hi s work wen t unappreciate d an d unrecognize d excep t fo r a smal l group o f admirer s unti l quit e lat e i n hi s life , althoug h on e percep tive earl y admirer , Lione l Trilling , wrot e i n hi s Menorah Journal review o f th e poet' s pros e chronicl e By the Waters of Manhattan, "Mr. Reznikof f s work is remarkable an d original in American liter ature becaus e h e bring s t o a 'realistic ' them e a pros e styl e tha t without an y o f the posture s of the stylis t i s of the greates t delicac y and distinction . Bu t mor e important , an d b y virtu e o f thi s pros e style, h e ha s written th e firs t stor y o f the Jewish immigran t tha t i s not false. " A somewha t late r admirer , on e wh o ha s spen t man y years as an advocate of Reznikoff s poetry and who became his close friend a s well , i s Milto n Hindus , whos e essa y i n thi s volum e no t only provides a sensitive critique of the poetry of Charles Reznikoff , but also chronicles Hindus's own determined personal effort t o bring the poet' s wor k t o publi c attention . Hindus' s essa y i s more a n elo quent remembranc e than a scholarly exposition . Although th e Canadia n poe t A . M . Klei n di d no t liv e i n Ne w York, I have include d hi m amon g th e "other, " th e affirmativ e Ne w York Jewish Intellectual s because he deserves a place in this volume by virtu e o f affinit y o f intellec t an d sensibility . Lik e Reznikoff, h e too took a degree in law, but Klei n actually earne d his livelihood a s a practicin g lawye r whil e simultaneousl y pursuin g a second caree r as poe t an d edito r o f th e Canadian Jewish Chronicle. A s Rache l Feldhay Brenne r explains in her essay on Klein, "a n examinatio n of A. M. Klein's stature a s a Canadian an d Zionist intellectual agains t

INTRODUCTION 1

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the coteri e o f th e Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s reveal s th e iron y of inverse symmetry." Brenne r argue s that Klei n "sense d th e 'Intel lectuals* uneasiness regardin g thei r Jewish origin s when h e mocke d them a s 'American s b y disuasio n [who ] thin k tha t b y travellin g incognito the y wil l b e mistaken fo r royal , o r a t leas t Ne w Englan d personages/ Conversel y Klei n declare d tha t h e travel s 'o n hi s ow n passport/ " Klein's passport was boldly stamped Canadia n Jew, an d he strenuousl y trie d t o amalgamat e th e tw o tradition s i n hi s liter ary work . Thoug h th e symbol s an d subjec t matte r o f his poetry ar e more ofte n tha n no t derive d fro m Jewis h sources—ancien t an d modern—his stylistic debt is to English poets from th e Elizabethan s through th e imagists . Klein' s brillian t nove l The Second Scroll, published i n 1951 , has a s it s them e Klein' s ow n visio n o f Zionis m which assert s that repossessio n of the land in the post-Holocaust er a is ineluctably tie d t o th e histor y o f Jewish exil e an d th e Diaspora . Until quit e recentl y Klein' s wor k ha s gon e virtuall y unnotice d i n the Unite d States . I n some part, thi s ma y b e due t o critical neglec t by the New York Intellectuals . The final sectio n of this book is devoted to "spiritual leaders. " On the grounds that thes e were quintessentially intellectuals , I include only thre e individual s here : Mordeca i Kaplan , Milto n Steinberg , and Will Herberg—two rabbi s and one theologian. On e could mak e the cas e fo r othe r rabbini c figures suc h a s Abb a Hille l Silve r an d Stephen Wise , bu t th e constraint s o f space, a s well a s the fac t tha t their extraordinar y contribution s t o Jewish lif e wer e more throug h their charismatic activis m than throug h their achievements as writers and thinkers, has persuaded m e to omit them . Mordecai Kaplan , th e ideologis t o f Reconstructionis t Judaism , was arguabl y th e preeminen t intellectua l America n rabb i o f hi s time—and hi s time extended ove r one hundred an d two years! Born in Lithuani a i n 1881 , he cam e t o Americ a i n 188 9 and gre w u p i n New York City. He had a traditional Jewish education an d receive d his secula r educatio n a t Cit y Colleg e an d Columbi a University , where he came into contact with some of the most eminent thinker s of his day who were to influence hi s ideas abou t Judaism. Kaplan' s lifelong engagemen t wit h th e redefinitio n an d reinterpretatio n o f Judaism, hi s formulatio n o f th e no w famou s descriptiv e definitio n that Judais m i s th e evolvin g religiou s civilizatio n o f th e Jewis h

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people, hi s belie f i n th e possibilit y o f creativ e Jewis h surviva l i n America alon g with hi s commitment t o th e centralit y o f Israel , hi s application of American democratic principles to Jewish communa l organization, hi s religiou s naturalism , hi s liturgica l innovations , his pioneerin g view s o n th e rol e o f wome n i n Judaism, amon g a n even longer list of his modernist views, are carefully covere d in Jack Cohen's essay. Among the most intellectuall y gifte d o f Mordecai Kaplan' s disciples wa s Milto n Steinberg . A s his distinguishe d biographer , Simo n Noveck, explains , Steinber g was born into a secular socialist famil y in Rochester , Ne w York , i n 1903 , but i n hi s teen s move d t o Jewish Harlem, wher e h e encountere d th e philosophicall y oriente d thought o f Rabb i Jaco b Kohn . A t Cit y College , h e sharpene d hi s philosophical thinkin g b y defending hi s newly foun d religiou s con victions fro m th e logica l persuasion s o f th e legendar y Morri s R . Cohen. Afte r graduatin g summ a cu m laude , Steinber g entere d th e Jewish Theologica l Seminar y wher e h e cam e int o contac t wit h Mordecai Kaplan , whos e teachin g method s wer e quite a s challenging a s Morri s Cohen's . Fro m Kaplan , whos e interest s wer e mor e sociologically oriented , Steinber g learne d t o understand Judaism i n more comprehensiv e term s a s a complet e civilization . Ultimately , however, h e cam e t o b e critica l o f Kaplan' s theologica l view s an d to engag e hi s teacher i n a n ongoin g debate o n suc h issue s a s meta physics, th e natur e o f religion, th e proble m o f evil, an d prayerboo k revision, amon g othe r considerations . Althoug h Steinber g referre d to himsel f a s a "religiou s rationalist " an d identifie d wit h Recon structionism throughou t hi s life , hi s reading s i n theolog y an d phi losophy, hi s attentio n t o th e writings of the Europea n philosopher s from Kierkegaar d t o Sartre, from Bart h t o Maritain, too k him alon g paths divergen t fro m Mordeca i Kaplan . H e wa s amon g th e first of America n Jewis h thinker s t o familiariz e himsel f wit h postwa r Christian theology . Yet , a s a pulpit rabb i he was an eloquent philo sophical preacher who believed that he had a responsibility to speak out o n social problems as well. Steinberg's death a t the ag e of forty seven deprive d th e Jewis h communit y o f on e o f it s preeminen t philosophers. As indebted t o Kaplan in his formative years as Steinberg was, h e owed som e of his later idea s to his friend Wil l Herberg, wit h who m

INTRODUCTION 1

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he discusse d th e works o f several Germa n thinker s an d wit h who m he shared a n interes t i n theologica l speculation . Herberg , wh o wa s born i n th e sam e year a s Steinberg, arrive d a t hi s theologica l posi tion b y a n altogethe r differen t route . Herber g wa s on e o f th e first American Jewis h philosopher s t o presen t existentialis t Judais m i n systematic form . A s Davi d Dali n tell s u s i n hi s accoun t i n thi s volume, Herber g ha d begu n a s th e quintessentia l Ne w Yor k Intel lectual an d becam e th e onl y ex-Marxis t t o embrac e Jewis h theol ogy. At a critical juncture in his personal life he became acquainte d with Reinhol d Niebuhr , and , lik e Franz Rosenzweig , Herber g cam e to Judais m onl y afte r flirtin g wit h conversio n t o Christianity . A s the alienate d Ne w Yor k Intellectual s turne d fro m "th e go d tha t failed" t o the substitute faiths o f psychoanalysis, socialism, science , or aesthetics , Herber g turne d t o God and Jewish existentialism . Hi s first majo r work , Judaism and Modern Man (1951) , wa s widel y acclaimed b y Jewis h an d non-Jewis h scholar s fro m Steinber g t o Niebuhr, bu t i t wa s completel y ignore d b y Partisan Review, Her berg's mos t importan t work , ?rotestant-Catholic~Jew, becam e a classic i n th e sociolog y o f America n religion . A s religio n edito r for National Review, h e becam e on e o f th e leadin g figures o f th e conservative intellectual movemen t i n post-World Wa r II America. Will Herberg' s influenc e wane d i n th e las t fe w decade s o f hi s life ; yet i t woul d no t b e surprisin g t o find renewe d sympath y fo r Steinberg's theology an d Herberg's sensitive critique of an America n public lif e an d politic s devoi d o f religiou s value s reemergin g i n this last , mor e religiousl y an d spirituall y attune d decad e o f th e twentieth century . It i s of interest t o not e tha t th e tw o groups of intellectuals—th e New Yor k Jewis h Intellectual s an d th e affirmativ e "other " Ne w York Jewis h Intellectuals—foun d themselve s fac e t o fac e fo r th e first tim e whe n Presiden t Abra m L . Sachar brough t the m togethe r at th e newl y founde d Brandei s University . Here , i n a n ironi c twis t of America n Jewis h history , Mari e Syrkin , Ludwi g Lewisohn , an d Ben Halpern wer e employe d b y the same institution a s Philip Rah v and Irvin g Howe . An d i t i s perhap s o f mor e tha n passin g interes t that, wit h regar d t o th e essay s i n thi s volume , Brandei s Universit y was a crossroads fo r mor e tha n th e thre e personalitie s wh o ar e th e subjects o f study . Milto n Hindus , wh o ha s writte n s o movingl y

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about hi s persona l relationshi p wit h th e poe t Charle s Reznikoff , became a professor o f English at the founding o f the university; her e he taught i n th e same department as , and became a close friend of , Marie Syrkin who was married t o Reznikoff. I myself was a studen t of Mari e Syrki n an d maintaine d a lifetim e friendshi p wit h her . Stanley Chye t wa s a student i n th e first class a t Brandei s where h e met an d studie d wit h Ludwi g Lewisohn , late r writin g hi s Ph.D . dissertation abou t hi s forme r professor . Moreover , th e essayist s i n this volume represent several generations of Jewish American scholars. Som e o f th e contributors , thoug h younge r tha n thei r subjects , knew the m personally—sometime s intimately . Thi s i s true o f Milton Hindu s an d Charle s Reznikoff ; Simo n Novec k an d Milto n Steinberg; Jac k Cohe n an d Mordeca i Kaplan ; Milto n Konvit z an d Horace Kalle n an d Morri s Raphae l Cohen ; Arthu r Gore n an d Be n Halpern; Stanle y Chye t an d Ludwi g Lewisohn ; an d Carol e Kessne r and Mari e Syrkin . Th e younger scholar s i n th e boo k ma y no t hav e known thei r subjects personally , bu t the y hav e written abou t the m persuasively an d sensitivel y becaus e the y hav e discovere d dee p af finity; thei r subject s hav e spoke n t o the m acros s th e generations . This ca n b e fel t i n th e essay s b y Davi d Dali n o n Wil l Herberg , Robert Seltze r o n Hayi m Greenberg , Emanue l Goldsmit h o n Mau rice Samuel , Debora h Das h Moor e o n Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , Ra chel Feldha y Brenne r on A. M. Klein , an d Susanne Klingenstei n o n Marvin Lowenthal . A s on e o f th e contributor s remarked , " I hav e fallen i n love with m y subject." Love , however, doe s not preclude a balanced view ; thu s th e essay s tha t follo w hav e eschewe d hagiog raphy. Some wil l instantl y observ e tha t th e onl y essay s o n wome n i n this collectio n ar e o n Syrki n an d Weiss-Rosmarin . Wh y ther e wer e no other s prominen t enoug h t o includ e i s the subjec t o f a differen t essay. Suffic e i t t o sa y her e that , i n Americ a a t thi s time , Jewis h women of ability (sometime s extraordinary ability ) tende d to carve out place s fo r themselve s i n th e organizationa l voluntee r arena . Hannah Arendt , o f course , migh t hav e bee n included , bu t sh e be longs wit h th e Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectuals , no t wit h thes e "others." There ha s bee n n o attemp t t o regulariz e styl e i n thi s volume . Each essa y reflect s no t onl y th e relationshi p o f autho r t o subject ,

INTRODUCTION 2

1

but als o th e variou s discipline s o f th e writers . Poet s d o no t writ e like historians , literar y critic s hav e differen t linguisti c proclivitie s from journalists , rabbi s an d academic s ar e no t likel y t o selec t th e same wor d fro m th e thesaurus . A fina l wor d abou t th e tw o group s o f intellectuals . On e mus t i n the las t analysi s giv e the Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s thei r prope r due. A s independen t publi c intellectual s wh o wrot e fo r th e edu cated reader , the y playe d a crucia l rol e i n th e shapin g o f contempo rary America n culture . Althoug h the y wer e post-immigrant , the y were pre-ethnic ; thu s the y understoo d thei r ow n cosmopolitanis m as embracin g th e opennes s an d inclusivenes s implici t i n Enlighten ment secula r rationality . I n thi s the y stoo d oppose d t o narro w chauvinism, o r parochialism . Yet , i n a bol d assertion , Davi d Hol linger suggest s that , i n fact , th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s playe d a critical rol e i n th e "de-Christianization o f th e publi c cultur e o f th e United States." 2 2 I f w e ad d t o thei r impressiv e recor d tha t o f th e "other" Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectuals , w e com e close r t o writin g the stor y o f w h a t ma y b e see n a s th e mos t vigorou s an d fascinatin g period i n America n Jewish history .

Notes i. Se e especially Alexande r Bloom , Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1986); Terry Cooney, The Rise of the New York Intellectuals: Partisan Review and Its Circle 1934-35 (Madison: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1986) ; Russell Jacoby , The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe (Ne w York : Noonday Press , 1987) ; Alan Wald , The Rise and Fall of the New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the AntiStalinist Left from the 1930's to the 1980's (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolina Press , 1987) ; American Jewish History 80 (Spring 1991). 2. Irvin g Howe , World of Our Fathers (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1976) , 586. 3. Eugen e Goodheart, "Th e Abandoned Legacy, " American Jewish History 80 (Spring 1991) : 361-96. 4. Irvin g Howe , "Th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals : A Chronicl e an d A Cri tique," Commentary 46 , no . 4 (Octobe r 1968) : 29 . Hereafte r calle d "New York Intellectuals. " 5. Ibid . 6. Ibid. , 31.

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7. Goodheart , "Th e Abandoned Legacy. " 8. Jacoby , The Last Intellectuals, 106 , 107. 9. "Ne w York Intellectuals," 29.

10. Ibid. , 40 .

11. Mar k Schechner , After the Revolution: Studies in the Contemporary Jewish Imagination (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1987). 12. "Ne w York Intellectuals," 32. 13. Irvin g Howe , "A n Exercis e i n Memory, " Ne w Republic (Marc h 11 , 1991): 30. 14. Luc y Dawidowicz , From That Place and Time: A Memoir 1938-1947 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988) , 18. 15. Cite d in Schechner, After the Revolution, 50 . 16. Richar d Bernstein , New York Times, Thursday , Ma y 6, 1993 , p. D22. 17. Cynthi a Ozick , "Towar d a Ne w Yiddish, " Art and Ardor (Ne w York : Alfred A . Knopf, 1983) , 177. 18. Mari e Syrkin , Hayim Greenberg Anthology. Selecte d Essay s an d wit h an Introductio n b y Mari e Syrki n (Detroit : Wayn e Stat e Universit y Press, 1968) , 17. 19. World of Our Fathers, 284, 285. 20. E . R. A. Seligman, fo r example , was named ful l professo r o f economic s at Columbi a Universit y i n 1891 , but h e was not identifie d wit h Jewish causes. 21. World of Our Fathers, 599. "New York Intellectuals," 599. 22. Davi d A . Hollinger , " A Respons e t o th e Essay s o f Terr y A . Cooney , Eugene Goodheart, an d S. A. Longstaff," American Jewish History: 381.

C H A P T E RI

Hayim Greenberg , Jewis h Intellectua l Robert M. Seltzer

If an intellectua l i s a person wh o lives in the world o f ideas, Hayi m Greenberg represent s th e twentieth-centur y intellectua l mos t a t home i n Jewish ideas . Caugh t u p in th e worl d o f action , Greenber g thought abou t th e destin y o f th e Jews , abou t Judais m i n history , about th e spiritua l elemen t i n huma n life , an d spok e an d wrot e of these idea s al l hi s life . Lik e man y intellectuals , h e ha d liberate d himself earl y o n fro m th e constraint s o f tradition . Bu t h e dre w o n the inne r resource s o f havin g bee n raise d i n a coheren t worl d s o that ther e wa s n o agonizin g crisi s t o overcom e a chaoti c lac k o f identity, n o periodic reinvention o f himself t o accommodate chang ing ideologica l fashions , n o torren t o f self-revelatio n t o drow n ou t uncertainty an d doubt . Lik e othe r progressiv e Jewish intellectual s of his time , h e ha d rejecte d forma l religiou s observance an d ortho dox belief . Unlik e th e "non-Jewis h Jews, " however, Labo r Zionis m provided him with a framework t o direct his energies in behalf of his people i n decade s of crisis and, a t th e sam e time , thi s commitmen t enabled hi m t o thin k abou t fundamental s freel y withou t bein g th e stereotypical "free-thinker " o f his generation. 1 There wer e severa l wave s o f Jewish writers , artists , editors , an d scholars afte r 190 0 who settle d i n Ne w Yor k t o compris e th e "Ne w York Jewis h Intellectuals " i n th e broa d sense . Hayi m Greenber g belonged t o a cohor t bor n an d raise d i n Easter n Europ e befor e th e Russian Revolution , a t a moment whe n Russia n an d Jewish social ism and thei r non-Jewis h equivalent s provide d a n almos t messiani c sense o f immanen t transformation . Th e chain s o f exploitatio n an d 25

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oppression wer e t o b e sundered , onc e an d fo r all , an d a great lea p forward t o th e perfectio n o f humankind take n ver y soon , afte r th e next an d decisive battle agains t th e forces of darkness. I n the Bun d and Zionis m thi s redemptiv e drea m wa s attache d t o a Jewish self discovery tha t involve d a mor e comple x relatio n t o Judaism tha n merely marchin g alongsid e th e burgeonin g revolutionar y partie s of lat e Tsaris t Russia . Mor e insistentl y nonreligiou s tha n Wester n Jews (i n thi s the y imitate d thei r non-Jewis h contemporaries) , Greenberg's Russian-Jewis h intelligentsi a wa s far bette r acquainte d with the world of traditional Judaism tha n were the Western Jewish intellectuals of those decades and more deeply rooted in the Yiddish language an d literatur e an d i n moder n Hebre w culture . Th e resul t was a n idealis m wit h a ton e distinctivel y it s own , a t onc e cosmo politan an d ethnic, universalis t an d particular . Forced t o grappl e wit h th e seemingl y endles s emergencie s o f th e interwar years , Greenber g wa s bot h a defender o f his besieged peo ple an d o f absolut e ethica l standards . Apar t fro m a n unshakabl e belief i n th e urgenc y o f the Zionis t project , Greenber g uphel d unti l the en d o f th e thirtie s a dogmati c pacifis m lik e tha t advocate d b y Mohandas K . Gandhi , th e world-renowne d India n nationalis t an d spiritual leader . Whil e Greenber g wa s critical—sometime s devas tatingly so—of Jewish attitude s and behaviors, there was no ambivalence abou t hi s Jewishness ; h e balance d ahavat Yisrael, lov e o f the Jewis h people , wit h a lov e o f trut h an d fairnes s t o all . T o b e sure, ther e wer e paradoxe s i n hi s life . H e devoted hi s energie s an d intellect t o Zionis m durin g it s decade s o f pioneerin g fervor , bu t lived i n th e Diaspor a an d love d th e lan d o f Russi a an d th e ide a o f America a s muc h a s Eret z Yisrael . A secular Jew, h e wa s trouble d by the spiritua l vacuu m a t th e hear t o f modern secularism . A scintillating conversationalist , polishe d lecturer , an d discipline d jour nalist, h e wa s a n intensel y privat e person . Zalma n Shaza r charac terized hi s reserve : " A certai n refine d solitud e kep t hi m apar t an d even when h e was going with th e stream, eve n when h e was at th e helm, man y ha d th e irrepressibl e feelin g tha t h e wa s someho w apart an d alone." 2 Writing not of himself bu t unconsciously reveal ing his own needs, Greenberg refers to "the consoling melancholy of aloneness an d self-confrontation." 3 A distinguishe d publi c figure and a n adroi t diploma t (gregariou s callings indeed), Greenberg was

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philosophical, reclusive , an d drawn t o the meditative way . Marie Syrkin observe d tha t man y o f th e mos t perfec t an d touch ing of his reflections an d anecdote s "shar e only th e eternity o f thei r hearers." 4 Greenberg's literary output represents a fragment o f what he create d i n moment s o f conversation . Shapin g a reminiscence o r a fleetin g observatio n int o a finishe d artisti c product , h e ha d tha t rare abilit y t o translat e th e vagarie s o f lif e int o symbol s o f th e human condition . Greenber g th e story-telle r i s represente d b y th e "sketches" included i n both volume s of the Inner Eye, eac h episod e revealing its own pungent, fresh , ironi c meaning: a chance encoun ter with a Panamanian Indian , a conversation i n a Tsarist prison , a stay with inhospitable Karaites in the Crimea, an d so forth. A Greek restaurant owne r i n Atlantic Cit y wonders what wil l becom e of his children, detache d fro m thei r ow n root s in th e corrosiv e America n melting pot . A prou d Russia n derelic t i n Washingto n Squar e wil l not deig n t o accep t a cigarett e fro m a Jew , bu t a n Italia n la d i s more tha n gratefu l fo r th e largesse , t o th e disapprova l o f a sever e nun standin g nearby . A n "Assyrian" exile from Ira q ask s Greenberg if a small piece of land coul d be set aside in Israe l for his persecuted Christian people . And so on. Greenberg th e edito r ha d t o expend muc h o f his literary energie s on the immediate events of the day, but, a cultivated man of letters, he preferre d wher e possibl e t o develo p hi s subjec t i n th e broa d historical an d ethica l perspective , eve n sub specie aeternitatis. Growing up in a generation dominated b y positivism an d philosoph ical materialism , Greenber g kne w fro m hi s stud y o f literatur e an d theology tha t thes e ideologies , togethe r wit h th e anti-ideologica l vulgarity an d materialism o f American society, produced a n impoverishment o f the Jewish soul . Greenberg was susceptible t o the lur e of transcendence . Movin g fro m Russia n t o Yiddis h t o Hebre w t o English wit h fluenc y an d ease , h e brough t a distinctiv e typ e o f modern Jewish intellectualit y tha t wa s a t onc e of the Old an d Ne w Worlds t o Ne w Yor k Jewry, i n wha t ma y eventuall y b e seen a s it s golden age. Born i n th e smal l Bessarabia n tow n o f Todoristi i n 1889 , Greenberg found i n th e Zionist movemen t a n outle t fo r hi s considerable prom ise early in life. Already a t the age of fifteen he was a corresponden t

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at th e 190 4 Zionist Congres s a t Helsink i an d a sought-after speake r at undergroun d meetings . Zalma n Shaza r remarke d tha t i t wa s a time whe n "lecturers " playe d a uniqu e an d powerfu l rol e i n Eas t European Jewis h life : 'Th e lectur e hall s becam e spiritua l labora tories wher e th e dominan t idea s o f th e tim e wer e forged . Th e la w was lai d dow n an d define d orall y b y suc h master s a s Borochov , Syrkin, Jabotinsky, Zhitlovsky , an d other s who wandered fro m on e city t o anothe r an d fro m meetin g t o meeting." 5 Whe n Greenber g moved t o Odess a i n 1910 , h e wa s notice d i n a communit y famou s for its modern Jewish nationalists, Hebre w and Yiddish writers, an d cosmopolitan style . He spent th e First World War in Moscow on th e editorial staf f o f th e Russian-languag e Jewis h periodica l Raszvet. After th e Revolutio n h e wa s briefl y instructo r i n medieva l Jewis h literature an d Gree k dram a a t th e Universit y o f Kharko v an d the n taught a t the Kiev Academy. Arreste d several times by the Commu nist authoritie s fo r illega l Zionis t activitie s (h e proteste d th e gov ernment's suppressio n o f Hebrew-languag e educatio n an d trie d t o rally suppor t fo r Habimah, th e Hebre w theate r o f Moscow), 6 Greenberg wa s finally permitte d t o leav e th e Sovie t Unio n alon g with a grou p o f Russian-Jewis h writer s an d scholar s i n 1921 . Like many o f thes e emigres , h e was a Social Democra t (th e Menshevik s were on e o f th e first partie s t o b e repressed b y th e Bolshevik s afte r their takeove r o f Novembe r 1917 , alon g wit h th e Bun d an d th e Zionists). Drawin g o n first-hand experience , h e warne d reader s i n the twentie s an d thirtie s o f the repressio n o f individual libertie s b y the Soviet dictatorship an d the fundamental immoralit y of Communist tactic s tha t justifie d an y behavior , howeve r brutal , b y genu flecting t o the eventual achievemen t o f socialism. During his three years in Berlin, Greenberg served as editor of Haolam, th e weekl y o f th e Worl d Zionis t Organization , an d o f Atidenu, a Zionis t monthly . I n 192 4 he cam e t o New York . A t first h e edited Farn Folk (Fo r th e People) , th e orga n o f th e Zeir e Zio n movement. Whe n th e Zeir e Zio n merge d wit h th e Poale i Zio n i n 1932, Greenber g wa s mad e editor-in-chie f o f th e Poale i Zio n bi weekly (late r weekly) Der Yidisher Kempfer (th e Jewish Militant) , the outstandin g Yiddis h journa l o f it s da y o n politica l an d socia l themes. I n 193 4 h e becam e editor-in-chie f o f th e Labo r Zionis t monthly The Jewish Frontier and a member of the Central Commit -

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tee o f th e Labo r Zionis t Organizatio n o f America . I n th e thirtie s and forties , Greenber g cam e t o b e regarde d a s on e o f th e mos t distinguished guide s o f a Jewis h publi c highl y sympatheti c t o th e ideals o f Labo r Zionis m a t a tim e whe n thi s movemen t attracte d a whole panopl y o f outstanding leader s an d spokespeople . During Worl d Wa r I I Greenber g serve d a s hea d o f th e America n Zionist Emergenc y Council ; late r h e als o becam e a membe r o f th e American branc h o f th e Jewish Agenc y executiv e an d directo r o f it s Department o f Educatio n an d Culture . A t th e Unite d Nation s i n 1947, h e playe d a n influentia l rol e i n winnin g suppor t fo r Israe l from Lati n America n delegation s an d amon g Asia n intellectuals . He died i n Ne w Yor k i n 1953 . Emblematic o f the Yiddish , Hebrew , Russian , an d Englis h source s of hi s styl e wer e th e instruction s Greenber g lef t fo r hi s funeral . There wer e t o b e n o speeches , onl y a psal m o r tw o ("103 , 23 , 42") , chapter 2 8 of Job i n prais e o f wisdo m (t o b e rea d i n th e original , i n Yiddish, o r i n English) , a son g dea r t o hi s wif e an d hi m i n thei r youth whic h ha d a s its tex t th e Russia n poe t Lermontov' s " I G o Ou t Alone Upo n th e Road/ ' and , possibly , Chopin' s Funera l March . Hi s last wil l an d testamen t conclude s wit h a statement tha t coul d hav e been i n a Hebre w ethica l wil l tha t medieva l Jew s lef t fo r familie s and friends : There are a number of men and women who brought the light of their souls into my life. To each of them I send my deep blessing. There ar e also n o doub t me n an d wome n who m I hurt an d t o who m I cause d sorrow. O f the m I as k forgiveness . I sinned no t ou t o f lov e o f sin ; I was guilty out of weakness and I did wrong without inten t t o do so.7 All hi s life , Greenber g calle d himsel f a socialist . T o b e a socialis t was fo r man y o f hi s generatio n t o believ e tha t democrac y b e en larged t o it s ful l meaning , t o expres s sympath y fo r th e workin g class, t o see k fundamenta l reform s i n a societ y tha t seeme d t o b e permanently polarize d betwee n th e ric h an d th e poor , th e owner s of propert y an d th e exploited , th e ruler s an d th e oppressed . (Writ ing i n 193 5 o f Marx' s thesi s tha t "th e frictio n o f clas s interest s in th e cours e o f centurie s generate d th e hea t neede d t o tur n th e wheels o f history, " Greenber g remarked : "Everyon e concede s th e validity o f th e i d e a . " ) 8 Ye t h e devote d som e o f hi s sharpes t po -

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lemics t o attack s o n th e ideologica l basi s o f Marxis t socialism , seeing i n "Marxia n philosophy " a fals e messianis m tha t wa s a terri ble simplificatio n close d of f fro m th e subtletie s an d complexitie s o f reality. Marxis m "represent s th e naivet e o f th e huma n rac e scien tifically decke d out." 9 Marx' s atheis m wa s no t a n ac t o f courag e but a dogmati c optimis m tha t denie d everythin g tha t Mar x coul d not subsum e int o hi s system , i n contras t t o Nietzsche' s brave r atheistic despai r affirmin g th e tragi c individua l despit e everything . While th e Marxist s denie d th e earlie r religiou s precedent s o f th e socialist impulse—Greenber g himsel f observe d tha t non e o f th e ancient atheist s wer e socialists 1 0 —they allowe d th e movemen t t o take o n th e distorte d characte r o f a secula r religion : "Yo u ar e not onl y atheists , bu t yo u hav e als o accepte d th e "atheisti c faith. " You hav e becom e a church , create d a dogma , an d establishe d a Vatican. 11 In a 193 6 essa y i n th e for m o f a lette r t o a "Communis t friend " who calle d o n Greenber g t o retur n t o Russi a t o hel p buil d socialis m in th e USSR , Greenber g accuse s th e Sovie t syste m o f havin g don e evil i n th e nam e o f good : For almost twent y years you hav e been conducting a system of physical an d mora l terro r for th e sake of human happiness ; you hav e bee n employing the unholy to achieve the holy. I s it so hard t o understan d that darknes s is not th e roa d t o light, tha t dictatorshi p an d paternal ism ar e no t th e path s t o freedom an d independence , tha t terro r i s no express train t o the golden age ? Ends and means in politics are analogous to form an d conten t i n art . For m in ar t i s not merel y technique ; means i n politic s ar e no t merel y instruments . Th e conten t mus t b e felt i n th e form . Th e mean s mus t contai n th e basi c element s o f th e end. Whe n thi s minima l harmon y betwee n end s an d mean s i s lack ing, we get the stake a t whic h th e holy inquisitio n burn s unbeliever s to save their souls. 12 What, then , i s th e vali d essenc e o f th e socialis t idea ? Socialis m was no t a syste m tha t offer s a n answe r t o ever y questio n tha t troubles h u m a n beings . I t wa s a principle tha t enhance s justice an d equality, tha t affirme d th e inheren t valu e o f eac h individual , tha t rested o n freedo m o f conscience , persuasio n rathe r tha n brut e coer cion an d th e deliberat e us e o f fear . Socialis m wa s no t primaril y a n economic arrangemen t bu t a mora l goal :

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Under n o circumstance s ca n I reduc e th e goa l o f socialis m t o eco nomic equality . I know thre e institution s wher e (excludin g a smal l number o f officials ) economi c equalit y exists : th e monastery , th e prison, an d th e army . . . . I do not believ e tha t securit y an d equalit y can bring man happiness or absolute contentment, bu t they can bring him somethin g n o les s important—dignity— a sens e o f socia l valu e and individua l worth . Huma n dignit y i s the sense an d goa l of socialism, th e onl y sens e an d th e onl y goa l fo r whic h al l els e i s an instru ment. Ever y man, n o matter ho w grea t o r small, mus t b e viewed no t as a means to an end , bu t a s an end in himself. This is an elementar y truth whic h i s not scientificall y demonstrable . Scienc e sees no equality among men; it sees the strong and the weak, th e more and the less productive, th e brigh t an d th e dull—al l largel y biologica l evalua tions. . . . Without equa l worth , ther e ca n b e no equa l rights ; with out equa l rights—n o economi c equality . . . . Whoeve r lack s thi s a priori knowledge, has no reason to be a Socialist an d cannot b e one.13 In short , socialis m canno t clai m tha t i t wil l abolis h suffering , onl y that i t wil l mitigat e degrading suffering . Greenberg's socialis m reste d o n a venerabl e Kantia n rul e tha t al l humans b e treate d a s ends , neve r onl y a s means , an d tha t th e guiding principle s b y whic h on e live s b e suc h tha t coul d gover n al l human action . A blindnes s t o th e categorica l imperativ e underla y the Marxis t notio n o f "transitiona l generations. " Afte r th e over throw o f capitalis m an d th e establishmen t o f th e dictatorshi p o f the proletariat , bu t befor e tru e communis m ha s bee n attained , a transitional generatio n ha d t o la y th e groundwor k fo r a societ y organized accordin g t o th e principl e tha t communa l wealt h shoul d be allocate d "fro m eac h accordin g t o hi s ability , t o eac h accordin g to hi s need. , , A s i n th e Sovie t Unio n i n th e lat e twentie s an d thir ties, workers , peasants , an d everyon e els e wer e t o endur e massiv e self-sacrifice t o accomplis h thi s grea t lea p forward . I n theor y th e sacrifice wa s voluntary , bu t i n fac t th e sacrific e wa s extracte d with out th e generation' s consent , ofte n a t th e cos t o f shee r physica l survival. Thi s wa s th e centra l mora l fla w i n th e Sovie t ideologica l argument. There ar e n o transitiona l generation s i n history . N o individua l ma y be considered a s a means to advance the interests of another, becaus e each on e i s an en d i n himself . Similarl y w e mus t no t loo k upo n an y generation a s a n instrumen t t o advanc e th e welfar e o f another , a s

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fertilizer o n th e field s o f future history , becaus e i n th e endlessnes s of historical development ever y generation i s also an end in itself. 14 As a studen t o f huma n natur e an d a culture d man , Greenber g sought t o pinpoin t th e persona l characteristic s o f th e leader s o f th e Communist movemen t tha t explaine d thei r propensit y t o manipu late an d destroy . H e pointe d t o Lenin' s single-minded , asceti c cold ness, fearfu l o f poetr y o r musi c becaus e the y migh t seduc e hi m fro m the revolution . ("Al l hi s lif e h e wa s mortall y afrai d o f lookin g beyond th e horizon s prescribe d b y Mar x an d losin g hi s faith , o f assuming an y possibilit y tha t ou r empirica l worl d i s irradiate d b y rays fro m another , metaphysica l world.") 1 5 Greenber g observe d first-hand th e self-centere d hypocrisie s o f Leo n Trotsk y durin g th e Russian Civi l Wa r s o that, unlik e th e Partisan Review intellectuals , he consistentl y refuse d t o idealiz e Trotsky , eve n afte r Stalin' s agen t had kille d th e exile d Trotsk y wit h a n axe : Under th e impac t o f th e tragi c aspect s o f th e murde r on e i s incline d to forget Trotsky' s role before hi s power waned, th e sadistic nature of his revolutionism, hi s initiative i n establishing th e Chek a [th e Soviet secret police ] an d introducin g inquisitoria l methods , hi s approva l o f mass terror , hi s theor y o f revolutionar y moralit y whic h sanctione d punishment no t onl y o f person s wh o ha d transgresse d agains t th e Soviet governmen t bu t als o o f thei r wives , children , friends , an d neighbors (Trotsky' s well-know n polic y o f taking hostages) , hi s the ory an d practic e o f punitiv e expedition s agains t village s an d entir e districts, th e execution s h e ordered i n th e arm y an d th e mass slaughter in Kronstadt of fellow-Bolsheviks who rebelled against the bureaucracy which Trotsky so energetically an d capably establishe d . . , 16 Perhaps socialis m coul d brin g a n en d t o starvatio n (thoug h Greenberg doubte d i f i t woul d brin g a highe r standar d o f livin g than capitalism) . Nevertheless , ther e wer e som e har d psychologica l realities tha t coul d neve r b e invalidate d b y an y ne w order . N o regime coul d exorcis e huma n gree d o r th e wil l t o dominat e other s that, a s Freu d (an d Nietzsche ) argued , ha d thei r sourc e i n primor dial huma n realities . Thus, fo r example , i n a 193 7 essa y entitle d "Th e Avoide d Sub ject," Greenber g ask s i f socialis m wil l d o awa y wit h prostitution . Prostitution i s older tha n capitalism , eve n i f capitalism ha d create d

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a particularl y favorabl e soi l for th e growt h o f professional prostitu tion. Individual s tur n t o prostitution fo r subjective a s well a s objective reasons: " 'On e weeps because her soup is thin; another becaus e her pearl s ar e few. ' Gree d i s n o les s a facto r i n sexua l corruptio n than genuin e need/ ' Need s ar e relative , an d cupidit y ca n no t merely b e dismisse d a s "bourgeoi s degeneration. ,, Indeed , avaric e can b e a fa r mor e powerfu l cravin g tha n poverty . "Th e urg e fo r 'more,' th e yearning fo r imaginar y 'power, ' th e elemen t o f greed, I doubt whethe r thes e ca n b e eliminate d b y institutin g plenty . Th e forms an d gradation s o f corruption ma y chang e under a collectivis t system. Bu t ca n corruptio n itsel f b e eliminated?" 17 Greenber g i s dubious. Socialism ca n clea r th e way for a new freedom bu t canno t by itself do away with fear an d redeem the human drive s for satiety , power, an d control . In hi s realism , Greenber g resemble d Georg e Orwell , wh o fro m th e late 1930 s on bega n tellin g hi s comrade s o n th e Lef t wha t the y di d not wan t t o hear . I n hi s philosophy, Greenber g resemble d th e neo Kantian philosophe r Herman n Cohen , wh o wa s als o a socialis t and a philosophe r o f Judaism. Greenber g himsel f acknowledge d a n affinity wit h Eduar d Bernstein , thoug h h e foun d Bernstein' s revi sionist socialism lacke d th e "mora l patho s without whic h socialis m cannot becom e a social-educationa l force." 18 Socialis m wa s no t a substitute religio n bu t i t di d derive its energy fro m a n ethica l abso lute, no t from sociopolitica l pragmatism . In 193 6 Greenberg wrote, " I a m a pacifist an d a socialist. I am a n opponent o f forc e an d a believe r i n democracy. " A t thi s poin t h e was experiencin g th e mos t troublin g interna l tensio n tha t ca n b e discerned i n hi s writings : decidin g tha t pacifis m wa s perhap s th e wrong wa y t o dea l wit h th e Naz i onslaught . Coul d i t b e that paci fism was inappropriat e no t onl y practicall y but , mor e important , inappropriate theoretically ? Like so many wh o looke d bac k i n horro r a t th e carnag e of World War I , Greenber g ha d conclude d tha t militar y violence , s o easil y rationalized, wa s destructive t o the soul of all th e parties involved . As wa s th e cas e fo r man y o f hi s generation , Greenber g venerate d Mahatma Gandhi . Gandh i wa s a sain t wh o care d fo r others , a n ascetic wh o coul d hav e withdraw n fro m worldl y concerns , bu t in -

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stead ha d becom e a crusade r fo r justice . Greenberg' s portrai t o f Gandhi i s highly idealized ; h e minimize s th e sociopolitica l dimen sion o f th e Gandh i phenomeno n o r th e psychoanalyti c aspec t o f Gandhi's self-abnegation. 19 ( A hin t o f a mor e critica l attitud e to ward Gandh i i s Greenberg' s remar k apropo s o f a sketc h o n th e Japanese pacifis t Toyohik o Kagawa : "Kagaw a belong s t o th e sam e type a s Tolstoy an d Gandhi , bu t h e i s much les s complicated . Per haps thi s i s th e reaso n wh y h e escape d bot h th e pseudo-religiou s and pseudo-ethica l extreme s whic h mar k th e Russia n artis t an d God-seeker an d th e Hind u moralis t an d politician . Unlik e Tolsto y and Gandhi , Kagaw a i s a grea t admire r o f scienc e an d technica l progress and sees in them a source of liberation rathe r than enslave ment for humanity.") 20 Greenberg hel d tha t Gandh i "believe d tha t everyda y act s an d deeds ca n b e suffuse d wit h element s o f th e Absolute " (which , Greenberg noted , i n a rathe r understate d manner , wa s "no t for eign t o Jewis h religiou s tradition") . H e extolle d Gandh i a s a n exemplar o f someon e wh o tor e dow n th e wal l betwee n th e every day, especiall y politics , an d th e eterna l tha t i s experience d i n religion, ethics , an d aesthetics. 21 I n particular , Greenber g praise d the Mahatma' s effort s t o awake n th e self-respec t o f th e India n untouchables an d inculcat e a measur e o f regar d towar d the m among upper-cast e Indians. 22 Greenber g admired , abov e all , Gan dhi's effort t o effectuate chang e through ahimsa (nonviolence ) an d satyagraha ("soul-force") : a deliberat e refusa l t o cooperat e wit h the Raj s o a s t o forc e a confrontatio n wit h Britis h imperialis m while, a t th e sam e time , usin g onl y morall y pur e mean s t o oppos e injustice. Gandhi's advic e t o Germa n Jew s i n th e 1930 s to practic e satyagraha in face of Nazi persecution is well known through the Indian' s correspondence with Marti n Buber. Greenberg also took public issue with Gandh i o n this matter. 23 Despit e the theoretica l superiorit y of militant pacifis m a s a moral strategy , Greenber g noted , satyagraha would b e completely ineffectua l i n this context. Unlik e the British , the Nazi s had n o conscience t o which t o appeal . " A Jewish Gandh i in Germany , shoul d on e arise , coul d 'function ' fo r abou t five min utes—until th e first Gestapo agent would lead him, not to a concentration camp , bu t directl y t o th e gallows." 24 Greenber g rathe r sar -

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donically observe d tha t passiv e resistanc e ha d no t bee n use d b y an y non-Jewish European s unde r Fascist , Communist , o r Naz i control . The notabl e exceptio n wa s a young Germa n membe r o f a Christia n sect know n a s th e Internationa l Unio n o f Bibl e Students , wh o wa s shot i n 193 9 for refusin g t o g o t o th e front . I n th e essa y referrin g t o this man, Greenber g remarke d tha t h e cannot recal l an y secular pac ifists in Russi a durin g th e Firs t World War, althoug h ther e was a tria l in Mosco w o f a larg e grou p of Tolstoy ans who wer e opponents o f th e war o n religiou s grounds. 25 Greenber g reluctantl y conclude d tha t Gandhi's inabilit y t o appreciat e th e traged y o f Europea n Jewr y un der th e Naz i boo t wa s no t unrelate d t o hi s insensitivity t o th e mora l claim o f th e Jewish peopl e t o a homeland , suggestin g tha t th e latte r was probabl y derive d fro m politica l engrossmen t wit h a n unite d Hindu-Muslim fron t tha t lef t Gandh i susceptibl e t o pan-Islamic anti Zionist propaganda . When al l wa s sai d an d done , th e politica l realitie s o f th e post 1933 years expose d th e inheren t weaknesse s o f pacifis m a s a princi ple. Contrastin g th e situatio n o f me n lik e himsel f i n 193 9 t o th e earlier stanc e o f suc h famou s pacifist s suc h a s Tolstoy , Romai n Rolland, an d Einstein , Greenber g referre d t o " a certai n brea k tha t has occurre d i n th e soul s o f many pacifist s i n recen t years" : They ca n n o longe r appl y thei r pacifis t belief s t o th e presen t worl d situation. Thi s may b e so because the y n o longer thin k i n term s of "I and th e universe, " " I an d eternity, " bu t i n th e narrowe r term s o f " I and my generation," " I an d my direct historical responsibilities. " . . . A Nazi victory ma y allo w th e evi l t o rule over a n enslave d worl d fo r many years, for one or perhaps for many generations. And it is toward this generation , o r thes e generations , tha t pacifist s fee l responsible . . . . I still believe fervently tha t wha t w e usually an d incorrectly cal l Passive Resistanc e coul d quickl y demoraliz e th e totalitaria n armie s and mak e the m incapabl e o f carryin g ou t thei r functions , an d tha t the genuinel y huma n whic h i s als o insid e them , thoug h i t i s burie d under heav y layer s o f thei r idolatry , woul d graduall y awaken . Bu t passive resistance o n an y kin d o f mass scale is today impossible . I t is both to o late an d to o soon for it . . . . War, ever y war, i s a crime, bu t there are world situations when passivity i s a much greater crime. 26 The consisten t universalis m tha t Greenber g expecte d o f Gandhi an d other spiritua l teachers , i f i t wer e t o b e trul y universal , ha d t o

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embrace th e claim s o f Jewis h peopl e a s well . Th e Zionis t idea , itself base d o n a mora l argument , wa s a litmu s tes t whethe r a n intellectual deal t onl y i n abstraction s o r wa s attentiv e t o th e con crete need s o f flesh-and-bloo d huma n beings . Greenberg' s ir e wa s directed especiall y a t th e etherializatio n o f th e Jew s prevalen t among well-thinkin g moralizer s an d "non-Jewis h Jews " wh o coul d find n o plac e i n thei r hear t fo r particula r Jewis h agonies . Thu s i n 1943 Greenber g publishe d a scathin g critiqu e o f th e philanthropis t and boo k collecto r Lessin g Rosenwald , chairma n o f th e boar d o f Sears, Roebuc k an d Compan y an d leade r o f th e anti-Zionis t Ameri can Counci l fo r Judaism . Respondin g t o a n intervie w i n Life maga zine wit h th e Saud i Arabia n king , Rosenwal d ha d expresse d hi s agreement wit h Ib n Saud' s oppositio n t o Zionis m o n th e ground s that Jew s wer e solel y a religiou s community , tha t the y ha d lon g ceased t o b e a people , an d tha t Judaism' s universalis m wa s incom patible wit h th e ide a o f a Jewish state . Greenber g retorted : One might conclud e from th e tone of [Rosenwald's] composition tha t landlessness i s a blessin g bestowe d upo n hi s "co-religionists, " tha t Zionists, i n thei r stubbornness , refus e t o recogniz e th e beneficen t effects o f thi s blessin g an d ar e unabl e t o gras p th e profoun d though t that "ther e i s n o historica l o r organi c relationshi p betwee n Judais m as a world religion an d national statehood. " Fo r a moment one might have though t tha t befor e u s was a ma n preachin g povert y a s a reli gious tenet , tha t th e Jew s wer e a sor t o f Francisca n orde r whos e mission i t wa s t o liv e a n asceti c life , awa y fro m th e vanitie s o f th e temporal world . Bu t w e happe n t o kno w somethin g o f Mr . Rosen wald's social landscape , enoug h a t leas t t o be certain tha t neithe r h e nor hi s associate s hav e muc h i n commo n wit h religiou s asceticism . . . . The fact tha t ther e ar e so many million s of Jews—in Europe , i n Asia, i n Rosenwald' s ow n America—wh o identif y themselve s a s a people wit h a destin y o f thei r own , wit h th e dram a o f thei r ow n history, wit h commo n hope s an d aspiration s fo r th e future , shoul d have give n Mr . Rosenwal d caus e t o sto p repeating th e pervers e non sense o n whic h h e an d other s lik e hi m hav e bee n brough t up . . . . Historically th e traditiona l Je w ha s neve r accepte d th e foolis h an d basically pathological theor y tha t just because his people has created a universalisti c religion—o r ha s bee n th e mediu m throug h whic h that religio n ha s bee n revealed—tha t peopl e shoul d disappea r fro m the face of the earth. 27

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Implicit i n th e sarcas m i s Greenberg' s convictio n tha t Judais m was a universalistic religion . Mauric e Samuel noted , 'Ther e was no trace o f provincialis m o r nationa l egotis m i n hi s passionat e Zion ism. H e thought o f the Jewish peopl e an d th e Jewish Stat e i n term s of universals, so that whatever he said and wrote about our immediate task s echoe d i n larg e stretche s o f spac e an d time . H e had , i n human values , wha t i n music is called absolut e pitch—the instinc tive placin g o f a not e i n th e absolut e an d universa l scale." 28 I f Rosenwald erre d by ignoring the ethnic element o f Jewishness, mos t intellectuals o f Greenberg' s generation , includin g man y o f Jewis h extraction, erre d i n conceivin g o f Judaism a s a particularisti c cul ture o f a completel y differen t kin d fro m tha t o f th e universalisti c cultures create d b y ancien t Hella s o r medieva l Christianity . Juda ism was both ethni c an d ideational . Greenberg's most developed analysi s of the nature of Judaism an d the meaning of Jewish peoplehood, selecte d to open the first volum e of th e Inner Eye, i s entitled "Th e Universalis m o f th e Chose n Peo ple." He began by taking up the usual accusation s that Judaism wa s responsible fo r racism, tha t i t was primitive an d triba l compare d t o the Ne w Testament , an d that , b y not engagin g i n conversion , Jew s demonstrated tha t thei r notio n o f electio n wa s incompatibl e wit h democracy. Unlik e Mordeca i Kaplan , Greenber g di d no t advocat e eliminating th e notio n o f "Chose n People, " bu t sough t t o sho w its intrinsi c connectio n t o th e ideal s o f huma n equalit y an d fai r treatment o f the stranger. 29 I n defens e o f Jewish loyaltie s h e main tained tha t " a certai n degre e o f narcissis m i s requisit e fo r th e sur vival o f a n ethni c group , just a s ever y ma n necessaril y possesse s a measure of egocentricity." The heart of his argument, however , i s a historical analysi s of the emergenc e of a universalized Judaism a s a result of the inner development o f biblical ideas . First, th e promis e o f th e lan d o f Canaa n t o th e Israelite s wa s related t o the biblical idea tha t land s were given to other peoples as well. Second , notin g th e absenc e o f th e racia l elemen t presen t i n ancient Gree k concept s o f th e barbarian , Greenber g insiste d th e status of the resident alie n an d th e stranger i n the Bible indicated a reaching ou t beyon d th e triba l system , culminatin g i n th e univer salism of the book s of Jonah an d Ruth . This , in turn , eventuate d i n

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the mor e explici t universalis m o f th e classi c rabbini c writing s i n which biblica l Israe l was transformed int o knesset Yisrael, th e Congregation o f Israel , i n principl e ope n t o al l humans , regardles s o f origin. A discussion o f rabbinica l attitude s towar d mixe d marriag e an d converts t o Judaism le d hi m t o conclud e tha t th e relevan t tensio n over inclusio n o r exclusion i n Judaism wa s not betwee n particular ism an d universalis m bu t betwee n liberalis m an d orthodoxy : "Th e Jewish people and its religious congregation thu s become, to borrow a ter m employe d b y Henr i Bergson , a n ope n rathe r tha n a close d society, a communit y whic h is , i n principle , prepare d t o becom e all-embracing an d t o welcom e al l men , regardles s o f thei r racia l origin."30 The historica l analysi s i n thi s essa y follow s closel y Yehezke l Kaufmann's brillian t wor k of historical sociology , Golah ve-Nekhar (In Exile and Alienhood). 31 Lik e Kaufmann, Greenber g emphasize d the uniqueness of biblical monotheis m i n contrast t o ancien t Gree k and Persia n concept s o f divinit y an d fate . Matur e Judais m wa s essentially universalistic , althoug h historica l condition s afte r th e triumph o f Christianit y an d Isla m limite d th e socia l option s ope n to Jews and precluded conversio n on a large scale. The continuation o f this discussion i s found i n Greenberg' s othe r essays o n Jewish surviva l i n th e Diaspora . Thus , h e observe d tha t during th e centurie s o f Diaspora , Jew s di d no t requir e a lan d o f their own ; despit e al l th e traditiona l lamentations , perhap s th e destruction o f th e Templ e wa s a liberation , becaus e th e Templ e could be built anywher e under the invisible roof of the Shechinah. 32 Elsewhere Greenber g rejecte d wit h scor n th e commo n accusatio n that Diaspor a Jew s wer e economi c parasites , notin g th e valuabl e roles tha t Jew s playe d a s economic an d cultura l middleme n i n th e lands wher e the y lived . Th e prid e tha t Jew s fel t i n thei r electio n mitigated th e outwar d humiliation s the y wer e force d t o endure . However badl y the y wer e treated , i t enable d the m t o g o on livin g as Jews with dignit y an d meaning. 33 How di d th e universalis m o f Judaism giv e ris e t o th e particular ism o f Zionism ? Zionis m wa s a necessit y i n moder n time s becaus e the medieva l statu s an d th e traditiona l self-conceptio n o f Jewr y were bein g subverte d b y overwhelmin g force s fro m without . Zion -

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ism wa s a respons e t o pressure s tha t force d th e Congregatio n o f Israel t o becom e somethin g les s transcendent an d mor e tangible : a n ethnic-national group . Modern Judais m wa s bein g inexorabl y strippe d o f th e unique , i f paradoxical, at-homenes s i n exil e tha t ha d characterize d Jewr y fo r centuries. "Th e Dispersio n wa s no t jus t a calamit y . . . bu t also — and perhap s mos t o f all— a dynamic-creativ e state , a shar p tensio n against ourselve s an d agains t th e outsid e world , perhap s th e lofties t mystery tha t a natio n eve r mad e o f it s life. " Now , however , "ou r misfortune i s no t s o muc h tha t w e ar e i n Galut, a s tha t w e [hav e been] i n som e degre e liberated , release d fro m th e Galut, fro m it s tension, creativeness , life-shapin g mysteriousness." 34 Havin g fo r s o many centurie s give n meanin g t o thei r live s accordin g t o th e shap e of sacre d time , "w e gro w mor e an d mor e sensitiv e t o space , t o spatial neighborlines s wit h others. " Yet , h e continue d wit h refer ence t o contemporar y anti-Semitism , "instea d o f u s rejectin g thei r space, thei r spac e i s beginnin g t o rejec t us. " Alternatively , thei r space threaten s t o dissolv e Jewish identity . Th e paradoxica l combi nation o f th e destructivenes s o f anti-Semitism , o n th e on e hand , and th e sire n cal l o f assimilation , o n th e other , explaine d th e pur pose o f th e moder n Zionis t project : Instead of Dispersion, histor y demands of us concentration—again a s thousands o f years ago , befor e w e were formed a s a people: a spatia l basis an d a spatia l fram e fo r furthe r revealin g ourself . Fro m thi s aspect Zionis m i s a ne w Genesis , a ne w graspin g poin t fo r formin g ourselves. I t i s possible tha t fo r suc h a Genesi s th e lan d w e cal l th e Land o f Israe l i s no t th e best , no t politicall y th e mos t convenient , and i f histor y wer e rationall y planne d som e othe r countr y i n som e other continen t migh t hav e bee n mor e easil y th e assembl y poin t fo r Israel. Bu t thi s i s th e wa y i t happened . Tha t vitalit y i n u s whic h seeks a Genesis had a familiar address . I t le t itsel f b e directed no t b y practical commo n sense and calculation, bu t by a historical compass ; and th e compas s le d t o th e Lan d o f Israel . Shoul d w e b e angr y wit h the compass? Or should we say thank you to it? What is the difference ? That i s where i t le d an d tha t i s where i t wil l lead—a t leas t withi n the limits of our epoch. 35 "Galut i s a n algebrai c expression, " Greenber g propose d i n a n address t o th e Worl d Zionis t Congres s i n Jerusalem i n Augus t 1951. 36

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Exile i s a variabl e whic h differ s fro m lan d t o lan d an d perio d t o period. Reiteratin g th e hear t o f classica l Zionism , Greenber g averred tha t Galut exist s where, lackin g political o r social indepen dence, Jews wer e subjec t t o th e dail y pressur e o f th e majorit y an d rely on its goodwill for their continued existence . "Even Israel itself was for many, man y centuries , i n essence, Galut." Certainl y fo r th e Jews of the Sovie t Unio n an d Islami c countries , exodu s from Galut was the only solution, Greenber g argue d in the early fifties . Contrary, however , t o the positio n reiterate d b y Ben Gurion an d others a t tha t time , Greenber g insiste d tha t th e Jews o f th e demo cratic West , an d particularl y th e Unite d States , were not poise d fo r mass emigration , eve n thoug h the y coul d b e viewe d a s livin g i n Galut a s well. Individua l America n Jews migh t settl e i n Israe l ou t of lov e fo r th e country , bu t no t massiv e number s ou t o f fear . Th e notion that Israe l would be a refuge t o a persecuted American Jewry was nonsense ; wer e Americ a eve r t o becom e a land o f fascist anti Semitism, th e Stat e o f Israe l itsel f woul d probabl y no t lon g surviv e such a disaster . T o a Zionis t audienc e i n Israe l i n 1951 , h e con tended tha t the y showe d a n egregiou s lac k o f appreciatio n o f th e strengths o f America n Jewish communa l lif e an d th e attraction s of American democracy . Greenber g calle d fo r a n intensiv e progra m of Jewish educatio n centered , no t o n Zionism , bu t o n Jewishness, or , as he explained, o n "Hebraism. " I us e th e wor d Hebraism her e no t i n tha t polemica l sens e whic h i n our time s signifies a n extrem e languag e preference , a purely linguisti c shibboleth, bu t i n th e sam e wa y tha t I shoul d us e suc h a term , fo r example a s Hellenism . . . . W e hav e ever y reaso n t o regar d Judais m not i n term s o f a complete d plasti c "petrification " bu t i n term s o f melody; an d melody—precisel y becaus e th e "area " o f it s existenc e i s time—has i n principl e a n unendin g continuity . Ther e i s always roo m for possibl e variations , eve n fo r creativ e mutations , deviations , an d complementary contrast s fo r ne w experiment s upo n itself , bu t suc h experiments a s do no t los e thei r lin k (thei r "memory" ) wit h th e past , and wit h thos e force s tha t create d th e past . Thi s bring s us , willingl y or not , t o th e questio n o f religion . . . . I t i s quit e unnecessar y t o b e religious i n a dogmati c o r institutiona l sens e o f th e word , t o b e orthodox—if I wer e t o us e America n parlance , I shoul d sa y i t i s unnecessary t o b e a fundamentalist—i n orde r t o recogniz e th e insep -

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arable significanc e i n ou r futur e fol k educatio n o f th e cultura l em bodiments of the Jewish religious genius. 37 Did Greenber g w a n t th e fruit s o f religiosit y bu t no t religion , a s wa s said o f variou s supporter s o f th e religiou s reviva l o f th e lat e fortie s and earl y fifties ? No , becaus e h e ha d a dee p appreciatio n o f th e spiritual dimensio n o f huma n existenc e tha t subsist s unde r th e ve neer o f militant secularism . In a n addres s delivere d i n 195 1 t o th e Ne w Yor k Boar d o f Rabbis , Greenberg expresse d apprehensio n tha t th e religiou s vitalit y o f American Judaism wa s atrophie d beyon d hope . Wha t wa s th e great est dange r threatenin g th e Jewis h will-to-liv e i n th e Diaspora ? H e answered tha t questio n wit h another : "Wha t wa s th e secre t o f our abilit y t o remai n fir m i n ou r Jewishness durin g s o many genera tions despit e th e fac t tha t w e wer e everywher e a minority , an d a severely persecute d on e a t that? " He reiterated tha t th e Jews di d no t survive a s a grou p becaus e the y ha d a distinc t cultur e o r a well knit socia l network , bu t becaus e the y wer e "a n exclusiv e grou p of believers. " This i s muc h mor e tha n a grou p sharin g commo n memorie s (tim e and environmen t frequentl y eradicat e group memories an d eliminat e them a s influencing factors) ; i t i s much mor e tha n bloo d kinship . I n other words, we survived not simply because we were a people—how many people s di d no t Jew s se e g o unde r i n th e cours e o f thei r lon g history, s o that no t a trace was left o f them—but becaus e we were a Chosen Peopl e with a special plac e in the history o f the world, an d a central positio n i n the destiny of the cosmos as such. 38 The Jewish peopl e ha d no t bee n a minorit y psychologicall y a s lon g as i t sa w itsel f i n cosmi c perspectiv e a s "conspirators " i n Provi dence's pla n leadin g t o th e eventua l En d o f Days . Bu t i n a n increas ingly comfortabl e America n Diaspora , Jewis h convictio n ha s be come anemi c an d peripheral : "Shoul d w e no w b e hones t wit h ourselves, w e woul d b e compelle d t o conclud e tha t toda y ther e ar e in Americ a hundred s o f thousand s o f Jews wh o are , i n th e religiou s sense, no t Jews . The y ar e Jew s onl y insofa r a s the y ar e no t Chris -

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tians." 3 9 Remarkin g o n someone' s proposa l tha t Jew s shoul d sen d missionaries t o othe r peoples , Greenber g noted , " I to o thin k tha t a people whic h believe s tha t it s religio n i s a n expressio n o f eterna l truth i s duty boun d t o proselytize : i t mus t no t monopoliz e th e trut h for itsel f bu t shoul d sprea d i t als o amon g others." 4 0 However , Jew ish missionarie s shoul d first b e sen t t o Jews . Eve n thoug h th e roa d to complet e assimilatio n i n Americ a woul d b e a n off-again , on again process , i t woul d eventuall y tak e plac e unles s ther e wa s a true spiritua l awakenin g alon g th e way . In a n editoria l defendin g Schole m Asc h agains t th e accusatio n that hi s supposedl y Christologica l novel s opene d th e doo r fo r Jew s to conver t t o Christianity , Greenber g maintaine d tha t thi s wa s hardly th e dange r tha t America n Jewr y faced : The problem is not how to armor the souls of American Jewry agains t Christianity, bu t ho w t o arous e thos e souls , ho w t o mak e the m re ceptive t o religion , ho w t o awake n withi n the m th e nee d fo r value s that transcen d th e utilitarian , th e hunge r fo r styl e i n life , fo r meta physical experience, fo r calm exaltation . I t is not suicide that threat ens us here, but lif e without vitality. 41 Judaism neede d a ne w hasidut (h e explaine d tha t h e use d thi s ter m because h e ha d n o other ) —a ne w pietis m sensin g "tha t ma n shoul d be les s organized , mor e o f a spiritua l 'vagabond, ' bu t [also ] tha t within th e framewor k o f societ y ther e shoul d b e roo m . . . fo r com munity." 4 2 I t wa s th e spiritua l substance , no t th e for m tha t mat tered. Defendin g th e kibbutzi m agains t India n critic s wh o argue d that the y wer e breeding-place s o f vulga r materialis m an d atheism , Greenberg remarked , "I regar d thei r irreligio n a s tru e religion." 4 3 What wa s neede d wa s a fre e an d open-minde d religiosity , no t a return t o traditionalism . Discussin g th e separatio n o f churc h an d state (indirectl y referrin g t o th e pressure s t o giv e officia l statu s t o Jewish religiou s la w i n Israel) , Greenber g concluded , "Tha t whic h we describ e i n ou r politica l jargo n a s a Theocrati c Stat e i s i n th e final reckonin g a n anti-religiou s an d Godles s state." 4 4 We recal l tha t Greenber g wrot e a t a tim e whe n secularis m wa s still de rigueur amon g Jewis h intellectuals . Th e lo w reput e o f reli gion amon g th e literat i wa s no t a Jewis h matter , bu t belonge d t o the mentalite o f th e genera l intelligentsia , especiall y o f Eas t Euro -

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pean origin . I n hi s remark s t o th e Ne w Yor k rabbi s h e delineate d five factor s whic h ha d cause d religio n t o los e it s credibility . First , because o f traditiona l religiou s claim s t o answe r question s outsid e its province : "Religio n i s neithe r abl e no r calle d upo n t o explai n the myster y o f life. " A t bes t religio n evoked , "b y mean s o f it s spe cific an d largel y artisti c means , th e existenc e o f mystery , venera tion o f i t a s wel l a s confidenc e i n it. " Second , religio n ha d bee n exploited i n th e cours e o f histor y fo r nonreligiou s aims . (Thi s wa s Greenberg th e socialis t speaking , referrin g t o th e wa y i n whic h religion ha d bee n use d t o bolste r system s o f powe r i n man y socie ties.) Third , moder n technolog y fostere d th e illusio n tha t "ma n i s fundamentally no t dependen t o n power s outsid e himsel f o r abov e himself." Fourth , "scientism " ha s engulfe d th e public , eve n thoug h the vas t majorit y ha s n o direc t knowledg e o f scientifi c procedures , resulting i n a materialisti c conceptio n o f realit y tha t dulle d th e intuitive facultie s withou t whic h on e coul d no t vie w th e worl d metaphysically o r religiously . Fifth , lif e i n th e industria l metropoli s "deprives ma n o f hi s capacit y . . . fo r tha t typ e o f contemplatio n o f the worl d an d o f th e sel f whic h lead s ma n t o wonde r an d amaze ment." " I a m convinced, " Greenber g concluded , "tha t withou t a removal o f th e obstacle s whic h stan d i n th e wa y o f wha t I calle d contemplation, withou t a curin g o f tha t specifi c blindnes s tha t affects s o man y peopl e a s a resul t o f thei r fixation o n th e materia l and o n thos e problem s o f th e materia l whic h ca n b e experimentall y solved, ther e i s n o roo m fo r authenti c religiou s life , an d naturall y also no t fo r authenti c Jewish religiou s life." 45 Greenberg wa s a secula r man , unobservan t o f religiou s law , cer tainly no t a theologian . Bu t h e pointe d t o th e veracit y o f th e reli gious i n a wa y tha t i s no t merel y sentimenta l o r vaguel y apprecia tive o f th e psychologica l advantage s o f havin g faith . H e di d no t spell ou t full y w h a t h e meant , bu t Mari e Syrki n observe d tha t Greenberg wa s no t someon e whos e writte n word s excee d th e indi vidual's persona l depth : Whatever field h e touche d on , th e said wa s no t hi s all , carefull y garnered an d given; the unsaid was even more—a dee p reservoir fro m which h e brilliantl y an d unexpectedl y drew . H e di d no t exhaus t himself spiritually . Thi s wa s especiall y tru e o f th e area s o f hi s mos t intimate concern , th e question s o f religio n an d socia l ethics . No t

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everything ha d t o be stated, mad e explici t o r resolved. Ther e wa s a secret treasur e t o b e cherished , a n untappe d wealt h o f whic h hi s writings, whatever thei r excellence , were luminous intimations. 46 How t o combin e a tough-minde d psychology , whic h ha s made u s aware o f ho w easil y huma n being s projec t thei r need s ont o th e cosmos t o find comfor t i n time s o f distress , wit h th e limitation s o f theory t o explai n wh y anythin g exist s a t all . Deliberatel y unsenti mental Freudia n theor y wa s fo r Greenber g a correctiv e t o th e Uto pian illusion s o f socialism. 47 Bu t at th e same tim e i t wa s a defectiv e account o f huma n motives . A for m o f psychologica l determinism , Freudianism reduce d al l mora l demand s t o a se t of mechanisms (i n this cas e sexua l instincts) , thu s cuttin g th e groun d ou t fro m unde r actual ethica l choice . Fo r all his brilliance, Freu d was himself pron e to simplisti c reductionis m an d a morall y disastrou s pessimism. 48 The ethica l self-transformatio n tha t coul d no t b e derive d fro m sci entific socialis m coul d no t b e constructe d o n Freudia n foundation s either. Freud had , o f course, dismisse d religio n a s a form o f sublimation . For Greenberg , th e fruit s o f sublimatio n pointe d t o a dimensio n which Freu d hi d from himsel f i n a maneuver whic h a psychoanalys t might cal l "denial" : Through sublimating our feelings, inclinations , an d energies we compensate ourselve s fo r th e losse s suffere d throug h obeyin g th e eg o or super-ego an d depriving ourselve s of pleasures for which we yearned. . . . Bu t here w e may as k whether th e new gratifications whic h w e obtain throug h sublimatio n merel y fill the place of others and are, in a sense , ersat z pleasure s i n themselves, derivin g thei r existenc e fro m a differen t plan e o f ou r being . . . . I f th e "sublime " wer e lackin g within u s as a special spher e o f existence, w e could neve r attai n it , and if it were not genuine and a value in itself, i t could never become as creative an d serviceable a s it ofte n appear s t o be in th e realms of religion, science, art , and politics. Freud's description of the processes of sublimation an d their result s shoul d hav e le d him to a revision of his concept o f the superego an d to an earnest consideratio n whethe r the 'sublime ' i s merely a n en d product o f certain development s o r a basic factor, a s elemental a s the erotic factor itself. 49 He conclude d tha t ther e wa s groun d enoug h fo r a n intrinsi c bu t nonreductive relationshi p betwee n th e eroti c an d th e moral : th e

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moral elemen t i n u s migh t wel l b e erotic , meanin g (goin g beyon d Freud) tha t i t wa s "nativ e t o th e huma n psych e an d possessin g it s own unborrowed forces/ ' Freud's sociolog y i s pessimistic , bu t ther e wa s roo m t o believ e that "t o the extent tha t Freu d recognized the existence within u s of a capacity for erotic devotion an d self-identification wit h others, h e must hav e recognize d tha t th e wa y t o a broad altruisti c attitud e i s not impossibl e i n principle." 50 I n a critique o f Einstein a t a confer ence i n Septembe r 194 0 a t th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y o f America, Greenber g remarked , "Fro m a certai n poin t o f view, reli gion is probably th e most daring attemp t t o conceive the totality of worldly existenc e i n ethica l terms . Fea r plus Promethea n ethica l demands o n a responsiv e cosmos—demand s which , i f met , woul d put a n end to fear—are th e foundation o f religion." 51 I n the histor y of Jewish thought , therefore , Greenber g represent s th e recognitio n by Jewish secularis m o f its limits an d o f the intellectual veracit y of the sacred. Traditional Jewis h intellectualit y ha s take n thre e differen t paths . First, textua l exegesi s unpack s th e Tora h a s a never-endin g foun tain o f wisdo m an d insight . I n thi s regard , midrashi c an d othe r strategies of interpretation (suc h a s that use d b y the medieva l Jewish philosophers an d kabbalists) develope d a ramified hermeneutic s in whic h eac h word , eve n eac h lette r o f Scripture , wer e hint s o f ever deeper , eve r mor e profoun d level s of meaning. Second , Jewis h intellectuals hav e sough t t o construc t idea l system s o f orde r i n which need s ar e reconcile d t o values . Th e halakhi c system s o f th e Mishnah, Talmuds, an d codes addressed themselves to the establish ment o f orde r i n th e fac e o f potentia l chaos , a s philosophica l an d perhaps kabbalistic metaphysics respond to the disorder of the world that threatene d th e rationalit y o f God' s creation . A thir d styl e i s more immediate an d mundane : the applicatio n o f ethical value s t o the everyda y throug h preaching , responsa , an d halakhi c decisions . There is a special literary genre, musar, whic h offers ethica l instruc tion, socia l criticism , an d persona l encouragement . I t i s thi s las t category of musar writin g into which Hayi m Greenberg's essays fit. Moral actio n wa s th e controllin g facto r i n Greenberg' s analysis , not brillianc e fo r it s ow n sake . Thu s h e observed , i n a critiqu e

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of Marti n Luther' s theology , tha t th e Protestan t reforme r neve r understood tha t " 'works ' withou t faith , o r fait h registere d i n con sciousness, ar e i n th e final analysi s neare r genuin e religiou s lif e than fait h withou t 'works. ' " 5 2 Greenberg' s musar wa s no t a verba l pyrotechnics, whic h i s often a hallmar k o f th e intellectual—i t wa s a sens e o f th e righ t act , i n th e spiri t o f Rabb i Simeo n so n o f Rabb i Gamaliel, lo ha-midrash iqar ela ha-ma'aseh (no t interpretatio n but doin g i s the chie f thing , Virqe Avot 1:17) . One o f Greenberg' s best-know n editorial s wa s writte n fo r th e Jewish Frontier issu e o f Februar y 12 , 1943 , whe n th e rumor s o f th e mass murde r o f th e Jew s i n Nazi-dominate d German y bega n t o circulate openl y amon g America n Jewis h leaders : The tim e ha s come , perhaps , whe n th e fe w Jewis h communitie s re maining i n th e worl d whic h ar e still fre e t o mak e thei r voice s hear d and t o pray i n publi c should proclai m a day o f fasting an d praye r fo r American Jews. No—this is not a misprint. I mean specifically tha t a day of prayer an d o f fasting shoul d b e proclaimed fo r th e five million Jews now livin g in th e Unite d States . They liv e under th e protectio n of a might y republi c governe d b y democrati c laws . . . . Th e vas t majority o f them hav e enoug h foo d t o eat, clothe s t o wear an d roof s over thei r heads . . . . Nevertheless , the y deserv e t o b e praye d for . They are not eve n awar e what a misfortune ha s befallen them , an d if they wer e t o loo k a t themselve s wit h seein g eye s they woul d realiz e with shoc k ho w intolerabl e thi s misfortun e is . . . . I f mora l bank ruptcy deserve s pity , an d i f thi s pit y i s seven-fol d fo r on e wh o i s not eve n awar e o f ho w shockin g hi s bankruptc y is , the n n o Jewis h community i n th e worl d toda y (no t eve n th e Jews wh o ar e no w i n the claw s o f th e Naz i devourer ) deserve s mor e compassio n fro m Heaven tha n doe s American Jewry. 53 Greenberg bitterl y castigate s th e ineptitud e an d passivit y o f orga nized America n Jewr y i n th e fac e o f monstrou s knowledg e whic h puts t o sham e al l thei r organizationa l an d ideologica l rivalries . Whatever th e right s an d wrong s o f Greenberg' s accusation , th e voice, becaus e i t wa s no t o f a rabbi , wa s al l th e mor e authenticall y a Jewish one . About Hayi m Greenberg , Mauric e Samue l explained , "H e wa s a sage; tha t is , h e ha d a grav e an d affectionat e understandin g o f man's natur e an d man' s needs . Hi s sagesse di d no t deriv e fro m hi s learning; o n th e contrary , h e ha d accumulate d hi s vas t learnin g i n

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the practic e o f hi s sagesse." 54 Greenber g wa s a classica l Jewis h moralist wh o calle d fo r a restoratio n o f ethica l value s i n ligh t o f a realistic perceptio n o f th e sin s o f th e age : indifferenc e t o th e suffer ing o f concret e huma n beings . Perhap s tha t i s why Greenber g i s on e of th e fe w mid-twentieth-centur y Jewis h intellectual s wh o ca n stil l be rea d wit h profit .

Notes 1. Th e collecte d essay s o f Hayi m Greenber g ar e foun d i n th e followin g books: The Inner Eye: Selected Essays, [volume I ] (Ne w York : Jewish Frontier Association , 1953) ; The Inner Eye: Selected Essays, volume II (New York : Jewish Frontie r Association , 1964) ; Hayim Greenberg Anthology, selecte d an d wit h a n introductio n b y Mari e Syrki n (Detroit : Wayne State University Press, 1968); Yid un Velt (1953) ; Beytlakh fun a Tog-Bukh (1954) ; and Mentshn un Vertn (1954) . There is also a collection of his essays translated int o Hebrew, Ayin Ro'i (1958) , with a n essay on him by Ben Halpern, wh o worked with Greenberg many years a t the Jewish Frontier. Among the essays and accounts of Hayim Greenberg are th e following : Arnol d Eisen , "Ou t o f th e Depths : O n Hayi m Greenberg and Religion" (Jewish Frontier [Dec. 1984], 48-50); David Rosenthal, "Hayi m Greenberg' s Legacy : The Worl d o f Hi s Ideas" (Jewish Frontier [March/April 1991] , 24-32); Sholomo Bickel, Shreiber fun mayn Dor (1958) , 256-66); G. Kressel, Leksikon ha-sifrut ha-ivrit ba-dorot haaharonim, (Merhavyah : Sifriya t ha-po'alim , 1965) , I , 50 9 (wit h addi tional bibliography); brief notices by Robert Gordis in Judaism (2:1953) , 99-100; and Mordecai Kaplan injewish Frontier (Fall 1957) . I am grateful for being allowed to read two excellent paper s by graduate students: "When Goodness Fails: The Response of Labor Zionism to the Holocaust as Articulated by Hayim Greenberg" by Rosalie K. Bachana of the CUNY Graduate Cente r an d "Reclaimin g th e Un-personhoo d o f Hayi m Greenberg" by Mark A. Raider of Brandeis University. 2. Inner Eye II, 15. 3. Ibid. , 233. 4. Hayim Greenberg Anthology, 19 . 5. Inner Eye II, 15. 6. I n a n essa y publishe d i n 1945 , Greenber g describe d a visi t t o Romai n Rolland i n 192 4 t o as k i f h e woul d us e hi s influenc e t o remov e th e Soviet government ba n o n Hebre w (Inner Eye II , 271-78) . The famou s French write r demurred . Habimah wa s founded i n Mosco w i n 1917 . In 1926 the compan y lef t fo r a tou r abroa d t o Ne w York , Palestine , an d Berlin; it finally settle d i n Tel Aviv in 1931.

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7. Inner Eye, Frontispiec e o f vol. II . 8. Inner Eye I , 242 . 9. Ibid. , 243 . 10. Ibid. , 245 . 11. Ibid. , 252 ; see als o p . 320 . 12. Ibid. , 256 . 13. Ibid. , 254-55 . 14. Suc h sacrific e ha s t o b e th e fre e mora l choic e o f volunteers , a s i n th e case o f th e Zionis t pioneer s i n Palestine , no t th e resul t o f a governmen t ukaz (edict ) issue d i n th e nam e o f it s victims . Thus , whe n h e wa s challenged b y a Zionis t audienc e a s t o whethe r h e wa s denigratin g th e call t o self-sacrific e b y th e halutzim (pioneers) , h e explained : " I woul d be a n opponen t o f pioneerin g i n Palestin e i f th e hardship s entaile d i n the rebuildin g o f a long-neglecte d countr y wer e impose d o n Jewis h youth fro m abov e an d agains t it s will , i f th e pioneer s i n Palestin e wer e considered fertilize r o n th e field s o f th e countr y s o tha t a late r genera tion migh t enjo y it s roses. Bu t th e pioneerin g i n Palestin e i s a voluntar y task freel y undertake n b y thos e rejoicin g i n it " (Inner Eye I , 325) . 15. Ibid. , 264 . 16. Inner Eye II , 236 . "Wha t i s mos t deplorabl e i s th e fac t tha t i n certai n liberal circle s Trotsk y i s still considere d a n innocen t suffere r and , wha t is mor e important , i s looke d upo n a s a temporaril y defeate d fighte r fo r all thos e grea t value s whic h Stali n s o brutall y trample s wit h hi s des potic boots . Bu t i n th e fina l analysis , Trotsk y i s a goo d Stalinis t an d Stalin i s no t suc h a ba d Troskyist . . . . Th e clas h betwee n th e tw o i s not a clas h betwee n a Cai n sou l an d a n Abe l soul , bu t betwee n tw o Cains fo r who m th e worl d i s to o smal l t o b e divide d equitably " (ibid. , 230-31). 17. Ibid. , 169 . 18. Inner Eye I , 327 . 19. On e mus t note , however , tha t Greenberg' s postur e befor e Gandh i seem s at time s rathe r self-abasing : " I hav e read , i n th e language s familia r t o me, al l tha t yo u hav e writte n an d ther e ha s bee n n o social-religiou s thinker wh o ha s exerte d s o fruitfu l a n influenc e o n me . If , despit e th e fact tha t i n variou s period s I hav e bee n stirre d t o th e deep s o f m y sou l by you r teachin g an d you r life , I a m fa r fro m bein g you r discipl e o r follower, th e faul t i s no t yours " (Inner Eye I , 219) . I n al l fairness , thi s tone o f adulatio n ma y hav e bee n heightene d becaus e th e mai n essa y on Gandh i i n th e Inner Eye wa s a n addres s delivere d a t a memoria l meeting fo r Gandh i afte r hi s assassinatio n (Inner Eye I , 157-61) . 20. Inner Eye I , 391. 21. Ibid. , 159 . 22. Ibid. , 220 . 23. Hi s argument s ar e mos t full y develope d i n " A Lette r t o Gandhi " (Inner Eye I , 219-29 ) an d "A n Answe r t o Gandhi " (ibid. , 230-38) .

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9

24. Inner Eye I , 233. 25. "Withou t a n Army, " Inner Eye II , 157-63 . 26. Inner Eye II, 161 , 163. 27. "Lessin g Rosenwal d an d Ib n Saud, " i n Inner Eye II , 100-101 . 28. Inner Eye II , 13 . 29. I n "Th e Futur e o f America n Jewry, " delivere d befor e th e Ne w Yor k Board o f Rabbi s i n 1951 , Greenberg spok e o f chosennes s a s intrinsi c t o the Jewish perspectiv e o n th e worl d an d th e Jewish people . Describin g a conversatio n wit h a "youn g rabbi, " Greenber g remarked , "H e regard s the existenc e o f th e Jewis h peopl e a s a Divin e Dram a o n a universa l scale" (Inner Eye II , 62) . A fe w page s late r h e explains : "Nietzsch e once sarcasticall y remarke d regardin g Christians : 'Christianity , I hav e been tol d al l m y life , i s th e religio n o f salvation . Bu t I kno w m y Christians wel l an d the y don' t loo k saved. ' I coul d paraphras e thi s t o read: 'Jews , I hav e bee n tol d al l m y life , ar e a chose n people . Bu t knowing m y contemporar y Jews , the y someho w don' t loo k chosen. ' Ye t it ma y no t b e s o ver y importan t ho w Jew s appea r i n th e eye s o f non Jews; bu t i t i s importan t ho w the y appea r t o themselves . Ou r cho senness ha s becom e a traditio n rathe r tha n a living , nourishin g faith " (67)30. Ibid. , 56; also 49 , 51. 31. Ther e i s a direc t quot e i n ibid. , 21 . 32. "Dispersio n an d Concentration, " i n Joseph Leftwich , ed. , Great Yiddish Writers of the Twentieth Century (Northvale , N.J. : Jaso n Aronson , 1987 [first publishe d i n 196 9 as The Way We Think], 124-26) . 33. "Th e Myt h o f Jewis h Parasitism, " Inner Eye I , 62-69 . Yehezke l Kauf mann wrot e o f thi s theme , bu t i s not cite d i n Greenberg' s essay . 34. "Dispersio n an d Concentration, " Great Yiddish Writers, 125 . 35. Ibid. , 126 . 36. "Jewis h Cultur e an d Educatio n i n th e Diaspora, " Inner Eye I , 70-86 . 37. Inner Eye I , 83-85 . 38. Inner Eye II , 65-66 . 39. Ibid. , 69 . 40. Ibid . 41. Ibid. , 263 . Written i n 1948 . 42. Ibid. , 75-76. 43. Inner Eye I , 226 . 44. "Churc h an d State—Seve n Theses, " Inner Eye II , 173-89 ; als o "Con cerning a n Israe l Constitution, " Inner Eye I , 191-209 . 45. Inner Eye II , 76 . 46. Hayim Greenberg Anthology, Introduction , 18 . Also Inner Eye II , 9 . 47. "Psychoanalysi s an d Mora l Pessimism , Inner Eye II , 132 . 48. "Psychoanalysi s an d Mora l Pessimism, " Inner Eye I , 132-45 . Greenber g does no t poin t ou t tha t Freudianism , lik e Marxism , actuall y smuggle s in a stron g mora l componen t unde r th e guis e o f bein g a disintereste d

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scientific theory : why , afte r all , shoul d on e want t o be a mature h u m a n being, liberate d a s muc h a s possible fro m unconsciou s motivation s an d infantile needs ? 49. Inner Eye I, 141-43 . 50. Ibid. , 144-45 . On e coul d carr y thi s furthe r an d refe r t o th e eroti c im pulse i n a Platoni c sens e a s pulling u s towar d th e ide a o f th e good . 51. Ibid. , 125 . 52. Ibid. , 106 . 53. Inner Eye II , 193-94 . 54. Ibid. , 12 .

C H A P T E R2

Marie Syrkin : A n Exemplar y Lif e Carole S. Kessner

At th e en d o f he r life , Mari e Syrki n said , "Toda y I can writ e wit h a s much passio n abou t ol d ag e a s I onc e coul d abou t love." 1 Th e following verse , fro m a poe m entitle d "O f Age, " writte n whe n sh e was nearl y eighty , is , however , abou t bot h lov e an d age : Women live longer than men ; The few that I loved are dead. Had I the power to summon, Whom would I bring to my bed? 2 Her questio n goe s unanswered , althoug h ther e wer e indee d a fe w good candidate s fo r th e position . Bu t mor e t o th e poin t i s th e fac t that sinc e Mari e Syrki n did liv e longe r tha n mos t o f he r mal e col leagues, i t lef t her , i n th e las t decad e o f he r life , havin g t o justif y her pas t a s a n idealisti c polemicis t fo r th e Labo r Zionis t movement , as a n apologis t fo r th e word s an d action s o f he r frien d Gold a Meir , as a n antagonis t o f th e Ne w Left , a s a bewildere d bu t voca l adver sary o f th e ascensio n o f Likud , a s a n unshake n believe r i n he r own interpretatio n o f histor y i n th e fac e o f th e ne w revisionis t historiographers, an d a s a n idiosyncrati c feminist . Doubtless , i n he r long lif e o f on e mont h shor t o f ninet y years—sh e die d o n Februar y i, 1988—sh e mad e mistakes ; bu t th e significanc e o f he r lif e perhap s lies les s i n he r polemica l stances , and , i n th e assessmen t o f Irvin g Howe, "mor e i n th e kin d o f lif e sh e led , a lif e committe d t o value s beyond th e self." 3 51

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Marie Syrki n le d a lif e tha t read s lik e a grippin g novel , ful l o f romance, history , poetry , an d action , al l quickene d b y intellect , conviction, and , mos t of all, wit—both ironi c and self-deprecatory . Born i n Switzerlan d i n 1899 , two years afte r th e Firs t Zionis t Con gress and si x years befor e th e 190 5 Russian Revolution , sh e was th e only chil d o f Nachma n an d Bassy a Osno s Syrkin. Nachma n Syrki n met hi s wif e Bassy a Osno s a t th e Secon d Zionis t Congres s i n Basl e in 1898 , wher e bot h wer e studyin g medicine . This , thei r daughte r has pointed out , "give s some idea o f how far m y mother was eman cipated." 4 Moreover , i n 189 8 Syrkin ha d writte n hi s seminal work , The Jewish Socialist State (on e year afte r Herzl' s The Jewish State), in whic h h e expounde d hi s vision o f the synthesi s o f socialism an d Zionism; this ultimately woul d becom e the program of the founder s of the State of Israel. Bassya Syrkin, though a tubercular who would die in Americ a a t th e ag e of thirty-six whe n he r daughter wa s onl y sixteen, wa s herself a headstrong revolutionar y activist . To b e bor n th e onl y daughte r o f tw o suc h professiona l idealist s could no t b e withou t consequences , bot h positiv e an d negative . Psychobiography ha s t o tak e int o accoun t th e daughter' s love-ha tred fo r he r fathe r wh o wa s a n erudit e moralist , ye t wh o wa s possessed of a blazing temperament tha t vented itself publicly in scathing argument an d privatel y i n what hi s daughter ha s described a s a zealous "dedicate d hardship." 5 I t woul d als o hav e t o tak e int o account th e model of feminist activis m an d egalitarianism provide d by he r mother , fo r Bassy a Syrki n hel d th e convictio n tha t wome n should hav e independen t career s an d tha t the y shoul d no t b e "shackled b y men an d society an d should be free." 6 One might g o so far a s to claim tha t Mari e Syrkin's attractio n t o Golda Mei r wa s influence d b y th e mode l o f Bassy a Syrkin . I n th e introduction t o Marie Syrkin's biography o f Goldie Myerson (Gold a Meir), publishe d i n 1955 , th e autho r describe s he r frien d a s "th e rare typ e tha t on e migh t simpl y describ e a s th e effectiv e idealist . . . . Amon g th e remarkabl e personalitie s wh o create d th e Stat e o f Israel, I met a numbe r o f suc h me n an d women—individual s wh o responded to a world in chaos neither passively as "alienated" intellectuals, nor actively a s energetic cynics. For me, this translation of belief int o lif e becam e on e o f th e fe w source s o f moral affirmatio n in our time." 7

MARIE SYRKIN I A N EXEMPLAR Y LIF E 5

3

Notwithstanding Bassy a Syrkin' s convictio n tha t wome n shoul d have independen t careers , sh e soon discovered tha t th e birt h o f he r child on e year afte r marriage , th e demand s of her husband' s politi cal lif e whic h necessitate d frequen t move s fro m on e countr y t o another, an d concern s for he r poo r healt h resulte d i n th e abandon ment of her medical studies. But it did not stop her from continuin g activities in behalf o f socialist Zionism ; during the first fe w years of her marriage , a t th e tim e o f th e 190 5 Revolution , Bassy a Syrki n twice returne d t o Russi a carryin g revolutionar y pamphlet s i n th e false botto m o f her trunk . These wer e years , moreover , whe n th e Syrkins ' peripateti c lif e meant tha t b y th e tim e Mari e wa s ten , sh e ha d live d i n five coun tries—Switzerland, Germany , France , Russia , an d th e Unite d States. Th e famil y finally move d t o Americ a i n 190 8 because , a s Marie Syrkin hersel f quipped , "Pap a wa s alway s gettin g exiled—s o we traveled a lot." 8 B y this time she was fluent i n five languages— Russian, French , German , Yiddish, an d English—which sh e quickly picked u p i n school . On e migh t not e her e tha t Hebre w wa s not among th e language s sh e learned , despit e th e fac t tha t whe n sh e was a child her father woul d make sporadic attempt s to instruct he r in Spinoza i n Latin, Mar x i n German, an d th e Bible in Hebrew. Sh e later lamente d th e fac t tha t Hebre w wa s neve r t o becom e on e o f her languages . I n he r eighties , i n a respons e t o a remar k b y Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin tha t Mari e wa s fortunat e t o be , afte r all , th e daughter of Nachman Syrkin , she snapped back , "Yes , but one thing he faile d t o provid e me . H e di d no t teac h m e Hebre w a t a n ag e when on e could have learned it . It' s maddening. . . . That he didn' t teach m e Hebrew was a serious loss." 9 This lack, sh e later claimed , was a majo r reaso n fo r he r ow n failur e t o mak e ally a. Th e mor e compelling reason , however , wa s he r refusa l t o giv e u p join t cus tody of her child . Not onl y wa s Mari e Syrki n a n unusuall y beautifu l child , a s sh e was a beautiful matur e woma n an d handsom e int o old age , but sh e was exceptionall y intelligen t an d treate d a s a prodig y b y he r par ents. Ye t in thes e early years, i f she admire d he r parents' dedicate d poverty, sh e did no t see m th e slightes t bi t intereste d i n th e politic s that inspire d thei r chose n financial condition . Sh e wa s fas t devel oping a passion for romantic poetr y equal to her parents' passion fo r

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radical politics . No r di d sh e sho w an y sign s tha t sh e wa s t o develo p a writin g styl e tha t mor e ofte n tha n no t woul d b e characterize d a s acerbic. He r diar y fo r th e yea r 1915 , whe n sh e wa s barel y sixteen , reveals th e usua l adolescen t propensit y fo r romanti c sentimental ity, thoug h i t als o demonstrates a n unusuall y lus h an d ric h vocabu lary. Th e followin g i s an exampl e fro m th e diary : All day tha t sa d lin e from Keats ' immortal poe m ha s been ringin g i n my brain. "Wher e but t o think i s verily a vale of tears." This world is verily a val e o f tears , tear s whic h ca n neve r b e dried . I find mysel f continually thinkin g o f W . . . . Th e remembranc e o f m y drea m kis s still burn s m y lips ; I feel sullied , outraged , m y whol e sou l i s seared , and yes, I would willingl y drea m i t agai n an d again . Th e dominan t note i n m y entir e bein g ha s becom e th e primitiv e cal l fro m ma n t o woman, th e first hushed whispering of love.10 There i s nothing a t thi s stag e t o sugges t tha t Mari e Syrki n woul d become th e "doyenn e o f Labo r Zionism. " I f anything , he r diar y suggests tha t sh e migh t becom e a woma n o f belle s lettres ; thi s i s no doubt w h a t woul d hav e happened , ha d sh e not mad e a consciou s career choic e t o us e he r literar y gift s i n th e servic e o f Zionis m and th e Jewis h people . Sh e like d t o tel l a stor y abou t th e time , a few year s afte r th e deat h o f he r mother , whe n Nachma n Syrkin , who disapprove d o f he r literar y bent , blaze d ou t a t he r becaus e he though t sh e wa s fritterin g awa y he r abilities . Whe n sh e wa s about nineteen , sh e happene d t o b e quietl y readin g a nove l b y H. G . Wells . Th e newspaper s a t tha t tim e wer e ful l o f th e exploit s of a youn g woma n crimina l wh o ha d bee n dubbe d "th e bobbed haired bandit. " Whe n thi s femal e outla w wa s no t bus y committin g crimes, sh e wa s repute d t o hav e spen t he r tim e readin g novels . Syrkin, upo n seein g hi s daughte r leisurel y readin g he r novel , ex ploded, "Wha t differenc e i s ther e betwee n yo u an d th e bobbed haired bandit ? Sh e ha s shor t hai r an d you hav e shor t hair ; sh e read s novels an d yo u rea d novels! " I t wa s jus t a t thi s time , moreover , that Nachma n Syrki n remarke d somewha t sardonically , "Ther e i s a woman i n ou r movemen t wh o i s a remarkabl e speaker . I though t you'd b e lik e her. " Th e unname d woma n was , no t surprisingly , Golda Meir. 11 Marie Syrkin' s passio n fo r poetr y wa s t o inspir e he r first seriou s

MARIE SYRKIN : A N EXEMPLAR Y LIF E 55

romance, bu t als o i t cause d a confrontatio n wit h he r father , fo r which sh e would neve r quite forgive him . Th e summer afte r Bassy a Syrkin die d o f chroni c tuberculosis , Nachma n move d himsel f an d his sixteen-year-ol d daughte r int o a coupl e o f room s i n th e apart ment o f some impoverished ladies . He would spen d mos t o f the da y at th e 42n d Street Library , befor e h e went t o his meetings a t night . Anxious to spare his daughter the loneliness and the unpleasantnes s of the hot New York summer, Nachma n Syrki n sent his daughter off for th e seaso n t o th e Atlanti c Hote l i n Belmar , Ne w Jersey . I t happened t o b e owned b y Syrkin's friend , an d i t wa s frequented b y the Jewish intelligentsia , s o Syrkin fel t safe . Althoug h ther e wa s a distinct difference betwee n Syrkin's theoretical views in favor of the freedom o f wome n an d hi s overbearing , overprotective , Victoria n attempt t o control hi s daughter's life, h e nonetheless sent he r awa y for the summer of her sixteenth year . But th e mer e deligh t o f a summe r vacatio n awa y fro m th e ho t city wa s no t th e rea l reaso n fo r Mari e Syrkin' s nostalgi a fo r "tha t fabulous summer." n This , it appears, was the precise moment whe n Nachman Syrkin' s daughte r wa s t o ac t o n th e mixe d messag e tha t her fathe r ha d communicated : o n th e on e han d wa s hi s genera l message o f independenc e an d equalit y fo r th e sexes ; o n th e other , was his personal effor t t o maintain stric t control over Marie's activities. Sh e wa s t o decid e i n favo r o f assertin g he r ow n indepen dence—whatever th e consequences ; an d thi s woul d b e a lifelon g characteristic. It wa s durin g thi s summe r tha t sh e me t a young ma n o f twent y named Mauric e Samuel. H e had com e to the Atlanti c Hote l t o visi t a friend . No t onl y wa s h e handsome , an d b y th e sixteen-year-old' s standards, a n older man, bu t every poem Marie loved, Samuel kne w by heart . H e introduce d he r t o th e poetr y o f Franci s Thompso n (which wa s t o becom e th e subjec t o f her master' s thesi s a t Cornel l many years later) . Th e two fell headlon g i n love , an d th e intensit y of their romance culminated i n their elopement in 191 7 when Mari e was barel y eighteen . Mauric e wa s twenty-two ; h e ha d enliste d i n the arm y an d wa s abou t t o leav e fo r France . Nachma n Syrkin , however, instantl y ha d th e marriag e annulled , claimin g tha t hi s daughter was underage. This time he successfully exercise d his will, but i t resulte d i n a resentmen t tha t hi s daughte r neve r conquered .

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In fact , Mari e Syrki n an d Mauric e Samuel' s commo n interes t i n Zionism an d their activitie s in its behalf le d to a brief resumption of their relationship in later years. Nachman Syrkin' s admonition s notwithstanding , Mari e went of f to pursu e he r literar y studie s a t Cornel l i n 191 8 as her fathe r wen t off t o Versailles to represent th e socialist-Zionists a t th e Peac e Conference. H e wrote t o her constantl y fro m Paris , sending her money , warning he r abou t furthe r "affaire s d e coeur, " fussin g ove r he r health, an d moralizing . O n June 12 , 1919 , afte r sh e ha d writte n t o him tha t sh e ha d jus t marrie d a young instructo r o f biochemistr y named Aaro n Bodansky , Nachma n wrot e back, "I' m so proud of the nobel [sic] desire s whic h ar e fillin g you r exceptiona l soul . Mary etchka, i f nobody believes in you, I believe in your talent s and your future. Som e deep feeling, a n intuition, prophesie s me that you wil l develop a nobe l [sic] an d sublim e attitud e o f life . . . . Rea d onl y good inspirin g books , ever y boo k i n it s origina l text , rea d an d re read ever y boo k an d tr y t o conceive no t onl y what th e grea t write r has outspoken , bu t wha t h e ha s conceale d . . . " A paragrap h late r he writes, "Darling , I understand muc h your excitemen t abou t th e change o f your name . O f course , I would lik e ver y muc h tha t yo u should wea r th e nam e Bodansky-Syrki n an d writ e unde r tha t name." Gradually, a t Cornell , Mari e Syrkin's public commitment t o Jewish lif e an d t o Zionis m bega n t o emerge . Whil e a t th e university , she ha d bee n a member , thoug h no t a n activ e one , o f th e pan collegiate Internationa l Zionis t Association . He r merely tangentia l association wit h th e I.Z.A . i s explained i n a n articl e sh e publishe d in th e Ne w Palestine i n 1925 , in which sh e praises th e ne w studen t movement Avuka. I n a pros e styl e foreshadowin g th e shar p ironi c wit alongsid e the roseate idealism tha t would later characterize he r writing, sh e describes the I.Z.A . a s a kind of painless dentistry whic h temporaril y fille d spiritua l cavitie s of a specia l nature . . . . A Jewish studen t o f a certai n typ e wen t t o the I.Z.A . meetin g t o sin g th e Hatikvah whe n h e remembere d Zion . To remember Zio n i n a vague ineffabl e way , wa s th e chie f functio n of the Zionist student groups. . . . A too platonic love for Zion, rathe r than a sens e o f livin g allianc e wit h a concret e Palestin e wa s th e unsubstantial basi s on which th e I.Z.A . failed t o flourish. 13

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In prais e o f th e ne w Jewis h studen t movement , Syrki n pointe d out tha t th e prewa r studen t movemen t wa s animate d b y th e desir e for conformit y an d ful l Americanization ; bu t th e ne w movemen t arose ou t o f post-mandat e condition s an d wa s quickene d b y th e "beat o f th e Chalutzim pickaxe s i n Palestine. " Avuka aros e whe n "Zion emerge d fro m th e haz y distanc e o f a Utopi a t o th e discon certing clarit y o f a reality . T o declar e onesel f a Zionis t mean t mor e than merel y t o sin g th e Hatikvah o r bethin k onesel f o f Israel . I t was th e definit e statemen t o f nationa l allegiance . I t wa s als o th e affirmation o f national individuality." 1 4 This appear s t o b e th e earlies t exampl e o f Mari e Syrkin' s Zionis t writing. Stylisticall y i t i s embryonic Syrkin . I n connectio n wit h th e prose o f Joh n Milton , on e criti c ha s identifie d suc h a styl e a s th e rhetoric o f zeal; 1 5 that is , it i s a mode tha t see-saw s between extrav agant idealis m an d rapie r thrust . O f late , Syrki n ha s bee n criticize d for havin g spoke n i n th e languag e o f naiv e an d sentimenta l earl y Zionism, bu t thi s overlook s th e poin t tha t suc h a double-side d rhe torical styl e i s characteristic o f th e zealou s write r fro m th e prophet s through Joh n Milto n an d th e polemicist s o f th e sixties . Onl y th e idealist wit h a sens e o f hig h mora l purpos e ca n tur n th e carpe t ove r to expos e a roug h undersid e o f mora l indignation . Th e cyni c ha s only on e texture . During th e earl y 1920s , Mari e Syrki n continue d t o writ e he r ow n verse an d t o translat e Yiddis h poetr y int o English . Sh e was , i n fact , among th e ver y first t o d o so . O f course , thi s wa s on e wa y o f reconciling he r lov e o f poetr y an d he r emergin g sens e o f Jewis h purpose. B y th e tim e sh e wa s twenty-four , sh e ha d alread y pub lished translation s o f th e poetr y o f Yehoas h i n Menorah Journal. These wer e praise d b y Yehoas h himself . I t wa s wit h regar d t o thes e translations, moreover , tha t th e edito r o f Menorah Journal, Henr y Hurwitz, sen t he r a not e askin g fo r biographica l data . Syrki n wrot e back wit h th e followin g revealin g sel f description : "A s t o myself , I am th e daughte r o f Dr . Syrki n an d th e wif e o f A . Bodansk y wh o teaches here . I hav e m y B.A . an d M.A . fro m Cornel l and , Go d willing, I ma y som e da y ge t a Ph.D." 1 6 Sh e neve r did ; bu t b y th e time sh e wa s twenty-eight , sh e ha d suc h a lon g lis t o f publication s that sh e wa s aske d t o becom e associat e edito r o f th e short-live d publication Reflex, edite d b y S . M . Melamed. 17

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Throughout th e 1920s , Marie Syrkin' s professiona l activitie s wer e restricted primaril y t o poetry , journalism , an d teaching . He r per sonal situation—th e tragi c deat h o f he r first son , th e birt h a fe w months late r o f he r secon d son , th e deat h o f he r father , he r separa tion an d subsequen t divorc e fro m Bodansky , an d he r retur n t o Ne w York wit h he r survivin g child—necessitate d self-support , whic h she accomplishe d b y teachin g Englis h a t Textil e Hig h Schoo l i n Manhattan. Thi s wa s a job tha t sh e utterl y detested , bu t whic h sh e kept ou t o f economi c necessit y unti l 1948 . Thes e circumstances , including he r marriag e i n 193 0 t o th e poe t Charle s Reznikoff , wit h whom sh e lived , o n an d off , unti l hi s deat h i n 1976 , mad e anythin g more tha n writin g a virtua l impossibility . By th e earl y thirties , however , th e mor e urgen t th e worl d situa tion became , th e mor e Mari e Syrki n becam e inten t upo n doin g on the-spot reporting . I n 1933 , when sh e was grante d a sabbatica l fro m Textile Hig h School , Syrki n too k hersel f of f fo r th e first o f he r innumerable trip s t o Palestine . O n thi s voyage , th e romanc e o f th e halutziut seeme d mor e powerfu l tha n th e new s tha t sh e hear d ove r the ship' s radi o abou t Hitler s edicts . "Th e Naz i menace, " sh e late r reported, "i n it s initia l phas e seeme d someho w unreal . I t wa s to o preposterous; i t woul d blo w over." 1 8 Bu t th e grea t experimen t i n socialist Zionis m sen t he r int o rhapsodi c wondermen t a t th e small est achievemen t i n th e kibbutzi m o f th e Jorda n an d Galilee : "Th e rapture o f a youn g woma n wh o ra n u p t o m e wit h th e first radis h grown i n he r settlement , th e hor a dance d o n th e Sabbat h o n th e streets o f stil l uncrowde d Te l Avi v alon g whos e shore s camel s slowly mad e thei r way," 1 9 sh e waxe d eloquent . Today , som e ma y be a bi t embarrasse d b y suc h "purpl e prose, " bu t Mari e Syrki n wa s responding ingenuously . Most Jewis h intellectual s (an d non-intellectuals ) o f thi s perio d in Americ a an d Europ e wer e no t especiall y attracte d t o th e sparta n life i n Palestine , no r t o th e Zionis t caus e itself . The y kep t thei r emotional distance . Syrkin , however , returne d fro m he r summe r visit inspire d an d eage r t o work . I t wa s a t thi s time , moreover , tha t she me t Gold a (Myerson ) Meir , wh o ha d com e t o Americ a bot h t o seek medica l car e fo r he r daughte r an d t o b e a shlichah t o Pionee r Women. Th e friendshi p o f th e tw o wome n wa s natura l an d comple -

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mentary, fo r a s muc h a s Syrki n admire d Gold a Mei r fo r he r rar e effective combinatio n o f activis m an d idealism , Mei r certainl y ad mired Mari e Syrki n fo r he r combinatio n o f intellec t an d idealism . They were , furthermore , bot h unself-consciou s feminist s o f th e same stripe. After sh e returne d fro m he r 193 3 sojour n amon g th e pioneers , Syrkin's caree r too k th e signa l tur n tha t woul d prope l he r int o a n activist role as commentator, speechmaker , speechwrite r fo r others, witness t o grea t events , an d first-han d reporte r fro m th e zon e o f conflict. Whil e maintainin g he r jo b a t Textil e Hig h School , sh e assumed a position o n th e editoria l boar d o f th e newl y establishe d journal o f th e Labo r Zionists , th e Jewish Frontier. Th e intensit y o f her commitment t o the purpose of this publication i s evinced b y the fact tha t fo r he r thirty-five years of editorial servic e she received n o pay. I n he r capacit y a s a n edito r o f Jewish Frontier sh e worke d closely wit h th e editor , Hayi m Greenberg , wit h who m sh e ha d a deep personal relationship . Among Mari e Syrkin' s article s i n thi s critica l decad e wer e firsthand report s fro m Palestin e o n th e Ara b disturbances , attack s o n Jabotinsky an d th e Revisionists , o n th e pro-Naz i Mufti , a lon g stream o f article s i n prais e o f th e halutzim an d Yout h Aliyah . Among he r mos t prize d achievement s wa s he r expos e o f th e Mos cow sho w trials . A t th e suggestio n o f Hayi m Greenberg , Syrki n read throug h th e si x hundre d page s o f th e Russia n stenographi c typescript o f th e trials ; thi s resulte d i n a remarkabl e ful l analysi s which appeare d i n th e Jewish Frontier i n January 1937 . "By now, " she wrote, "everyon e is familiar wit h th e set-up": The chie f figures o f th e Bolshevi k Revolutio n admi t t o a collectio n o f crimes amon g whic h murde r i s th e mos t attractive . Thi s wholesal e confession i s indulge d i n b y al l o f Lenin' s closes t associate s an d col laborators wit h tw o exceptions—Stali n an d Trotsky . Stali n i s i n th e Kremlin an d Trotsk y i n Mexico , th e res t ar e i n thei r grave s o r abou t to repos e i n them . Jus t ho w complet e th e liquidatio n o f th e Ol d Bolsheviks ha s been , ma y b e judged fro m glancin g a t th e membershi p of th e Centra l Committe e o f th e Communis t Part y durin g th e crucia l years o f 191 7 t o 1920 . Wit h th e exceptio n o f a fe w wh o retire d fro m political life , al l th e survivin g member s hav e bee n sho t a s counter revolutionaries—again barrin g Trotsk y an d Stalin. 20

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Thus, Syrki n concludes , th e defendants ' confession s wer e fals e and th e trial s wer e Stalin' s metho d o f liquidatin g dissent . Toda y that conclusio n doe s no t see m s o remarkable , bu t th e writer' s insis tence tha t "n o servic e i s don e t o socialis m o r t o Sovie t Russi a b y refusing t o fac e wha t on e conceive s t o b e th e truth" 2 1 wa s no t s o easily face d b y th e Left . An d whe n som e believer s i n th e Revolutio n finally did , i t require d a complet e repudiatio n no t onl y o f Stalinis m but o f socialism, an d the n o f liberalism a s well . During th e wa r years Syrki n wrot e a strea m o f essays , an d poetr y too, pressin g fo r th e openin g o f th e gate s o f Palestine , demandin g liberalization o f immigratio n quotas ; sh e wrot e a speec h fo r Chai m Weizmann t o delive r a t a Madiso n Squar e Garde n rally , an d article s and speeche s fo r Gold a Meir , al l th e whil e holdin g dow n he r teach ing job . A s detestabl e a s tha t jo b ma y hav e been , i t gav e he r th e raw materia l fo r he r widel y acclaime d book , Your School, Your Children (1944), 22 whic h wa s a vanguar d analysi s o f th e America n public schoo l system . I n fac t sh e wrot e a numbe r o f essay s o n democracy an d th e school s i n Common Ground, th e officia l orga n of th e Commo n Counci l fo r America n Unity . I t was , moreover , thi s early interes t i n th e America n educatio n syste m tha t late r le d he r to spea k ou t agains t th e "politicall y correct " positio n i n th e 1970 s on th e issue s o f th e blac k civi l right s movement , affirmativ e action , and thei r effect s o n th e university . I n 1970 , a t a conferenc e hel d a t the hom e o f the presiden t o f Israe l o n th e subjec t o f "Jews Confront ing Anti-Semitis m i n th e Unite d States, " an d agai n i n a n articl e i n the Ne w York Times magazine , an d onc e mor e i n 197 9 in th e Ne w Republic, Syrki n too k th e unpopula r vie w amon g liberal s tha t eth nic proportiona l representation , whic h reall y i s racia l quota , de stroys th e meri t syste m an d thereb y undermine s th e democrati c belief tha t protectio n o f th e individua l hold s th e bes t promis e fo r meeting th e need s o f al l minoritie s withi n a democracy . "Th e abro gation o f individua l rights, " she asserted , "woul d mea n curtailmen t of fre e entranc e int o th e profession s an d science s i n accordanc e with abilit y an d intellectua l zeal. " Th e implicatio n fo r Jews , wh o constitute onl y 3 percen t o f th e population , sh e claimed , i s tha t they woul d b e th e chie f losers. 23 Perhaps th e mos t celebrate d episod e i n Mari e Syrkin' s entir e jour nalistic career , an d th e on e sh e wa s mos t prou d of , occurre d i n

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1942 whe n th e Stat e Departmen t receive d a cabl e fro m th e Genev a representative o f th e Worl d Jewis h Congres s t o b e forwarde d t o Rabbi Stephe n Wise , presiden t o f th e America n Jewis h Congress . The messag e containe d th e trut h abou t Hitler' s pla n t o annihilat e European Jewry. A s editors o f th e Jewish Frontier, Mari e Syrki n an d Hayim Greenber g wer e invite d i n Augus t o f 194 2 t o atten d a smal l private meetin g o f Jewis h journalists , wher e the y learne d o f th e perplexing repor t fro m Genev a tha t th e mas s exterminatio n wa s already unde r way . Despit e al l tha t the y ha d bee n awar e o f fo r th e last nin e years , an d despit e th e Frontier's continua l reportag e o f conditions i n German y an d Europe , th e entir e grou p wa s unabl e t o assimilate thi s ne w information . Thei r immediat e respons e wa s shock an d skepticism . This—i n fac e o f th e fac t tha t onl y a wee k earlier th e Frontier itsel f ha d receive d a documen t fro m th e Jewis h Socialist Bun d whic h wa s a n accoun t o f mas s gassing s a t Chelmno . Later, Mari e Syrki n openl y admitte d tha t sh e an d Greenber g wer e unable t o assimilat e eithe r account , an d sh e confesse d tha t "w e hi t on w h a t i n retrospec t appear s a disgracefu l compromise : w e burie d the fearfu l repor t i n th e bac k pag e o f th e Septembe r issu e i n smal l type, thu s indicatin g tha t w e coul d no t vouc h fo r it s accuracy . Bu t by th e nex t issu e th e smal l staf f o f th e magazin e ha d uncovere d enough materia l s o tha t th e trut h ha d t o b e acknowledged." 24 Th e October issu e wa s omitte d an d th e Novembe r issu e appeare d wit h black borders . Syrki n wrot e th e followin g editoria l remarks : In th e occupie d countrie s o f Europe , a polic y i s no w bein g pu t int o effect whos e avowe d objec t i s the exterminatio n o f a whole people . It i s a policy o f systematic murde r o f innocent civilian s whic h i n it s ferocity, it s dimensions an d it s organization i s unique i n th e histor y of mankind . . , 25 This editoria l wa s th e first America n repor t o f th e systemati c anni hilation tha t Syrki n claime d wa s alread y i n force . I t i s als o a suc cinct formulatio n an d anticipatio n o f late r argument s fo r th e uniqueness o f th e Holocaust , suc h a s tha t o f th e historia n Luc y Dawidowicz. 26 In 1945 , whe n th e wa r wa s over , Mari e Syrki n too k th e first available shi p t o th e Middl e Eas t fo r anothe r o f w h a t sh e claime d were he r "firsts. " Thi s tim e sh e went t o gathe r materia l fo r he r boo k

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on Jewis h Resistance , Blessed Is the Match. 27 Thi s was , i n fact , th e first o f th e eyewitnes s account s o f partisans , ghett o fighters , an d Jewish-Palestinian pcirachutists . I n thi s volum e o f persona l inter views, th e mothe r o f Hanna h Senesc h describe s he r daughter' s las t days in th e Hungaria n prison . Mari e Syrkin' s accoun t o f the herois m of th e youn g Hanna h Senesch , alread y a legen d i n Israel , brough t this stor y t o th e America n publi c fo r th e firs t time , an d Syrkin' s translation o f Senesch' s poe m "Blesse d I s th e Match " becam e th e authoritative one : Blessed is the match tha t i s consumed i n kindling flame . Blessed is the flame tha t burn s in the secret fastness o f the heart . Blessed is the heart with strength t o stop its beating for honor's sake. Blessed is the match tha t i s consumed in kindling flame . The volum e als o containe d a n intervie w wit h Joe l Bran d wh o tol d of hi s negotiation s wit h Adol f Eichman n fo r th e ranso m o f Euro pean Jewry i n th e famou s "good s for blood " episode . During th e 1945-4 6 sojour n i n Palestine , Syrki n ha d he r ow n personal adventur e wit h undergroun d activit y whe n sh e wa s re cruited t o giv e th e firs t English-languag e broadcas t ove r th e secre t radio o f Kol Yisrael. Sh e alway s insiste d that , unlik e Gold a Meir , she hersel f wa s no t a tru e activist , tha t sh e merely di d w h at sh e ha d to do ; tha t is , sh e pu t he r gif t fo r writin g i n th e servic e o f he r mora l and politica l convictions . Perhap s thi s i s wh y sh e too k particula r delight i n dramaticall y recountin g he r adventur e wit h "under cover" activism . Proudl y sh e woul d displa y tw o book s give n t o her i n 194 6 b y "comrade s o f th e Haganah. " Th e dedicatio n reads : "Receive th e blessing s o f th e son s o f th e homelan d fo r you r voic e that adde d colo r t o th e announcemen t o f the redemption . Whe n th e day come s when th e wal l o f evil crumble s i n th e storm , your rewar d will b e th e openin g o f the gates. " In Novembe r o f 1946 , in anticipatio n o f the Twenty-Secon d Zion ist Congres s whic h wa s t o b e hel d th e followin g mont h i n Basle , Syrkin publishe d a n urgen t ple a fo r Partitio n whic h sh e knew woul d

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be among the acut e issue s on th e agenda . Zionis t leader s were bus y aligning themselve s pr o an d co n prio r t o th e Congress , an d Syrki n felt compelle d t o mak e th e cas e fo r Partitio n i n advance . I n word s that carr y som e resonanc e today , sh e summe d u p he r argumen t with a clever twist of a well-known biblical story: "In 193 7 partition was called a Solomon's judgement. Toda y we must perhaps consider that th e chil d i s a Siames e twi n whos e lif e ca n onl y b e save d b y drastic operation/' 28 The 194 6 Zionis t Congres s wa s a profoundl y emotiona l experi ence. Urge d b y Be n Gurion an d Gold a Meir , wh o insiste d tha t tha t so important wa s Marie Syrkin's participation i n this Congres s tha t they woul d cove r he r expenses , sh e attended th e meeting a s a delegate o f th e America n Labo r Zionis t Party . Thi s Congress , th e firs t since 1939 , wa s marke d b y th e twi n trauma s o f los s an d reunion . The participants mourne d th e man y delegate s o f the 193 9 Congress who ha d no t survived , an d the y too k bitterswee t pleasur e i n re union with thos e who had remained alive . They also met a group of delegates who arrived from th e DP camps. The 194 6 Congres s wa s Mari e Syrkin' s first encounte r wit h dis placed persons . He r nex t experienc e cam e i n 194 7 when Abra m L . Sachar, the n th e director o f Hillel, aske d he r t o take a n assignmen t to hel p screen suitabl e candidate s fro m amon g th e young survivor s in th e D P camp s fo r admissio n t o America n universities . The y would b e permitted, unde r these circumstances, t o enter the Unite d States beyond th e restrictions of the prevailing immigration quotas . The assignmen t wa s challengin g i n th e extreme , fo r th e jo b o f making "selections " ha d connotation s fro m th e immediat e past . Syrkin was warned no t to allow herself to be too emotional, bu t th e grim tale s sh e hear d fro m th e score s o f hopefu l applicant s fro m whom sh e coul d choos e onl y fifty, fro m th e physicall y stunte d an d psychologically scarre d young people who looked a t her with plead ing eyes, tore at her heart . For a woman wh o claime d t o be without grea t physica l stamin a and les s tha n adventuresome , Mari e Syrkin' s actua l activitie s i n these years belied her protestations. Afte r he r strenuous stint i n th e DP camps, sh e wen t bac k t o Palestin e i n th e wak e o f th e sieg e of Jerusalem. He r fears for th e life o f the nation ha d bee n expresse d i n the poem entitled "David, " written a t the time of the Arab attack :

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Suppose, this time, Goliath should not fall ; Suppose, this time, the sling should no t avai l On the Judean plain where once for al l Mankind th e pebble struck; suppose the tal e Should have a different end : the shepherd yield, The triumph pas s to iron arm an d thigh , The wonder vanish from th e blooming field, The mailed hul k stand, an d the sweet singer lie. Suppose, but the n what grac e will go unsung, What templ e wall unbuilt, wha t garden s bare; What plowshare broken an d what har p unstrung ! Defeat wil l compass every heart awar e How black the ramparts of a world wherei n The psalm is stilled, an d David does not win. 29 Once bac k i n Palestin e immediatel y afte r th e siege , Syrki n wa s assigned th e tas k o f compilin g dat a fo r th e officia l repor t t o th e United Nation s o n th e fligh t o f the Arab s from Israe l an d respondin g to accusation s tha t th e Israeli s ha d desecrate d th e Christia n an d Moslem Hol y Places . Sh e travele d throughou t th e territor y an d fi nally dre w th e conclusion , derive d fro m persona l interview s wit h clergy an d communit y leader s who m sh e named , tha t fo r th e mos t part th e Arab s ha d responde d t o th e directio n o f thei r ow n leaders , that the y wer e bein g use d b y th e Ara b state s a s pawns , tha t th e flight wa s simultaneousl y a deliberat e par t o f Ara b militar y strat egy, an d als o a n uncontrollabl e stamped e whic h Ara b leadershi p strove unsuccessfull y t o chec k whe n the y realize d th e leve l i t ha d reached. Ther e ha d bee n n o Jewish maste r pla n t o expe l them , an d there ha d bee n n o Jewis h pla n t o desecrat e th e Hol y Places . More over, Syrki n argue d tha t "fo r th e Arab , Palestin e i s a geographi c fact, no t a n histori c concept—an d a ver y recen t geographi c fact , a t that." 3 0 Further , sh e hel d tha t th e nomenclatur e "Palestinian " fo r the Ara b grou p i s artificia l an d sh e questione d th e existenc e o f Palestinian nationalis m a s distinguished fro m a n attachmen t t o th e hometown. "Villag e patriotism, " sh e argued , "wa s mad e int o a national cause." 3 1 This , sh e wa s t o argu e late r i n defens e o f he r friend, wa s th e meanin g o f Gold a Meir' s oft-quote d remar k tha t "there ar e n o Palestinians. " Syrkin believe d i n wha t sh e regarde d a s th e absolut e justic e o f

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Israel's case : tha t Israe l di d no t appea r a s a conquerin g invade r an d that a t th e star t i t believe d i t coul d liv e i n peac e wit h th e Arabs ; that th e truncate d Stat e o f Israe l represent s a necessar y bu t no t entirely jus t secon d partitio n o f th e origina l are a designate d b y th e Balfour Declaration ; an d tha t th e stat e represent s th e culminatio n of decade s o f peacefu l settlemen t sanctione d b y internationa l agreements. 32 Fo r thes e convictions , Mari e Syrki n late r foun d her self attacke d b y th e politica l lef t an d accuse d o f bein g a n apologis t for Gold a Meir , wh o hel d th e sam e opinions . Yet despit e thes e firml y hel d beliefs , lik e he r fathe r befor e her , Marie Syrki n wa s no t doctrinaire . Sh e wa s quit e awar e tha t ther e was a distinction t o b e made betwee n th e justice o f Israel' s cas e an d the practica l nee d t o wor k ou t a solution . Sh e coul d hav e enoug h empathy fo r thos e wh o wer e sufferin g t o say , "certainl y i t i s tru e that th e Palestinia n Arab s lef t home s an d village s dear t o them , an d no supporte r o f Jewis h nationalis m lik e mysel f ha s th e righ t t o minimize th e intensit y o r equivalen t dignit y o f Ara b national ism." 3 3 A s recentl y a s Apri l 1988 , les s tha n a yea r befor e sh e died , Syrkin sai d i n prin t tha t Since 196 7 th e Labo r Part y an d it s adherent s hav e argued tha t n o matter ho w compellin g th e lega l clai m t o th e Wes t Ban k a s par t o f the origina l territor y designate d fo r a Jewish homelan d ma y be , an d no matte r ho w dee p th e religiou s attachment s t o th e biblica l patri mony o f Jude a an d Samaria , thes e consideration s ha d t o giv e wa y before th e danger to the Jewish or democratic characte r of the Jewish State tha t woul d b e pose d b y th e incorporatio n o f ove r a millio n hostile Arabs . . . . T o save th e Jewish Stat e from th e progressiv e cor rosion of being an occupying power and from engagin g the talent an d energy o f it s peopl e i n th e unhapp y tas k o f maintainin g formidabl e military powe r abl e t o repea t th e miracl e o f victor y agains t mon strous odds , rationa l avenue s toward s a truce , i f no t ful l peace , should be explored. 34 At th e ag e o f fifty-one, Mari e Syrki n bega n a ne w career ; or , on e might say , sh e wa s grante d th e caree r sh e ha d lon g ag o dreame d of . Again a t th e invitatio n o f Abram L . Sachar, wh o wa s no w presiden t of th e newl y establishe d Brandei s University , Syrki n becam e th e first femal e professo r o f a n academi c subjec t o n th e facult y o f Bran deis. Sh e was appointe d a professo r o f Englis h literature .

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It wa s here , moreover , tha t th e Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectual s and th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectual s cam e fac e t o face ; Marie Syrkin , Ludwi g Lewisohn , an d Be n Halper n becam e th e col leagues o f Irvin g How e an d Phili p Rahv . Thoug h Howe , a s Syrki n believed, initiall y oppose d he r tenur e o n th e ground s tha t sh e was a journalist an d no t a scholar , an d althoug h Rah v complaine d tha t she wa s no t a n intellectual , remarkin g sarcasticall y tha t sh e thought The Great Gatsby wa s a boo k abou t bootleggers , How e eventually gre w t o admir e an d hono r her . H e wrot e i n th e specia l issue o f Jewish Frontier (January/Februar y 1983 ) i n tribut e t o Mari e Syrkin, " I valu e [Syrkin's ] goo d humor , I valu e he r self-irony , bu t most o f all , I thin k o f a remar k someon e onc e mad e abou t Thoma s Hardy—that th e world' s slo w stai n ha d no t rubbe d of f o n him . There ca n b e n o greate r praise , an d I think i t i s true fo r Marie. " While a t Brandeis , Mari e Syrki n institute d on e o f th e firs t course s in Holocaus t literatur e an d i n America n Jewis h fiction t o b e taugh t in th e universities . A s earl y a s 1966 , i n a n essa y i n Midstream, sh e argued a poin t tha t late r woul d becom e a commonplac e o f th e genre: "Th e literatur e o f th e Holocaus t . . . elude s th e usua l classi fication becaus e o f th e ver y natur e o f it s theme . Th e accepte d literary categories—novels , plays , verse , essays—ar e unsatisfactor y because the y assum e a measur e o f forma l achievemen t t o warran t consideration . . ." 3 5 I n The American Jew: A Reappraisal, edite d by Osca r Janowsky , sh e wrot e a pionee r essa y o n America n Jewis h fiction, an d a re-evaluatio n o f Henr y Roth' s Call It Sleep whe n tha t work wa s republishe d i n 1964 . Sh e wrot e i n prais e o f Nelli e Sach s and i n shar p criticis m o f Phili p Roth' s Vortnoy's Complaint, a n attack Rot h himsel f peevishl y referre d t o i n hi s late r nove l Vrofessor of Desire. Al l th e whil e sh e continue d t o writ e he r ow n verse—tw o poems wer e t o b e anthologize d i n th e Ne w York Times Book of Verse, edite d b y Thoma s Lask , a n antholog y o f th e bes t poetr y t o have appeare d i n th e Times betwee n 192 0 and 1970 . In 195 5 Syrki n publishe d a biograph y o f he r dea r frien d Gold a Meir, a memoir o f her father , an d edite d a n antholog y o f the writin g of Hayi m Greenberg . Sh e continue d he r polemica l argument s i n th e pages o f man y journals , takin g o n suc h formidabl e adversarie s a s Arnold Toynbee , I . F . Stone , an d Hanna h Arendt ; sh e als o debate d the latte r i n a publi c forum .

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When Mari e Syrki n retire d fro m Brandei s i n 196 6 a s professo r emerita, sh e returne d t o Ne w Yor k t o resum e he r lif e wit h Charle s Reznikoff. I n thi s penultimat e phas e o f he r life , sh e assume d a des k at th e Jewis h Agency , becam e th e edito r o f Herz l Press , an d wa s elected a membe r o f th e Worl d Zionis t Organization . No w sixty seven years old , sh e continue d t o lectur e aroun d th e countr y an d i n Israel, t o serv e o n th e editoria l board s of Midstream an d thejewis h Frontier, t o writ e fo r suc h divers e publication s a s Commentary, Dissent, th e Nation, Saturday Review, th e Ne w York Times maga zine, an d th e Ne w Republic. Sh e kep t u p he r periodi c trip s t o Israel , and i n 197 3 went ther e t o writ e a majo r piec e fo r Gold a Mei r wh o was no w prim e minister , an d fo r who m Syrki n ha d becom e a speec h writer. Th e articl e "Israe l i n Searc h o f Peace " appeare d i n Foreign Affairs i n Apri l 1973 . Sh e als o edite d a n antholog y o f Meir' s speeches; an d afte r sh e fle w t o Israe l o n th e presidentia l airplan e a s an officia l delegat e o f th e Unite d State s a t th e funera l o f he r frien d Golda Meir , sh e expresse d he r grie f i n th e followin g poem , "Fo r Golda": Because you became a great woma n With strong feature s Big nose and heavy legs, None will believe how beautiful yo u were, Grey-eyed an d slim-ankled . The men who loved you ar e dead. So I speak for the record . Indeed you were lovely among maiden s Once In Milwaukee an d Merhavia , And sometimes in Jerusalem. 36 These busy , productive , an d personall y satisfyin g post-academi c years, however , wer e t o las t onl y te n years . Wit h n o warning , o n January 12 , 1976 , afte r Mari e Syrki n an d Charle s Reznikof f ha d enjoyed a pleasant dinne r together , h e complaine d o f indigestion. A doctor wa s calle d i n an d diagnose d a massiv e coronary . Reznikof f was rushe d t o th e hospita l wher e h e die d withi n hours . I n he r touchingly spar e poem , "Finality, " Syrki n describe s hi s deat h an d her loss :

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Death, th e great kidnapper , Snatched you suddenl y Asking no ransom. We were at dinner chatting , He broke in with tw o gentle, black attendant s and a noisy ambulance . When I came back before dawn , The cups were still on the tabl e And I was alone. It i s interestin g t o compar e thi s poe m wit h on e tha t Syrki n ha d written ove r hal f a centur y earlier , afte r th e deat h o f he r first-bor n son. Although , o f course , th e emotiona l conten t i s different i n kin d as wel l a s degree , th e curiou s fac t i s tha t som e fift y year s later , death i s once agai n experience d a s a kidnapper . They should not hav e done what the y did : The two men with glove s And faces I cannot remembe r Who came to carry you of f Before my eyes. Silently the y seized you, Kidnappers. (A hospital dreads the dead. ) They should not have done what the y did. 37 In he r las t years , Mari e Syrki n live d i n Sant a Monica— a mov e she ha d earlie r planne d t o mak e wit h Charle s Reznikoff . Her e sh e would escap e th e rigor s of New Yor k Cit y livin g an d b e closer t o he r sister, he r son , he r grandchildren , an d great-grandchildren . Fro m here sh e continue d t o writ e o n politica l issues , t o kee p u p wit h current idea s an d events , t o publis h a collectio n o f he r essays , The State of the Jews, an d t o publis h a volum e o f he r ow n poems , Gleanings: A Diary in Verse. I n he r fina l years , sh e woul d continu e to confoun d he r critic s o n th e lef t an d right , firs t b y signin g th e first Veace Now statement , an d then , b y resignin g afte r it s first issue , from th e boar d o f Tikkun. To th e ver y en d Mari e Syrki n remaine d th e consummat e prag matic idealist . Awar e o f curren t trend s i n historiography , sh e as serted, tw o week s befor e he r deat h o n Februar y i , 1989 , tha t thos e

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9

who no w proclai m tha t th e "myth " o f Israe l i s dead ar e mistaken . Israel, sh e maintained, i s an exempla r o f what can b e done. "Eve n if i t last s onl y forty , fifty, years , wha t tha t Stat e achieve d ca n never b e erased becaus e it shows the potential o f idealism. . . . The adaptation o f th e drea m t o realitie s i s merel y th e pric e o f sur vival. ,,38 Notes 1. Mari e Syrki n t o Carol e Kessner , January 1989 , unpublished interview . 2. Mari e Syrkin , Gleanings: A Diary in Verse (Sant a Barbara : Rhythm s Press, 1979) , 13 . Hereafter calle d Gleanings. 3. Irvin g Howe , "Fo r Marie, " Jewish Frontier (January/Februar y 1983) : 8. 4. Mari e Syrkin , persona l interview . 5. Mari e Syrkin , Nachman Syrkin: Socialist Zionist (Ne w York : Herz l Press, 1961) , 153 . 6. Ibid. , 60 . 7. Mari e Syrkin , Way of Valor: A Biography of Goldie Meyerson (Ne w York: Sharo n Books , 1955) , 7 . Syrkin's attitud e towar d th e stanc e o f th e New Yor k Intellectual s i s reflected i n he r referenc e t o "alienated " intel lectuals. 8. Mari e Syrkin , persona l interview . 9. "Mari e Syrki n an d Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin : A Moment Interview, " Moment 8 , no . 8 (Septembe r 1983) : 40. 10. Mari e Syrkin , Diary, Marc h 28 , 1915-Jun e 4 , 1915 . Thi s quotatio n i s from th e entr y o n Marc h 29 , 1915 . O n Apri l 10 , sh e identifie s "W " as Weinstein . 11. Mari e Syrkin , persona l interview . 12. Syrkin' s characterizatio n o f tha t summe r wa s mad e whe n sh e wa s eighty-eight. 13. Mari e Syrkin , "Th e Ne w Yout h Movement, " The New Palestine (Au gust 14 , 1925) : 140 . 14. Ibid . 15. Thoma s Kranidas , i n hi s essa y "Milto n an d th e Rhetori c o f Zeal " TSLL 6 (1965) : 423-32 . 16. Unpublishe d letter , date d Ma y 23 , 1923 , fro m th e Mari e Syrkin-Henr y Hurwitz Correspondence , America n Jewish Archives , Cincinnati , Ohio . 17. Accordin g t o Charles Madiso n i n Jewish Vublishing in America: The Impact of Jewish Writing on American Culture (Ne w York : Sanhedri n Press, 1976) , 226, Reflex wa s started i n 1927 . "In th e earl y issue s the arti cles were of current interes t an d written b y journalists an d scholar s wh o were i n th e limeligh t o r wh o late r attaine d prominence . Amon g the m were Alexande r Goldenweiser , Mose s Gaster , Mari e Syrkin , S . A . Dub -

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now, Isaa c Goldberg , Fran z Oppenheimer , Maximilia n Harden , an d Maurice Samuel. " 18. Mari e Syrkin , The State of the Jews (Washington , D.C. : Ne w Republi c Books, 1980) , 2 . 19. Ibid . 20. Reprinte d i n Jewish Frontier (January/Februar y 1983) : 23-27. 21. Ibid . 22. Mari e Syrkin , Your School, Your Children (Ne w York : L . B . Fischer , 1944). 23. Syrkin , State of the Jews. 24. Mari e Syrkin , "Wha t America n Jew s Di d Durin g th e Holocaust, " Midstream 84 , no . 8 (Octobe r 1982) : 6. 25. Ibid . 26. Luc y Dawidowicz , "Th e Holocaus t Wa s Uniqu e i n Intent , Scope , an d Effect," Center Magazine (July/Augus t 1981) . 27. Mari e Syrkin , Blessed Is the Match (Philadelphia : Jewis h Publicatio n Society, 1947) . 28. Mari e Syrkin , "Wh y Partition? " Jewish Frontier (Novembe r 1946) , re printed i n State of the Jews, 80 . 29. Syrkin , Gleanings, 70 . 30. Mari e Syrkin , "Th e Ara b Refugees, " State of the Jews, 128 . 31. Mari e Syrkin , persona l interview . 32. Ibid . 33. Ibid . 34. Mari e Syrkin , "Doublespea k abou t Israel, " Congress Monthly 55, no . 3 (March/April 1988) : 11. 35. Syrkin , State of the Jews, 297 . 36. Mari e Syrkin , "Fo r Golda, " Jewish Frontier (November/Decembe r 1984): 13. 37. Syrkin , Gleanings, 92-93 . 38. Mari e Syrkin , persona l interview .

C H A P T E R3

Ben Halpern : "A t Hom e i n Exile " Arthur A. Goren

From 1936 , whe n h e entere d Jewis h "communa l civi l service, " a s Halpern himself put it, until his death in 1990 , an emeritus professo r of moder n Jewis h histor y a t Brandei s University , Be n Halper n de voted a majo r par t o f hi s intellectua l energie s t o examinin g th e American Jewish condition . H e approached th e tas k with th e skill s of the professiona l historia n an d sociologist . Bu t he was n o less th e socialist Zionis t ideologue , duty-boun d t o link intellectualism wit h activism: ideologica l discourse , conducte d wit h rigo r an d intellec tual integrity , wa s a requisite for furthering th e cause. Analysis was meant t o lead t o deeds. 1 From 194 3 to 1949 , he was managing edito r of th e Jewish Frontier, a membe r o f th e Labo r Zionis t Organiza tion's executiv e committee , an d fro m 194 9 t o 1956 , th e associat e director o f th e Jewis h Agency' s Departmen t o f Educatio n i n Ne w York. After enterin g academi c life—i n 1956 , as a research associat e at Harvar d University' s Cente r fo r Middl e Easter n Studies , an d then, i n 1961 , moving t o Brandeis—Halpern continue d hi s commu nal activit y a s a Zionis t publicis t an d lecture r and , i n 196 8 for a term, a s a membe r o f th e executiv e o f th e Worl d Zionis t Organi zation.2 His inquiries int o contemporar y Jewish affairs , lik e his scholarl y work, flowed fro m a classica l Zionis t readin g o f Jewis h history . Galut, th e millennia l experienc e o f exil e an d distinguishin g mar k of the Jews, was th e ke y for understandin g Jewish survival . "I n th e system of Jewish ideas, " Halpern wrote in 1956,

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"Exile" is the inalienably Jewis h idea , th e mos t intimat e creatio n o f the Jewish people , th e symbo l i n whic h ou r whol e historica l experi ence i s sublimate d an d summe d up . Al l th e meanin g "Exile " ha s flows straight from Jewish history, an d it gives our history, ou r being, and ou r identit y a s a peopl e it s meaning . Liv e unde r th e sig n o f Exile—your lif e a s a Je w i s a n ever-presen t tension . Cu t th e ide a out—and you cut out memory, identification, an d drive, substitutin g a dull adjustment." 3 Zionism wa s th e secula r revol t agains t Galut. I t replace d th e mythi cal hop e o f messiani c redemptio n wit h th e actua l rebuildin g o f a sovereign nation . (Halpern , i t shoul d b e noted, recognize d th e para dox o f th e anti-historica l attitud e o f secular Zionist s wh o wer e ben t on expungin g th e Galut experienc e fro m th e "authentic " histor y o f the Jews. ) Th e revol t agains t Galut als o demanded , Halper n de clared, a n individua l commitmen t t o participat e personall y i n th e collective effor t t o rebuil d th e homeland . For Halpern , America , too , wa s Exile . True , i t wa s th e mos t benign o f al l th e diasporas . Unlik e Europea n Jewry , America n Jew s never wrestle d wit h th e questio n o f emancipation . The y di d no t have t o wi n i t b y provin g tha t the y deserve d it . Politica l equality , separation o f churc h an d state , an d acceptanc e o f th e newcome r were establishe d principle s o f th e Republi c befor e Jew s arrive d i n any numbers . Nevertheless , Halper n argued , ther e wa s a n ideologi cal an d historica l barrie r tha t prevente d an d prevent s th e ful l accep tance o f th e Jew. Culturally , Americ a wa s a Christia n country , an d neither Christia n American s no r America n Jews , n o matte r ho w tenuous thei r religiou s ties , coul d cas t asid e the theologica l an d fol k legacies tha t define d th e separatenes s o f th e Jew . I n thi s respect , America wa s n o differen t fro m othe r diasporas . In The American Jew: A Zionist Analysis, whic h appeare d i n 1956, Halper n presente d hi s fulles t an d mos t systemati c examina tion o f America n Jewry . Th e boo k establishe d Halper n a s perhap s the mos t acut e criti c o f America n Jewis h thought . Base d o n article s that ha d appeare d mostl y durin g th e previou s te n years, The American Jew coincide d wit h th e Zionists ' victoriou s "revol t agains t th e Galut." Th e struggl e fo r statehood , th e establishmen t o f Israe l i n 1948, an d th e first year s o f th e "ingatherin g o f th e exiles, " provoke d an intense , introspective , an d ofte n acrimoniou s debat e amon g

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American Jewis h leader s an d intellectuals . Question s o f self-defini tion wer e intertwine d wit h a n uneasines s ove r th e implication s o f a sovereign Israe l fo r th e Jew s o f th e Diaspora . Th e debat e was , i n fact, a many-side d one : vetera n Zionis t leader s o f th e Jewis h stat e calling fo r America n Zionist s an d America n Jewis h religiou s think ers t o accep t Israel' s centrality ; America n religiou s leader s an d non-Zionists disputin g Israel' s clai m t o hegemon y i n th e Jewis h world bu t differin g amon g themselve s i n thei r understandin g o f the relationship . I n The American Jew, Halper n bypasse d th e sur face debat e ove r primacy o f place. Instead , h e focused o n th e ideolo gies tha t presume d a n America n Jewis h exceptionalis m ("Americ a is Different")—fro m Refor m Judais m t o Americanize d Zionism — and tha t posite d th e viabilit y o f a creativ e Jewish communit y com fortably a t hom e i n America . H e tracke d dow n th e explanator y theories: Wil l Herberg' s notio n o f th e religiou s parit y o f Protestant ism, Catholicism , an d Judaism; Horac e Kallen' s Americ a a s a feder ation o f ethni c group s ("cultura l pluralism") ; an d Modeca i Kaplan's eclecti c "organic " Jewis h communit y ("Judais m a s a n evolving religiou s civilization") . Halper n argue d tha t th e America n Jewish idealogues , eage r t o tailo r a n ideolog y o f Jewish grou p iden tity t o fi t th e America n norm— a nor m essentiall y Protestan t i n form—offered prescription s tha t produce d a pal e replic a o f a n authentic "Jewishness. " A n interpretatio n o f Judais m o r Zionis m that "lobotomized " th e ide a o f exil e fro m it s ideolog y wa s a recip e for transformin g America n Jewry— a proces s well unde r w a y — i n t o a vacuou s an d steril e cul t devoi d o f Hebre w cultur e o r Jewis h roots. 4 Of al l th e America n Zionis t thinkers , Halper n was , i n a sense , the mos t un-American . On e can , i n truth , plac e hi m withi n th e European halutz tradition , th e movemen t founde d b y th e socialis t Zionist pioneer s wh o settle d i n Palestin e betwee n 190 5 an d 192 4 (the secon d an d thir d "aliyah") t o creat e a self-governing , socialis t "society o f workers. " Ye t Halpern , Bosto n bor n an d Harvar d edu cated (A.B . 193 2 an d Ph.D . 1936) , assimilate d tha t traditio n grow ing u p i n America . H e viewe d th e doctrin e o f halutziut, indeed , experienced it , throug h th e lense s an d sensibilitie s o f a second generation America n Jew . I n thi s essa y I argue tha t th e halutz ide a was th e decisiv e influenc e i n moldin g Halpern' s valu e syste m an d

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ideological credo . No less important: Halper n wa s not alon e i n thi s social an d intellectual experience . In significan t ways , h e was prototypical o f scores of young Jews who in the 1930 s and early 1940 s were distressed by the deterioratin g situation o f Europea n Jewr y an d th e risin g anti-Semitis m i n America fanne d b y a n expansiv e Nazism . Bu t unlik e other s on th e left, the y wer e als o trouble d b y th e estrangemen t o f thei r genera tion from Jewish life which was either bent on a career or enamored of the cosmopolitan Left . The y harbored, on e should emphasize , a n immense empath y fo r America . Educate d i n publi c schools , at tending o r recentl y graduate d fro m university , the y wer e absorbe d with America n cultur e an d politics . A s democratic socialists , the y criticized th e inequit y o f th e economi c system , socia l discrimina tion, an d racia l prejudice . Number s of them, abou t a thousand i n a dozen cities, banded togethe r i n the Young Poale Zion Alliance, th e youth affiliat e o f the Socialis t Zionis t movement. 5 A few, plannin g to liv e i n kibbutzi m o r othe r labo r settlement s i n Palestine , joine d Hechalutz, th e organizatio n responsibl e fo r trainin g would-b e halutzim. Th e Youn g Poal e Zio n als o established a youth movement , Habonim (Th e Builders) , whos e educationa l goal wa s livin g a socialist Zionis t lif e i n Palestine. 6 Fo r a brie f bu t decisiv e period , Halpern participate d i n thes e developments . A s w e shal l see , th e socialist Zionis t movemen t provide d th e cultural an d social habita t where h e hone d hi s belief s an d intellectua l interest s int o a full grown ideolog y tha t remaine d unchange d fo r th e res t o f hi s life . Two othe r factor s wer e crucia l i n layin g th e foundation s o f Halp ern's intellectual world : th e cultur e an d value s h e grew up with a t home, an d th e Jewish educatio n h e received , especiall y a t th e He brew Teachers College . The three—home, Hebre w studies , an d th e socialist Zionist youth movement—meshed wit h extraordinary har mony, a s the y di d i n th e cas e o f hundred s o f othe r Labo r Zionis t families. Halpern's parents, Zalman an d Fannie, were Poale Zionists before they emigrate d t o America , hi s fathe r i n 1902 , an d hi s mothe r i n 1905. I n fact , member s o f Zalman' s famil y settle d i n Palestine , a sister in 191 0 and hi s parents an d anothe r siste r in 1925 . The famil y came from Bialystok in the Grodno province of the Russian Pale , a n industrial cit y o f som e fort y thousan d Jews , whic h b y th e tur n o f

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the centur y wa s a cente r o f social an d politica l ferment . Beside s th e Jewish socialis t Bund , ther e wer e activ e Zionis t groups , amon g them socialis t Zionists , an d anarchis t cells . Zalman , wh o receive d a traditiona l educatio n an d studie d fo r a tim e i n a yeshiva , brok e with Orthodox y an d move d i n anarchis t an d Poal e Zio n circles . O n his arriva l i n Americ a h e trie d farmin g fo r a brie f perio d i n up-stat e New York , befor e settlin g i n Bosto n wher e relative s ha d precede d him. Fanni e gre w u p i n th e smal l tow n o f Ostrino , i n th e provinc e of Vilna . Sh e wa s activ e i n th e undergroun d self-defens e unit s tha t the Poal e Zio n organize d a t tha t time . Famil y lor e ha s i t (th e Halpern childre n gre w u p wit h suc h stories ) tha t Fanni e smuggle d pistols fro m plac e t o place , travelin g freel y wit h th e "yello w card " of a prostitut e durin g th e revolutio n o f 1905 . The Halpern s marrie d in Bosto n i n 1911 . Ben wa s bor n th e nex t yea r an d tw o brother s fol lowed. 7 Socially an d culturally , th e elde r Halpern s belonge d t o a networ k of like-minde d Labo r Zionists . Th e branche s o f th e Poal e Zion , it s auxiliary fraterna l order , th e Farban d (th e Jewis h Nationa l Work ers Alliance), and , beginnin g i n th e mi d 1920s , the Pionee r Women , offered th e camaraderi e o f a commo n caus e an d commo n needs . Literary evenings , lecture s b y visitin g dignitaries , ofte n fro m Pales tine, an d politica l activit y (mainl y competin g wit h th e anti-Zionis t Left fo r publi c support) , intertwine d wit h th e roun d o f fund-raisin g affairs. Ther e wer e bazaars , balls , "benefit " concert s t o suppor t th e movement's cultura l an d educationa l activitie s i n America , an d a n annual "thir d seder " sponsore d b y th e "Gewerkshaften " (Histadrut ) campaign o n behal f o f th e labo r movemen t i n Palestine . Althoug h devoted Labo r Zionists , th e Halper n wer e no t doers . Fanni e wa s a s active a s he r frai l healt h allowed . Zalman , a quie t man , wa s bus y running hi s sho p o f tailor' s trimmings . Fo r th e Halperns , th e Jewis h education o f th e childre n wa s o f specia l importance . The y chos e not t o sen d the m t o th e Labo r Zionis t afternoo n school , th e folkshule, wit h it s radica l orientatio n an d emphasi s o n th e Yiddis h language. Instead , the y chos e anothe r afternoo n school , Hatikvah , because i t offere d a n intens e moder n educatio n i n Hebrew . (Th e mark o f a moder n Hebre w schoo l wa s it s emphasi s o n language , teaching "ivrit b'ivrit," al l instructio n i n Hebrew. ) Th e decisio n reflected th e Zeir e Zio n stran d i n Labo r Zionism , wit h it s emphasi s

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on a Hebre w cultura l renaissance . Zalma n wa s proficien t i n th e language. Samuel , Ben' s younges t brother , recall s th e occasio n hi s father wa s calle d t o schoo l becaus e o f hi s son' s irregula r atten dance. Fathe r an d teache r bega n conversin g i n Hebrew . Engrosse d in th e jo y o f speakin g th e language , bot h me n forgo t th e purpos e o f the summons , t o Samuel' s grea t relief. 8 In 1925 , Halpern bega n hi s studie s i n th e hig h schoo l departmen t of th e Hebre w Teacher s College . H e complete d th e three-yea r course an d continue d anothe r fou r year s i n th e colleg e division , graduating i n 1932 . Simultaneously , h e complete d Bosto n Lati n School an d Harvar d College . The year s Halper n attende d th e Hebre w Teacher s Colleg e wer e especially auspiciou s one s i n th e college' s history . Th e first dean , Nissan Touroff , ha d bee n on e o f th e leadin g educator s i n Palestin e in th e year s 1907-191 9 befor e h e emigrate d t o th e Unite d States . A zealot fo r th e reviva l o f Hebre w culture , Tourof f assemble d a fac ulty o f like-minde d teachers . Al l instructio n was , o f course , i n Hebrew. Advance d fo r th e tim e wa s th e inclusio n o f Jewish history , modern Hebre w literature , an d sociolog y i n th e curriculum , i n addi tion t o th e traditiona l subjec t matter . Whe n Tourof f lef t th e col lege, th e yea r o f Halpern' s arrival , Samue l Perlma n succeede d him . Perlman ha d settle d i n Palestin e i n 1914 , an d durin g th e wa r year s directed a schoo l i n Alexandri a fo r childre n o f the refugee s expelle d from Palestin e b y th e Turks . Fo r severa l year s befor e comin g t o th e United State s h e wa s on e o f th e thre e editor s o f th e Worl d Zionis t Organization's Hebre w weekly , Haolam, publishe d i n Berlin , an d collaborated wit h Ze v Jabotinsky i n issuin g th e first historica l atla s in th e Hebre w language . Perlma n als o translated Heine' s pros e wor k into Hebrew . Student s a t th e Colleg e recalle d hi s course s i n moder n Hebrew literatur e a s "th e ver y bes t literary-critica l course s man y o f us ha d anywhere. " Perlma n als o lecture d o n Rembrandt , accompa nied b y slides, "wher e w e learne d al l abou t chiaroscur o i n Hebrew. " He spok e Hebre w i n a sefardic accent , rar e fo r th e time , an d taugh t songs which h e ha d brough t wit h hi m fro m Palestine . Othe r Tourof f appointments wer e Jaco b Newma n an d Yisha i Adle r wh o taugh t Bible an d Talmud . Bot h ha d live d i n Palestin e fo r extende d periods . Nathan Be n Natha n taugh t histor y an d sociology , an d introduce d his student s t o th e wor k o f Arthu r Ruppin , th e Jewish demographe r

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and hea d o f th e Zionis t colonizatio n burea u i n Palestine . A Youn g Poale Zionis t studen t o f hi s remember s Be n Natha n agreein g t o lea d a stud y grou p o n Be r Borochov , th e Marxis t Zionis t theoretician . The colleg e als o provide d a publi c platfor m fo r eminen t figures, from th e Hebre w poe t Shau l Tchernichovsky , t o th e Labo r Zionis t leader an d hea d o f th e Politica l Departmen t o f th e Jewis h Agency , Hayim Arlosoroff. 9 Th e historian , Fran k E . Manuel , wh o graduate d from th e colleg e tw o years befor e Halpern , characterize d th e milie u at th e colleg e a s "aesthetic nationalis m . . . tarbut [Hebre w culture ] nationalism." Manuel , lik e Halpern , wa s a n undergraduat e a t Har vard a t th e sam e tim e tha t h e studie d a t th e colleg e (an d wen t o n to ge t hi s Ph.D . a t Harvard) . " I foun d Hebre w Teacher s College, " he remarked , "mor e stimulatin g tha n Harvar d College." 10 By th e tim e Halper n reache d graduat e schoo l h e ha d acquire d a well-rounded humanisti c Hebre w education . (I n late r years , h e published translation s o f severa l shor t storie s an d a nove l b y th e Israeli write r Hayi m Hazaz , an d som e perceptiv e essay s o f literar y criticism.) Durin g th e year s whe n h e wa s simultaneousl y a studen t at Hebre w Teacher s Colleg e an d a n undergraduat e a t Harvar d h e read th e fou r volume s o f Yehezkia l Kaufmann' s Golah Ve-Nekhar (Exile an d Estrangement) , a socio-historica l stud y o f th e Jews tha t appeared betwee n 192 9 an d 1932 . Halper n wa s profoundl y influ enced b y Kaufman' s gran d them e tha t Jewis h grou p consciousnes s was forge d b y a n ideologica l identit y (th e adoptio n b y th e Israelite s of a monotheisti c faith) . Thi s primordia l even t an d it s historica l consequences impose d upo n th e Jewis h peopl e a minorit y statu s i n perpetual conflic t wit h th e Gentil e world . I t wa s her e tha t Kauf mann foun d th e essenc e o f th e ide a o f Exil e an d th e obstacl e t o (or safeguar d against ) assimilation. 11 Halper n wa s persuade d b y Kaufmann's methodology , n o les s tha n b y hi s conclusions . Sociol ogy, o r mor e precisely , historica l sociology , becam e th e requisit e tool t o prob e th e problematic s o f Jewish survival . Thi s h e proceede d to d o a t Harvard . Halpern pursue d hi s graduat e studie s i n sociolog y a t a tim e whe n Talcott Parson s wa s th e dominan t figure i n th e field a t Harvard . Halpern's interes t i n Jewis h histor y als o brough t hi m clos e t o th e eminent Jewis h philosopher , Harr y Wolfson , wit h who m h e studie d as wel l an d unde r whos e supervisio n h e wrot e hi s dissertation . No t

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surprisingly, hi s choice of a dissertation topic , "Certain Sociologica l Aspects of the Jewish Proble m i n Christia n Europ e Prior to the 19t h Century," wa s th e su m tota l o f hi s intellectua l an d ideologica l concerns. Historians , h e note d i n hi s introductio n (paraphrasin g Max Weber) , "selec t thei r problem s wit h referenc e t o th e issue s debated i n thei r ow n time/ ' Tru e o r no t a s a general statement , i t was the point of departure of his own thesis. What concerne d Halp ern were those "sociological aspect s of Jewish life which throw ligh t . . . upo n th e origi n o f th e contemporar y Jewis h Problem. " Th e "Jewish Problem " i n tha t sens e appear s a t th e beginnin g o f th e nineteenth centur y whe n "th e existenc e o f th e Jews becam e prob lematical t o themselves." In Germany, advocate s of radical reform s arose and proposed a new basis for living among the Gentiles, break ing wit h th e traditio n o f Jewis h separatism . T o understan d thi s momentous break with th e past, Halper n undertoo k t o examine th e history o f accommodatio n an d conflic t betwee n Je w an d Gentil e and within th e Jewish community, i n the pre-modern era. 12 With a Harvar d doctorat e i n hand , Halpern' s decisio n no t t o pursue a n academi c o r professional caree r is , on firs t sight , inexpli cable. I n fact , Halpern' s mentor s i n th e sociolog y departmen t ha d forewarned hi m tha t bein g Jewish virtuall y preclude d a n academi c appointment. Bu t hi s aspiration s wer e als o o f a differen t order . Graduate studie s were part o f a process of self-understanding. The y had enable d hi m t o probe the history an d fate o f the Jews and thei r culmination i n Zionism. Now, ther e was the personal conclusio n t o be drawn, t o ac t upo n one' s beliefs. Thi s notion o f a moral impera tive—to realiz e Zionis m b y "goin g u p t o th e land, " aliyah t o Erez Yisrael—found it s mos t impassione d expressio n i n th e writing s o f Yosef Chayi m Brenne r an d A . D . Gordon , bot h o f whom calle d o n Jewish youth t o abando n Galu t an d join the m i n building—i n th e literal, physica l sense— a ne w an d jus t societ y i n Palestine . Bot h men lef t a powerful impressio n o n Halpern . The y joined myt h an d ideology: th e myt h o f th e metamorphosi s o f th e individua l halutz rooting himself in the ancestral soil; and the ideology of a collective will laying the groundwork for political an d social redemption. 13 The imperativ e t o ac t upo n one' s beliefs— hagshama atzmit (self-realization)—was no t onl y a matte r o f ideology . I t wa s rooted, a s well, i n th e mora l climat e o f family . I n a rar e autobio -

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graphical sketch , Halper n recall s ho w fro m earlies t childhoo d hi s parents expressed their contempt for the careerist. The "carierist" — only th e Yiddis h pronunciatio n carrie d th e ful l impor t o f the wor d for Halpern—wer e Jew s "wh o junked thei r scruple s an d standard s in a single-minde d scrambl e fo r promotio n an d power. " Approv ingly, hi s fathe r recollecte d ho w hi s forebears , wh o wer e learne d enough to hold rabbinical positions, shunned the rabbinate, abidin g by th e Talmudi c injunction , "Tho u shal t no t mak e o f thy learnin g a spad e wherewit h t o dig. " I n principle , hi s parents ' generatio n condemned th e flow of Jews into the learned professions . 'Tha t wa s the tim e whe n troop s o f near-sighted intellectual s roare d a t dozen s of Jewish meeting s nightly , demandin g tha t th e Jews become farm ers, plumbers , anything , bu t no t doctors , lawyers , an d salesmen. " Reality was otherwise. "Th e older generation agree d that excep t fo r a fe w wh o migh t g o t o Palestin e a s pioneers , mos t woul d hav e t o make ou t a s best the y coul d i n th e urban , industrialize d countrie s of th e west. " Nevertheless , hi s parent s coul d no t mak e peac e wit h "the blith e America n cred o tha t t o 'succeed ' wa s th e purpos e o f living."14 Wha t th e halutz movemen t di d i s redefin e wha t succes s was. The halutz idea l neve r foun d fertil e groun d i n th e Unite d State s as i t di d i n Poland . On e elemen t withi n th e Youn g Poal e Zio n espoused th e idea l an d produce d a smal l strea m o f halutzim wh o went t o Palestine. Hashomer Hatzair (th e "Young Guard"), a youth movement lef t o f the Young Poale Zion which educate d its members to th e singl e purpos e o f living i n on e of the movement' s kibbutzi m in Palestine , ha d simila r results . Member s o f bot h movements , a s well a s unaffiliated individuals , belonge d t o Hechalutz, whic h wa s charged with preparin g would-be pioneers for life in Israel. Betwee n 1931 and 1939 , about two hundred American s completed thei r train ing and wen t t o Palestin e a s halutzim. Th e attritio n rat e was high . As many a s half returne d unabl e t o mak e th e adjustmen t t o physi cal labo r an d communa l livin g an d unabl e t o overcom e th e socia l and cultural estrangemen t the y felt. 15 While making preparation s fo r halutz training , Halper n cam e t o the attentio n o f Golda Myerso n (Meir) , a member o f the executiv e of the Histadrut an d at the time on a fund-raising tou r in the Unite d States, an d Enz o Sereni , th e emissar y assigne d b y th e Histadru t t o

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direct th e affair s o f Hechalut z i n America . Sereni , a charismati c educator, descenden t o f a n ol d Italia n Jewish family , an d a found ing membe r o f Kibbut z Giva t Brenner , convince d Halper n t o be come th e executiv e secretar y o f th e organization . I n th e fal l o f 1936, Halpern , newl y married , move d t o Ne w Yor k wit h hi s wife , Gertrude, an d immersed himsel f i n movement work . Some o f th e responsibilitie s suite d him : preparin g educationa l material (amon g othe r projects , translatin g fo r publicatio n a weekly summar y o f importan t article s appearin g i n th e Hebre w press i n Palestine) , writin g fo r th e movemen t periodicals , an d lec turing an d leadin g discussio n group s o f Hechalut z an d th e Youn g Poale Zion. 16 Workin g wit h Sereni—th e impetuous , provocativ e Italian intellectual—fi t Halpern' s ow n staunchl y independen t mode o f thought . I n a portrai t o f Sereni , writte n i n 194 5 i n hi s memory, whe n Sereni' s deat h wa s confirmed—h e wa s droppe d b y parachute int o norther n Ital y i n 194 4 on a British intelligenc e mis sion, capture d b y the Germans , an d torture d t o death i n Dachau — Halpern capture d th e verv e an d iconoclas m o f th e Italia n halutz. He recalle d hi s frien d Shlom o Grodzensky' s descriptio n o f Sereni' s arrival i n Americ a nin e years before . Jus t of f th e boa t "th e sturd y little Italian'' immediately aske d whether it was true that there was a vogu e fo r Marxis m i n America . Whe n Grodzensk y reluctantl y confirmed th e fact , Seren i responde d "wit h glee. " "Excellent ! Yo u know, I' m a first-rate exper t i n arguin g Zionis m fro m a Marxis t basis." When aske d i f he believed i n Marxism , outraged , Enz o sho t back: "Wha t d o yo u thin k I am , a simpleton , t o believ e i n suc h vulgar banalities? " Seren i als o raise d th e proble m o f Jewish-Ara b collaboration a t a tim e whe n i t wa s al l bu t ignored . H e criticize d the position s hel d bot h b y th e Labo r Part y i n Palestin e an d b y Hashomer Hatzair . I n early 1937 , Jews and Arabs in Palestine: Studies in a National and Colonial Problem appeared. Seren i collected a number of factual an d interpretive essay s by prominent Labo r Part y figures an d include d a long , controversia l essa y o f hi s own , "To wards a Ne w Orientation. " Halper n helpe d i n th e final editin g o f the volume an d participated i n the debates that followed. 17 Other responsibilitie s h e ha d i n Hechalut z prove d irksome , an d he displaye d littl e interes t o r talen t fo r them . Thi s wa s th e cas e with interna l politics , particularl y th e factionalis m betwee n th e

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competing yout h movement s withi n Hechalut z an d thei r Palestin ian sponsors , an d th e persisten t proble m o f finances, i n n o smal l measure exacerbate d b y Serena s free-wheelin g approach . (Seren i returned t o hi s kubbut z i n th e sprin g o f 1937 , leavin g Halper n wit h the financial problems. ) Especiall y troublesom e wer e th e chroni c deficits o f th e trainin g farm s an d th e threat s o f foreclosure . O n on e desperate occasion , Halper n turne d t o Loui s Brandei s fo r help . Th e justice invite d hi m t o hi s summe r hom e o n Cap e Cod . Durin g th e interview, Halper n explaine d tha t Hechalut z ha d use d fund s en trusted t o i t b y it s member s fo r thei r aliyah t o cove r th e mos t pressing debts . No w th e organizatio n ha d t o mak e goo d o n thes e funds. Halpern , wh o enjoye d tellin g th e story , quote d Brandeis , "Young man , a s a judge, I should war n yo u tha t yo u hav e commit ted a felony . A s a Zionist , I wil l giv e yo u m y persona l chec k cov ering th e mone y draw n o n th e ally a accounts. " (I n on e retelling , the chec k wa s fo r $10,000 , an d i n anothe r i t wa s fo r $20,000.) 18 Despite th e onerou s sid e o f hi s responsibilities , thi s brie f perio d of movemen t wor k wa s a n exhilaratin g one . Th e leadershi p circl e he becam e par t o f provide d a stimulatin g hom e wher e educationa l and politica l issue s wer e thrashe d out . Th e movemen t too k stand s on domesti c an d internationa l issues ; i t attacke d th e popula r fron t tactics o f th e Communis t Part y withi n an d withou t th e Jewis h community an d yout h sector ; i t discusse d th e policie s o f th e trad e union movemen t an d th e Socialis t Party ; an d i t examine d th e intel lectual an d cultura l current s i n America n Jewish life . Contac t wit h visiting kibbutz , Histadrut , an d Labo r Part y dignitarie s fro m Pales tine, a s wel l a s wit h th e elde r statesme n o f th e America n Labo r Zionist Organization , gav e th e grou p a sens e o f importance . Bu t surely th e mos t gratifyin g consequenc e o f thes e years wa s th e com radeship tha t evolved—an d tha t ha s remaine d intact—amon g these youn g me n an d women , i n thei r twentie s a t th e time , wh o shared a commo n ideolog y an d commo n aspirations , an d whos e upbringing wa s s o similar. 19 The majorit y o f th e grou p Halper n joine d i n th e fal l o f 193 6 wer e first-generation, native-bor n Americans . Lik e Halpern , nearl y al l came fro m Labo r Zionis t home s an d ha d receive d a Hebre w educa tion tha t include d th e literatur e o f th e Hebre w revival , o r ha d attended th e movement' s ow n Yiddis h fol k school s wit h thei r radi -

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cal-secular approac h t o Jewis h history , tradition , an d Zionism . Minneapolis is a striking example of the Hebrew school track. Labo r Zionist parents sent their children t o the community Talmud Tora h whose teacher s wer e Hebraist s an d Poal e Zio n sympathizers . Th e school sponsore d Hebrew-languag e club s an d boaste d a Hebrew speaking branch o f the Young Poale Zion. Fo r its size, a n extraordi nary numbe r o f it s graduate s becam e activ e i n th e Labo r Zionis t movement, entere d Jewis h communa l service , o r settle d i n Pales tine. Ne w York , Philadelphia , Baltimore , Chicago , Cleveland , an d Detroit ha d school s wit h a Hebre w cultura l orientatio n simila r t o that o f Minneapolis an d most had institution s lik e Boston's Hebre w Teachers College which wer e attended b y Labor Zionist children. I n these cities, the Labor Zionists also established a network of Yiddish folk school s whose teacher s belonge d t o th e movement . Graduates , it was presumed, woul d become active in the Young Poale Zion an d provide leader s fo r Habonim . Ofte n Labo r Zionis t parent s too k th e initiative in organizing local Habonim chapters by raising the fund s to support a salaried organizer . The y were the main financial back ers o f th e Youn g Poal e Zion-Haboni m summe r camp s whic h wer e founded i n th e 1930s , serve d o n th e cam p committees , an d some times filled in a s cooks and administrators. 20 The proble m tha t preoccupie d th e grou p durin g th e mid-1930 s centered on ways of revamping the organization t o attract a n accul turated generatio n o f America n Jewis h youth . Muc h though t wa s given t o metho d an d structure . A detailed progra m wa s drawn up , introducing scoutcraft , music , an d recreationa l activitie s int o th e local clubs . A monthly magazin e fo r youn g peopl e wa s launched , and th e summe r camps , modeled afte r th e kibbutz, wer e expanded . Through thes e means , b y imparting a concern wit h Jewish history , contemporary Jewis h affairs , Zionism , an d th e halutz ideal , th e youth movemen t endeavore d t o wi n ove r youn g peopl e t o th e cause. I n 1935 , Habonim wa s establishe d fo r thes e purposes, an d i n 1940, it supplanted th e Young Poale Zion Alliance. 21 Method wa s linke d t o ideology . Ho w wa s on e t o reconcil e th e new emphasi s o n educatin g fo r halutz lif e i n Palestin e wit h th e adult movement' s commitmen t t o Diaspor a work ? Labo r Zionism , seeking to appeal to a broad spectrum of American Jews (th e found ing o f th e Jewish Frontier i n 193 4 i s th e cleares t indication) , in -

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creasingly stressed it s dedication t o creating a rewarding Jewish lif e in America , an d i t reaffirme d it s duty t o support progressiv e cause s in America . Th e organizatio n aspire d t o a mas s following . Coul d the youth movemen t o f the Poal e Zion, b y its very natur e selectiv e and moralistic , offe r it s member s a choice , eac h o f equa l worth , between buildin g a creative America n Jewish communit y o r fulfill ing the ideals of the halutz b y going to Palestine? 22 Halpern agree d wit h th e majorit y o f th e leadershi p i n rejectin g equality of status for Diaspora an d Palestine ( a point we will retur n to). Th e halutz idea l wa s central . Bu t ther e wa s a prefator y ques tion t o address . Ho w effectiv e woul d th e ne w educationa l tech niques b e i n "makin g halutzim?" Halper n wa s skeptical . H e wa s uncompromising i n hi s belie f tha t ther e wer e n o short cuts . A t th e conference o f Youn g Poal e Zion-Haboni m leader s i n Augus t 1937 , he discussed the qualifications require d of the would-be halutz. On e had to know Hebrew. On e had t o have acquire d a knowledge of th e philosophy of the halutz movemen t throug h th e writings of Gordon, Brenner, Hayi m Nachma n Bialik , th e nationa l poet , an d other s o f the secon d ally ah. "W e ar e force d t o liv e a lif e tha t demand s self reliance, mora l responsibilit y fo r everyon e else, ,, h e remarked . "This spiri t require s th e sor t o f trainin g tha t ou r revolutionar y parents wh o looke d a t a careeris t a s someon e despicable , migh t have had . Accordin g t o th e Jewish idea l ther e ar e mor e importan t things than tryin g to get ahea d o f the others. ,,23 Towards the end of his remark s h e wa s eve n mor e direc t abou t th e inner-directed , or ganic process of growing up Labor Zionist tha t led , logically , t o th e decision t o liv e i n Palestine . "Al l thes e thing s ca n b e taugh t t o people no t s o much b y YPZA [Young Poal e Zion Alliance] activity , but b y going t o Talmu d Torath , fol k shuln , o r b y livin g i n a hom e that i s stil l imbue d wit h th e revolutionar y traditio n o f one' s par ents. I t i s onl y necessar y t o mak e thi s explici t b y readin g an d learning abou t Gordon , Brenner , Bialik , wh o wer e brough t u p i n this manner." 24 There were few , then , wh o would choos e the way o f the halutz. In a sardonic piece written th e same year, "I n Defense of the American Chalutz, ,, Halper n described "th e process of making chalutzim " as "the recreatio n o f the fanaticis m whic h easy-goin g Americ a dis solves." Fifteen year s late r an d five years afte r th e establishmen t o f

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Israel, Halpern , stil l holdin g t o hi s earlie r views , remarke d tha t Zionism, whe n take n seriously , resulte d i n dissatisfactio n wit h th e superficiality o f Jewish life in America an d ultimately t o halutziut. The "push" came from th e "sharp sense of the inadequacy of American Jewish life " an d th e unwillingnes s t o accep t compromise s an d paths of least resistance . Th e "pull " sprang from th e expectation o f building a n idea l Zion . However , thi s ver y type—th e rebel , "devo tees of the absolute, " Halper n calle d them—wh o foun d i t insuffer able to accept inane compromises in America, would surely find the reality o f Israe l difficul t t o accep t a s well. This was the grea t problem of halutz education , t o merge the ideal Israe l with th e contem porary reality . "Onl y i f contemporar y Israe l i s see n throug h an d accepted a s a society i n embry o an d a community wit h potentiali ties for building toward th e envisioned ideal , can the chalutz movement hop e t o brin g America n Jew s t o Israe l an d hel p the m strik e roots there." 25 The contex t o f thes e late r remark s i s important . Halper n wa s reacting t o th e controvers y Davi d Be n Gurion ha d ignite d wit h hi s call fo r mas s aliya fro m America . Israe l desperatel y require d th e skills an d spiri t o f young America n me n an d women . Be n Gurio n insisted tha t th e halutz movement s be by-passed. Their educationa l methods wer e to o slo w an d thei r result s meager . H e favore d a di rect, massiv e appea l t o th e idealis m o f Jewis h youth . Thousand s would answe r th e call, h e was convinced. Halper n responded : "Th e only way in which America n Jews are brought t o emigrate t o Israe l was personal conversion , th e sens e of calling of the chalutz , i n on e form o r another , t o a greate r o r smalle r degree. " Onc e mor e h e repeated hi s earl y stand , "Th e youngster s wh o com e naturall y within th e orbi t o f [th e halut z youth ] movement s ar e th e childre n of the parents who ar e themselves activel y resistin g the pressures of accommodation: orthodo x Jews, devotees of secular Jewish culture , Hebrew or Yiddish. They are necessarily few." 26 Another elemen t i n th e evolvin g Youn g Poal e Zion-Haboni m ethos was especially important fo r Halpern's ideological system an d moral outlook . I n it s formativ e years , Haboni m adopte d a uniqu e position o n th e questio n o f aliyah. Speakin g to a conclave o f youth movement leader s i n 1937 , Halper n explaine d tha t a Haboni m member wa s "no t boun d b y a decisio n o f th e organizatio n t o joi n

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Hechalutz." In the case of Hashomer Hatzair, o n reaching the designated age , the member declared hi s or her intention t o go on aliyah and wen t t o hachshara (agricultura l training ) o r wa s force d t o leave th e movement . Haboni m gav e it s member s "th e freedo m o f going and coming and a certain leeway in the movement t o criticize and t o improve [it] , as well a s an opportunit y t o be disappointed — and ye t no t tragicall y disappointed/' 27 Thu s th e organizatio n ha d room fo r member s who , fo r on e reaso n o r another , di d no t g o o n aliyah, o r who went an d returned . I n good time , thes e "graduates " would joi n th e Poal e Zion, mitigatin g th e confrontatio n feare d b y some betwee n a Palestine-directe d yout h movemen t an d it s America-centered paren t organization . The resul t o f a/iyah-oriente d nonexclusivenes s wa s a toleranc e and sensitivity fo r the individual. I n 1959 , on the twenty-fifth anni versary o f th e foundin g o f Habonim , Halper n explaine d th e ful l import o f this ethos. "A chalutz movement i s essentially committe d to th e immediate , persona l realizatio n o f ultimat e an d maximu m objectives.,, Haboni m bega n wit h a n acceptanc e "o f th e dut y o f aliya, bu t wit h a metho d o f fre e choice ; th e resul t o f whic h wa s that aliya ha d t o spring not onl y fro m earl y indoctrinatio n an d th e discipline o f a n organization , bu t als o from th e resolutio n o f one' s own problemati c persona l an d socia l situation. " Thi s di d no t exis t in th e classica l halutz movements , no r i n th e Europea n Zionis t parties o r thei r America n o r Palestinia n extensions . Thes e move ments sough t t o maintai n "part y discipline, " o r "kibbut z disci pline," o r "ideologica l collectivism. " Ambiguit y an d ambivalenc e were unacceptable . Fo r Halpern , th e dogmati c wa s unacceptable . Doctrinaire educatio n an d sectarianis m wer e th e dangers . A n "open," democratic halutz movement , whic h respecte d th e righ t of the individua l t o find hi s o r he r way , wa s les s militan t an d de manding, perhaps , and , possibly , les s effective tha n it s European o r Palestinian prototypes . Bu t i t wa s mor e mora l an d caring , con cerned wit h mean s n o les s tha n ends . I n thi s manne r thes e youn g American Jew s grafte d a n America n strai n o n a foreig n trans plant.28 The permissivenes s o f th e Haboni m halutz etho s le d t o a n ap preciation fo r the problems of Diaspora livin g and, i n particular, fo r Jewish lif e i n America . I f th e halutz idea l implie d shlilat ha'galut

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[the negation o f Galut], eve n of the American Galut, the n i t was t o be negate d wit h empathy . Strivin g t o maintai n Jewis h lif e i n th e Galut wa s no t t o b e disdained . Fo r thos e wh o neve r lef t th e Galut or left i t and then returned, an d Halpern was one of the latter, ther e was the ambivalent , paradoxica l prescription , "A t Hom e in Exile/ ' the titl e o f Halpern' s firs t essa y o n hi s thesi s tha t Americ a wa s Galut.29 The essa y appeare d i n th e January 194 3 issue o f Furrows, a ne w monthly publishe d b y Habonim . Launche d i n Novembe r 1942 , Furrows had a dual purpose : to maintain tie s with th e increasing num ber o f member s wh o wer e joinin g th e arme d forces , an d t o reac h young Jewish adult s awakened b y the war to the plight of the Jews. Akiva Skidell , th e founding edito r wh o ha d serve d a s the executiv e secretary o f the Youn g Poal e Zion during it s transition t o Haboni m in th e lat e 1930s , describe s th e informa l editoria l boar d tha t ra n the monthly . Skidel l consulte d mos t frequentl y wit h Halper n an d Shlomo Grodzensky , th e managin g edito r o f th e Labo r Zionis t Yiddisher Kempfer an d i n th e 1930 s th e edito r o f th e Poal e Zion' s monthly Newsletter. Bot h helpe d selec t th e article s an d wrot e fo r the journa l themselves . Afte r Halper n becam e managin g edito r o f the Jewish Frontier i n th e sprin g o f 1943 , h e continue d t o writ e for Furrows? 0 Four years ha d elapse d fro m th e tim e h e complete d hi s ter m a s executive secretary o f Hechalutz unti l h e took over the Frontier. I n late 1938 , he and Gertrude sailed for Palestine and settled in Kibbut z Givat Brenner . Far m labo r prove d difficul t fo r him , an d communa l life was dissatisfying fo r Gertrude. To compound matters , his health deteriorated. Gertrud e returne d t o th e Unite d State s jus t a s wa r broke out i n Europe. Halpern followed , arrivin g in New York at th e beginning o f 1940 . He freelanced, doin g researc h fo r th e America n Jewish Committe e o n Jewis h resettlement , editin g th e America n Jewish Congress' s biweekly , an d servin g o n th e editoria l boar d o f the Jewish Frontier unti l h e wa s appointe d managin g editor . Th e hope o f settlin g i n Palestine—an d the n i n Israel—remained , an d there wer e extende d stay s i n Israel , onc e fo r a n entir e yea r wit h Gertrude an d thei r two sons.31 "At Hom e i n Exile " ha d it s genesi s i n a tal k t o a Haboni m leaders' semina r i n Decembe r 1942 , bu t th e publishe d versio n wa s

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clearly intende d fo r a broa d public . I n hi s appraisa l o f th e stat e of America n Jewry , Halper n single d ou t th e "Jewis h survivalists, " particularly th e Reconstructionist s an d cultura l pluralists , fo r re proof. True , bot h rejecte d assimilationis m an d "wer e no t eve n afraid o f a Jewis h stat e i n Palestine. " Nevertheless , despit e thes e commendable positions , th e survivalist s ha d charte d a fals e an d dangerous path . Thei r ideal , t o b e a t hom e i n America , ha d boun d them t o a "minimalis t program, " on e drive n b y consideration s o f accommodation. I n suc h matter s a s Jewish education , fo r example , the survivalist-integrationist s rejecte d th e da y schoo l a s th e desire d mode o f education , an d i n matter s o f communa l organizatio n the y acquiesced i n th e feeble , voluntaristi c polit y tha t wa s provin g t o b e so ineffectua l a t a tim e o f unprecedente d peri l t o th e Jews . Suc h policies hardl y reflecte d a societ y inten t upo n creatin g a perma nent, self-sufficien t Diaspor a community . Th e spiritua l leader s ha d defined Jewis h identit y i n religiou s term s tha t wer e dictate d b y their compatibilit y t o th e America n way . Ho w coul d suc h a strat egy produc e a lasting , authenti c cultur e i n America ? "W e canno t see an y hop e fo r a permanent , distinc t Jewis h cultur e i n America, " Halpern wrote , "no r d o w e car e t o se e it . Bein g muc h attache d t o Jewish value s w e ar e tha t muc h i n exile. " (Fou r decade s later , Halpern adamantl y restate d hi s view : "n o tru e Jewis h cultur e bu t only a cul t ca n b e sustained i n America.") 3 2 This wa s no t all . A n eve n mor e compellin g reaso n fo r rejectin g "at homeness " an d acceptin g th e yok e o f exil e wa s th e morta l peri l confronting th e Jewis h people . "I t ca n b e rescued , collectively , and—the tragi c necessit y o f ou r ver y days—individually , onl y i n its ow n land . Unti l the people i s firmly an d safel y plante d a t home , we Jew s i n Americ a canno t allo w ourselve s th e dea r luxurie s o f being a t home. " Halper n conclude d hi s essa y wit h a Herzlia n flourish: "Collectivel y w e canno t b e a t hom e here , individuall y w e mus t not, unti l ou r peopl e ha s a hom e t o itsel f an d t o al l it s sufferin g sons. Fo r America n Jewry exil e i s not a fact only , i t i s a duty." 3 3 For Halpern , th e mer e fac t tha t integratio n int o America n soci ety determine d th e thinkin g o f th e survivalist s wa s proo f tha t Jew s were, i n truth , no t a t eas e i n Americ a an d henc e no t a t home . But overshadowin g ideologica l argument s an d sociologica l analysi s were th e horrendou s event s tha t b y th e en d o f 194 2 wer e certifie d

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as true . Wit h th e mas s destructio n o f Europea n Jewr y proceedin g unabated, ther e wa s bu t on e mora l wa y fo r individua l America n Jews t o respon d t o th e fat e o f thei r people : intuit Exil e an d share , at leas t vicariously , th e commo n fat e o f th e Jewis h people . Onl y such a mentality coul d produce the single-minded, unswervin g dedication t o transforming th e Jewish homeland int o a sovereign state , the sole salvation fo r the Jewish people. "At Hom e i n Exile " provoke d a numbe r o f responses . Th e mos t notable, b y Eugene Kohn, a founder o f the Reconstructionist move ment an d the managing edito r of its journal, appeare d in the Marc h 1943 issue o f Furrows. I n "I s I t Ou r Dut y t o Remai n Maladjusted? " Kohn rejecte d Halpern' s fear s "tha t i f Jew s mak e themselve s a t home i n th e diaspor a the y wil l no t fee l th e imperativ e urgenc y o f securing th e collectiv e surviva l o f th e Jewis h peopl e throug h th e establishment o f a Jewish commonwealth i n Palestine." The Reconstructionists had made "Zionism a n essential plank of their platfor m and pinned thei r hope s for Jewish life in the diaspora mainl y on th e achievement b y Jews o f majorit y statu s an d statehoo d i n th e na tional home. " Bu t mor e tellin g fo r Kohn , th e notio n o f "exile " when applie d t o America n Jew s wa s meaningless . America n Jew s had overwhelmingl y chose n Americ a ove r Palestin e an d wer e par ticipating individuall y an d no t merel y a s a grou p i n th e social , political, an d economi c lif e o f th e country . Unde r thes e circum stances, h e countere d wit h Mordeca i Kaplan' s well-know n thesi s that onl y b y stressin g th e religiou s characte r o f Jewish civilizatio n was it possible for the Jewish people to survive in the Diaspora. 34 Halpern's rejoinder , "Ho w t o Observ e th e Commandmen t o f Exile," appeare d i n th e same issue. A philosophy o f Galut survivalis m carried t o it s logica l conclusion , Halper n insisted , threatene d Jew ish unity . I t would circumscrib e th e Jewish interest s of a particula r Diaspora communit y t o its own locale. Jewish survivalists might by sympathetic t o Palestin e a s a refug e fo r thei r co-religionist s an d a s a futur e cultura l cente r fro m whic h the y woul d b e abl e t o dra w inspiration. Bu t i f on e seriousl y believe d i n th e Diaspora , suc h a center wa s only a frill. ("Ther e i s already enoug h o f a Jewish com munity i n Palestin e t o provid e fol k dance s an d socia l idea s fo r Jewish cente r programs, " Halper n quipped. ) Th e logica l resul t o f Diaspora Survivalism , therefore , woul d be "to take no more interes t

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in Palestin e tha n a benevolen t non-Zionist , wh o i s not afrai d o f th e Jewish Stat e bogeyman. " How the n shoul d on e observ e th e commandmen t o f Exile ? Be coming a halutz wa s "th e crownin g obligation. " Bu t ther e wer e als o other concret e mitzvot t o b e performe d whil e i n Exile . On e mus t learn Hebrew . On e mus t thoroughl y assimilat e a considerabl e knowledge o f Jewis h traditio n an d "develo p th e instinc t fo r it s active applicatio n whic h wil l b e require d i n Palestine. " True , onl y a handfu l woul d actuall y perfor m th e ultimat e dut y o f bein g a halutz, Halper n admitted . Bu t thi s wa s th e cas e wit h othe r mitzvot too. Persona l obligation s o r countervailin g circumstance s migh t stand i n th e wa y o f ally ah. "Th e dangerou s thin g wa s t o den y th e obligation t o d o so . On e wa s stil l boun d t o opzurichtn golus," th e Yiddish expressio n o f observing Exil e a s a rit e an d a penance. 3 5 Halpern's dictio n resonate d wit h th e religiou s accent s o f a tradi tionalist. Year s later , followin g th e appearanc e o f The American Jew, critic s challenge d hi s ideolog y o f Galut a s irreconcilabl e wit h his uncompromisin g secularism . Halper n reaffirme d hi s vie w tha t the religiou s traditio n wa s th e prima l influenc e i n shapin g th e col lective ethos . I n hi s analysis , a uniquel y Jewis h "symbol-set " o f their ow n historica l civilizatio n forme d th e basi s o f Jewish solidar ity. Thes e "symbols " an d "myths, " which th e secula r Zionist s trans muted int o ideology , wer e intrinsi c t o th e nationa l culture . Indeed , it wa s he , Halpern , advocat e o f redemption , rathe r tha n hi s reli gious critics , wh o insiste d o n th e integrit y o f th e "symbol-set." 36 Thus, whil e th e vocabular y o f Exil e an d Redemptio n carrie d reli gious accents , fo r th e secularis t Halper n i t mean t abov e al l ahavat yisrael—the monogamou s lov e o f Israel—an d th e precep t t o striv e to fulfil l tha t lov e i n buildin g th e homeland . Wit h grea t vehemenc e Halpern rejecte d th e variou s school s o f non-Orthodo x Judaism . Their spiritua l leader s manipulate d th e traditio n an d reduce d Jew ish peoplehoo d t o denominationa l rites . "Th e attemp t t o redefin e Judaism a s a cult , t o mak e i t ove r int o a n intelligentl y engineere d curriculum fo r trainin g i n piety , t o reduc e i t t o th e scal e o f experi ence o f n o mor e tha n th e contemporar y synagogue , . . . constitute s an assaul t upo n ou r past." 3 7 During th e year s betwee n th e earl y formulatio n o f hi s "a t hom e in exile " ideology i n 194 3 and th e considerabl e agitatio n hi s critiqu e

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of America n Jewr y provoke d i n 1956 , Halper n wa s occupie d wit h Jewish publi c affair s a s contributo r an d edito r o f th e Jewish Frontier. Alternatin g betwee n stridentl y polemica l essay s and academi cally precise articles , h e wrote on the plight of European Jewry, th e politics o f rescue , th e communa l struggl e fo r powe r withi n Ameri can Jewry, socia l and economic developments in Palestine, the fight for a Jewish state , an d th e earl y year s o f statehood . Halper n als o commented o n affair s i n general : th e 194 3 race riot s in Detroi t an d Harlem, freedo m o f speech an d huma n right s issues, an d th e pligh t of democrati c socialism . H e envince d a singula r regar d fo r black initiated activism . I n Novembe r 1947 , a t th e heigh t o f th e Unite d Nations debate o n the Palestin e partition plan , Halper n paire d tha t issue with Africa n America n demand s for equa l right . I n a n articl e titled "Th e Destinie s o f Jew an d Negro, " h e observe d tha t a t th e very momen t th e Unite d Nation s wa s considerin g "Palestin e an d the Jewish question, " i t ha d als o accepte d a petitio n presente d b y African America n leader s appealing, i n the words of the statement , for "redress" for the "denial of human rights . .. t o citizens of Negro descent i n th e Unite d States. " Different a s the circumstance s were , Halpern wrote , "unde r whic h Dr . Abb a Hille l Silve r [representin g the Jewish Agency ] an d Dr . W . E . B . Dubois [representin g th e Na tional Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d People ] ap peared a t Lak e Success, an d differen t a s the outcom e o f their visit s may prov e t o be , th e essentia l problem s o f America n Jew s an d American Negroes , whic h ultimatel y explai n bot h thes e appear ances, ar e strikingl y similar. " Bot h groups , a s h e wa s t o writ e i n The American Jew, wer e "th e classi c America n minorities, " th e two major unassimilabl e communitie s i n America. Th e similaritie s and contrasts that Halper n found i n comparing American Jews with African American s enable d hi m t o explai n th e differen t cause s o f that "unassimilability " an d thereb y defin e th e limit s o f America n pluralism. (I n th e 1960 s and 1970 s Halpern addresse d th e phenome non o f "Blac k Power"—" I full y understan d th e Negroe s wh o adopted th e slogan"—an d confronte d th e deterioratio n o f Black Jewish relation s an d Black antisemitism.) 38 As managin g edito r unde r Hayi m Greenberg , Halper n wa s th e workhorse of the Frontier's editorial board, translatin g from Yiddis h and Hebre w an d writin g editorial s an d boo k reviews in additio n t o

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the strea m o f signe d contributions . Amon g th e cognoscenti , th e Frontier earne d th e reputatio n o f bein g th e mos t perspicaciou s jour nal o f Jewis h opinion . Occasionall y i t attracte d intellectual s out side o f it s ow n circle , Car l J . Friedrich , Pau l Goodman , Hanna h Arendt, Danie l Bell , an d Wil l Herberg , fo r example . Halpern an d hi s associate s apparentl y gav e som e though t t o win ning ove r th e young Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals . Th e chas m tha t had separate d th e variou s sort s of socialist-cosmopolitans fro m thei r Jewish ideologica l adversaries , th e socialis t Zionists , durin g th e 1930s ha d narrowed . Th e oft-describe d accoun t o f th e tre k fro m cosmopolitan radicalis m t o patrioti c liberalis m wa s wel l unde r way. Wit h i t wen t a newl y acknowledge d sensitivit y t o one' s Jew ishness an d a tentativ e searc h fo r it s meaning . Halpern' s attitudes , thinking, an d trainin g place d hi m i n a n admirabl e positio n t o ad dress thes e Jewis h intellectuals . Lik e the m h e wa s a n American born chil d o f immigrant s wh o ha d wo n th e highes t awar d th e aca demic trac k offered . (Bein g a Bostonian , i t wa s straigh t Harvar d rather tha n it s proletaria n Ne w Yor k version. ) Lik e hi s Ne w Yor k peers, Halper n wa s a confirme d secularist , an d hi s ethica l socialis m approximated th e socia l liberalis m o f th e reforme d Marxists . ("Th e social principl e o f mutua l responsibility, " Halper n remarked , "rather tha n th e economic s o f distributiv e justice , represent s th e core o f m y socialis t concerns. ,, ) Moreover , Halpern' s devastatin g criticism o f th e shallownes s o f Jewis h communa l lif e wa s als o shared b y th e "other " Jewis h Intellectuals . Bu t th e mos t promisin g entree t o thei r turbulen t world , wher e th e radica l certaintie s o f th e 1930s lay i n rui n an d th e newsreel s o f th e deat h camp s force d the m to confron t thei r Jewishness , wa s throug h th e ide a o f alienation. 3 9 In th e plethor a o f writin g tha t bega n appearin g i n th e mid-1940 s on th e them e o f alienation , Danie l Bell' s "Parabl e o f Alienation, " published i n Novembe r 1946 , i s o f specia l significance . It s impor tance lie s i n th e essay' s ow n intrinsi c valu e an d Bell' s plac e amon g the young Jewis h intellectuals . N o les s notabl e wa s it s publication , followed b y Halpern' s respons e a mont h later , i n th e Labo r Zionis t Jewish Frontier. 40 At th e time , th e twenty-seven-year-ol d Bel l wa s teachin g a t th e University o f Chicago . Bor n o n th e lowe r Eas t Sid e o f Ne w Yor k t o Yiddish-speaking parent s (hi s fathe r die d whe n h e wa s a n infant) ,

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Bell joined the Young People's Socialist League at thirteen, attende d a socialis t Sunda y school , becam e a staff-writer fo r th e New Leader in 193 9 and it s managin g edito r i n 1941. 41 The parabl e Bel l offere d was a n analysi s o f Isaa c Rosenfeld' s autobiographica l novel , Passage from Home. 42 It s theme was the prodigal son. "In the original, ,, Bell wrote , "th e prodiga l so n return s home , hi s ques t revealin g t o him tha t home , th e concretenes s o f famil y love , i s th e greates t truth. Rosenfeld' s retellin g o f th e stor y ha s a moder n ending . Th e Jew canno t g o home . H e ca n onl y lif e i n alienation. " Bel l quote d several passage s fro m th e nove l describin g th e warmt h o f Jewis h family lif e (th e Passove r seder) , an d th e attractivenes s o f th e ol d religious fervo r (witnessin g th e protagonist' s grandfathe r i n th e course of a discussion wit h a fellow hassid) . Bu t in th e end , o n th e most elementar y level , seekin g reconciliatio n wit h hi s father ("M y only hop e ha d bee n t o confes s tha t I did no t lov e him , t o admi t I had neve r know n wha t lov e wa s o r what i t mean t t o love , an d b y that confessio n t o creat e it") , th e protagonis t fails , th e breac h be tween th e generation s to o great t o be bridged. "A t thi s point," Bel l wrote, "manhoo d begins . A t thi s point , i n a tru e bar-mitzvah, be gins the assumptio n o f alienation." 43 What wa s the young Jewish intellectual , no w on his own, t o do? He faced a society whose basic values—distorted b y "the narrowin g of th e are a o f free mora l choice " an d particularl y b y pervasivenes s of th e "stilte d form s o f mas s organizatio n an d bureaucracy"—ha d produced a "rawness , vulgarity , mas s sadism an d senseles s sybarit ism, th e mone y lus t an d barbari c extravagances. " Bu t joinin g th e organized oppositio n wa s impossible . Fo r i t mean t acceptin g "th e ambiguities o f motive s an d interests " inheren t i n grou p action . A s an intellectual , duty-boun d "t o maintai n a critica l temper, " h e could only live without dogm a an d without hope. 44 Nor was it possible to return home, deep as the impulse was. ("W e identify a s Jews, the definition bein g derived from ou r specific immigrant roots, " Bell granted.) Th e Yiddish immigrant world had fade d and could not be recreated. All that was left fo r authentic Jewish intellectuals was the "hardnes s of alienation, th e sense of otherness." And with it came a special critical faculty: "an unwillingness to submerge ou r value s completel y int o an y 'cause ' becaus e o f th e ger m cells of corruption which ar e in the seeds of organization." 45

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And Zionism?— a necessar y afterword , considerin g th e periodica l in whic h hi s essa y wa s appearing . Th e Zionist s offere d a have n fo r prodigal sons , Bel l wrote . Bu t emotionally , Zionis m an d national ism voide d th e specia l qualit y o f bein g Jewish. "Th e whol e worl d i s our world ; w e wer e bor n i n it s ghetto s an d hav e a specia l place . Each ma n ha s hi s ow n journe y t o mak e an d th e lan d w e hav e t o travel i s barren." 4 6 Halpern bega n hi s repl y wit h a commen t o n th e ras h o f article s and symposi a o n bein g Jewish whic h wer e appearin g i n various mag azines. Th e "gruesom e unfoldin g o f the Hitle r story" had stirre d Jewish intellectual s t o fac e thei r Jewishness . Wha t shocke d an d sad dened hi m wa s ho w poverty-stricke n an d vacuous th e "Jewishness of our day" appeared , eve n i n th e most objective an d th e most sensitiv e of thei r accounts . Th e singl e positiv e not e relatin g t o Jewish lif e i n Bell's essay—hi s empath y wit h Rosenfeld' s warm-fel t remembranc e of Jewish famil y life—Halper n foun d utterl y superficial . Bu t mor e distressing wa s Bell' s verdic t tha t Jewishnes s inhere s almos t exclu sively in th e family . Hence , whe n th e son or daughter ca n no t retur n home, fo r the y n o longer speak th e languag e o f the elders , alienatio n was almos t inevitable . Wha t Bel l completel y ignored , Halper n ar gued, wa s community . "Th e reconciliatio n wit h th e famil y mus t al ways mak e it s wa y throug h th e community , finding ther e agai n threads o f th e sam e traditio n tha t ha d bee n wove n int o famil y tie s now irrevocabl y cut. " Throug h "th e incoheren t 'community ' o f th e disinherited"—"the academ y o f alienate d intellectuals"—a s Halp ern pu t it , ther e coul d b e "n o retur n t o th e family , t o th e 'concrete ness of love,' or to an y histori c continuum." 4 7 The alienate d Jewis h intellectual s face d a mor e basi c question . "In thi s frightfu l tim e fo r Jews, how , withou t cynicism , ca n I regai n my communit y wit h th e sufferin g an d th e heroi c o f m y people ? How, withou t romanticism , ca n I lov e the m concretel y onc e more—and thu s trul y recaptur e fo r mysel f onc e mor e a n integra l personality, love? " I t wa s a proble m whic h no t onl y affecte d intel lectuals, bu t wa s a t th e roo t o f al l effort s t o "reconstruct " th e Jewish community. 4 8 Halpern le d Bel l throug h a n analysi s o f th e rol e traditiona l Jew ish intellectual s ha d playe d i n Jewish history . The y ha d formulate d the Jewis h stan d i n Exil e an d guide d th e alienatio n o f th e Jewis h

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people fro m thei r Gentil e environment . I n thi s way , th e Jew s per manently maintaine d a n ideologica l oppositio n t o th e rulin g idea s and live d b y thei r ow n scal e o f values , histori c time , sacre d calen dar, an d history . "I t i s becaus e o f this , a s you not e i n you r essay, " Halpern declared , "th e Jew s wer e s o plainl y see n t o b e whoie , though radicall y alienated : becaus e o f thi s stron g ascendanc y o f the intellectual s an d thei r clos e integratio n wit h th e people. " Th e ancestors o f th e presen t generatio n o f alienate d Jewis h intellectual s had forge d a n entir e communit y tha t ha d glorie d i n it s "integra l alienation." 4 9 And today , i n America , wha t o f th e effort s t o "reconstruct " th e Jewish community ? Suc h a community , Halper n wel l understood , could no t possibl y appea l t o the estrange d intellectuals . The y woul d perceive th e attempt s t o "naturalize " Judaism—t o dives t i t o f it s alienness an d reinterpre t ancien t theme s s o that the y appea r identi cal with th e contemporary value s of democracy an d progressivism — to b e a derivative , unauthenti c endeavor . Suc h a communit y coul d not b e th e hom e tha t provide d th e lov e th e alienate d wanted. 5 0 Only authenti c Zionis m remained . T o conside r it , Halper n real ized, require d overcomin g th e traum a o f th e disillusionmen t wit h all politica l movement s Bell' s sor t o f intellectual s ha d experience d in th e 1930 s an d 1940s . "W e hav e gon e throug h a ver y purgator y o f social educatio n i n ou r century , an d on e o f th e chie f devil s stokin g the fire s ha s bee n th e demo n o f intellectua l theocracy—th e Ideo crat," Halper n wrote . "Movement s hav e bee n organize d aroun d ideas wit h a ruthles s consistenc y an d single-mindednes s quit e equa l to anythin g i n th e histor y o f th e Churc h Militant. " Halper n under stood wh y th e ne w generatio n o f intellectual s recoile d fro m any commitment t o action . An d yet, wer e ther e no t ways of action an d type s of commitment b y which th e independenc e of th e spiri t nee d no t b e sol d out ? A s a firs t modes t contributio n towards th e quest , le t m e propose th e thesi s tha t loyalt y t o a dogm a is a tyrann y whic h suffer s onl y slave s i n it s realm ; bu t loyalt y t o one's fellow-men—and, firs t o f all, t o the concrete, particula r aggre gation o f fellow-men wh o have th e precis e responses which mee t th e acts an d fill th e deepe r expectation s b y which eac h o f u s defines hi s true personality—ca n b e a compac t o f love an d freedom , preservin g the independence of the individual an d of the spirit. 51

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Ironically, i n late r year s th e grou p o f Jewis h intellectual s Bel l was s o prominen t a membe r o f wa s give n th e appellative , "th e Family," a three-generatio n intellectua l family . I t was , a s it s mem bers wil l attest , a cantankerou s one , marke d b y feuds , splits , hostil ity, an d broke n marriages. 52 I t i s wort h noting , i n comparison , th e congruence betwee n biolog y an d ideolog y i n th e familie s Halper n and hi s fello w youn g Poal e Zionist s cam e from , wher e th e childre n credited th e parent s fo r th e value s an d belief s the y held , an d th e generations share d a commo n visio n an d passion . I n par t thi s com munity o f familie s explain s th e poignanc y o f Halpern' s invitatio n to th e Danie l Bell s t o joi n hi s lovin g famil y o f socialis t Zionists . Merely t o mak e thi s observatio n i s t o demarcat e th e wal l tha t separated nex t o f kin , an d tha t onl y occasionall y an d the n onl y i n part woul d b e breache d i n th e year s ahead . On e i s reminde d o f Halpern's firml y hel d vie w a s a youn g exponen t o f halutziut. Halutzim, th e "fanatic s o f Jewis h survival, " wer e th e product s o f homes wher e th e lov e o f th e Jewis h peopl e wa s absorbe d throug h the tradition , Hebre w literature , an d th e la w o f mora l accountabil ity. Fo r those who remaine d i n thei r home s i n America , o r went an d returned, ther e wa s th e arduou s "commandmen t o f Exile " t o fulfill . Notes I want t o acknowledg e wit h appreciatio n Gertrud e Halpern' s graciousnes s and cando r i n respondin g t o m y question s abou t he r husban d Be n i n th e course of interviews a t her home in Brookline, Massachusetts, i n the spring of 1990 , 1991, and 1992 . Samuel Halpern of Kfar Blum, Israel , Ben's younger brother, provide d famil y detail s an d insight s i n tw o extensiv e telephon e interviews. A numbe r o f Be n Halpern' s clos e associate s fro m th e Labo r Zionist movemen t provide d m e with livel y account s of movement lif e an d answered specifi c question s abou t Halpern . The y are : David Bresla u (Jeru salem), Saadi a Gel b (Kfa r Blum) , Nachu m Guttma n (Ne w York) , Jaco b Katzman (Ne w York) , Mosh e Kere m (Geshe r Haziv) , Eddi e Parson s (Kfa r Blum), Shirle y Lashne r Shpir a (Jerusalem) , Yechie l Sasso n (Kfa r Blum) , and Akiv a Skidel l (Kfa r Blum) . Fran k E . Manue l an d Sau l Cohe n offere d valuable insight s int o th e Hebre w Teacher s College . Arnol d Schutzber g (Cambridge, Massachusetts ) helpe d m e locate some of the materials. Mau rice Tuchman , th e libraria n o f th e Hebre w Colleg e i n Brookline , Mass . called m y attentio n t o source s relatin g t o th e earl y years o f th e college . I want t o than k th e followin g person s for thei r critica l readin g o f a draft o f

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this paper : Davi d Breslau , Zv i Gani n (Bet h Ber l College) , Ezr a Mendelsoh n (Hebrew University) , Debora h Das h Moor e (Vassa r College) , an d Akiv a Skidell. A gran t fro m th e Luciu s N . Littaue r Foundatio n facilitate d th e researc h in Israel , i. Be n Halpern, Curriculu m vitae , n.d. ; Pau l Mendes-Flohr , "Th e Intellec tual an d Zionism : A n Appreciatio n o f Be n Halpern, " Jewish Frontier, 51 (November/Decembe r 1984) : 43-47. 2. Mari e Syrkin , "Ben : A Persona l Appreciation, " i n Essays in Modern Jewish History: A Tribute to Ben Halpern, edite d b y France s Malin o and Phylli s Cohe n Alber t (Rutherford , N.J. : Herz l Pres s Publication , Fairleigh Dickinso n Universit y Press , 1982) , pp. 9-12 . 3. Be n Halpern , The American Jew (Ne w York : Theodo r Herz l Founda tion, 1956) . Al l citation s ar e fro m th e reprinte d editio n wit h a ne w preface an d postscrip t (Ne w York : Schocke n Books , 1983) , p . 100 . 4. Ibid. , pp . 70-96 . 5. I have use d socialist-Zionist , Poal e Zion ("Worker s o f Zion"), an d Labo r Zionist Organizatio n interchangeably . 6. Se e article s b y Mosh e Cohe n ("Firs t Steps") , Saadi a Gel b ("Th e Found ing Convention") , an d Davi d Bresla u ("Unde r Fire") , i n Arise and Build: the Story of American Habonim (Ne w York : Ichu d Haboni m Labor Zionis t Youth , 1961) , pp . 1-18 , 31-37 . 7. Syrkin , "Ben, " pp . 7-8 ; Gertrud e Halpern , Samue l Halper n interviews . 8. Gertrud e Halpern , Samue l Halper n interviews ; fo r a n evocativ e memoi r of a Labo r Zionis t family , se e Jacob Katzman , Commitment: The Labor Zionist Life-Style in America, A Personal Memoir (Ne w York : Labo r Zionist Letters , 1975) . Katzma n describe s Labo r Zionis t socia l lif e i n Chelsea, Massachusetts , a n immigran t subur b o f Boston , durin g th e same years Halper n wa s growing u p i n Roxbury , a Boston neighborhoo d quite simila r t o Chelsea . Katzma n als o attende d th e Hebre w Teacher s College. 9. Ale f Lame d Hurwich , "L'toldot h bey t hamidras h Pmori m d'boston, " Sefer Tour of, editor s Yitzha k Zilberschlag , Yochana n Twersk y (Boston : Hebrew Teacher s Colleg e Press , 1938) , pp . 104-8 ; Yaaco v Neuman , "Reyshit avodat o she l Touro f b'Eret s Yisrae l (Zichronot), " ibid. , pp . 98-103; Arye h Lei b Hurwich, Zichronot m'chanech ivri, vol . 2 (Boston : Bureau o f Jewis h Education , i960) , 172-83 , 211-30 ; Sefer hashanaalef shel talmidey beyt hamidrash Tmorim d'boston, edite d b y first graduating clas s (Boston , 1925) , p . 113 ; "Th e Famil y Remembers " [alumni reminiscences] , Hebrew College Bulletin, 5 , no . 4 (Jun e 1975) : 18-27; "Th e Alumni, " Hebrew Teachers College: Register (1954/1955), pp. 39-61 ; Jacob Katzma n interview . 10. Fran k Manue l interview . 11. O n Kaufmann' s influence , se e Mendes-Flohr , Jewish Frontier, pp . 4 5 46; Sharo n Muller , "Th e Zionis t Though t o f Be n Halpern , "Judaism, 2 7

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(Summer 1978) ; 165-67; Edwar d S . Goldstein, "ATentativ e Intellectua l Profile/' i n Essays in Modern Jewish History, pp . 298-304 . 12. Benjami n Halpern , "Certai n Sociologica l Aspect s o f the Jewish Proble m in Christia n Europ e Prio r t o th e 19t h Century, " (Harvar d University , Ph.D. dissertation) , pp . i-iii , 1-4 . 13. Be n Halpern , "Lette r t o Joseph Alsop, " Midstream, 2 0 (Februar y 1976) : 4; Yehudah Reinhar z inform s m e tha t Halper n state d t o hi m tha t i t wa s common knowledg e a t Harvar d tha t department s o f sociolog y wer e closed t o Jews . Se e Halpern' s revie w o f A . D . Gordon: Selected Essays which wa s privatel y publishe d i n Bosto n i n 1938 , "Aaro n Davi d Gor don,"yewish Frontier, 5 , no . 3 (Marc h 1938) : 22-24, an d "Aaro n Davi d Gordon," ibid. , 14 , no. 4 (Apri l 1947) : 17-20 . 14. Alexande r Luri e [Be n Halpern] , "Th e Ugl y Wor d 'Careerist, ' "Jewish Frontier, 1 0 (Novembe r 1943) : 26-28. 15. Nahu m Guttman , "Hechalut z i n America, " Arise and Build: The Story of American Habonim (Ne w York : Ichu d Haboni m Labo r Zionis t Youth, 1961) , edite d b y Davi d Breslau , pp . 26-3 1 Yehuda h Riemer , "Ha'aliya ha'khalutzi t mitzfo n amerik a b'rayshi t shno t ha-30, " Hatzionut, 17 (1991): 121-40 ; Labor Zionist Handbook (Ne w York : Poal e Zio n Zeire Zio n o f America, 1939) , pp . 136-43 . 16. Halpern' s column , "I n th e Homeland, " a summar y o f informatio n culled fro m th e Hebre w press , appeare d regularl y i n th e bi-weekl y Labor-Zionist News Letter, whic h wa s edite d b y Shlom o Grodzensky . For a samplin g o f hi s signe d article s see : "Th e Righ t o f Clas s Struggle, " Labor-Zionist News Letter, 3 , no . 3 (Ma y 21 , 1937) , 10-3 1 (defendin g the sit-dow n strikes) ; "Colonization , Ol d an d New— A Review, " LaborZionist News Letter, 3 , no . 4 (Jun e 4 , 1937) , 10-16 ; (o n th e wav e o f new settlement s an d th e Ara b uprising) ; "Reconstructionism, " LaborZionist News Letter, 3 , no . 6 (July-August , 1937) , 24-2 7 ( a critique) ; "20 Year s o f Hechalutz, " Labor-Zionist News Letter, 3 , no . 1 0 (Januar y 15, 1938) , 3-5 ; "Th e Pric e o f Freedom, " YVZA News and Views (Bi weekly Bulleti n fo r Member s o f th e Youn g Poal e Zio n Alliance) , 4 , no . 6 (Januar y 9 , 1939) , 6-1 0 (comparin g th e Sovie t Unio n wit h Naz i Germany). 17. Be n Halpern , "Enzo, " Furrows, 4 , no . 2 (Decembe r 1945) , 14-17 ; Rut h Bondy, The Emissary: A Life of Enzo Sereni (Boston : Little , Brown , 1977), PP - 136-51 18. Saadi a Gelb , Akiv a Skidell , Nachu m Guttma n interviews . Twice , Halp ern relate d th e stor y o f th e visi t t o Brandei s t o th e author . Professo r Zv i Ganin recall s Halper n tellin g hi m abou t hi s tri p t o Brandeis' s hom e o n Cape Co d t o gai n Brandeis' s financial support . 19. Akiv a Skidel l interview ; Davi d Breslau , "Unde r Fir e (1936-1940), " i n Arise and Build, pp . 31-37 . Amon g th e Palestinia n labo r leader s wh o visited th e Unite d State s durin g thi s perio d an d showe d specia l interes t in th e Youn g Poal e Zio n wer e Gold a Myerson , Zalma n Rubasho v (Sha -

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zar), Ber l Katznelson , Israe l Meriminski , an d Yose f Baratz . Be n Zio n Appelbaum (Elan) , a n "alumni " o f th e Youn g Poal e Zio n wh o settle d in Kibbut z Afikim , wa s a n envo y t o th e movemen t betwee n 193 6 an d 1938. O f th e America n leaders , Hayi m Greenberg , wh o frequentl y par ticipated i n meeting s o f th e youth leaders , wa s especiall y influential . 20. Nachu m Guttman , "Talmu d Tora h Tales,"Jewis h Frontier, 5 8 (Novem ber/December 1991) : 28-30 ; Saadi a Gelb , Nachu m Guttman , Yechie l Sasson, Mosh e Kere m interviews ; Samue l Dinin , "Twenty-fiv e Year s o f Teacher Training, "Jewish Education, 7 (January-Marc h 1935) : 25-33 ; see "Mosdo t hakhinuk h ha'ivri, " i n Sefer Hayovel, pp . 249-311 , fo r brief account s o f th e teache r trainin g school s establishe d i n Ne w York , Philadelphia, Chicago , Baltimore , an d Cleveland ; Rivk a Harmati , "M'khanekh b'aspaklariy a she l t'kufa : trumat o she l H . A . Friedlande r Tkhinukh ha'yehu d b'Artzo t ha'brit, " (unpublishe d master' s essay , In stitute o f Contemporar y Jewry , Hebre w University , 1986) , pp . 29-86 . For a cas e stud y o f th e involvemen t o f Labo r Zionist s i n furtherin g youth activities , se e Yehud a Rimer , "Yout h Movemen t an d Adul t Sponsorship: Th e Relation s o f America n Haboni m an d Poal e Zio n a s Revealed i n th e Paper s o f Joseph Gootman , Cincinnati " (manuscript) . I want t o than k Dr . Rieme r o f th e Ya d Tabenki n Institute , Efal , Israel , for makin g hi s unpublished pape r availabl e t o me . 21. Merka z [nationa l executive ] Habonim , "Haboni m Prospectus, " i n Arise and Build, pp . 18-22 ; "Thi s Issue, " ibid., 23-26 . 22. Baruc h Zuckerman , "Problem s o f Ou r Yout h Movemen t i n America" ; Jacob Katzman , [response] , Septembe r 1934 , i n "Ideologica l Develop ment o f Haboni m (Document s 1922-1957) , prepare d fo r 25t h Conven tion, Decembe r 195 7 and revise d Januar y 195 8 (Haboni m Labo r Zionis t Youth, mimeographed) , pp . 2-8 . 23. YFZA News and Views , 3 (Octobe r 1 , 1937) : 2 - 3. 24. Ibid. , p . 4. 25. Be n Halpern , "I n Defens e o f th e America n Chalutz, " Hechalutz, 5 (February 1937) : 27 ; ibid. , "Th e Proble m o f th e America n Chalutz, " Forum for the Vroblems of Zionism, World Jewry and the State of Israel, 1 (Decembe r 1953) : 50-51 . 26. Ibid. , p . 51. 27. New s and Views , Octobe r 1 , 1937 , p. 2 . 28. Be n Halpern , "Haboni m an d America n Zionism, " Jewish Frontier, 26 (December 1959) : 16-18 ; reprinted i n Arise and Build, pp . 247-51 . 29. Be n Halpern , "A t Hom e i n Exile, " Furrows, 1 , no . 3 (Januar y 1943) : 6-9. 30. Akiv a Skidel l interview . 31. Syrkin , "Ben, " pp . 12-14 ; Gertrud e Halper n interview . 32. Halpern , "A t Hom e i n Exile," pp. 7-8; Be n Halpern, "Exil e an d Redemp tion: A Secular Zionis t View, "Judaism, 29 , no. 2 (Sprin g 1980) : 177. 33. Halpern , "A t Hom e i n Exile, " p . 9 .

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34. Eugen e Kohn , "I s I t Ou r Dut y t o Remai n Maladjusted? " Furrows, 1 , no . 5 (Marc h 1943) : 13-17 . 35. Halpern , "Ho w t o Observ e th e Commandmen t o f Exile, " Furrows, 1 , no. 5 (Marc h 1943) : 19-20 . 36. Be n Halpern , "Exile, " Jewish Frontier, 21 , no . 4 (Apri l 1954) : 6-9 ; Halpern, "Exil e an d Redemption, " p . 180 . 37. Be n Halpern , "Apologi a Contr a Rabbines, " Midstream, 2, no . 2 (Sprin g 1956): 19 . 38. Be n Halpern , "Th e Destinie s o f Je w an d Negro, " Jewish Frontier, 1 4 (November 1947) : 19-23 ; Ne w York Times, Octobe r 12 , 1947 , p . 52 ; New York Times, Octobe r 24 , 1947 , p . 9 ; An Appeal to the World: A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, edite d b y W . E . Burghard t Du Boi s (Ne w York : Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colored People , 1947) ; Halpern , The American Jew, pp . 46-59 . Fo r th e 1960s an d 1970 s se e Halpern , "Negro-Jewis h Relation s i n America : A Symposium" (Comment) , Midstream, 1 2 (Decembe r 1966) : 44-47 ; Halpern, Jews and Blacks: The Classic American Minorities (Ne w York: Herde r an d Herder , 1971) ; Halpern , " A Progra m fo r America n Jews,"/ewish Frontier, 3 8 (Novembe r 1971) : 12-18 . 39. Alexande r Bloom , Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1986) , pp . 141-57 ; Terry A . Cooney, The Rise of the New York Intellectuals: Partisan Review and Its Circle (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1986) , 225-50 ; Halp ern, "Exil e an d Redemption, " p . 178 . 40. Danie l Bell , " A Parabl e o f Alienation, " Jewis h Frontier, 13 , no . 1 1 (November 1946) : 12-19 . I n a footnot e (p . 18) , Bel l remarke d tha t i n addition t o Isaa c Rosenfeld , whos e novel , Passage from Home, h e dis cusses in th e article , other s dealin g wit h th e them e o f Jewish alienatio n were: Sau l Bellow , Pau l Goodman , Delmor e Schwartz , Clemen t Greenberg. A mont h befor e Bell' s articl e appeared , Irvin g How e dis cussed Rosenfeld' s nove l i n a n essa y entitle d "Th e Los t Youn g Intellec tual: A Margina l Man , Twic e Alienated " (Commentary, 12 , no . 4 [October 1946] : 361-67). 41. Jo b L . Dittberner , The End of Ideology and American Social Thought: 1930-1960 (An n Arbor , Mich : UM I Researc h Press , 1979) , pp . 156-72 , 309-25, 332-35 42. I n th e firs t par t o f th e essay , subtitle d "Th e Alienatio n o f th e World, " Bell discusse d th e alienatio n concept , drawin g o n Ma x Weber , Georg e Simmel, Kar l Marx , an d Thorstei n Veblen ; h e entitle d th e secon d sec tion, "Th e Alienatio n o f th e Jewis h Family, " an d the n presente d th e parable unde r th e rubric , "Th e Alienatio n o f th e Youn g Jew " (Danie l Bell, " A Parabl e o f Alienation , "Jewish Frontier, 13 , no. 1 1 [Novembe r 1946]: 12-16) .

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43. Bell , "Alienation/ * pp . 16-18 . 44. Ibid. , p . 18 . 45. Ibid. , 19 . 46. Ibid. , p . 19 . 47. Be n Halpern , "Lette r t o a n Intellectual, " Jewis h Frontier, 13 , no . 1 2 (December 1946) : 13-15 . 48. Ibid. , p . 16 . 49. Ibid. , p . 17 . 50. Ibid. , p . 17 . 51. Ibid. , pp . 17-18 . 52. Norma n Podhoretz , Making It (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1967) , pp . 109-36; Danie l Bell , Winding Tassage: Essays and Sociological Journeys, 1960-1980 (Cambridge , Mass. : AB T Books, 1980) , pp . 127-37 ; Be n Halpern, "Ha'vikuac h lim'oravuta h she l ha'inteligentsi a ha'yehudit amerikanit b'vikuac h b'a d v'nege d ha'kama t ha'm'dina, " Hatziyonut, 14 (1989) : 89-105.

C H A P T E R4

Trude Weiss-Rosmari n an d th e Jewish Spectator Deborah Dash Moore

Trude Weiss-Rosmari n arrive d i n Ne w Yor k Cit y i n 1931 . I n he r early twenties an d recently married, sh e already possessed consider able intellectua l credentials : academic , educational , an d political . She cam e fro m German y hopin g t o launc h a caree r i n semitics ; instead sh e became a n independen t intellectual , intimatel y associ ated wit h th e equall y independen t monthly , th e Jewish Spectator. She founde d th e Jewish Spectator an d edite d i t unti l he r deat h i n June 1989 . Fo r fou r decade s beginnin g i n th e mid-1930s , Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin participate d activel y in New York's Jewish cultura l life. A n intellectua l wit h fierce opinion s an d a bitin g pen , sh e carved fo r hersel f a nich e a s th e gadfl y o f Jewis h organizationa l politics. Bu t sh e als o opene d th e page s o f he r magazin e t o a wid e array o f opinion s an d sh e consistentl y nurture d young , aspirin g literary talents . A passionate devotio n t o Judaism ra n throug h he r editorials an d articles . Judais m wa s probabl y he r firs t tru e lov e and on e she never abandoned , althoug h he r understandin g o f wha t Judaism require d change d ove r time . Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin' s pas sion fo r Judais m informe d he r Zionism , he r politics , he r cultura l vision, he r interpretatio n o f religion , an d he r feminism . I t wa s he r prism to refract th e world aroun d her . As on e o f th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectuals , Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin stand s apart on a number of grounds. First, she was a woman. A s a woman sh e decided t o pursue both motherhoo d an d 101

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a career , perhap s symbolicall y signifie d i n he r choic e o f a hyphen ated name . Second , sh e wa s a religiou s traditionalist . A s a youn g woman sh e believe d i n th e tenet s o f Orthodo x Judaism ; late r sh e ceased t o observ e man y Jewis h religiou s practice s bu t sh e neve r became a secularist. 1 Third , sh e was a n edito r o f an independent — unaffiliated an d unsubsidized—magazine . Exactl y ho w sh e man aged t o kee p the Jewish Spectator afloa t durin g th e mor e tha n fifty years o f he r editorshi p i s no t clear . Durin g th e earl y year s th e Spectator carrie d a significant amoun t o f advertising; 2 Trude WeissRosmarin als o lecture d extensivel y an d undoubtedl y use d som e of those monie s t o suppor t th e monthly; 3 finally, reparation s pay ments afte r Worl d War II probably helped. 4 Weiss-Rosmarin als o share d man y characteristic s o f th e "other " New Yor k Jewis h Intellectuals . Lik e mos t o f them , sh e wa s bor n abroad bu t becam e a n America n Jew . Sh e wa s a Zionist , albei t more of a cultural tha n a political Zionist . Sh e adopted th e essay a s the characteristi c vehicl e fo r he r opinions . Althoug h sh e wrot e many books , mos t reflecte d th e essa y structure . Sh e possesse d a deep an d extensiv e knowledg e o f Jewis h sources , traditiona l an d contemporary. He r writin g i s studde d wit h citation s t o Talmu d and midrash , medieva l an d contemporar y philosophy , ancien t an d modern Hebrew literature. She was an engaged intellectual, movin g in an d ou t o f Jewish organizationa l life . Sh e was als o a n educator , a believer in th e power of education. Sh e used both th e written an d spoken wor d t o teach . Sh e was , lik e he r peers , a n excellen t an d dynamic speaker . Lik e them , too , sh e ha d fait h i n th e word , it s ability t o inspire action , t o change behavior. Sh e held high cultura l standards befor e America n Jew s an d challenge d the m t o aspir e t o reach thes e standards . Ye t despit e th e absenc e o f evidenc e t o sus tain he r vision, sh e never completely gav e up hope. In th e contex t o f thi s volum e i t i s appropriat e t o focu s upo n three discrete facets of Trude Weiss-Rosmarin: those elements of her biography tha t lim n a portrai t o f th e makin g o f a Jewish woma n intellectual; he r founding o f the Jewish Spectator i n New York City and it s developmen t int o th e forma t tha t characterize d i t fo r roughly fifty years; and her response to the central issue s animatin g the "other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals—Zionism , th e future o f American Jews, an d the destruction o f European Jewry.

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Trude Weis s was born i n Frankfur t o n June 7 , 1908 , the daughte r of a prosperou s win e merchant. 5 I n interview s almos t eight y year s later, sh e describes her parents a s "religiously" Jewish bu t no t "cul turally" so. 6 Presumably, the y were culturally Germa n and , a s good bourgeois, subscribe d t o tha t Germa n Jewis h fait h i n a universa l "bildung" s o insightfull y describe d b y Georg e Mosse. 7 The y wor shiped i n a n elegant , "civilized " Orthodo x synagogue , tha t ha d a "luxurious women' s gallery , wit h a dressin g roo m t o leav e you r coat an d a beadl e i n a splendi d uniform." 8 It s moder n Orthodo x rabbi an d staunc h believe r i n th e congruenc e o f Judaism an d "bil dung," Nehemi a Anto n Nobel , advocate d Jewis h women' s righ t t o vote an d hol d offic e withi n th e Jewish community. 9 Trud e recalle d her eagernes s t o se e the charismati c rabb i preach , whic h produce d her first sense of discrimination becaus e she was a woman. " I would go down t o the first row, an d invariabl y th e beadle would yank m e back. An d I knew tha t i f I were a boy , I' d hav e bee n downstairs , and perhaps even been abl e to shake the rabbi's hand." 10 But Trude Weis s was a rebel a t a n earl y age . I n 191 7 she went t o an afternoo n meetin g a t th e hom e of a friend an d immediately wa s "speared" a s a new membe r of the Blau-Weiss . This German Zionis t youth movemen t emphasize d hike s an d Jewish cultura l activities . Describing th e attractio n o f th e Blau-Weiss , sh e indicate s th e ap peal o f coeducationa l equality . "Ther e wa s hor a dancin g whic h I'd neve r see n before , an d singin g o f Zionis t songs , boy s an d girl s together." Shortl y afterward , Trud e bega n attendin g a Zionis t He brew school , "whic h wa s als o wit h boy s an d girl s together , an d I had a wonderfu l teacher , Yose f Yoe l Rivlin, " a t th e Hebraisch e Sprachschule, a "non-establishmen t school." 11 Th e experienc e o f equality wa s a head y one . Trud e wa s a goo d student , excellin g i n her Hebre w studie s an d receivin g recognitio n fo r he r efforts . Eage r to mak e aliya an d joi n a kibbutz , sh e ra n awa y fro m hom e an d school i n 1922-2 3 t o joi n a hachshara nea r Berlin . He r effort s t o train a s a pionee r ende d wit h a sever e cas e o f pneumoni a an d si x weeks at hom e recuperating. 12 Failure a s a halutz di d no t scotc h Trude' s rebelliousness . Whe n her parent s refuse d t o pa y fo r a tuto r t o mak e u p th e los t schoo l year, sh e lef t hom e agai n an d foun d employmen t a s directo r an d teacher o f a Hebrew languag e schoo l i n Duisburg . No t to o extraor -

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dinary, excep t tha t sh e wa s onl y sixtee n o r seventee n a t th e tim e and sh e organize d th e schoo l herself . Usin g he r earning s t o pa y fo r a tutor , Trud e too k he r fina l exam s ahea d o f her class . Bu t she di d not neglec t he r Jewis h learning . Sh e studie d th e classica l Jewis h texts, includin g Talmud . Man y year s late r sh e recalle d ho w on e professor woul d as k he r an d th e othe r woma n i n th e class to leav e the roo m whe n sexua l matter s wer e discusse d i n th e text. 13 Sh e also studie d a t th e Frei e Judisch e Lehrhaus , th e Frankfur t schoo l established b y Franz Rosenzwei g i n 1920 . In retrospect, sh e remem bers its "spirit " o f Jewish learnin g a s a n inspiration . Th e Lehrhau s closed i n 192 6 an d Trud e entere d universit y studie s first a t th e University o f Berlin , 1927-28 , the n a t Leipzig , 1929 . Finally , a t Wurzburg sh e receive d he r doctorat e i n semitics , archeology , an d philosophy i n 1931 . He r dissertation , late r published , deal t wit h "The Mentio n o f Arabi a an d th e Arab s i n Assyrian-Babylonia n Texts." She was twenty-two years old. 14 Here is a portrait o f the Jewish intellectua l a s a young woman, a rebellious youn g Jewis h woman . I n interview s Trud e admit s tha t she was "a black sheep," a "dropout," "a runaway," but she sees her rebellion i n th e contex t o f post-Worl d Wa r I German Jewry . "W e were o f tha t generatio n o f youn g Germa n Jew s wh o discovere d Judaism an d wer e intoxicate d . . . with it." 15 Sh e was als o amon g the first generation o f women t o enter university in Germany. I f she rebelled agains t her parents' formal religiou s Judaism, sh e embraced Zionism an d Jewis h culture . Th e forme r constricte d he r a s a woman, th e latte r liberate d her . Th e forme r foun d expressio n i n home an d synagogue , th e latte r flourishe d i n schoo l an d th e worl d of ideas. Trude linked feminism wit h Zionism and the world of ideas and allowe d on e t o infor m th e other . Sh e rejected th e patriarchal , familial Jewis h piet y o f he r parent s an d it s Germa n culture . Sh e married Aaro n Rosmarin , a Russia n Jewis h scholar , fou r year s he r senior. Upo n receivin g he r doctorat e sh e an d he r husban d wen t to America . "I wante d t o teac h Assyriology, " Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n admit ted.16 America , th e lan d o f opportunity , promise d mor e tha n Ger many where she would hav e received th e lowest rank of an unsala ried instructor . Bu t Americ a i n 193 1 wa s i n th e depth s o f th e

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Depression. Universitie s wer e firing faculty, no t hiring. 17 Althoug h Weiss-Rosmarin wrot e t o Cyru s Adler an d othe r leadin g scholar s of semitics, sh e faile d eve n t o obtai n a part-tim e academi c appoint ment. Unsuccessfu l i n finding employment , sh e create d he r ow n job. Sh e repeate d he r Duisbur g experiment , albei t wit h a n im portant difference . I n Octobe r 193 3 she founde d Th e Schoo l o f th e Jewish Woman, unde r the auspice s of Hadassah. 18 Weiss-Rosmarin designe d th e School , locate d o n th e Uppe r Wes t Side o f Manhatta n a t 25 1 Wes t 100t h Street , a s a mode l o f adul t Jewish education , inspire d i n par t b y Rosenzweig' s Lehrhaus . Th e School attracte d bot h marrie d an d singl e Jewish women . I t offere d a diplom a fo r Sunda y Schoo l teacher s an d "alertnes s credit " t o public schoo l teachers. 19 Regular radi o broadcasts, monthl y gather ings of a B Dnot Torah Leagu e and bi-monthly lectures-teas-dances of a Youn g Folk s Leagu e (t o whic h me n wer e invited ) helpe d sprea d the message. As she later admitted, "m y feminism i n those days was intellectually oriented/' 20 An earl y pamphle t o n "Jewis h Wome n an d Jewish Culture " confirms he r recollection. 21 Weiss-Rosmarin , lik e th e Jewish feminist s of th e 1970s , begin s wit h th e tw o contradictor y Talmudi c state ments: "Ever y ma n i s oblige d t o teac h hi s daughte r th e Torah " versus "Whoeve r teache s hi s daughter Tora h i s as if h e teache s he r obscenity." Recognizin g tha t th e latte r ha s becom e "th e sloga n o f the masses," she observes that "thi s world was and still is essentially the worl d o f man. Ou r society i s made b y men an d no t b y women . Men have always been the legislators; and it is therefore no t surprising," sh e concludes , "tha t the y favore d thei r ow n sex. " Bu t th e modern worl d i s changing. Me n hav e t o ear n a livin g an d hav e n o time t o see their childre n le t alon e t o educate them . Tha t responsi bility ha s shifted t o mothers. Weiss-Rosmarin the n argue s that Jewish culture ha s preserved th e Jews, tha t cultura l assimilatio n i s fine provided i t doe s not weake n Jews' allegianc e t o thei r ow n culture , and tha t a cultural crisi s exists today: "th e desertion o f our cultur e by th e Jewish peopl e o f ou r generation. " Thi s crisi s i s muc h mor e dangerous tha n Nazis m an d th e only way t o overcome the threat i s "to instil l lov e an d affectio n fo r Judaism i n th e young generation. " The bes t wa y t o reac h tha t goal i s "t o teac h the m wha t Judais m

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really is. " Weiss-Rosmarin ha d enormou s confidenc e i n Judaism, it s attractiveness an d abilit y t o compet e wit h contemporar y culture s in th e moder n world . This i s where women—mother s an d mothers-to-be—enter . The y need t o lear n tha t the y hav e faile d thei r childre n i f the y onl y sen d them t o Hebre w school . Perhap s rememberin g he r ow n rejectio n o f religious education , sh e declare s tha t "t o sen d th e chil d t o Hebre w School i s no t enough. " Mother s mus t kno w enoug h themselve s t o supervise thei r children' s Jewis h studies . "Childre n ar e no t s o eage r to g o t o Hebre w Schoo l i n th e afternoo n a t th e tim e whe n thei r Gentile friend s ar e ou t a t play . The y migh t als o as k thei r parents , 'Do yo u kno w Hebrew? ' An d hundred s an d thousand s o f mother s cannot answe r thi s questio n withou t losin g respec t i n th e eye s o f their children . I f yo u wan t you r childre n t o gro w u p a s educate d Jews," sh e concludes , "yo u yoursel f mus t becom e educated. " Fi nally, Weiss-Rosmari n appeal s t o th e moder n woma n wh o n o longe r needed t o work , whos e day s wer e filled wit h leisur e time , th e sam e women wh o joined Hadassa h an d othe r women' s organizations . Sh e urges the m t o find " a cente r fo r thei r personality " b y concentratin g "their power s upo n on e point , upo n Judaism. " Weiss-Rosmarin centere d he r educationa l curriculu m aroun d He brew, th e languag e o f pas t Jewish literar y treasure s an d th e tongu e of th e contemporar y cultura l renaissanc e i n Palestine. 22 Th e Schoo l of th e Jewis h Woma n offere d eigh t level s o f Hebre w instruction . Hebrew wa s th e ke y t o th e stud y o f Bible , Talmud , an d liturgy . A s an intellectua l feminist , Weiss-Rosmari n promote d th e stud y o f th e liturgy, learnin g th e meanin g an d histor y o f th e prayers , "t o stimu late attendance " o f wome n a t synagogue . Th e curriculu m als o in cluded classe s i n Jewish histor y an d philosophy , an d i n Jewish cus toms an d ceremonies. 23 Weiss-Rosmari n trie d t o impar t throug h th e School th e sam e Jewis h educatio n sh e ha d struggle d t o obtain , starting wit h he r passio n fo r Hebrew , an d the n continuin g wit h Tanakh, Rashi , Jewis h histor y an d philosophy . Jewis h wome n ha d been short-change d an d Weiss-Rosmari n sa w educatio n a s th e rem edy. No t onl y di d sh e ru n th e school , sh e taugh t there , a s di d he r husband. I n 1937 , th e school' s facult y als o include d Rabb i Phili p Alstat, wh o taugh t Jewis h histor y an d problem s i n moder n Jewis h life, Jona h Schneidma n an d Morri s Skop—bot h o f who m taugh t

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Hebrew—and Israe l Knox , wh o gav e a clas s i n Yiddish. 24 Non e o f the faculty receive d a regular salary. 25 After tw o year s o f successfu l an d stimulatin g classes , Weiss Rosmarin introduce d a ne w vehicl e o f education : a newsletter . "News fro m th e Schoo l o f th e Jewis h Woman " firs t appeare d i n November-December o f 1935 . It announce d tha t a s the Schoo l ha d "grown fro m humbl e beginning s t o becom e on e o f th e bes t know n and larges t institution s o f Jewish adul t education , s o we hope tha t our New s Lette r wil l eventuall y develo p int o a regula r magazin e of hig h literar y standing. ,,26 Weiss-Rosmari n wa s no t lackin g i n ambition an d ideals. Her hopes for the newsletter too k a mere thre e months t o materialize . I n Februar y 1936 , th e fourt h issu e o f th e newsletter appeare d a s the Jewish Spectator. B y April th e Spectator was advertisin g tha t i t wa s mailed t o the Jewish teacher s i n al l th e New Yor k Cit y publi c an d hig h school s an d tha t i t reache d "th e JEWISH WOMA N o f mediu m an d ampl e means." 27 B y Ma y th e magazine had acquire d it s cover listing the titles of articles and ha d grown to twenty small-format pages . It continued t o grow, reachin g forty-two page s by July. Thereafte r th e number o f pages fluctuated , with issue s as large as fifty page s during the winter months . Characterizing itsel f a s " a typica l famil y magazine , wit h a special appea l t o th e woman, " th e Jewish Spectator bor e littl e resem blance t o th e typica l famil y magazine s o f th e period. 28 Fro m th e beginning it s hard-hittin g editorial s addresse d th e mos t pertinen t issues of th e period . Th e Apri l editorial , fo r example , roundl y con demned Columbi a an d Yal e fo r thei r participatio n i n th e celebra tion o f the 550t h anniversar y o f the foundin g o f Heidelberg Univer sity. I t compared th e even t t o the 193 6 Olympics—a chanc e t o lur e intellectuals, instea d o f athletes , t o German y t o inculcat e the m with Naz i propaganda . Th e editoria l praise d th e fir m rejectio n o f the Germa n invitatio n b y th e Universit y o f Virgini a a s a fittin g expression o f th e democrati c heritag e o f Thoma s Jefferson. 29 Th e magazine assume d tha t Jewis h wome n wer e engage d an d commit ted, concerne d wit h th e stat e o f th e Jewish worl d a s wel l a s wit h their homes and families . However, th e Jewish Spectator di d includ e a numbe r o f familia r features targete d a t a female audience . Among these were an advic e column, "Th e Clinic of Personal Problems* ' in which Dr . B. L. Wise-

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man answere d letter s sen t b y readers , an d condensation s o f grea t novels. Th e firs t issue s als o carrie d a page o f jokes, new s fro m Th e School o f th e Jewish Woman , an d a tes t your I Q made u p o f questions fro m Jewis h histor y an d philosophy . B y the secon d year , th e Spectator regularl y publishe d poetry , origina l shor t stories , arti cles—often o n topical , religious , historical , o r biographica l sub jects, an d condensation s o f a novel . I n addition , it s standar d fea tures include d severa l editorials , a n historica l column , "I t Happened t o the Jews," a section of brief book reviews, an d Hebre w Wisdom i n translatio n ( a secon d translatio n featur e calle d "Fro m the Se a o f th e Talmud " wa s trie d briefl y i n 1937 , a s was a specia l page, "Ludwi g Lewisohn' s Page") . I n Februar y 193 9 th e Spectator introduced a "Juniors ' Library " o f fou r page s fo r children . Thes e were adde d upo n th e reques t o f readers. 30 Mos t o f th e Spectator's pages were devote d t o literature : poetry, shor t stories , serializatio n of novels , an d biographie s o f writers. 31 Th e magazin e als o rarel y failed t o publis h a t leas t on e woma n autho r eac h mont h (i n addi tion to Weiss-Rosmarin's monthly essay) , although often th e contribution was some verse and not a n articl e or story. Looking a t th e Anglo-Jewis h pres s i n 1937 , onl y a yea r an d a half afte r th e successful star t o f the Jewish Spectator, Trud e WeissRosmarin conclude d tha t th e pitifu l conditio n o f th e weeklie s stemmed fro m thei r character. "Fo r there is so little of real interest , of vita l an d importan t materia l printe d i n them , tha t on e ca n bu t marvel tha t ther e ar e stil l Jew s wh o ar e willin g t o spen d a fe w dollars a yea r fo r them, " sh e observed . Now , a t th e poin t o f a n "historical transition " fro m Yiddis h t o English , th e Anglo-Jewis h papers ha d " a chanc e t o becom e powerfu l instrument s o f publi c opinion." Al l tha t wa s neede d wa s a chang e i n editoria l policy , a willingness to publish good fiction, som e poetry, " a few worthwhil e utterances b y distinguishe d personalitie s . . . o r perhap s som e Tal mudical quotations, " togethe r wit h a n en d t o harpin g o n tw o top ics—anti-Semitism an d fascism. 32 Weiss-Rosmarin' s confidenc e i n the effectivenes s o f he r prescriptio n ca n b e rea d a s a blueprin t fo r the Spectator. Sh e assume d tha t a t thi s "uniqu e moment " i t woul d be possible t o captur e a n English-readin g audienc e wh o wante d t o keep u p with Jewish lif e but , du e t o ignoranc e o f Yiddish, ha d los t the connectio n provide d b y th e Yiddis h press . Th e appearanc e o f

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several ne w Anglo-Jewis h magazine s i n th e mid-thirtie s suggest s the accuracy of Weiss-Rosmarin's perception. 33 Because i t emerge d ou t o f The School o f the Jewish Woman , th e Jewish Spectator quickl y developed a n audience , initially compose d largely o f women. 34 It s origina l plac e i n America n Jewis h publish ing derived a s much fro m it s distinct audienc e a s from it s editoria l posture.35 Th e Spectator represente d a blen d o f Jewis h politica l and literar y writing ; it s politic s wer e Zionis t an d democratic , it s aesthetic wa s contemporar y an d mora l bu t hardl y modernist . Th e monthly assume d a n intelligen t readership , bu t no t necessaril y a n educated one . Unlik e the Menorah Journal, i t did not appea l exclu sively to the college-educated; unlik e thejewish Frontier, it did no t voice th e perspectiv e o f a movemen t (i.e. , Labo r Zionism) ; unlik e the Reconstructionist, i t di d no t articulat e a radica l religiou s pos ture. Ye t th e Spectator share d muc h i n commo n wit h it s peers , these thre e importan t America n Jewis h English-languag e maga zines. The Spectator aspire d to transmit th e best contemporary Jewish culture , i t espouse d politica l Zionis m an d sa w Jewis h politic s through Zionis t eyes , and it was committed t o Judaism a s a religion and t o a pluralist America n Jewish community . Mos t importantly , it neve r lost sight of women, thei r rights , thei r roles , their responsi bilities, thei r concerns , thei r values . Undoubtedly , th e Spectator articulated a woman' s positio n becaus e Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n served a s associat e editor. 36 He r husband , th e editor , assumed th e prerogative of men. In 1936 , Weiss-Rosmarin' s contentiousnes s le d t o th e firs t o f a number o f crucia l separations . "Difference s i n policies, " produce d "the withdrawa l o f Hadassah " fro m Th e Schoo l o f th e Jewis h Woman, despit e the "real contribution " mad e by Hadassah throug h the School. Hadassah's minutes mention the quality of the program, its abilit y t o mee t th e need s o f women , th e teacher s chose n fo r personality a s wel l a s scholarship , an d th e convenien t hour s fo r study.37 Bu t workin g wit h Weiss-Rosmari n wa s difficult. " I ignore d them," Weiss-Rosmarin admitte d man y years later regarding Hadassah. "I'm not such an angel when it comes to dealing with organiza tions." 38 Two years later, i n 1938 , she gave birth t o her son, Moshe . "I didn' t permi t mysel f t o interrup t m y professiona l schedule, " sh e recalls. Sinc e he r husban d wasn' t intereste d i n takin g car e o f th e

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child, sh e "worke d i n orde r t o suppor t a mai d an d a nursemaid. " Looking bac k sh e argue d tha t he r decisio n t o spen d al l o f her earn ings o n prope r car e fo r he r chil d "wa s a wonderfu l investment. " Had sh e "take n of f fou r o r fiv e year s t o tak e car e o f hi m myself , I would reall y hav e suffere d majo r professiona l damage." 39 Th e School for th e Jewish Woma n did not survive, however . I t closed i n 1939; the start of World War II put it s feminist educationa l goal s on permanent hold . Weiss-Rosmarin turne d he r attentio n exclusivel y t o th e Jewish Spectator, he r new classroom. (I n February 193 8 the monthly bega n publishing unde r it s ow n auspices , rathe r tha n tha t o f th e School, and move d it s office s downtow n t o Wes t 40t h Street. ) Sh e ha d already launche d a successfu l speakin g an d lecturin g caree r i n 1936.40 Th e freedo m tha t cam e fro m continuin g t o writ e an d t o lecture prove d t o b e crucial . Fiv e years afte r th e birt h o f he r son , Weiss-Rosmarin wa s divorced . He r husban d accepte d a positio n a s the directo r o f educatio n fo r Mizrach i an d sh e move d u p t o sol e editor o f the Jewish Spectator. Fro m 194 3 until he r death, th e Spectator was her pulpit an d her classroom . In the November issue, Weiss-Rosmarin eagerl y took the opportu nity t o asses s he r editoria l stewardship . Reflectin g o n "Ou r Nint h Year," rather than waiting for the tenth, sh e wrote: "We are alway s ready for a good fight, provided th e cause is worth fighting for . An d we are not committe d t o any political cam p or party line. " Instead , she mused , "w e hav e criticize d an d praised , accordin g t o ou r bes t lights an d no t o n accoun t o f politica l motives , orthodox , conser vative an d refor m organization s an d leader s . . . " However , no t infrequently, suc h independenc e pu t he r an d th e Spectator "i n op position t o 'th e bes t people ' an d th e pillar s o f Jewis h society. " Weiss-Rosmarin the n list s thos e thing s sh e wa s ver y prou d o f an d would continu e t o value : "W e hav e plugge d alon g unde r ou r ow n power—without subventio n an d patrons . W e hav e neve r (reall y never) 'skipped ' eve n a singl e mont h . . . " Finall y sh e articulate s the Jewish Spectator's creed : "Eret z Israel , Hebrew , a thoroug h Jewish education for every child, th e integrity of Judaism a s a living force o f lif e distinc t an d independen t fro m an y othe r fait h an d culture. Ou r mai n concer n i s JEWISH SURVIVAL, " she concludes ,

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"and s o we judge al l communa l an d individua l Jewish effort s fro m the viewpoint o f their survival value." 41 Writing from th e viewpoint o f Jewish surviva l was exceptionall y arduous and discouraging during the Second World War. For the first three years of the war, before the official Unite d States' confirmatio n of th e Naz i exterminatio n o f Europea n Jews, he r editorial s an d es says emphasize d th e importanc e o f Judaism. Weiss-Rosmari n eve n argued that th e future o f Judaism too k precedence over the future o f the Jews and she criticized the preoccupation of American Jewish organizations with fighting anti-Semitism. Jews survived because they had somethin g t o liv e for : on e God , on e mankind , on e justice an d universal peace. These ideals of Judaism were embodied in the ritual law an d Jewish ethica l teaching . Weiss-Rosmari n taugh t tha t Juda ism "encompasses life a s a whole. I t supplies a regimen a s well a s a philosophy fo r eac h an d ever y moment . . . . I t blend s religion , na tional feelings, cultura l aspiration s and the hopes for a better futur e into a n inseparabl e wholenes s o f purposeful holiness." 42 Such opti mism could not be sustained by 1943. The January issue , wit h a blac k border , announce d th e horribl e news. Th e exterminatio n o f Europea n Jewr y dominate d th e edito rial page s o f subsequent issues : Too Late , A People in Mourning , A Stab i n th e Back , Wha t Now , Torture d Jew? , A Jewish Cal l t o th e Conscience o f the Unite d Nations , Th e Curs e of Complacency. 43 I n the las t editorial , Weiss-Rosmari n returne d t o th e them e o f Jewish survival. Ho w to explain th e extraordinar y complacenc y o f American Jews wh o watc h th e slaughte r o f thei r brethre n a s they watc h others bein g martyred , wit h n o specia l pai n o f bereavement , sh e asked. An d she answered: "th e tragi c complacency an d indifferenc e of millions of American Jews in the face of the worst Jewish disaste r and traged y eve r are due to the fact tha t thes e people . . . n o longer are capabl e o f feelin g an d reactin g a s Jews. " Becaus e America n Jewish leader s have harped o n politics, on Jewish rights, on fighting anti-Semitism, th e masse s hav e n o sens e o f solidarity . Du e t o th e neglect o f Jewish education , "w e hav e brough t u p a generatio n o f American Jews tha t i s innocent o f an y adequat e knowledg e o f th e implication o f Jewishness." American Jews have lost the poetry an d passion of Judaism.44

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A yea r later , anticipatin g th e imminen t en d o f th e war , Weiss Rosmarin linke d th e slaughte r o f five millio n Jew s t o Jewis h sur vival. "Th e million s o f Jew s wh o hav e die d i n th e las t te n year s have lef t u s a sacre d trust, " sh e wrote , "t o wor k indefatigabl y fo r Jewish surviva l an d th e continuit y an d fruitfu l growt h o f our Jewis h culture, th e eterna l an d human , ye t als o distinctl y national-reli gious culture , b y which Wester n civilizatio n o f the democrati c kin d has bee n nurtured." 4 5 Th e unfoldin g Holocaus t require d tha t Amer ican Jew s "assum e th e burde n an d shoulde r th e responsibilitie s o f the five million s whos e live s wer e snuffe d ou t b y th e nazis." 4 6 Weiss-Rosmarin propose d te n Jewish Ne w Year' s resolutions , begin ning wit h " I shal l becom e a membe r o f th e loca l synagogu e wher e I usually atten d Hig h Holiday s services; " it include d sendin g childre n to Hebre w Schoo l o r parochia l schoo l i f possible , subscribin g t o a Jewish periodical , readin g Jewis h books , buyin g Jewis h art , lis tening t o Jewis h music , an d i t conclude d wit h a statemen t o f per sonal responsibilit y i n th e fac e o f th e Holocaust . I shall be conscious of the fact tha t du e to the overwhelming losses of the Jewish peopl e i n th e las t te n years I no longe r hav e th e righ t t o regard mysel f a s a mer e individual . I shall kee p in min d tha t I must take th e plac e o f a t leas t on e othe r Jew, wh o die d withou t fulfillin g his Jewish tasks and destiny. 47 The goa l wa s t o insur e Jewis h survival ; th e tas k belonge d t o al l American Jews . Weiss-Rosmarin di d no t limi t he r respons e t o th e destructio n o f European Jewr y t o a progra m o f persona l responsibilit y fo r Jewis h survival. Sh e bitterly attacke d th e Unite d Nation s fo r thei r repeate d betrayals o f th e Jews, sh e lashe d ou t a t th e reviva l o f anti-Semitis m in Poland , England , an d Franc e durin g an d afte r th e war , sh e calle d repeatedly fo r realisti c rescu e efforts , an d sh e supported vehementl y the openin g o f Palestin e t o th e survivin g remnant , th e abrogatio n of th e Whit e Pape r o f 1939 , an d th e establishmen t o f a Jewish state . She eve n addresse d th e issu e o f guilt . "I n assessin g th e guil t o f th e nazis, le t u s no t forge t tha t al l o f u s ar e t o a certai n exten t accom plices t o thei r crimes, " sh e cautioned . "W e Jew s o f th e Wester n democracies ar e guilt y o f no t havin g bee n mor e vociferou s an d zealous i n pleadin g th e cas e o f Germa n an d Austria n Jewr y prio r t o

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1939 and ou r Christia n neighbor s ar e guilty o f having dismissed ou r reports a s 'horro r tales. ' " 48 Yet eac h tim e sh e als o returne d t o th e theme o f Jewis h survival . Althoug h sh e recognize d tha t "fro m a survivalist perspectiv e America n Jewr y number s abou t hal f a mil lion a t bes t rather tha n fiv e an d a half million," she neither tire d of addressing tha t minorit y no r yielded i n he r us e o f hyperbole. " I d o not hesitat e t o stat e emphatically, " sh e wrot e i n 1945 , "tha t on e Hebrew clas s is more importan t fo r Jewish surviva l tha n al l Jewish political conference s an d conclaves." 49 Preoccupation wit h Jewish surviva l colore d Weiss-Rosmarin' s response to th e Jewish survivors , thei r pligh t i n th e displaced person s camps, and the Zionist solution to their desperate situation. Thoug h she called i t "tragic, " she concluded tha t "ther e i s no future fo r th e Jews i n Europe." 50 Th e onl y futur e la y i n Eret z Yisrael . Ye t WeissRosmarin rejected partition . Zionis m stood abov e realpolitik, abov e appeasement.51 Sh e sa w Zionis m an d Judaism a s "coextensiv e an d synonymous." Judais m embrace s "th e su m tota l o f th e religious national cultur e o f th e Jewis h people." 52 Zionis m wa s no t less ; i t certainly coul d no t b e reduced t o "refugeeism. " Eve n a s the Unite d Nations prepare d t o vot e o n th e recommendation s fo r partition , t o establish a Jewish an d a n Ara b state , Weiss-Rosmari n voice d he r opposition.53 Sh e wante d a stat e fro m Da n t o Beer-Sheba , no t t o solve the pressin g problems of the curren t generatio n bu t fo r futur e generations. Zionis m wa s th e pat h o f Jewis h survivalism ; Zionis t leaders coul d no t sacrific e th e futur e fo r th e sak e o f th e presen t refugees. Writin g "o n th e threshol d o f th e Jewis h State, " Weiss Rosmarin steppe d bac k t o asses s th e costs : "T o relinquis h seven eighths of its territory i s a sacrifice n o people has ever been aske d t o make. I t is a sacrifice comparabl e in magnitude only to the sacrific e of si x millio n Jewis h live s . . ," 54 Onl y i f th e Jewis h stat e coul d rescue no t merel y th e DPs , bu t Nort h Africa n Jew s an d Yemenit e Jews an d brin g the m t o th e Homeland , woul d partitio n b e worth while. There would still be Galut, an d a t best only 20 percent of the world Jewish populatio n woul d liv e i n th e state , bu t i f th e yishu v would serv e a s the spiritua l cente r fo r th e dispersion , the n th e los s of territory would b e justified. 55 As Weiss-Rosmarin anguishe d ove r th e cost s of partition an d th e horrible fact s o f war , sh e als o anticipate d th e ne w Jewis h world .

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Writing a s a survivalist , sh e accepte d th e fac t o f golah; i t ca n b e neither negate d no r affirmed . Sh e looke d t o th e pas t t o determin e the prope r relatio n betwee n a Jewis h stat e an d a dispersio n an d came u p wit h fou r principles . Th e first affirm s th e equa l huma n importance o f golah an d yishuv . Th e secon d state s th e supremac y of the lan d o f Israe l ove r othe r countrie s a s a place t o live . The thir d declares th e spiritua l superiorit y o f Jew s livin g i n th e Hol y Lan d and th e fourt h outline s responsibilitie s o f th e golah t o th e yishuv . These includ e monetar y suppor t an d submissio n t o th e yishuv' s spiritual authority . Weiss-Rosmari n the n suggeste d severa l contem porary equivalent s t o ancien t practices , includin g a ta x o n eac h Jew (a s oppose d t o charity ) t o buil d identificatio n wit h th e Jewis h state an d suc h moder n version s o f pilgrimage a s vacations an d sum mer camp s i n Eret z Yisrael. 56 ' T h e Jewis h worl d o f tomorro w wil l have a politica l cente r o f gravity, " sh e prophesied . "I t wil l hav e a unified cultural-religiou s base , anchore d i n th e Jewis h State . . . . The Jewish worl d o f tomorro w wil l b e dichotomous . . ," 57 Bot h th e center an d th e peripher y wil l hav e th e righ t t o liv e an d prosper , each wil l b e interdependent . Where di d America n Jew s fit i n thi s Jewis h worl d o f tomorrow ? Weiss-Rosmarin hesitated . I n 194 7 she wrote : As t o America n Jewry , eve n th e mos t enthusiasti c believer s i n it s survival potentia l an d it s abilit y t o substitut e partiall y a t least , fo r the loss of European Jewry, kno w that Voloshi n an d Slobodka canno t be transferred t o America n soil , just a s little a s American Jewry wil l be abl e t o produc e Hebre w an d Yiddis h writer s comparabl e t o thos e who firml y establishe d moder n Hebre w an d Yiddis h literatur e ove r the past five or six decades. 58 Weiss-Rosmarin conclude d tha t "unde r th e mos t favorabl e circum stances, th e qualit y o f American Judaism wil l b e preservative rathe r than creative. , , Di d thi s mea n tha t Americ a wa s galut? Again , Weiss-Rosmarin hesitated . I n 195 1 sh e returne d t o th e subjec t i n response t o Davi d Be n Gurion' s whirlwin d tou r o f th e Unite d State s and hi s provocativ e challeng e t o America n Jew s t o settl e i n Israel , or a t leas t t o sen d thei r children . Rejectin g th e argument s o f Jaco b Blaustein, presiden t o f th e America n Jewis h Committee , tha t America wa s no t galut, sh e admitte d nonetheles s t o believin g "tha t

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there i s a future fo r Jews i n America. " Ye t he r "belief in America " clashed wit h he r "knowledge o f Jewis h history. " Comparin g America wit h Germany , sh e wondered ou t lou d "whethe r I am no t caught i n the same illusion tha t blinde d th e German Jews."59 Given he r analysis , Weiss-Rosmari n logicall y conclude d tha t "America is Galuth . . . because th e America n Jew must b e a Jew, even whe n h e doe s no t wan t t o b e a Jew. " Sh e reject s variou s alternatives, includin g th e Reconstructionis t on e o f livin g i n tw o civilizations. Suc h a formula stunt s th e Jewish civilization , forcin g it to conform t o the accepte d norm s of American culture . However , Weiss-Rosmarin wa s no t prepare d t o tak e th e nex t ste p an d negat e galut. Instead , sh e pauses to observe that mos t people muddle alon g and tha t onl y a n elit e i s capable o f actin g o n th e basi s o f spiritua l insight, especiall y whe n tha t involve s bot h physica l an d economi c sacrifices. Sinc e catastroph e wa s no t abou t t o overtak e America n Jewry i n th e foreseeabl e future , fe w America n Jews would com e t o Israel. How, then, shoul d Zionists cope with such a reality? Not "b y pouring fire an d brimston e o n thos e wh o squa t b y th e flesh-pot s o f America." Instead , "i n orde r t o be a Jew an d remai n a Jew outsid e of Israe l on e mus t b e sensitiv e t o th e subtl e undertone s o f Jew ishness and accep t th e difficulties o f the Galuth situatio n . . . " Jewish continuity in the dispersion therefore calls, first of all, for the recognition tha t Jewish surviva l i s embattled and , secondly , fo r th e determination t o insure Jewish continuity by means of strengthening its base and foundation: Jewish distinctive separateness.60 Ultimately, Weiss-Rosmari n argues , "th e ver y awarenes s o f Galut h makes fo r Jewis h surviva l whil e it s absenc e inevitabl y result s i n Jewish extinction. " The articl e dre w a respons e fro m Israe l Schen , edito r o f th e Zionist Newsletter, th e officia l orga n o f the Jewish Agency . Weiss Rosmarin though t tha t th e issu e wa s importan t enoug h t o reprin t his answe r t o he r analysi s i n th e Spectator. 61 Afte r praisin g he r fo r her analysi s showin g tha t Americ a i s galut, Sche n the n questione d her refusa l t o negat e galut. "Doe s sh e reall y believ e wha t sh e wrote?" he asked increduously. Sh e condemned America n Jewry "t o a kind of spiritual purgatory of indefinite duratio n without eve n th e

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hope o f ultimatel y endin g tha t unhapp y state. " I f denyin g tha t America i s galut i s tantamount t o saying American Jews have bee n redeemed—obviously a n untruth—on e canno t avoi d th e issu e merely b y sayin g Americ a i s galut an d leavin g redemptio n fo r th e indefinite future . Hence , Sche n concludes , Weiss-Rosmarin , lik e other Zionis t intellectual s i n the Diaspora , lack s the moral courag e of her own convictions. 62 Although Weiss-Rosmari n di d no t reply , feelin g tha t he r initia l essay was enough of an answer , Schen' s attack continue d t o rankle. Two years later, a s the organized America n Jewish communit y wa s preparing fo r th e celebratio n o f the thre e hundredt h anniversar y o f Jewish settlemen t i n America , sh e published a long essay acknowl edging Sche n an d retractin g he r earlie r argument . Weiss-Rosmari n defiantly title d i t "Americ a I s Not Babylonia! " After briefl y survey ing th e histor y an d cultura l production s o f America n Jews— a history that demonstrated ho w America consume d its Jews—WeissRosmarin comes t o th e centra l falsit y o f the compariso n o f Ameri can Jewr y wit h Babylonia n o r an y othe r creativ e Diaspor a Jewry . "Everywhere th e Jews lived in th e respective countr y o f their exile, but were not of it," she explained. B y contrast, "America n Jews ar e proud o f bein g full y an d unconditionall y par t of America. " Eve n theories o f cultura l pluralis m assum e tha t a grou p preserve s " 'an other language, ' in addition t o English , an d 'anothe r culture, ' in addition t o ou r commo n an d share d America n cultur e . . . " Suc h a formulatio n yield s t o th e seductivenes s o f America . A s lon g a s American Jew s hav e "neithe r a n understandin g no r sympath y fo r the frame o f mind o f the mipney hukkos hagoyim legislation, " tha t sets Jews apar t jus t t o b e different, th e chance s fo r creativ e Jewis h survival i n th e Unite d State s ar e "nil. " Th e problem , Weiss-Rosm arin argued , wa s tha t Jew s lov e America , wit h al l thei r hear t an d soul. Thus th e tru e compariso n t o b e draw n wa s wit h Alexandria n Jewry an d Germa n Jewry. Bot h group s relinquishe d thei r ow n lan guage, a s American Jews did. Bot h read the Bibl e in translation—i f they rea d i t a t all . Bot h produce d scholarshi p tha t argue d fo r th e congruence o f Judais m wit h Hellenis m an d Germanism , respec tively, just a s American Jews saw a kinship between Hebraic value s and American democracy. Her e was the crux of the problem :

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American Zionists insist that "Americ a i s not Galuth"—and the y ar e right. We do not know what tomorro w will bring, but certainly toda y America i s home, genuin e an d belove d home , o f close t o si x millio n Jews. They ar e of America a s all Americans and resent, an d justly so, any intimatio n tha t the y ar e no t lik e al l Americans . Fo r they are — they reall y ar e Americans, eve n in thei r unconcer n abou t th e future , their future i n America . The negatio n o f th e galut sound s nonsensica l t o America n Jews , Weiss-Rosmarin no w recognized , becaus e thei r ow n livin g realit y refutes it . America n Jew s "ar e convince d tha t the y shal l succee d i n keeping Americ a a s thei r home , fo r eve r an d ever/ ' An d the y eve n think tha t the y wil l writ e anothe r Babylonia n Talmud . Unfortu nately, th e evidenc e o f Jewis h histor y refute s thei r optimism . A t most, America n Jewr y wil l writ e anothe r Alexandria n an d Germa n chapter o f Jewis h history . Becaus e America n Jewr y i s American , "through an d through/ ' i t wil l neve r produc e anothe r Talmud . "Babylonian Jewr y wa s neve r Babylonian . Thi s i s th e difference — and thi s differenc e wil l determin e th e futur e o f America n Jewry, " she concludes. 63 Ironically, i n reachin g he r pessimisti c assessmen t o f th e futur e o f American Jewry , Weiss-Rosmari n denie d th e alienatio n an d sens e of bein g a stranger—mark s o f a galut existence—tha t sh e pre viously sa w i n America n Jews . Instead , thei r ver y feelin g o f at homeness foretol d thei r disma l destiny . Ye t Weiss-Rosmari n di d not abando n America n Jews . Sh e remaine d tha t al l to o commo n anomaly: a n America n Zionist . I n he r case , he r commitmen t t o traditional Judais m an d he r insistenc e o n seein g Zionis m a s th e affirmation o f Judaism—the solutio n t o th e proble m o f Judaism a s much, i f no t more , tha n th e solutio n t o th e proble m o f th e Jews — mitigated th e irony . Weiss-Rosmarin neve r tire d o f quotin g Solomo n Schechter' s phrase abou t "fallin g i n lov e wit h everythin g Jewish/' 6 4 T o fal l i n love, a s sh e ha d don e an d a s sh e trie d t o inspir e other s t o do , on e didn't nee d t o liv e i n Israel . I t helped , o f course , bu t th e passio n o f Judaism coul d touc h Jewis h soul s eve n i n th e Diaspora . Thi s pas sionate lov e affai r wit h everythin g Jewish se t Weiss-Rosmari n apar t from thos e alienated , nominall y Jewish , Ne w Yor k Intellectuals . I t determined he r intellectua l agend a a s muc h a s th e intricacie s o f

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left-wing politic s shape d thei r concerns . I t guide d th e editoria l poli cies o f th e Jewish Spectator an d graduall y change d th e readershi p of th e magazine . B y th e earl y 1950s , Weiss-Rosmari n counte d clos e to on e thousan d rabbi s amon g th e Spectator's subscribers , a figure that please d her . N o longe r speakin g jus t t o wome n i n Ne w Yor k City, th e Spectator addresse d th e male , Jewishl y committe d elite . And Weiss-Rosmarin , throug h he r lecture s an d he r magazine , as sumed a singula r plac e withi n tha t elite . I n th e proces s sh e helpe d to expan d th e boundarie s o f th e worl d o f th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals . Notes I would lik e to thank Seth Kemil for his valuable research assistance . 1. Intervie w with Rober t Bleiweiss, 5 May 1991. 2. I n 1940 , fo r example , a n averag e o f 8 to 1 2 pages ou t o f 50—1 5 to 2 5 percent—were devote d to advertisements . 3. A sample o f he r lectur e schedule , fo r th e first tw o week s of Decembe r 1946, ran: Dec. 1 - Boston , Yeshiv a Lubavitz , 2-New Yor k City, West Side Institutional Synagogue , 3-Brooklyn, Women' s Division, America n Jewish Congress, 4-Springfield, Mass. , Sisterhood dinner , 6-Brooklyn, Bensonhurs t Jewish Community House , 8-Richmond, Virginia , Jewish Book Month, 10-Perth Amboy , N.J., Congregation Shaare y Tefilah , 11-Boston, Hadassah , 12-Cincinnati, Foru m of the Friends of Hebrew Culture , 13-Cincinnati, Avondal e Synagogue, 14-Cincinnati, a n Oneg Shabat a t Avondale Synagogue, 15-Birmingham, Alabama , Jewish Book Month communal event . And thi s wa s befor e extensiv e airplan e travel ! Jewish Spectator, 1 2 (December 1946) : 6. Hereafter cite d asJS. 4. Intervie w with Rober t Bleiweiss, 5 May 1991. 5. Ther e is no good biography of Trude Weiss-Rosmarin. Th e brief entry in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia contain s som e information . Mor e valuable ar e the essays published inJS , 54 (Fall 1989) : 6-18. 6. Estell e Gilson, "Trude's a Holy Terror, "JS, 54 (Fall 1989) : 7. This profile originally appeare d i n Vresent Tense in 1978. 7. Georg e L . Mosse, German Jews beyond Judaism (Bloomington : Indian a University Press , 1985) , 3-8.

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8. Thi s intervie w i n Moment o f Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n an d Mari e Syrki n contains valuabl e reminiscences . Moment (Septembe r 1983) : 37-44 ; quote o n 38 . 9. Shulami t Magnus , " A Decad e o f Writin g o n Moder n Germa n Jewry, " MS, 11-12 . I n 192 2 Nobel preache d tha t Judais m an d Goeth e ha d muc h in common , namely , " a seren e worl d vie w an d th e belie f tha t ever y religion wa s a n artisti c creation. " Mosse , 46 . Weiss-Rosmari n late r decisively rejecte d suc h a linkage o f Judaism an d Bildung. Se e her essa y on Goeth e in JS, 1 4 (Augus t 1949) . 10. Moment, 38 . 11. Ibid. , 38 ; Gilson, 7 . 12. Moment, 40 ; Gilson, 7 . 13. Th e recollectio n describe d b y Ellio t B . Gertel, "M y Friend , Trud e Weiss Rosmarin," JS, 5 4 (Septembe r 1989) : 13. 14. Moment, 40 ; Gilson, 7-8 . 15. Gilson , 7 . 16. Ibid. , 8 . 17. Frederic k Rudolph , The American College and University: A History (New York : Vintage , 1962) , 465-66. 18. Gilson , 8 . 19. "Alertnes s credit " wa s give n b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Educatio n to publi c schoo l teacher s fo r certifie d course s taken . Accumulatio n o f enough "alertnes s credit " resulte d i n a salar y increment . Th e Schoo l o f the Jewis h Woma n receive d a charte r fro m th e Stat e Boar d o f Educa tion i n 1936.7S , 1 (May 1936) : 27. 20. Moment, 39 . 21. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , Jewish Women and Jewish Culture (Ne w York : School o f th e Jewis h Woman , n.d. , 1936?) . Th e followin g paragraph s are drawn fro m thi s pamphlet . 22. Th e finances o f th e schoo l wer e covere d i n par t b y tuition , $2.0 0 pe r course plu s $1.0 0 registratio n fee , an d b y subsidie s o f $10 0 each pai d b y the cooperatin g organizations , whic h include d Hadassah , Ivriah , th e Women's Leagu e o f Unite d Synagogue , an d th e Ne w Yor k Sectio n o f the Counci l o f Jewis h Women . Hadassa h Nationa l Board , Minutes , 8 January 1936 ; Archives o f Hadassah . 23. Weiss-Rosmarin , Jewish Women and Jewish Culture. 24. JS, 2 (Januar y 1937) : back cover . 25. JS, 1 (January 1936) : back page . 26. Thi s i s the firs t issu e of JS. New s from the School of the Jewish Woman, 1 (November-Decembe r 1935) . 27. JS, 1 (April 1936) : back page . 28. JS, 1 (April 1936) : back page . 29. "Columbi a & Yale vs. Thomas Jefferson," editorial,JS , 1 (April 1936) : 1. 30. JS, 4 (Februar y 1939) : 7 ; th e "Junio r Library " ra n fro m 2 6 to 28 .

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31. I n Apri l 193 9 JS invite d it s reader s t o ran k it s feature s i n orde r o f preference. Thes e wer e liste d fo r ranking : "Shor t Stories , Th e Lates t Jewish News , Poems , Editorials , Th e Nove l o f th e Mont h [ a condensa tion], Thi s I s a Goo d One , Tes t You r I.Q. , Book s i n Brief , Article s o n World Events , Article s o n Jewis h History , Article s o n Jewis h Custom s and Ceremonies , Juniors ' Library , Article s o n Judaism an d Philosophy , Readers' Correspondence , Hebre w Wisdom , Sports , Serials , Article s o n Outstanding Personalities."JS , 4 (Apri l 1939) : 4 . 32. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Takin g Stoc k o f th e Anglo-Jewis h Press, " JS, 2 (July 1937) : 1 2 - 1 3 .

33. Fo r example , th e Jewish Frontier i n 193 4 an d th e Reconstructionist i n 1936, followe d severa l year s late r b y Contemporary Jewish Record, th e predecessor t o Commentary. 34. Thi s observatio n i s base d o n th e publishe d letter s t o th e editor . A ma jority wer e women . I n addition , JS occasionall y promote d an d an nounced bul k subscription s t o women' s groups , especiall y Hadassah . See a particularl y charmin g lette r fro m Els e Hirschmann , ag e 11 , wh o was a "Sta r saleslady " amon g th e "ladie s wh o si t an d wal k wit h thei r babies o n Riversid e Driv e . . . " J S , 2 (Apri l 1937) : 47. 35. JS publishe d clos e t o thre e hundre d author s durin g it s firs t fou r years , a suggestio n o f it s diversity . Se e inde x i n J S , 4 (Octobe r 1939) : 44-46 . 36. Weiss-Rosmari n appear s o n th e masthea d i n Ma y 1939 . 37. Hadassa h Nationa l Board , Minutes , 8 Januar y 1936 ; Archive s o f Ha dassah. 38. Gilson , 8 . 39. Moment, 39 . 40. Se e advertisemen t i n JS, 1 (Octobe r 1936) : bac k page . 41. "Ou r Nint h Year, " editorial , JS, 9 (Novembe r 1943) : 6 , 27 . Emphase s in th e original . 42. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Som e Observation s o n Jewis h Survival : Israe l is th e Futur e o f Mankind—Thi s i s th e Secre t o f It s Survival, " JS, 6 (January 1941) : 7-9 ; quote s o n 7 . 43. Se e th e editoria l pages , Topic s o n th e Agenda , JS, 9 (January , Febru ary, March , Apri l 1943) . 44. "Th e Curs e o f Complacency, " editorial , JS, 8 (Apri l 1943) : 4-5 . 45. Weiss-Rosmari n develope d thi s them e i n numerou s essay s o n Judaism . For example , se e th e series , "Jew s Ar e Liberals, " runnin g fro m Ma y 1939 through Augus t 1939 , o r "Th e Tou r Freedoms ' i n Judaism," begin ning i n Apri l 194 2 an d runnin g throug h Augus t 194 2 in JS. 46. "Th e Voic e o f Ou r Brothers ' Blood, " editorial , JS, 9 (Jul y 1944) : 6 . 47. "Th e Ne w Yea r an d th e Task s Ahead, " editorial , JS, 9 (Septembe r 1944): 4 . 48. "Buchenwal d an d Treblinka, " editorial , JS, 1 0 (Ma y 1945) : 5-6. 49. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , " A Strateg y fo r America n Jewis h Survival, " JS, 10 (Ma y 1945) : 23 .

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50. "Ho w Man y D P Jews?," editorial , JS, 1 2 (Januar y 1947) : 5 . 51. "Realpolitik, " editorial , JS, 1 2 (Januar y 1947) : 5. 52. "Zionis t Education, " editorial , JS, 1 2 (Januar y 1947) : 6 . 53. Se e als o he r earlie r editoria l rejectin g partition , "Th e Twenty-Secon d Zionist Congress, " JS, 1 2 (Decembe r 1946) : 4-5 . "W e shal l neve r b e partners t o a n agreemen t involvin g th e renunciatio n o f eve n on e foo t of sacre d Eret z Israe l earth, " sh e wrote . 54. "O n th e Threshol d o f th e Jewis h State, " editorial , JS, 1 3 (Novembe r 1947): 4 . 55. "Peripher y an d Center : W e an d th e Jewis h State, " JS, 1 3 (Januar y 1948): 8-9 . 56. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Peripher y an d Center : W e an d th e Jewis h State," JS, 1 3 (Januar y 1948) : 8-9 , 29 . 57. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Peripher y an d Center : W e an d th e Jewis h State,"JS, 1 3 (Februar y 1948) : 25. 58. "O n th e Threshol d o f th e Jewis h State, " editorial , JS, 1 3 (Novembe r 1947): 559. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "I s Americ a 'Galuth'? , " J S, 1 6 (Januar y 1951) : 7. Emphasi s i n th e original . 60. Ibid. , 7-11 . Emphasi s i n th e original . 61. Thi s wa s no t tha t unusua l fo r Weiss-Rosmarin . Sh e ofte n gav e spac e i n the magazin e t o response s t o he r editorial s whic h sh e fel t deserve d a hearing (e.g. , representative s o f Orthodo x da y school s wh o wante d t o answer he r cal l fo r cooperation) . 62. " A 'Galut h Negator ' Ha s th e Floor, " editorial , JS, 1 6 (Jun e 1951) : 5-7. 63. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Americ a I s No t Babylonia! " JS, 1 8 (Marc h 1953); th e essa y wa s reprinte d b y Th e Institut e fo r Jewish Yout h Lead ers fro m Abroa d (Macho n Le'Madriche i Hut z La'Aretz) , 1-8 . Empha ses i n th e original . 64. Trud e Weiss-Rosmarin , "Fallin g i n Lov e wit h Everythin g Jewish," JS, 7 (October 1942) : 6-8 .

C H A P T E R5

Morris Raphae l Cohe n Milton R. Konvitz

Morris Raphae l Cohe n an d Horac e M . Kalle n were , I submit, th e two mos t intensel y Jewis h thinkers , no t onl y o f thei r time , bu t i n the entire sweep of American history . One difference betwee n the m is that Kalle n began his Jewish activit y earl y in life an d early in th e twentieth century , whil e Cohen , tw o year s hi s senior , bega n hi s Jewish activit y i n th e earl y 1930s . Each o f the m wa s a professo r o f philosophy i n a non-Jewish institutio n o f higher learnin g a t a tim e when ver y fe w Jew s ha d appointment s o n colleg e o r universit y faculties, an d eac h identifie d himsel f wit h Jewis h interest s an d causes. Th e America n Jewis h communit y recognize d i n eac h o f them grea t symboli c valu e a s Jewis h intellectual s wh o ha d wo n recognition a s equal s amon g America n thinkers. 1 Eac h wa s a non conventional, non-traditiona l philosopher , for , instea d o f concen trating on metaphysics an d epistemology , the y devoted thei r geniu s to th e contribution s tha t critica l thinkin g ca n mak e t o individua l and socia l problem s i n law , science , politics , ethics , internationa l relations, religion , ethnicity , an d othe r matters that tangibl y affec t the lives, sufferings, an d hopes of people and nations . Cohen was born o n July 25 , 1880 , in Minsk, chie f cit y of Belorussia . His father mad e a poor livin g a s a presser. Hi s parents wer e Ortho dox, observan t Jews , afte r the y settle d i n Ne w York , a s the y ha d been in Russia. I n 193 5 Cohen wrote abou t hi s father :

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In al l I knew o f m y fathe r h e conforme d t o th e ol d conceptio n o f a saint. H e was kindly, sympathetic , just i n al l hi s dealings, an d neve r harming anyone, pained at the presence of any injustice o r inequities, and alway s hoping for the triumph o f good causes. 2 Of hi s mother , Cohe n wrot e tha t sh e wa s th e faithfu l an d devote d companion o f he r husban d fo r sixty-seve n years , tha t sh e ha d a remarkable an d vigorou s intelligence , an d tha t al l th e dream s o f hi s life, al l th e lon g communing s wit h himself , wer e directl y o r indi rectly connecte d wit h he r an d wer e endowe d wit h som e o f he r tenacious vitality. 3 It wa s hi s materna l grandfather , however , wh o mos t profoundl y influenced hi s earl y life . Betwee n th e age s o f seve n an d te n Cohe n lived wit h hi m i n th e cit y o f Nesviz h i n Belorussia , wher e Isaa c Elhanan (Spektor ) wa s rabb i an d wher e Rabb i Jose f Bae r Soloveit chik wa s born , a s wa s als o Solomo n Maimon , a cit y wit h a yeshi vah, a Hebre w school , a kindergarten , a Yiddis h school , an d a Zionist society. 4 Hi s grandfathe r wa s a tailo r wit h a modes t Jewis h education. Durin g thos e thre e year s Cohe n attende d a heder si x days a week , generall y fro m eigh t o'cloc k i n th e mornin g unti l after six , an d yet , h e remarked , hi s mai n educatio n cam e fro m hi s grandfather. I t wa s fro m hi s lip s tha t h e firs t hear d th e nam e Aris totle, an d th e nam e Maimonide s (abbr . Rambam) , an d o f Napo leon's campaig n i n Russia . I t wa s i n hi s grandfather' s hom e tha t Cohen foun d a cop y o f a Hebre w versio n o f Josephus , whic h h e "devoured" an d whic h gav e hi m a tast e fo r histor y tha t h e neve r lost. Withou t th e thre e years wit h hi s grandfather , Cohe n wrote , " I could no t hav e acquire d th e mora l an d intellectua l interest s whic h have bee n controllin g i n th e cours e o f m y subsequen t life. " Cohen , years later , remarke d tha t hi s grandfather' s asceti c lif e ha d influ enced hi s temperamen t "eve n mor e tha n m y philosophy. " O n th e day i n 189 0 whe n h e wa s t o tak e th e trai n bac k t o hi s parent s i n Minsk, Cohe n wrot e man y year s later , I was awakene d b y my grandfather kissin g me good-bye. I was over come wit h kee n anguis h tha t never , neve r woul d I se e hi m again . The tear s rolle d dow n m y cheek s befor e I knew it . Compare d t o m y mother, h e ha d bee n a har d taskmaster . Bu t h e ha d bee n th e cente r of m y lif e durin g thre e formativ e year s o f youn g boyhoo d an d I

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realized eve n then , a s I have mor e full y since , tha t h e ha d lai d th e foundation no t onl y o f m y intellectua l development , bu t o f tha t inner superiorit y t o worldl y fortun e whic h i s the essenc e o f genuin e nobility, spirituality , o r a s I prefe r t o cal l i t now , th e trul y philo sophic life . It wa s walk s an d talk s wit h hi s grandfathe r i n Nesviz h tha t firs t stimulated Cohen' s imaginatio n abou t th e worl d an d history , tha t "gave a specia l zes t t o reflection s o n la w an d ethic s whic h for m th e substance o f Orthodo x Hebre w education . Hi s talk s t o m e abou t Maimonides an d th e Boo k o f Cusar i [b y Juda h Halevi ] stimulate d an interes t i n th e philosoph y o f religio n tha t ha s neve r waned." 5 He returne d t o hi s parents ' hom e i n Minsk , wher e h e remaine d for th e followin g tw o years. I n th e Hebre w school s that h e attended , in Mins k an d i n Nesvizh , h e studie d Bibl e wit h Rashi' s commen tary, an d Talmud , especiall y th e Tractate s Bab a Kam a an d Gittin . His stud y a t th e heder wa s supplemente d b y stud y wit h a tuto r engaged b y hi s mother . Year s late r h e wrot e tha t "th e Talmu d ha d been m y first teacher." 6 In 189 2 hi s famil y emigrate d t o th e Unite d States . Hi s fathe r ha d made th e crossin g o f th e Atlanti c alon e severa l time s befor e i n efforts t o sav e enoug h mone y t o tak e hi s famil y wit h him . Th e firs t time hi s fathe r cam e t o Ne w Yor k h e arrive d wit h a bundl e con taining hi s tallit , tephilli n (praye r shaw l an d phylacteries) , som e underwear, wit h eighty-fiv e cent s i n hi s pocket , an d h e ha d n o on e awaiting h i m — n o relative , n o friend. 7 Year s late r Morri s Cohe n wrote o f hi s parents , immigrant s i n a strang e land , a s persons "wh o were o f tha t heroi c generatio n tha t tor e u p thei r root s i n thei r ol d homeland, an d unaide d an d wit h n o equipmen t othe r tha n thei r indomitable fait h an d courage , buil t ne w home s i n thi s lan d an d raised u p childre n wh o hav e mad e invaluabl e contribution s t o th e life o f thi s countr y . . ." 8 The famil y move d int o a three-roo m apartmen t o n th e corne r o f Broome an d Norfol k Street s o n th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e o f Manhattan . Life was difficult . Th e fathe r worke d a s a presse r whe n employmen t was available , an d Morri s Cohe n trie d t o hel p ou t wit h after-schoo l jobs sellin g newspaper s o r workin g a t a sod a fountai n adjacen t t o a pool roo m operate d b y hi s brother . H e wa s alway s eager , h e wrote ,

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"to lighte n th e burden s o f m y parents." 9 H e onc e wrot e tha t h e would hav e liked t o have lived over again the first fourtee n years of his life; tha t i n hi s fourteenth yea r h e ha d "gaine d consciousness. " He read avidly ; i n 189 7 he made a list o f seventy-three cloth-boun d and seventy-seve n paperbac k book s that h e had read . Whil e still i n his teens h e rea d extensivel y i n history , includin g Gibbon , Momm sen, Green' s History of the English Veople, Milman' s Notes on Roman History, Freeman' s Ten Great Religions, Marcu s Aurelius , Ib sen, Imitation of Christ; the textbook tha t influence d hi m most , h e wrote, wa s Meyer's General History, bu t i t was Gibbon that mad e a more endurin g impressio n o n hi s thinking tha n an y o f the book s he read i n hi s courses. 10 Durin g tha t seedtim e h e though t tha t h e would lik e to become a teacher or a journalist. 11 In Septembe r 189 5 he entere d Cit y College , fro m whic h h e wa s graduated wit h a B.S . degre e i n 1900 . H e too k course s i n Frenc h and German , history , English , zoology , logic , an d mathematics . He wa s especiall y impresse d wit h th e cours e i n Frenc h literature , with th e poetr y o f Racin e an d Corneille , wit h Moliere , Voltaire , and Victo r Hugo ; h e rea d Joh n Stuar t Mill' s Logic, an d book s b y Comte, Herber t Spencer , an d Georg e Herber t Palmer . H e ha d no t abandoned hi s interes t i n Jewis h histor y an d religion—h e rea d Graetz's History of the Jews, an d book s o n th e highe r criticis m o f the Bible . H e read historie s o f Egypt an d o f Assyria an d Babylonia . He wa s especiall y intereste d i n pre-Socrati c philosophy , an d rea d Plato's Tarmenides an d Aristotle' s Metaphysics, a s wel l a s Hegel' s Encyklopadie}2 During hi s years a s a n upper-classma n a t CCNY , however , Co hen's chie f intellectua l interest s wer e centere d a t th e Educationa l Alliance o n th e Lowe r Eas t Side more than a t hi s college. I n 188 9 a number o f Jewish cultura l agencie s amalgamate d an d forme d th e Hebrew Institute . Fou r years later th e name was changed t o Educational Alliance , o f whic h Isidor e Strau s wa s president . It s Aguila r Free Library an d readin g roo m were stacked wit h Yiddish , Hebrew , English, an d Russia n book s an d periodicals . Th e lecture s offere d there b y Sholom Aleichem , Zv i Hirsch Masliansky , an d othe r well known literar y an d religiou s speaker s attracte d a s many a s thirty seven thousan d person s a week . Ther e wer e Englis h languag e classes, naturalizatio n courses , preschoo l classes , literar y an d civi c

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clubs, musi c an d dram a classes , ar t exhibit s an d a children's orches tra. Ther e wa s als o a synagogu e an d a religiou s school. 13 Cohen frequente d th e Aguila r Fre e Librar y a s soo n a s h e learne d to rea d English . Bu t whe n h e wa s eightee n h e discovere d a t th e Educational Allianc e a perso n wh o wa s t o hav e a decisive influenc e on hi s lif e an d thought , Thoma s Davidson . Davidson, identifie d a s a philosopher an d wanderin g scholar , wa s born i n Scotlan d i n 1840 . I n 186 6 h e move d t o Canad a an d taugh t school i n Toronto ; the n h e wen t t o Sain t Louis , wandere d of f t o Boston, an d a t las t reache d Ne w Yor k an d attache d himsel f t o th e Educational Alliance . I n a boo k abou t hi m publishe d seve n year s after hi s death , h e i s described a s follows : His learnin g wa s encyclopedic , an d hi s cultur e almos t universal . A great linguist , h e ha d a knowledg e o f philosoph y i n al l it s branche s that wa s amazin g . . . but h e was so humble an d altruisti c tha t ver y few of his friends an d acquaintances knew what treasure s were stored within hi s brain an d heart . Mor e than an y of the nineteenth centur y thinkers know n t o fame , h e live d an d toile d fo r othe r people , an d from firs t t o last ha d no thought o f himself. As w e shal l see , Cohe n readil y agree d wit h thi s estimat e o f th e man. Davidso n live d modestl y an d mad e hi s meage r livin g b y pri vate teaching , tutoring , lecturing , an d writing . H e spent mor e tha n half o f eac h yea r i n leisurel y stud y an d frequen t lon g visit s i n Europe. I n London , h e establishe d th e Fellowshi p o f th e Ne w Life , of which th e Fabia n Societ y wa s a n offshoot. 14 In th e fal l o f 189 8 Davidson conducte d a clas s a t th e Educationa l Alliance o n Saturda y evenings . Wit h som e misgiving s an d hesita tion, Cohe n starte d t o atten d thes e lecture s an d foun d the m t o be , to hi s amazement , interesting . Afte r on e o f th e session s Davidso n met Cohe n an d sai d t o him : "Yo u hav e a fine mind . Yo u ough t t o cultivate it. " "I t was, " Cohe n late r wrote , "year s sinc e anyon e ha d paid m e suc h a compliment. " I t wa s no t lon g befor e Cohe n though t of Davidso n a s hi s belove d teacher , an d th e teache r though t o f Cohen a s hi s so n who m h e woul d lik e t o hav e adopted . I n hi s autobiography, Cohe n wrote : To me, a s a youth o f nineteen , Davidso n ha d bee n a father , a guid e into fields wher e h e though t m y highes t possibilitie s lay , an d a n

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inspirer o f effort s whic h becam e m y life' s passion . . . . Non e o f u s who were touched b y his spirit ca n eve r forget hi s heroic devotion t o the pursui t an d expressio n o f trut h a s h e sa w i t "i n scor n o f conse quences" o r hi s magnificen t disdai n fo r worldl y good s wheneve r h e might serv e th e spiritua l need s o f thos e wit h who m h e cam e int o contact. Non e o f u s can eve r forge t th e teache r wh o showe d u s tha t there ar e values of character whic h remai n whe n al l els e decays an d that their s is the enduring victory. 15 It wa s Davidso n wh o mad e Cohe n stud y Latin , an d wh o directe d him t o readin g Hume' s Treatise on Human Nature, an d Kant' s Critique of Vure Reason. I s i t an y wonde r tha t whe n Cohe n wa s sixty-three year s ol d h e referre d t o Davidso n a s on e wh o ha d bee n "a ligh t o f my lif e an d o f m y intellectua l development"? 16 Davidso n also introduce d Cohe n t o Tennyson , Dante , an d Goethe , i n eac h o f whom Cohe n maintaine d a n interes t t o th e en d o f hi s life . In 188 9 Davidso n bough t a far m nea r Keen e i n th e Adirondacks , where h e spen t eigh t month s o f th e yea r (th e othe r fou r month s December-March h e wa s i n Ne w Yor k a t th e Educationa l Alli ance). H e calle d hi s plac e Glenmore , an d i n th e summer s o f 188 9 and 190 0 h e conducte d a schoo l o f philosoph y ther e tha t attracte d William James , Joh n Dewey , Feli x Adler , Stephe n S . Wise , W . T . Harris ( a leadin g America n Hegelia n philosopher) , an d othe r schol ars an d thinkers . Davidso n invite d Cohe n t o com e a s hi s guest , an d there Cohe n me t an d establishe d friendship s wit h person s who wer e significant fo r hi s intellectua l life . I n th e fal l o f 190 0 Davidson wa s operated o n fo r cance r an d die d a t th e ag e o f sixty. Nin e years afte r Davidson's death , Cohe n wrote : "Davidso n go t hol d o f me when m y soul wa s parche d an d al l it s zes t fo r lif e gone . Throug h hi s persona l friendship h e opene d th e well s o f lif e withi n m e . . . th e remem brance o f m y persona l relatio n wit h hi m i s enoug h t o bea r m e u p for a lifetime." 1 7 Th e exten t an d dept h o f Davidson' s significanc e for Cohe n ma y i n par t b e measure d b y th e fac t tha t Cohe n mad e annual pilgrimage s t o Davidson' s grav e a t Glenmore ; th e las t suc h visit wa s i n Augus t 1941 , when Cohe n wa s sixty-one. 18 One additiona l importan t fac t wit h respec t t o th e Davidson Cohen relationshi p need s t o b e mentioned . Immediatel y afte r Da vidson's death , Cohe n an d othe r youn g student s wh o ha d bee n attached t o hi m decide d tha t i t wa s imperativ e tha t th e wor k tha t

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Davidson ha d starte d a t th e Educationa l Allianc e b e continued . They therefor e establishe d th e Breadwinners ' College . Ther e wer e to b e n o degrees , n o credits , n o teachers ' salaries , bu t adul t educa tion offere d t o al l takers . (N o schoo l wit h suc h a n objectiv e wa s i n existence i n Ne w Yor k a t th e time ; th e Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Research wa s opene d i n 1919. ) Cohe n wa s fo r som e years principa l or chairma n o f th e executiv e committee . Ther e wer e classe s i n Latin, French , German , algebra , ancien t history , moder n history , and othe r hig h school-leve l courses , a s wel l a s college-typ e course s such a s those o n th e Boo k of Job, o n philosophy , an d o n th e philoso phy o f history . I n additio n th e colleg e (als o calle d th e Davidso n School) organize d clubs , Sunda y outings , an d a summe r cam p fo r weekends an d holidays . Th e attractivenes s o f the school i s indicate d by th e fac t tha t i n 1902- 3 ther e wer e 78 3 student s i n th e classes , and tha t altogethe r i n tha t yea r clos e t o 1,40 0 person s benefite d from it s program. Th e Breadwinners ' Colleg e continue d fo r eightee n years, unti l 1918 , its progra m i n a wa y take n u p b y th e Ne w Schoo l for Socia l Research , wit h whic h Cohe n becam e identifie d a s th e school's first lecture r an d wher e h e taugh t a weekly cours e fo r man y years. 19 Amon g it s lecturer s an d teacher s were , beside s Cohen , lead ing scholar s an d thinker s includin g Charle s M . Bakewell , W . T . Harris, Joh n Dewey , Edwi n R . A . Seligman , an d Willia m Alla n Neilson. 20 It wa s Thoma s Davidso n wh o inspire d Cohe n t o devot e day s an d years t o th e Breadwinners ' College . I n Ma y 190 0 Davidson wrot e t o his students i n Ne w York : If you found a Breadwinners' College now, an d make it a success, you may liv e t o se e a copy o f i t i n ever y cit y war d an d i n ever y countr y village. . . . A little kno t of earnest Jews has turned th e world upsid e down befor e now . Wh y ma y no t th e sam e thing—nay , a fa r bette r thing—happen i n your day , an d amon g you? Have you forgotte n th e old promis e mad e t o Abraham,—"I n the e an d i n th y see d shal l al l the familie s o f th e eart h b e blessed" ? Yo u ca n brin g th e promis e t o fulfillment i f you will . A little heroism , a little self-sacrifice, an d th e thing is done.21 William James ha d wante d Harvar d t o appoin t Davidso n a professo r of philosophy—" a kin d o f Socrates , a devote e o f trut h an d love r o f

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youth, . . . a contagiou s exampl e o f ho w lightl y an d humanl y a burden of learning might be borne . . . his influence amon g student s would b e priceless. . . . I think tha t i n thi s case , . . . Harvard Uni versity los t a grea t opportunity." 22 Harvard' s loss , however , wa s Cohen's gain, an d a gain for workers and society; for the college, a s Cohen wrote, helpe d "t o transform [Jewish ] shirtmakers into teach ers, physicians , biologists , . . . engineer s . . . head s o f settle ments." 23 And it helped t o move Morris Cohen into intellectual an d spiritual adulthood , an d int o makin g hi m th e grea t teache r an d great Jew that h e was. After receivin g hi s B.S . degre e fro m Cit y Colleg e i n 1900 , fo r tw o years, 1902-4 , Cohe n wa s a graduat e studen t i n philosoph y a t Co lumbia. A t th e sam e tim e h e taugh t mathematic s a t Townsen d Harris Hall , Cit y College' s preparator y hig h school . I n 190 4 Feli x Adler (wh o ha d founde d th e Ethica l Cultur e movemen t i n 1876 ) arranged fo r Cohe n t o g o t o Harvar d o n a $75 0 fellowship . H e studied a t Harvar d fo r tw o years an d receive d a Ph.D . i n 1906 . His dissertation wa s o n Kant' s theor y o f happiness . I n hi s secon d yea r at Harvar d hi s roommat e wa s Feli x Frankfurter , wh o graduate d from Cit y Colleg e i n 1902 . Durin g tha t yea r Cohe n wa s i n poo r health, an d Frankfurter , wh o wa s a law student , looke d afte r him . They became lifelong close friends. A t Harvard Cohen studied unde r William James an d Josiah Royce . He later noted tha t James was his best frien d ( a photograp h o f Jame s wa s o n a wal l i n th e Cohe n apartment, an d h e name d hi s younge r so n fo r James) , an d tha t Royce wa s hi s bes t teacher , on e afte r who m h e wante d t o mode l himself. Durin g hi s secon d year , fro m hi s clos e relationshi p wit h Frankfurter, Cohe n develope d a n interes t i n la w an d lega l philoso phy tha t remaine d wit h hi m al l hi s life . Royc e frequentl y men tioned Charle s S. Peirce, an d Peirce , too , becam e a lifelong interes t of Cohen's , eventuall y leadin g t o Cohen' s pioneerin g wor k o n be half o f Peirc e i n editin g Chance, Love, and Logic: Essays of C . S . Veirce in 1923 . While a t Harvard , Cohe n organize d a branch o f th e Ethical Cultur e movement . He lef t Harvar d wit h letter s o f recommendatio n fro m Willia m James, Royce , Georg e Herber t Palmer , an d Ralp h Barto n Perry . H e also ha d suc h letter s fro m Feli x Adle r an d Willia m T . Harris . N o

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one coul d hav e starte d ou t t o loo k fo r a firs t positio n a s a teache r o f philosophy wit h bette r recommendations . Ye t h e foun d n o ope n door, n o welcome . I n thos e earl y year s o f th e twentiet h century , philosophy an d religio n wer e closel y tie d a t almos t al l college s an d universities, an d religio n meant , o f course , Christianity . Cohe n went t o Townsen d Harri s Hal l t o teac h mathematics . H e was, natu rally, unhappy , frustrated , an d despondent . Fortunately , i n Jun e 1906 he marrie d Mar y Ryshpan , wh o sustaine d hi s spirits (a s she di d until he r deat h i n 1942 , predeceasin g hi m b y fiv e years). A t last , i n 1912, afte r a wai t o f si x years , Cohe n wa s appointe d assistan t pro fessor o f philosoph y a t Cit y College . Befor e hi s appointmen t Cohe n published article s an d review s i n leadin g philosophica l journal s an d conducted classe s a t th e Davidso n School . It wa s a s a grea t teache r a t CCN Y tha t Cohe n wo n fam e amon g philosophers an d intellectuals . I n 192 1 h e wa s promote d t o ful l professor. Unti l hi s retiremen t i n 1938 , afte r twenty-si x year s o f teaching philosophy , h e taugh t man y youn g me n wh o themselve s became professor s o f philosoph y whe n restriction s o n th e appoint ment o f Jew s becam e les s severe . Thes e forme r student s o f Cohe n constituted a veritabl e galax y o f America n philosophers ; the y in cluded Ernes t Nagel , Sidne y Hook , Lewi s S . Feuer , Josep h T . Shipley, Pau l Weiss , Josep h Ratner , Danie l J . Bronstein , Phili p P . Wiener, Herber t Schneider , Morto n White , Milto n Munitz , Le o Abraham, an d others ; Cohe n estimate d tha t a t CCN Y h e taugh t a total o f some fiftee n thousan d students . Cohen's metho d o f teaching , i n hi s day , wa s no t o f th e conven tional sort . H e wa s no t tie d dow n t o a textboo k an d studen t recita tions, no r di d h e rel y o n lectures , bu t use d th e Socrati c metho d o f questioning th e student s t o elici t a laten t idea , directe d towar d the establishmen t o f a proposition . I n hi s autobiograph y Cohe n explained tha t h e resorte d t o th e Socrati c metho d becaus e whe n h e started t o teac h philosoph y h e ha d foun d himsel f devoi d o f th e gif t of verba l fluency . A s th e year s passed , perhap s i t wa s i n th e earl y 1930s, Cohe n fel t tha t hi s metho d o f teachin g ha d los t som e o f it s sparkle, du e t o hi s declinin g physica l energ y an d t o th e growin g size o f hi s classes , a s wel l a s th e distractio n o f outsid e activitie s (especially hi s involvemen t wit h Jewis h activities) ; h e wa s ques tioning les s an d resortin g mor e t o lecturing . H e wa s ver y critica l o f

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his ow n lecturing , fo r h e feare d tha t "lecturin g woul d uncon sciously bege t a n eas y omniscienc e an d satisfactio n wit h apparen t or rhetorica l truths . N o man , n o matte r ho w critical , ca n stan d u p before a clas s an d refrai n fro m sayin g mor e tha n h e knows." 2 4 Cohen wa s wel l awar e tha t hi s metho d o f teachin g b y raisin g questions an d demolishin g answer s ha d create d th e widel y hel d opinion tha t h e wa s merel y negative , destructive . H e readil y pleaded guilt y t o th e charge . Whe n a studen t venture d t o complai n that Cohe n wa s merel y critical , h e responded : "Yo u hav e hear d th e story o f ho w Hercule s cleane d th e Augea n stables . H e too k al l th e dirt an d manur e ou t an d lef t the m clean . Yo u as k me , 'Wha t di d h e leave i n thei r stead? ' I answer , 'Isn' t i t enoug h t o hav e cleane d th e stables?' " 2 5 Cohe n wrot e tha t h e ha d learne d fro m Davidso n no t t o succumb t o th e natura l urg e t o remak e Go d an d th e univers e i n one's ow n image . Davidson , h e noted , ha d mad e i t a rul e o f hi s lif e to quarre l wit h thos e wh o agree d wit h him , an d t o hav e a s hi s favorite student s thos e wh o mos t radicall y differe d fro m him . "Wh y should I assume," Cohe n wrote , that m y own convictions represented the summit of wisdom in philosophy o r anythin g else ? I t seeme d t o m e a mor e importan t servic e i n the caus e o f liberal civilizatio n t o develop a spirit o f genuine regar d for th e weigh t o f evidenc e an d a powe r t o discriminat e betwee n responsible an d irresponsibl e sources of information, t o inculcate th e habit o f admittin g ignoranc e whe n w e d o not know , an d t o nouris h the critica l spiri t o f inquir y whic h i s inseparabl e fro m th e lov e o f truth tha t make s men free. 26 Cohen ha d als o acquire d a reputatio n fo r bein g acerbi c i n clas s as h e commente d o n wha t student s said . A t th e tim e o f hi s retire ment i n 193 8 th e magazin e Time referre d t o Cohe n a s " a moder n Socrates wit h a n aci d tongue." 2 7 Th e testimon y o f Cohen' s forme r student, Professo r Richar d B . Morris , o f Columbi a University , well known America n historian , was , however , tha t "perhap s tw o per cent o f Cohen' s student s wer e rankle d b y hi s acerbity . Fo r mos t o f us, t o b e correcte d b y Socrate s seeme d neithe r a surpris e no r a disgrace. H e cracke d dow n o n th e fakers . Bu t t o th e responsiv e students h e wa s encouragin g an d generous." 2 8 In October 1927 , over a thousand person s gathered a t the Hotel As-

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tor t o hono r Professo r Cohe n b y markin g hi s twenty-fiv e year s o f teaching a t Cit y Colleg e (includin g hi s years a t th e college' s prepa ratory school) . Professo r Feli x Frankfurte r wa s toastmaster . Amon g the speaker s wer e Professo r Natha n R . Margold , o f Harvar d La w School, a forme r student ; Dea n Frederic k J . E . Woodbridge , unde r whom Cohe n ha d studie d philosoph y a t Columbia ; Dr . Juda h L . Magnes, presiden t o f Hebre w Universit y (whic h ha d opene d i n 1925); Judg e Julia n W . Mack ; Bertran d Russell ; Frederic k B . Rob inson, presiden t o f City College ; an d John Dewey . Ther e were letter s from Justic e Holmes , Dea n Rosco e Pound , Benjami n N . Cardoz o (then chie f judge of the Court o f Appeals of New York) , an d others. 29 Eight year s later , a t th e ag e o f fifty-seven, Cohe n retired , fo r reasons o f healt h an d becaus e h e wante d mor e tim e fo r writing , and mor e tim e fo r th e Jewis h activitie s tha t h e ha d starte d i n th e early 1930s . When Cohe n wa s twelv e year s old , h e overhear d a conversatio n between hi s fathe r an d a n acquaintance . Th e latte r challenge d Abraham Cohe n t o prov e tha t ther e i s a persona l God . T o thi s challenge Mr . Cohe n coul d onl y reply : " I a m a believer. " "This, " Cohen late r wrote , "di d no t satisf y m y ow n mind . Afte r som e re flection I conclude d tha t i n al l m y studie s n o suc h evidenc e wa s available. Afte r tha t I sa w n o reaso n fo r praye r o r th e specificall y Jewish religiou s observances." 30 However , sinc e h e live d wit h hi s parents i n thei r home , h e continue d t o compl y wit h religiou s re quirements unti l h e wa s ninetee n year s old . Cohen wa s a n agnostic , o r wha t use d t o b e called , especiall y i n England, a rationalist . H e woul d not , however , thin k o f himsel f a s an atheist . "Thos e wh o calle d themselve s atheists, " h e wrote , seemed t o b e singularl y blind , a s a rule , t o th e limitation s o f ou r knowledge an d t o th e infinit e possibilitie s beyon d us . . . . Thos e o f my circl e wh o rejecte d religio n in WW seeme d t o m e t o b e castin g away th e ideal s tha t ha d sustaine d ou r peopl e throug h s o man y generations. . . . I n thi s som e o f u s lost sigh t o f th e large r vie w tha t Thomas Davidso n ha d taught , tha t w e hav e n o righ t t o brea k awa y from th e pas t unti l w e hav e appropriate d al l it s experience an d wis dom, an d tha t reverenc e fo r th e pas t ma y g o han d i n han d wit h loyalty t o the future, "t o the Kingdo m which dot h not yet appear." 31

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Cohen live d u p t o th e mandat e t o appropriat e fro m th e pas t al l its experienc e an d wisdom . H e studie d th e Bibl e an d othe r Jewis h classics al l hi s life . Whil e a graduat e studen t a t Harvard , h e studie d with Professo r Georg e Foo t Moore , a n authorit y o n comparativ e religion an d autho r o f th e highl y regarded , magisteria l three-vol ume wor k Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era (1927). An d Cohe n accepte d fo r himsel f Santayana' s definitio n o f piety a s "reverenc e fo r th e source s o f one' s being." 3 2 H e wrot e tha t it i s t o b e regrette d tha t mos t Jew s ha d "los t contac t wit h th e traditional substanc e o f Jewis h education. " I t i s important , h e wrote, for a Jew livin g i n a predominantl y non-Jewis h worl d t o understan d the actua l histor y o f hi s ow n people . . . . I n othe r words , t o lea d a dignified, self-respectin g life , a Je w mus t kno w th e histor y o f hi s people, no t merel y i n th e Biblica l period, . . . but als o in the Talmu dic and more recent histori c eras. 33 The Hebre w Scriptures , h e wrote , "neve r cease d t o gri p me, " an d when h e wa s depresse d an d ha d littl e energ y fo r stud y o r writing, h e found th e Bibl e an d biblica l criticis m "mos t absorbin g reading." 3 4 Although firmly a n agnostic , Cohe n wrot e tha t hi s studie s o f th e great religion s ha d le d hi m t o se e tha t ritua l i s a primar y fac t i n human experience . Fo r himself , h e wrote , the ancien t ceremonie s tha t celebrat e th e comin g an d goin g o f life , the weddin g ceremony , th e b'rith, an d th e funera l service , giv e a n expression t o th e continuit y o f th e spiritua l traditio n tha t i s mor e eloquent tha n an y phrase s o f m y ow n creation . Th e ritua l ma y b e diluted b y Englis h an d b y modernisms, bu t th e Hebrai c Go d is still a potent symbo l o f th e continuou s lif e o f whic h w e individual s ar e waves. Like vivid illustrations in the book of my life ar e the prayers of my parents, . . . an d th e celebratio n o f th e continuit y o f generation s i n the Passove r service s i n th e hom e o f m y parent s an d i n th e home s of m y children . An d thoug h I hav e neve r gon e bac k t o theologi c supernaturalism, I have come to appreciate mor e than I once did th e symbolism i n whic h i s celebrated th e huma n nee d o f trusting t o th e larger vision , accordin g t o whic h calamitie s com e an d g o bu t th e continuity o f life an d faith i n its better possibilities survive. 35

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In 1928-2 9 Cohe n undertoo k th e chairmanshi p o f a project calle d the Talmudi c Library . Togethe r wit h Professo r Chai m Tchernowit z (Rav Za'ir) , o f th e Jewis h Institut e o f Religio n (late r joine d t o Hebrew Unio n College) , h e ha d a pla n t o prepar e an d publis h a n encyclopedia tha t woul d mak e th e Talmu d intelligibl e t o genera l readers, bu t th e tim e wa s apparentl y no t rip e fo r thi s venture . I t attracted th e suppor t o f Professor s Moore , Joh n Dewey , Rosco e Pound, an d othe r leadin g non-Jewis h scholars , bu t no t enoug h en thusiasm amon g Jewish scholars . Th e ide a i s currently bein g imple mented b y th e Israel i Encyclopedia Talmudica an d b y th e wor k o f Adin Steinsaltz . The breadt h an d dept h o f Cohen' s knowledg e o f Jewis h histor y and philosoph y ca n easil y b e see n i n hi s profoundl y scholarl y essa y on "Philosophie s o f Jewish History," 36 publishe d i n 1939 . Th e essa y shows hi s knowledg e o f practicall y al l th e grea t master s o f Jewis h life an d thought : Philo , Rashi , Maimonides , Josep h Karo , Graetz , Dubnow, Zinberg , Elija h Gao n o f Vilna , Herman n Cohen , Claud e Montefiore, Nachma n Krochmal , Leopol d Zunz , Abraha m Geiger , Zacharias Frankel , Aha d Ha 3 Am , an d man y others—no t t o men tion th e Bible , th e Talmud , an d th e Apocrypha . I t i s a n essa y wit h encyclopedic swee p an d ye t i t ha s dept h an d a persona l touc h an d spirit. Onl y a maste r schola r coul d hav e writte n th e essay . As a bo y livin g i n Minsk , Cohe n becam e a n avi d reade r o f Yid dish novels , an d hi s fondnes s fo r Yiddis h wa s sustaine d throughou t his life . H e rea d a Yiddis h newspaper . " I ow e a goo d dea l o f m y education," h e wrote , "t o th e Yiddis h press . I t taugh t m e t o loo k a t world new s fro m a cosmopolita n instea d o f a loca l o r provincia l point o f view , an d i t taugh t m e t o interpre t politic s realistically , instead o f bein g misle d b y empt y phrases." 37 Th e Yiddis h press , h e noted, prepare d million s o f Jews t o tak e a worth y par t i n America n civilization an d promote d th e self-respec t t o whic h the y wer e enti tled becaus e o f thei r characte r an d history . Furthermore , h e gav e credit t o th e Yiddis h press—perhap s becaus e i t ha d n o arm y o f reporters t o di g u p sensationa l news—fo r emphasizin g thing s o f permanent, rathe r tha n ephemeral , interest . "I t trie d t o giv e it s readers somethin g o f endurin g an d substantia l value." 3 8 On th e questio n o f Zionism , however , Cohe n listene d t o a differ -

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ent drumbeat . H e wa s no t a Zionist . Jus t a s h e oppose d assimila tionism, so , too , h e oppose d th e separatis m tha t Zionis m implied . While h e greatl y admire d th e halutzim wh o reclaime d th e soi l o f Eretz Israel , oppose d th e restriction s o n Jewis h immigratio n an d land ownershi p i n Palestin e impose d b y th e Britis h government , and supporte d th e establishmen t an d developmen t o f th e Hebre w University, h e fel t repulse d b y th e ide a tha t th e establishmen t o f a Jewish stat e woul d necessaril y mea n discriminatio n agains t non Jews. I n an y case , h e fel t tha t Zionis m wa s a distractio n o f Ameri can Jews fro m th e problem s the y face d a t home . But whil e Cohe n wa s no t a Zionist , h e wa s no t a n anti-Zionist . Zionism, h e wrot e i n 1945 , "ha s serve d a hig h purpose, " i t ha s "rendered th e suprem e servic e o f increasin g men' s self-re spect . . ." 39 Cohen fitte d th e Jews an d hi s ow n awarenes s o f himsel f a s a Je w into hi s philosoph y o f pluralis m an d th e desirabilit y o f cultura l diversity—a philosoph y tha t h e share d wit h Horac e M . Kallen . H e rejected th e notio n o f nationalis m tha t pervade d Europe , a narro w nationalism tha t contraste d wit h America n federalis m an d th e ide a represented b y th e mott o E pluribus unum. Americ a ha s bee n set tled b y man y differen t peoples , an d eac h ha s mad e it s contributio n to a commo n civilization . Why , then , h e asked , should no t th e Jews contribut e thei r specifi c gifts ? Th e ide a tha t al l immigrants shoul d wip e ou t thei r pas t an d becom e simpl e immit ations o f th e dominan t typ e i s neithe r possibl e no r desirable . . . . All grea t civilization s hav e resulte d fro m th e contribution s o f man y peoples, an d a riche r America n cultur e ca n com e onl y i f th e Jews , like othe r elements , ar e give n a chanc e t o develo p unde r favorabl e conditions their peculiar genius. 40 In anothe r contex t h e wrote : "Wh y shoul d no t th e Jews contribut e their specifi c gift s i n th e wa y o f enthusias m fo r th e arts , fo r socia l idealism, a s wel l a s thei r peculia r lov e o f intellectua l lif e fo r it s own sake?" 41 In th e sprin g o f 1933 , when Cohe n wa s fifty-two year s old , h e bega n to thin k o f retirin g fro m teaching . I n 1931 , with th e hel p o f hi s so n Felix, Cohen' s Reason and Nature, an d i n 193 3 hi s Law and the

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Social Order, ha d bee n published , an d soo n ther e wa s t o b e pub lished An Introduction to Logic and Scientific Method (1934 ) b y Cohen an d hi s former studen t Professo r Ernes t Nagel . H e had bee n a regular contributo r t o th e Ne w Republic fro m it s very conceptio n i n 1914; h e wrot e fo r i t som e fort y revie w essays , a s well a s editorials , some o f whic h wer e late r incorporate d int o hi s books. 42 Hi s healt h was precarious . H e coul d retire , h e wrote , wit h th e feelin g tha t what h e ha d t o contribut e t o philosoph y woul d no t peris h wit h him. Thi s gave hi m a sense of relief. Bu t h e did no t contemplate , fo r his remainin g years, day s o f idl e reveries . No , h e wrote , With thi s sens e o f relief , I coul d loo k abou t m e t o se e what , i f anything, th e meage r offering s o f a logicia n coul d contribut e t o th e future o f m y peopl e her e an d abroa d an d t o th e caus e o f huma n freedom, wit h which th e fate of the Jew has been so intricately boun d for so many centuries. 43 In 193 3 Hitle r ha d com e int o power . I t wa s n o tim e t o merel y dabble i n Jewis h affairs ; th e danger s loome d large . Cohe n decide d to devot e hi s majo r effort s t o th e problem s tha t th e Jewis h peopl e faced. Fro m a part-tim e Jew , Cohe n wa s movin g t o becom e a full time Jew . When h e considere d hi s ow n intellectua l equipmen t an d th e things tha t h e coul d bes t do , Cohe n decide d tha t hi s contributio n would bes t b e t o researc h an d th e applicatio n o f th e scientifi c method t o som e basi c Jewis h interest s an d needs . Anti-Semitis m was rampan t an d wa s threatenin g th e ver y lif e o f the Jewish people . But ho w muc h wa s reall y know n abou t th e cause s an d natur e o f anti-Semitism? A s h e looke d abou t him , Cohe n sa w th e Jewis h people hopelessl y divide d ove r ideology , religion , Zionism , capital ism an d communism , an d othe r issues . I t seeme d t o hi m "tha t th e only possibl e basi s o f unit y wa s th e basi s tha t give s unit y t o th e disagreements o f scientists , a commo n acceptanc e o f th e nee d fo r demonstrable knowledge , base d o n nonpartisa n scholarl y studies. " In an y case , h e wrote , it seemed worthwhile to try to mobilize intellectual force s for a study of th e presen t an d prospectiv e situatio n o f th e Jewis h people . . . . Human knowledg e an d understandin g ma y not enabl e u s to solve al l

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the problems of the Jew in an unjust world , but abandonin g the effor t to understand th e underlying cause s and to avoid foreseeable error s is intellectual cowardice. 44 To realiz e thi s objective , Cohen , wit h th e hel p o f Alvin Johnson , convened a meetin g i n Jun e 193 3 a t th e Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Research. I t wa s attende d b y som e o f Cohen' s ol d associate s fro m the day s o f Thoma s Davidson : lawyers , scholars , doctors , econo mists. Ou t o f thi s meetin g ther e wa s organized , a fe w month s later , the Conferenc e o n Jewis h Relation s (whic h i n 195 5 becam e th e Conference o n Jewish Socia l Studies) . The Conferenc e wa s publicl y launche d i n 193 6 a t a meetin g presided ove r b y Alber t Einstei n an d addresse d b y Cohen , Harol d Laski, an d Professo r Sal o W. Baron , wh o wa s closel y associate d wit h Cohen i n thi s activity . A t th e conclusio n o f th e meeting , a n appea l for fund s wa s mad e b y Henr y Morgenthau , Sr . The organizatio n wa s conceived a s on e tha t woul d b e directe d b y scholar s fo r scholarl y objectives. I t wa s fel t tha t th e researc h woul d hel p i n th e struggl e against Naz i propagand a tha t wa s bein g widel y sprea d throughou t the world . Bu t beyon d thi s immediat e need , ther e wa s als o the nee d for reliabl e dat a o n Jewis h population , th e economi c compositio n of th e Jewish people , an d othe r relevan t aspect s o f Jewish life . The Conferenc e launche d a numbe r o f projects. A major on e wa s the publicatio n o f th e scholarl y quarterl y Jewish Social Studies i n in 1939 , whic h marke d it s fiftieth anniversar y i n 1989 . Cohe n wa s its first editor , a s h e wa s als o th e first presiden t o f th e Conference . Baron wa s vic e president , a s wer e als o Professo r Harr y A . Wolfso n of Harvard, Professo r Edwar d Sapi r o f Yale, an d Dr . Israe l Wechsler , a famou s neurologist . Th e Conferenc e wa s no t intende d t o b e a propaganda agenc y o r anythin g othe r tha n a researc h bureau . Sev eral offshoot s o f th e Conferenc e wer e th e Jewis h Occupationa l Council an d th e Jewis h Cultura l Reconstruction , whic h wa s i n charge o f salvagin g an d redistributin g manuscripts , books , artistic , cultural an d ritua l object s loote d b y th e Nazi s fro m Jewis h commu nities an d individuals . After hi s retiremen t fro m Cit y Colleg e i n Januar y 1938 , Cohe n devoted almos t al l hi s tim e an d energ y t o th e Conferenc e an d it s scholarly journal . A t th e sam e tim e man y college s an d universitie s

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tried t o induce him t o come as a lecturer or a visiting professor, an d he accepted a limited numbe r of the offers, especiall y fro m Harvar d and th e Universit y o f Chicago, bu t alway s on a restricted schedul e that woul d leav e hi m tim e fo r Conferenc e work . Hi s healt h wa s poor bu t h e kep t pushin g himself , an d h e wa s alway s worrie d an d concerned tha t h e wa s no t doin g enoug h i n th e fac e o f th e monu mental need s of the Jewish people . With th e help of his son Felix, als o published i n Cohen's lifetim e were hi s Preface to Logic (1944) , Faith of a Liberal (1946) , an d th e book tha t Cohe n though t o f a s hi s magnum opus, The Meaning of Human History (1947) . Nin e additiona l book s wer e publishe d posthumously. In 1990 , mor e tha n fort y year s afte r hi s deat h i n 1947 , seven o f Cohen's book s wer e i n print , an d th e Conferenc e o n Jewish Socia l Studies and the journal Jewish Social Studies were still in existence. Morris Raphael Cohen , a man frail i n health, a man with a sad fac e and subjec t t o despondency , a ma n wh o cam e a s a n immigran t a t the ag e o f twelv e an d wh o fo r man y year s suffere d physica l an d spiritual deprivation , a schola r an d teache r whos e firs t boo k wa s not publishe d unti l h e wa s fifty-one year s old—althoug h h e wa s universally recognize d a s a leadin g philosophe r an d thinker—wa s elected presiden t o f th e America n Philosophica l Associatio n (East ern Division ) i n 1929 , perhaps th e first Jew t o hav e bee n give n thi s honor. Cohen' s lif e an d wor k touche d th e live s o f countles s peo ple—his forme r student s wh o themselve s becam e philosophers ; ju rists, lik e Justice Holme s an d Feli x Frankfurter , Jerom e Fran k an d Nathan Margold ; Jewish scholars; and Jewish communal workers — it ha s bee n give n t o few person s t o leav e a legacy s o rich, s o abun dant an d variant . Notes 1. Se e chapter 6 in thi s volum e fo r m y essa y o n Kallen . 2. A Dreamer's Journey: The Autobiography of Morris Raphael Cohen (Boston: Beaco n Press , 1949) , 282 . Hereinafter thi s boo k wil l b e referre d to a s Autobiography. 3. Ibid. , 283 . 4. Encyclopedia Judaica 12 : 967. The Jewish populatio n i n 189 7 was 4,700 ,

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which wa s 55 percent o f th e tota l population . 5. Autobiography, 32 , 33 , 35 , 39 , 40 , 57, 165 . Se e als o Leonor a Cohe n Rosenfield, Portrait of a Philosopher: Morris R. Cohen in Life and Letters (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brac e & World , 1948) , 157 . Thi s excellen t biography wil l hereinafte r b e referre d t o a s Portrait. 6. Autobiography, 235 . 7. Ibid. , 13 . 8. Ibid. , Foreword . 9. Ibid. , 58 . 10. Ibid. , 91 ; Portrait, 10 , 11 , 12, 14 , 20. 11. Portrait, 6 . 12. Autobiography, 93 ; Portrait, 12 . 13. EncyclopediaJudaica, 12 : 1093. 14. Memorials of Thomas Davidson: The Wandering Scholar, collecte d an d edited b y William Knigh t (Boston : Ginn, 1907) , 13-14 . See also Dictionary of American Biography (Ne w York : Charle s Scribner , 1930-31) , vol. 3 , pt . 1 , p . 9 5 (articl e b y Chas . M . Bakewell) ; M . R . Cohen , i n Encyclopedia of Social Sciences (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1931 ) 5 : 10 . See also , Thoma s Davidson , The Education of the Wage-Earners (Bos ton: Ginn , 1904) , edite d wit h Introductio n b y Chas . M . Bakewell . For a bibliograph y o f Davidson' s publications , se e Memorials of Thomas Davidson, 235-38 . 15. Autobiography, 121-22 . 16. Ibid. , 108 , 281. 17. Portrait, 54 . 18. Ibid. , 52 . 19. Ibid. , 144 . 20. Ibid. , 55. Fo r Willia m James' s tribut e t o Davidson , se e Memorials of Thomas Davidson, 107 , an d James , Memories and Studies (Ne w York : Longman, Green , 1924) , 73. 21. Portrait, 60 . 22. Willia m James i n Memorials of Thomas Davidson, 111-12 . 23. Portrait, 62 . 24. Autobiography, 158 . 25. Ibid. , 146 . 26. Ibid . 27. Portrait, 157 . 28. Ibid. , 96 . 29. A Tribute to Professor Morris Raphael Cohen, Teacher and Philosopher (New York : Publishe d b y th e Yout h Wh o Sa t a t Hi s Feet , 1928) . 30. Autobiography, 69-70 . 31. Ibid. , 215 . 32. Ibid. , 229 . 33. Ibid. , 230 . 34. Ibid. , 231 .

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35. Ibid. , 218 . 36. Th e essa y wa s publishe d i n th e firs t issu e o f Jewish Social Studies, 1 ( J 939) : 39 - I t i s reprinte d i n on e o f Cohen' s posthumousl y publishe d books, Reflections of a Wondering Jew (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1950) , 53. 37. Autobiography, 219 . 38. Ibid. , 220 . 39. Ibid. , 226 . 40. Ibid. , 220 . 41. Reflections of a Wondering Jew, 33 . 42. Portrait, 429 . 43. Autobiography, 236 . 44. Ibid. , 240-41 .

C H A P T E R6

Horace M . Kalle n Milton R. Konvitz

For abou t a half-century , Horac e Kalle n occupie d a special—fo r many o f thes e years , a unique—plac e o n th e Jewis h scen e i n th e United States . Fo r h e wa s no t a professiona l Jew , no t a rabbi , no t a professor i n a rabbinica l seminary , no t a schola r wh o mad e a spe cialty o f Judai c study , no t eminen t amon g Jew s b y reaso n o f th e high offic e h e hel d i n a Jewish organization . H e was th e first Jewis h professor o f a non-Jewis h subjec t i n a non-Jewis h colleg e o r univer sity wh o wa s intimatel y an d prominentl y identifie d wit h Jewis h interests, Jewish concerns , Jewish organizations. 1 Whil e widel y rec ognized an d honore d a s a thinker , philosophe r an d psychologist , Kallen devote d muc h o f hi s tim e an d though t t o Jewis h problem s and influence d Jewis h educators , communa l workers , rabbis , an d Jewish publi c opinion . I n som e way s h e serve d a s a rol e mode l emulated b y hi s peer s an d man y younge r me n an d women , wh o looked t o hi m fo r guidanc e an d direction . I n al l thes e respect s Kallen ha d n o predecessor, and , regrettably , n o successor. I n Ameri can Jewis h histor y h e carve d ou t fo r himsel f a ver y specia l place . He was, b y reaso n o f tha t ver y specia l place , primus inter omnes. Kallen wa s bor n o n Augus t n , 1882 , i n Berenstadt , a tow n i n th e German provinc e o f Silesi a (no w Poland) . Hi s parent s wer e Jaco b David an d Esthe r Rebecc a (Glazier ) Kallen . Hi s father , wh o ha d emigrated fro m Latvia , studie d a t a yeshiv a an d wa s a n assistan t rabbi i n Berenstadt . A s a foreigner , Rabb i Kalle n wa s expelle d fro m Germany an d emigrate d t o th e Unite d States . Whe n Horac e Kalle n 144

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was five years old , hi s father returne d t o Berenstad t an d move d hi s wife, Horace , wh o wa s th e eldes t child , an d tw o daughter s t o th e United States , where he became rabbi of an Orthodox congregatio n in Boston . Rabb i Kalle n (th e origina l famil y nam e wa s Kalony mous, th e name of many medieva l Jewish families ) wa s a scholarl y man; a t th e tim e of his death i n 191 7 he left som e manuscripts tha t have remaine d unpublished . Th e son was clos e to hi s mother, wh o died i n 1928 , bu t wa s alienate d fro m hi s father , who m h e remem bered a s a domineering fathe r an d husband . Fo r many years fathe r and so n wer e estranged , bu t whe n hi s fathe r wa s o n hi s deathbed , Horace Kalle n sa t besid e hi m fo r a fortnight unti l h e died . Durin g those tw o week s paren t an d so n achieve d a reconciliation, an d o n the wal l o f hi s stud y Professo r Kalle n ha d a frame d photograp h o f both hi s parents. 2 Rabbi Kalle n apparentl y trie d t o kee p hi s so n fro m attendin g a public school an d to teach him a t home, but when the truant office r threatened Rabb i Kallen , h e sen t Horac e t o a n elementar y school . The bo y als o attende d a heder fo r hi s Jewis h studies ; an d afte r school h e sold newspapers , t o hel p support th e larg e Kalle n family , for i n du e cours e ther e wer e eigh t children . Th e father wante d th e son t o follow i n hi s footsteps, bu t Horac e rebelle d an d a t time s ra n away fro m home . Professo r Kalle n remembere d hi s years throug h elementary an d secondar y school s a s very troublesome . Th e rebel lion wa s no t onl y agains t hi s father , bu t als o agains t th e father' s religion. Althoug h reconcile d t o hi s father i n th e latter' s las t days , he did not sit shiva no r say Kaddish for him . Hi s estrangement fro m Judaism a s a religion was never overcome. When he was eighteen years old, Kalle n entered Harvard College , and i n 190 3 receive d hi s B.A . magna cum laude. Hi s years a s a n undergraduate wer e perhaps the most important fo r his intellectua l and spiritual development. Hi s interest in philosophy, however , ha d started whil e h e ha d bee n stil l livin g a t home , wher e on e da y h e discovered amon g hi s father's book s a copy o f Spinoza's Ethics an d the Tractatus Theologico-Voliticus i n a Germa n translation . Thes e books excite d hi s eager mind . A s a freshman a t Harvar d h e too k a philosophy cours e wit h Santayana , an d a s a junior a cours e wit h William James . Jame s especiall y influence d him ; bot h th e perso n and his teaching ha d a lifelong impac t on Kallen .

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In additio n t o Willia m James, anothe r Harvar d professo r greatl y influenced Kallen . Tha t wa s Barret t Wendell , whos e field wa s American literary history. Kalle n took a course with Professo r Wendell i n hi s sophomor e year , a cours e i n whic h Wendel l trie d t o expose and evaluate the Hebraic elements in American literar y an d political though t an d institutions . Kalle n trie d t o clos e hi s min d against thi s teachin g bu t i n privat e conversation s wit h hi s argu mentative studen t th e professo r wo n out , an d Kalle n bega n con sciously an d eagerl y t o reclai m an d t o identif y himsel f wit h hi s Jewish backgroun d an d inheritance , wit h Jewish culture , an d wit h the Jewish people . H e continued , however , t o rejec t Judais m a s a religion. This was the beginning of Kallen's commitment t o agnosticism, Jewis h secularism , Jewis h culture , Zionism , Hebraism , cul tural pluralism . After graduatin g fro m Harvard , Kalle n becam e a n instructo r i n English a t Princeton , wher e h e remaine d fo r tw o years . Whe n hi s contract wa s not renewed, i t was intimated tha t ha d it been know n he was a Jew, h e would no t hav e been appointe d i n th e first place. 3 He the n returne d t o Harvar d a s a graduat e studen t an d wrot e hi s Ph.D. dissertatio n unde r th e directio n o f Willia m James . H e re ceived his degree in 1908 , and remained a t Harvard for the followin g three year s a s a lecture r an d teachin g assistan t t o James, Santay ana, an d Josia h Royce , th e thre e philosophica l giant s wh o mad e Harvard's philosoph y departmen t world-famous . Durin g this perio d Kallen i n 190 7 received a Sheldon fellowshi p tha t mad e i t possibl e for him to travel to Europe, where he studied under F. C. S. Schiller, noted pragmatis t a t Oxford , an d attende d th e lecture s o f Henr i Bergson i n Paris . Kalle n the n taugh t philosoph y an d psycholog y a t the Universit y o f Wisconsin fro m 191 1 to 1918 , but resigne d ove r a n issue o f academi c freedom . Durin g hi s years a t Wisconsin , Kalle n published thre e books : a study of James an d Bergson , The Structure of Lasting Peace, an d an d th e boo k tha t ha s ha d th e longes t life , The Book of Job as a Greek Tragedy, publishe d i n 1918 . I t wa s i n those years, too, that Kalle n published his articles in the Nation (i n 1915) tha t represente d th e first formulatio n o f hi s philosoph y o f cultural pluralism , an d i t wa s i n thos e years, too , tha t h e becam e involved i n Zionist thought an d affairs . In 1919 , a s the Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Researc h wa s bein g estab -

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lished i n New York, Kalle n was invited t o become a member o f th e founding faculty , joinin g Alvi n Johnson, Joh n Dewey , Jame s Har vey Robinson , Thorstei n Veblen , an d othe r famou s scholars . H e readily accepte d th e invitation an d remained a t th e New School fo r over a half-century . Kallen wa s no t cas t i n th e mol d o f a conventiona l philosopher . He was too greatly interested in political an d economic movements, in civi l libertie s an d civi l rights , i n th e labo r movement , i n th e consumers' cooperativ e movement , t o allo w himsel f t o becom e completely absorbe d i n the life of a detached, self-isolate d thinker. 4 High amon g hi s interest s wer e Zionism , Jewis h education , adul t education, Jewis h culture , pragmatism , th e philosoph y o f plural ism, ar t an d aesthetics—indeed , o f Kalle n i t ma y b e trul y sai d that nothin g human , n o huma n concern , wa s alie n t o him . Th e institutions tha t h e helpe d foun d o r tha t h e supporte d t o hi s las t day—the America n Jewish Congress , th e American Associatio n fo r Jewish Educatio n (whic h late r becam e th e Jewis h Educatio n Ser vice o f North America) , th e Jewish Teacher s Seminary—Herzliah , the Farban d Labo r Zionist Orde r (late r th e Labo r Zionist Alliance) , the Rochdal e Institute , th e Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Research—wer e for Kallen sacred treasures , an d this showed where his heart lay . Who wer e th e person s wh o ha d influence d Kallen ? I n 193 5 h e wrote tha t th e paramoun t influence s wer e Willia m James, Georg e Santayana, Barret t Wendell , F . C . S . Schiller, Edwi n B . Holt, 5 an d Solomon Schechter . I n late r year s h e adde d John Dewey , Loui s D . Brandeis, an d Edwar d Everet t Hale. 6 O n th e wall s o f hi s stud y a t home wer e portrait s o f Goethe , Jefferson , Willia m James , Santay ana, Joh n Dewey , Hale , Judg e Julia n Mack, 7 an d Solomo n Schechter, i n addition t o the photograph o f his parents. As w e hav e said , whe n Horac e Kalle n enrolle d a s a freshma n a t Harvard College , hi s feelings toward s Judaism an d Jewishness wer e more tha n negative , the y wer e feeling s o f hostility , o f tota l rejec tion. Bu t Professo r Barret t Wendel l "converted " hi m t o Judaism — albeit no t t o th e religio n o f hi s father , Rabb i Kallen , bu t t o th e heritage of Jewish culture, thought , an d values, to a positive feelin g of membershi p i n th e Jewish people , a n opennes s t o bein g Jewis h and t o th e Jewish experience . Lik e Heine , Kalle n fel t a s i f h e ha d

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never reall y lef t th e Jewish communit y an d tha t hi s "conversion " was only a restoration o f his sight. Before long , Kalle n discovere d Zionis m an d thre w himsel f int o Zionist activity . I n 190 2 Solomo n Schechte r cam e t o th e Unite d States t o becom e hea d o f th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminary , an d soon afte r meetin g Schechter , youn g Horac e Kalle n cam e t o thin k of hi m a s hi s "revere d frien d an d teacher. " Thre e year s afte r hi s arrival i n th e Unite d States , Schechte r state d tha t Zionis m wa s a grea t bulwar k agains t assimilation ; h e supporte d religiou s an d spiritual-cultural Zionism , an d despit e oppositio n fro m leadin g members o f th e boar d o f trustee s o f th e Seminary , h e opene d th e institution t o Zionis m an d attende d th e elevent h Zionis t Congres s in Vienna . To understand Kallen' s early an d lifelong devotio n t o Zionism, i t is necessar y t o se e i t i n th e contex t o f hi s broade r philosophica l stance, o f whic h Zionis m was , fo r him , a prim e exampl e an d th e application o f hi s philosoph y t o hi s ow n lif e an d hi s ow n livin g values. An d s o w e shal l a t thi s poin t conside r hi s philosoph y o f cultural pluralism . In his first formulation o f cultural pluralism, i n 1915, 8 Kallen ha d in min d onl y th e ethni c group s t o whic h American s belonged , an d he though t o f thi s membershi p a s something whic h th e individua l could no t easil y shed . Th e ethni c grou p wa s a Gemeinschaft, 9 a natural, no t a voluntary , community . Whil e a perso n coul d ceas e to b e a citizen o r a member o f a church, o r cease t o be a carpente r or a lawyer , h e coul d no t ceas e t o b e a Jew o r a Pole . A man, h e wrote, cannot chang e his grandfather. Later , however , Kalle n cam e to think tha t whil e a person cannot chang e his or her grandparents, he o r sh e can , indeed , rejec t them—a s man y hav e done. 10 Al l associations, h e thought , ough t t o b e voluntary; a person ough t t o be abl e t o rejec t th e fac t tha t h e o r sh e i s a Jew o r a Pole—tha t membership i n a group shoul d b e b y "contract " an d no t b y "sta tus." 11 Bu t Kalle n continue d t o believ e tha t participatio n i n one' s ethnic grou p an d i n it s specia l cultur e ha s grea t significanc e fo r a person's self-identity , sens e o f wort h an d dignity , an d fo r th e per son's full huma n development . While Kallen hel d fast t o a belief in individualism, h e contende d that n o individual is merely an individual. "States , churches, indus-

Hayim Greenberg . (Courtesy Jewish Frontier)

Marie Syrkin . (Courtesy America n Jewis h Archives )

Ben Halpern . (Courtesy Gertrud e Halpern )

Trude Weiss-Rosmarin . (Courtesy America n Jewis h Archives )

Horace M . Kallen . (Courtesy America n Jewis h Archives )

Morris Raphae l Cohen . (Courtesy America n Jewis h Archives )

Ludwig Lewisohn . (Courtesy America n Jewish Archives )

Henry H u r w i t z . (Courtesy Davi d Hurwitz )

Marvin L o w e n t h a l . (Courtesy America n Jewis h Archives )

Maurice Samuel . (Courtesy America n Jewish Archives )

Left to right: A . M . Klein , Sau l Hayes , an d Monro e Abbe y celebrat e th e publi cation o f Klein' s novel , The Second Scroll. (Courtes y Jewis h Publi c Library , Montreal)

Charles Reznikoff . (Courtesy Milto n Hindus )

Mordecai M . Kaplan . (Courtesy Reconstructionis t Rabbinica l College )

Milton Steinberg . (Courtes y America n Jewis h Archives )

Will Herberg . (Courtes y Dre w Universit y Archives )

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tries, familie s ar e organizations , no t organisms, " h e wrote , an d added: They ar e association s o f men an d wome n occurrin g no t becaus e the y inwardly must , bu t becaus e a n outward conditio n call s for control o r manipulation whic h individual s cannot accomplis h alone . There ar e no socia l institution s whic h ar e primary , whic h ar e end s i n them selves, as individuals ar e ends in themselves. 12 The elementa l ter m i n ever y union , i n ever y association , wrot e Kallen, i s "the individual , i n hi s indefeasibl e singularity. " Although Kalle n hel d fas t t o thi s belie f i n individualism , h e wa s ready t o admi t that , h e said , he kne w o f n o instanc e . . . o f a n individua l buildin g hi s persona l history solel y b y himself , fro m himself , o n himself ; feeding , s o t o speak, o n nothin g bu t hi s own flesh an d spiri t an d growin g b y wha t he feeds on. 13 Kallen's individualis m wa s not , therefore , "rugge d individualism, " not narcissisti c o r solipsistic ; rugge d individualis m wa s onl y a cas e of extrem e selfishness ; whe n invoke d a s a n ideal , i t ca n onl y defea t defensible individualism . Fo r inheren t i n individualism , a s under stood b y Kallen , i s th e principl e o f cooperation—bu t cooperatio n that i s voluntary , cooperatio n tha t doe s no t replac e th e primac y o f the individua l wit h th e primac y o f th e stat e o r society . In 190 9 Israe l ZangwilT s The Melting Tot wa s published , an d th e play ha d a lon g ru n o n Broadway . It s theme—late r rejecte d b y Zangwill himself—wa s tha t "Americ a i s God' s crucible , th e grea t melting-pot wher e al l th e race s o f Europ e ar e meltin g an d re forming." Th e melting-po t ide a wa s th e th e pervasive , dominan t view o f th e Protestan t establishment . Immigrant s wer e expecte d t o shed thei r religiou s an d cultura l baggag e a t Elli s Islan d o r a s soo n after thei r arriva l a s possible . Thi s wa s th e meanin g o f th e "Ameri canization" process . Jew s wh o ha d settle d i n th e Unite d State s in th e nineteent h centur y accepte d thi s conceptio n o f w h a t th e American Ide a intended . Jew s an d al l othe r immigrant s wer e t o become "assimilated, " homogenized . T o them an y othe r wa y mean t segregation, an d segregatio n mean t tha t th e ghett o woul d b e trans ferred t o America— a dangerou s an d repulsiv e idea .

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It wa s agains t thi s ideologica l backgroun d tha t Kalle n promul gated th e ide a o f cultura l pluralis m an d hi s version o f the America n Idea. Kalle n rejecte d bot h assimilatio n an d segregation , an d pointed t o th e Declaratio n o f Independence , th e Constitution , th e Emancipation Proclamation , Lincoln' s Secon d Inaugura l Address , Washington's Farewel l Address , an d Jefferson' s Firs t Inaugura l a s the basi c document s expressin g th e America n Idea, 14 th e essenc e o f which i s tha t th e purpos e o f freedo m i s to guarante e the right to be different—not t o abolis h differences , bu t t o sustai n an d enhanc e them. Bu t differen t individuals , an d th e differen t group s tha t the y compose, ar e no t t o isolat e themselve s bu t t o cooperat e on e wit h another. Difference s wer e t o b e "orchestrated/ ' Th e mott o "E pluribus unum" doe s no t mea n jus t "unum," jus t onenes s (th e melting pot idea) , no r doe s i t mea n jus t "pluribus," eac h individua l an d each group , eac h ethni c o r racia l o r religiou s group , eac h culture , existing separately , rigidl y segregated . No , th e idea l mean s tha t th e diversity exist s bu t al l th e diversitie s ar e a union , jus t a s a n orches tra i s a unio n o f diversities. 15 Kallen gav e thi s conceptio n o f cultura l pluralis m o r th e Ameri can Ide a man y differen t expressions . Thi s i s ho w h e expresse d i t i n an essa y i n 1942 : In affirmin g tha t all men ar e created equal , an d that th e rights of all to life , libert y an d th e pursui t o f happines s ar e unalienable, i t [th e Declaration o f Independence] accepts human being s as they are, with all th e variet y an d multiplicit y o f faith , o f race , o f sex , o f occupa tions, o f ideas , o f possessions ; an d i t affirm s th e equa l righ t o f thes e different peopl e freel y t o struggl e fo r existenc e an d fo r growt h i n freedom an d in happiness a s different. . . . The American way of life, then, ma y b e sai d t o flow fro m eac h man' s unalienabl e righ t t o b e different. . , 16 This understandin g o f th e America n Idea , sai d Kallen , translate s in th e politica l orde r a s equa l suffrage , an d a s governmen t b y th e people an d fo r th e people—al l people ; i n th e economi c orde r i t means fre e enterprise ; i n religion , freedo m o f conscience; i n th e art s and sciences , freedo m o f inquiry , o f research , o f expression . I t means freedo m o f associatio n int o sects , parties , corporations , trad e unions, fraterna l orders , an d man y othe r voluntar y associations. 17

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Now, th e nationa l bein g rest s upo n th e cooperativ e an d competi tive relationship s o f thes e divers e voluntar y associations . An d th e members o f thes e association s hav e eac h o f the m multipl e associa tions. A membe r o f th e Bar , fo r example , i s a t th e sam e tim e a citizen, a famil y member , a membe r o f a churc h o r synagogue , member o f a politica l party , a socia l club , a n alumn i association , and s o forth . Each [membership] is a different wa y of his being together with othe r people. H e is th e bon d whic h unite s th e societie s wit h on e another . . . . Hi s relation s ar e no t fixed b y status ; the y ar e no t coerced , . . . but are liquid an d mobile. This mobility of relationships is what give s its characteristi c qualit y t o th e nationa l living . O f thi s qualit y [o f national living ] th e consummatio n i s Cultura l Pluralism . Fo r it s diverse an d ever-diversifyin g member s ar e unite d wit h on e anothe r i n and through their differences, an d the singularity of our culture is the orchestration o f those manifold differences— e pluribus unum — int o the common faith . . , 18 Throughout hi s man y years , Kalle n applied , an d kep t o n applying , the fac t an d idea l o f cultura l pluralis m t o America n Jewry . H e sa w American Jew s a s constitutin g a grou p that , i n th e mi x tha t i s th e American nation , i s one mor e variet y i n th e dynami c whole , is , lik e th e additio n o f another tast e o r sigh t o r sound , a n enrichment , a contributio n t o abundance, spiritua l an d material . I f agains t th e assimilationis t th e American spiri t affirm s th e right t o b e different, agains t th e segrega tionist i t affirm s th e right o f fre e associatio n o f th e differen t wit h one another. 19 In addition , th e Jewis h grou p ha s a specia l clai m o f priority , for , Kallen noted , th e America n communit y wa s establishe d throug h the Hebre w Scriptures , a fact tha t contribute s heavil y t o "th e singu larity o f th e Jewis h psyche, " an d h e quote d th e judgmen t o f th e historian Willia m E . H . Leck y tha t "th e Hebrai c morta r cemente d the foundation s o f America n democracy. " An d Kalle n adde d on e more attribution : tha t th e Jewis h community , a s ever y othe r com posing th e America n nation , "serve s a s a psychologica l local e fo r voluntary socia l experimentation , fo r inventio n an d discovery ,

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[and] a s suc h involvin g mor e limite d risk s tha n a national-wid e adventure would. " I n thi s wa y America n Jewry ha s made it s contri bution t o employer-employe e relations , t o philanthropy , t o educa tion, t o literatur e an d th e arts . Suc h an d othe r contribution s repre sent bot h a n Americanizatio n o f Jew s an d als o a n enrichmen t o f the America n way ; thu s "America n Jewis h living " i s i n a health y symbiotic relationshi p wit h al l othe r form s o f living , "whos e inter action orchestrate s th e Unio n w e cal l America , an d whos e com bined utteranc e i s the America n spirit." 20 This philosoph y o f cultura l pluralis m a s applie d specificall y t o American Jew s ca n b e valid, sai d Kallen , only for those Americans whose faith i n democracy is a fighting faith, and fo r thos e America n Jew s wh o ar e resolve d t o stan d u p i n th e armies o f democrac y a s th e democrati c fait h requires , freel y an d boldly a s Jews.21 As w e hav e noted , Kalle n agree d wit h Leck y tha t "th e Hebrai c mortar cemente d th e foundation s o f American democracy. " Wha t i s Hebraism? I n a n essa y writte n a s earl y a s 1909, 22 Kallen contraste d Hellenism an d Hebraism . Fo r th e Greeks , h e wrote , th e essenc e o f reality wa s a n orde r tha t wa s immutabl e an d eternal . Fo r the Gree k mind, chang e wa s unrea l an d evil ; th e univers e wa s static . Hebra ism, o n th e contrary , sa w realit y a s flux, change , dynami c an d functional. Kalle n though t tha t th e Boo k of Job wa s th e mos t repre sentative boo k o f Hebraism , an d h e neve r tire d o f quotin g fro m i t the cr y o f Job : " I kno w tha t H e wil l sla y me ; nevertheles s wil l I maintain m y way s befor e Him. " I n hi s commentrar y o n thi s cr y Kallen trie d t o encapsulat e th e essenc e o f th e Hebrai c Idea : The very act of maintaining one's ways may render the slaying impossible. To believe in life i n the face o f death, t o believe in goodness in the face o f evil, t o hope for better time s to come, to work a t bringin g them about—tha t i s Hebraism. Whether Biblical or Talmudic, that is the inne r histor y o f Jews, from th e beginnin g t o the present day—a n optimistic struggle against overwhelming odds. That is Hebraism, bu t it is the Hebraism, no t of childhood an d innocence; it is the Hebrais m of ol d ag e an d experience . I t i s a visio n o f th e worl d tha t ha s bee n tested in the furnace an d [has] come out clean. 23

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Kallen saw Hebraism i n the philosophy o f William James, whos e pragmatism define d a n ide a o r thing b y what i t does. Idea s are tru e if the y lea d t o successfu l fruition , i f the y endure , i f the y hav e survival value . An d Kalle n sa w i n Bergso n "th e mos t adequat e exponent" o f a "teste d an d purifie d philosophi c Hebraism. " Fo r Bergson chang e an d no t immutabilit y wa s real, an d suc h a finding, in whic h th e dynamic , an d no t th e static , i s real , wa s fo r Kalle n "the essential finding of Hebraism." 24 In hi s writin g earl y i n th e twentiet h centur y Kalle n attacke d Reform Judaism fo r denyin g th e particularity o f Judaism an d stressing its universal element s and teachings, for, h e contended, "Partic ularity, a s opposed t o universality, i s the essenc e of life an d power . The most universa l thin g i s the deadest . . . . Hebraism i s a life an d not a tradition ; . . . a concret e an d particula r mod e o f behavior , not a formula. " Hebrais m an d Judais m ar e no t "dea d unalterabl e 'universals.' " Contending agains t th e early leader s of Reform Judaism, Kalle n maintained tha t "Wha t reall y destroys the Jews is what 'universalizes* them, wha t emptie s thei r lif e o f distinctive particu lar content an d substitutes void phrases to be filled with an y mean ing the socia l an d religiou s fashion o f the da y cast s up." Because i t is particularistic, individualistic , an d no t universalisti c i n it s basi c metaphysical an d genera l philosophica l force s an d tendencies , th e essence o f Hebrais m i s plasti c an d fluid, an d s o compatibl e wit h science and accommodatin g "t o every pressing human need." 25 This particularism , a s i t relate s t o th e Jewis h people , Kallen , early i n hi s life, translate d int o Zionism . I n a n articl e publishe d i n 1910 Kalle n wrot e " I a m a Zionist. " An d h e elaborated : " I loo k toward th e concentration an d renationalization o f the Jews." "I a m committed," h e wrote , "t o th e persistenc e o f a 'Jewis h separation * that shal l be national, positive , dynamic an d adequate." 26 Within th e contex t o f hi s concer n wit h Hebrais m an d Zionism , Kallen contende d tha t eighteenth-centur y liberalis m ha d over stressed an d exaggerate d th e ide a o f th e isolate d individual ; tha t liberalism ha d faile d t o se e tha t individualit y i s no t attaine d a t birth but is something tha t on e needs to achieve; that al l persons in their beginning depend on a society. Genuine liberalism, h e argued , requires fo r th e group , fo r th e race s an d nationalities , th e sam e

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freedom o f developmen t an d expressio n a s tha t require d fo r th e individual. Indeed , insofa r a s thi s freedo m i s require d fo r th e indi vidual, i t mus t b e require d fo r th e group , fo r race s an d nation s ar e "the essentia l reservoir s o f individuality. " Through nationa l freedom , th e Jewis h peopl e woul d b e abl e t o render servic e t o mankind , an d fo r thi s th e Jewis h peopl e nee d t o have thei r nationa l hom e i n Palestine . Th e Jew, Kalle n contended , will no t wi n emancipatio n a s a huma n being , a s a n individual , unless h e firs t win s i t a s a Jew, an d "th e prerequisit e t o liberatio n o f the individua l i s th e liberatio n o f th e grou p t o whic h h e b y birt h belongs." Thu s Zionis m demand s "no t onl y grou p autonomy , bu t complete individua l libert y fo r th e Je w as Jew/'27 Enlightenmen t failed th e Je w becaus e i t offere d hi m libert y a s a n individua l pro vided h e cease d bein g a Jew . Zionis m correct s thi s misconceive d proposal; i t offer s th e Je w complet e individua l liberty , no t a s a n abstract huma n being , bu t a s a Jew . Whil e th e Enlightenmen t of fered t o remov e al l inferiorities , i t als o remove d al l differences . Th e Enlightenment was , thus , a kin d o f melting pot ; i t wa s base d o n th e misconception tha t equalit y ha d t o mea n identit y o r similarity . I t failed t o recogniz e th e ide a tha t ther e ca n b e equalit y base d o n th e right t o b e different . It shoul d b e apparen t tha t al l th e essentia l ingredient s o f wha t came t o b e know n a s cultura l pluralis m wer e alread y th e constit uents o f wha t Kalle n calle d Hebrais m an d wha t h e ha d recognize d as Zionism . O n th e publishe d record , i t seem s tha t Kalle n ha d arrived a t cultura l pluralis m throug h hi s thinkin g abou t himsel f a s a Je w an d w h a t meanin g an d significanc e hi s Jewishnes s shoul d have fo r him . I t wa s i n a n essa y o n "Judaism , Hebraism , Zionism, ,, published i n 1910 , that Kalle n wrote : Culture . . . constitutes a harmony, o f which people s and nations ar e the producin g instruments , t o whic h eac h contribute s it s uniqu e tone, i n whic h th e whol e huma n pas t i s presen t a s a n endurin g tension, a s a background fro m whic h th e presen t come s t o ligh t an d draws its character, color , vitality. 28 Here on e see s th e metapho r o f th e orchestra , th e harmon y tha t wa s the orchestratio n o f differences .

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Thus i t wa s that , b y som e invisibl e comple x process , ther e fuse d in Horac e Kallen' s min d idea s tha t ha d mad e thei r wa y int o i t fro m the Hebre w Scriptures , fro m Willia m James , Barret t Wendell , Loui s Brandeis, Herzl , Mose s Hess , Thoma s Jefferson, Jame s Madison , Sol omon Schechter , Thoma s Paine , an d Ralp h Wald o Emerson — strange bedfellows ; ye t i n hi s min d al l wer e o n friendl y speakin g terms, s o tha t the y al l becam e harmoniousl y orchestrated ; the y came i n separatel y bu t cam e ou t a s cultural pluralism , a s the Amer ican Idea , a s Hebraism, a s Zionism. Kalle n coul d hav e said , quotin g from T . S . Eliot' s "Eas t Coker, " "I n m y beginin g i s my end. " Reflecting upo n hi s own intellectua l development , i n 193 3 Kalle n wrote: "I t i s upon th e foundatio n an d agains t th e backgroun d o f m y Jewish cultura l milie u tha t m y visio n o f Americ a wa s grown. " I t i s not tha t h e sa w Zionis m throug h hi s visio n o f America ; th e orde r was th e reverse : h e sa w Americ a throug h hi s visio n o f Hebraism , Zionism. H e read th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e agains t hi s mem ory o f th e emancipatio n o f th e Israelite s fro m Egyptia n slavery . I n the parenta l Kalle n household , h e wrote , the sufferin g an d slaver y o f Israe l wer e commonplace s o f conversa tion; fro m Passove r t o Passover , freedo m wa s a n idea l ceremoniall y reverenced, religiousl y aspire d to . The textbook stor y of the Declara tion o f Independenc e cam e upo n me , nurture d upo n th e deliveranc e from Egyp t an d th e bondag e i n exile , lik e th e clango r o f trumpets , like a sudden light. Wha t a resounding battle cry of freedom! 29 Zionism t o Kalle n di d not , however , mea n th e negatio n o f th e Diaspora. H e wante d Jewis h lif e an d Jewis h ideal s t o flourish an d flower i n Americ a n o les s tha n i n Israel . An d th e ke y t o th e futur e of a Jewis h life , whereve r Jew s mak e thei r home , i s Jewish educa tion. Fo r th e las t fort y year s o f hi s lif e Kallen , therefore , worke d closely wit h leadin g Jewis h educators , wit h Samso n Benderly , Be n Rosen, I . B . Berkson , Israe l S . Chipkin , Alexande r M . Dushkin , Judah Pilch , Osca r Janowsky , A . P . Schoolman , an d Emanue l Ga moran. H e attende d countles s meeting s an d conferences , travelin g everywhere t o lectur e an d exhor t o n behal f o f Jewish education . A t times i t appeare d a s i f i t wa s hi s life' s mission . An d wheneve r a n opportunity presente d itself , h e trie d t o explai n wha t teachin g th e

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Jewish traditio n shoul d mea n an d be . H e di d no t mea n tha t Jewis h schools shoul d teac h th e histor y an d though t o f th e Jewis h pas t a s the pastnes s o f th e past . No , traditio n i s a process , a n ongoin g activity, an d activit y i n th e presen t change s th e past . A perso n o r group makes hi s o r he r o r it s past , an d s o th e pas t i s constantl y remade, an d i n thi s wa y th e traditio n become s a living tradition . Thus th e Bibl e ca n b e a par t o f my past , a part o f my tradition , onl y because i t i s a part o f my present life . Kallen neve r tire d o f teachin g thi s lesson ; h e formulate d i t i n countless ways . A typica l statemen t i s th e followin g fro m a boo k published i n 1956 : The wor d [tradition ] means , literally , carryin g on , a continuou s on going—but a carryin g on , o r ongoing , a s an y person' s lif e goe s on , not changelessly , bu t a s a process of changing, wher e th e ol d phase s both continu e i n th e ne w an d ar e altere d b y th e new . Self-preserva tion, whethe r o f an individua l o r a group, is this process wherein th e past endures only a s it lives on in the present an d future, an d lives on only a s it is changed by them. 30 People sa y the y canno t chang e th e past . Bu t Kalle n woul d ask : "What els e i s ther e t o change ? Wha t els e i s th e presen t bu t th e pas t changing?" " A livin g cultur e i s a changin g culture. " It shoul d b e note d tha t Kalle n di d no t vie w Hebrais m a s a n isolated phenomenon . I n th e Unite d State s Hebrais m i s to b e a par t of Americanism . Th e Jew i s t o b e a Jewish America n person . I n a n essay writte n i n 1955 , Kalle n explaine d th e unio n o r fusio n o r interplay a s follows : Such consummation s ar e beyon d th e reac h o f th e individua l iso late an d alone . The y requir e a home-centere d communit y wit h it s traditions o f language , diet , worship , feastin g an d fasting , pla y an d sport, expressiv e an d representativ e arts , al l carryin g forwar d com munal remembrance, beliefs, works and ways. . . . Their communica tion by the generations i s what sustain s the communion whic h hold s the alterin g communit y together . The y ar e wha t Jewish i n Jewish American signifies . The y thriv e bes t whe n supporte d b y a free trad e with thei r peer s o f differen t communa l cultures , assimilatin g an d hence transfigurin g wha t the y ge t i n exchange , an d agai n communi cating the new life-form o f their changing an d growing old culture t o their non-Jewis h neighbors , an d receiving theirs in return. Th e social

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orchestration whic h thi s intercultura l exchang e consummate s actu alizes th e America n Ide a an d give s th e cultur e o f th e America n people th e qualitie s tha t Whitma n an d Emerso n an d Willia m Jame s and Louis Brandeis celebrated. 31 Horace Kalle n referre d t o himsel f a s a humanist , a temporalist , a pragmatist, a n instrumentalist , an d t o hi s philosoph y a s Cultura l Pluralism, Hebraism , a s th e Hebrai c Idea , a s th e America n Idea . Perhaps al l thes e term s ough t t o b e strun g together , linke d b y hy phens. "Th e hyphen, " h e wrote , "unite s ver y muc h mor e tha n i t separates." 3 2 Kalle n wa s perhap s th e mos t hyphenate d America n thinker, an d s o he live d mor e abundantly , mor e richly , mor e freely , and t o whomsoeve r an d whatsoeve r h e wa s linke d h e gav e abun dantly, richly , freely . Tha t hi s influenc e i s lastin g i s born e ou t b y the fac t tha t i n 1990 , som e sixtee n year s afte r hi s deat h i n 1974 , seventeen o f Kallen' s boo k wer e i n print . In th e las t quarte r o f th e twentiet h century , however , bot h th e melting-pot ide a an d cultura l pluralis m wer e unde r attac k fro m forces tha t preache d an d practice d "otherness"—no t assimilation , not pluralism , bu t ethnicity ; tha t ethnic , racial , an d cultura l differ ences ar e no t bridgeable . An d thi s reactionar y ideolog y ha s world wide ramifications , fo r everywher e ther e i s a recrudesence o f tribal ism, regiona l chauvinism , an d blazin g nationalism . On e canno t foresee when , i f ever , thes e force s wil l hav e dissipate d thei r strength. Meanwhile , ther e i s a struggl e betwee n th e childre n o f light an d th e childre n o f darkness ; bu t struggle , Horac e Kalle n taught, i s a n indispensabl e qualit y o f al l life , huma n n o les s t h a n animal—we struggle , h e wrote , i f onl y s o that w e ma y g o on strug gling, fo r tha t i s life . Notes 1. Morri s Raphae l Cohe n cam e o n th e Jewish scene , a s a n activis t Jew , some twent y t o twenty-fiv e year s afte r Kallen . Se e chapte r 5 in thi s book for my essay on Cohen . 2. Th e biographical facts ar e based on a long interview with Kalle n by me and th e lat e Doroth y Kuh n (Mrs . Adolp h S. ) Oko , i n Augus t 1964 , a t Truro, Mass . Th e intervie w wa s late r mad e par t o f th e ora l histor y collection o f th e America n Jewis h Committee . Th e biographica l fact s

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are als o base d o n man y conversation s an d o n a n extensiv e correspon dence betwee n Kalle n an d th e author . Th e intervie w an d correspon dence ar e a t th e Documentatio n Center , Schoo l o f Industria l an d Labo r Relations, Cornel l University , Ithaca , N.Y . 3. Cf . Ludwi g Lewisohn , Upstream: An American Chronicle (Ne w York : Boni & Liveright, 1922) . 4. Se e Sidne y Hoo k an d M . R . Konvitz , eds. , Freedom and Experience: Essays Presented to Horace M. Kallen (Ithaca , N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1947) , Preface , viii . 5. Edwi n B . Hol t wa s a n America n psychologist , autho r o f The Concept of Consciousness (1914) , The Freudian Wish (1915) , an d othe r works . 6. Edwar d Everet t Hal e wa s th e so n o f Natha n Hal e an d nephe w o f Ed ward Everett ; a Unitaria n clergyman , autho r o f th e famou s shor t story , "The Ma n withou t a Country" ; an d activ e i n civi l improvemen t an d philanthropic work . 7. Julia n W . Mac k (1866-1943) , fro m 191 3 t o hi s retiremen t i n 194 1 wa s judge o f the U . S . Court o f Appeals; a pioneer i n wor k o n behal f o f chil d welfare an d o n th e proble m o f juvenil e delinquency ; a Zionis t leader , president o f th e Zionis t Organizatio n o f Americ a an d presiden t o f th e first America n Jewis h Congres s i n 1918 ; an d a membe r o f th e Harvar d University Boar d o f Overseer s fo r eightee n years . 8. "Democrac y versu s th e Meltin g Pot, " Nation 10 0 (Feb . 18 , 25 , 1915) : 190-94, 217-20 . Reprinte d i n Culture and Democracy: Studies in the Group Psychology of the American Peoples (Ne w York : Bon i & Liv eright, 1924) , hereinafte r referre d t o a s Culture and Democracy. 9. Cf . Ferdinan d Tonnies , Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) . 10. Culture and Democracy, 94 , 122 , 123. 11. Cf . Si r Henry Maine , Ancient Law (1861) . 12. Individualism, an American Way of Life (Ne w York : Liveright , 1933) , 142. 13. Culture and Democracy, 181 . 14. Kallen , "Th e Nationa l Bein g an d th e Jewis h Community, " i n Osca r I . Janowsky, ed. , The American Jew: A Composite Portrait (Ne w York : Harper & Bros., 1942) , 270 , a t 277 . 15. Ibid. , 280 . 16. Ibid. , 278 . 17. Ibid. , 279 . 18. Ibid. , 280-81 . 19. Ibid. , 283 . 20. Ibid. , 284 . 21. Ibid. , 285 . 22. Th e essa y i s reprinte d i n Kallen , Judaism at Bay (Ne w York : Bloc h Publishing, 1932) . 23. Ibid. , 13 . 24. Ibid. , 14 .

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25. Ibid. , 39 . 26. Ibid. , 33 . 27. Ibid. , 116 . 28. Ibid. , 37 . 29. Ibid. , 7 . 30. Kallen , Cultural Pluralism and the American Idea (Philadelphia : Uni versity o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1956) , 23. 31. Jewish Social Service Quarterly 3 2 (Fal l 1955) : 27. 32. Culture and Democracy, 63 .

C H A P T E R7

Ludwig Lewisohn : A Lif e i n Zionis m Stanley F. Chyet

Ludwig Lewisohn , Berlin-born , Sout h Carolina-raised , wa s a t mos t twenty-one whe n h e came t o New Yor k in th e fal l o f 190 3 to stud y literature a t Columbi a University . Hi s year s i n th e city—inter rupted b y length y sojourn s elsewher e i n th e Unite d State s an d i n Europe—saw hi m undertak e a long , difficul t journe y bac k t o hi s German an d Jewis h origins , fal l i n an d ou t o f lov e wit h thre e o r four women , fathe r a son , achiev e fam e a s a literar y an d dram a critic, a s a translator an d eve n a s a novelist, becom e the apostl e of Goethe an d Hauptman n an d Rilke , o f Herz l an d Buber , an d mak e an extraordinar y contributio n t o a stil l emergen t an d precariou s American Zionis t movement. 1 The young Lewisoh n ver y muc h exemplifie d Veblen' s notio n o f "renegade Jews," a gifted intellectua l wh o ha d becom e " a natural ised, thoug h hyphenate , citize n i n th e gentile republic of learning " and exhibite d "a t th e bes t . . . a divided allegianc e t o the people of his origin. " Th e criticis m Lewisoh n produced , eve n i n middl e age , much o f i t fo r th e libera l weekl y th e Nation, ha d littl e t o d o wit h specifically Jewish concern s and a great deal to do with th e struggl e for a modern , post-Victoria n literatur e i n America . Tha t bod y o f criticism—The Modern Drama (1915) , The Spirit of Modern German Literature (1916) , A Modern Book of Criticism (1919) , The Drama and the Stage (1922) , The Creative Life (1924) , Cities and Men (1927)—impresse d hi s younge r contemporar y Alfre d Kazi n as " a forc e fo r progress. " Kazi n credite d Lewisoh n wit h "greate r cultivation tha n an y o f hi s fello w critic s sav e Va n Wyc k Brooks " 160

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and honore d hi m fo r hi s belie f "i n th e highes t purpos e o f expres sion." No t tha t Kazin' s admiratio n wa s unqualified: Lewisoh n wa s given t o " a rhetori c o f exaltation" ; h e pu t everythin g " a littl e to o grandly." Still , "n o criti c ha d eve r insiste d s o strenuousl y o n th e need o f precise stud y o f the basi c facts underlyin g ar t a s a spiritua l vocation." It i s our los s that a generation afte r hi s death Lewisohn' s impac t on America n letters , s o compellin g i n it s tim e (hi s Expression in America [1932 ] was probably the first attemp t a t a Freudian accoun t of American literature) , ha s lef t behin d fe w traces . Scarcel y more , it woul d seem , ca n b e sai d fo r hi s Zionis t reputation—an d on e suspects i t i s this las t oblivio n Lewisoh n woul d hav e deeme d mos t demeaning. Veble n had als o written tha t th e emancipated Jew was, in hi s intellectual life , "likel y t o become a n alien, " but "spirituall y he is more than likel y to remain a Jew."2 Lewisohn woul d hav e appreciate d th e eulog y give n hi m i n 195 6 by th e Jerusalem Vost, whic h memorialize d hi m a s "th e firs t grea t American literar y spokesma n fo r th e Zionis t movement. " Tw o de cades earlier, i n 1935 , he had offered a most interesting third-perso n account o f himself: "Never except i n his confused an d misled twen ties" ha d h e bee n "a s alienate d fro m hi s peopl e a s h e ha d ofte n been assumed, " an d eve n then , i n turnin g hi s back on Judaism an d Jewishness, h e ha d no t bee n abl e t o escap e " a recurrentl y evi l conscience." T o b e sure , Lewisoh n wa s fort y i n 192 2 whe n th e autobiographical Up Stream mad e it s firs t appearance , an d Up Stream doe s no t quit e suppor t th e contentio n o f 193 5 either a s t o the dat e o f hi s retur n o r th e limit s o f hi s disaffection . "Slowly , i n the cours e o f th e years, " h e ha d allowe d i n Up Stream , " I hav e discovered trait s i n m e whic h I sometime s cal l Jewish . Bu t tha t interpretation i s open t o grave doubt." Th e Modern Librar y editio n of Up Stream, issue d fou r years later , adde d a footnote: "N o longe r (1926)" was "that interpretatio n . . . open t o grave doubt." Still Up Stream woul d someho w remai n fo r hi m a source o f discomfort; h e would insis t o n dismissin g i t a s "comparativel y unimportant, " though year s late r h e liste d it , a trifl e inaccurately , amon g hi s "specifically Jewish books." 3 In Roman Summer (1927) , really the first o f his Jewish novels, h e had a Jewis h characte r spea k ruefull y o f "ou r eterna l longin g fo r

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the Gentil e world. " Tha t "longing " ma y b e w h a t Lewisoh n wante d to den y i n himsel f whe n h e miscalculate d hi s Jewish "rebirth " an d misrepresented th e characte r o f Up Stream, Perhap s fo r thi s ma n whose parent s ha d fel t themselve s "German s first an d Jew s after wards" an d "ha d assimilated , i n a dee p sense , Arya n way s o f thought an d feeling, " thi s ma n wh o a s a n immigran t youngste r i n South Carolin a ha d hungere d fo r th e identit y o f "a n American , a Southerner, an d a Christian, " fo r him , th e struggl e t o b e fre e o f w h a t wa s alien , t o gras p wha t wa s hi s own , coul d neve r b e looke d upon a s won . Bu t durin g th e earl y 1920s , whe n h e ha d alread y entered o n hi s fifth decade , Lewisoh n foun d a wa y t o mak e hi s struggle i f not les s urgent, a t leas t les s desperate. 4 As earl y a s 1915 , i t appears , Lewisoh n ha d begu n addressin g meetings o f th e fledglin g Menora h Societ y a t th e Ohi o Stat e Univer sity, wher e h e serve d a s a membe r o f th e Germa n Departmen t faculty. Hi s deares t friend , th e non-Jewis h poe t Willia m Eller y Leo nard, contribute d w h a t migh t b e calle d a proto-Zionis t poe m t o th e inaugural numbe r o f th e Menorah Journal i n 1915 , bu t Lewisoh n himself coul d stil l spea k i n 191 6 wit h approva l o f "th e Je w wh o has discarde d hi s archai c Orientalism. " Somethin g ma y hav e bee n stirring i n him , bu t i t woul d b e mor e tha n a fe w year s befor e h e could giv e voic e t o it. 5 In Ma y 1923 , Lewisoh n an d hi s employer , Oswal d Garriso n Vil lard, th e edito r o f th e Nation, wen t t o Bosto n t o spea k a t a Harvar d University Menora h Societ y banquet . Lewisoh n late r summarize d his speec h i n Mid-Channel (1929) , anothe r o f hi s autobiographica l volumes: I besough t th e youn g me n wh o filled th e hal l t o b e themselves , t o follow thei r inne r la w a s huma n being s an d a s Jews , t o conside r profoundly wha t eac h wa s mean t t o b e an d t o b e that—tha t an d nothing else , t o kil l th e fear-bor n ap e tha t live s i n almos t ever y human breas t an d to follow th e absolut e command o f inner oneness. The Germa n Zionis t leade r Kur t Blumenfeld , wh o ha d wo n Alber t Einstein fo r th e Zionis t cause , wa s presen t tha t evening . H e ha d come ther e "withou t particula r expectations, " thoug h h e kne w o f

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Lewisohn a s th e autho r o f Up Stream an d th e Nation's celebrate d drama critic , bu t a s Lewisohn spoke, Blumenfel d hear d idea s which he himself migh t hav e expressed. 6 Lewisohn wa s no t ye t abl e t o spea k o f hi s "Jewis h soul , th e eternal unresigne d an d Messianic, " but Blumenfel d coul d hav e ha d little caus e t o doubt tha t h e had foun d fo r Zionis m anothe r "usefu l member an d co-operator/ ' Ha d not Lewisoh n been "hopin g for Jewish Jews , unite d fo r Jewis h purpose s deepe r tha n charity , mor e serious tha n anti-defamatio n campaigns" ? Blumenfel d woul d no t need t o press him. Lewisoh n was already on "a road of thought tha t inevitably me t hi s own. " Throug h th e Germa n visitor , Lewisoh n soon me t Chai m Weizmann , wh o mad e a powerfu l impressio n o n him. Weizmann, h e wrote admiringly, was "both mystic and practical man , dreame r an d hard-heade d money-gathere r a t once. " Lewisohn woul d hav e hi s disagreement s wit h Weizmann , bu t woul d always b e consciou s o f hi m a s a ma n wh o coul d engag e "one' s affection an d loyalty. " Weizmann suggeste d t o Lewisoh n tha t h e undertak e a journe y abroad an d write a series of articles for the Nation "o n the Palestin ian experimen t o f colonizin g Jew s upo n thei r ancestra l soil. " Vil lard gave his blessing, an d so Lewisohn embarked o n that enterpris e which woul d enabl e hi m t o "see k . . . the fact s o f our Jewish fate " and t o write hi s first unequivocall y Jewish book , Israel, th e ferven t Zionist report h e published i n 1925. 7 Israel wa s a lovely , melodic , empyrea n sor t o f book , th e utter ance of a man wh o had discovere d i n himself a love for th e abrade d contours o f a lan d an d a n identity . Agai n on e think s o f Veblen' s willingness to see in the Zionist effort "a n idyllic and engaging air. " In th e ghetto s o f Poland , Lewisoh n ha d com e upo n Jew s "filthy , starved, oppressed, " yet clingin g heroicall y "t o that strang e eterna l thought tha t the y are , i n th e word s o f th e Torah , a kingdo m o f priests an d a hol y nation. " Then , goin g o n t o th e Palestin e man date, t o "th e mauv e . . . o r golde n hills, " h e cam e upo n "stone s hewn an d graven once by the hands of men, . . . b y the workmen of Israel, buil t an d alway s destroyed. " H e coul d rea d i n the m "th e chronicle o f conques t upo n conquest, " o f defea t an d ruin , bu t no t that alone , fo r Palestin e mad e hi m aliv e no w t o "th e immorta l

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spirit tha t brood s her e despit e a hundre d conquest s . . . th e spiri t that, i n this evening of time, ha s brought u s here again." I t was, h e saw, " a smal l lan d an d a poor land. Ye t . . . not s o small or so poor but that , a s in ancien t days , it can give birth t o ideas that mankin d will not willingly le t die." 8 The Zionist viewpoin t Lewisoh n formulate d i n th e cours e of thi s pilgrimage t o Europe an d Palestin e deserves some comment. I t was, to begin with, a religious expression—not, t o be sure, in any orthodox o r pietis t sens e ("Neithe r Rabbinica l rigidnes s no r Chassidi c mysticism . . . has any saving power," h e declared i n Israel; he was "glad to see the citadel of orthodoxy a ruin today"). I t was religious in it s awarenes s tha t "spiritua l fact s an d value s alon e ar e perma nent." Lewisohn did not fail t o speak of the achievements of modern socio-economic institution s lik e th e Kere n Hayesod , th e Histadrut , and Sole l Boneh , an d h e wa s dul y impresse d (and , invincibl e indi vidualist tha t h e was , sometime s filled wit h "misgivin g an d dis may") b y wha t h e sa w o f th e halutzim (th e "pioneers" ) i n thei r communes an d collectiv e farmin g village s as they went abou t thei r labor of building up the Land: "But greater than th e task is the spirit of the tas k an d th e exampl e o f it. An d that spiri t an d tha t exampl e belong eve n no w t o th e permanen t possession s o f al l me n an d ar e becoming 'par t o f ou r lives ' unalterabl e good . . . . ' " Onl y a ma n endowed wit h wha t Kur t Blumenfel d woul d cal l a religiose Begabung, a gif t fo r religion , woul d hav e see n wha t Lewisoh n saw : "Palestine ha s heale d thousand s o f souls, i t ha s spread th e sens e of national an d huma n dignit y t o th e remotes t region s o f th e disper sion; i t ha s give n u s recognitio n a s a peopl e an d a plac e i n th e councils o f th e nations . I t i s self-recovery ; i t i s salvation. " On e cannot plac e to o muc h stres s o n Lewisohn' s sens e o f Zionis m a s a Salvationist force . Lewisoh n ha d becom e a maggid, a n evangelist . He was avi d t o sav e souls , t o sav e the m wit h th e goo d new s of th e redemptive possibilitie s o f th e Zionis t effort . Zionis m wa s nothin g less than a path t o redemption. "I f we fail w e fail th e world, we fai l ourselves. . . . We dare not an d w e canno t fail. " Tha t i s no secula r Zionism. I n it s time , i t i s likel y t o hav e ha d fe w parallels , bu t among the m woul d b e poems i n Ur i Zv i Greenberg's Anacreon col lection o f 1928. 9 Lewisohn, i t i s worth noting , care d nothin g a t al l fo r "th e nor -

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malization o f th e positio n o f th e Jewis h people" ; h e distruste d tha t Zionist visio n whic h longe d fo r th e emergenc e i n Jewis h Palestin e of "th e lovel y primitiv e lyri c cry , th e simplicit y o f th e folk-song'' ; he divine d i n suc h a visio n "th e romanti c muddle-headedness , th e false cultivatio n o f th e primitiv e . . . characteristic o f the . . . patriotic nationalis t i n al l countries, " somethin g fro m whos e blandish ments peopl e ha d t o fre e themselve s "i f huma n lif e i s t o b e wort h living a t all. " Lewisoh n ha d n o wis h t o solve , h e wante d "t o affir m the Jewish proble m and , b y being an d remainin g emphaticall y w h a t we are , [to ] transcen d th e reactionar y nationalis t . . . everywher e in th e world." 1 0 This las t lead s on e t o anothe r salien t featur e o f Lewisohn' s new found Zionis t faith , th e passionat e insistenc e o n pacifism , o n a spiritual nationalism , whic h i n thos e stil l relativel y innocent , pre Nazi year s h e believe d utterl y a t on e wit h th e wor k o f Judaea rediviva. Lon g befor e hi s discover y o f Zionism , h e ha d committe d himself to—and , durin g Worl d Wa r I , suffere d for—th e convictio n that "ther e i s . . . n o certai n effectivenes s bu t i n a n abstentio n fro m all force. " I n Zionism , h e sa w n o rejectio n o f tha t stance ; h e sa w it s affirmation. Wha t wa s i t Zionis m offere d "al l th e world " i f no t "th e first exampl e o f a nationa l communit y tha t exists , i n th e old , eter nal word s o f Zechariah , no t b y might , no t b y power , bu t b y th e spirit"? Histor y ha d chose n th e Jew s "a s th e exampl e o f a peopl e o f peace, a peopl e withou t power , a peopl e b y th e forc e o f th e spiri t alone." Zionis m woul d demonstrat e tha t "ther e ca n b e a peopl e that i s neve r a n enem y o f an y othe r people , tha t i s neve r hel d together b y th e possessio n o r th e hop e o f power , tha t ha s . . . repre sented fo r centuries , an d represent s now , a typ e o f nationalis m tha t may b e th e hop e o f a barbarou s an d warlik e world. " Jews , "b y the constan t exampl e o f [their ] pacifis t an d spiritua l nationhood, " would "hel p t o remol d th e concep t natio n itsel f an d a t las t con sciously functio n correctl y an d s o fulfil l [their ] missio n amon g th e peoples o f th e earth. " Pacifism an d Judaism—the y wer e virtuall y synonymous : "Th e memory o f wa r . . . i s hideou s an d unnatura l t o th e sou l o f Israel. " Jews ha d "a s a peopl e outgrow n th e delusion s o f forc e an d war, " s o that "th e moder n Jewis h renaissance " wa s "absolutel y pacifistic, " uniting "th e possibilit y o f Jewish cohesio n wit h friendlines s towar d

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all mankind. " Th e Je w woul d "a s a norma l self-expressio n o f hi s Jewishness" hol d i t hi s dut y "t o resis t wa r an d th e cal l t o wa r an d the propagand a o f wa r t o th e uttermost, " an d woul d "buil d u p i n Palestine a stat e tha t abstain s fro m power , tha t know s nothin g o f rivalry, tha t wil l suffe r injustic e rathe r tha n see k t o shar e politica l responsibility, a stat e tha t shal l no t onl y restor e th e preserve d o f Israel, bu t b e a ligh t t o th e Gentiles. " A state ? Clearly , Lewisoh n had i n min d n o nation-stat e i n th e ordinar y sense . Zionis m woul d build i n th e Lan d o f Israe l no t a sovereig n stat e bu t a n exemplar y society. An d i t woul d b e a bi-nationa l society . Th e wor d i s not his , but th e bi-nationalis t ide a wa s ver y muc h aliv e i n hi s conscious ness. Throug h th e instrumentalit y o f th e Zionis t Organization , the scattere d Jewish peopl e . . . i s building u p the lan d an d foundin g a ne w an d fruitful civilizatio n i n i t a t it s [Jewry's] own expense , an d without th e slightest desir e or hope of exercising political power . W e desire t o posses s th e lan d creativel y an d no t i n term s o f powe r an d force an d dominance. A constitution wil l be drafted i n time. Under it we expec t equa l right s wit h Ara b an d Christian . N o more . Fo r al l that w e brin g t o th e lan d w e as k no no more tha n equalit y wit h th e people of continuous residence in it. Even Juda h Magne s neve r gav e mor e eloquen t expressio n t o th e bi-nationalist idea . Lewisoh n indee d fel t himsel f s o draw n t o bi nationalism that , i n "th e continue d Christia n o r Mohammeda n possession o f th e memorie d place s o f th e land"—th e cav e o f Mach pelah a t Hebron , th e Templ e Moun t i n Jerusalem , Jericho , Shechem—he coul d se e " a no t unwelcom e symbo l o f ou r nationa l mood an d ou r nationa l aspirations. " I n thi s aristocrati c doctrine , Judaea rediviva di d no t mea n "th e exercis e o f force an d th e exertio n of power" ; i t mean t "quit e literally " turnin g " a poisonou s deser t into a garden, " " a gree n an d irrigate d land , a lan d o f park s an d pools, a lan d o f mountai n garden s an d o f hillside-fields , o f blossom s of th e almon d an d th e orang e everywhere , vineyard s o n al l th e southern slope s an d o f pal m grove s t o th e ri m o f th e desert. " "Th e future i s here, th e fores t coolnes s o f days t o come." 1 1 But th e Arab s wer e here , too , thos e "peopl e o f continuou s resi dence" i n th e Land . Lewisoh n i s unlikel y t o hav e ha d a ver y sur e grasp o f Palestinia n histor y a t th e time . Perhap s h e di d no t realiz e

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that Jews , too , i f no t i n impressiv e numbers , wer e t o b e foun d among "th e peopl e o f continuou s residence, ,, o r tha t th e Arab s included recen t immigrant s fro m elsewher e i n th e Levant , immi grants attracte d t o Palestin e b y the economi c developmen t th e Lan d had bee n experiencin g sinc e th e initiatio n o f Jewis h resettlemen t and th e effort s encourage d b y th e Britis h Mandator y authorities . Still, h e di d no t deceiv e himsel f abou t Ara b enthusias m fo r bi nationalism. H e understoo d ver y wel l tha t bi-nationalis m wa s a t best a Jewish an d no t a n Ara b aspiration . "Th e proble m o f th e Ara b population i s our mos t seriou s one, " h e conceded . Th e Arab s woul d "inevitably" b e a minorit y i n th e Lan d "tomorrow, " bu t toda y the y were th e majority . No t untypically , the y wer e "fanatica l an d hos tile," bu t thei r right s wer e "clea r an d indestructible. " Ara b antipa thy, thei r inabilit y t o "reac h th e leve l o f our economi c an d politica l thinking," thei r reluctanc e t o b e conciliated , thes e were , afte r all , comprehensible enough : the Ara b cannot , i n th e natur e o f things , believ e i n ou r sincerit y since t o him , . . . i t seem s axiomati c tha t thos e wh o hav e powe r o f any sor t shoul d us e it , tha t intelligen t minoritie s shoul d see k t o oppress o r t o stam p ou t thos e wh o ar e differen t . . . an d fewe r tha n themselves. Even th e undeniabl e technologica l an d medica l benefit s brough t to Palestin e b y Zionis m woul d no t suffic e t o dispe l Ara b distrust . Nonetheless, th e Jew s ha d t o "b e deterre d b y n o hardshi p fro m carrying ou t [their ] dut y towar d th e Ara b populatio n wit h perfec t patience, serenit y . . . unfaltering good-will. " Wha t bette r opportu nity woul d Zionist s hav e t o bea r witnes s t o "th e divorcemen t o f nationalism fro m power"? 12 Lewisohn's Zionis t fait h a s propounde d i n Israel wa s fo r hi m n o mere questio n o f philosophica l preferenc e o r spiritua l yearning . A letter h e addresse d t o th e Nation fro m Vienna , i n Septembe r 1925 , makes tha t ver y plain . Th e America n Jewis h Join t Distributio n Committee ha d propose d a campaig n t o rais e $1 5 million , a su m which, i n larg e par t a t least , wa s t o b e use d t o resettl e Jew s i n th e Soviet Crimea . Lewisoh n fel t i t hi s "dut y t o protes t . . . wit h al l possible urgenc y agains t th e investmen t o f on e penn y o f Jewis h money anywher e excep t i n Palestine . N o mor e disastrous , n o mor e

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tragic erro r coul d b e made. " H e wishe d t o impug n n o one' s "con scious goo d faith, " but : " I asser t tha t ther e i s no hop e i n Europe, " and that include d the Soviet Union, which could never number hi m among it s admirers . Hi s travels ha d convince d hi m tha t th e futur e held onl y pogrom s i n stor e fo r Europea n Jewry , an d i t di d no t matter whethe r th e regim e wa s " a re d tyrann y o r a white. " Euro pean Jews were everywher e i n danger o f being "slaughtered, burie d alive, crucified , shot. " I t was perfectly clea r t o him : "T o spend on e penny on keepin g a Jew in Easter n o r Central Europ e is to subsidiz e murder. Palestin e . . . i s the only hope , th e only duty, th e only salvation." 13 Lewisohn would remai n i n Europe for nearly a decade. He would be abl e firsthan d t o watc h th e crisi s i n Europea n Jewry deepen , t o see hi s gri m prophec y mov e towar d fulfillment . H e ha d fo r som e time been preternaturally sensitiv e to the "pretense within pretens e and self-deception withi n self-deception" o f the assimilated, "eman cipated" Jews of Western an d Centra l Europe . Now he was increasingly oppresse d b y thei r refusa l t o recogniz e tha t the y stoo d i n Europe like the protagonis t o f his story "Th e Romantic, " the tragi c Baron Tamaczva r whos e "lov e wa s no t wanted . . . . H e wa s a stranger. To be a stranger was his doom." What seemed to Lewisohn most ominous , however , wa s th e omnipresen t confirmatio n o f Christianity's failur e "a s a cur b upo n paga n barbaris m an d a s a guide o f th e goo d lif e i n th e ag e o f scienc e an d o f th e industria l revolution." A s h e pu t i t i n The Island Within (1928) , th e first o f his novels devoted wholl y t o Jewish themes : "The Christia n rabbl e still hel d itsel f superior . . . . Nor had th e actua l slaying , th e actua l martyrdom, eve r ceased . Yesterda y i n Russia , toda y i n Rumania , tomorrow where?" By 1930 , Lewisoh n sense d tha t Germany' s "nationa l stat e o f mind" wa s "a t wor k breedin g futur e wars. " Only a few years later , by the tim e The Permanent Horizon (1934 ) an d Rebirth: A Book of Modern Jewish Thought (1935 ) appeared , i t ha d becom e necessar y to fac e no t onl y th e "rigi d barbaris m an d slavery " o f th e Sovie t regime, but als o "the stern facts of the German terror." The old gods were wakeful onc e again. "A t this hour in history, whic h is marked by a paga n revol t agains t Christianity , ther e seem s les s hop e tha n there was only a few years ago. . . . There is no hope for the Jews in

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a paga n world . Fo r the y ar e tha t world' s evi l conscienc e an d gnaw ing worm o f th e soul. " I t was , h e thought , "wholl y logical " tha t th e Nazis "shoul d repudiat e Christianit y in toto a s a loathsom e Jewis h invention." N o comfor t wa s t o b e take n i n th e Sovie t Union ; Hitle r was merciles s t o Jews, Stali n equall y s o to Judaism : Today, i n thi s yea r 1935 , two-third s o f th e Wester n Worl d ha s re lapsed int o pagan barbaris m an d only , o r almos t only , i n Franc e an d Britain an d Americ a ar e ther e lef t an y profoundl y sincer e Gentil e Christians an d liberals , an y me n an d wome n wh o hav e pu t asid e the ol d paga n Ada m o f thei r ancestor s an d accepte d th e etho s first proclaimed b y th e teacher s an d prophet s o f Israel . Henc e th e Jew i s once mor e plunge d int o al l th e horror s o f a pagan world , . . . whic h . . . wreaks upo n hi m mor e brutally tha n eve r it s evil conscienc e fo r having twice and in a twofold manne r betrayed th e faiths i t professe d and crucified it s Christ. All thi s promise d a diluvia n time . Genocid e ha d ye t t o cros s Lew isohn's mind ; eve n afte r Worl d Wa r I I ha d begun , h e stil l expecte d Jews, i f onl y a (rathe r sizable ) remnant , t o surviv e i n th e Reic h itself, bu t th e Jewis h peopl e woul d surel y nee d a sturd y ar k t o rid e out th e flood . Tha t ar k wa s non e othe r tha n Zionism. 14 The world , th e outwar d worl d a t least , ha d change d cruciall y since Lewisohn' s firs t sigh t o f th e Hol y Lan d i n th e mid-1920s . Ha d his vie w o f Zionis m changed , too ? Fundamentally , i t ha d not , ex cept tha t no w Zionis t goal s ha d t o b e pursue d wit h fa r greate r intensity, fo r no w i t wa s palpabl e fac t tha t Jew s confronte d " a mounting worl d conjuratio n agains t th e ver y lif e o f Israel. " H e continued i n th e mid-1930 s t o believ e wha t h e ha d asserte d i n th e late 1920s , tha t "th e affirmatio n o f nationalis m i n a spiri t o f lov e and peac e throug h economi c co-operatio n [was ] th e onl y rationa l ideal o f th e nex t fe w centuries. " Zionism , h e neve r doubted , wa s that bran d o f nationalism , no t on e o f "th e paga n nationalism s o f rivalry an d hatre d an d war. " Jewis h nationalis m wa s no t t o b e compared wit h "th e othe r nationalism s tha t fil l th e worl d . . . wit h their arroganc e an d lus t afte r power. " Fo r "Jewis h nationalis m . . . issues fro m a mora l instinc t an d a mora l visio n fo r eve r separat e from th e lif e o f the paga n an d al l it s works." Even a s Hitler prepare d the Nurnber g Laws , Lewisoh n demande d o f th e Jew s tha t the y rec -

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ognize themselve s a s "consciou s bearer s o f on e o f th e world' s grea t spiritual civilizations/ ' an d o n tha t basi s clai m thei r "right s . . . a s a peopl e i n th e lan d o f [their ] fathers." 1 5 Piety, i t i s clear , ha d com e t o mea n mor e t o hi m now . I n earlie r years, h e ha d tende d t o sh y awa y fro m Jewis h orthodox y a s " a we b of intellectuall y indefensibl e formalism, " bu t tha t ha d al l bee n before "th e grea t study " t o which , on e learn s fro m Mid-Channel, Lewisohn gav e himsel f i n Europ e o n hi s return ther e fro m Palestine . As earl y a s 1931 , in The Last Days of Shylock, h e depicte d Shyloc k recoiling i n a genuinel y piou s wa y fro m a n involuntar y "drea m o f pride an d vengeance . H e ha d bette r betak e himsel f t o prayer ; i t wa s more fittin g fo r a n Israelite . H e woul d pra y fo r wisdom , whic h alone prevaile d fro m tim e t o tim e ove r th e cruelt y o f th e heathen. " And th e youn g Gabrie l Weiss , i n Trumpet of Jubilee (1937) , whe n depression assaulte d him , slipped int o th e synagogue fo r Mincha prayer . H e kne w wha t h e needed—to reaffir m th e fat e o f suc h a bein g a s h e wa s i n suc h a universe a s this; t o re-embrac e hi s kind o f humanity; t o b e strength ened agains t th e temptatio n o f sloth an d flight. H e sought t o concen trate al l th e force s o f his young an d trouble d bein g an d chante d no t without a tear gathering under his lid yet not falling, "Emeth v'emunah khol-soth v-kayam alenu. . . . Trut h an d fait h i s al l thi s an d established fo r us. " . . . Emunah —that whic h i s trustworthy , tha t which does not change and on which th e soul can lean, tha t which is so alenu—for us . He was tranquil whe n he came home for dinner . In The Answer (1939) , essentiall y a garnerin g o f excerpt s fro m th e weekly syndicate d colum n "Th e World' s Window " h e ha d produce d for th e America n Jewis h pres s durin g th e 1930s , Lewisoh n declare d himself " a conservativ e nationalis t Je w wit h a yarmelke read y i n his pocke t an d a mezuzah o n eac h doo r o f hi s house. " Tha t wa s a far cr y fro m hi s feelin g a decad e earlie r tha t i t woul d b e "over emphasis" t o affi x a mezuza h t o th e doo r o f hi s Parisia n apartment . January 193 8 found hi m addressin g a Unite d Palestin e Appea l meet ing a t Washington' s Mayflowe r Hotel . H e spok e "a s a n America n liberal," h e assure d hi s audience , but : " I d o no t desir e tha t m y other conviction s b e forgotten . I a m religiousl y a conservativ e Jew ; metaphysically I a m ver y 'rightist' ; I am , i f yo u like , a radica l

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Zionist, hopin g fo r th e liquidatio n o f th e greate r portio n o f th e diaspora. . . . But indee d I think thes e conviction s wholl y harmoni ous with thos e o f a liberal. " 16 He still hel d t o bi-nationalism . I n Trumpet of Jubilee, h e gav e hi s hope a n especiall y imaginativ e form , a projectio n int o th e futur e i n which a Zionis t devote e i s made t o exclaim : You've read an d heard ho w once the Arabs feared an d hated us ? They don't an y longer . I n th e lon g ru n the y wer e convince d b y th e Tightness of our intent . W e struck n o blow . W e never retaliated . W e went o n doin g good. I t worked . I n the lon g run i t worked . Goodnes s works. Justice works. I n Eretz Yisrael [th e Land of Israel] . . . there is neither hunge r nor ignorance, neithe r rivalry nor hatred . Gabriel Weiss , th e novel' s hero , picture s " a huma n carava n i n which eac h wa s himsel f an d n o ma n desire d hi s huma n brothe r t o be augh t bu t wha t h e was , augh t bu t wha t Go d ha d mad e him ; . . . a humanit y i n whic h group s ha d no t desire d an y t o b e subjec t t o another o r t o becom e another. " Lewisohn wa s mor e explici t i n hi s journalisti c efforts . I n on e o f "The World' s Window " columns , writte n a s anti-Jewis h riot s wer e erupting i n Palestin e durin g 1936 , h e argue d tha t " a bi-nationa l British dominio n o r neutralized stat e . . . o n bot h side s of the Jorda n would, throug h th e wor k o f Jews, enhanc e th e prestig e o f th e Arab s by virtu e o f thei r ver y collaboratio n i n suc h a state. " I n anothe r column, writte n afte r th e Ara b riot s ha d grow n int o a n arme d rebellion, h e urge d th e Jewish nee d fo r establishin g a modu s vivend i with th e Arabs . "W e mus t see k t o convinc e [them ] tha t w e ar e honorably plannin g a bi-nationa l Stat e an d tha t eve n whe n w e constitute a majorit y o f th e populatio n th e Ara b wil l b e a s free an d self-determining, a s muc h a t hom e a s ar e th e Frenc h Swis s . . . within th e predominantl y Germa n Swis s Republic. " Palestinia n Ar abs ha d "a n undoubte d right " t o "th e assuranc e tha t Ara b an d Je w in Palestin e wil l b e a s Frenc h an d Germa n i n Switzerland. " A s lat e as the ev e o f Worl d Wa r II , i n th e Answer, h e continue d t o pres s fo r "a Dominio n o f tw o nationalities , Jewis h an d Ara b . . . within th e British empire." 1 7 Chiefly i t wa s Lewisohn' s attachmen t t o pacifis m tha t suffere d radical alteratio n a s th e Nazi s mad e read y fo r war . I n 1936 , h e

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had stil l rejoice d i n Zionis m a s a "pacifis t an d religiou s nationa l movement/' bu t Trumpet of Jubilee, publishe d onl y a yea r later , foresaw a tim e whe n eve n pacifist s woul d b e impelle d t o recogniz e "the necessit y fo r immens e armie s an d navie s . . . a s frontie r guards" agains t neo-barbarism . B y th e fal l o f 1938 , wit h th e sa d farce o f th e summer' s Evia n intergovernmenta l conferenc e o n refu gees burning i n hi s min d an d wit h Austri a an d th e Sudetenlan d an d Spain an d Ethiopi a abandone d t o Naz i o r fascis t hands , h e ha d turned hi s bac k o n pacifism : "Th e war will come. Jews , Zionists , pacifists—we liv e . . . i n a worl d w e neve r made . I t i s a predomi nantly paga n worl d . . . which , evidently , ca n b e cleanse d onl y b y fire. . . . Th e cleansin g wa r wil l come. " Bu t i n Novembe r 1938 , i t was th e Naz i Kristallnacht pogro m whic h came , an d i n Ma y 1939 , Great Britain' s Whit e Paper , severel y curtailin g Jewish immigratio n into Palestine , an d no w Lewisoh n spok e a s h e woul d neve r hav e believed i t possibl e fo r hi m t o speak : " I wil l no t sa y i n th e Germa n manner tha t necessit y know s n o law . N o Jew, than k God , wil l eve r say that . Bu t I wil l sa y tha t a grea t peopl e wil l no t consen t t o perish i n orde r tha t a handfu l o f semi-barbarian s ma y satisf y thei r arrogance an d a shift y an d frightene d governmen t indulg e i n chica nery." Perhap s h e relente d a bi t thereafter , fo r i n June , o n th e ev e of th e Zionis t Organization' s forty-secon d convention , h e urge d i t on th e reader s o f hi s "Watchman " colum n i n th e Ne w Palestine that suppor t fo r Jewis h Palestin e wa s " a tas k a s fa r a s possibl e removed fro m an y paga n o r warlik e activity, " tha t Zionist s wer e "the proponent s . . . o f th e mos t vita l an d . . . th e mos t mora l an d universal caus e no w befor e mankind. " A t length , however , nearl y four month s afte r th e Germa n assaul t o n Polan d ha d inaugurate d World Wa r II , h e fel t himsel f constraine d t o admit : For once war ha s brought an d has, despite immeasurable cruelt y an d suffering, continue d t o bring a gleam of hope, a beginning of healin g of the soul if not of the body of mankind. I f nothing else, it has helped the Wester n Worl d t o thro w of f th e miasm a o f fear an d irresolutio n that was stifling th e spirit of mankind. A t least now we can act . It wa s a n "empt y pacifism " tha t ha d brough t civilizatio n t o th e brink o f rui n an d decay . Th e tim e whe n "a n abstentio n fro m al l force" coul d b e though t th e bes t therap y fo r mankind' s ills , an d

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when Zionis t goal s an d pacifis t goal s coul d b e see n a s complemen tary, i f no t indee d identical—tha t tim e ha d al l to o manifestl y passed. 18 Something els e appeare d t o hav e passe d wit h it , o r a t leas t bee n much eroded , namel y Lewisohn' s sensitivit y t o Ara b fear s o f relega tion t o a subordinat e status . Ho w tha t erosio n cam e abou t i s no t hard t o understand . ' T h e stat e o f th e worl d and , abov e all , . . . o f the Jewis h people, " h e wrot e i n Decembe r 1939 , "i s s o ineffabl y grievous tha t eve n th e stoutes t hear t quivers. ,, H e sa w hi s peopl e "being destroye d b y savages. " Ho w righ t Herz l ha d been : " 'I f eve r they wil l leav e u s i n peac e fo r thre e generations ! Bu t the y neve r h a v e / No r eve r will . . . . Ther e i s no t th e slightes t guarante e tha t they eve r will. " Earlie r tha t year , eve n befor e th e outbrea k o f war , he ha d trie d t o explai n hi s sens e o f th e Jewish reality : For the sake of the [libera l Protestan t journal] Christian Century an d other friendl y enemie s le t m e say : W e hav e love d an d serve d th e lands an d people s an d language s an d politie s o f ou r dispersion . W e find i t heartbreakingl y difficul t t o sprea d th e Zionis t trut h becaus e the majorit y o f Jews lov e thei r adopte d land s an d countryme n to o deeply an d to o well. Bu t the great an d tragi c answe r is: Nowhere ha s our lov e bee n returned . Nowher e ha s i t bee n eve n wanted . Nowher e in th e deepes t sens e hav e we bee n wanted . Nowhere , therefore , de spite ou r uttermos t strivin g an d lov e an d sacrifices , hav e w e been a t home. Negation o f the Galuth [Diaspora ] is needing to go home. One mus t ad d t o al l thi s a n insigh t o f hi s int o th e natur e o f th e Nazi regime : "Thos e wh o burne d th e synagogue s [o f Germany ] an d tortured innocen t peopl e t o deat h [o n Kristallnacht] canno t retrac e their mora l steps . Thei r wil l ha s recede d t o a lowe r level . An d sinc e life o n al l level s i s dynamic , th e wicke d mus t becom e mor e wicked." H e ca n hav e had , i n Februar y 1939 , n o foreknowledg e o f the Endlosung, Hitler' s "Fina l Solution, " bu t someho w wa s tor mented nonetheles s b y a presentiment o f Auschwitz! That i s why h e could pronounc e th e Jewis h caus e "th e las t touchston e o f Wester n civilization. No , thi s i s no t arrogance . I t i s col d fact . Th e Jewis h people ha s bee n mad e . . . symbol an d sig n o f th e perishin g libertie s and decencie s o f th e West. " No w Lewisoh n coul d brin g himsel f t o dismiss th e Arab s o f Palestin e a s "semi-barbarians " an d insis t tha t the "onl y solution " t o th e Ara b proble m wa s "peacefu l collabora -

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tion on the part of the Arabs with th e civilization w e are building." It wa s shee r desperatio n whic h induce d hi m t o endors e fo r Arab s precisely wha t h e ha d lon g sinc e spurne d fo r Jews , a n inevitabl y servile assimilationism. 19 Had Lewisoh n repudiate d hi s belief tha t "n o man i s good enoug h to rul e anothe r [and ] n o majorit y i s good enoug h t o rul e a perma nent an d permanentl y differen t minority" ? H e would neve r displa y antagonism t o "th e simpl e Arab people," the fellahin an d Bedouin , whose "dee p conservatism" h e accounte d a not "wholl y unamiabl e characteristic." H e coul d eve n conced e tha t th e Palestinia n Arab s possessed " a genuin e nationalis t movemen t an d a genuin e fea r o f Jewish dominance, " bu t seize d a s h e wa s eve n befor e th e Naz i Blitzkrieg b y anxiet y ove r th e fat e o f th e Jew s i n Nazi-occupie d Europe a s well a s those in Palestine , h e was driven t o the judgmen t that th e "Ara b problem " ha d "becom e babble, " tha t thoug h Jew s had "clea n hand s a s fa r a s Palestinia n Arab s [were ] concerned, " they di d "no t eve n nee d thos e clea n hand s [whic h were ] a specia l and a uniqu e offerin g . . . upo n a n eterna l alta r o f humanity" ; i n short, tha t Zionis t developmen t i n th e Lan d neede d "n o defens e and n o justification. " Hi s forebodin g ha d persuade d hi m tha t n o attention shoul d b e paid Ara b remonstrations: "Th e life of the Ara b people i s no t a t stake . Th e lif e o f th e Palestinia n Ara b i s no t a t stake. . . . Bu t th e lif e o f th e Jewis h peopl e i s a t stake. " No r ha d Lewisohn patienc e lef t fo r "th e rathe r dreadfu l Britis h us e o f th e words an d concep t o f fairness," fo r "wha t i s fairness t o the possibl e occupants o f empt y empire s i s no t fairnes s t o a landles s peopl e threatened wit h extermination." 20 In general, th e wa r an d th e eve r bleake r prospect s it entaile d fo r European Jewry mad e fo r a more aggressive , mor e militan t Zionis t stance o n Lewisohn' s part. N o more would h e be heard t o advocat e a Zionis m divorce d fro m politica l power . Withi n Zionism , "withi n the Zionis t Organization, " h e agreed , "ther e mus t b e n o desir e fo r power, offic e o r hono r [and ] n o persona l aims, " bu t certainly , in deed "necessarily, " Zionis m wa s "t o b e highly organized , t o creat e an instrumentalit y b y mean s o f whic h t o transmute " th e Zionis t idea "int o lif e an d int o action. " Th e functio n o f Zionism , h e con tended now , wa s "t o politiciz e th e Jewis h people, " t o transfigur e that peopl e int o on e willin g it s ow n life , "an d a will t o lif e i s an d

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must b e . . . a wil l t o politica l power. " Tha t i s w h a t preoccupie d him a s th e worl d sli d int o war . Afte r Evia n an d Kristallnacht, h e could no t doub t tha t "i n th e quit e ultimat e sens e th e antithesi s fo r the entir e Jewis h peopl e [was ] on e . . . betwee n a greate r Zio n instantly rebor n o r decimation , degradation , death. " Th e struggl e for Zio n require d " a politica l a c t . . . a n uprisin g o f American Jewr y through increas e i n Zionis t membership. " America n Jew s ha d t o b e convinced someho w t o "aris e . . . an d b y a politica l ac t o f over whelming powe r an d directnes s sa y t o th e world : Palestin e i s ours ; the Jew s o f Centra l an d Easter n Europ e ar e our s an d no t th e play things o f an y brut e wh o choose s t o voi d hi s veno m o n an d throug h them." More: "Th e whol e matte r i s political ; th e defens e o f th e Jewis h people mus t b e a politica l act . Th e tas k o f th e Jewis h people , i f i t would survive , i s b y som e mean s t o mak e itsel f int o a politica l power an d s o a counterweigh t t o th e politica l powe r o f the Arab s i n what i s necessaril y toda y a gam e o f power. " O f cours e h e wa s no t unaware o f th e distanc e h e ha d come , th e exten t t o whic h event s had compelle d hi m t o modif y hi s assumptions : "I t i s a grea t pit y that w e mus t stoo p t o th e world' s leve l o f brutalit y an d tha t ou r cause ca n no t reasonabl y prevai l b y virtu e o f it s inheren t trut h and right." 2 1 But, th e worl d bein g w h a t i t was , ever y Je w ha d a "minimu m duty," "t o tak e a n affirmativ e mora l attitud e towar d hi s peopl e an d that people' s functio n withi n th e histor y o f ou r time. " H e wa s "tempted t o write— a belligerentl y affirmativ e mora l attitude. " Lewisohn himsel f coul d no t b e reproache d fo r wan t o f suc h a n attitude an d h e woul d no t shrin k fro m publicizin g i t o n innumera ble occasions , bot h i n hi s writing s an d i n th e frequen t addresse s h e was calle d upo n t o delive r i n variou s America n communities . Afte r Evian an d Kristallnacht an d hi s realizatio n o f ho w indifferen t th e world wa s t o th e Jewis h plight , h e urge d hi s peopl e "t o insis t no t only o n Palestin e i n th e meanin g o f Cis-Jordani a [Wes t Bank] , bu t in th e meanin g o f Transjordania. " O n thi s point , h e woul d no t compromise; th e Jew s ha d t o "re-occup y Palestin e o n bot h side s o f the Jordan" ; more , t o "deman d t o th e utmos t limi t o f th e land s available, fro m th e Mediterranea n t o th e Twi n River s [tha t is , t o Iraq], th e liquidatio n o f th e Galuth. " Tha t wa s no w hi s goal : t o

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bring an en d to the Jewish dispersion. H e knew very well, of course, that it s fulfillment lay , i f a t all , i n th e distan t future , bu t on e ha d to overlook no opportunity "t o turn the Jewish people into a Zionist people; int o a peopl e tha t a t las t ha s learne d it s lesso n . . . th e lesson o f the negatio n o f Galuth a s a form o f human life. " One ha d to press forward unrelentingl y t o win "the Jewish people's conscious assent t o it s manifes t destiny. " Jew s woul d hav e t o b e taugh t t o forget "th e stupi d self-laceratin g malic e o f th e materialisti c inter pretation o f history" ; the y woul d hav e t o b e taugh t tha t "ma n makes history . Ma n i s a t th e cor e o f th e dynamis m o f th e histori c process. Heroes and heroic people will their destiny." 22 The left-win g pacifis t o f earlie r years ha d bee n transforme d int o a right-wing militant, bu t his militancy was not confined t o extravagant pronouncement s abou t Jewis h destiny . I t wa s reveale d als o in a n unwillingnes s to see in anti-Zionis m anythin g bu t a n "impen etrable dishono r o f th e huma n psyche, " a n inabilit y t o perceiv e anti-Zionist Jew s a s meritin g an y designatio n bu t tha t o f "th e frightened an d th e servil e an d th e death-dedicated. " Bu t i t wa s i n particular agains t "wha t was once Christendom" that hi s militanc y asserted itsel f mos t astringently . Christianit y alway s commande d Lewisohn's respect in that h e could never overlook its Jewish provenance; regrettably , i t ha d neve r bee n poten t enoug h t o overcom e paganism, bu t a s a n instanc e o f spiritua l strivin g (ha d i t no t pro duced soul s lik e hi s friend s Thoma s Mann , Archibal d MacLeish , Reinhold Niebuhr , Car l Herman n Voss , Pierre Van Paassen? ) i t wa s far fro m despicable . Bu t Christendom wa s worth y o f a profoun d contempt, whic h onl y gre w i n ferocit y a s i t becam e increasingl y evident how much success Hitler had enjoyed i n his war agains t th e Jews. Lewisoh n could not loo k away from wha t Jews had been , an d were being , mad e or allowe d t o suffer withi n th e confines o f Christian civilization . Wh y ha d Christendo m "bee n abl e morall y t o en dure what Hitle r di d in 1933" ? Why had th e "world " (bu t h e mean t the Christia n world ) sai d "unanimously " a t Evia n i n 1938 : "W e want n o Jews"? "Where were [the millions of Jesus' followers] in th e great Christia n democracie s of the West when th e extermination o f the Nazarene' s peopl e wa s goin g on?" The Christia n Wes t ha d "le t the Jewis h peopl e b e destroyed ; withou t a quive r the y sa w th e foulest crim e in al l history done."

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He had hope d tha t som e o f th e Jews unde r th e Naz i hee l woul d survive, two or three million a t least. Alas, fuit Ilium. A s the Soviet armies move d west , i t becam e eviden t tha t Jewr y woul d emerg e from th e war "a t bes t totally impoverished , infinitel y mor e stricke n both physically an d morally than [Churchill's Britain or] any people in the lon g an d sombe r histor y o f this sorry human race. ,, And "ye t no ac t o f restitution , reparatio n o r justice seem s eve n t o hove r o n the farthest horizon." 23 Christendom ha d nothin g o f wort h t o teac h Jewry . Ther e wa s but on e thin g o f valu e Jew s coul d gai n fro m th e Christia n world , recognition o f their righ t t o "a n undiminishe d an d undivide d Eret z Yisrael." Christendom owe d thi s to th e Jews, fo r whose martyrdo m it bor e so immense a guilt. "Nothin g tha t th e Jewish peopl e ask s of Christendom ca n b e too much . Nothin g i t ask s can b e illegitimate . . . . T o mention Ara b interests or colonial polic y . . . i n th e face of our martyrdo m i s a s insolen t a s i t i s shameless. " Thes e wer e no t mere effusion s o n hi s part ; the y wer e no t mer e propaganda , bu t a species of heartfelt polemics . Not only i n the New Valestine, whic h he edite d fro m Novembe r 194 4 t o Jun e 1947 , bu t i n th e nove l Breathe upon These (1944) , h e bespok e hi s scor n fo r th e Christia n conscience whic h ha d exhibite d itsel f i n th e S S Struma disaste r o f 1941, whe n mor e tha n seve n hundre d refugees , denie d entr y int o Palestine, ha d perishe d i n th e Blac k Sea . H e ha d writte n Breathe upon These, h e tol d th e Zionis t leade r Abb a Hille l Silver , becaus e he believe d i t urgen t t o addres s "t o th e Christia n worl d th e grea t necessary . . . accusatio n o f th e Jewish people. " Rabb i Silve r rea d the boo k i n manuscrip t an d advise d Lewisoh n no t t o publis h it ; publication o f a nove l revivin g th e Struma affair , h e feared , migh t offend th e Britis h government an d thereb y injur e th e Zionist cause , but Lewisoh n rejecte d th e rabbi' s advice . H e di d no t believ e Jew s could "affor d [the ] luxury " o f acceptin g injustic e i n silence : "Th e crime committe d agains t us " was to o painfull y "uniqu e an d mon strous." I t was a n emotio n h e gave voice t o agai n an d agai n i n th e novel, a t on e poin t wit h extraordinar y wrynes s whe n h e ha d hi s main Jewis h character , th e refuge e Eric h Dorfsohn , remark : "I f I wanted t o be cynical I' d say that, lookin g at human natur e afte r al l these Christia n centuries , Pontiu s Pilate' s reputatio n i s worse tha n he deserves. " I f it wa s Lewisohn' s fat e t o se e Christia n civilizatio n

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lurch violentl y int o unimaginabl y grotesqu e mora l chao s an d squa lor, h e fel t himsel f unde r n o obligation , eve n t o th e Zionis t cause , to concea l hi s disgust. 24 As th e Axi s tid e ebbed , Lewisoh n realize d tha t th e struggl e fo r Jewish right s i n Palestin e coul d b e expecte d onl y t o intensify , tha t now eve n mor e tha n before , wit h th e war' s en d i n sight , i t wa s needful t o Zioniz e Jewry, abov e al l America n Jewry . H e though t i t well the n t o su m u p hi s understandin g o f Zionis m i n a serie s o f fou r "Letters t o a Ne w Member " o f th e Zionis t Organization . Thes e appeared i n th e Ne w Palestine durin g th e winte r an d earl y sprin g of 1945 . The Zionis t Organization , h e wrote , represente d thos e wh o wer e "determined no t onl y tha t Israe l i s to be redeemed bu t that , throug h Israel's redemption , som e goo d shal l finally sprin g fro m th e chao s and th e mora l horror s o f thi s age. " Wha t wa s "th e cente r an d the cor e o f th e liberatin g truth " Zionis m embodied ? I t wa s "th e recognition o f th e uniquenes s o f Jewish histor y an d destiny. " Onl y a Zionis t analysi s coul d explai n th e lamentabl e vulnerabilit y o f European Jewr y durin g Worl d Wa r II , th e fac t tha t whil e othe r powerless groups , th e Danes , fo r example , ha d bee n abl e t o surviv e the Germa n occupation , mas s grave s wer e al l tha t remaine d o f th e Jews. T o Zionists , th e caus e wa s evident : th e Jews , unlik e th e Danes, "wer e neithe r togethe r no r a t home. " The y wer e "helples s . . . i n th e alie n street s o f alie n places, " an d "wha t di d w e di e of bu t our homelessness? " Bu t th e Jew s ha d no t recognize d thei r home lessness soon enough , whic h pointe d u p th e anomal y a t th e hear t o f the Jewis h experienc e i n Centra l an d Wester n Europe : "Her e wer e people wh o fel t safe , a t on e wit h thei r environment , deepl y a t home, an d wh o wer e . . . o n th e ver y edg e o f th e abyss. " Fo r this , Lewisohn hel d th e nineteenth-centur y Emancipatio n responsible . The sponsor s o f "th e so-calle d Emancipation " ha d though t that , "i f Jews wer e lef t alone , oppresse d an d restricte d i n n o way , the y would blandl y disappear. " Europ e ha d "neve r wante d th e Jew s a s Jews," ha d "neve r wante d t o liberat e th e Jews a s Jews." It wa s wors e tha n that . I n th e cours e o f th e nineteent h century , virtually "ever y people , grea t o r small, " ha d begu n clamorin g "fo r racial an d cultura l an d linguisti c homogeneit y withi n it s nationa l borders," an d w h a t wer e th e Jew s t o do ? "T o liv e a t all , [they ] ha d

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to adop t thes e variou s passions , o r see m t o adop t them, " an d thu s they "live d live s ever more false an d brittl e an d precarious. ,, I n th e end, "everywher e an d alway s surl y acceptanc e wa s replace d b y cruel repudiation, " whic h woul d hav e lef t Jewr y "utterl y withou t hope o r healt h o r huma n dignity , excep t tha t th e Eterna l . . . ha d already prepare d a remedy. " Tha t remed y was , o f course, Zionism , but how many ha d seen Zionism as such in time to save themselves? The fals e blandishment s o f th e Emancipatio n ha d blinde d the m t o the trut h tha t "moder n anti-Semitis m . . . aros e wit h an d durin g the emancipation an d mus t consequentl y b e very deeply connecte d with it. " Thi s wa s "th e trut h whic h meet s wit h s o muc h inne r resistance o n th e par t o f me n no t brav e enoug h no r clear-minde d enough t o fac e thing s a s the y reall y are. " I t wa s scarcel y a ne w truth; "wis e an d sensitiv e spirits " like Mose s Hess had perceive d i t during th e mid-1800s , bu t Hess' s Rome and Jerusalem o f 186 2 ha d been "almos t totall y neglected. " I t took the enormities of the twen tieth century t o confirm Hess' s preachments an d to establish beyon d doubt what th e rebuilding of Jewish life in the Land of Israel meant : "For once in histor y a political ac t wil l b e a moral ac t an d securit y and redemption wil l be one." 25 The last decade of Lewisohn's life witnessed firs t th e bloody spectacle o f Zionis t conflic t wit h th e Britis h an d then , afte r th e estab lishment o f a n independen t Jewis h republic , wa r wit h th e neigh boring Arab states, an d a t lengt h th e ne w state' s consolidatio n an d internal growth . I t wa s als o a decad e whos e firs t thre e year s in volved painful collision s with leaders of the Zionist Organization of America ove r hi s editorshi p o f th e Ne w Palestine. Subsequently , however, fro m 194 8 on, h e faced a far les s bruising challenge, mem bership o n th e facult y o f th e newl y founde d Brandei s University . For al l th e Sturm und Drang o f thos e years, hi s Zionis t standpoin t appears to have changed relativel y littl e afte r th e "Letters to a New Member" o f 1945 . He n o longe r argue d fo r a tota l negatio n o f th e Diaspora; i t wa s it s "transformatio n . . . into somethin g othe r an d better" tha t h e hope d fo r now . Lewisoh n did , however , mak e in creasingly explici t wha t ha d lon g been a t leas t implici t i n hi s con ception o f Jewish life , th e virtua l identit y o f Zionis m an d Judais m (and by Judaism he meant no w something markedly traditionalist) . In Decembe r 1947 , wit h Soviet-Wester n relation s growin g mor e

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and more problematic, with Palestin e lapsed into an interregnum of anarchy, an d th e Unite d State s government waverin g i n its support for partition, h e tried t o explain "th e frightful confusio n an d mora l deterioration" which , i t seeme d t o him , ha d becom e universal : "Deeper even than its moral deterioration" were "the confusion an d the aimlessness " o f th e world . A s h e sa w i t fro m a perspectiv e which owe d mor e tha n a little t o W. B . Yeats an d T . S . Eliot, "th e democratic force s hav e n o passio n an d n o forc e . . . becaus e the y have n o stead y an d direc t aim , a n ai m whic h mus t alway s hav e a metaphysical, a religious sanction t o validate it. " Not long thereaf ter Lewisoh n wen t o n t o adumbrat e thi s them e i n The American Jew: Character and Destiny (1950) , hi s las t importan t Jewis h book.26 Even the winning of Jewish sovereignty, h e asserted in The American Jew, ha d no t solve d th e proble m o f " 'emancipated ' Jews wit h blurred Jewish memories, " who now, wit h th e struggle for a Jewish state won , "wer e throw n bac k upo n thei r origina l Jewis h empti ness," tha t meant , "upo n a huma n emptiness, " a s he construe d it . The "proble m o f th e contemporar y Jew " wa s "on e problem , th e problem o f his total an d affirmativ e re-Judaization, " an d here Lewisohn envisaged a purely religious solution: "Th e necessary surviva l of th e Jewish people , whic h ha s alread y survive d s o many people s and s o many empires , an d th e surviva l o f tha t peopl e a s the mani fest expressio n of God's will in history—such i s at once our Judaism and ou r Zionism , on e an d indivisible. " H e woul d no t b e conten t with a Stat e o f Israe l whic h wa s "merel y anothe r stat e amon g th e states of the pagans"; the State of Israel had to be "in some sense we cannot ye t discer n . . . a kingdo m o f priest s an d a hol y nation. " And Jewis h lif e i n America ? "Th e measur e o f America n Zionis m will b e th e measur e o f American Judaism. Authenti c Jews ar e an d must b e Zionists, " fo r Zionism , h e insiste d sententiously , i s "tha t central aspec t o f th e Jewis h fait h . . . tha t th e Jewish people , th e suffering servan t of mankind describe d by the prophet, mus t surviv e as a religio-ethnic entit y . . . [in] the historic process determined b y the Divine Will." 27 The foundin g b y th e Moder n Orthodo x "Mizrachi " Zionist s o f Bar-Ilan Universit y a t Rama t Gan , o r a t leas t th e layin g o f th e projected school' s cornerston e i n th e summe r o f 1953 , offered Lew -

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isohn a n opportunit y t o formulat e wha t i t ma y no t b e improper t o designate his envoi. I n a speech which he prepared for the occasion, though hi s affair s i n th e Unite d State s woul d preven t hi m fro m visiting Israe l to deliver it , h e addressed himsel f t o the Jewish shar e in "th e lon g crisi s of mankind. " Th e Jewish peopl e wa s "th e livin g incarnation, eve n i n si n . . . of Go d an d hi s Law , o f form, cosmos , obedience," bu t "idolatrou s slave-states"—th e Naz i Reich , th e Soviet Union—coul d no t endur e th e incarnatio n an d wer e impelle d to attempt it s annihilation. "Th e destruction o f so vast a proportion of th e livin g Jewis h peopl e i s a description , a definition , o f th e nature o f th e huma n crisis. " Tha t wa s terribl e enough , bu t eve n more woundin g wa s th e fac t tha t Jew s ha d bee n an d wer e bein g spiritually a s wel l a s physicall y victimized , s o tha t "thousand s o f Jews, especiall y . . . intellectuals , joine d i n th e nihilis t rebellio n against th e foundation s o f huma n civilizatio n . . . an d helpe d t o gnaw awa y th e roc k upo n whic h alon e thei r fee t coul d stand. " Even i n th e Jewis h Stat e ther e wa s th e threa t o f "thi s pseudo humanitarian apostasy, " but "n o one not wholly bereft o f historical vision o r historica l insigh t wil l imagin e tha t th e [Stat e o f Israel ] can serv e it s functio n eithe r a s a natio n o r a s a facto r amon g th e nations, unles s it houses a people that wil l be in the deepest sense a different people , a goy kaddosh" —in biblica l language , a holy people. More, "unles s th e peopl e o f th e Stat e ar e Jews , Jew s i n th e classical sense , an d unles s th e Stat e i s a Jewish State , whos e conti nuity wit h th e whol e o f Jewish histor y i s unhurt an d unbreached , unless tha t i s so, al l th e aspiration s towar d Zio n an d al l th e bloo d and tear s an d al l th e generosit y an d selfles s effor t o f many genera tions will be in mortal danger of having been almos t in vain. " And s o i n th e en d i t cam e t o theology . Di d i t com e als o t o theocracy? Tha t questio n elude s a definite answer . Man' s freedom , Lewisohn ha d wille d himsel f t o believe , consiste d "exclusivel y i n his choice of a Law which h e shall obe y an d tha t thi s Law must be, in different sense s for different groups , but supremely fo r the Jewish people, th e La w o f God. " Still , Lewisoh n di d no t o r woul d no t indicate how "this end of a wholly Jewish State" was to be attained . He migh t hav e use d th e occasio n o f th e foundin g o f a Mizrachi sponsored university t o urge the virtues of Israel's official rabbinica l establishment, bu t al l he would permi t himself was the observatio n

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that h e ha d a n awarenes s "o f th e ver y troublesom e problem s [in volved], such a s . . . the crucial problem of adjusting th e necessitie s of a contemporary commonwealt h int o th e framework o f hallachi c [traditional Jewish religio-legal ] structure." 28 Lewisohn's approach t o Zionism from th e publication o f Israel to the appearanc e o f The American Jew, a span o f twenty-fiv e years , seems rather remarkabl y consisten t whe n on e consider s how differ ent th e world was in 195 0 from wha t i t had bee n in 1925 . Lewisohn, of course , spok e i n th e idio m o f hi s generation , a n idio m whic h often enoug h attribute d t o leadership a n exalted glow , made much , however unassertively , o f "th e whit e man' s burden/ ' an d enter tained notion s of "heroism" an d "destiny. " Eve n so, it was scarcel y a "Nietzschean " Zionis m tha t Lewisoh n advocated ; i t owe d every thing t o th e classica l moralit y o f th e West . Irwi n Edma n ha d no t been so wide of the mark in 192 9 when he perceived in Mid-Channel a "unio n o f Hellenism an d Talmudical Judaism" an d i n Lewisohn' s morality a n "attachmen t t o . . . th e golde n threa d o f Greece, th e silver threa d o f Judea." No t a "Nietzschean " but , i f anything , a n "Arnoldian" tendenc y ma y b e sai d t o hav e informe d Lewisohn' s Zionist ponderings; he was naturally draw n t o the Matthew Arnol d who ha d regarde d "th e final ai m o f bot h Hellenis m an d Hebraism , as . . . man's perfectio n o r salvation." Eve n afte r th e horror s of th e Endlosung ha d becom e common knowledge , Lewisoh n coul d write , "The drea m an d th e redemptio n o f Eret z Yisrae l ar e pure . . . . Revenge and triumph d o not ente r in." Lewisohn always saw "authen tic" Jewry, i n particula r th e Palestinia n community , a s exemplar y of th e bes t i n Wester n civilization . Zionism , a s he conceive d o f it , constituted n o radical departure from th e values of the West; on th e contrary, i t affirme d an d reaffirme d thos e values : "ou r hand s ar e the only clean hands in the world." 29 Lionel Trillin g marche d t o a differen t drummer ; h e stigmatize d Lewisohn's passionat e advocac y o f "Jewis h self-realization " a s a neurosis fosterin g " a willingnes s t o b e provincia l an d parochial. " But i n speakin g s o Trillin g misrepresente d th e ma n wh o attacke d "an intens e Jewish parochialism " a s productive onl y of "tight unil luminated littl e groups " with "n o vision beyon d thei r boundaries, " a man who thought i n terms of "the classical liberties and toleranc e of civilize d mankind " an d coul d declar e praiseworth y a Zionis m

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which wa s "no t sentimental , no r base d upo n smal l loyalties , how ever honorable/ ' Lewisohn' s "provincial " conceptio n o f Zionis m was of "a movemen t o f the creativ e word an d th e persuasive act , a movement founde d b y men of letters, fostered an d spread by them. " He had, i t is true, lon g wished t o see the development o f a "psychomythological histor y o f the Jews," and i t ma y b e argued wit h som e cogency tha t hi s work almos t unfailingl y evince d a "psychomytho logical" Tendenz, bu t tha t i s hardl y identica l wit h a spiri t o f provincialism. Primarily, o f course, what di d change in Lewisohn's Zionist commitment betwee n 192 5 an d 1950—indeed , th e chang e ha d bee n accomplished by 1938—was his abandonment of bi-nationalism an d pacifism. Thes e wer e casualtie s o f Hitlerism . A s the Naz i menac e intensified, Lewisoh n wa s n o longer abl e t o preach a force-eschew ing Zionism; now the Zionism he urged on his readers was unashamedly aggressive , a s he fel t i t ha d t o b e if Jews an d Jewish Palestin e were to survive the machinations of their enemies. But it was never, it coul d neve r be , a violent, militaristi c Zionis m h e preached. Lew isohn plainl y agree d wit h th e Irgunist s an d Sternist s i n thei r insis tence tha t th e Jews wer e entitle d t o bot h bank s o f th e Jordan, bu t he woul d neve r countenanc e th e terroris t tactic s the y permitte d themselves; terroris m wa s t o b e "unequivocall y condemned " a s "stupid, criminal , futile , unjewish. " H e would neve r countenanc e pagan solutions ; "Jewis h even t mus t remai n Jewish o r it wil l serv e neither th e Jew no r th e world, " h e ha d writte n i n 193 8 (whe n th e "terror in Palestine" was primarily o f Arab inspiration), an d he was to persis t i n tha t vie w throug h al l th e Mandator y provocation s o f the 1940s. 30

It would b e a mistake to conclude that Lewisohn' s Zionist profes sions wer e innocen t o f ambiguity . Hi s Zionis m wa s emphaticall y not th e "Utopia n fantasy " Elme r Ric e imagine d i t t o b e i n 1933 , Hitler woul d se e t o that , bu t Loui s Kronenberger' s admittedl y po lemical insinuatio n a decad e late r tha t Lewisoh n displaye d i n hi s work n o "spontaneou s Jewishness " shoul d no t b e to o quickl y se t aside. Wa s ther e somethin g t o it ? Coeval s o f Lewisohn , lik e Henr y L. Mencken an d Fre d T. Marsh , woul d hav e said, yes. Mencken, i n reviewing Mid-Channel, ha d take n i t o n himsel f t o war n astutely , if mercilessly , tha t "th e repatriate d an d reconditione d Je w . . . i s

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still boun d t o be more or less uneasy. H e . .. i s still a man livin g i n a worl d o f defeat s an d frustrations , an d the y pursu e hi m int o hi s Schul quit e . . . relentlessly." Mars h observe d a few years later, o n the publicatio n o f An Altar in the Fields (1934) , tha t wher e Lew isohn's salvatio n wa s concerned , "almos t h e protest s to o much, " and "one wonders whether h e . .. i s truly so happy in Zion." 31 How "happ y i n Zion " wa s he ? Lewisohn's firs t journe y t o Pales tine, i n th e 1920s , produced no t onl y Israel, bu t als o the short stor y entitled Holy Land, which o n on e leve l a t leas t ma y b e rea d a s a cautionary tal e assertin g tha t Jews alone coul d hop e to survive th e fierce realities of the Land and reclaim it for a viable future; neithe r the Arabs , hopelessl y primitive , no r th e Christian s (a t an y rat e Western Christians) , constraine d t o shap e fo r themselve s a purel y mythic Hol y Land , ha d an y genuin e stak e in a living Palestine . O n another level , however— a leve l suggeste d b y th e fac t tha t Jewis h characters, th e narrator perhap s excepted, ar e at most secondary o r even tertiar y i n the story—on e ma y b e forgiven fo r askin g whethe r Lewisohn wa s no t expressin g a n inabilit y o f hi s ow n t o identif y with th e Lan d (a s distinc t fro m th e Diaspor a effor t t o reviv e th e Land). The Palestinia n Jewis h settlemen t i s a t bes t tangentia l i n Holy Land, as also in the later tale s The Last Days of Shy lock(1931 ) an d "By the Waters of Babylon" in This People (1933). For all his Zionist ardor fro m 192 5 on, Lewisoh n neve r fashione d a story which repre sented Palestinian Jewry a s a tangible presence rather than a s something seen , whethe r physicall y o r spiritually , fro m afar . Arthu r Levy, i n The Island Within, document s hi s newfound Jewis h iden tity b y goin g of f t o ai d th e Jew s o f Rumania , no t Palestine ; Dr . Weyl, i n An Altar in the Fields, believes "w e . . . bitterly nee d . . . [an] ancestral lan d an d speech," but i s nonetheless on his way bac k to Cincinnati; Gabrie l Weiss and his mother, i n Trumpet of Jubilee, seek refug e no t i n Palestine , bu t i n th e Unite d States , an d whe n Gabriel finally announce s hi s intentio n o f leaving Americ a t o joi n "in th e defence o f Eretz Yisrael," it is near the end of the novel, bu t it is with his life an d experience in America that Trumpet of Jubilee has dealt; th e Dorfsohns ' son , i n Breathe upon These, ha s settled i n Palestine, bu t th e Dorfsohn s themselve s appea r permanentl y lo cated i n America ; Jerome Goodman , i n Lewisohn' s las t novel , In a

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Summer Season (1955) , is proud of his son, who is preparing himsel f for aliyah, bu t Jerome himself, thoug h "secretar y of [his] local Zionist District, " seem s t o hav e n o though t o f quittin g th e Diaspora . This i s al l rathe r remarkabl e whe n on e take s accoun t o f th e com mitments whic h Lewisoh n urge d Jews t o tak e o n themselve s i n hi s nonfictional writing s abou t Zionism . I t is startling t o find him, i n a review o f Meye r Levin' s realisti c nove l The Old Bunch (1937) , charging Levi n with "Jewis h self-contempt an d self-laceration" an d even wit h "violen t Jewis h self-hatred, " thoug h i n Yehuda (1930 ) and late r i n My Father's House (1947 ) Levi n was a t pain s t o depic t the Palestinian community , an d with undeniabl e beauty, a s a vivid and centra l actuality , somethin g Lewisoh n neve r achieve d o r eve n attempted i n any of his novels and stories. (H e did relent some years later an d express esteem for Levin's "delicacy an d sensitiveness.") 32 What i s one t o mak e o f these ambiguities ? T o some degree, the y probably reflec t th e circumstanc e tha t Lewisohn' s Zionis m wa s essentially reactive , t o wha t h e calle d th e "hars h musi c o f reality, " the deception s an d broke n promise s o f th e nineteenth-centur y Emancipation, th e corruptions , distortions , an d "dreadfu l diseases " of the Diaspor a an d no t least , o f course, th e atrocitie s o f Hitleris m and Stalinism. I t was to escape an d t o combat al l thes e that h e ha d espoused th e Zionis t cause , an d espouse d i t wit h utte r sincerity . The Baltimore rabbi , Charle s A. Rubenstein, wh o in 193 6 intimated on the evidenc e of Up Stream tha t Lewisoh n ha d "lande d i n the la p of Zionis m o n th e rebound, " ma y hav e com e withi n sigh t o f th e truth, thoug h i t wa s no t a littl e foolis h an d maliciou s o f hi m t o "suppose" i n publi c tha t Lewisoh n ha d "gaine d i n [his ] translatio n to Eretz Israel what a hard-boiled world would cal l material advan tage," an d Lewisoh n wa s reall y quit e charitabl e i n replyin g tha t Rubenstein did not "know what a conviction is nor how it is arrived at . . . that th e idea, a s Heine said . . . , takes us and lashe s us into the arena , whethe r w e like it o r not, an d tha t w e could no t sto p t o count gain or loss if we would. " "Rebound" o r "reaction " ma y ver y wel l hav e figured i n Lew isohn's immersio n i n Zionism . Bu t th e conversion , i f tha t ter m i s proper here, was powerless to annul thi s reality: so embedded i n hi s sensibilities was the lif e o f the Diaspora , an d so resistant t o erosio n were hi s connection s wit h th e cosmopolita n lif e o f th e West , tha t

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the lif e o f Jewish Palestin e an d th e Stat e o f Israe l coul d b e fiercely, passionately admired , bu t neve r embraced , an d thu s neve r rendere d in hi s fiction wit h an y sor t o f amplitude . I n a non-fictional , auto biographical boo k lik e Israel, Lewisoh n wa s abl e t o communicat e a quite exhilaratin g sens e o f th e Lan d an d th e Jewis h possibilitie s o f the Land , bu t Israel, fo r al l it s indisputabl e char m an d exaltation , was ultimatel y a wor k o f immensel y superio r journalism , no t a work o f th e unfettere d imagination . Lewisoh n himsel f perhap s sup plied a ke y t o th e riddl e whe n h e state d i n th e Nation durin g th e mid-1920s tha t "Europ e i s delicious ; Europ e i s adorable . . . . Only , for u s [America n expatriates] , thi s i s diversion no t life , res t an d no t art. . . . N o on e ca n creat e ou t o f a lif e tha t h e ha s t o perceiv e consciously. I n thi s matte r al l mus t b e instinc t o r . . . have becom e instinct." Substitut e "th e Lan d o f Israel " for "Europe " an d th e riddl e is less of a riddle. 33 The fac t i s tha t Lewisoh n coul d neve r b e entirel y certai n o f victory i n th e struggl e t o liberat e himsel f fro m wha t h e terme d "th e deep huma n dishono r o f alienatio n fro m fait h an d folk " h e ha d known i n hi s earlier , Methodist-Sout h Carolin a years . I n tha t strug gle, Zionis m woul d becom e fo r hi m a might y weapon . Ther e ma y have bee n a touc h o f faute de mieux, bu t th e cor e o f hi s Zionis t aspiration wa s somethin g quit e different , th e reachin g ou t fo r a swelling persona l faith , a persona l soteriology . Whe n Lewisoh n said, a s h e s o ofte n did , tha t al l road s le d t o Zion , h e di d no t sa y i t regretfully o r invidiously ; h e sai d i t wit h a decisiveness , a surety , which wa s a s clos e a s h e coul d eve r com e t o triumph . Bu t fo r him , to b e quit e accurate , n o roa d le d t o Zion , thoug h al l road s le d t o Zionism. Zionism , no t Zion , wa s hi s liberation . Almos t fro m th e beginning h e ha d know n tha t h e woul d neve r settl e i n Zio n ("Never, I dar e say , shal l I b e abl e t o dwel l upo n tha t earth, " h e wrote i n Mid-Channel) , bu t h e woul d liv e i n Zionism . Th e ach e of th e past , th e fear-bor n ap e i n hi s breast , th e desperat e ill s o f homelessness, thes e woul d nevermor e hol d hi m i n thei r ster n grip . In th e post-wa r worl d h e ha d a n altere d sens e o f America n life , too : he cam e t o fee l tha t America n Jewry , instea d o f disappearing , should b e "re-Judaized " an d Americ a redeeme d thereb y fro m "th e traditional hopeles s are a o f exile. " Th e Stat e o f Israel , h e believed , could no t b e saf e unless—an d her e h e expecte d America n Jew s

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would pla y a n importan t role—Americ a continue d a s "th e ver y bastion an d defens e o f huma n liberty ,, an d avoide d crashin g "int o slavery an d chaos. " It seem s undeniable , a s h e believed , tha t hi s retur n t o Jewis h loyalties an d hi s espousa l o f Zionis m ha d "isolate d [him ] a s a n American ma n o f letters, " s o tha t h e ha d "riske d an d probabl y los t the illusor y satisfactio n . . . ther e i s i n posthumou s fame. " Ha d h e regrets o r secon d thoughts ? I hav e los t th e world , presen t an d future . Hav e I gained th e Jewis h people? Hav e I gaine d thei r suppor t an d thei r memory ? Tim e wil l show. I f m y choic e ha d t o b e mad e ove r again , I woul d mak e th e same choice . An d tha t woul d b e n o virtu e i n me . For , bein g wha t I am, believin g a s I do, I could mak e n o othe r choice . Yo u remembe r the ol d sayin g o f Buffon : th e styl e i s the man . I add a n eve n deepe r and truer one: The choice is the man. 34

Notes 1. Se e Lewisohn' s autobiographica l volumes : Up Stream: An American Chronicle (Ne w York: Boni & Liveright, 1922) ; Israel (Ne w York: Boni & Liveright, 1925) ; Mid-Channel: An American Chronicle (Ne w York : Harper & Bros. , 1929) ; an d (wit h Edn a M . Lewisohn ) Haven (Ne w York: Dial Press , 1940) . See also Lewisohn, ed . an d trans. , Goethe: The Story of a Man (Ne w York : Farrar , Straus , 1949) ; Lewisohn , ed. , Theodor Herzl: A Portrait for this Age (Cleveland : Worl d Publishing , !955)» S. F. Chyet, "Ludwi g Lewisohn in Charleston," American Jewish Historical Quarterly 5 4 (Marc h 1965) : 296-322; Chyet, "Lewisoh n an d Hauptmann," Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies (Jerusalem : Worl d Unio n o f Jewis h Studies , 1975 ) 2:205-13 ; Sey mour Lainoff, Ludwig Lewisohn (Boston : Twayne, 1982) . 2. Thorstei n Veblen , "Th e Intellectua l Pre-eminenc e o f Jews i n Moder n Europe," in The Portable Veblen (Ne w York : Viking Press , 1949) , 474, 478 (Veblen's essay dates from 1919) ; Alfred Kazin , On Native Grounds: An Interpretation of Modern American Prose Literature (Garde n City : Doubleday, 1956) , 153 , 205- 7 (Kazin' s boo k originall y appeare d i n 1942).

3. Jerusalem Post, Jan. 1 , 1956 : 3; Lewisohn t o Abb a Hille l Silver , Jan. 1 , 1946, an d t o Irvin g Miller , Jul y 18 , 194 6 (America n Jewis h Archives , Cincinnati); Lewisohn, ed., Rebirth: A Book of Modern Jewish Thought (New York : Harpe r & Bros., 1935) , 274 ; Up Stream, 125 ; ibid . (Ne w York: Moder n Library , 1926) , 146 ; Lewisohn, The Answer (Ne w York :

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Liveright, 1939) , 339 ; Lewisohn , " A Panoram a o f a Half-Centur y o f American Jewish Literature , "Jewish Book Annual 9 (1950-51) : 4. 4. Lewisohn , Roman Summer (Ne w York : Harpe r & Bros., 1927) , 185 ; Up Stream (1922) , 17 , 77. 5. Henr y Hurwit z t o Lewisohn , Apri l 20 , 1915 ; May 5 , 1917 ; July 11 , 1917; July 16 , 1917 ; May 10 , 1921 ; June 3 , 1921 ; October 10 , 1921 ; February 1 , 1923; Februar y 7 , 1923 ; Ma y 15 , 192 3 (America n Jewis h Archives) ; Lewisohn t o Hurwitz , Februar y 4 , 1923 , an d t o Rober t C . Rothenberg , May 4 , 192 3 (America n Jewis h Archives) ; Chyet , "Ludwi g Lewisohn : The Year s o f Becoming, " American Jewish Archives 11:132 ; Haven, 38 ; W. E . Leonard , "Menorah, " Menorah Journal 1 (Januar y 1915) : 20-22 ; Up Stream (1922) , 125 ; Lewisohn' s introductio n t o Geor g Hirschfeld , The Mothers (Garde n City : Doubleday , 1916) , xiii . 6. Mid-Channel, 46 , 48-49 ; Hurwit z t o Lewisohn , Ma y 15 , 192 3 (Ameri can Jewis h Archives) ; Kur t Blumenfeld , ErlebteJudenfrage (Stuttgart : Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt , 1962) , 154 . 7. Mid-Channel, 20 , 52-54 ; Menorah Journal 1 0 (Decembe r 1924) : 497 ; New Palestine, Decembe r 1 , 1939 : 4 ; Blumenfel d t o Lewisohn , Ma y 8 , x 953 (America n Jewish Archives) ; Chai m Weizman n t o Lewisohn , Ma y 21, 194 9 (America n Jewish Archives) . 8. The Portable Veblen, 468 ; Israel, 100 , 132 , 147 , 156 . 9. Ibid. , 84 , 158 , 181 , 199, 204-6, 212 ; Blumenfeld, Erlebte Judenfrage, 155 ; Nation, Septembe r 16 , 1925 : 301-2. 10. Israel, 158 , 217-18, 248 . n . Ibid. , 71 , 145-49 , 209 , 237, 247-48, 252 , 254-55; Up Stream (1922) , 234 . 12. Israel, 144 , 238-39, 248 . 13. Mid-Channel, 55; Nation, Octobe r 7 , 1925 : 385-86 ; American Jewish Year Book 27 (1925-26) : 58-60 ; H . Goldber g t o Feli x Warburg , Octobe r 2, 192 5 (America n Jewish Archives) . 14. Mid-Channel, 106 ; Nation, Ma y 3 , 1933 : 493-94; Jewish Times (Balti more), January 3 , 1936 : 17; Lewisohn, Adam: A Dramatic History (Ne w York: Harpe r & Bros. , 1929) , 97 ; Menorah Journal 1 0 (November-De cember 1924) : 497; Harper's, Novembe r 1930 : 702; Lewisohn, The Island Within (Ne w York : Harpe r & Bros. , 1928) , 341 ; Lewisohn, This People (New York : Harpe r & Bros. , 1933) , 197 ; Post (Charleston , S.C.) , Janu ary 17 , 1931 ; Rebirth, xviii , xx , xxv , xxvii ; Lewisohn , The Permanent Horizon: A New Search for Old Truths (Ne w York : Harpe r & Bros. , 1934), 49 ; New Palestine, Jun e 28 , 1940 : 16. 15. Rebirth, xxviii , x x x - x x x i i ; Lewisohn , "Th e Collaps e o f Assimila tionism," i n M . W . Weisgal , ed. , Theodor Herzl: A Memorial (Ne w York: Ne w Palestine/Zionis t Organizatio n o f America, 1929) , 263. 16. Israel, 257 ; Island Within, 342-42 ; Mid-Channel, 236 , 259 ; Lewisohn , The Last Days of Shylock (Ne w York : Harpe r & Bros. , 1931) , 160-62 ; The Answer, 158 ; Lewisohn , Trumpet of Jubilee (Ne w York : Harpe r & Bros., 1937) , 219 ; New Palestine, Januar y 28 , 1938:4 .

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17. Trumpet of Jubilee,238 , 261, 306; Jewish Times, July 17 , 1936 : 4; ibid., October 2, 1936 : 2; The Answer, 117 . 18. Atlantic Monthly, Januar y 1936 : 60 ; Trumpet of Jubilee, 258 ; Ne w Palestine, Octobe r 14 , 1938 : 4; ibid., January 13 , 1939: 4; ibid., Ma y 26, 1939: 6 ; ibid. , Jun e 23 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Decembe r 29 , 1939 : 4 , ibid. , February 23 , 1940: 4. 19. New Palestine, Apri l 14 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Novembe r 24 , 1939 : 5 ; ibid. , December 22 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Februar y 3 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Februar y 17 , !939: 4; ibid., Marc h 17 , 1939: 4; ibid., Novembe r 3, 1939: 4. 20. Ibid. , January 29 , 1938 : 4; ibid., Decembe r 9, 1938 : 4-5; ibid., Februar y 24, 1939 : 4; ibid., Decembe r 22 , 1939 : 4; ibid., Marc h 8 , 1940 : 4; Haven, 242-43; Jewish Times, Novembe r 29, 1935: 29 . 21. Ne w Palestine, January 27 , 1939 : 4; ibid., Marc h 8 , 1940 : 4; ibid., Apri l 19, 1940 : 6; ibid., Februar y 10 , 1929: 5; ibid., Marc h 8, 1940 : 4. 22. Ibid. , Decembe r 2 , 1938 : 5; ibid. , Marc h 17 , 1939 : 4; ibid. , Marc h 24 , J 939: 6 ; ibid. , Apri l 14 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Septembe r 12 , 1939 : 6 ; ibid. , November 24 , 1939 : 4; ibid. , Ma y 17 , 1940 : 4; ibid. , Ma y 24 , 1940 : 4; ibid., Septembe r 11 , 1942: 7-8; Jewish Mirror, June-July 1943 : 5-6. 23. Ne w Palestine, Decembe r 23 , 1938 : 4 ; ibid. , Decembe r 26 , 1941 : 10; ibid., Februar y 20 , 1942 : 18 ; ibid., Ma y 21 , 1943 : 10 ; ibid., Augus t 18 , 1944: 480 ; ibid. , Januar y 1 , 1945 : 6 ; ibid. , Marc h 28 , 1945 : 4 ; ibid. , November 16 , 1945: 47; ibid., Decembe r 31 , 1945 : 4; ibid., July 12 , 1946: 2; Rebirth, xx , xxiii-xxvii ; Trumpet of Jubilee, 94-95 , 258; Lewisohn, Breathe upon These (Indianapolis : Bobbs-Merrill , 1944) , 175 , 187 , 191, 195. 24. Ne w Palestine, January 8 , 1943 : 8; ibid., July 28 , 1944 : 4, ibid., Octobe r 27, 1944 : 9; ibid. , Novembe r 30 , 1944 : 5; Breathe upon These, 132-41 , 151-59, 161 , 171 , 174-79, 185 , 188 , 192 , 195 ; Lewisohn t o A . H . Silver , December 7 , 1942 , and January 12 , 1943, and Silve r to Lewisohn , Janu ary 7, 194 3 (Silver Archives, Cleveland) . 25. New Palestine, January 19 , 1945: 84; ibid., Februar y 16 , 1945: 120; ibid., March 17 , 1945: 147; ibid., Apri l 13 , 1945: 175. 26. Lewisoh n to A. H. Silver, January 1 , 1946, and April 8, 1947, to Emanuel Neumann, Jun e 16 , 1946 , an d June 28 , 1948 , to Irvin g Miller , Jul y 18 , 1946, an d t o Israe l Goldstein , Apri l 18 , 194 7 (America n Jewis h Ar chives); Lewisohn , The American Jew: Character and Destiny (Ne w York: Farrar, Straus , 1950) , 159 ; New Palestine, Decembe r 26, 1947: 4 . 27. Americanjew, 160 , 162-65. 28. S . F. Chyet, "Ludwi g Lewisohn—O n th e Foundin g o f Ba r Ila n Univer sity," Michael 3 (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1976) : 336-39. 29. New Palestine, Octobe r 14 , 1938 : 4; ibid. , Octobe r 21 , 1938 : 5 ; ibid. , February 17 , 1939 : 4-5; ibid., Marc h 17 , 1939 : 4; ibid., June 9 , 1939 : 4; ibid., Jun e 23 , 1939 : 4; ibid. , Octobe r 20 , 1939 : 4; ibid. , Decembe r 1 , 1939: 4; ibid., Ma y 3, 1940: 4; ibid., June 7, 1940 : 4; ibid., June 16 , 1940: 10; ibid. , Marc h 3 , 1944 : 276 ; ibid. , Apri l 30 , 1945 : 4; ibid. , Ma y 28 ,

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1948: 5; Nation, Jun e 5, 1929: 672; Answer, 101 , 305; Israel, 137-38, 25253; Trumpet of Jubilee, 306-7 ; Lewisohn, An Altar in the Fields (Ne w York: Harpe r & Bros. , 1934) , 271 ; Island Within, 343 ; Haven, 245 ; Breathe upon These, 147-48 ; Lewisohn, ed., Among the Nations (Phila delphia: Jewis h Publicatio n Society , 1948) , xvi-xvii ; American Jew, 168-69. Se e als o Lewisohn , " A Stud y o f Matthe w Arnold, " Sewanee Review 9 (1901): 442-56, and 1 0 (1902): 143-59, 302-19. 30. Ne w Palestine, Septembe r 9, 1938 : 6; ibid., Novembe r 11 , 1938: 4; ibid., November 25 , 1938 : 4; ibid. , Octobe r 27 , 1944 : 9; ibid. , Novembe r 17 , 1944: 28; ibid., Augus t 29, 1947: 4; Contemporary Jewish Record, February 1944 : 17 ; Jewish Times, Novembe r 8 , 1935 : 2; ibid., Novembe r 27 , 1936: 2 ; Lewisoh n t o Emanue l Neumann , Jun e 16 , 194 6 (America n Jewish Archives) . 31. Nation, Ma y 17 , 1933 : 557; Contemporary Jewish Record, Februar y 1944: 21; American Mercury 6 (1929) : 380 ; New York Herald Tribune Books, February 25 , 1934: VII-7 . 32. Island Within, 344 ; Altar in the Fields, 271 ; Trumpet of Jubilee, 326 ; Breathe upon These, 47 , 199 ; Lewisohn , In a Summer Season (Ne w York: Farrar , Straus , 1955) , 149 , 185 . See Lewisohn's Holy Land (Ne w York: Harper & Bros., 1926) , which firs t appeare d i n Harper's, October 1925: 523-27. See Lewisohn on Levin in New Palestine, Ma y 31 , 1940 : 4; Jewish Mirror, Novembe r 1942 : 36; an d Jewish Book Annual 9 (1950 51): 7. 33. Ne w Palestine, Novembe r 10 , 1939 : 4; ibid. , Apri l 12 , 1940 : 4; Jewish Times, Septembe r 25 , 1936 : 9; ibid., Octobe r 16 , 1936 : 2; The Answer, 339-40; Nation, Octobe r 14 , 1925: 423 . 34. Ne w Palestine, Septembe r 9 , 1938 : 6; ibid. , Octobe r 7 , 1938 : 4; ibid. , December 2 , 1938 : 4 ; ibid. , Septembe r 26 , 1939 : 4 ; ibid. , Februar y 9 , 1940: 4; ibid., Apri l 12 , 1940 : 5; ibid., January 19 , 1945 : 84; ibid., Apri l 12, 1946 : 182 ; Mid-Channel, 49 , 93; Jewish Times, Octobe r 16 , 1936 : 2, 30; The Answer, 340-42 ; American Jew, 124-25 , 173-74.

C H A P T E R8

Henry Hurwitz : Editor , Gadfly , Dreame r Ira Eisenstein

The ten s o f thousand s o f Jew s wh o reache d thes e shore s a t th e beginning o f thi s century , "yearnin g t o breath e free, " di d no t fin d a goldene medinah. Th e adult s struggle d t o mak e a living ; an d th e children wer e awar e o f th e fac t that , i n th e eye s of thei r peers , the y were strangers , wh o cam e withou t cultur e o r knowledg e o f th e civilized canon s o f behavior . Th e youn g people , t o b e sure , soo n made thei r wa y i n thi s land , an d man y o f them , Henr y Hurwit z included, mad e i t t o college s an d universities . (H e ha d arrive d i n the Bosto n area , wit h hi s parent s an d sisters , i n th e earl y 1890s. ) I n 1904, Hurwit z wa s admitte d t o Harvard . Bu t mos t o f thes e student s were b y n o mean s happ y wit h thei r newl y elevate d status . Horace Kallen , a contemporar y o f Hurwitz , wrote , som e year s later: I a m incline d t o thin k tha t feeling s o f inferiorit y an d insecurity , together with resentment a t the condition which bred them—'Jewis h self-hatred' a s i t cam e t o b e called—wa s a t wor k i n th e fe w Jewis h college student s o f m y day . I t consiste d o f th e effor t t o kee p one' s Jewish derivatio n an d Jewis h connection s below th e threshol d o f visibility; even, wherever possible, to dissociate oneself from the m altogether. l Professor Harr y Wolfso n describe d thi s state of mind a s one of "escaping Judaism." 2 Hurwitz ha d n o intention o f escaping Judaism. I n fact, h e was de termined fro m th e star t t o lea d a renaissance o f Judaism throug h th e 191

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zeal an d energ y of fellow student s who felt a s he did. I n a loving por trait o f hi s mothe r (publishe d posthumously ) Hurwit z reveal s hi s deep attachment t o Jewish learnin g in the Litva k tradition o f dedica tion t o study , inspired , i t appears , b y thi s wonderfu l woman . H e studied Humash an d Rashi an d davened ever y day in pious devotion . He writes of Bella Wolfso n Hurwitz : She doubtless abette d m y early zea l for piety an d praying (a s a boy I davened t o beat the band from risin g up in the morning to lying down at night , enoug h fo r a lifetime) . Late r sh e sough t t o moderat e m y excesses i n prayin g an d fastin g an d certainl y whe n I gav e u p al l rituals an d prayin g an d fasting , n o syllabl e o f reproac h cam e fro m her, no r can I imagine that he r affection wa s in the least abate d . . . 3 Obviously, youn g Henr y experience d neithe r th e indifferenc e o f ignorant parent s no r th e hars h demand s mad e upo n youn g peopl e by father s an d mother s whos e rigidit y turne d thei r childre n agains t Judaism altogether . At Harvard , Hurwit z wa s deepl y impresse d b y me n lik e Willia m James, Georg e Santayana , an d other s o f tha t brillian t faculty , wh o opened u p t o hi m a ne w world , broader , mor e humane , mor e uni versal. I t i s not surprisin g tha t Hurwit z wa s dazzle d b y thi s arra y o f educated men , eve n thoug h h e ha d alread y bee n expose d t o Lati n and Gree k i n hig h school . So , whil e h e stoppe d davening an d fast ing, h e retaine d hi s passio n fo r th e intellectua l lif e an d hi s lov e o f Judaism, dedicatin g himsel f t o th e tas k o f transposin g hi s inherite d Jewish learnin g int o th e ke y o f Jewish humanism . In 1906 , Hurwit z an d a ban d o f earnes t classmate s organize d w h a t the y calle d a Menora h Societ y "fo r Hebrai c Cultur e an d Ide als." I t wa s a n ac t o f hutzpah an d imaginatio n whic h wa s destine d to chang e th e fac e o f Jewish intellectua l lif e i n th e Unite d State s fo r many year s t o come . By 1913 , eleven Menora h group s ha d bee n formed ; an d th e Inter collegiate Menora h Associatio n wa s established , wit h Henr y Hur witz a s th e "chancellor. " I n 1915 , th e Menorah Journal wa s launched. 4 The impressiv e forma t an d content s o f this first issu e presaged th e extraordinary caree r o f thi s magazine . Neve r befor e ha d a culti vated an d eloquen t presentatio n o f Judaism bee n mad e o n th e leve l

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of the Journal. I can testif y t o the fact that , a s a student a t Colum bia Colleg e from 192 3 to 1927 , I found littl e inspiratio n i n th e the n available Anglo-Jewis h periodical s lik e th e American Hebrew. O f course, learne d journal s wer e appearing , lik e th e Jewish Quarterly Review; bu t fo r th e non-academi c Je w ther e wa s nothin g t o read . The appearanc e o f th e Menorah Journal ha d th e sam e effec t upo n my sens e o f Jewish prid e i n th e twentie s tha t th e establishmen t o f the State of Israel in 194 8 had for me and so many others . The first issue (Januar y 1915 ) containe d article s b y (amon g oth ers) Loui s D . Brandeis , Harr y Wolfson , Josep h Jacobs, Ma x L . Margolis, an d greeting s from Richar d Gottheil , Kaufma n Kohler , Juda h L. Magnes , an d othe r distinguishe d Jewis h personalities . A s tim e went o n som e o f th e mos t talente d writer s an d thinker s appeare d for the first time in the pages of thejourna/. 5 In Decembe r 1917 , the Menora h Quinquennia l Conventio n too k place, i n Ne w York . Th e progra m include d addresse s b y distin guished scholars ; but , significantly , i t als o brought t o th e delegate s a concert o f Jewish music , a n addres s by Ernest Bloch , an d reading s from th e French-Jewis h poe t Edmon d Fleg . Include d als o wa s a n evening o f Jewish drama , wit h work s b y Davi d Pinsk i an d Shole m Asch. To top it off, ther e was an exhibit of works by Jewish artists . The program o f the conventio n reflect s th e broad interests whic h Hurwitz insiste d wa s essentia l t o a n understandin g o f th e Jewis h creative spirit . Lon g befor e th e now-popula r phras e "Judais m a s a Civilization" wa s coine d b y Mordeca i Kaplan , Hurwit z translate d that concep t into a living program for the intellectuals of his day. The broad scope of the Menorah movemen t ha d bee n articulate d at th e ver y beginning , whe n it s purpose s wer e outline d i n th e first issue of the Journal: Conceived a s i t i s an d nurture d a s i t mus t continu e t o b e i n th e spirit of the Menora h idea , th e Menorah Journal i s under compulsio n to b e absolutel y non-partisan , a n expressio n o f al l tha t i s bes t i n Judaism an d no t merel y som e particular sec t o r school o r localit y o r group o f specia l interests , fearles s i n tellin g th e truth ; promotin g constructive thought rathe r tha n aimles s controversy; animate d wit h the vitalit y an d enthusias m o f youth, harkin g bac k t o th e pas t tha t we may dea l mor e wisely wit h th e presen t an d th e future ; recordin g and appreciatin g Jewis h achievement , no t t o bra g bu t t o besti r our -

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selves t o emulatio n an d t o deepe n th e consciousnes s o f noblesse oblige, strivin g alway s to be sane an d level-headed ; offerin g n o opinions of its own but providing an orderly platform fo r the discussion of mooted question s tha t reall y matter ; dedicate d firs t an d foremos t t o the fosterin g o f Jewis h "humanities" ; an d th e furtherin g o f thei r influence a s a spur to human service . For a fe w years , fro m 191 7 t o 1923 , Hurwit z issue d a modes t Menorah Bulletin, addresse d primaril y t o member s o f th e variou s Menorah societies , i n whic h h e articulate d hi s stron g conviction s about th e rol e o f students . I n Octobe r 1922 , he wrote , "T o b e bor n a Jew i s sheer accident ; bu t wha t a gloriou s opportunit y fo r fight , fo r faith, fo r achievement . Th e grea t Jewis h heritag e w e glibl y spea k of, tha t i s not your s b y righ t o f birth ; i t i s yours onl y a s you ear n it , enhance it . . . . I t i s a matte r o f understanding , o f fre e intellectua l discovery an d conquest , o f th e pursui t o f studentship. " On late r occasion s Hurwit z gav e utteranc e t o hi s matur e visio n of a renewe d Judaism : " I canno t conceiv e o f Judaism a s a religio n in th e conventiona l sense, " h e wrot e i n 1946 . " I lik e t o thin k o f Judaism a s humanit y heightened . . . . Jewish religio n i s indivisible , all-penetrating, coextensiv e wit h th e whol e o f life . Th e segregatio n of sanctities , prayers , commandments , th e so-calle d religiou s feel ings an d attitude s int o a churc h o r church-imitatin g synagogu e i s offensive t o m e . " 6 "The elixi r o f (this ) intellectua l an d spiritua l fusion, " h e wrot e in hi s final years , " I woul d cal l Humanis t Judaism . I t i s to m y ow n mind th e Judais m o f th e modern , enlightene d Je w wh o willingly , nay gladly , accept s himsel f a s a Jew , bu t wit h th e intellectua l honesty an d mora l integrit y o f scientifi c man . An d humanism , a s I conceive it , embrace s th e poeti c an d mystica l i n lif e a s wel l a s th e prosaic-rational." 7 "[Judaism ] i s a heritag e o f dept h an d versatility , a histori c culture , fence d i n an d hugge d clos e durin g time s o f dark ness an d dispersion , bu t a lif e t o breath e fre e an d intermingl e wit h the genera l cultur e i n time s an d countrie s o f freedom , a s i n America today." 8 From th e start , Hurwit z wa s keenl y awar e o f th e nee d t o infus e the Jewis h spiri t int o al l aspect s o f Jewish life , especiall y th e com munal institution s which , unti l the n (1918) , an d fo r quit e a whil e after, wer e manne d b y professional s wh o ha d littl e o r n o interes t i n

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Jewish spiritual or cultural survival . He therefore urge d students associated wit h Menora h societie s to enter Jewish communa l service . In the Menorah Bulletin o f March 1918 , he announced tha t arrange ments had bee n made with th e New York School of Jewish Commu nal Work to admit students who wished to enrich their knowledge of Judaism. Open lectures were also set up with Samson Benderly, Mordecai Kaplan, an d others. These lectures dealt with the reinterpreta tion of Judaism an d the reorganization o f the synagogue. This attemp t t o Judaize Jewis h communa l wor k anticipate d b y many decade s th e establishmen t o f institution s fo r trainin g Jewis h communal workers ; an d i t als o pioneere d i n th e effor t t o relat e these studies to universities, a practice now widely accepted . While Menora h societie s proliferated , Hurwit z becam e awar e o f a weakness i n thei r program . H e ha d publishe d Menora h syllabuse s and pamphlets on various themes ("Th e Jew in the Modern World, " "Introduction t o Jewish History," "Jewish Factors in Western Civilization," etc.) . Bu t i t becam e eviden t tha t thes e effort s wer e no t always taken seriously . Student s did not prepare; the invited speak ers did all the work. Hurwit z prophetically recognize d that th e only way t o ge t student s t o stud y wa s t o hav e course s give n a t th e universities themselves , fo r credit . Indeed , a proposa l t o introduc e Jewish studie s i n th e universit y cam e fro m th e Columbi a Menora h as early a s 1918. In th e Menorah Bulletin o f winte r 1923 , i n a n articl e entitle d "Menorah Fundamentals, " Hurwitz agai n urge d the introduction o f Jewish studie s int o th e universities : H e warne d tha t "s o lon g a s Jewish studie s ar e confine d mor e o r les s t o sectaria n school s an d theological seminaries , an d ar e lef t mostl y i n th e hand s o f th e clerical profession , whethe r Christia n o r Jewish , wh o naturall y bring their special bia s to bear upon th e interpretation o f the mate rial; a s long, tha t i s to say, a s Jewish learnin g fail s t o comman d a n integral plac e i n ou r genera l America n institution s o f learning , where liberal studie s ar e offered—just s o long will Jewish learning , in our conception, remai n i n a state of suppression an d sterility. " In 192 7 Hurwitz launche d a n ambitiou s program . H e convened a Menorah Conference . Th e theme o f the Conferenc e wa s "The Spiritual Situatio n o f th e Je w i n America. " Th e Jewish Daily News o f

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New Yor k describe d i t a s a "turnin g poin t i n America n Jewry. " Hurwitz himsel f regarde d i t a s a milestone . "I t wa s th e first suc h assembly eve r hel d i n America , presagin g ne w force s an d direction s for th e future/ ' Directin g attentio n t o th e "paucit y o f idea s an d content" i n w h a t passe s a s "Jewis h education, " wer e suc h speaker s as Professo r Mordeca i Kaplan , Professo r Julian Obermann , Professo r Isaac L . Kandel , an d others . T o hel p fill thi s need , Hurwitz , i n hi s Report o n th e Conference , propose d th e establishmen t o f a Menora h Foundation. "Throug h som e suc h enterpris e w e ca n develo p a Jew ish educatio n worth y o f th e nam e fo r adult s n o les s tha n fo r chil dren an d youth. . . . "We nee d no t wai t fo r an y endowment s t o compar e wit h tha t o f the Rockefelle r o r Carnegi e o r Sag e Foundations . . . . W e ca n star t on on e o r anothe r sectio n o f ou r fields, wit h Jewis h histor y o r i n the variou s aspect s o f moder n lif e an d problems , religious , social , political, economic , a s friends ar e attracte d t o finance specifi c line s of inquiry." 9 A n ambitiou s projec t indeed . Spurred o n b y th e suppor t o f hi s projects , whic h ha d grown , Hurwitz, i n January 1928 , was abl e t o fulfil l a long-standin g desire , to chang e th e Journal fro m a bi-monthl y t o a monthly , believin g i t to b e a respons e t o a ne w forc e i n America n Jewis h life ; th e forc e o f modern critica l intelligence . In th e broades t sense , th e ques t i s a spiritua l quest , a religiou s one . . . . Th e tas k i s t o find a moder n spiritua l sanctio n fo r th e Jew' s persistent distinctivenes s eve n i n th e presen t tim e o f individual reli gious and mora l freedo m o n th e on e hand, an d mas s standardizatio n on the other. . . . The distinctio n betwee n clerg y an d laity , betwee n religiou s an d secular—these distinction s ar e no t Jewish . I f persiste d i n the y ca n only bring added confusion, il l feeling, sterilit y in our Jewish spiritua l life. I t i s for u s to reassert th e Jewish conceptio n o f the wholenes s of human life . Th e whole i s religious an d mus t b e sanctified. I t canno t be divided int o sacre d an d profane . An d th e whol e lif e o f ours mus t be humanistic, seekin g the good in man i n this world, i n the free bu t disciplined cultivatio n o f all human faculties an d quests. 10 The Journal wa s ridin g hig h i n th e lat e twenties . Th e Januar y 1928 issu e containe d materia l b y Charle s A . Beard , Lio n Feucht wanger, Loui s Golding, Clifto n Fadiman , Lione l Trilling , a n inse t o f

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sculptures b y Jacob Epstein , an d a frontispiec e o f Reuve n Rubin' s portrait o f Ahad-Ha'am . An d i n 1929 , Hurwitz announce d th e "es tablishment o f th e Menora h Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Jewish Cultur e an d Ideals , comprisin g th e Intercollegiat e Menora h Association, th e Menora h Educationa l Conference , Th e Menorah Journal, th e Menorah Summe r School and the Menorah Foundatio n (when endowed). ,, An impressive arra y of distinguished name s wa s appended t o th e announcement , formin g a boar d o f governor s an d an executive council . Hurwitz wa s read y wit h majo r project s t o b e undertake n b y th e Menorah Foundation , fo r example , th e "preparatio n o f a History of the Jews sinc e th e year 70 , comparable i n metho d an d spiri t t o th e Cambridge Modern History." Hurwit z conclude d hi s January 192 9 article, "Fo r Jewis h Culture, " wit h thes e words : "S o now , wit h this enlarge d scop e an d for m o f genera l organization , invitin g al l thoughtful me n an d women t o membership in th e Menorah Associ ation, an d urging . . . upon possible Maecenases the great an d beau tiful potentialitie s o f th e Menora h Foundation—th e Menora h movement proceed s in its twenty-third year of quest." Soon after, i n March 1929 , a dinner a t th e Biltmore Hotel in New York was given by wealthy supporters, including Lucius N. Littauer , Joseph Pulvermacher , S . W . Straus , an d others , an d th e formatio n of th e Menora h Foundatio n wa s announced . Thi s glowin g even t was probably th e pea k o f Menorah's influence . Hurwit z wa s full o f hope for a glorious future . Unfortunately, th e Cras h o f tha t fall , 1929 , an d th e persisten t De pression ensuing , wer e major factor s i n th e slow but stead y declin e of Menorah's fortunes . There were , however , a t leas t tw o othe r factor s a t work . On e was th e establishmen t o f th e Hille l Foundation s b y B'na i B'rith . This fraterna l bod y ha d becom e intereste d i n Jewish students , par ticularly thos e who were not members of Jewish college fraternities . In 1923 , Hille l bega n providin g center s fo r Jewis h activities , an d manning the m wit h full-tim e salarie d rabbinica l leaders . I n addi tion, th e program s o f thes e Hille l Foundation s usuall y appeale d t o the broadest interest s of the students, whic h wer e not alway s stud y and serious discussion. Menora h could not compete .

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The second facto r i n th e declin e of the movemen t wa s the inter nal dissensio n cause d b y member s o f th e editoria l boar d wh o wer e of Marxis t inclination , wh o trie d t o politiciz e th e movement . A long an d acrimoniou s struggl e too k place , involvin g o n th e on e hand th e managing editor , Ellio t Cohen, an d some of the writers he had attracted , an d on the other Henry Hurwitz. 11 In brief , th e Depressio n ha d turne d man y Jewis h intellectual s away from specificall y Jewish concerns to the problems of economic and politica l change . Durin g th e 1930s , th e Sovie t Unio n wa s widely regarde d a s th e mode l fo r futur e societies . Henr y Hurwitz , however, whil e a libera l Democra t (h e vote d fo r Roosevel t an d later fo r Stevenson) , considere d thi s ne w developmen t a diversio n from hi s original purpose in establishing thejournal. H e had alway s been a n intellectua l Jew, whil e thes e younger writer s an d thinker s were, i n fact , intellectual s wh o happene d t o b e Jewish. Th e differ ence betwee n th e adjectiv e an d th e nou n wa s a t th e hear t o f thei r disagreement. Afte r th e Jun e 193 1 issu e cam e out , Ellio t Cohe n left th e Journal, an d too k awa y wit h hi m th e grou p wh o becam e responsible, i n part , fo r th e establishmen t o f th e Partisan Review and othe r leftis t publications . Cohe n himsel f wa s no t involve d i n Partisan Review; however , h e was to become the founding edito r of Commentary (1945). 12 The ne t effec t o f these event s was th e financial impoverishmen t of th e Menora h movement . A new group , know n a s the Friend s of the Menorah Journal, wa s se t u p t o improv e th e situation : "I t i s hoped tha t th e financing o f th e Menorah Journal wil l b e t o pu t i t on a soli d an d adequat e basis . Fro m ther e i t i s hope d t o g o o n t o adequate financing o f th e othe r activitie s o f th e Menora h move ment, includin g th e School. " (Thi s i s fro m a memorandu m mos t probably writte n b y Hurwitz , dat e uncertain. ) Obviously , Henr y Hurwitz still expected t o proceed with hi s ambitious plans. With n o seriou s prospec t o f enlistin g suppor t fo r hi s favorit e projects, Hurwitz , fro m tim e t o time , articulate d hi s drea m o f a Menorah Colleg e fo r Jewis h Cultur e an d Socia l Science , whic h would brin g together a society of Jewish humanist scholars , cultur e historians, me n o f letters , an d socia l scientists . I n a post-wa r arti cle, appearin g in spring of 1946, Hurwitz recalled that, twent y years before, i n th e Februar y 192 6 issue o f th e Journal, h e ha d urge d " A

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Foundation o r a School fo r Jewish historica l studies. " The nee d fo r such a school, h e believed, wa s by now greater than ever . In tha t 192 6 article , "Watchme n Wha t o f th e Day?" , h e ha d outlined the broad scope of such a College: the Talmud, Jewish law , government an d Jewish philosophy, Jewish biography, Western Jewish literature, Jewish art , presen t Jewish conditions. 13 Although th e first issu e of the Journal ha d stated tha t th e magazin e would b e "offerin g n o opinion s o f its own bu t providin g a n orderl y platform fo r th e discussion o f mooted question s that reall y matter, " Hurwitz, writin g unde r th e name of Zakkaius, 14 bitterly denounce d "the tragi c cours e o f Britis h Empire " fro m Balfou r dow n t o Bevin , and describe d th e "challeng e t o Zionis t leadership " cause d b y tha t British betraya l o f high hope s in Palestine . Thi s outspoken polemi c was in th e winte r 194 7 issue. Hurwit z als o pointed t o shortcoming s in th e America n Jewis h Conferenc e whic h ha d bee n convene d i n J 943 t o conside r th e nex t ste p i n th e Jewis h futur e afte r th e war . The deman d b y th e Conferenc e tha t a Jewish stat e b e se t u p was , said Hurwitz, ill-time d an d unwise . "By insisting o n th e deman d fo r a Jewish Stat e immediately , th e political Zionist s wh o controlle d an d stampede d th e Conferenc e overreached themselve s an d blaste d th e fai r flowe r o f Jewish unit y on th e stalk. " H e was referring t o the withdrawal fro m th e Confer ence b y th e America n Jewis h Committee , B'na i B'rith , an d th e Union o f America n Hebre w Congregations . Hurwit z stresse d th e "necessity fo r Jews an d Arab s to go along together, t o cooperate fo r common welfar e i n joint governmen t i n th e country. " Bi-national ism, propose d b y Henrietta Szol d of Hadassah, Judah Magnes of th e Hebrew University , an d other s appeale d t o Hurwitz , despit e th e fact tha t th e vas t majorit y o f Jews sa w littl e prospec t o f enlistin g the cooperation o f the Arabs. It would be unfair t o judge Hurwitz a s being unrealistic. The fac t is tha t th e America n Jewis h Conferenc e wa s equall y unrealistic . Having lived through thi s turbulent period , I can testify that , whil e our heart s tol d u s tha t a Jewish stat e wa s desperatel y needed , ou r minds whispered t o us that w e were "as those who dream." Hurwit z had th e courag e t o challeng e th e majority ; h e wa s o n th e losin g side, but that wa s not uncommo n i n Hurwitz's career .

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Hurwitz battle d on . I n autum n 1949 , he too k th e Establishmen t to task for pursuing "Jew Business" instead of Judaism. H e called fo r a Reformation , t o replac e th e bureaucrat s wh o di d no t car e abou t Judaism, an d th e layme n wh o di d no t scrutiniz e wha t th e bureau crats were doing. He denounced th e big salaries, th e secret budgets , perpetrated b y th e "defens e agencies' ' (lik e th e Anti-Defamatio n League, an d the American Jewish Committee) . Obviously th e issue of a Jewish stat e was by then moot ; the stat e existed an d he certainly di d not wish to turn the clock back. Bu t he never los t sigh t o f hi s ultimat e objectives , t o se e tha t th e basi c needs o f America n Jewr y wer e me t throug h th e allocatio n o f ade quate fund s fo r religious , cultural , an d educationa l purposes . Hur witz wa s certainl y righ t i n thes e contention s an d goals ; an d tim e has vindicated him . Toda y th e centra l agencie s do provide a large r percentage o f fund s t o th e cause s h e espoused , partl y becaus e o f his an d others ' protests , partl y becaus e America n Jewry ha s begu n to mature. In th e sprin g o f 1952 , Hurwitz addresse d himsel f t o th e Maclve r Report. Professo r Rober t M. Maclver had bee n commissioned b y th e Joint Commissio n o f B'nai B'rit h an d th e Anti-Defamatio n League , as well a s by the American Jewish Committee , t o study how best t o reorganize th e resource s of American Jewry, s o as to serve its inter ests more efficiently . Th e Repor t wa s pleasin g t o Hurwit z i n man y ways, especiall y sinc e it decried th e overlapping an d waste in thes e organizations whic h h e ha d bee n criticizing . Hi s hope s wer e onc e again raised that th e Menorah ideal s might experience a revival. While th e fortune s o f th e movemen t di d no t improve , Hurwit z redoubled hi s effort s t o sen d a messag e t o America n Jewry . I n a major essay , entitled , "Israel : Wha t Now? " (Spring-Summe r 1954) , he analyze d th e variou s problem s confrontin g th e ne w state . Th e Arab proble m wa s th e mos t pressing, accordin g t o Hurwitz , an d Israel wa s no t meetin g i t properly . Accommodatio n betwee n Ara b and Israel i "transcend s Zionism , an d non-Zionis m an d anti-Zion ism. . . . Th e presen t tas k befor e u s al l . . . i s t o joi n hand s i n fostering th e social-revolutionar y element s amon g th e Arabs , an d the liberal , non-chauvinis t element s amon g th e Israelis. " Hurwit z pleaded wit h Israe l no t t o "brin g [your ] country dow n t o the mora l level of the Ara b States." He saw the dangers of continued conflict .

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Today w e ma y appreciat e ho w prescien t h e was , thoug h hi s pro gram might seem not to have been practical . In 195 8 Hurwit z spok e befor e a Philadelphi a audience , dealin g with th e theme , "Judais m i n this Nuclear Age." 15 He pleaded agai n for a humanisti c Judaism , on e tha t wa s neithe r nationalisti c no r supernaturalistic. Wha t i s needed, h e said , wa s a moder n Yavneh , to spread th e spirit o f Judaism. Thi s should becom e the vocatio n o f Jews i n th e nuclea r age . "Wha t the n give s t o Humanis t Judais m today it s specificall y Jewis h character ? I would answer : th e grea t Jewish heritage of experience an d expression throughout th e ages— an incomparabl e legac y o f spiri t an d intellect , i f w e woul d bu t adequately stud y an d comprehen d it . . . . A ne w receptio n o f th e Jewish heritage is now required. " With a tenacit y worth y o f hi s dreams , Henr y Hurwitz , i n wha t was t o b e hi s final articl e (Autumn-Winte r 1959) , calle d upo n American Jewr y t o conside r th e proble m o f "Heritag e an d Alle giance." H e outline d th e scop e o f th e heritage ; h e analyze d onc e again Zionism , anti-Zionism , an d non-Zionism ; h e raise d th e ques tion o f "Wher e Tru e Allegianc e Resides" ; an d h e conclude d wit h a bold proposal for a Menorah Collegium . He seem s no t t o hav e bee n th e leas t discourage d b y previou s failures, no r b y the possibilit y tha t h e might no t surviv e more tha n two year s afte r thi s effort . Wit h undiminishe d zea l h e excoriate d the excessiv e pre-occupatio n wit h fun d raisin g an d th e failur e o f the intellectual s t o direc t thei r talent s towar d th e enrichmen t o f Jewish lif e an d thought . Hurwit z agai n pleade d fo r a renaissanc e of Jewish culture : "A n unculture d Judaism , withou t som e fair per ception o f its histor y an d evolution , it s though t an d literatur e an d institutions, suc h a Judaism, b e it ever so pious, tends to degenerat e into vacuous generalities or phony mysticism an d emotionalism." 16 The en d cam e o n Novembe r 19 , 1961 , in hi s seventy-sixt h year . Hurwitz died in New York, mourned b y those who had worked wit h him i n hi s variou s effort s t o transfor m th e fac e o f America n Juda ism. Marvi n Lowenthal , on e of Hurwitz's closes t associates , sai d i n his eulog y tha t Hurwit z "whil e satirizin g o r castigatin g th e blun ders and follies of the passing scene, would nevertheless serve as the herald an d champion of constructive, affirmativ e ideas . [He] always [said] 'yes ' t o whateve r promise d a richer , deepe r an d mor e Jewish

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future fo r ou r people . . . . [H e would] see k ou t an d encourag e cre ative mind s withi n th e whol e compas s o f th e Jewis h world . Th e Journal whic h Hurwit z create d containe d i n it s table s o f content s an al l bu t complet e director y o f leadin g Jewis h writers , thinkers , and artists , America n an d foreign , brough t t o th e attentio n o f it s fortunate subscriber s . . . , al l o f them, i n th e vision o f Henry Hur witz, exponent s of Jewish Humanism/ ' What manne r o f ma n wa s Henr y Hurwitz ? I n statur e h e wa s shor t but imposing . Hi s broad moustach e gav e hi m th e loo k o f a foreig n diplomat. Whe n h e addresse d a n audience , n o matte r ho w small , he waxe d oratorical . I believe tha t a clu e t o hi s characte r ca n b e detected i n thi s incongruit y o f styl e an d circumstance : H e wa s s o passionate abou t everythin g h e di d an d sai d tha t h e usuall y faile d to recognize the reality before him . Indeed, hi s whol e caree r reflecte d a certai n detachmen t fro m harsh facts . A t th e beginnin g i t wa s fortunat e tha t h e wa s no t deterred b y bein g virtuall y alone , excep t fo r a smal l coteri e wh o cared abou t Jewish culture an d ideals. He proceeded to organize th e few student s availabl e t o establish th e first, an d the n severa l other , Menorah societies . Th e broa d indifferenc e t o hi s purpose s di d no t affect him . H e operate d o n th e wonderfu l notio n tha t wha t ough t to b e ca n be . I f h e ha d no t believe d thi s h e woul d neve r hav e embarked o n hi s remarkabl e caree r a s publisher, organizer , gadfly , and dreamer . He was fiercely independent , spurnin g attractiv e offer s t o brin g Menorah unde r th e aegi s of any othe r organization . Thi s too was a commendable trait ; bu t h e was sufficiently aloo f fro m th e realitie s of Jewish lif e tha t h e faile d t o realiz e th e hopelessnes s o f enlistin g many generous supporters to his program s o long a s he remained a n outsider, a s far a s the Establishment wa s concerned . The fact i s that eventuall y h e did have to turn fo r hel p to donor s whose anti-Zionis t positio n wa s s o alie n t o th e spiri t o f th e time . When Zionis t fervo r wa s a t it s height, Hurwit z accepte d assistanc e from member s o f th e America n Counci l fo r Judaism, th e ideologi cally anti-Zionis t group . Hi s friendlines s towar d me n lik e Lessin g Rosenwald tarre d hi m wit h th e pitc h o f anti-Zionism , t o th e detri ment o f his cause.

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For a long time hi s was a lone voice. His stress on Jewish cultur e sounded strang e t o hi s contemporarie s who , i f the y though t abou t it a t all , identifie d Jewis h cultur e wit h th e shtetl o f Eastern Europ e (which hardl y rate d a s culture a t al l i n thei r eyes) . The literature , art, music , an d philosoph y o f th e Jewis h heritag e crie d ou t t o b e released from thei r anonymity . Hurwit z hear d that cry . But the Establishmen t wa s either focuse d upo n th e synagogu e o r on th e physica l need s o f Jew s her e an d abroad . Fro m 191 7 on , shortly afte r Hurwit z ha d founde d th e Menorah Journal, Europea n Jewry suffere d terribl e pogroms , an d mone y wa s constantl y bein g funneled t o thei r aid . Th e suppor t tha t Hurwit z sough t fo r hi s cultural progra m ha d t o b e ignored . Onl y ver y fe w aficionado s re sponded. That i s not t o sa y tha t Henr y Hurwitz' s analysi s o f th e need s of American Jewr y wa s faulty . Th e decade s sinc e hi s passin g hav e demonstrated tha t i f hi s plan s ha d bee n carrie d out , Jewis h lif e would toda y b e richer an d mor e creative. Unfortunatel y h e did no t realize tha t eve n th e mos t authenti c proposal s woul d no t b e ac cepted fro m on e wh o constantl y attacke d th e Establishment , it s faulty priorities , an d its short-sightedness. Like the prophets, he was right but failed t o persuade his own age. His contributions were , nevertheless , considerable . First , h e lef t behind a treasur y o f literar y works , no t onl y hi s own bu t thos e h e inspired, whic h ca n b e rea d toda y wit h enormou s interest . Th e writers whose first or early appearanc e i n print wa s in the Menorah Journal wer e thankfu l t o hi m fo r openin g th e page s o f tha t presti gious journal t o their work . Second, h e wa s influentia l i n popularizin g th e ide a tha t Jewis h studies belonged o n th e universit y campus . Menora h influenc e an d the friendship o f the Hurwitzs with Mrs . Linda Miller, playe d a role in he r benefactio n tha t establishe d th e chai r i n Jewis h History , Literature an d Institution s a t Columbi a University , i n memor y o f her husband , Nathan . Th e chai r wa s hel d lon g an d brilliantl y b y Salo W. Baron. 17 Hurwitz calle d attentio n t o the importance o f cultivating Jewish students. Whil e hi s method wa s perhaps to o bookish an d academi c for most , h e mad e America n Jew s consciou s o f th e terribl e conse quences of neglecting th e student population .

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Henry Hurwit z die d withou t achievin g al l h e ha d hope d t o achieve; bu t hi s fait h i n th e futur e o f Jewish civilizatio n ha s bee n taken u p b y thos e wh o believ e tha t th e humanisti c approac h t o Judaism i s th e onl y on e whic h ca n lea d t o ne w creativity . T o b e sure, h e neve r anticipate d th e resurgenc e o f Orthodoxy ; bu t thos e who agre e wit h hi m ar e confiden t that , i n a mor e propitiou s time , more America n Jew s wil l pursu e hi s drea m o f advancin g Jewis h culture an d ideal s a s he envisage d them .

Notes i. Horac e M . Kallen, "Th e Promis e of the Menora h Idea, " Menorah Journal, Valedictor y Issue , Autumn/Winter 1962 . 2. Harr y Aursty n Wolfson , "Escapin g Judaism, " Menorah Journal, Jun e and Augus t 1921 , an d reprinte d i n Menorah Pamphlets, No . 2 , Ne w York, Intercollegiat e Menora h Association (1923) . 3. Henr y Hurwitz , " A Mothe r Remembered, " American Jewish History Reprint, Septembe r 1980 , Vol. 12 , No. 1 (manuscript discovere d b y th e author's son, Davi d Lyon Hurwitz, i n Menorah Archives) . 4. Fo r a full accoun t o f the history of the Intercollegiat e Menora h Association, se e Jenna Weissma n Joselit , "Withou t Ghettoism : A History o f the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, 1906-1930. " American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati , Ohio , November 1978. 5. A n impressive list of authors, artists , an d composers is contained i n th e "Third o f a Centur y Index , 1915-1948 , "Menorah Journal, Summe r 1948, Vol. 36. , No. 3. 6. Henr y Hurwitz, "M y Faith as a Jew," an address delivered a t the Jewish Theological Seminary , i n Ne w York , Ma y 1946 . It wa s published post humously in Judaism, Fal l 1967. 7. Henr y Hurwitz, "Judais m i n thi s Nuclear Age, " an addres s delivered i n Philadelphia, Octobe r 1959 , and publishe d i n th e Autumn-Winte r 195 9 issue of Menorah Journal. 8. Henr y Hurwitz , "Heritag e an d Allegiance, " Autumn-Winter 1959 , Menorah Journal. 9. Menorah Journal, Februar y 1927 . Th e participant s i n th e Conferenc e constituted a veritabl e "Who' s Who " in Jewish life ; t o mentio n bu t a few: Irwi n Edman , Abra m Sachar , Loui s Finkelstein, Mauric e Samuel , and Chaim Weizmann . 10. Editoria l i n Menorah Journal, Januar y 1928 , inauguratin g th e ne w monthly schedule . 11. Correspondenc e an d othe r paper s documentin g thi s rif t ar e foun d i n American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati , Ohio .

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12. Se e Ala n M . Wald , "Th e Menora h Grou p Turn s Left, " Jewish Social Studies, Summer-Fal l 1976 . I t i s a detaile d bu t biase d accoun t o f thei r schism. See also The Unpossessed, by Tess Slesinger, Feminis t Press , Old Westbury, N.Y . (publishe d originall y b y Simo n an d Schuster , Ne w York, in 1934) . 13. Hurwit z though t o f himsel f a s a twentieth-centur y discipl e o f Leopol d Zunz. I n an articl e appearing in the 192 2 issue of the Menorah Journal, highlighting th e significanc e o f th e centennia l o f th e foundin g o f th e Zeitschrift fur die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Hurwit z characterize s that journal a s the "Menorah o f a century ago. " 14. Rabb i Yohanan be n Zakkai was one of Hurwitz's heroes. 15. Menorah Journal, Vol . 46, Nos. 1 an d 2. 16. Menorah Journal, Vol . 47, No. 1 , Autumn-Winter 1959 . 17. Se e i n thi s connection , Rut h Hurwitz' s "Lind a R . Miller : A Memoir, " Menorah Journal, Autum n 1937 . It i s worthy o f not e tha t Henr y Hurwit z enjoye d a happ y marrie d life with hi s wife, Rut h (ne e Sapinsky), who was a faithful companio n for many years, through good times and bad. They had two sons, Henry Hurwitz, Jr. , an d Davi d Lyo n Hurwitz . Th e latte r wa s o f invaluabl e help to the autho r i n th e preparatio n o f this essay , fo r whic h h e offer s grateful thanks .

C H A P T E R9

"Not th e Recover y o f a Grave , bu t o f a Cradle" : Th e Zionis t Lif e o f Marvin Lowentha l Susanne Klingenstein This difference , amon g others , ma y b e apparent—th e Christian s sought th e recovery of a grave; the Jews, of a cradle. —Lowenthal, "Zionism, " 1914

To contemporaries , th e yea r 191 7 had a n almos t messiani c quality . The outbrea k o f th e Russia n Revolutio n promisin g i n it s wak e th e establishment o f a jus t society , th e disintegratio n o f th e multina tional empire s releasin g thei r subjecte d people s int o independence , and th e declaratio n o f th e "Fourtee n Points " b y Presiden t Wilso n aimed a t preservin g th e worl d peac e raise d i n European s extraordi nary expectations . Althoug h Jew s hav e alway s ha d reaso n t o b e cautious whe n th e worl d fel t th e birt h pang s o f th e Messiah , th e events o f tha t remarkabl e yea r suffuse d wit h ne w vigo r thos e wh o concentrated thei r hope s o n a slive r o f lan d o n th e easter n edg e o f the Mediterranean . America' s entr y int o th e Firs t Worl d Wa r o n th e side o f th e allie s mad e i t mor e difficul t t o suppl y Jewish settlement s in Palestin e wit h muc h neede d goods ; bu t th e publicatio n o f th e Balfour Declaratio n ( 8 November ) an d th e liberatio n o f Palestin e from Turkis h rul e o n th e da y whe n Genera l Allenb y modestl y se t foot i n Jerusale m ( 6 December) , appeare d t o brin g th e drea m o f a Jewish homeland , i f no t a Jewis h state , close r t o realization . Th e 206

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languishing Zionis t movemen t i n Europ e an d Americ a gaine d i n prestige through th e victory of the principle of self-determination i n Europe an d th e Balfou r Declaration , an d larg e section s o f the Jewish peopl e wer e swep t u p i n a wav e o f idealis m an d a flurry o f political activities. 1 It is characteristic o f Marvin Lowentha l that h e did not share th e easy optimism o f his fellow Jews. I n 1916 , at th e ag e of twenty-six , he had bee n appointe d b y Loui s Brandeis to serve a s director o f th e San Francisc o burea u o f th e Provisiona l Executiv e Committe e fo r General Zionis t Affair s (PZEC) . World event s had somewha t facili tated Lowenthal' s Zionizin g tas k amon g th e recalcitran t Jew s o f California, an d by the end of 1917 , it seemed indeed a s if the Zionis t vision h e was peddling might provide , i f not th e right answe r to th e Jewish Question , the n a t leas t a workabl e solutio n t o a pressin g Jewish problem . Bu t the las t pag e in Lowenthal' s 191 7 pocket diar y reveals mor e clearl y tha n an y o f hi s chatt y letter s t o parent s an d friends hi s persona l assessmen t o f th e situation . O n tha t las t pag e he pencile d th e word s o f a Yiddis h song , "Freg t d i vel t a n alt e kashe." The world's answe r t o th e "ol d question, " th e pligh t o f th e Jews, i s a non-committal tral-la-la. 2 Today, th e skeptical , courageou s Lowentha l i s familia r t o u s mainly a s th e translato r o f th e seventeenth-centur y Memoirs of Gluckel of Hameln (1932) , an d perhap s a s the compile r o f th e Life and Letters of Henrietta Szold (1942 ) an d editor-translato r o f th e Diaries of Theodor Herzl (1956) . Bu t h e wa s als o a n accomplishe d writer. H e first becam e know n wit h hi s intellectua l Baedecke r o f Jewish Europ e an d North Africa , A World Passed By (1933) , and hi s history The Jews of Germany (1936) . Moreover , h e wa s a n aston ishing connoisseur o f European literature . I n 193 5 he compiled fro m Montaigne's essay s The Autobiography of Michel de Montaigne. Lowenthal's majo r achievement , however , i s no t a s immediatel y visible a s a boo k o n th e shelf , bu t n o les s important , an d tha t i s his continuou s involvemen t i n activitie s fo r th e Jewish people , hi s visibility a s a Jewis h intellectua l a t a tim e whe n i t woul d hav e been easier an d more profitable t o disappear into America . Lowenthal wa s no t pushe d int o a Jewish lif e b y hi s parents . H e was bor n i n 189 0 in Bradford , Pennsylvania . Hi s father wa s a jeweler ther e and , lik e hi s mother , o f Germa n Jewis h descent . Th e

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family belonge d to Bradford's Refor m Temple where Marvin becam e a bar mitzvah i n 1903 , but was not familiarized wit h the traditiona l obligations o f observan t Jews . Hi s letter s home , whic h h e dis patched almos t dail y whil e awa y o n vacatio n o r a t college , tal k of theater goin g o n Frida y nights , o f feastin g o n "ham-and-lettuc e sandwiches/' o f secretaria l wor k o n Saturda y morning ; an d the y close affectionately bu t indiscriminatel y wit h a "Happy New Year " in October or a "Merry Xmas to you all " in December. 3 Marvin di d no t g o t o colleg e righ t away . Fro m 190 5 to 191 1 h e worked i n th e store of Leon Feuerbach i n Bradford , whic h h e left a s his assistan t manage r t o enrol l a t th e Universit y o f Wisconsi n i n Madison i n Februar y 1912 . Although th e colleg e registra r gav e Lowenthal a rough tim e because of his advanced ag e (h e was twenty one) an d poo r credentials , an d woul d admi t hi m onl y a s a Specia l Adult Student , th e lon g dela y prove d exceedingl y fortunate. 4 I t allowed Lowentha l t o ski p a semeste r s o tha t h e coul d catc h u p with th e class of 191 5 in th e fal l o f 1912 ; but, mor e importantly , i t allowed hi m t o becom e th e studen t an d frien d o f Horac e Meye r Kallen who was to have a lasting influence o n Lowenthal's life . Kallen di d no t arriv e a t Madiso n unti l th e fal l o f 1911 . Thre e years afte r receivin g hi s doctorate fro m Harvar d Universit y i n 190 8 and a year afte r th e deat h o f his revere d mento r Willia m James i n 1910, Kalle n ha d manage d t o cu t himsel f loos e fro m hi s belove d alma mater . H e finally accepte d a n instructorshi p i n philosoph y and psycholog y a t th e Universit y o f Wisconsin. Kalle n wa s then i n the mids t o f developin g hi s theor y o f cultura l pluralis m whic h helped hi m t o solv e th e dilemm a o f bein g (committedly ) Jewis h and a fervent American . H e would late r clai m tha t i n order t o be a functioning membe r o f a culturall y pluralis t societ y lik e Americ a one ha d t o belon g t o on e o f th e smalle r group s constitutin g th e larger community . I t followe d tha t a firm commitment t o Zionis m (such a s Kallen' s own ) wa s no t contradictor y t o bein g a loya l American, because , accordin g t o Kallen' s theory , i n orde r t o b e a n American on e ha d t o b e ethnic. 5 I n thos e years, 191 1 to 1913 , Kallen's reasoning helpe d persuade Loui s Brandeis, who had been cam paigning for Woodrow Wilson, tha t h e could very well b e an activ e Zionist too , because , fa r fro m bein g unpatriotic , a double commit ment wa s i n fac t quintessentiall y American . Brandeis , cautiou s a s

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ever, bega n t o study Zionis t material s i n 1912 , but durin g th e crisi s of 191 4 was ready to take over the leadership of American Zionism. 6 His decision had a n immediate effec t o n Lowenthal's career . As soon as he had settled into the college routine Lowenthal too k some tentativ e step s int o America n Jewis h lif e an d inadvertentl y stumbled int o mildl y Zionis t circles . O n 1 2 Ma y 191 2 h e write s home tha t h e is at wor k o n a n essa y abou t "th e Jews in th e Ameri can Revolution," an d five months later he reports, "Just won a prize of On e Hundre d Dollar s o n m y histor y essa y . . . i n a contes t offered b y the Wisconsin Menorah Society. One Hundred Bones ! Not bad, eh? " That wa s a lo t o f mone y fo r Lowentha l wh o wa s payin g two dollar s a week i n ren t an d wh o ha d jus t accepte d a job i n th e ticket offic e o f th e loca l theate r tha t pai d fou r dollar s a wee k fo r sixteen hour s o f work. 7 Bu t winning th e contes t woul d hav e large r significance tha n easin g hi s strappe d circumstances . Th e prize , sponsored b y the Chicag o merchant Julius Rosenwald an d adminis tered b y a facult y committe e chaire d b y a professo r o f Englis h literature, wa s on the one hand th e most important literar y prize a t the University o f Wisconsin, an d on the other part of the consciousness-raising campaig n o f th e Menora h Society . Thi s intercollegiat e Jewish organizatio n wa s founde d b y Henr y Hurwit z (assiste d b y Horace Kallen) a t Harvard in 1906 . Its goal was, in Mark Krupnick' s formulation, "t o promot e Jewish ideal s an d learnin g amon g Jewish college students so as to offset th e negative effects o f American anti Semitism. B y demonstrating th e interes t an d dignit y o f th e Jewis h past, th e Menorah movement encourage d its members to accept an d identify themselve s a s Jews."8 Winning th e prize was for Lowenthal , wh o was then plannin g t o become a journalist, predominantl y a literary achievement . Bu t h e soon began to feel that the prize came with a n unspoken obligation . On 4 November 191 2 th e sam e Lowentha l wh o wa s barel y abl e t o sit throug h a Ros h Hashana h servic e attende d hi s first Menora h meeting, pai d hi s dollar , enrolle d himsel f a s a member , an d prom ised t o rea d hi s paper som e time. H e was more condescendin g tha n serious, a n attitud e whic h wa s soo n t o chang e unde r Kallen' s in fluence. On 6 October 1912 , two day s before h e learne d tha t h e ha d wo n the prize, Lowentha l tol d hi s parents that h e now took two meals a

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day i n Lathro p Hall , a place "largel y patronize d b y professors." H e shared a tabl e wit h " 4 son s o f Abraha m . . . an d 2 Germans/ ' Among th e forme r h e counte d Horac e Kallen . Hi s Bosto n manner s struck the "Pennsylvanian backwoodsman " a s very peculiar indeed . On 1 Novembe r 191 2 h e wrot e t o hi s parents : "Befor e I g o an y further, I wan t t o mentio n Dr . Kalle n wh o i s a regula r a t ou r table. H e is a tall, well-built , handsom e man (Jewish ) packe d wit h philosophy. Englis h by birth, a grad[uate] of Harvard, h e strikes one at firs t a s effeminate. Thi s impressio n i s increased b y th e fac t tha t he carrie s hi s handkerchie f u p hi s shirt-sleeve , an d talk s i n a soft , gentle voice, wit h broa d 'a' s of the 'bawth-tub ' soc[iety] . But with out doubt , h e i s th e witties t ma n a t th e table , especiall y i n th e matter o f nonsense an d puns." 9 Kallen, o f course , wa s bor n i n German y (i n 1882) , bu t h e ha d been brought t o Boston at the ag e of five when hi s father, originall y from Latvia , was expelled from German y a s an alien Jew.10 Growing up in Boston Kallen came to defy hi s father's authority , abandonin g his observant Judaism for a cultural Jewishness, an d to acquire New England speec h an d manners , an d a t Harvar d a thoroug h trainin g by America' s leadin g philosophers , Willia m James , Josia h Royce , and Georg e Santayana . Fro m Novembe r 191 2 unti l Lowenthal' s graduation, Kallen , wh o "alas—doe s no t mi x wel l wit h th e girls," imparted t o his young friend hi s knowledge of philosophy, commit ment t o Zionism , an d addictio n t o tea . Lowentha l discovere d quickly tha t Kalle n wa s quit e a "macher " an d a widel y respecte d man "eve n if he does keep his pocket-handkerchief u p his sleeve and talk i n a n extremel y high-bro w fashio n whe n h e i s no t punnin g atrociously. H e is a firm Zionist an d rave s beautifully thereon. " H e persuaded Marvi n t o com e wit h hi m t o a Zionis t conventio n i n Chicago althoug h hi s student woul d muc h rathe r hav e gon e hom e for th e sam e money. Lowentha l like d Chicag o an d hi s introductio n to Juliu s Rosenwal d (who m h e pu t dow n a s "fat " an d "simple") , but di d no t find himsel f "favorabl y impresse d wit h Zionis m a s i t is." No r di d hi s encounte r wit h Henriett a Szol d a t on e o f Kallen' s afternoon tea s i n Novembe r 191 3 wi n hi m over . " I enjoye d he r company pretty well," he reports to his parents, but "an intellectua l woman wit h a 'cause' always in tow never appeal s to m e . " u Rather tha n thro w i n hi s lo t wit h th e Zionist s an d th e Menora h

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crowd, h e decided t o join a literary club , The Stranglers, in November 1913 . I t wa s hi s las t attemp t a t escapin g th e inevitable , th e Jewish futur e fo r whic h Kalle n wa s educatin g him . 191 4 was th e year o f Lowenthal' s maturation . A number o f factor s combine d t o give hi m a sens e o f direction . H e wa s gettin g seriousl y involve d with a youn g Russia n Jewis h woman , Sylvi a Mardfin , who m h e would marr y i n 1918 ; he was exempted fro m militar y dril l an d fro m participating i n a wa r tha t h e considere d a madnes s an d bestia l insanity; an d hi s sincer e intellectua l an d persona l devotio n t o th e exotic Kallen , wh o wa s par t o f th e worl d Lowentha l aspire d to , began to transform hi s values. Early i n 191 4 Lowenthal wa s "readin g u p on Zionism, " an d soo n at wor k o n anothe r Menora h priz e essa y o n tha t subject . H e wa s confident tha t h e would win. He also told his parents about anothe r discovery: " I a m sorr y . . . tha t . . . I ha d t o sai l int o Refor m Judaism, which , i t seem s t o me , ha s trie d t o si t o n tw o stool s a t once with the usual result." This was Kallen's position. He abhorred Reform Judais m becaus e i t abstracte d "idea s lik e th e Unit y o f God and th e Brotherhoo d o f Ma n fro m thei r distinctiv e root s i n Jewis h history." Kallen was convinced tha t "sect s and dogmas pass [while] ethnic group s an d culture s endure. " Therefor e h e though t Refor m Judaism a dead end; it tried "to thin the richness of Jewish existenc e to th e verba l tenuousnes s o f a few unprove d dogma s an d t o substi tute for concrete Jewish living the anatomical horro r of. . . 'Jewish science.' " A s th e retur n t o th e concret e Jewis h livin g o f obser vance, th e Orthodox y o f hi s father , wa s no t a n optio n fo r Kallen , "Zionism became a replacement an d reevaluation o f Judaism whic h enabled m e t o respec t it." 12 Lowentha l followe d hi m exactl y o n this path. Lowenthal's essa y "Zionism " wo n th e Menora h Priz e (Ma y 1914), an d whe n th e Menorah Journal wa s founded a year later , i t was publishe d i n th e Apri l an d Jun e issue s o f 1915 . Lowenthar s "Minutes in Colonia l Jewry" followed i n April 1916 . Thus began hi s long affiliatio n wit h th e singl e most importan t cultura l journa l fo r American Jewis h intellectual s befor e th e foundin g o f Partisan Review i n 1934. These publication s ma y hav e bee n th e avidl y desire d brea k fo r the budding journalist, bu t hi s mentor Kalle n had anothe r caree r i n

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mind fo r him . I n the fall o f 191 4 American Zionis m experience d a n enormous upsurge . Th e declaratio n o f war o n Serbi a an d th e onse t of active hostilities a few days later threw th e international Zionis t movement int o a state o f total disarray . A t tha t moment , th e hesi tant Loui s Brandeis committe d himsel f t o lea d th e America n Zion ists b y becomin g chairma n o f th e newl y establishe d PZE C o n 3 0 August 1914 . Internationally, hi s notorious efficienc y reassure d th e ruffled Europea n leader s of the movement. Domestically , Brandeis' s decision ennoble d Zionis m fo r man y America n Jews who ha d asso ciated i t with a n Easter n Europea n Jewry the y disdained . Althoug h Reform Judais m stil l wante d n o par t i n it , Zionis m wa s no w a n acceptable preoccupatio n fo r America' s upper-clas s Germa n Jews . They, i n turn , increase d it s prestig e an d attracte d ne w members . That suite d Brandei s well , wh o rallie d th e Zionist s wit h hi s battl e cry "Men! Money! Discipline!" 13 The effect s wer e fel t almos t immediatel y i n Wisconsin . Kallen' s Zionist paperwor k increased ; h e rente d a typewrite r an d employe d Lowenthal a s his secretary. A t th e sam e tim e h e urge d hi s discipl e to tak e a course i n publi c speakin g an d insiste d tha t h e appl y for a fellowship a t Harvar d University . Tha t woul d no t onl y plac e hi m in a n outstandin g philosoph y departmen t bu t als o i n th e cente r o f an effectiv e socia l networ k o f Zionist s t o whic h Kallen , Brandeis , Hurwitz, Jaco b d e Haa s ( a forme r aid e o f Herzl's , no w edito r o f Boston's major Jewish newspaper), an d many others belonged . When th e answe r fro m Harvar d cam e i n th e sprin g o f 1915 , Lowenthal wa s elate d an d dismayed . H e informe d hi s parents : " I received wor d fro m Harvar d tha t I wa s appointe d a Universit y scholar, wit h a stipend o f $150. This will just pa y m y tuitio n fee . I will b e compelle d t o borro w $50 0 to se e m e throug h a year there . Kallen ha s offered t o raise it fo r me , bu t I told hi m tha t I guess th e family coul d manag e it . . . . Of course, ther e i s honor i n receivin g the scholarship , an d al l that—bu t nothin g ver y substantial. " Lo wenthal's disappointment wa s softened b y Kallen's success in securing fo r hi m "tw o commission s fo r article s fo r th e 'Ne w Republic ' (who pa y 2 cent s a word). " Th e New Republic, jus t founde d i n November 1914 , was alread y al l th e rag e amon g th e young, highl y cultured an d politicall y awak e intellectuals . Then , a s now , th e magazine ha d stron g ties to New England , particularl y t o Harvard ,

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and Lowentha l hope d tha t i f the editors liked his work he might ge t "a permanen t jo b wit h the m writin g article s whil e a t Harvard — and mayb e eventuall y gettin g o n th e staff." Furthermore , th e Wisconsin Zionis t group , whic h Lowentha l no w chaired , decide d tha t he shoul d b e " assigned t o wor k a s Zionis t secretar y fo r Mr . Bran deis!" H e sa w this , rightly , a s a tremendou s opportunity , "wort h many time s mor e tha n a year's expens e a t college. " However , h e was pained tha t Harvard' s puny offer force d hi m to borrow from hi s parents. Ye t t o Cambridg e h e mus t go . Th e vist a o f a worl d popu lated b y excellence tha t Kalle n ha d unfolde d befor e hi s eyes proved stronger tha n th e sham e incurre d b y givin g u p hi s financial inde pendence.14 Lowenthal arrive d i n Cambridg e in Septembe r 191 5 to pursue hi s master's degree . H e enrolle d i n seve n courses , amon g the m "Sym bolic Logic" with Josiah Royce , "Philosophy o f Nature" with Edwi n Holt, an d "Philosoph y o f Religion " wit h Willia m Hocking . Fo r th e latter h e wrote a n unusual thesis , titled "Myself—Myth-Make r an d Magician," i n whic h h e examine d hi s own childhoo d belie f i n Go d to suppor t th e argumen t tha t th e mythmakin g o f childre n coul d be compare d t o th e fashionin g o f religio n i n primitiv e cultures . Obviously, h e ha d t o disclose tha t h e was Jewish. Thi s fact di d no t endear him t o his advisor. 15 But Lowentha l wa s neve r on e t o hid e i n th e fac e o f adversity . I f anything, hi s yea r a t Harvar d strengthene d hi s Jewis h identity . Very early on he visited Louis Brandeis who asked him "to organize, select an d i n a measur e trai n [togethe r wit h Jaco b d e Haas ] som e public speaker s fro m th e Harvar d Zionis t Societ y wh o ar e t o b e sent abou t Bosto n an d Vicinit y (a s fa r a s Worcester) t o lectur e o n Zionism. . . . I agreed to give 2 or 3 nights a week to the work, an d consented t o talk myself, i f necessary, a couple times a week." Now Lowenthal wa s hooked . Hi s chores , whic h h e discharge d loyall y and i n goo d spirits , range d fro m a n engagemen t "t o tal k t o som e German Jewesses o n Zionis m an d tr y t o alla y thei r suspicion s tha t we wer e tryin g t o preven t the m fro m minglin g wit h th e uppe r Gentile strata " t o "tellin g th e Jew s o f Mancheste r tha t thei r onl y hope in life was to become Zionists." 16 His visit t o Manchester , Ne w Hampshire , wa s particularly valu able fo r hi m becaus e i t counterpoise d th e protecte d worl d o f Har -

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vard, it s high-minded tal k and genteel manners, with a n impressio n of realit y tha t deepl y affecte d th e philosoph y student . H e wrote t o his parents : " I though t Mancheste r wa s a town—i t i s a cit y o f 85,000 inhabitants. 20,00 0 work i n on e cotto n mill—o f whic h 25% are childre n fro m 1 2 to 1 5 yrs of age . . . . I'm sometime s ashame d that I' m a huma n being , o f th e sam e speci e [! ] a s thes e child devouring monsters. " Lowentha l wa s schedule d t o spea k befor e a group o f two hundre d Jews. The first addres s of the evenin g was i n Yiddish. "Mancheste r ha s n o Refor m Jew s ( I sometime s fee l i t should b e spelle d Reforme d Jews , fo r the y ar e ofte n peopl e wh o though unfortunatel y bor n Jews , hav e realize d thei r crime , an d have since reformed), s o I didn't hav e to prove t o my audience tha t the Jews ar e a race, an d tha t the y reall y ar e suffering damnabl y i n Europe." The collection a t the end was meagre; no surprise, becaus e "there ar e practicall y n o ric h Jew s i n Manchester , an d wha t fe w there were, ar e of course not interested." 17 It wa s Lowenthal' s stron g commitmen t t o th e reconstitutio n o f the Jew s a s a people , tha t i s a s a nationa l entit y complet e wit h language, culture , an d territory , tha t prevente d hi m fro m feelin g excluded, a s other Jewish student s did , fro m certai n niche s of Har vard society , fro m th e Ol d Bosto n crow d tha t kep t eve n a Brandei s off their guest list for social occasions. 18 Lowenthal divided his work time evenl y betwee n hi s academi c trainin g i n philosoph y an d hi s Zionist activities , an d hi s leisure hour s between visitin g the Kalle n family i n Roxbur y an d tourin g Ne w Englan d wit h hi s Harvar d roommate and best friend, Eugen e Taylor, a fellow-"Strangler" fro m the University of Wisconsin. As Commencement approached , Lowentha l had already left Har vard i n spiri t an d starte d o n a new life . Henc e h e felt th e "expens e of a gow n useless. " A t th e las t minut e a clos e frien d o f Kallen's , Harry Wolfson, len t him his so that Lowentha l could take his degree with th e other students in the Stadium. The exercises held no fasci nation fo r him . " I wa s bore d wit h th e continua l harpin g o n Pre paredness— (when th e onl y Preparednes s the y inten d i s military — not economi c o r social) . Goo d Heavens , i f al l thes e peopl e ar e s o intent o n fighting . . . wh y don' t the y g o t o Europe! " Lowentha l had othe r fights to think of . Whe n Brandei s an d d e Haas aske d hi m to hea d th e Zionis t Burea u o f th e Pacifi c Coast , whic h the y wer e

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about t o open , h e jumpe d a t th e offer . "Ever y ma n I enlist, " h e wrote home , "ever y dolla r I get , i s a bi t towar d rebuildin g th e nation of our fathers; an d a bit toward addin g to the value and selfrespect of the Jew in America, an d in all the world/' 19 Lowenthal bega n hi s work i n Sa n Francisc o a t a salary o f $2,000 a yea r i n Septembe r 1916 ; hi s campaignin g i n Bosto n ha d traine d him, s o that h e now proved to be quite successful. I n the summer of 1919 the Zionist headquarters called hi m back to New York. Lowenthal was ambivalent; h e loved San Francisco and his work there; he had recentl y married , an d hi s wife , Sylvia , ha d a goo d jo b i n th e municipal government . O n the othe r han d Lowentha l ha d resume d writing an d wa s producin g review s an d essay s fo r magazine s lik e the Dial, th e Ne w Republic, an d th e Menorah Journal. H e though t that hi s presenc e i n Ne w Yor k coul d furthe r hi s career . Bu t mor e important wer e tw o othe r considerations . Movin g back t o th e Eas t Coast would mak e it easie r t o visit hi s recently widowe d mothe r i n Pennsylvania. An d hi s mentor , too , woul d b e withi n visitin g dis tance. I n th e sprin g o f 191 8 Kallen ha d resigne d fro m hi s teachin g job a t th e Universit y o f Wisconsi n becaus e o f a dee p fallin g ou t with th e facult y an d th e presiden t ove r matter s o f academi c free dom.20 H e wa s o n th e lectur e circui t fo r a yea r an d i n 191 9 wa s invited t o joi n th e foundin g facult y o f th e Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Research in New York City. Eventually, th e Lowenthal s move d bac k eas t wher e Marvi n con tinued t o wor k fo r th e Zionis t Organizatio n o f Americ a bu t wit h less enthusiasm . H e wante d t o b e a writer . Th e letter s t o Eugen e Taylor, wh o to Lowenthal's great chagri n thoug h wit h hi s help ha d bought a farm i n Huron, South Dakota, ar e filled with writing plan s and report s o n hi s lates t readings . O n 2 9 August 192 0 he crie d out : "I a m goin g t o tak e th e bul l b y th e horn s an d plung e int o dee p water—in[to] th e Rubicon . I' m leavin g th e Zionis t Organization , and wil l tr y t o stor m th e literar y world . Ther e i s only on e wa y t o become a writer, I guess, an d tha t i s to write . I sold $10 0 worth o f stuff t o the Menora h Journal thi s month an d I count o n abou t tha t much monthl y fro m them . Thi s will b e a start." Seve n weeks later , on 6 October 1920 , his thirtiet h birthday , h e surprise d Taylo r wit h the new s tha t h e ha d "jus t conclude d arrangement s fo r editin g o n the Menorah Journal—two days a week—for $200 0 a year, plu s two

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cents a wor d fo r al l I write an d a n understandin g [that ] I write at least $50 0 wort h a year . Thi s wil l com e i n hand y a s a regula r income on the side." 21 Beginning wit h th e Februar y issu e o f 192 1 Lowenthal signe d a s associate edito r o f the Menorah Journal. Fittingly , th e issue opened with hi s fourth length y articl e fo r th e magazine, a n essa y on "Jew ish Realitie s i n America. " Hi s commen t t o Taylor : "Speare d $7 5 for that. " Fro m no w o n h e woul d contribut e review s an d article s regularly an d writ e a four - t o five-page column , "Th e Adversary' s Notebook," for each issu e under the pseudonym H . Ben-Shahar. Bu t he wa s stil l restless . H e ha d no t ye t foun d hi s subject , th e them e that woul d tur n hi m fro m a two-cents-a-wor d journalis t int o a writer. In Augus t 192 1 th e Lowenthal s planne d t o pac k u p an d g o t o Europe. "W e figure tha t i n low-exchang e countrie s (Italy , Ger many, France ) w e ca n liv e o n a n averag e o f $2 5 a wee k fo r both . Now I ca n ear n tha t amount , easily , writin g ove r there. " Drea m became dee d i n Februar y 1922 . For a year th e Lowenthal s live d i n Florence ("100 % celestial") , London , an d Berlin . I t i s difficul t t o say precisely ho w livin g in Europ e affecte d Lowenthal , becaus e th e letters t o hi s mothe r discontinu e i n 192 2 and wit h hi s other majo r correspondent, Taylor , h e shared intense literary an d philosophical , but n o Jewish interests . I t i s clear , however , tha t jus t a s Pari s fo r Lewisohn i n 1924 , Berli n i n 192 2 wa s a majo r turnin g poin t fo r Lowenthal. Th e four-par t serie s o n "Th e Jew s i n th e Europea n Scene" he was writing for the Menorah Journal i n the spring of 1922 was quite alarming. 22 He bega n hi s expositio n wit h a n accoun t o f th e tria l o f th e thirteen accomplice s i n th e assassinatio n o f Germany' s Jewish for eign ministe r Walte r Rathena u whic h reveale d "i n th e hear t o f Germany's population a nest of semi-secret, semi-militar y organiza tions motivated , i n grea t part , b y anti-Semitism. " Wha t h e foun d particularly shockin g abou t th e Rathenau cas e was not "tha t i t was a Dreyfu s affai r bu t tha t i t wa s not a Dreyfus affair ; n o man dare d be a Zola. " I n th e res t o f th e serie s Lowentha l showe d ho w wide spread an d virulen t anti-Semitis m wa s i n German y an d it s easter n neighbors. Wit h astonishin g foresigh t h e warne d agains t Hitler . He quote d tw o resolution s adopte d b y Hitler' s part y i n Munic h i n

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February 192 3 "urging tha t al l Jew s i n German y b e internec T an d that "i f th e Allie d force s di d no t leav e th e Rhinelan d i n th e nea r future al l Germa n Jew s shoul d b e treate d a s hostage s an d shot. " Lowenthal mad e i t abundantl y clea r tha t th e Europea n Jew "bette r prepare for his immediate future," whic h woul d bring terror, bu t h e had very little practical advic e to offer . It speak s fo r Lowentha l tha t h e di d no t advocat e Zionis m a s a simple solution . Th e Jews , h e wrot e towar d th e en d o f th e las t installment, "mus t fight, o f course, a s they d o with particula r elan in Poland ; bu t lik e Rabb i Be n Zakkai , the y mus t prepar e ane w fo r an exile , an d loo k abou t fo r a new Jabneh. Thi s new exil e will no t be enacte d i n term s o f immigratio n s o much a s seclusion; i t prom ises a new retur n t o a n inne r life , t o a severely Jewish culture . Th e Zionists have , i t i s true , th e perfec t bu t th e impossibl e solution — impossible, tha t is , of saving Europea n Jewry. Thei r traged y i s tha t as fast a s Europe renders the existence of the Jew insupportable, th e Jew lose s th e economi c mean s t o escape—t o Palestin e o r else where." For American Jews who watche d th e onse t o f the destructio n o f the Europea n Jews i n safet y bu t behin d close d doors—th e Johnso n Act of 192 4 had restricte d immigratio n drastically—Lowentha l sa w little an d yet ver y much t o do. "If we want t o help European Jewry hold through , w e mus t strengthe n the m wit h ou r protest—no t back-door whispering s i n diplomati c chancelleries , bu t vigorous , widespread, publi c protest—o f whic h th e worl d ha s hear d s o fa r very little , especiall y fro m America . An d w e mus t hel p the m strengthen thei r inne r moral resource s by giving them th e means t o develop an d intensif y thei r faith , culture , an d commo n life . No t relief money, bu t munitions for a siege." 23 Alas, no outcr y rocke d th e foundation s o f the earth . Bu t Lowen thal wa s shaken. T o his gentile friend Taylo r h e divulged ver y littl e of his terrifying discoveries , o f an "atmospher e s o thick with hatre d against th e Jews" that hi s report ma y hav e seeme d paranoi d t o hi s Dakota friend. 24 Occasionall y h e gav e hi m a glimps e o f hi s ne w direction, hi s tur n towar d th e stud y o f Jewish histor y an d culture . On 9 October 192 2 he wrote from Berlin : "Due to a stiff leg , I am a t home readin g Glucke l vo n Hameln' s memoir s o f Jewish lif e i n Ger many i n th e 17t h century, an d enjoyin g ever y word th e simpl e an d

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strong lady has to say. ( I can read German now like a fish, providing it i s writte n b y simpl e ol d ladie s o r kindergarte n children). " Gluckel, bor n i n 1646 , wa s neithe r tha t ol d no r tha t simpl e whe n she bega n t o writ e he r zikhroynes (memoirs ) i n 1690 . Sh e wa s remarkably wel l educate d an d seasone d b y the experience s o f war , expulsion, th e plague , th e hysteri a triggere d b y Sabbta i Zevi , an d last bu t no t least , b y th e toug h lif e o f a woman wh o bor e fourtee n children an d ha d t o run a seventeenth-century business . Lowentha l played dow n ho w muc h h e wa s affecte d b y Glucke l an d he r story . He was about t o find his subject a s a writer. H e would b e the one to record Jewish lif e i n Europ e an d thu s preserv e a t leas t it s memor y should th e destruction h e foresaw becom e a reality. It woul d tak e Lowentha l anothe r te n year s t o ripe n int o tha t chronicler. Whe n h e was finally read y t o proceed fro m th e produc tion o f articles to the writing o f books he launched hi s major phas e in 193 2 with a translation o f the Memoirs of Gluckel ofHameln. I t was followed a year later, whe n Hitler had risen to power in Berlin , by Lowenthal's most important boo k for post-Shoah Jewry, A World Passed By: Scenes and Memories of Jewish Civilization in Europe and North Africa (1933). 25 It describe s the majo r Jewish communi ties in France, Spain, Italy , Germany , Austria-Hungary , Poland , th e Balkan countries , an d Nort h Africa , whic h cease d t o exist a decade after th e publicatio n o f th e book . I n 193 5 Lowenthal too k a vaca tion from hi s subject t o create his favorite book , The Autobiography of Michel de Montaigne, fro m th e Frenchman' s essay s and t o translate i t int o English. The n h e reembarked o n hi s most painful work , The Jews of Germany: A Story of Sixteen Centuries. Published a year afte r th e Nurember g Laws , i n 1936 , whe n th e world celebrate d th e Berli n Olympics , The Jews of Germany wa s designed t o shoc k Americans , o r a t leas t America n Jews , ou t o f their complacenc y b y showing tha t Germa n anti-Semitis m wa s no t a recent , passin g phenomenon , tha t i t wa s no t th e inventio n o f a crackpot politicia n strategicall y use d t o wi n a campaign , but , rather, deepl y ingraine d i n th e Germa n peopl e a s part o f thei r his tory, an d tha t th e Jew s o f German y an d perhap s th e people s o f Europe were doome d i f the worl d di d no t wak e u p t o the realit y o f the impendin g nightmare . "Th e worl d an d Germany, " Lowentha l foretold, "ha s bu t a fe w year s t o decid e whethe r i t wil l choos e

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liberty, or—i n a battlefiel d to o horribl e t o contemplate—i t mus t choose death." 26 Well spoken an d not heard . Lowenthal's publication s o f the thirtie s ar e the frui t o f ten year s of intens e stud y an d observatio n i n Europe ; a decad e live d i n a n atmosphere thic k wit h hatre d ha d sharpene d hi s perceptio n an d taught him that th e high culture of Europe had a barbaric undersid e which wa s beginnin g t o sho w wher e th e cloa k o f refinemen t wa s worn threadbar e b y th e economi c depression . Th e Lowenthal s lef t Europe, i n Februar y 1923 , with a certai n relief ; bu t Marvi n longe d to return, particularl y t o London. The pull of his subject was strong. When the Menorah Journal appointe d hi m European editor , h e was delighted. Th e Lowenthal s wer e bac k i n Pari s i n th e fal l o f 1924 , just i n tim e fo r th e gran d funera l o f Anatol e Franc e (1 8 October), whose writing s Marvi n ver y muc h admired . Ludwi g Lewisoh n an d his companio n Thelm a Spea r arrive d i n Pari s th e sam e year. Bot h couples would sta y fo r a decade, bu t ther e is no evidence tha t the y ever met . Both writer s travele d t o Palestin e i n 1925 , Lewisohn fo r th e Nation, Lowentha l fo r th e Menorah Journal, an d wer e enchante d b y what the y saw . "I t i s onl y to o eas y t o envisio n th e proximit y o f God," Lowentha l wrot e t o Taylor . Earlie r h e ha d trie d t o explai n his fascination wit h Palestine : "Yo u onc e sai d you couldn' t under stand m y Zionis t passion—yo u couldn' t fee l excite d abou t Jutlan d or Friesland where the Anglo-Saxons hailed from. Dea r fish, you se e the difference! Who the hell could get excited abou t Friesland . . . . The difference i s that . . . Jews have mixed th e rocks of Erez Israe l with dreams—an d eve n a cold relativist lik e myself get s all heate d up at th e thought o f sleeping in the hills of Judea. I t is the power of the word . O f th e hop e o f a happy , unite d mankind . . . . Hold th e skirt o f a Jew an d say , w e hav e hear d tha t Go d i s with you, le t u s worship him togethe r o n the Mount o f Zion, for out of Zion shall go forth th e Law, an d the word of the Lord from Jerusalem, an d natio n shall no t lif t u p swor d agains t nation , no r shal l the y lear n wa r any more . The y neve r talke d tha t wa y i n Jutland. " Nevertheless , Lowenthal ha d to admit afte r hi s visit to Palestine, " I can't say tha t in an y sens e i t i s 'my ' world—a s I feel Ital y t o be—bu t i t i s end lessly more fascinating, mor e beckoning." 27 England, whose literature had been a staple in Lowenthal's intel-

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lectual lif e an d whic h h e therefor e expecte d t o be intensely familia r to him , disappointe d i n a simila r way . Lowentha l informe d Taylo r on 6 October 1926 : "If you ar e i n Englan d lon g enough , yo u begi n t o realize tha t th e cultur e o f Englan d whic h i s yours , whic h i s mos t profoundly an d altogethe r you doe s not mea n tha t Englan d i s yours, that th e lif e an d huma n characte r whic h bre d an d create d thi s culture i s yours. . . . [Understanding England ] is not a mystic ques tion o f blood , o f nationality —but a palpabl e questio n o f geograph y and socia l environment . I'v e rea d latel y Emerson' s 'Englis h Traits ' and I' m please d t o discove r tha t h e to o finds himsel f a foreigne r i n England. I' m amaze d an d puzzle d a t Henr y James. " Like man y America n expatriates , Lowentha l mad e Pari s hi s home. No t th e leas t o f it s attraction s wa s th e read y availabilit y o f rare an d no t s o rar e book s whic h Sylvi a ha d mad e he r business . Taylor i n Sout h Dakot a wa s on e o f he r goo d customers . I n th e winter o f 192 6 sh e travele d t o Ne w Yor k wher e sh e arrange d e n passant he r husband' s literar y affair s s o tha t upo n he r retur n Mar vin foun d himsel f i n th e enviabl e positio n o f having a publisher an d no manuscript . "M y publisher, " h e boaste d t o Taylor , "i s eage r t o have m y Jewis h histor y (no t written) , m y [Adversary's ] Notebook , then a boo k i n defens e o f th e skeptica l life. " Bu t Lowentha l di d no t yet hav e th e sitzfleisch necessar y fo r suc h productions ; h e neede d t o see mor e o f Europ e an d t o participat e someho w i n it s politica l life . He wante d t o cu t himsel f loos e fo r a whil e fro m th e journalisti c routine. "I'v e give n u p m y Menora h work , an d mak e m y livin g ou t of representin g th e America n Jewis h Congres s a t Genev a [Congres s of Minorities ] an d writin g amusin g letter s t o Rabb i Wise." 2 8 Between 192 7 and 193 1 Lowenthal serve d a s the representativ e o f the Jewis h minorit y interest s a t th e Leagu e o f Nations , toure d Eu rope an d Nort h Afric a extensively , continue d t o contribut e t o th e Menorah Journal an d othe r magazines , an d finally lande d a jo b a s secretary t o th e Worl d Conferenc e fo r Internationa l Peac e throug h Religion, and , mor e lucrative , a s edito r fo r Harpe r an d Brothers . Here, h e cam e t o res t fo r a while (1931-34) . Th e compan y produce d his first tw o books , The Memoirs ofGluckel ofHameln an d A World Passed By. 29 Th e increasin g politica l gloo m i n German y turne d hi m toward Montaign e whos e skepticis m h e shared . A reporte r over heard Lowentha l talkin g a t a part y abou t hi s plans fo r a Montaign e

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book a s appropriat e fo r thi s tim e o f crisi s an d filed a rathe r curiou s write-up: Montaigne live d i n wors e time s tha n these , i f the y coul d b e worse continuous disorde r an d violence . . . . H e went throug h i t al l ver y calmly, implyin g occasionall y tha t i t woul d al l com e ou t i n th e wash. . . . Thi s look s lik e th e idea l method , fro m a distance ; bu t Marvin Lowenthal' s wife was at the party, an d said that he r husban d was a perfec t Montaignis t an d decline d t o worr y abou t anythin g whatever which nearl y drove her frantic. 30 In fact , Lowentha l worrie d a grea t deal . H e relocate d t o Americ a in 1934 ; an d a s soo n a s th e Montaign e boo k wa s don e an d place d with a publishe r (Houghto n Mifflin) , h e resume d wor k o n hi s his tory o f th e Germa n Jews . Shortl y afte r th e boycot t o f Jewish store s in German y o n i Apri l 1933 , Lowentha l wa s questione d abou t th e situation i n German y b y a n America n audience . I n hi s answe r h e made a distinctio n betwee n th e German s wh o woul d soo n emerg e from th e hysteri a o f Hitleris m an d th e Naz i thug s wh o wer e ben t o n eliminating al l Jewis h lif e fro m Germany . B y 1935 , Lowenthal' s distinction wa s worthless. Hitle r an d hi s party ha d complet e contro l over al l politica l an d socia l institutions . Th e Nurember g Law s o f 1 5 September 193 5 deprived Germa n Jews o f thei r citizenship . Thirtee n further decree s adde d ove r th e nex t fe w year s woul d outla w the m completely. Thes e addition s wer e hardl y needed . Th e fat e o f th e German Jews wa s seale d i n 1935. 31 The Britis h Commissione r fo r Migratio n an d Statistic s i n Pales tine, Eri c Mills , cam e t o German y i n th e fal l o f 193 5 to discus s th e financial aspect s o f th e emigratio n o f Germa n Jew s t o Palestine . H e wrote afte r hi s meeting s wit h Germa n official s i n a privat e letter : "While befor e I went t o German y I knew tha t th e Jewis h situatio n was bad , I ha d no t realize d a s I no w d o tha t th e fat e o f Germa n Jews i s a tragedy , fo r whic h cold , intelligen t plannin g b y thos e i n authority take s ran k wit h tha t o f thos e wh o ar e ou t o f sympath y with th e Bolshevi k regime , i n Russia ; o r th e eliminatio n o f Arme nians fro m th e Turkis h Empire. " Mill s added : "Th e Je w i s t o b e eliminated an d th e stat e ha s n o regar d fo r th e manne r o f thi s elimi nation." 3 2 Lowentha l di d no t hav e Mills' s political contacts , bu t hi s study o f th e Jews i n German y whic h inevitabl y becam e a histor y o f

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anti-Semitism i n Germany le d him t o the same conclusion. Observ ing th e triump h o f Nazism , h e writes , "Nothin g i n th e materia l circumstances o f Germany ca n b e reckoned upo n t o divert o r softe n the effort towar d [the ] extermination [o f the Jews]/' 33 Lowenthal's jeremiad, The Jews of Germany, lef t hi m exhausted . His journa l o f th e tim e i s fille d wit h literar y fragments , essa y sketches, an d writin g plans , bu t nothin g large r materialized . Th e war cam e an d disaste r overtoo k th e remainin g Jew s o f German y and thos e i n th e Nazi-occupie d territories . Lowentha l abandone d projects lik e "Edwar d d e Vere , 17t h Ear l o f Oxford—i s h e Shakespeare?" and "Realit y i n Ar t an d Life. " The y adde d nothin g t o th e time bu t thei r ow n uselessness . Th e hig h cultur e o f Europ e ha d taught mankin d exactl y nothing . Thousand s o f times th e German s had listene d admiringl y t o th e word s o f Shakespeare : "Hat h no t a Jew eyes ? Hat h no t a Je w hands , organs , dimensions , senses , af fections, passions?—fe d wit h th e sam e food , hur t wit h th e sam e weapons, subjec t t o th e sam e diseases , heale d b y th e sam e means , warmed an d coole d b y the sam e winter an d summe r a s a Christia n is? I f yo u pric k us , d o w e no t bleed ? I f yo u tickl e us , d o w e no t laugh? If you poison us, do we not die?" Common sense and compassion, whic h Shyloc k appeal s to , sometime s dee p faith , o r shee r moral decenc y induce d a few individual s an d nation s t o render th e Jews whateve r assistanc e wa s possible . Bu t i t wa s clea r tha t sur vival afte r th e catastroph e depende d no t o n externa l help , bu t o n the realization o f HerzTs impossible dream. In 1941 , Lowenthal returne d t o th e onl y spar k o f hope in a darkened world—t o th e wome n an d me n committe d t o Zionism . H e wrote an d edite d th e Life and Letters of Henrietta Szold (1942 ) whom h e had no t found ver y appealing thirty years earlier. Thoug h deeply roote d i n America n life , sh e ha d becom e a Zionis t eve n before Herzl . She founded th e Zionist women's organization Hadas sah, whic h gav e her a certain stature . Bu t she became truly famou s when, shocke d by Hitler's rise to power in 1933 , she practically too k over th e so-calle d Yout h Aliyah , th e emigratio n o f Jewish childre n from Nazi-occupie d territorie s t o Palestine . Sh e wa s the n seventy three year s old . Sh e continue d t o wor k twelv e hour s a da y unti l long beyon d he r eightiet h birthday . He r letter s puls e wit h lif e an d inspire one to join her effort .

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The Life and Letters of Henrietta Szold arouse d Lowentha l fro m his gloom . Ther e wa s wor k t o b e done . Afte r collaboratin g wit h Frank Monagha n o n a rathe r curiou s book , This Was New York: The Nation's Capital in 1789 (1943) whic h wa s clearl y designe d t o instill American s wit h a sense o f pride durin g wartime , Lowentha l became agai n activ e i n Zionis t affairs . Fro m 194 6 to 194 9 he serve d on th e Zionis t Advisor y Commissio n an d fro m 195 2 t o 195 4 edite d the American Zionist. H e the n bega n hi s las t majo r work , a one volume editio n an d translatio n o f The Diaries of Theodor Herzl (1956). The first (incomplete) Germa n edition appeare d in Berlin in 1922-23. Lowenthal' s Germa n ha d no t bee n goo d enoug h the n t o read th e thre e volume s comfortably . A few years late r h e was abl e to writ e a characte r stud y o f Herz l base d o n thes e diarie s fo r th e Menorah Journal** But i t neede d mor e tha n a thoroug h knowledg e o f Germa n t o comprehend th e visio n Herz l unfolde d i n hi s diaries. Afte r th e Second Worl d War , th e Shoah , an d th e foundin g o f the Stat e o f Israel , Lowenthal looke d bac k with ne w appreciatio n t o the diarie s of thi s peculiar man , no t devoi d o f vanity, wh o i n a flash ha d imagine d a new lif e fo r Europe' s Jews an d the n dedicate d hi s remainin g year s (1894-1904) t o the political realizatio n o f his "immortal romance. " For tha t on e neede d a touc h o f megalomania . " I believe/ ' Herz l noted in 1895, " that fo r me life has ended an d world history begun. " Lowenthal, discree t a s ever, di d not commen t on Herzl' s love of th e grand gesture . Hi s editorial comment s sho w reverenc e fo r th e ma n whose ideas (mediate d b y Kallen) persuade d hi m t o put hi s talent s at the service of the Jewish people . It i s good t o remembe r tha t Lowentha l wa s abov e al l a n Ameri can. H e did no t se e th e struggl e o f th e Jews fo r first clas s statu s i n America an d amon g th e nation s a s an isolated , parochia l concern . As long a s a single Jew wa s threatened , th e civi l right s o f al l wer e threatened an d vic e versa . "W e mus t lear n tha t whe n a Negr o burns, i t i s a Jew burning : whe n a labo r picke t i s shot, i t i s a Jew who falls; whe n a Ku Klux rides down a Catholic, i t i s riding dow n a Jew. . . . W e mus t realiz e tha t Jewis h right s ar e boun d u p an d are on e wit h everyon e else' s rights; . . . and, that , i n sum , Jewis h liberty ca n neve r ris e higher tha n it s source, whic h i s the libert y of all men." 35 Marvi n Lowentha l wa s a classic Jewish liberal . H e died

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in 196 9 whe n th e gentee l anti-Semitis m o f th e Ol d Bosto n crow d had finall y die d ou t an d a new , radica l anti-Semitis m wa s jus t beginning t o arise . Notes 1. Shmue l Ettinger, "Th e Modern Period, " in Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson , ed. , A History of the Jewish Peopl e (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1976), 939 ; Walte r Laqueur , A History of Zionism (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehart an d Winston , 1972) , 187-205 ; David Vital, Zionism: The Crucial Vhase (Oxford: Clarendo n Press , 1987). 2. Thi s pocke t diar y i s i n bo x 1 of th e Lowentha l paper s (P-140 ) i n th e Archives of the American Jewish Historical Societ y (Waltham , Mass.) . The not e reads : "Freg t d i wel t a n alt e kashe : tra-la-tra-di-ri-de-ro m / Entfert men : tra-di-ri-di-rei-lom / oi, oi, tra di ri de-rom / Un as men wil ken me n doc h sage n tra i de m / Blaibt doc h weite r d i alt e kash e tra-la tra-di-ri-de-rom." (Th e worl d ask s a n ol d question : Tra-l a . . . I I Comes th e reply : Tra-d i . . . \ I And i f you wis h yo u ma y say : Tra i dem! / Bu t stil l th e ol d questio n remains : Tra-l a . . . ? . ) I would lik e to thank Helen Goodman an d Rabbi Jerome Fishman for assisting me in researching an d understanding this song. 3. Lowenthal , letter s t o hi s parent s 2 7 Decembe r 1904 ; 1 January 1905 ; Christmas 1912 ; 2 Octobe r 191 3 (postmark) , an d others . Lowentha l papers, bo x 3. All letters quoted i n this essay ar e unpublished an d hel d by the Archives of the American Jewish Historical Society in Waltham, Mass. Lowenthal' s paper s wer e arrange d fo r th e Archive s b y Jonathan Sarna. I woul d lik e t o than k th e Archive s fo r permissio n t o quote . I have edite d th e letter s slightly , amendin g obviou s error s an d idiosyn cratic spelling. 4. " I reported to the Registrar's office a t 9:30 this A.M. and after tellin g me that on e member of the Committee was dead agains t admittin g me under the submitted credentials—poo r requirement s which I showed, th e Registrar ended u p by saying that i t was finally decreed that I should be admitted a s a Special Adul t Student . . . . The whole thing , i n view of the liberal wording of the Wisconsin] Catalogue, struc k me as red-tape and bush-wak—bu t I suppos e the y mus t b e carefu l an d allo w them selves the privileg e of refusing entranc e t o undesirable persons , regard less of entrance requirements." Lowenthal, letter to his parents, 5 February 1912 . In those days "undesirable persons" was a code word for Jews. 5. Susann e Klingenstein, Jews in the American Academy, 1900-1940: The Dynamics of Intellectual Assimilation (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1991) , 49. 6. Sara h Schmidt , "Horac e Kalle n an d th e Americanizatio n o f Zionism "

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(Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f Maryland , 1973) ; cf . als o he r articl e bearin g the sam e titl e i n American Jewish Archives 2 8 (Apri l 1976) : 59-73 . Ben Halpern , A Clash of Heroes: Brandeis, Weizmann, and American Zionism (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1987) , 101-4 . 7. Lowenthal , letter s t o hi s parents , 1 6 Ma y 1912 ; 2 0 Septembe r 1912 ; 8 October 1912 ; 9 October 1912 . I n 191 3 Lowenthal woul d tak e o n secre tarial an d pres s wor k fo r th e theater , increasin g hi s workloa d t o twenty-four hour s a week . I n 191 4 Kalle n liberate d hi m fro m th e Or pheum b y hirin g hi m a s his secretary . 8. Mar k Krupnick , "Th e 'Menora h Journal' Grou p an d th e Origin s o f Mod ern Jewish-America n Radicalism, " Studies in American Jewish Literature 5 (Winte r 1979) : 58 ; cf . als o Rober t Alter , "Epitap h fo r a Jewis h Magazine: Note s o n th e 'Menora h Journal, ' " Commentary 3 8 (Ma y 1965): 51-55 . R . E . Nei l Dodge , "Th e Menora h Priz e o f Wisconsin, " Menorah Journal 4 (Apri l 1918) : 123-24 . 9. Lowenthal , lette r t o hi s parents, 1 November 1912 ; preceding quote s ar e from hi s letter s o f 6 October 1912 , an d 1 3 November 1913 , an d fro m hi s letter t o Eugen e Taylo r o f 6 October 1926 . 10. Klingenstein , Jews in the American Academy, 35 ; Lowenthal, The Jews of Germany: A Story of Sixteen Centuries (Philadelphia : Jewis h Publi cation Societ y o f America , 1936) , 306 . 11. Lowenthal , letter s t o hi s parents: 2 4 November 1914 , Sunday A.M . 1915 ; Madison, Christma s 1912 ; 1 6 Novembe r 1912 ; Chicaco , 111 , Tuesda y [New Year' s 1913] ; Friday , P.M . [envelop e postmarke d 8 Novembe r 1913L 12. Reference s i n thi s paragrap h ar e t o Lowenthal' s letter s t o hi s parent s o f 2 February 1914 ; 1 8 April 1914 . The quote s ar e fro m Horac e M . Kallen' s essay "Judaism , Hebraism , an d Zionism, " Judaism at Bay: Essays toward the Adjustment of Judaism to Modernity (Ne w York : Bloch , J 93 2 )» 38-39 ; Schmidt , "Horac e Kallen " (diss.) , 40 ; cf . als o Klingenstein, Jews in the American Academy, 41 , 46. 13. Halpern , A Clash of Heroes, 110-13 . 14. Lowenthal' s letter s t o hi s parent s o f lat e 191 4 an d earl y 191 5 hav e n o exact dates . Th e quote s i n thi s passag e ar e from a four-page type d lette r with th e datelin e "Wednesday " an d th e pencile d additio n "1914-5 " no t in Lowenthal' s hand . 15. I n a n undate d lette r t o hi s parents Lowentha l ask s them no t t o b e upse t about som e o f Hocking' s comment s o n hi s paper : "Don' t yo u kno w yo u mustn't tak e a religiou s criticis m to o literally . Whe n Hock[ing ] sai d I was rash , h e merel y mean t I wa s n o Christian ; an d I agre e wit h him . You don' t kno w (o f course ) tha t h e spen t a yea r tryin g t o prov e th e existence o f God , Heaven , Hell , Origina l Sin , Conscience , Salvation — and that , I' m sur e i s sufficien t t o mak e anyon e rash. " Lowenthal' s master's thesi s i s kept i n bo x 1 of hi s papers . 16. Th e quote d letter s t o Lowenthal' s parent s hav e n o exac t dates : Thurs -

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day (postmarke d 8 October 1915) ; Sunda y (n o envelope , dat e 3 1 Octo ber 191 5 inferred); lette r postmarke d 1 6 March 1916 . 17. Lowentha l t o hi s parents : postmar k 1 6 Marc h 1916 ; Tuesday—Rain y afternoon (postmarke d 5 October 1915) . 18. Halpern , A Clash of Heroes, 80 . 19. Lowenthal , undate d letter s t o hi s parents , probabl y fro m mid-Jun e 1916. 20. Kalle n t o Lowenthal , 1 5 February 1918 ; Lowenthal papers , bo x 6 . 21. Lowentha l t o Taylo r o n 2 9 Augus t 1920 ; 6 Octobe r 1920 ; Lowentha l papers, bo x 6 . 22. Lowentha l t o Taylor , 1 4 August 1921 ; 30 May 1922 ; 3 May 1923 . 23. Lowenthal , "Th e Je w i n th e Europea n Scene , I, " Menorah Journal 9 (June 1923) : 77, 78, 79 , 71 ; "Th e Je w i n th e Europea n Scene , IV, " Menorah Journal 1 0 (Februar y 1924) : 65, 66. 24. Lowenthal , Eric h Gutkind , Morri s R . Cohen , Proposed Roads for American Jewry: A Symposium (Ne w York : Nationa l Counci l o f Jewis h Women, n.d.) , 14 . In hi s speech Lowentha l sai d abou t hi s impression o f Berlin i n 1922 : " I wa s amaze d a t th e strengt h an d sprea d o f Germa n antisemitism; an d ye t I ha d a fairl y hig h standar d t o judg e by . Fo r I came fro m ou r Americ a o f 192 1 whe n Henr y For d . . . wa s tryin g t o sell th e America n peopl e no t onl y car s bu t th e Vrotocols of Zion [sic] and The International Jew. Stil l . . . i t seeme d amazin g t o m e . . . t o live an d mov e i n a n atmospher e s o thick wit h hatre d agains t th e Jews." I wa s reminde d o f thi s passag e recentl y b y a Jewish frien d fro m Scars dale, Ne w York , wh o afte r comin g acros s Pau l Lawrenc e Rose' s stun ning boo k Revolutionary Antisemitism in Germany from Kant to Wagner (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1990 ) tol d me , "Grow ing u p i n Americ a yo u woul d jus t neve r thin k tha t al l o f tha t wa s real. Ther e i s nothin g i n thi s countr y tha t prepare s yo u fo r that , no t even slavery. " 25. Thi s boo k wa s reprinte d b y Josep h Simo n unde r th e titl e A World Passed By: Great Cities in Jewish Diaspora History (n . p. : Panglos s Press, 1990) . 26. Lowenthal , The Jews of Germany, 421 . 27. Lowentha l t o Taylor , 2 5 May 1925 ; 8 March 1925 ; 25 May 1925 . 28. Ibid. , 1 9 December 1926 . 29. Lowentha l wrot e t o hi s uncl e Simo n fro m Pari s o n 3 1 Augus t 1931 : " I am concludin g arrangement s wit h Harpe r an d Brother s t o edi t fo r the m a serie s o f book s o n Jewis h subjects . Harper s ar e onl y goin g int o thi s tentatively an d th e fat e o f th e pla n wil l depen d o n th e receptio n o f th e first fe w books. " Lowenthal papers , bo x 3 , Personal Letter s t o Relatives . 30. "Turn s wit h a Bookworm, " Ne w York Herald Tribune, 2 Apri l 1933 . Lowenthal papers , bo x 1 . To Taylor, Lowentha l wrot e o n 1 0 April 1927 : "I lac k th e concentratio n an d applicatio n t o achiev e positiv e view s

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myself. . . . I suspec t tha t lif e foreve r escape s formulae , tha t i t ca n never b e pinne d dow n wit h a thumpin g fist , bu t a t bes t ca n onl y b e indicated wit h a transien t gesture , th e pointe d finger tha t move s a s i t points. I would have been more at home in Montaigne's tower. " 31. "Say s Nazi Oppression Was Planned in 192 2 on Definite Schedule," New York World Telegram 5 April 1933 , Lowenthal papers , bo x 1 . Willia m L. Shirer , The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (Ne w York: Simon and Schuster, i960) , 233. 32. Quote d i n Marti n Gilbert , The Holocaust: A History of the Jews of Europe during the Second World War (Ne w York : Henr y Holt , 1985) , 48-4933. Lowenthal , The Jews ofGermany, 417 . 34. Lowenthal , "Herzl' s Diaries : A Characte r Stud y o f Theodo r Herzl, " Menorah Journal 10-11 (1924-25). 35. Lowentha l e t al. , Vroposed Roads for American Jewry, 40 . Th e ter m "first clas s status " i s Alan Dershowitz' s coinag e i n Chutzpah (Boston : Little, Brown , 1991) . O n th e ne w anti-Semtism , se e hi s chapte r 3 "At Harvard: Quotas , Conflicts , an d Honors; " an d Henr y Loui s Gates , Jr. , "Black Demagogue s an d Pseudo-Scholars, " Ne w York Times, 2 0 July 1994,A15.

C H A P T E R 1

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The Educatio n o f Mauric e Samue l Emanuel S. Goldsmith

Maurice Samue l occupie s a singula r positio n amon g th e rank s o f American Jewish intellectuals . H e played a major rol e in th e emer gence o f th e America n Jew' s sens e o f Jewis h identit y an d i n th e evolution o f th e America n Jew' s definitio n o f Jewishness. H e wa s the leadin g spokesman o f Jewish rejuvenatio n an d creative surviva l in America fo r half a century, beginnin g his work in the 1920 s when first-generation America n Jew s scramble d t o divorc e themselve s from thei r immigran t forbears . Ye t i n larg e measur e becaus e o f hi s own contributions , h e live d t o witnes s th e daw n o f a n America n Jewish intellectua l an d cultura l renaissance , bot h academi c an d popular, o f magnitud e an d significance . I n additio n t o hi s work a s an expositor of Jewish spiritual an d cultural values and as a translator fro m Yiddis h an d othe r languages , Samue l wa s a lecturer , de bater, an d polemicis t o f note. Hi s devastating denunciation s (bot h oral an d written ) o f anti-Semitism , anti-Zionism , an d Jewis h self deprecation wer e matched b y his lucid expositions of the differenti a of Judaism, Zionism , th e birt h an d earl y histor y o f moder n Israel , the Yiddis h language , th e biblica l heritage , an d Judaic theme s an d characters i n moder n literature . Finally , Samue l wa s a creativ e intellectual an d a ma n o f letter s wh o brough t hi s ow n literar y personality an d refine d tast e an d judgment t o th e discussio n o f th e Jewish experience . Samuel's famil y migrate d fro m Rumani a (wher e Mauric e wa s born on February 8, 1895 ) to Paris and then to Manchester, England , 228

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when h e wa s five year s old . H e wa s educate d i n Manchester' s ele mentary school s an d spen t thre e year s a t th e Universit y o f Man chester whic h h e lef t withou t takin g a degree . I n 191 4 h e migrate d to th e Unite d States , wher e thre e years late r h e was drafte d int o th e army an d sen t wit h th e America n Expeditionar y Forc e t o France . There h e di d intelligenc e wor k and , afte r th e war , serve d a s inter preter fo r th e America n Pogro m Investigatin g Committe e i n Polan d headed b y Henr y Morgenthau , Sr. , an d fo r th e inter-Allie d Repara tions Commissio n i n Paris , Berlin , an d Vienna . Durin g hi s sta y i n Poland, Samue l discovere d dee p source s o f affectio n an d jo y i n hi s identification an d integratio n wit h Eas t Europea n Jewry. Returnin g to th e Unite d State s i n 1921 , he worke d fo r th e Zionis t Organizatio n of Americ a unti l h e resigne d i n 192 8 t o pursu e th e caree r o f a lecturer, translator , an d freelanc e writer . Fro m 1924 , when hi s boo k You Gentiles wa s published , unti l hi s death o n Ma y 4 , 1972 , Samue l published ove r twent y origina l work s o n Jewis h themes , th e las t being In Praise of Yiddish (1971) , a s wel l a s numerou s article s an d essays o n Jewis h literatur e an d life . Throug h hi s writing s an d lec tures h e becam e th e voic e o f self-affirmin g America n Jewr y an d a pre-eminent shape r o f Jewis h value s amon g English-speakin g Jew s the worl d over . In one o f his book s Samuel state s tha t b y the tim e h e was a youn g man, h e ha d t o al l intent s an d purpose s forgotte n whateve r Yiddis h and Hebre w h e picke d u p a s a chil d an d ha d t o si t dow n t o lear n them again . Moreover , fo r years h e wa s indifferen t t o th e destin y o f the Jews, ignoran t o f Jewish culture , an d a n uncentere d cosmopoli tan outsid e o f th e inne r circle s o f Jewis h life. 1 I n fact , befor e h e became a Zionis t h e flirte d wit h rationalism , Marxism , atheism , mechanism, positivism , an d nihilism . I t wa s onl y afte r h e cam e t o America an d me t th e Zionis t orato r Shmary a Levi n an d late r th e poet Chai m Nachma n Biali k tha t Samue l drifte d bac k int o Jewis h life an d becam e a Zionist. 2 (H e late r translate d Levin' s autobiogra phy an d man y o f Bialik' s poem s int o English. ) Eventuall y Samue l decided t o pu t hi s erstwhil e estrangemen t t o goo d us e an d plac e hi s reborn interes t an d affectio n a t th e servic e o f othe r outsiders . H e felt, interestingl y enough , tha t hi s knowledg e o f w h a t i t mean t t o be ignoran t o f Jewish thing s woul d b e a n advantag e i n hi s rol e a s a mediator o f Jewish values . Th e returne d outside r woul d b e abl e t o

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L S . GOLDSMIT H

combine th e appreciation s o f a strange r wit h th e lov e o f a kinsma n and serv e a s a n interprete r betwee n tw o worlds. 3 Samuel's Jewis h writings , whateve r thei r ostensibl e theme , re cord hi s persona l confrontation s with , an d educatio n in , thing s Jewish. T o Samue l interpretatio n wa s everythin g an d h e believe d that consciousl y o r unconsciousl y ever y write r wh o reveal s hi s be liefs als o reveal s hi s personality . I t wa s indee d th e interweav e be tween personalit y an d forma l belief s tha t constitute d fo r hi m a writer's real , three-dimensiona l thesis. 4 Samuel' s book s ar e al l si multaneously primer s an d fundamenta l exposition s o f thei r sub jects, a s wel l a s commentarie s an d persona l interpretation s o f th e matters discussed . Sprinkle d wit h persona l reminiscences , the y ar e tourists' guide s throug h wha t fo r man y reader s ar e th e uncharte d regions o f Jewish life . As a writer , Mauric e Samue l wa s concerne d wit h bot h th e con tent an d th e for m o f hi s message . H e sa w himsel f a s protagonist , propagandist, an d teacher ; a s on e o f th e maggidim, th e wanderin g preachers o f Eas t Europea n Jewry ; a s a one-ma n Anti-Self-Defama tion League ; an d a s a n unofficia l Ministe r fo r Jewis h Self-Improve ment. H e viewe d himsel f a s a n employe e o f th e Jewish peopl e wit h a lifelon g contrac t o n whic h onl y on e signatur e appears. 5 His objec tive wa s t o hel p Jews acquir e a n interes t i n Jewish knowledg e wit h the hop e tha t the y woul d transmi t i t t o thei r children. 6 A t th e sam e time, however , h e ha d wha t h e calle d "th e craftsman' s compul sions": I want t o se e how accurat e an d evocativ e I can mak e a description , how concisely , gracefully , an d tellingl y expres s a n idea ; mos t trou blesome of all, because here I am weakest, ho w natural, organic , an d unnoticed I can mak e the progress of a paragraph, a chapter, a book; and a s a protagonist , whic h I a m mor e tha n artis t pur sang, ho w proleptic I can mak e m y argument , anticipatin g i n i t th e maximu m of possible objections. 7 The richnes s an d variet y o f Samuel' s contributio n i s apparen t from th e characterization s o f hi s critic s an d admirers . Ludwi g Lew isohn credite d hi m wit h developin g " a complet e interpretatio n o f the meanin g o f th e histor y o f Wester n civilization " an d makin g " a massive an d permanen t contributio n t o man' s thinkin g abou t him -

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self an d hi s destiny." 8 Harol d U . Ribalo w wrot e tha t h e coul d no t think o f a single English-languag e write r wh o ha d enriche d Jewis h literature a s Samuel ha d done. 9 Cynthia Ozic k spok e of him a s th e best polemicis t o f ou r tim e fo r who m "th e Jewis h vie w i s neve r yielded u p throug h simpl e declaratio n o r exposition ; i t i s wreste d out o f th e engagemen t with , an d finally a disengagement from , a n alternative worl d view." 10 Milto n Hindu s note d " a shar p edg e o f amusement i n Samuel's exposition o f his favorite subjects " an d sa w as the complemen t o f this qualit y "a n unaffecte d eloquenc e whic h aspires, no t vainly , t o th e plan e o f th e sublime." 11 Joh n Murra y Cuddihy describe d hi m a s "th e grea t historia n o f th e shtetl an d o f Eastern Europea n Jewry." 12 Five o f Samuel' s book s were abou t Zionis m an d Israe l (What Happened in Valestine, 1929 ; On the Rim of the Wilderness, 1931 ; Harvest in the Desert, 1943 ; Level Sunlight, 1953 ; and Light on Israel, 1968) wit h substantia l section s o f severa l other s devote d t o thi s theme. Durin g th e years h e worked fo r th e Zionis t Organizatio n o f America, h e got t o kno w Chai m Weizman n who m h e had first me t in 191 1 during hi s student day s in Manchester . Durin g Weizmann' s trips t o Americ a o n behal f o f the Zionis t cause , Samue l wa s some times assigne d t o hi m a s secretar y fo r month s a t a time . H e als o accompanied Weizman n o n fund-raisin g trip s o n behal f o f th e movement. A n intimate friendship develope d between the two men which becam e a constant sourc e of inspiration for Samuel. I n Weizmann, h e saw th e personification o f what h e held t o be essential i n Zionism. Weizman n showe d Samue l Jewish histor y workin g i n th e Jewry h e knew . H e converte d th e word s "th e Jewish people " fro m an ide a int o Samuel' s ow n famil y an d childhoo d memories. 13 I n later years , Samue l wa s t o verbaliz e th e impressio n Weizman n made o n him : "H e speak s a s m y peopl e woul d spea k i f i t wer e articulate; he act s as it would ac t i f it were awakened ; h e is what I want m y peopl e t o become!" 14 Weizman n strengthene d Samuel' s espousal o f the Aha d Ha-Amia n o r essentially cultura l approac h t o Zionism an d prevente d hi m fro m identifyin g wit h chauvinisti c o r jingoistic trends within the movement. Samue l dedicated his second book, J , the Jew, t o Weizmann and , toward s th e en d o f the latter' s life, collaborate d wit h hi m on his autobiography, Trial and Error.

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Samuel's characterizatio n o f th e Zionis t achievemen t wa s un doubtedly influence d b y hi s havin g live d fo r te n year s i n Palestine . He viewe d a s altogethe r remarkabl e tha t th e ancien t organis m called th e Jewis h peopl e shoul d hav e bee n abl e t o pu t fort h th e necessary effor t fo r it s ow n remaking , produc e a pioneerin g class , pull itsel f together , an d reasser t itsel f o n th e ver y brin k o f it s disso lution i n th e ocean s o f moder n life. 15 Comparin g Jewis h tie s t o th e land wit h thos e o f th e Arabs , h e wrote : The love of the Jewish people for its ancient homeland is of a differen t kind fro m tha t o f th e Arab . It s potency wa s hithert o know n onl y t o Jews—and no t t o al l o f them . Onl y a grea t an d poten t lov e coul d have create d Israel . Homelessness , oppression , humiliatio n canno t explain it . Thoug h th e majorit y o f Jews have com e to Israe l becaus e they ha d nowher e els e to go, the foundation s wer e lai d b y Jews wh o were draw n t o i t b y a n overwhelmin g passion . . . . Israe l ha s mad e its brillian t recor d becaus e th e decisiv e motivatio n wa s th e lov e fo r the land transmitte d withou t diminutio n acros s sixty generations. 16 Samuel sa w Zionis m a s a manifestatio n o f a n impuls e fo r th e renewal o f Jewish lif e amon g Eas t Europea n Jew s i n th e las t decad e of th e nineteent h century . Th e secula r Zionis t leadershi p cam e primarily fro m th e intellectua l stratu m o f Yiddish-speakin g Jewr y that ha d broke n onl y wit h par t o f th e ritualisti c sid e o f Judaism . They wer e a s completel y o f th e histori c Jewis h traditio n a s th e formally religiou s leader s an d wer e th e representative s o f a Jewis h renaissance tha t illumine d th e Jewish peopl e fo r nearl y fifty years. 1 7 The Palestinia n pioneer s betwee n 188 1 an d 193 9 to o wer e loya l t o the mora l an d propheti c aspect s o f Judaism . Th e creatio n o f th e Jewish homelan d wa s connecte d i n thei r mind s wit h th e renais sance o f Judaism a s a n evolvin g wa y o f lif e an d a specia l visio n o f humanity an d th e world . Th e strengt h o f Zionis m i n th e earl y formative an d decisiv e day s cam e ou t o f it s historica l an d religiou s passion; statis m an d refuge e relie f wer e incidental s whic h onl y later wer e mad e int o dominant s b y unforsee n circumstances. 18 Th e creation o f the Jewish homelan d wa s thu s boun d u p with a continu ing world Jewry, an d wit h th e millennia l universa l Jewish outlook . Even durin g hi s years o f professiona l wor k o n behal f o f th e Zion ist Organizatio n o f America, Samue l wa s a t odd s with th e organiza -

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tion o n severa l points . H e felt tha t i t concentrate d o n th e promotio n of immigratio n int o Palestine , bu t pai d littl e attentio n t o th e spiri tual need s o f th e Jewis h people ; i t neglecte d workin g wit h an d fo r the Jewis h communitie s o f th e world ; i t gav e inadequat e attentio n to th e younge r generatio n an d faile d t o enlis t talente d youn g writ ers i n it s cause ; it s intellectua l leve l wa s low . It s preoccupatio n with practica l result s mad e i t obliviou s t o th e nee d fo r a Jewis h spiritual an d cultura l renaissance . Moreover , ther e crep t int o i t " a repellant Jewis h jingoism ,, whic h onl y increase d wit h th e establish ment o f Israel . Althoug h man y leadin g Zionist s als o disapproved , the organizatio n coul d no t mak e suc h disapprova l it s concern. 19 Perhaps eve n mor e seriou s wa s th e fac t that , i n a n astonishin g contradiction, th e Zionis t movemen t distorte d th e interpretatio n o f the Exil e (Galut o r Goles i n Hebre w an d Yiddish) . Thu s th e yout h of Israe l becam e poisone d agains t Judaism outsid e o f Israel . Samue l saw th e contemp t o f th e young Sabra s fo r Jews wh o di d no t com e t o Israel, an d thei r rejectio n o f a possibl e Judaism anywher e bu t insid e the ancien t homeland , a s a majo r failur e o f th e Zionis t movement . He explaine d i t a s follows : On th e on e hand , w e sai d tha t th e creatio n o f a Jewish homelan d would ad d dignit y an d conten t t o Jewis h lif e everywhere . O n th e other hand , whe n w e spok e o f th e Chalutzim , an d o f al l thos e tha t went t o build Palestine , w e would b y contrast depic t th e lif e o f Jews outside o f Palestine a s being, i n its nature, irremediabl y debased . W e did not quit e mean it . We had i n fact th e picture of a realizable idea l of America n Jewish life , a dignified an d creativ e life . W e spoke tha t way out of admiration of the Chalutzim, ou t of propagandist exagger ation, ou t o f traditions carrie d ove r fro m pas t humiliations , ou t o f a present frustration (non-existenc e a s yet, o f a Jewish homeland) , ou t of a feelin g o f guil t tha t w e ha d chosen th e easie r way , an d ou t of irritatio n wit h ou r opponents , whos e timidit y abou t Jewis h an d Zionistic values was a debasement of both Judaism an d Americanism . We carried ove r int o ou r extramura l utterance s ou r intramura l Yid dish self-criticisms, whic h have alway s been hyperbolic. 20 Commenting o n hi s own concer n wit h th e preservatio n o f Jewis h life outsid e o f Israel , Samue l wrot e tha t h e ha d alway s looke d upo n the buildin g o f th e Jewis h homelan d a s a n enterpris e intende d t o serve Jews wh o remaine d outsid e o f i t n o les s tha n thos e wh o wen t

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to i t an d becam e a par t o f it . Channel s o f communicatio n woul d always b e neede d betwee n Israe l an d th e Jewries scattere d through out th e world . Tha t th e homelan d i n th e makin g neede d suc h inter mediaries wa s obvious . Tha t th e nee d woul d continu e whe n th e task wa s complete d occurre d t o few . Littl e attentio n wa s pai d t o the ultimat e implication s o f Zionism ; n o on e pause d t o conside r Zionism i n th e tota l settin g o f Jewis h history , t o analyz e i t a s a dynamic proces s withi n whic h th e creatio n o f th e Jewish homelan d was bu t a phase. 21 According t o So l Liptzin , "althoug h Samue l i s bes t know n a s a popularizer o f Zionism , hi s mos t origina l contribution s wer e no t primarily i n th e formulatio n o f Zionis t philosoph y bu t rathe r i n th e clarification o f anti-Semitis m a s a n occidenta l phenomenon." 2 2 Si x of Samuel' s book s explor e variou s aspect s o f anti-Semitism : You Gentiles (1924) , J , the Jew (1927) , Jews on Approval (1932) , The Great Hatred (1940) , The Gentleman and the Jew (1950) , an d Blood Accusation (1966) . When a s a young ma n Samue l decide d t o retur n t o hi s people an d tradition, h e discovere d tha t th e rejecte d value s o f hi s childhoo d and boyhoo d environmen t wer e a t wor k withi n him . " I ha d bee n touched wit h th e Jewish tradition , th e non-combative , non-compet itive ideal ; thi s tradition , whic h I had no t acquire d fro m books , bu t from unbookis h people , fro m parent s an d relative s an d neighbors — this traditio n i s separate d b y a tremendou s gul f fro m th e traditio n of th e wester n world/' 2 3 Samue l graduall y fel t estrange d fro m hi s fellow Englishme n becaus e o f w h a t h e sa w a s th e combativ e im pulse an d th e competitiv e philosoph y tha t wer e s o deeply imbedde d in th e Englis h peopl e and , b y extension , i n al l o f Wester n civili zation. The non-Jewish civilization ha s set up an immense structure of moral substitutions which may best be described as the sporting formulatio n of life . Lif e i s conceive d a s a game , an d goo d behavio r consist s i n scrupulously followin g th e rule s of the game . Therefore b y definitio n a goo d ma n i s on e wh o alway s "play s th e game. " T o find mora l guidance, t o achiev e th e righ t attitud e towar d hi s fello w men , t o perfect hi s discipline , a ma n mus t g o i n constantl y fo r games . Th e purpose o f games is only i n ver y smal l par t physica l exercise , whic h

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is merel y athletics . Thei r essentia l functio n i s t o expres s an d kee p alive th e combativ e spirit . The y ar e a mora l cult . The y are , i n fact , the moral cult. 24 On re-readin g th e Bibl e an d Jewis h history , Samue l cam e t o realize tha t Judais m ha d alway s lacke d a sports-fixation , tha t i t was i n fac t characterize d b y a rejectio n o f sports an d th e combativ e ethic. Th e rejectio n o f sport s wa s i n fac t th e resul t o f a mora l fixation roote d i n th e writing s o f th e Hebre w prophets . Nowher e i n the Bibl e can on e find evidenc e o f a Jewish ben t towar d th e sportin g expression o f life . Moreover , th e frustration s o f povert y an d th e displacements o f exil e ha d no t obliterate d th e mora l idiosyncras y o f Jewry. "Th e pacifis t fixation o f m y boyhoo d world , expressin g itsel f in abhorrenc e o f violence , an d i n contemp t fo r th e mimicr y o f violence, wa s no t a stratage m o f slaves . I t wa s a n ancien t traditio n that ha d bee n bor n i n freedom." 25 Throug h al l o f its know n history , the Jewis h peopl e ha d bee n haunte d b y th e nee d t o formulat e an d affirm a moralit y i n whic h th e ritua l o f sport s i s rejected , an d th e prophets' concep t o f th e natio n a s a mora l instrumen t affirmed. 26 The propheti c visio n wa s no t o f a prosperou s natio n bu t o f a natio n permeated wit h a mora l spirit . Fo r the m a natio n tha t wa s no t a moral instrumen t ha d n o reaso n o r "right " t o exist. 27 Once, a s a boy , Samue l ha d sneake d hi s wa y int o a loca l churc h on a Sunda y mornin g an d hear d th e minister' s sermon . Althoug h terrified b y th e frequen t invocatio n o f th e nam e o f Jesus , h e wa s amazed t o discove r tha t th e ethic s o f Christianit y wer e no t unlik e those o f Judaism an d tha t bot h faith s wer e a t odd s with th e sportin g ethic taugh t i n Englis h schools . The sermo n . . . ha d nothin g whatsoeve r t o do , i n spiri t o r i n sub stance, wit h tha t gay , magnanimous , adventurou s an d gamesom e world whic h I had com e to hear glorified . I t did no proclaim, i n ne w and unimaginabl e attractiv e phrases , th e cosmi c rightnes s of the lif e of Greyfriars, The Revenge, The Charge of the Light Brigade, and th e cricket team. I n a most unbelievabe way it rehearsed what I had been learning i n cheder! I t appeare d tha t amon g th e Christians , too , th e meek an d th e humbl e wer e blessed . I t appeare d tha t whe n someon e hit you, you di d no t answe r laughingl y wit h a straight left , an d you did no t invit e you r friend s t o stan d aroun d i n a circl e whil e yo u

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carried o n with th e Marqui s of Queensbury rules . Not a bit of it! You turned th e othe r cheek ! An d wha t wa s m y stupefactio n o n hearin g that anyon e who called anyone else a fool was in danger of hell-fire— a straigh t lif t fro m The Ethics of the Fathers! It appeare d tha t th e peacemakers, no t th e soldiers , no t th e manly , laughin g killers , wer e the blessed . Thi s wa s no t To m Merry' s worl d a t all . I t wa s m y Rebbi's.28 Samuel wa s late r t o discove r i n th e Christia n world , alongsid e the biblica l ethic , a riva l world , a riva l literature , an d a riva l pantheon. I t wa s pagan , playful , an d destructive . Ye t i t ha d univer sal an d coeva l status , an d wa s widel y accepte d withi n Chris tendom. I n tha t worl d th e gentlema n a s a kille r wa s respected. 29 "The tw o world s ar e s o intermingle d tha t th e escap e doe s no t eve n call fo r a forma l defection . On e coul d atten d churc h o n Sunda y morning, hea r th e sermo n I firs t hear d i n a church ; an d i n th e evening on e coul d burs t wit h prid e hearin g Gunga Din recite d b y the pastor." 3 0 I n th e Jewis h world , b y contrast , th e summatio n o f life a s a game, wit h th e concomitan t implicatio n o f life a s a hideou s tragedy, wa s completel y unknown . "Fightin g wa s no t a lark ; armie s were no t masquerades ; an d sportin g contests , th e charade s o f war , with thei r wil d practic e excitations , wer e a n abominatio n t o th e Hasideans wh o fough t Antiochu s th e Fourth , an d a foolishnes s t o the Jew s amon g who m I gre w up . I f competitiv e brutalit y existe d among the m i n th e ordinar y dail y struggle—an d i t did—ther e wa s no philosoph y t o mak e i t see m th e prope r orde r o f th e universe/' 3 1 Anti-Semitism, a s Samue l sa w it , ha d t o b e viewe d i n term s o f this paga n identit y o f Christendo m denyin g th e Semiti c identit y o f its Christianity. 32 I t wa s a n expressio n o f th e conceale d hatre d o f Christ an d Christianity , risin g t o ne w an d catastrophi c level s i n th e Western world. 33 I t sough t t o pu t a n en d t o th e Christia n episod e in huma n histor y an d ha d t o b e clearl y distinguishe d fro m anti Jewishness whic h wa s simpl y grou p prejudice , th e dislik e o f Jews a s persons. 34 Anti-Semitism , o n th e othe r hand , wa s a specia l diseas e of th e Wester n mind . I t wa s th e conceale d rejectio n o f th e Jewis h moral concep t throug h th e ope n rejectio n o f th e Jew. 35 Thoug h directed agains t th e Jewish people , anti-Semitis m ha d nothin g t o d o with realit y sinc e i t wa s obsesse d wit h th e fantas y o f a far-flun g conspiracy agains t th e Wester n world. 36

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In the Nazi onslaugh t o n the Jews during th e Holocaust , Samue l saw more than a n ac t o f genocide, sinc e it was as much a n attemp t to destro y a n ide a a s to wip e ou t a people. "Ther e glowere d i n th e Nazi min d a maniaca l loathin g o f somethin g spiritual , somethin g with whic h th e Jews an d Judaism ar e historicall y associated . . . . They were seeking universal admiratio n a s the first unashamed an d consistent protagonist s o f a Jew-free world." 37 Th e Nazis set out t o destroy everythin g i n Wester n civilizatio n tha t smacke d o f Jewish influence an d th e destruction o f the Jews themselves was but a first step toward tha t end . I t was a call t o arm s agains t th e restraint s of morality; i t wa s a n offe r t o lea d wester n ma n ou t o f th e labyrint h of ethic s an d bac k int o th e los t paradis e o f th e primitive , pre Christian world. 38 Th e Nazis , i n effect , concentrate d thei r insan e hatred o n the Jews in order t o conceal thei r attac k o n Christianity . They vented i t on the people that ha d produced Christ. 39 During th e Secon d Worl d War , th e Arab s to o viewe d Hitle r a s a promise, no t a s a menace. The y saw in th e war agains t th e Jews a n action paralle l t o th e Nazis ' wa r agains t huma n progress . 'Tha t i t did no t com e of f wa s a bitte r disappointmen t t o th e German s an d the Arabs . Th e German s hav e com e t o term s wit h it . No t s o th e Arabs."40 I n thei r struggl e wit h Israe l today , ar e th e Arab s anti Semitic o r merel y anti-Zionist ? aske d Samuel . Mos t Jews toda y ar e Zionists as far a s the Arabs are concerned, insofa r a s they ar e proud of Israe l an d read y t o hel p her . Besides , th e distinctio n betwee n Jews an d Zionist s i s mad e onl y rarel y b y Ara b spokesmen . Th e Arabs hav e als o reissue d The Protocols of the Elders of Zion an d sought t o reviv e interest i n i t al l ove r th e world. Thei r effort , how ever, i s self-defeating. I f they succeed , th e Arab s will brin g Jews t o Israel sooner an d in larger numbers than wil l Zionism. 41 The creation o f a Jewish homelan d i s infinitely mor e than a n answe r to anti-semitism ; an d th e parado x o f i t i s that i f ther e wer e n o anti semitism ther e woul d b e n o oppositio n t o th e creatio n o f a Jewis h homeland, a t leas t ideologically . Mor e tha n that , th e nonexistenc e of a Jewish homelan d i s itsel f a caus e o f anti-semitism , fo r i t i s a n abnormality, reflectin g o n th e statu s o f the Jewish peopl e an d there fore o n the status of the individual Jew who elects to remain Jewish. It is further a confirmation o f the ancient superstition tha t th e Jewish people forfeited th e right to a homeland b y an act of deicide. 42

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According t o Samuel , Naz i anti-Semitism , followe d b y th e miracl e of Israe l reborn , se t u p a tremendou s fermen t i n America n Jewry . Rejection o f the Jewish heritage, o n the one hand, an d nostalgia fo r it, o n th e other , wer e replace d b y thoughtfulnes s an d a proces s of re-Judaization. Th e rebirt h o f th e Jewis h stat e wa s mor e tha n a political even t fo r America n Jews . It s impac t wa s psychological , moral, an d proto-religious. "Th e Jewish people which in the decline of th e democracie s ha d falle n t o th e nadi r o f huma n status , ros e after th e victor y o f the democracie s t o a n eminenc e o f accomplish ment which could not be matched i n history." 43 The question "Why should I be a Jew?" came to be replaced by "How can I be a Jew?" A re-Judaizing generation aros e in American Jewry which, althoug h a minority, cam e to be the dynamic catalyst in Jewish life. A historic change unforeseeabl e befor e th e birt h o f Israel , wa s takin g place . The dawnin g perceptio n o f somethin g remarkabl e i n th e Jewis h heritage was finding confirmation. 44 Samuel believe d tha t i t was idle to dream o f an America n o r an y other Diaspor a Jewr y deepl y verse d i n Jewish tradition . Neverthe less, America n Jewr y neede d t o acquir e enoug h o f it s traditio n t o realize tha t it s predominantl y progressiv e an d intellectua l charac ter had been largely bequeathed t o it. Th e line of transmission wen t back t o a choic e mad e b y a remot e ancestr y i n th e territor y no w called Israel. 45 Jews had t o realiz e tha t thei r ethic s an d thei r intel lectualism wer e infuse d int o th e Jewish peopl e thousand s o f year s ago and perpetuated throug h th e generations. The perpetuation wa s conscious, systematic , disciplined . Th e tradition ha d t o be renewed from fathe r t o so n b y arduou s effort . I f th e effor t i s relaxed , th e character wil l die. Indeed , relaxatio n i s the portent of death. 46 Those who wishe d t o associat e themselve s wit h Judaism an d it s contribution t o humanit y an d huma n surviva l coul d no t d o s o simply by accepting its moral principles. Judaism was a method an d a destiny a s well a s a revelation. "Judais m calls for education in th e history o f th e Jewish enterpris e an d self-identificatio n wit h i t no t simply b y approva l o n genera l grounds , bu t b y participatio n i n it , and b y th e absorptio n an d transmissio n o f it s tradition. 47 Jewis h values could not be explained; the y had to be acquired b y conscious effort sinc e they ar e associated with a body of knowledge. This body of knowledg e i s in tur n associate d wit h th e Jewish ide a tha t with -

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out knowledg e ther e i s n o Jewishness . Thi s i s th e Jewis h traditio n of intellectuality , th e dissipatio n o f which i s a los s to ever y countr y with a Jewish community. 4 8 Wha t wa s neede d wa s a seriou s liftin g of Jewish cultura l standard s amon g Jews. It must begi n in the home, with parent s participating, bot h for them selves an d fo r thei r children ; i t mus t permeat e th e religiou s centers ; it call s fo r secula r institutions , lik e th e communit y centers ; i t call s for a n extensio n o f th e Jewish day-school syste m an d o f th e Jewish oriented summer camps. We cannot spea k of the revival of Hebrew as the spoke n languag e o f th e Jewish home—i t wa s neve r tha t i n th e Diaspora or even in the post-Babylonian Jewish commonwealth—bu t it ha s bee n th e additiona l languag e o f th e cultivate d Jew , th e lan guage of his prayers an d meditation s an d o f his literary activity . Bu t the chie f mainsta y o f the Jewish traditio n ha s always been an d mus t always b e it s organi c attachmen t t o th e lan d o f it s birt h an d fnes t flower, an d a renascenc e o f th e Jewish traditio n i n Americ a wi» - b e authentic onl y whe n i t lead s t o th e gradua l migratio n o f some * -J:I dreds of thousands of American Jews to Israel. 49 "I hav e bee n draw n to , I hav e experimente d with , othe r for n s an d materials," wrot e Samuel , "bu t m y dominan t interes t fo r thirt y years ha s bee n th e essa y o n a Jewis h subject . . . . I hav e foun d moral satisfactio n i n spreadin g informatio n o n Jewish history , Jew ish literature , Jewis h folkway s an d way s o f thought ; i n presentin g as attractivel y an d readabl y a s I could th e element s o f Jewish prob lems; i n ponderin g th e natur e o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e Jew ish an d th e non-Jewis h worlds." 5 0 Samuel' s manifol d contribution s to th e re-Judaizin g o f America n Jewr y includ e hi s interpretatio n o f the natur e o f th e Jewish people , o f th e specifi c rol e o f Americ a an d American Jewry i n Jewish history , o f the significanc e o f the Yiddis h language an d cultur e i n th e Jewish heritage , an d o f th e significanc e of the Bibl e in bot h Jewish an d genera l life . The Jewis h people , accordin g t o Samuel , i s firs t o f al l a worl d people an d a worl d observer . Whateve r happen s anywher e i n th e world happen s t o som e par t o f th e Jewis h peopl e an d i s communi cated t o th e res t o f it . "I f humanit y i s tryin g t o creat e On e World , Jewry i s th e pilo t plant . A t th e sam e time , i n th e tenacit y wit h which i t ha s hel d o n t o it s identit y fo r som e thre e an d a hal f millennia, i t proclaim s th e vita l principl e tha t On e Worl d doe s no t

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mean On e Face." 51 Th e Jewish peopl e i s als o a n ethica l people . A Jew wh o identifie s wit h hi s people i s aware tha t thi s identificatio n implies an ethical obligation even if he considers himself an atheist . For Samuel ther e ar e n o Jewish atheists , an d wha t w e cal l secula r Jewish nationalis m i s actuall y deepl y involve d i n th e Jewis h re ligion.52 A particularly Jewis h idea , on e tha t hark s bac k t o th e prophets , is the moti f o f the redemptio n o f the ide a o f the nation . 'T o deriv e a social-mora l impuls e fro m a nationa l nee d an d tradition , t o de vote the impulse , i n turn, t o the nation a s a whole, t o make moral ity an d nationhoo d a unity, i s Jewish a s theme an d experience ; th e highest Christia n fellowship s hav e denie d nationhoo d instea d o f redeeming it ; the y hav e therefor e denie d th e organizin g need s o f mankind, an d place d the m first i n a vas t an d unmanageabl e ab straction." 53 Samue l believe d tha t whe n Israe l becam e politicall y and economicall y secure , i t woul d hav e t o continu e th e pecifi c Jewish contributio n t o th e world , togethe r wit h worl d Jewry. Th e contribution ca n b e describe d a s th e purificatio n o f nationalism , and th e clarificatio n b y exampl e o f it s creativ e an d universa l function.54 Samuel pointe d ou t tha t i f America ha d no t welcomed Europea n Jewry betwee n 188 0 and 1921 , there would b e practically n o Jewish people today . Moreover , i f Jewr y ha d no t bee n rescue d b y th e United States , ther e woul d b e n o Israel . Th e creatio n o f a grea t American Jewr y was , i n fact , a prerequisit e t o th e creatio n o f th e Jewish state . Befor e 1920 , America's open doors made it possible fo r Palestine t o draw t o itself onl y thos e Zionists who were psychologically prepare d t o buil d a Jewis h state . America' s defea t o f Naz i Germany i n Worl d Wa r I I shoul d b e viewe d a s savin g th e Jewis h name fro m infamy , eve n a s i t rescue d th e Jewis h peopl e fro m ex tinction. I s i t an y wonde r tha t America' s Jew s hav e alway s lai d claim t o a specia l lov e o f America ? The y hav e s o ofte n know n the meanin g o f tyranny , oppression , an d discriminatio n tha t the y therefore appreciat e freedo m wit h a vitality tha t non-Jewis h immi grants an d non-Jewis h native-bor n American s hav e neve r experi enced.55 American Jew s thin k o f Americ a wit h lov e an d gratitude , no t only becaus e o f wha t the y escape d from . I n America , Jewis h lif e

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thrived a s nowher e els e i n th e histor y o f th e Diaspora . America' s destiny, he r struggle s wit h herself , he r successes , failures , an d per plexities, hav e engage d th e Je w wit h a specia l intimacy. 5 6 Ameri can Jewry , togethe r wit h Diaspor a Jewr y a s a whole , ca n pla y a n important rol e i n bringin g genera l Wester n value s t o Israel . When American Jewry will come into its own—and thi s will perhap s coincide with Israel' s coming of age—it wil l produce a n outlook an d a literatur e a s different fro m Israel' s as , let u s say, th e Mishnai c wa s from th e prophetic . W e wil l no t fee l Israel' s temptatio n t o suppres s the middl e past . W e wil l cultivat e th e memor y o f th e foundin g o f American Jewry, an d of its roots in Europe. Our tradition will cheris h the manifol d experienc e o f ou r peopl e an d fait h i n th e hear t o f th e Western world ; an d thi s wil l b e our contributio n t o th e widenin g o f Israel's horizon, an d to the mitigation o f her egocentricity. 57 Ronald Sander s ha s describe d Mauric e Samuel' s exuberan t lov e for language s a s on e o f th e centra l feature s o f hi s personality . H e was "th e onl y write r wh o eve r turne d th e menta l processe s an d enthusiasms o f th e translato r int o th e stuf f o f literatur e i n it s ow n right." 5 8 Samue l devote d thre e o f hi s book s t o th e Yiddis h languag e and literature : The World of Sholom Aleichem (1944) , Prince of the Ghetto (1948) , an d In Praise of Yiddish (1971) , i n additio n t o translating Shole m Asch , I . J . Singer , Isaa c Bashevi s Singer , an d other Yiddis h writer s int o English . I n a chapte r entitle d "Th e Fossi l Creates a Language " i n The Professor and the Fossil (1956) , h e wrote: " I wis h t o describ e a Jewis h cultura l phenomeno n o f first rate importance ; an d I wish t o plac e i n evidenc e par t o f th e contin uous spiritua l creativit y o f th e Jewish people." 5 9 Th e powe r o f Yid dish, Samue l believed , derive d fro m it s dua l characte r a s a languag e strongly polarize d b y practicalit y an d mercantilism , o n th e on e hand, an d b y other-worldlines s o r Messianism , o n th e other . It s beginnings la y i n simpl e economi c necessity . Jewis h trader s i n th e Rhine Valle y eigh t o r nin e hundre d year s ag o ha d t o lear n th e local dialects , an d turne d the m int o a languag e whic h ultimatel y absorbed th e non-economi c elemen t o f thei r lives , thei r Jew ishness. 60 The Yiddis h language , lik e th e Bible , mus t b e viewe d fro m it s meta-literary aspect . I t i s redolen t wit h spiritua l meaning . "Yo u

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cannot rea d Yiddis h intelligentl y a s a whol e withou t feelin g God , the Sabbath, th e High Holidays, the Exile, the Return a t the center , all create d b y the Bible . I f you ar e a veltlecher—a secularist—yo u get a t leas t a n ech o o f them." 61 A cultivate d Je w i n Israe l o r th e Diaspora canno t d o without Yiddis h sinc e i t mirror s Jewish lif e i n its totality . T o Yiddis h poet s lik e Chai m Nachma n Biali k (wh o wrote i n Yiddis h a s wel l a s Hebrew) , Aaro n Zeitlin , Jaco b Glatstein, an d Chai m Grade , Samue l applie d th e phras e tha t eac h of them ha s "struck one clear chord to reach th e ears of God." 62 Although Mauric e Samue l devote d onl y on e o f hi s book s t o th e Bible—Certain People of the Book (1977)—ther e ar e importan t chapters interpretin g biblica l idea s in The Gentleman and the Jew, The Professor and the Fossil, an d severa l o f hi s othe r works . I n addition, tw o volume s o f his radio conversation s o n th e Bibl e wit h Mark Van Doren were published posthumously unde r the editorshi p of Edit h Samuel— In the Beginning, Love (1973 ) an d The Book of Vraise (1975). He considered wha t w e think of the Bible today t o be of vital significance . " I cannot permi t mysel f t o be frightened of f by the complexe s tha t hav e accumulate d roun d th e subject . M y pic ture o f man, o f Christendom, o f Jewry, an d o f myself ha s the Bibli cal experience a t its center." 63 Samuel believe d tha t th e Bibl e could no t hav e become the deter minant o f Jewis h histor y i f i t consiste d onl y o f wha t h e terme d "explanatory myths. " Suc h myth s i t contains , bu t it s essenc e i s something else : th e fol k transmissio n o f a factua l experience. 64 Of the belie f i n miracle s i n th e Bibl e an d it s theor y o f retribution , h e wrote tha t the y ar e "th e stylizatio n o f the age. " The essenc e of th e biblical utterance , o n th e othe r hand , i s timeless. 65 "The ma n wh o does no t se e i n th e prophets , i n th e Mose s narrative , i n th e Rut h story, i n Job , i n th e Son g o f Songs , th e highes t typ e o f individua l genius, shoul d appl y hi s literar y facultie s exclusivel y t o th e stud y of crossword puzzles." 66 Of the prophets , Samue l wrot e tha t the y mov e u s to a conditio n in whic h no t t o d o goo d seem s t o b e a n inexplicabl e stupidity , a privation, a confinemen t o r a n unnatura l restriction. 67 Th e proph ets giv e meanin g t o lif e an d thereb y illuminat e th e whol e uni verse.68 They release us from th e mechanistic or purely materialisti c view o f th e world . H e paraphrase s th e propheti c messag e t o th e

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individual a s follows : "Th e prophe t make s u s se e goodnes s a s self subsistent; h e make s u s see tha t lif e ha s meaning , tha t th e meanin g expresses itsel f i n goodness , an d tha t lif e i s impossibl e withou t goodness. No t impossibl e i n th e sens e tha t i t canno t continu e with out goodness—thoug h thi s ma y als o b e th e case—bu t rathe r a s w e say tha t so-and-s o i s a n impossibl e person. 69 The followin g passag e fro m The Gentleman and the Jew encapsu lates Mauric e Samuel' s credo , Weltanschauung, an d legacy : I, Maurice Samuel, a n America n citizen , an d a lover of this country , feel that th e best I can offer i t springs from m y identification wit h th e development o f Judaism. I n th e dee p moral struggle s o f America (a s of th e res t o f th e Wester n world ) th e issu e lie s betwee n th e co operative an d th e competitiv e interpretation s o f life, betwee n essen tial Christianit y an d it s matri x an d ally , Judaism, o n th e on e hand , and paganism , ope n o r concealed , o n th e other . I f I identify mysel f with Judaism tha t i s such i n nam e only , henc e with a n Israe l tha t i s a purel y nationalisti c state , I serv e neithe r Judais m no r America , whatever approval s I ca n obtai n fo r th e deception . If , unde r th e slogan o f a n exclusiv e Americanism , I disassociate mysel f fro m cre ative Judaism an d a creativ e Israel , I a m practicin g anothe r decep tion: I am depriving America o f my best potentialities, an d callin g i t good Americanism. Fo r this deception it is particularly eas y to obtain approval; bu t thoug h ther e i s a popular—an d singularl y immoral — advertising cliche : "Suc h popularit y mus t b e deserved," I must loo k for guidance to more serious considerations. 70 Milton Hindu s ha s describe d Samue l a s a n essayis t wh o refuse d to lowe r himsel f t o th e demand s o f th e fickle audienc e o f th e mar ketplace. Throughou t hi s caree r h e remaine d concerne d wit h liter ary styl e an d hi s writing s contai n flashes o f bot h poetr y an d hu mor. 71 Samuel' s influenc e o n th e generatio n o f thinkin g Jew s (bot h committed an d estranged ) fo r who m h e wrot e canno t b e overesti mated. Hi s stanc e wa s tha t o f th e Je w wit h dee p root s i n th e lor e and lif e o f hi s people , painstakingl y analyzin g it s vicissitude s an d their inne r meaning . Her e wa s a n urbane , moder n intellectua l uniquely capabl e o f infectin g other s wit h hi s fascinatio n fo r thing s Jewish despit e th e prevailin g fashio n o f defectio n an d decline . Th e depth o f understanding , breadt h o f perspective , commitment , an d devotion wit h whic h h e approache d hi s literar y subject s wer e re -

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freshing an d invigorating . Man y a universit y positio n i n Jewis h studies, rabbini c pulpit , an d leadershi p pos t i n th e English-speakin g world toda y i s filled b y a devote d reade r o f Samuel' s books . On e could d o wors e tha n recommen d the m t o thos e stil l i n nee d o f Jewish knowledge , pride , an d inspiration .

Notes i. Mauric e Samuel , Vrince of the Ghetto (Philadelphia : Jewis h Publica tion Society, 1948) , 3-4. 2. Mauric e Samuel, Level Sunlight (Ne w York: Knopf, 1953) , 8. 3. Vrince of the Ghetto, 3-4 . 4. Level Sunlight, "Advic e t o th e Reader, " an d Mauric e Samuel , The Gentleman and the Jew (Ne w York: Knopf, 1963) , 276. 5. Mauric e Samuel, Little Did I Know (Ne w York: Knopf, 1963) , 276. 6. Ibid. , 286-87. 7. Ibid. , 267. 8. Ludwi g Lewisohn, " A Jewish Philosophy, " Congress Weekly, Octobe r 9, 1950, p. 13. 9. Harol d U . Ribalow , "Moder n Da y Maggid : Mauric e Samuel, " Jewish Heritage, Winte r 1962-63. 10. Cynthi a Ozick , "Foreword, " The Worlds of Maurice Samuel: Selected Writings, ed . Milton Hindu s (Philadelphia : Jewish Publicatio n Society , 1977), xix. 11. Milto n Hindus, "Introduction, " The Worlds of Maurice Samuel, xxv . 12. Joh n Murra y Cuddihy , The Ordeal of Civility (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1974), 141. 13. Level Sunlight, 9. 14. Ibid. , 10 . 15. Ibid. , 50. 16. Mauric e Samuel, Light on Israel (Ne w York: Knopf, 1968) , 105-6. 17. Level Sunlight, 21 . 18. Ibid. , 22. 19. Little Did I Know, 281. 20. Level Sunlight, 223-24 . 21. Ibid. , 43. 22. So l Liptzin , Generation of Decision: Jewish Rejuvenation in America (New York: Bloch Publishing, 1958) , 250. 23. The Gentleman and the Jew, 96 . 24. Ibid. , 97-98. 25. Ibid. , 108-9 .

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26. Ibid. , 190-91 . 27. Ibid. , 132 . 28. Ibid. , 34-35 29. Ibid. , 49 . 30. Ibid. , 205 . 31. Ibid. , 206 . 32. Ibid. , 257 . 33. Mauric e Samuel , The Great Hatred (Ne w York : Knopf , 1940) , 36 . 34. Ibid. , 39 . 35. Level Sunlight, 253 . 36. Ibid. , 256 . 37. The Gentleman and the Jew, 276-77. 38. Ibid. , 278 . 39. Ibid. , 244 . 40. Light on Israel, 88 . 41. Ibid. , 182 . 42. Ibid. , 38 . 43. Level Sunlight, 236 . 44. Ibid. , 237 . 45. Light on Israel, 189 . 46. Ibid . 47. The Gentleman and the Jew, 315 . 48. Little Did I Know, 306 . 49. Light on Israel, 197 . 50. Level Sunlight, 43 . 51. Light on Israel, 198 . 52. Ibid. , 199 . 53. The Gentleman and the Jew, 273 . 54. Light on Israel, 207 . 55. Level Sunlight, 242 . 56. Light on Israel, 134 . 57. Level Sunlight, 267 . 58. Ronal d Sanders , "Mauric e Samuel : A n Appreciation, " Midstream, Vol . 19, No . 2 (Februar y 1973) : 57-58 . Thi s essa y als o discusse s Samuel' s si x published novels . 59. Mauric e Samuel , The Vrofessor and the Fossil (Ne w York : Knopf , 1956), 40 . 60. Little Did I Know, 283 . 61. Mauric e Samuel , "M y Thre e Mother-Tongues, " i n The Worlds of Maurice Samuel, 381 . 62. Ibid. , 379 . 63. The Gentleman and the Jew, n o . 64. Ibid. , 178 . 65. Ibid. , 117 .

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66. Ibid. , 168.

67. Ibid. 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid. 70. Ibid.

, 122 . , 125 . , 126 . , 300-301 .

71. Milto n Hindus, "Introduction," The Worlds of Maurice Samuel, xxv .

C H A P T E R I

I

Charles Reznikof f Milton Hindus

When it come s to literary recognition , i t might be said that th e first hundred year s ar e alway s th e hardest . I mean, o f course , tru e an d lasting recognition, no t a n ephemera l simulacru m o f it, whic h ma y be produced b y mere publicity o r even occasionally b y the enthusi asm o f a whol e generation . W e continuall y witnes s th e sor t o f newspaper fam e whic h goe s up like a rocket an d comes down like a stick. An d i f w e liv e lon g enough , w e se e fashion s tha t ar e mor e lasting bu t als o fad e an d perish . The n ther e i s the kin d o f recogni tion tha t ma y b e ver y slo w an d modes t i n it s growth , an d whic h may b e compared t o th e proces s of sifting an d re-examinatio n tha t leads to the canonization o f a saint by the church. A Jewish equiva lent o f thi s ma y b e th e legen d o f th e lamed-vav: th e thirty-si x righteous, ofte n obscur e individuals , whos e merit s alon e persuad e the Lord to let a sinful worl d continue on its destructive course . The arts , too , hav e thei r saints , som e o f whom , lik e th e Dutc h painter Vermeer , hav e literall y take n centurie s t o com e int o thei r own, an d o f thi s number , I dar e t o suggest , Reznikof f ma y hav e been one. Since he lived into his ninth decad e (h e was in his eightysecond yea r whe n h e die d i n 1976) , h e fortunatel y witnesse d th e initial glimmering s o f th e endurin g reputatio n tha t wa s t o b e his . Now that w e ar e approachin g hi s centenary (h e was born i n Brook lyn, Ne w York , o n Augus t 31 , 1894) , w e ough t t o tak e stoc k onc e again o f the value o f the work h e has left us . To help us do so, Th e Black Sparro w Pres s i n 198 9 publishe d a one-volum e tex t o f hi s 247

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Complete Voems, whic h ha d begu n t o appea r thirtee n year s earlie r in tw o volumes . My ow n recognitio n o f Reznikof f precede d tha t o f th e worl d i n general (insofa r a s i t ca n b e sai d t o exis t now) , ye t i n a wa y min e paralleled i t a s well , fo r i t wa s produce d b y developmen t rathe r than b y a bol t fro m th e blue , th e proverbia l "shoc k o f recognition. " There was , indeed , a grea t dea l workin g agains t suc h recognition . We belonge d t o differen t generations . H e wa s twenty-tw o an d a newly admitte d membe r o f th e Ba r o f the Stat e o f Ne w Yor k when I was bor n i n 1916 . Betwee n th e generations , a s I note d ver y early , there i s a grea t wal l o f separation , thic k an d soundproo f enoug h t o make on e sid e virtuall y inaudibl e t o th e other . Still , ther e wer e important thing s w e ha d i n common . W e wer e bor n Ne w Yor k children o f immigran t Russia n Jews , wh o someho w escape d dee p alienation fro m ou r parent s an d grandparents , whil e necessaril y finding fo r ourselve s origina l form s o f unorthodo x affirmation . W e were bot h als o precociou s schoolboys , i f graduatin g fro m hig h school an d enterin g colleg e befor e w e wer e sixtee n mad e u s so . A t that point , however , ou r path s diverge d somewhat , fo r Charle s wa s evidently mor e enterprisin g tha n I was , i f equall y naive . Knowin g early tha t hi s destin y wa s t o b e a writer , h e struc k ou t bravel y fro m New Yor k fo r th e unknow n Middl e West , a fea t whic h prove d beyond m e befor e I wa s thirty . A t fifteen, h e wa s attracte d b y th e adventure an d promis e o f a ne w academi c enterprise : a Schoo l o f Journalism establishe d a t th e Universit y o f Missouri . It too k hi m a year t o realiz e hi s mistak e an d retur n home , no t i n failure o r disgrac e (fo r h e publishe d a goo d dea l o f competen t i f not creditabl e verse ) bu t wit h th e disillusionin g realizatio n tha t journalists wer e intereste d primaril y i n new s rathe r tha n i n th e wa y it wa s written , an d tha t the y define d new s i n a wa y tha t empha sized th e sensationa l an d melodramati c rathe r tha n th e ordinar y happenings o f everyda y life , whic h wer e precisel y th e thing s tha t interested hi m mos t profoundly . Bor n journalist s preferre d man bites-dog storie s whic h t o hi m seeme d trivia l an d cheap . I f h e ha d formulated hi s ide a i n th e manne r o f Ezr a Pound , who m h e ha d read early , h e migh t hav e sai d tha t hi s ow n preferenc e wa s fo r "th e news tha t stay s news. " His contribution s t o th e University Missourian durin g th e yea r

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1910 ar e o f margina l interes t t o th e studen t o f hi s work . The y are , for th e mos t part , imitation s and/o r parodie s o f variou s poeti c styles, usuall y romantic . Occasionally , ther e i s a mer e hin t o f th e possibility o f somethin g bette r fo r th e reade r o f hi s late r work , a s i n this se t o f lines , whic h h e postscript s "afte r Dea n Swift" : Lives there a man who with malice embittere d Wounding doth kee p you a t your distance , Why weep? Rather rejoice, tho u Fool , that h e keepeth His at th e same time. Faced wit h th e proble m o f earning a living, Reznikof f wa s willin g to ente r hi s family' s milliner y business , a s h e di d late r o n whe n h e became a salesman . Bu t th e economi c instabilit y o f al l busines s argues i n al l immigran t household s fo r th e wisdo m o f enterin g a recognized profession . Charles' s younge r brother , Paul , becam e a physician. Charle s himsel f apparentl y considere d takin g a doctorat e in histor y an d enterin g th e academi c profession . H e decide d upo n the stud y o f law , h e tell s us , encourage d b y th e notabl e exampl e o f the poe t Heine . Motivate d b y a desir e t o avoi d a repetitio n o f hi s experience wit h journalism , Reznikof f becam e fo r years a conscien tious studen t o f America n law , finding it s history , philosophica l principles, an d sociall y beneficia l possibilitie s mor e intriguin g tha n its drie r technica l o r corporat e problems , bu t devotin g himsel f suf ficiently t o th e literatur e dealin g wit h th e whole bod y of the scienc e to graduat e secon d i n hi s clas s a t th e Ne w Yor k Universit y Schoo l of La w an d subsequentl y t o becom e on e o f th e younges t t o pas s th e Bar examination . He was n o more suited , however , fo r th e rough-and-tumbl e o f th e courtroom o r it s histrionic s tha n h e ha d bee n fo r new s gatherin g a s defined b y journalism , an d so , afte r losin g a painfu l cas e o n behal f of a relative , h e decide d h e neede d additiona l preparatio n an d en rolled i n a postgraduat e cours e a t th e La w Schoo l o f Columbi a University. Wit h th e Declaratio n o f Wa r agains t Imperia l German y in 1917 , h e joine d th e Reserv e Officer s Trainin g Corps , bu t th e wa r was ove r befor e h e coul d b e sen t overseas . H e di d no t suffe r th e sense o f disappointmen t a t this , whic h F . Scot t Fitzgeral d describe s having experienced . O n th e contrary . Ho w h e felt abou t th e traged y

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of th e war , a s i t relate d t o th e truncate d live s an d promis e o f youn g artists an d poet s lik e himself , i s memorably indicate d b y som e line s published i n 1918 , dedicate d t o th e memor y o f Gaudier-Brzeska , a brilliant youn g Polish-Frenc h sculpto r befriende d an d toute d b y Ezra Poun d (whos e hea d Gaudier-Brzesk a immortalize d i n stone ) i n a littl e boo k publishe d i n 191 6 afte r h e wa s kille d i n battl e th e year before . In th e first gatherin g h e mad e o f hi s ow n verses , Reznikof f in cluded On One Whom the Germans Shot How shall we mourn you who are spilled and wasted , Gaudier-Brzeska, sure that you would no t die with your work unended , as if the iron scythe in the grass stops for a flower? I thin k tha t I hav e detecte d i n thi s las t line , muc h admire d an d commented o n b y th e poe t Ma y Swenson , whe n i t wa s reprinte d nearly hal f a centur y late r b y Ne w Directions , a wr y an d ironi c allusion t o a famou s earl y poe m b y Rober t Frost , "Th e Tuf t o f Flowers," i n whic h isolate d me n mowin g a field a t differen t hour s are presume d t o b e unite d b y a singl e bond , thei r lov e o f natura l beauty, manifeste d b y a silen t decisio n t o spar e th e sam e clum p of wildflowers . Surviving th e anxietie s o f th e war , Reznikof f stil l face d th e re lentless struggle for persona l an d economi c survival . Journalism ha d been rule d ou t a s a callin g an d th e practic e o f la w ha d prove d distasteful. Ther e wa s stil l hi s parents ' busines s whic h h e worke d for unti l it , too , wen t dow n i n a crisi s i n whic h enterprise s o f muc h greater magnitud e foundered . H e foun d refug e fo r a whil e i n a scholarly adjunc t t o lega l studie s whe n h e wen t t o wor k fo r a publication calle d Corpus Juris, describe d a s a n "encyclopaedi a o f law fo r lawyers. " H e hel d dow n a demandin g jo b ther e unti l hi s work prove d to o meticulou s fo r hi s supervisor , whos e interes t wa s in productivit y mor e tha n i n qualit y an d wh o complaine d o f Charles's excessiv e car e fo r detai l i n hi s report s o f cases , saying : "I though t I wa s hirin g a carpente r an d yo u tur n ou t t o b e a cabinet-maker!"

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All th e whil e tha t painfu l choice s o f regula r remunerativ e job s were being made, he was also trying his hand a t a variety of literary forms—not onl y verse, which he enjoyed mos t and at which h e was most successfu l i n hi s ow n estimation , bu t experimenta l "haiku " dramas (a s the y hav e bee n described) , autobiography , fiction, translations from German , an d commissione d historie s of America n Jewish communities . H e did some professional editin g jobs a s well, notably tha t o f th e tw o volume s o f legal paper s o f Loui s Marshall , the prominen t lawye r an d Jewish communa l leader , wh o ha d bee n considered fo r appointmen t t o a sea t o n th e Suprem e Cour t o f th e United State s befor e Loui s Brandeis. I t wa s a har d struggl e fo r eco nomic surviva l an d persona l fulfillment , a s i s indicate d b y thes e lines from Five Groups of Verse (1927), no. 19: After I had worked all day at what I earn my living, I was tired. Now my own work has lost another day, I thought, but began slowly, and slowly my strength came back to me. Surely, the tide comes in twice a day. The referenc e her e ma y b e t o th e laboriou s lega l researc h h e wa s doing on cases tried i n th e court s of different section s of the Unite d States during the last decades of the nineteenth an d the first decades of th e twentiet h centuries . I t wa s thi s employmen t tha t provide d grist fo r th e mil l tha t eventuall y produce d th e volume s o f hi s ow n epical Testimony, th e collectio n o f concentrate d narrative s i n a form whic h h e described a s "recitative" o f life i n th e Unite d State s between 188 5 and 1915 , as reflected i n it s law reports . The method s he worke d ou t i n Testimony prove d usefu l t o hi m durin g hi s las t years in th e compositio n o f his own versio n o f Holocaust, based o n the record s of the Nurember g Trial s in German y an d th e Eichman n Trial in Jerusalem. Although Reznikof f wa s hardl y twent y whe n som e o f hi s poem s were accepted fo r publication b y the legendary edito r Harriet Mon roe, whos e VOETRY: A Magazine of Verse i n Chicag o wa s th e most prestigiou s periodica l i n th e countr y entirel y devote d t o ne w creations in the most exacting of verbal arts , he at once asserted hi s

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courageous independenc e an d self-confidenc e b y refusin g t o hee d the suggestion s an d textua l emendation s mad e b y the grea t editor . So unwilling wa s h e t o leav e aestheti c decision s t o anyone' s judgment othe r tha n hi s ow n tha t h e withdre w fro m consideratio n poems alread y accepte d fo r publication . Whe n on e reflect s o n th e vanity o f young poet s an d wha t i t mus t hav e take n t o tur n dow n the opportunit y t o exhibi t one' s wor k i n s o notabl e a place , i t i s clear tha t wha t w e hav e her e i s a young ma n o f unusual maturit y and integrity . T o thes e qualitie s mus t b e adde d enterpris e a s well, for h e was willing t o undertake th e considerabl e expens e an d labo r of printin g hi s ow n wor k o n a pres s o f hi s ow n whic h produce d solidly boun d littl e edition s that , i t i s pleasing t o report , h e live d long enoug h t o se e value d highl y b y rare-boo k dealer s an d col lectors. It was this enterprise an d recalcitrant individualism , reminiscen t of Wal t Whitman' s settin g typ e himsel f fo r th e initia l printin g o f Leaves of Grass, whic h caugh t th e favorabl e attentio n o f Ezr a Pound whe n i t was reported t o him i n a letter from Loui s Zukofsky . The stor y ca n b e read i n th e Pound-Zukofsk y correspondenc e pub lished b y Ne w Direction s i n 1987 . I t wa s Zukofsk y wh o wa s th e friend an d protege of Pound, no t Reznikoff, wh o never met him an d only contributed th e (edited ) entrie s on Pound and Zukofsky to The Encyclopaedia Judaica. I t was also Zukofsky, o f course, who was an early an d influentia l impresari o o f th e poetr y o f Reznikoff , upo n whom h e place d th e weight y rol e o f exampl e fo r th e so-calle d Objectivist schoo l o r movement. Thi s was launched i n th e page s of the issue of Voetry that Harrie t Monroe, a t the instigation of Pound, invited hi m t o edit. H e succeeded i n elicitin g Pound' s endorsemen t of Reznikoff' s writin g a s "ver y good, " a n accolad e th e maste r di d not bestow lightly or upon more than a handful o f his contemporar ies. Reznikof f coul d no t hav e faile d t o b e move d b y thi s approva l from a man h e had regarded with profound respec t both a s poet an d critic. Thi s ma y explai n th e restraine d gentl e iron y o f hi s conclu sion i n hi s earliest entr y o n Pound : "Althoug h Pound' s influence a s a poe t an d teache r o f poetry ha s been , an d stil l is , great, th e influ ence o f his contribution s t o anti-Semitis m ha s been slight , becaus e in hi s tim e ther e hav e bee n fa r mor e vigorou s an d volubl e anti Semites and because his own contributions ar e in the least regarde d

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of hi s pros e an d i n hi s dulles t verse. " H e completel y revise d this , however, i n th e 197 1 edition . Reznikoff wa s n o mor e capabl e o f denyin g th e centralit y o f aes theticism i n hi s visio n o f th e worl d tha n Prous t woul d hav e been . Who bu t a profoun d Platoni c aesthete—fo r who m th e beautifu l merges imperceptibl y togethe r wit h th e good—coul d hav e writte n such line s a s th e followin g (fro m Separate Way [1936] , 3 , I ) i n the ver y year , 1933 , whic h witnesse d Hitler' s accessio n t o powe r in Germany : I will write songs against you, enemies of my people; I will pelt you with th e winged seeds of the dandelion . I will marshal agains t you the fireflies o f the dusk. Such restraine d iron y i s base d o n th e recognitio n tha t th e poet' s kingdom i s not tha t o f th e worl d o f brutal power . I firs t encountere d Reznikoff' s wor k withou t notabl e enthusias m in th e fal l o f 194 4 when , a t th e reques t o f Clemen t Greenberg , who wa s editin g th e magazin e Contemporary Jewish Record ( a predecessor o f th e magazin e Commentary, whic h h e late r helpe d edit), I reviewed a grou p o f thre e novel s wit h Jewish themes , on e o f which wa s Reznikoff' s Lionhearted, whic h deal t wit h th e massacr e and expulsio n o f the Jews of York in Englan d i n th e twelft h century . The iron y o f th e titl e appeale d t o me , bu t littl e els e did . Th e titl e had bee n expropriate d fro m th e famou s Crusade r Kin g Richar d an d bestowed upo n th e fugitiv e smal l peopl e o f stranger s i n hi s realm , who wer e hunte d dow n an d kille d b y a n inflamed , enviou s popu lace, welcomin g th e opportunit y o f improvin g thei r ow n lo t b y taking th e lea d agains t th e helples s fro m th e hand s o f th e lord s o f church an d state . Th e revie w I published i n Octobe r 194 4 indicate s that, thoug h I sympathize d heartil y wit h th e subjec t o f th e boo k and w h a t th e write r wa s attemptin g t o d o wit h it , I di d no t thin k he ha d succeede d i n hi s aim : "Reznikoff' s boo k i s i n th e wors t tradition o f historica l fictio n i n th e sens e tha t th e character s ar e pasteboard creation s servin g merel y a s vehicle s fo r th e author' s ideas. I like d Reznikoff' s frankl y partisa n tone , bu t I faile d t o se e his purpos e i n spinnin g a stor y s o thi n tha t h e himsel f give s i t u p

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before th e end of the book and turns to straight historica l narrative . Had h e don e s o fro m th e beginning , hi s boo k woul d hav e bee n much stronger. " I did not kno w a t th e time of Reznikoff s initial attractio n t o th e field o f history , an d h e ma y hav e take n m y advic e sufficientl y t o heart t o publis h si x years late r i n collaboratio n wit h Uria h Engel mann, a history o f the Jews of Charleston, Sout h Carolina , whic h I am certai n woul d hav e please d m e mor e tha n The Lionhearted. There wa s a n aspec t o f th e nove l t o whic h I ha d a mor e positiv e response. I t wa s wha t I perceived a s hi s "insistenc e o n th e impor tance o f racial purit y i n a time of crisis. . . . Throughout th e boo k the romanti c lov e whic h bind s individual s togethe r i s shown t o b e far les s importan t tha n a ti e o f eac h individua l wit h hi s ethni c group." I kne w nothin g o f Reznikof f personall y a t th e time . I ha d n o notion o f hi s marriag e t o Mari e Syrkin , an d he r nam e woul d hav e meant nothin g t o me, for I was not a reader o f the Jewish Frontier. I ha d n o awarenes s o f wha t i t wa s revealin g i n thos e years o f th e horrors that wer e being visited on the Jews of Eastern Europe. Years later, I reread th e book with a much mor e sympathetic eye , thoug h my critical reactio n t o it did not undergo any great change . I understood better , however , th e way my words may have registered o n th e sensibilitie s o f th e hardworkin g author , an d i t i s distressing t o reflec t tha t i t coul d hav e bee n a revie w suc h a s min e that triggere d a n epigra m (Inscriptions: 1933-1945, 3) b y Reznikof f addressed perhap s t o a confiden t youn g criti c ( I wa s twenty-eigh t at th e time, Reznikoff ha d just turned fifty): You are young and contemptuous. If you were the sentry, you would not fall asleep— of course. Wounded you would not weep. Truly, th e generations often see m almos t incomprehensibl e t o eac h other, an d i t i s lat e indee d tha t on e learn s th e tru e meanin g an d importance o f charity , tolerance , forbearance , generosity , whic h

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the leas t o f u s a s well a s th e greates t an d supposedl y mos t invulner able ar e alway s s o muc h i n nee d of . Whateve r th e persona l refer ences ma y hav e been , an d ther e i s n o wa y o f recoverin g i t now , that i s the lesso n whic h th e pas t ha s t o teac h us . Years afte r reviewin g The Lionhearted, i n th e earl y 1950 s I cam e across Reznikoff s work again . I t was i n th e for m o f a group of verse s (later t o b e include d i n th e collectio n entitle d Inscriptions: 19441956) printe d i n th e page s o f th e magazin e Commentary. Thi s tim e I was no t aske d t o commen t o n the m i n print , bu t remembe r bein g greatly impresse d b y them , fa r beyon d anythin g i n th e boo k o f pros e fiction I had reviewed . I was impresse d t o th e poin t tha t I began t o discuss hi s wor k wit h others , an d i f the y ha d rea d hi m befor e an d discounted hi m t o urg e the m t o reconside r o n th e strengt h o f thi s latest publication . On e oddl y shape d se t o f verses , i n particular , connected wit h m y ow n sensibility , an d I read the m ove r an d over . The Lati n titl e wa s striking— Te Deum —but th e victor y tha t wa s being celebrate d wa s no t o f a publi c bu t o f a privat e kind . I t wa s a celebration o f th e simpl e life , th e ordinar y man , an d th e virtu e o f a philosophical, perhap s religious , resignatio n t o one' s lot , howeve r obscure, i n th e schem e o f things . Th e them e reminde d m e o f Emil y Dickinson's "I' m Nobody ! Wh o ar e you? " o r possibl y Whitman' s psalm fo r th e republi c o f th e uncommo n commo n man . Th e phras ing recalle d t o m y min d tha t o f a shor t poe m b y Dyla n Thomas . Ye t Reznikoff's hym n o f thanksgiving wa s someho w absolutel y hi s own , uniquely origina l i n th e totalit y o f it s effect : Te Deum Not because of victories, I sing, having none, but for the common sunshine , the breeze, the largess of the spring. Not for victory but for the day's work done as well as I was able; not for a seat upon th e dais but a t the common table .

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It wa s har d t o sa y whic h wa s th e mor e satisfyin g t o m y sense , th e substance o f what wa s being said o r its form. I t repai d attentio n t o examine carefull y th e concatenation o f unexpected rhymes , unem phatic meter, an d concealed echoe s in words of such different signi fication a s "day's" an d "dais. " I found i t har d t o understan d ho w I could hav e rea d th e wor k o f s o "able " a writer (t o sa y n o mor e of him) withou t th e car e an d respec t h e s o obviousl y deserve d an d called for . It wa s no t unti l 196 1 that I was abl e t o addres s m y attentio n t o Reznikoff agai n i n print , seventee n year s afte r I had first don e so . By 1961 I had lon g been teachin g a t Brandei s University, wher e on e of my colleagues was Marie Syrkin, who, I was told, was married t o Charles Reznikoff, thoug h I never me t hi m a t tha t tim e an d never , to m y best recollection , ha d an y conversatio n abou t hi m wit h her . I di d not , however , mak e an y secre t o f m y admiratio n fo r Rezni koff s verse to anyon e wh o would listen . I remember, i n particular , reciting som e vers e o f Reznikof f t o th e hea d o f our Englis h depart ment wh o wa s a poet . I t wa s probabl y Marie , therefore , wh o pre sented me , i n 1959 , with a copy , uninscribed , o f Reznikof f s lates t little book, printe d b y himself i n that year: Inscriptions: 1944-1956. Reading hi s verse s agai n wit h eve n mor e feeling s o f respec t tha n before, I made up my mind that I would write an unsolicited revie w of it fo r a magazine i n New York, th e New Leader, for whic h I had reviewed man y book s ove r th e years . Despit e this , I anticipate d that th e editor s migh t b e les s than enthusiasti c abou t reviewin g a book by an autho r the y ha d neve r heard o f and for which n o recognized publisher was taking responsibility. Th e proposal might strik e them a s too personal for their pages. Though th e magazine lacked a mass-circulation, i t ha d a discernin g an d intellectuall y prestigiou s readership. (T . S . Elio t ha d onc e describe d i t a s the bes t magazin e being published i n America.) I , therefore, worke d har d t o make my review persuasiv e t o the few initiate d reader s of poetry, wh o migh t by chanc e com e acros s it , a s well a s th e man y uninitiated , befor e presenting i t t o th e editor , wh o ma y hav e bee n a member o f eithe r group bu t whos e positio n compelle d hi m t o kee p watc h ove r th e interests o f th e second . I submitted m y shor t revie w som e tim e i n i960, but th e ne w managing edito r did not ge t aroun d t o printing i t

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before th e beginnin g o f 1961 . O f th e hundred s o f review s I hav e published i n a multitude o f periodicals both her e an d abroad , ther e is no t on e I ca n thin k o f no w tha t seem s mor e importan t t o me , more judicious, o r more productive of the good I sought, immediat e and long-range . Reznikoff , who m I had no t yet met , late r tol d m e that, a s soon as the review appeared, h e had heard from friend s wh o had bee n ou t o f touc h wit h hi m fo r years . B y 1962 , a paperbac k selection o f hi s lifetim e accumulatio n o f vers e ha d bee n publishe d jointly b y Ne w Direction s an d th e San Francisco Review, whic h was greete d wit h ecstati c prais e i n th e page s o f th e Nation b y Hayden Carruth . H e wa s bein g invite d t o giv e poetr y reading s o n various colleg e campuses . W e mus t no t exaggerate . I t wa s hardl y the triump h o f a Lor d Byro n whe n h e wok e on e mornin g t o fin d himself famous . Bu t i t seeme d a decisiv e turn-aroun d i n th e for tunes of a forgotten author , an d he was humble enough to attribut e to m e excessiv e credi t fo r i t instea d o f t o th e qualit y o f hi s ow n work. H e seeme d reall y t o suffe r whe n bein g praised . H e onc e stopped wha t h e too k t o b e th e effusivenes s o f hi s frien d Georg e Oppen wit h th e crushin g commonplace : "W e al l d o th e bes t w e can." But he did not just say it; he truly believed it . The opening of my essay was from T . S. Eliot's early essa y Tradition and the Individual Talent: "Hones t criticis m an d sensitiv e appreciation ar e directed no t upo n th e poet bu t upo n th e poetry . I f we atten d t o th e confuse d crie s o f th e newspape r critic s an d th e susurrus of popular repetition tha t follows , w e shall hear the name s of poets i n grea t number ; i f we see k no t Blue-boo k knowledge , bu t the enjoymen t o f poetry, an d as k for a poem, w e shall seldo m find it." I went o n to point out tha t th e literary fate o f Reznikoff seeme d to be the reverse of Eliot's hypothetical case , since he had produce d some rea l poems , bu t ha d almos t entirel y escape d th e rumor-mon gers. There was no mention o f him in any of the standard reference s works, and I had searched without muc h success for readers to share my enthusiasm fo r the distinction o f his epigrammatic verse. Yet he could hardl y b e denied a place i n th e literar y histor y o f th e move ments of Imagism an d Objectivism i n the earlier part of the twenti eth century . I cite d som e readers—lik e Lione l Trilling , Kennet h Burke, an d Loui s Zukofsky—who ha d praise d hi s work thirt y year s

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before, an d I noted th e difference betwee n m y pleasurable reactio n to hi s vers e an d m y feeling s a t m y first encounte r wit h hi s prose . The rest of the review was given over to concrete illustrations of his work—beginning wit h Te Deum, which , i n m y estimation , be longed i n th e anthologie s amon g the choices t specimen s o f verse i n his time , bu t ha d bee n inexplicabl y overlooked . Bu t I also pointe d out som e wonderfully bitte r lines , worthy o f the pencil o f a Roman satirist, i n which, withou t mentionin g names, he had pinned "wrig gling agains t th e wall " person s h e ha d know n intimatel y ove r th e years an d treate d gently , eve n lovingly , elsewhere . Passin g resent ments against friends ma y be frozen and , i n a literary sense, immor talized i n som e vigorou s lines . I n th e followin g ("B y th e water s of Manhattan, " Inscriptions: 1944-1956, 39) fo r example , whic h I quoted, I thought I recognized muc h later , a s I learned mor e of him and hi s story, hi s wife, Mari e Syrkin, hi s early admire r an d literar y friend, Mauric e Samuel , an d Marie' s father , Nachma n Syrkin , th e founder o f Labor Zionism, wh o had died in New York in the 1920s . I have neve r sai d thi s before , an d knowin g suc h facts , eve n i f m y surmise were correct, add s or detracts nothing fro m th e force o f th e poem, thoug h othe r reader s lik e Be n Halper n apparentl y cam e t o the conclusion I did abou t th e reference . I remember ver y wel l whe n I asked y o u as if you wer e a friend—whether o r no t I should g o somewhere o r other , you answered : "I t doe s no t matte r you ar e no t a t al l important. " That wa s true . Bu t I wonde r Whom you though t important . He who ha s bee n i n hi s grav e these te n years o r more ? He i s not importan t now . Or is he wh o i s wearing ou t a pat h in th e carpe t o f hi s roo m as he pace s i t like a shabb y coyot e i n a cage , an ol d ma n hopelessl y mad . Yourself n o doub t looking lik e on e who ha s bee n a great beauty .

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Here ar e eighteen line s inspire d b y such powerfu l feeling s tha t eve n they wer e insufficien t t o discharg e the m completely , fo r ther e ar e another eleve n line s elsewher e i n Reznikof f ("Autobiography : Ne w York," XI ) evidentl y originatin g i n the same situation : "Shall I go there?" "As you like— it will not matter; you are not at all important." The words stuck to me like burrs. The path was hidden under the fallen leaves , and here and there the stream was choked. Wher e it forced a way the ripples flashed a second. She spoke unkindly but it was the truth: I shared the sunshine like a leaf, a ripple; thinking of this, sunned mysel f and, for the moment, was content. There i s undoubtedly gris t for the mill o f a biographer here , particu larly i f on e succumb s t o th e temptatio n t o explai n suc h line s b y connecting the m wit h wha t i s revealed abou t th e Reznikoff-Syrki n marriage an d relationshi p i n th e ver y interestin g page s o f Rezni koff s posthumousl y publishe d fiction The Manner Music. Bu t thi s was no t availabl e t o m e whe n I wrot e m y review , an d a s I neve r had an y biographica l ambition s i n thi s area , eve n i f i t ha d bee n available, I a m no t optimisti c abou t fathomin g th e dept h o f th e connection betwee n poetry , fiction, an d th e experience d realit y which underlie s both . N o one has ever refuted , o r is likely t o refute , the validit y o f Proust' s generalizatio n i n Contre Sainte-Beuve tha t "a boo k i s the produc t o f a differen t self fro m th e sel f w e manifes t in our habits, i n our social life , i n our vices." No biographer i s likely to cas t an y ligh t o n th e inventivenes s whic h enable s Reznikof f (i n Inscriptions: 1944-1956, 3) t o refres h th e them e o f mutability , which w e should hav e guesse d ha d been outwor n lon g ago: One of my sentinels, a tree, Sent spinning afte r me this brief secret on a leaf: the summer is over— forever.

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Consider th e inventivenes s i t too k t o trea t a sentimenta l them e without succumbin g t o it s sentimentality , t o resis t th e temptatio n of th e lachrymos e wit h jus t a das h o f th e bitter s o f self-mocker y (i n Inscriptions: 1944-1956, 43) : These days when I dare not spend freel y and the friends I meet ar e uneasy that I might as k for a loan, I dreamt of you: my friend a t school. I was going to ask you a question and afraid you migh t find it foolis h (you were somewhat olde r and sensible). The faces aroun d you were shadowed but yours was smiling, fresh an d pink . And I must be in my dotage for I find myself weeping that you ar e dead— who have been dead for a long time. The spac e fo r m y revie w ha d bee n limited , o r els e I migh t hav e hazarded a compariso n betwee n th e patho s i n thi s expressio n o f a poet, ol d an d poor , an d th e deepl y movin g latte r hal f o f hi s Medita tion o n th e winte r festiva l o f Hannukah , whic h celebrate s th e vic tory o f the Maccabee s mor e tha n a century befor e th e Christia n era , recounted i n th e Apocrypha . Th e speaker' s identification , her e a s everywhere, i s with th e poor , especiall y amon g hi s ow n people , bu t not limite d t o the m an d extendin g no t onl y t o th e poo r o f othe r nations but , a t times , th e anima l kingdo m a s well , destine d fo r slaughter. Hi s comfor t i s th e grea t an d famou s vers e o f th e prophe t Zacharia, whic h i s twic e repeated , th e secon d tim e wit h a n almos t imperceptible variatio n tha t infuse s i t wit h a n affectiv e powe r I still find quit e thrillin g afte r score s o f reading s (Inscriptions: 19441956, "Meditations o n th e Fal l an d Winte r Holidays, " IV) : Penniless, penniless, I have come with less and still less to this place of my need and the lack of this hour. That was a comforting wor d the prophet spoke: Not by might no r by power, bu t my My spirit said the Lord; Comforting indee d for those who have neither migh t nor power — for a blade of grass, for a reed.

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The miracle, of course, was not tha t th e oil for th e sacred light — in a little cruse—lasted a s long as they say; but that th e courage of the Maccabees lasted t o this day; let that nouris h m y flickering spirit. Go swiftly i n your chariot, m y fellow Jew, you who are blessed with horses; and I will follow a s best I can afoot , bringing with m e perhaps a word or two. Speak your learned an d witty discourse s and I will utter my word or two— not by might nor by power but by Your spirit, Lord . Although h e wa s continuall y attemptin g composition s o f varyin g length, h e too k t o hear t th e observatio n tha t brevit y i s th e sou l o f wit i n suc h pleasurabl e exercise s a s th e on e (i n Inscriptions 19441956, 37) condensin g a familiar fabl e an d copyboo k maxi m int o tw o rhyming line s consistin g o f a doze n word s an d a mer e fiftee n syl lables: The nail is lost. Perhap s the shoe; horse and rider, kingdo m too. Stated thus , wh o ca n believ e th e moral , excep t th e childre n who m it wa s mean t t o caution ? O n th e othe r hand , wh o ca n doub t it , o n the basi s o f th e mos t extensiv e experience ? O r conside r th e ironi c force an d socia l commen t implici t i n suc h a fragmentar y ejacula tion a s this (Inscriptions 1944-1956, 24) : Scrap of paper Blown about the stree t you would lik e to be cherished, I suppose, like a bank-note. I don' t kno w i f thi s wa s writte n afte r readin g a pamphle t b y Poun d on Mone y o r hi s 45t h Cant o o n Usury . Probabl y not , bu t i t coul d have bee n a contributin g factor . Mor e likely , i t wa s a respons e t o his ow n experienc e o f standin g i n lin e wit h a thousan d other s during a "run " o n a ban k i n th e Depressio n o f 193 0 wher e h e ha d

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deposited th e firs t sizabl e advanc e o f $1,00 0 h e ha d receive d fro m the Ne w Yor k publisher , Boni , fo r th e right s t o hi s nove l By the Waters of Manhattan, a beautiful titl e which serve d hi m agai n late r for hi s volum e o f selecte d verse . I ha d th e pleasur e o f introducin g this nove l i n a ne w edition , mor e tha n hal f a centur y afte r i t wa s first published . That Reznikof f realize d th e natur e o f hi s ow n strengt h i s clea r from on e o f hi s darin g midrashim (Going To and Fro, and Walking Up and Down [1941] , no . X ) i n whic h h e cut s dow n t o siz e th e conventionally recognize d great , whil e buildin g ou r respec t u p fo r the ingenuit y an d capacit y o f those though t t o b e of smaller stature , for example , th e "other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals . I do not believe that Davi d killed Goliath . It must have been— you will find the name in the list of David's captains. But, whoever it was, he was no fool when h e took off the helme t and put down the sword and the spear and the shield and said, "thes e weapons you hav e given me are good, but the y ar e not mine " I will fight in my own way with a couple of pebbles and a sling. Against th e Goliat h o f th e worldly , Reznikof f als o i s i n nee d o f n o more tha n a concentrated couplet , a "haiku, " a suggestive quatrain , a rephrasin g o f a familia r fabl e o r prayer , a ne w angl e o r ligh t upo n hackneyed word s i n th e Bibl e o r i n Aesop . Reznikoff wa s emphaticall y no t a membe r o f th e intelligentsia , either i n th e honorifi c Eas t Europea n sens e o r i n th e America n one , which i s describe d b y th e dictionar y a s "ofte n derisive " an d whic h makes title s lik e docto r o r professo r soun d t o man y America n ear s (except perhap s i n th e cas e o f physicians ) faintl y ironic . I f an y analogies ar e i n order , h e wa s mor e lik e a n inventor , whic h i s apparently th e wa y th e poe t Willia m Carlo s William s though t o f himself. Wes t o f th e water s o f Manhattan , intellectualit y i s rarel y identified wit h rea l intelligence , whic h give s ris e t o dar k suspicion s among parochia l inhabitant s o f th e island .

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The las t fifteen year s o f Reznikof f s lif e wer e happil y hi s mos t secure. I n m y initia l review , I had sai d tha t a t ag e sixty-seven, h e was still laborin g without recognitio n o f his merits by the world. I t came t o hi m afterwards , i f not i n suc h abundanc e tha t "th e givin g famishes th e craving/ ' a t leas t sufficientl y t o satisfy hi s quite mea ger expectations . " A write r o f verse, " h e onc e said , "mus t lear n t o fast an d drin k wate r b y measure/ ' H e mad e friend s fee l tha t th e honors, invitations , an d anthology-inclusions , whic h cam e i n th e years afte r 1961 , had ampl y compensate d fo r whateve r neglec t h e had suffere d previously . I mysel f wa s aske d t o writ e hal f a doze n reviews of new books and reprints of old ones as they appeared , an d I was able to include a chapter from hi s first novel, By the Waters of Manhattan, i n a boo k I edite d whil e h e wa s stil l aliv e t o se e it . After 1976 , I adde d t o thes e tw o ne w books . On e wa s a synopti c essay, the other a collection of memories of him, tributes and assessments of his work by writers mainly from th e United States, Britain , and Canada . I t wa s almos t a s if I had bee n magnetize d lik e on e of the ring s i n Plato' s parabl e i n hi s dialo g Ion, whic h stretche s fro m the reader through the writer all the way back to the inspiring Muse who stands behind al l real poets by vocation. For Reznikoff , writin g poetr y wa s no t s o muc h a life-enhancin g activity a s a life-sustaining one . He was not amon g the comfortabl e who ca n tak e i t o r leav e it . H e was no t amon g thos e a t eas e o r a t home "i n Zion " o r anywher e else . H e once turne d dow n a n invita tion t o visi t Israe l apparentl y wit h th e excus e tha t h e ha d no t ye t done with explorin g Centra l Park . Writing for him was not a choice but a compelling need . Thi s is one way i n which h e describes it (i n Inscriptions 1944-1956, 2): The India n o f Peru , I think , chewing the lea f o f a shru b could ru n al l day . I, too , with a fe w line s o f verse, onl y tw o o r thre e may b e abl e to se e th e da y through .

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I a m reminde d b y thi s o f a passag e o f abou t th e sam e numbe r o f lines, thoug h eac h lin e i s generally longer , i n Whitman' s Lilacs: In the swamp in secluded recesses, A shy and hidden bird is warbling a song. Solitary the thrush , The hermit withdraw n t o himself, avoidin g the settlements, Sings by himself a song. Song of the bleeding throat , Death's outlet son g of life (fo r well, dear brother, I know, If thou was t not granted t o sing thou wouldst surely die). Reznikoff s imager y i s sparer , bu t essentiall y th e impor t o f bot h passages i s similar . Whethe r th e poe t i s suggestin g a compariso n between th e Indian , seekin g narcosis , an d himself , o r betwee n him self an d th e hermi t bird , eac h i s sayin g tha t verse-makin g ha s a value fo r th e poe t b y providin g indispensabl e relie f fro m pai n an d strain, an d no t becaus e i t produce s a commodit y fo r th e market place. Reznikoff s humor, whic h doe s not appea l t o everyon e I have found , is on e o f hi s charm s fo r me . I t i s a scholar' s humor , dependin g often o n hi s learnin g i n secula r text s a s wel l a s sacre d ones . I n th e following line s fro m "Sightseein g Tour : Ne w York " (Inscriptions 1944-1956, 45) , i t i s exercise d agains t a seemingl y harmles s bu t single-minded enthusiasm , whic h ha s th e effec t o f turning it s objec t into a grotesque : Fraser, I think, tell s of a Roman who loved a tree in his garden so much he would kis s and embrace it . This is going pretty fa r even for a lover of nature and I do not thin k it would b e allowed in Central Park . The tast e fo r bot h classicis m an d neo-classicis m (o f th e eighteent h century) goe s bac k fa r i n Reznikoff . H e wa s hardl y mor e tha n a

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schoolboy when , i n additio n t o composin g hi s quot a o f romanti c verse (eve n Alexande r Pop e a t fiftee n wrot e romanticall y an d no t with acerbi c tongue in cheek), he was attracted t o Swift amon g th e moderns. Later he was drawn to Swift's sources among the ancients . The epigraph o f the initial selectio n from hi s lifetime accumulatio n of verse is from Martial . He consciousl y aim s a t communicatio n wit h a maximu m o f transparency, clarity , an d concentration . Whe n h e achieve s it , a s he doe s often , h e i s memorable indeed , a s George Oppe n ha s testi fied, and a s I can confir m fro m experience . Macaula y remind s us of an anecdot e i n Plutarc h abou t Lysias , th e celebrate d advocat e an d speech-writer (satirize d b y Plat o i n th e Vhaedrus) . On e o f Lysias' s clients, fo r who m h e ha d writte n a speech t o be delivered i n court , complained that , i n reading i t ove r an d ove r trying t o memorize it , he ha d becom e increasingl y awar e o f its weaknesses. "Yo u forget, " Lysias told him , "tha t th e jury wil l hea r i t onl y once. " Perhap s w e may see k i n suc h cynicis m som e clu e t o th e reaso n fo r Reznikof f s reaction agains t th e practic e o f la w i n th e courtroom . H e was to o scrupulous an d respectfu l o f words to waste the m o r use them idly . "Silence i s lega l tende r everywhere, " h e tell s u s i n on e verse . "O f the first twent y sin s w e confess, " h e note s i n Day of Atonement, "five ar e by speech alone. " The resul t o f such car e i s that th e mor e carefully w e rea d ove r hi s seemingly simpl e lines , th e mor e w e ar e likely t o becom e awar e o f interna l for m an d subtl e connection s i n them, unti l a t last the y begin t o seem inevitable an d unforgettable . We memoriz e the m almos t withou t intention . H e ha s someho w succeeded i n carving his words in our memory like initials in newl y laid cement . Poetry , fo r Reznikoff , wa s concentrate d an d memora ble speech. Faced wit h th e necessit y o f a cod a fo r a compositio n tha t i s bu t another lin k o f m y involvemen t wit h th e wor k o f Reznikof f ove r the pas t thirt y years , I a m tempte d t o emulat e th e inconclusiv e conclusion o f the last essay by William James, the ms. of which wa s found o n hi s desk a t th e tim e of his death i n 191 0 and subsequentl y published i n the Hibbert Journal. Th e title of the essay is "A Pluralistic Mystic " an d th e word s ar e attribute d t o th e subjec t o f th e essay, James' s longtim e frien d an d correspondent , th e philosophe r

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and poe t Benjami n Pau l Blood : "Ther e i s n o conclusion . Wha t ha s concluded tha t w e shoul d conclud e wit h regar d t o it ? There ar e n o fortunes t o b e told , an d ther e i s n o advic e t o b e given . Farewell! " These word s hav e lef t a marke d impressio n indee d upo n a numbe r of thos e wh o hav e hear d o r rea d the m an d kno w nothin g mor e about thei r author , no t eve n tha t ther e i s a n essa y b y James abou t him. The y continu e t o stan d b y themselves , o n thei r own , i n th e bareness o f thei r enigmati c challenge . I a m no t goin g t o tr y t o interpre t thei r meaning , whic h ma y b e different fo r ever y reader . I n m y ow n min d the y connec t wit h tw o brief composition s o f Reznikoff . On e (Jerusalem the Golden [1934] , no. 66) consist s o f a mer e half-doze n lines , whic h Mari e Syrki n asked m e t o rea d o n he r behal f a t hi s funeral i n Ne w Yor k in 1976 . I repeated the m a t he r own , thirtee n year s late r i n Sant a Monica , California: If there is a scheme, perhaps this too is in the scheme, as when a subway ca r turns on a switch, the wheels screeching against the rails, and the lights go out— but ar e on again in a moment. The othe r i s th e "Epilogue " h e compose d fo r hi s lat e collectio n o f poems By the Well of Living and Seeing: Blessed in the light of the sun and at the sight of the world daily, and in all the delights of the senses and the mind : in my eyesight blurred a s it is and my knowledge slight though it is and my life brief though it was. Doubt tha t ther e i s an y patterning , "scheme, " o r meanin g i n th e universe i s probabl y w h a t i s mos t tormentin g i n intens e grie f o r crisis, persona l o r social , whe n w e fee l a s i f w e wer e suddenl y plunged bac k int o th e primeva l stat e o f chao s an d disorde r tha t preceded th e creation . Wha t tide s u s ove r a t suc h time s i s th e "antiseptic" o f fait h whic h w e ma y no t eve n kno w w e possessed ,

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the convictio n tha t al l wil l b e wel l again , tha t th e light s whic h have gon e ou t fo r u s will com e on agai n "i n a moment," thoug h i t seem a n eternity . I t i s the n tha t th e realizatio n flood s throug h u s that ther e is no ending which i s not als o a new beginning, an d tha t all reasoning , indispensabl y usefu l an d pleasin g a s i t ma y be , i s also artificial an d incomplete , becaus e i t i s based on segmentation s which ar e arbitrary . I a m tempte d finall y t o quot e th e apologi a wit h whic h Jame s introduces hi s essa y o n th e obscur e bu t provocativ e thinke r Benja min Pau l Blood : " I hav e alway s hel d th e opinio n tha t on e o f th e first dutie s o f a goo d reade r i s t o summo n othe r reader s t o th e enjoyment o f an y unknow n autho r o f rar e qualit y who m h e ma y discover in hi s explorations." This could well serve, if I may say so, as a description of what ha s been my own continuing critical effort .

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A. M . Klein : Th e Intellectua l A s a True Ohev Israel Rachel Feldhay Brenner A Je w I am , th e whol e worl d know s i t . . . I a m th e possessor , because of the education m y bearded father gav e me, of a rich legacy. —A.M.Klein 1 Irving Howe found tha t statement s beginnin g " I a m a Jew an d . . . " were very difficult fo r his fellow Ne w York Intellectuals to utter . —Alexander Bloom 2

An examinatio n o f A . M . Klein' s statur e a s a Canadia n an d Zionis t intellectual agains t th e coteri e o f the Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectual s reveals th e iron y o f invers e symmetry . Despit e thei r two-decades long consciou s endeavour s t o discar d thei r Jewishness , th e Ne w York Intellectual s o f th e 1930 s an d th e 1940 s ow e thei r nam e an d distinctness, a s a group , t o thei r Jewis h origins . Year s later , i n th e sixties, Irvin g Howe , a n eminen t membe r o f th e Ne w Yor k group , reached th e conclusio n tha t "th e mai n literar y contributio n o f th e New Yor k milie u ha s bee n t o legitimat e a subject an d ton e w e mus t uneasily cal l America n Jewish writing." 3 The Canadia n Klei n sense d th e Intellectuals ' uneasines s regard ing thei r Jewis h origin s whe n h e mocke d the m a s "American s b y Jewish dissuasio n [who ] thin k tha t b y travellin g incognito , the y will b e mistake n fo r royal , o r a t leas t Ne w England , personages." 4 268

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Declaring proudly : " I trave l o n m y ow n passport, " Klei n claim s against th e assimilationist s tha t h e has " a contributio n t o mak e a s a Jew , a contributio n t o th e cultur e o f th e [Jewish ] group. " H e meets other cultures "as an equal, not as an interloper." 5 Ironically , however, th e absenc e of critical acknowledgmen t fro m th e influen tial Ne w York milieu preclude d recognitio n o f Klein's work beyon d the confine s o f hi s nativ e Montreal , an d onl y recentl y hav e th e diversity an d th e qualit y o f hi s literar y achievement s bee n give n due attention. 6 A. M . Klei n wa s bor n i n 190 9 i n Ratno , Ukraine . I n 191 0 hi s family emigrate d t o Canad a an d settle d i n Montreal . I n th e year s 1926-30 Klei n attende d McGil l University , majorin g i n classics , political science , an d economics . Fro m 193 0 to 193 3 Klein studie d law a t th e Universit e d e Montreal an d i n 193 4 he established a la w firm. Klei n marrie d Bessi e Kozlo v i n 193 5 an d the y ha d thre e children. Klein's literar y wor k wa s informe d b y hi s dee p attachmen t t o Jewish heritag e an d a sensitiv e approac h t o th e multicultura l as pects of his environment. Hi s first volume of poetry, Hath Not a Jew (Behrman's, Ne w York, 1940 ) reveal s emotional closenes s to Jewish tradition i n a n arra y o f fol k stories , biblica l motifs , an d religiou s symbols. Hi s secon d boo k o f poetr y (Jewis h Publicatio n Society , Philadelphia, 1944) , deal s almos t exclusivel y wit h Jewis h subjec t matters. Stylistically , bot h collection s demonstrat e a dominant in fluence o f th e Englis h romantics , imagists , an d th e Elizabetha n poets. I n 194 4 h e als o publishe d The Hitleriad (Ne w Directions , New York) , a lon g satiri c attac k o n Nazism . The Rocking Chair and Other Voems (Ryerson , Toronto , 1948 ) focuse s o n th e Frenc h Canadian traditio n an d th e socia l realit y o f Quebec . Th e volum e won the Governor-General's Award. I n 1949 Klein traveled t o Israel, Europe, an d Nort h Africa . Hi s onl y novel , The Second Scroll (Knopf, Ne w York , 1952) , i s base d o n thi s journey . I n 195 4 h e suffered a mental breakdown . Ver y little is known abou t hi s illness. Unfortunately, h e cease d writing , withdre w fro m publi c life , an d became a complete recluse. A. M. Klein died in 1972. Klein wa s a lifelon g dedicate d Zionist . Fro m 192 8 t o 193 2 h e served a s educational directo r o f Canadian Youn g Judea an d edite d

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its monthly magazine, th e Judean; i n 193 6 he was on speaking tour s for th e Zionis t Organizatio n o f Canada an d edite d it s monthly, th e Canadian Zionist; fro m 193 8 t o 195 5 Klei n serve d a s a n edito r o f the Canadian Jewish Chronicle; i n 194 9 h e wa s sponsore d b y th e Canadian Jewish Congres s to travel t o Israel an d upon his return h e lectured extensivel y o n Zionis m an d th e Stat e o f Israe l i n Canad a and th e United States . Though little recognized by the United States Jewish community , Klein i s stil l remembere d i n hi s nativ e Montrea l wit h aw e an d affection. Man y o f th e Canadia n Jewis h poet s an d writer s hav e acknowledged Klein' s influenc e i n thei r lif e an d work . Suffic e i t to mentio n Irvin g Layto n who , i n hi s poetry , remember s Klein' s "imperishable nam e wit h gratefu l tear s an d affection" ; Leonar d Cohen, wh o see s Klei n a s fathe r an d teache r an d wishe s t o sta y with hi m a t time s o f despai r an d grief ; Miria m Waddington , wh o tries t o figur e ou t Klei n a s a tragically spli t figure of a n innovativ e poet.7 Both Klei n an d th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s sa w th e Je w a s a universal symbol . Th e New Yor k Intellectual s mad e intens e effort s to replac e thei r "minimal" 8 positio n o f deliberat e refusa l t o ac knowledge affinity wit h Jewish histor y with the "American idea" of the universalist , bette r societ y "buil t i n th e shel l o f th e old," 9 which woul d mak e Jewish sufferin g an d alienatio n th e symbol of la condition humaine. Thi s "minima l position " i s quit e a differen t matter fro m Klein' s "maxima l position " vis-a-vi s Jewis h history . Klein's concep t o f Jewis h universalit y b y n o mean s bespeak s th e individual's anxiet y o f exclusion; on the contrary, i t expresses fait h in huma n solidarity . Wherea s th e New York writers draw upo n th e exilic history of the Jew to depict social alienation, Klei n celebrate s the retur n o f th e Jew t o th e newl y establishe d Jewis h Stat e a s th e actualization o f the prophetic vision of human brotherhood. I n tha t sense, he interprets the unfolding presen t b y contextualizing i t with the past . O n th e ev e of the Declaratio n o f the State, Klei n wrote i n his editorial for the Canadian Jewish Chronicle: Who will gainsay, that ther e is in the New Jewish State the possibility for th e creatio n o f a wa y o f lif e whic h wil l b e th e amalga m o f th e

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best o f th e Orien t an d th e bes t i n th e Occident—th e efficienc y o f Europe joined t o the spiritualit y o f Asia? Time was when ther e cam e out of Zion a light whereby the whole world was illumined . . . what was may be again. 10 This globa l visio n o f redemptio n i s not prompte d b y th e desir e t o escape Jewish particularism , neithe r doe s i t generat e fro m a naive , uncritical subscriptio n t o Isaiah' s eschatologica l vision . I t i s tru e that th e State , rebor n soo n afte r th e cataclys m o f th e Holocaust , must hav e signifie d t o som e a mystica l o r divin e actualizatio n o f biblical prophecy . Klein' s notio n o f th e centralit y o f Israe l amon g the nations , however , i s roote d i n th e concretenes s o f hi s Zionis t humanistic creed . Globa l redemptio n seem s possibl e thank s t o th e return o f th e victimize d peopl e o f Israe l t o it s lan d an d t o th e restitution o f it s voic e a s a fre e nation . Klein' s expectatio n o f uni versal mora l regeneratio n emerge s fro m th e unfoldin g actualit y o f an unparallele d nationa l revival . Unparalleled, indeed , ye t no t unanticipate d o r unprepare d for . As Klei n show s i n th e sam e editorial , th e "miracle " o f Jewis h na tional reviva l issue s fro m a continuous , centuries-lon g proces s o f revitalization o f Judaism throug h constan t Zionis t reinterpretatio n of it s exili c history : Jewis h Diaspori c existenc e ha s alway s bee n infused wit h th e notio n o f retur n t o Zion . Clearly , Klei n establishe s the intellectua l lineag e o f thos e whos e longin g an d labo r brough t the ide a o f Zionis m t o it s fruition : h e remember s "Rabb i Zado c wh o for th e sak e o f Jerusale m faste d himsel f t o a shadow, " an d recall s Rabbi Yehud a Halev i wh o "blissfull y perishe d o n sacre d soil" ; h e commemorates "th e untol d paytanim o n whos e lip s th e hop e o f Zion wa s neve r silent, " h e relate s t o "th e Choveve i Zion , cherishe d in thei r nam e an d i n thei r being, " an d h e glorifie s "th e incompara ble prince , Benyamin-Ze v Herzl , wh o die d fifty year s to o soon. " n Klein doe s no t see m t o differentiat e betwee n thos e Zionist s wh o for centurie s projecte d th e hop e t o retur n t o Zio n i n thei r constan t re-reading o f th e ol d tex t an d th e politica l Zionist s wh o actualize d the ol d tex t an d implemente d it s promise. Thu s h e list s together th e rabbis, scholars , an d paytanim (liturgica l poets ) wh o longe d fo r and dreame d abou t Zio n an d th e Zionists , represente d b y Herzl ,

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whose objective wa s the praxis o f Jewish sovereignty . H e also mentions Choveve i Zio n (Hibba t Zion) , a pre-Herzl Zionis t movement , which strov e to converge an d t o implement th e traditiona l an d th e political notion s of Zionism. Klein's referenc e t o Choveve i Zio n i s particularl y importan t i n terms o f hi s adherenc e t o th e ideolog y o f cultura l Zionis m a s propounded b y Acha d Ha-Am . Hibba t Zio n wa s highl y praise d b y Achad Ha-A m fo r it s idea l o f th e Jewis h Stat e grounde d i n th e renaissance o f Jewish cultur e whic h wil l develo p "throug h th e ex pression o f universal huma n value s i n th e term s o f its own distinc tive spirit." 12 "Hibba t Zion/ ' claime d Acha d Ha-Am , "begin s wit h national culture , becaus e only through nationa l cultur e an d for its sake ca n a Jewish Stat e b e establishe d i n suc h a wa y a s t o corre spond with th e will an d th e needs of the Jewish people. " Accordin g to Acha d Ha-Am , th e politica l idea l mus t b e attained , bu t i t mus t be anchore d i n th e "livin g inne r spiritua l forc e o f Judaism" whic h "unites us with th e past an d . . . [with] our historical foundation. " The resumptio n o f th e positio n o f "a n ancien t peopl e whic h wa s once a beacon t o the world" will not tak e place unless the spiritua l unity of the Jewish people is restored. 13 Klein's invocation o f the long line of Zionists—ancient an d modern, politica l an d spiritual—demonstrate s awarenes s o f nationa l cultural traditio n i n th e spiri t o f Achad Ha-Am' s reading o f Jewish history. Th e ne w Stat e unite s no t onl y th e existin g dispersion s o f the Jewish people , bu t bring s int o focu s th e pas t an d it s relevanc e to the State . I n tha t sense , Klei n adopt s Achad Ha-Am' s concept of national redemptio n throug h reviva l an d maintenanc e o f cultura l continuity. Indeed , Klei n was a lifelong followe r o f Achad Ha-Am' s Zionist outlook . A s early a s 1928 , he subscribe d t o Acha d Ha-Am' s thought, th e visio n whic h woul d guid e hi m o n hi s future intellec tual an d literary quests : It is to arouse the just recognition o f the Jew to his own abilities , an d to prompt hi m t o use it [sic] for th e creation o f his own culture , tha t this Zionis m exert s al l it s efforts . A cultur e no t o f on e languag e (for i n th e Diaspor a tha t i s a n impossibility) , bu t o f on e thought , a literature no t o f on e style , bu t o f on e spirit , a produc t singularl y Jewish an d ye t remarkabl y cosmpolitan—tha t wa s th e drea m o f Achad Ha'am, tha t wa s the goal of cultural Zionism. 14

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In view of Klein's subscription t o the ideal of cultural Zionism , i t is not difficult t o understand hi s elation a t th e establishmen t o f th e State. Evidently , th e rebor n Stat e i n th e wak e o f th e Holocaus t signified a climacti c momen t i n th e lon g year s o f Klein' s Zionis t endeavours, provin g tha t his readin g o f history, a s opposed t o tha t of th e assimilate d America n Jewis h intellectuals , wa s correct . I n fact, Klei n neve r doubted th e validity o f his Zionist convictions . I n a 194 5 essay , poignantl y entitle d "Thos e Wh o Shoul d Hav e Bee n Ours," the Canadian poe t attributed th e post-war sense of "troubled conscience" and "feelin g o f alienation" o f the America n intellectu als to their refusal t o acknowledge "th e atypicalnes s of their Jewish origin" and urged the American writers to reconsider their national cultural positio n i n ligh t o f recent history : "Wil l th e plight o f thei r race, recoverin g no w fro m a n ordea l whic h ha s cruelly loppe d i t t o two-thirds it s size, evok e in Jews, i n artist s whose trad e i s sensitivity, a feelin g o f onenes s wit h th e persecuted , traged y share d wit h kith an d kin ? Will th e inspiratio n o f Palestine banis h thei r sens e of inferiority? Wil l the supercilious glaze fall fro m thei r eyes , as in th e light o f curren t histor y the y surve y agai n th e treasure s o f thei r heritage?"15 As for Klei n himself , h e ha d n o difficult y graspin g th e far-reaching implication s o f th e unfoldin g Jewis h revival . A political entity a t last, th e Jewish people, accordin g to the poet, ha s been redeemed fro m it s a-historicity : th e "ghos t amon g th e nation s . . . has regaine d it s voice," 16 an d wit h th e establishmen t o f th e State , the cultural centr e of Jewish lif e will effectively com e into being. The cultura l significanc e o f th e Stat e ha d becom e centra l t o Klein's Zionis t though t lon g befor e 1948 . I n 1932 , fo r instance , h e maintained tha t "th e importance o f Eretz-Israel lie s in th e spiritua l influence i t will have and already has on the Diaspora, a s a cultura l centre, a s a vorte x o f Jewis h life. " Th e Je w i n exile , h e wrot e poetically, wil l tur n t o Eretz-Israe l a s a heliotrop e turn s t o th e sun.17 Israel , a s Klei n sa w it , wil l provid e th e focu s an d frame , a s well a s the raison d'etre an d th e inspiration fo r th e continuation o f Jewish cultura l existenc e in the Diaspora . Indeed, i n his poetry, Klei n very often amalgamate d th e cultura l strata o f Israel and the Diaspora i n Jewish existence; he would turn , for instance, t o the ancien t lan d of the Bibl e for theme, while usin g linguistic an d forma l structure s acquire d i n th e exile . Whe n th e

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Yiddish critic , Shmue l Niger , reproache d hi m fo r bein g to o Jewis h for th e Gentile s an d to o Gentil e fo r th e Jews , Klei n reminde d hi m that th e Talmu d i s "a compilatio n i n Aramaic, " tha t Yiddis h litera ture i s "Slavic dresse d u p in Hebre w script, " an d tha t Yehud a Halev i wrote "Hebre w poetr y i n Arabi c metres." 1 8 Th e viabilit y o f Jewis h culture and , t o a n extent , it s meaningfulness , submitte d Klein , ar e predicated upo n it s opennes s an d it s adaptatio n t o th e cultura l patterns o f th e hos t countries . I n fact , Klein' s 194 1 ballad, "Yehud a Halevi, Hi s Pilgrimage, " represent s a n attemp t t o produc e a univer sal wor k grounde d i n a Jewish theme , a tex t "singularl y Jewish an d yet remarkabl y cosmopolitan. " Th e Jewis h them e o f longin g fo r Jerusalem i s presente d i n th e guis e o f a Spenseria n stanz a an d th e chivalric plo t o f th e imprisone d princess : Liveth the tale, nor ever shall it die! The princess in her tower grows not old. For that sh e heard hi s charmed minstrelsy , She is forever young. Her crown of gold, Bartered an d customed, auctioned , hawke d and sold, Is still for no head but her lovely head .

........................................................ Halevi sang her song, and she is comforted! 19

The moti f o f longin g fo r Zion , se t agains t a non-Jewis h literar y intertext, emerge s i n "Autobiographical " (1942) , on e o f Klein' s best-known poem s whic h register s reminiscence s o f hi s childhood . The poe t remember s ho w th e pave d street s o f Montrea l use d t o invoke fantasie s o f "pleasan t Bible-land. " Thi s memory , however , plays a differen t rol e i n th e poet' s matur e ag e tha n th e memor y o f the Romanti c poet , suc h a s Wordsworth , wh o seek s t o spar k hi s creative imaginatio n throug h "recollectio n i n tranquility"—th e quiet reminiscenc e o f a youthfu l experienc e o f persona l encounte r with nature . Th e Jewish poet' s creativit y generate s fro m th e collec tive myt h o f hi s people whic h extend s beyon d tim e an d space :

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. in memory I seek

The strength an d vividness of nonage days, Not tranquil recollectio n of event.

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It is a fabled cit y that I seek; It stands in Space's vapours and Time' s haze. . . 20 In a ver y earl y poem , "Greetin g o n Thi s Day " (1929), 21 whic h celebrates th e Jewis h settler s i n Palestine , Klein , thoug h fa r awa y in "norther n snows, " declare s hi s affinity , a s both a Jew an d a poet , with th e hol y cit y o f Safed : Your memory anoint s my brain a shrine, Your white roofs poetize my prose, Your halidom is mine. The recurrin g them e o f national-historica l origin s i n Klein' s po etry underscore s hi s ideologica l orientatio n o f th e cultura l Zionist . The poe t reiterate s Acha d Ha-Am' s prescriptio n tha t th e conscious ness of a common Jewish heritage , whic h tie s th e Diaspor a t o Eretz Israel, i s centra l t o th e concep t o f Jewis h cultura l renaissance . A t the sam e time , a s Klei n demonstrate s extensivel y i n hi s poetry , Jewish cultur e nee d no t b e parochial; th e Jewish intellectua l shoul d feel entitle d t o dra w upo n al l source s o f inspiratio n and , i f possible , make a contributio n t o th e cultura l lif e o f hi s hos t country . No where, i t seems , i s Klein' s dee p sens e o f Jewis h heritag e mor e em phatically demonstrate d tha n i n th e poet' s commen t regardin g hi s "Quebec Poems, " a volum e o f poetr y thematicall y focuse d o n th e history, tradition , an d lif e styl e o f th e Provinc e o f Quebe c whic h was late r publishe d unde r th e titl e The Rocking Chair (1948 ) an d won hi m th e Governor-General' s Medal . "Fo r a n interval, " write s Klein, " I hav e abdicate d fro m th e Hebre w them e whic h i s my prim e mover t o loo k upo n th e Frenc h Canadia n i n thi s province : w e hav e many thing s i n common : a minorit y position ; ancien t memories ; and a desir e fo r grou p survival . Moreove r th e Frenc h Canadia n enjoys m u c h — a continuin g an d distinctiv e culture , solidarity , land—which I would wis h fo r m y ow n people." 2 2 It i s Klein' s prou d self-acceptanc e a s a Je w tha t enable s hi m t o identify wit h th e "other. " Unlik e th e universalis t attitud e o f th e New Yor k Intellectual s whic h aime d t o effac e thei r Jewish identity , Klein's universalis m emanate s fro m a stron g sens e o f Jewis h self . Klein's relatednes s t o th e "other, " tha t is , hi s abilit y t o discer n th e

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particularity and , a t th e same time, th e similarit y o f his neighbor' s situation derive s fro m th e consciousnes s o f hi s ow n "otherness " rather tha n fro m th e detache d universalis t stanc e whic h general izes, an d thu s abstracts , th e predicamen t o f marginalize d an d op pressed minorities . Despite his "ethnic" Jewish outlook, s o different fro m th e cosmopolitan worl d pictur e o f th e Ne w Yor k elite , Klein' s dedicatio n t o Jewish heritag e gaine d hi m a measur e o f recognitio n i n America n Jewish intellectua l circles . Som e America n intellectual s o f Zionis t orientation admire d Klein' s undaunte d cultural-ethni c Weltanschauung an d applaude d hi s poetic talent . Th e periodicals Opinion and th e Menorah Journal frequentl y publishe d Klein' s poems , an d the prominent me n of letters Ludwig Lewisohn an d Maurice Samuel became Klein' s friends . I n fact , Lewisohn , wh o praise d Klei n a s "the firs t contributo r o f authenti c Jewis h poetr y t o th e Englis h language," implicitly , ye t astutely , pointe d ou t th e distinctio n be tween Klei n an d hi s New York contemporaries. I n his appreciatio n of Klein' s poetry , Lewisoh n claime d tha t tru e poetr y canno t tak e root i n self-denial : "W e nee d no t blindl y accep t ou r heritage ; w e may legitimatel y rebe l agains t it . Bu t h e who frankl y 'represses ' it , denies it, flees from i t cannot evidentl y be a poet." 23 Lewisohn no t onl y calle d attentio n t o th e avant-gard e natur e o f Klein's work, which opens the vistas of Jewish poetry for the English reader; h e placed Klei n i n th e Jewish propheti c traditio n o f "legiti mate rebels. " I n tha t sense , Lewisohn' s vie w o f Klei n corroborate s the notio n o f a n intellectua l a s an innovato r o r a n imaginativ e re reader o f hi s tradition . Indeed , Klein' s ow n perceptio n o f th e poe t as a social reformer, ofte n a t odds with hi s own community, corrob orates Lewisohn' s comple x vie w o f th e poe t inherentl y steepe d i n his tradition, a tradition which i s also the object o f his rebellion. I n an important essay , "The Bible's Archetypical Poet," written almos t at th e en d of his poetic career , Klei n outline s th e dua l relationshi p of proximity an d distance that the poet establishes with his community. Th e poet i s indelibly entrenche d i n his heritage: he "lives an d labours within a tradition." However , a s an intellectual , h e is als o the avant-gard e thinke r who , whil e remainin g "roote d i n th e com mon soi l . . . turn s hi s eye s t o ne w directions. " Th e poe t move s between "th e idea s of convention an d revolt , o f tradition an d inno -

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vation": 24 h e i s a revolutionary , ye t no t a destroyer . I t i s no t th e betrayal o f th e traditio n but , rather , th e desir e t o infus e th e ol d with th e new , tha t is , t o posi t th e unconventiona l i n orde r t o revitalize the outlived premise s that place s the poet in conflict wit h his community. Interestingly, Klein' s understandin g o f th e poet' s rol e i n societ y as bot h preserve r o f traditio n an d it s cultura l reforme r illustrate s Max Weber' s vie w o f th e "cultur e mission " tha t th e intellectua l performs regarding his national group . Weber argues that intellectu als ar e individual s "wh o b y virtue o f their peculiarit y hav e specia l access t o certai n achievement s considere d t o b e 'cultur e values, ' and wh o therefor e usur p th e leadershi p o f a 'cultur e commu nity.' " 25 The intellectual thu s emerges as both reformer an d educa tor of his national group , a cultivator an d a developer of its distinctive cultura l features . Th e intellectua l i s als o th e individual , according t o Weber , who , actin g ou t o f "intellectua l integrity, " confronts th e "demands of the day." Those who procrastinate, wait ing for th e opportun e momen t t o fulfill thos e demands , sai d Webe r in 1918 , should remembe r "[t]h e [Jewish ] peopl e . . . who ha s en quired an d tarrie d fo r more than tw o millennia, an d we are shake n when we realize its fate." 26 Klein, however , wa s no t prepare d t o "tarry. " Alignin g himsel f with th e Zionis t ideolog y o f Acha d Ha-Am , h e strov e fo r Jewis h unity throug h th e rediscover y an d revitalizatio n o f hi s nation' s culture. His extensive translations from Hebre w an d Yiddish poetr y represent hi s effort s t o creat e a cultura l networ k fo r al l Jewis h people. I n particular, Klei n translate d Bialik , th e Hebre w nationa l poet, wh o becam e hi s revere d mode l o f a Zionis t poe t engage. Hi s 1942 essay, poignantl y entitle d "Biali k Tho u Shoulds t B e Living a t This Hour, " establishe s a n intertextua l connectio n wit h Words worth's "London, 1802 , "27 which opens with "Milton ! thou should's t be livin g thi s hour " (220) . Lik e Wordswort h wh o await s Milton' s voice to wake Englan d fro m it s spiritual apathy , Klei n sees Bialik' s poetry a s a revolutionar y forc e o f nationa l rebirt h an d invoke s Bialik's "thunderin g voice " o f th e "Hebre w nationa l renascence. " The reference t o Milton claim s a share for Jewish poetry in Wester n tradition; a t th e sam e time , th e inferre d correspondenc e betwee n Bialik an d Milto n proudl y assert s Jewis h cultura l heritage . Th e

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Jewish poet, say s Klein drawing upon Bialik' s example, i s a fightin g poet, a "par t o f th e fightin g forces , a s muc h so , indeed , a s i s th e trumpeter, marchin g int o th e fray." 28 Lik e the trumpeter , th e poe t does not abando n hi s people, bu t lead s it towar d ne w victorie s an d achievements. As a Zionis t intellectual , wh o follow s i n th e footstep s o f Acha d Ha-Am and Bialik, Klein's militant position of the poet engage by no means implie s th e ideolog y o f militant , expansionis t nationalism . The Yishuv , a s Klei n sa w it , wa s comparabl e t o th e Maccabees , who fough t onl y whe n Jewis h fait h an d freedo m wer e a t stake. 29 Pacifist a t heart , Klei n struggled fo r the recognition o f Israel's equa l status wit h othe r nation s s o that i t ma y actualiz e it s spiritual an d cultural promis e an d thu s contribut e t o th e welfar e o f humanit y at large. 30 The Holocaust , however , deepl y affecte d Klein' s redemptiv e vi sion o f th e Stat e a s a symbo l o f globa l spiritua l rebirth : th e horro r and th e exten t o f Jewish destructio n threatene d th e physica l sur vival o f the Jewish people . Unlik e th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s wh o remained largel y unresponsiv e t o th e increasingl y precariou s posi tion o f Jews in Europe, Klei n followed th e steadily worsening situa tion with growin g premonition. Mos t of the New York Intellectual s misinterpreted th e Naz i threa t t o bot h th e Jewis h peopl e an d th e world a t large. 31 I n his examination o f the New York Intellectuals ' attitudes regarding the war, Alexande r Bloom comments that "[t]h e outbreak o f war did no t witnes s a significant increas e in the discussion o r the analysi s of Jewish theme s . . . the lac k of discussion o n the topi c of Jews an d thei r persecution s stand s out starkly. " Opposing the America n participatio n i n the war, th e Jewish Intellectual s acknowledged th e dange r fo r "al l culture , al l rea l democracy , al l social progress, " but claime d tha t "[t]h e America n masse s ca n bes t help [the German people] by fighting at home t o keep their own liberties." 32 Klein demonstrated a diametrically oppose d attitud e t o the Ne w York Intellectual s regardin g th e politica l development s i n Europe . In a n editoria l occasione d b y th e victor y o f th e Nazi s i n th e 193 2 elections t o th e Germa n Reichstag , h e observe d starkl y tha t "[t]h e Jew stands condemned i n Germany a s the eternal alien ; the deluded mobs wh o vote d fo r th e Brow n Shirt s no w kno w wher e t o find

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a scapegoat . . . . I t i s a scapegoa t wit h a beard ; i t i s a Jewis h scapegoat. "33 Furthermore, i n a n editoria l h e wrot e i n respons e t o Kristallnacht, Klei n no t onl y proteste d th e atrocitie s committe d against Jews, but claimed tha t i t foreboded oppressio n for al l people of conscience : "To-da y i t i s th e Jew s wh o hav e bee n reduce d t o serfdom, decree d int o helotry , mad e lowe r tha n th e worm . Bu t to morrow? . . . To-morrow i t wil l b e Catholics , th e Protestants , al l Christians whos e doctrin e o f lov e i s anathem a t o th e savage s wh o have sprun g u p upo n th e seat s o f th e might y i n Germany. " A t th e same time , h e admonishe d hi s communit y "happil y situate d i n a free countr y o n thi s sid e o f th e Atlantic " agains t indifferenc e re garding th e suffering o f Jews in Europe . "[I] t is our duty," he postu lated, "i n thi s hour o f sorrow, t o manifest t o the world a t large , b y organized meeting s o f Je w an d Gentil e an d b y responsibl e utter ances, tha t ou r brethre n i n German y ar e not utterl y forsaken . . . . Let Canadian Jewry remembe r thos e who i n thi s day an d age , die d al kdushas hashem."** Indeed, Klein' s poetr y reveal s th e exten t o f hi s identificatio n with hi s European brethren . I n "Child e Harold' s Pilgrimage, " writ ten i n 1938 , the Canadia n poe t dismisse s the geographica l distanc e that separate s hi m fro m Europ e an d assert s hi s affinit y wit h th e persecuted Jew, trappe d i n Germany, barre d fro m entranc e int o th e free world : Always and ever, Whether in caftan robed , or in tuxedo slicked, Whether of bearded chin, or of the jowls shaved blue, Always and ever have I been the Jew Bewildered, and a man who has been tricked, Examining A passport of a polyglot decision— To Esperanto from the earliest rune— 35 In the post-Holocaust poem, "Meditation s upon Survival" (1946) , the poe t compulsivel y relive s th e deat h o f th e Holocaus t victims ; the guil t o f surviva l evoke s th e impossibl e wis h t o hav e die d wit h his brethren :

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At times, sensing that th e golgotha'd dea d run plasma throug h my veins, and that I must their unexpired si x million circuits, giving to each of their nightmares my body for a bedinspirited, dispirited — those times that I feel their death-wis h bubbling the channels of my blood— I grow bitter a t my false felicity — the spared one—and woul d almos t ad d my wish for the centigrade furnace an d th e cyanide flood.36

live

Realizing th e precariousnes s o f Jewis h physica l surviva l i n th e aftermath o f th e Holocaus t tragedy , Klei n intensifie d hi s Zionis t endeavours. Th e solutio n t o th e Jewish proble m i n th e wak e o f th e Holocaust, maintaine d Klein , i s certainly no t th e dissolutio n o f th e Jewish peopl e throug h th e actualizatio n o f socialis t ideology , a s Sartre woul d hav e it . I n hi s revie w o f Sartre' s Antisemite and Jew, Klein reiterate s hi s positio n o f Jewish authenticit y throug h Jewis h self-assertion, tha t is , "a n acceptanc e b y th e Je w o f hi s lo t an d no t a fligh t fro m it , an d a consequent self-developmen t withi n th e give n situation. , , 3 7 I n hi s editorials , h e continue d t o encourag e Jews , i n both Palestin e an d th e Diaspora , t o adop t an d implemen t th e "prin ciple o f self-help " i n buildin g th e futur e State ; h e als o renew s hi s appeals t o th e fre e worl d t o ac t decisivel y an d swiftl y wit h regar d to th e officia l inclusio n o f the Jewish natio n amon g th e othe r mem bers of th e internationa l community. 3 8 However, th e promotio n o f politica l Zionis m a s th e safeguar d o f the physica l existenc e o f th e Jewis h peopl e neve r supersede d th e significance tha t Klei n attache d t o th e nation' s cultura l survival . Indeed, h e stresse d th e importanc e o f th e developmen t o f Jewis h culture a t thi s particula r historica l juncture . I n hi s 194 8 lette r t o the America n Jewish poet , Kar l Shapiro , Klei n said : Now the continuation of our own culture stands before the Jewish writer as the challenge. Th e hiatu s o f th e Diaspor a ha s bee n closed—close d

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even fo r thos e wh o stil l remai n therein . W e do not writ e an y longe r in vacuo; w e writ e i n th e aftermat h o f a grea t death , Europea n Jewry's , and in the presence of great resurrection. 39 The interdependenc e o f Jewis h physica l surviva l an d o f Jewis h cultural reviva l i s o f unprecedente d significanc e i n th e wak e o f th e conflating event s o f th e Holocaus t an d th e establishmen t o f th e State. No w th e rediscover y o f unifyin g link s i s al l th e mor e urgen t in vie w o f th e destructio n o f th e Europea n traditio n an d th e estab lishment o f th e natura l cente r o f Jewis h culture . Nort h America n Jewry—the communit y o f accidental survivor s of the catastrophe — emerges a s the onl y lin k whic h ma y ensur e th e continuit y o f Jewish cultural heritage . "[I] t is , i t woul d seem, " maintain s th e Canadia n poet, "onl y th e English-speakin g Jewrie s wh o today , i n ou r trau matic muteness , migh t perhap s suppl y ou r peopl e utteranc e t h a t i s direct an d authentic." 4 0 Klein himsel f rise s t o th e occasio n magnificentl y i n The Second Scroll (1951) , hi s onl y fictional wor k an d hi s final majo r piec e o f writing. Th e fiction i s semi-autobiographical, base d o n Klein' s ow n journey t o Israe l i n 1949 . Th e novel' s protagonis t i s Melec h David son, a forme r Talmudi c scholar , a disenchante d communis t an d a Holocaust survivor—th e proverbia l Wanderin g Je w wh o pursue s the Messiani c missio n o f th e Ingatherin g o f Exile s i n th e newl y established Stat e o f Israel . Significantly , Melech' s odysse y i s told b y his Canadia n nephew , wh o follow s hi s uncl e fro m Montrea l t o Europe, t o North Africa , an d finally t o Israel . Thus the Nort h Amer ican witness-outside r wh o di d no t experienc e th e traged y o f th e European Diaspor a symbolicall y claim s hi s shar e i n th e spiritua l legacy o f hi s people . Indeed , th e connectio n i s re-established b y th e survivor himself : i n a lette r t o hi s Canadia n nephew , Uncl e Melec h points ou t thei r commo n fate , claimin g tha t "w e wer e al l i n tha t burning world , eve n yo u wh o wer e separate d fro m i t b y th e Atlan t i c — t h a t futil e bucket." 4 1 Th e conclusio n o f th e nove l foreground s reunification throug h th e reaffirmatio n o f th e commo n histor y an d ritual o f th e disperse d people . Israel' s tragi c pas t an d it s hopefu l future ar e reconfirme d b y th e ritua l o f th e Kaddish tha t th e Cana dian-born nephe w recite s a t th e grav e o f hi s European-bor n uncl e in th e rebor n Jewish State .

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Both th e titl e an d th e structur e o f the nove l reinforc e th e them e of national redemptio n throug h re-unification . Formally , th e nove l reiterates th e first scrol l o f th e Torah : it s five chapter s ar e name d after th e Fiv e Book s of Moses . A s the analog y implies , t o perceiv e the retur n t o Zio n a s th e reenactmen t o f th e stor y o f Exodu s i s meaningful onl y i n th e contex t o f Diaspor a history . Just a s Israel' s coming int o possessio n o f th e lan d o f Canaa n constitute d a seque l to the Egyptian bondage, so the re-possession of the land in the postHolocaust er a i s ineluctably tie d t o the histor y o f Jewish exile . Th e reconfirmation o f th e covenan t i n th e second scroll , a s the titl e o f the nove l indicates , reaffirm s th e bon d whic h bot h acknowledge s and transcends the culturally an d geographically divers e past of the people. I n contras t wit h th e Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectual s wh o chose to identify th e Jew a s the symbol of the alienated , disaffecte d modern man , Klei n identifie d th e rebirt h o f the Jewish natio n a s a historical even t o f reaffirmatio n o f lif e an d humanism , th e ramifi cation of which may affec t humanit y a t large. Unfortunately, Klei n did not se e his ideal materialize. Instea d of the anticipate d convergenc e o f th e biblica l an d th e Diaspor a heri tage in Israel , Klei n witnessed th e State's deliberate an d determine d estrangement fro m th e heritage . I n his 194 9 editorial, entitle d "Th e Dangers of Success," Klein vehementl y repudiate s th e Zionis t ideo logical notio n o f shelilat ha-galut (th e negatio n o f th e Diaspora) . He warn s agains t th e xenophobi c attitud e o f th e Stat e whic h threatens t o establis h tw o categorie s o f Jews: "th e Israel i an d th e non-Israeli; an d th e non-Israel i i s equated wit h non-Jew. " Suc h a n attitude, accordin g t o Klein , seek s "th e nullificatio n o f Diaspor a Jewry." Th e discor d tha t i t initiate s no t onl y harm s th e Diaspor a Jewry by excluding it from Klal Yisroel; it deprives the Jewish Stat e of two thousan d year s o f Jewish heritag e an d tradition , a situatio n which threaten s t o reduce i t t o a n insula r an d unculture d commu nity o f peasants. Klei n assert s tha t th e "primum mobile" o f Jewish viability "i s neithe r lan d no r language ; i t i s peopl e . . . th e sub stance i s Amcho—thy people. " "What th e tim e demands," admon ishes Klein, "i s not a negation o f a Diaspora, bu t th e affirmatio n o f a total Jewry." 42 It seem s bitterl y ironi c tha t a t th e tim e o f the fulfillmen t o f th e poet's mos t cherishe d hope s fo r hi s nation' s sovereignty , h e i s im -

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pelled t o embar k o n ye t anothe r campaign , thi s tim e agains t th e State's ideological positio n whic h undermine s hi s own Jewish iden tity. I n fact, Klein' s predicament i s not new . Alread y i n 1909 , in a n essay entitle d 'Th e Negatio n o f th e Diaspora, " Acha d Ha-A m ar gued agains t thos e wh o wishe d t o eliminat e th e Diaspor a alto gether. Investigatin g th e premise s o f contentio n betwee n th e Yid dishist autonomists , wh o claime d tha t Jewis h nationa l lif e ca n b e fulfilled i n the Diaspora , an d the Zionists, who claimed tha t Jewish life ca n b e fulfille d onl y i n th e Jewish State , Acha d Ha-A m postu lated tha t th e Diaspor a canno t disappea r becaus e i t represent s a principle whic h supersede s al l othe r principles , namel y tha t "[t]h e Jews a s a peopl e fee l tha t the y hav e th e wil l an d th e strengt h t o survive whatever ma y happen, withou t an y ifs or ands." And whil e "the dispersion must remai n permanent, " i t will be strengthened b y the State which will provide "a single permanent center , whic h ca n exert a 'pull ' o n al l o f [th e dispersions] , an d s o transform th e scat tered atom s int o a singl e entit y wit h a definit e an d self-subsisten t character o f its own." 43 Interestingly, i n hi s denunciatio n o f Israel' s polic y vis-a-vi s th e Diaspora, Klei n reiterate s Acha d Ha-Am' s argument . A s Klei n ob serves in hi s editorial , Israel' s positio n o f shelilat ha-golah wa s a n error a s "grave " an d "fatal " a s tha t o f th e Bundists , "thoug h re versed": whil e th e Yiddishis t autonomist s dismisse d th e possibilit y of the State , th e Zionis t Stat e dismisse d th e existenc e o f the galuth [Diaspora]. T o Klein' s dismay , th e nationa l reunificatio n o f th e Jewish people , a s celebrate d i n The Second Scroll, ha s prove n a n illusion with Israel' s rejection o f the history of the Jewish Diaspora . It becam e clea r tha t Acha d Ha-Am' s solutio n o f th e Stat e a s a consolidating cultural-nationa l cente r wa s discarded b y the Zionis t political leadership . Le t us recall Weber's perception o f the intellectual a s the transmitter o f national cultura l values , the bearer of th e "culture mission " o f hi s nationa l group . B y denying th e Diaspora , the Jewish Stat e ha s denie d th e Diaspor a intellectual s thei r raison d'etre b y invalidating thei r cultura l values , renderin g thei r missio n meaningless. As if in a nightmare, th e death o f the fictional Melec h Davidson , the Wandering Jew whose life has become the emblem of the history of Jewish Diaspor a existence , assume d realistic dimensions. Indeed ,

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Klein's powerfu l las t essay , "I n Prais e o f th e Diaspora, " i s bot h a eulog y an d a n eleg y o f th e Diaspora . I n thi s commemorativ e lamentation ove r th e histor y o f Jewish dispersions , th e metaphori cal Uncl e Melec h become s Uncl e Galuth , symbolicall y burie d b y "eight sabras " [Israeli-bor n Jews] . Hi s buria l processio n consist s o f "a hos t o f personages " whic h represent s th e endles s variet y an d th e enormous wealt h o f Jewis h cultur e accumulate d durin g th e lon g years o f galuth. 44 Yet , thoug h buried , th e cultura l heritag e o f th e Diaspora canno t disappea r altogether . I n th e final line s o f th e eu logy, Klei n addresse s th e descendant s o f Uncl e Galut h an d recon firms hi s faith i n th e continuit y o f Israel' s history : We shall remembe r him . I n th e hou r o f prosperity hi s memor y shal l be to us as a warning; an d in the hour of adversity that same memory shall be strength impregnable. Our kinsman . . . is with us still. . . . His bod y w e hav e lowere d int o th e grave , bu t hi s spiri t . . . no w summoned t o task s easie r tha n an y o f thos e h e ha s alread y van quished, no w for construedvenes s an d not simpl y for survival 'boun d in the bond of the living'—his spirit shall prevail! 45 Devoted t o th e idea l o f Jewis h sovereignt y an d cultura l unity , Klein, th e tru e ohev Israel (love r o f Israel ) t o th e ver y end , contin ues hi s "cultur e mission " o f a n intellectua l a s bot h reade r an d interpreter o f th e historica l text . Hi s visio n o f th e Jewis h State' s future redesign s th e functio n o f th e Diaspora . Th e two-thousand year histor y o f Jewish physica l an d cultura l surviva l wil l hencefort h become th e fram e o f referenc e fo r th e youn g an d inexperience d Jewish State . No w th e exili c pas t o f th e Jewish peopl e wil l assum e the constructiv e tas k o f guidin g th e ne w Stat e throug h triumph s and defeats . Th e consciousnes s o f netzach Israel (th e eternit y o f Israel) i s th e mos t preciou s legac y tha t th e Diaspor a ca n offe r th e State. Th e legac y o f surviva l "withou t an y if s o r ands, " t o recal l Achad Ha-Am , constitute s a model o f undaunted spiri t o f resilience , endurance, an d persistence . I t i s a lesso n tha t demonstrate s t o th e fledgling Stat e th e ar t o f prevailin g unde r th e mos t advers e circum stances. To a remarkabl e extent , Klein' s readin g o f th e Jewis h cultura l future i n th e spiri t o f Acha d Ha-Am' s cultura l Zionis m ha s prove n correct. I n Israel , w e hav e bee n witnessin g th e relativel y recen t

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need t o reevaluat e Israel i attitude s t o th e Diaspora , a s it emerge s i n today's Hebre w literature . Israel i writer s an d playwrights , suc h a s Shulamith Hareven , Davi d Grossman , Aharo n Megged , Davi d Ler ner, Yehoshu a Sobol , an d man y others , hav e bee n examining , ofte n quite critically , th e implication s o f th e ideolog y o f sheliat ha-golah upon th e Israel i Weltanschauung. Th e monumenta l Museu m o f th e Diaspora i n Te l Avi v attest s t o th e surviva l o f th e Diaspor a spiri t i n the Israel i consciousness . I n Canada , a s mentione d before , practi cally al l o f th e younge r generatio n o f Jewis h writers—Henr y Kreisel, Irvin g Layton , Miria m Waddington , an d man y others — have acknowledge d Klei n a s thei r teache r an d spiritua l father , a moralist an d a guardia n o f Jewis h cultur e an d heritage . I n th e United States , th e Stat e o f Israe l ha s become a center o f interest an d concern t o som e o f th e staunc h Ne w Yor k Intellectuals , suc h a s Irving How e an d Norma n Podhoretz, 46 an d th e problemati c o f th e Jewish Stat e ha s pervade d th e fiction o f leadin g America n Jewis h writers, suc h a s Saul Bello w an d Phili p Roth . Klein's unflinchin g fait h i n cultura l Zionis m thu s enable d hi m t o read histor y correctl y an d urge d hi m no t t o "tarry " i n hi s respons e to th e "demand s o f th e day. " A s a n intellectual , Klei n combine d outstanding oratorica l talents , erudition , an d poeti c inspiratio n with th e emotiona l dedicatio n o f a tru e ohev Israel. Today , i n retrospect, w e appreciat e th e clarit y an d th e accurac y o f hi s vision , so deeply roote d i n hi s intellectua l integrit y a s a proud Jew .

Notes 1. Klei n quote d i n Miria m Waddington , A. M. Klein (Vancouver : Cop p Publishing, 1970) , 118 .

2. Alexande r Bloom, Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1986) , 24. 3. Irvin g Howe , "Th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals : A Chronicl e an d a Cri tique," Commentary (Octobe r 1968) : 42 (m y emphasis). 4. A . M. Klein, "Thos e Who Should Hav e Been Ours," Literary Essays and Reviews, ed . Ushe r Capla n an d M . W . Steinber g (Toronto : Universit y of Toronto Press, 1987) , 247. 5. A . M. Klein quoted in Waddington, A. M. Klein, 119-20 . 6. Posthumously , Klein' s work has been increasingly recognized . Th e proceedings o f th e 197 5 A . M . Klein' s Symposium , edite d b y Seymou r

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Mayne, wer e publishe d b y th e Universit y o f Ottaw a Pres s i n th e Re appraisals: Canadia n Writer s series ; i n 198 2 Ushe r Capla n publishe d Klein's literar y biography , Like One That Dreamed; i n 198 4 the Journal of Canadian Studies publishe d a n issu e entitle d A . M . Klein's Montreal (Vol. 19 , No. 2) ; i n 1982 , 1983 , and 198 7 the Universit y o f Toronto Pres s published respectivel y Klein' s Editorials, Short Stories, an d Essays and Reviews edite d b y M . W . Steinber g an d Ushe r Caplan ; tw o volume s o f Klein's poetr y edite d b y Zaili g Polloc k hav e bee n recentl y (1990 ) pub lished b y th e Universit y o f Toront o Press . Full-lengt h studie s o f Klei n are b y Miria m Waddington , A. M. Klein (Vancouver , 1970) , G . K . Fischer, In Search of Jerusalem: Religion and Ethics in the Writings of A. M . Klein (Montreal , 1975 ) an d Rache l Feldha y Brenner , A . M . Klein, The Father of Canadian Jewish Literature: Essays in the Poetics of Humanistic Politics (Lewiston , 1990) . Michae l Greenstei n discusse s the significanc e o f Klein' s contributio n t o Canadia n Jewis h literatur e in Third Solitudes: Tradition and Discontinuity in Jewish-Canadian Literature (Kingston , 1989) . 7. Fo r a detaile d discussio n o f writer s wh o hav e pai d tribut e t o Klein , se e my A . M. Klein, The Father of Canadian Jewish Literature. 8. Trillin g quote d i n Bloom , Prodigal Sons, 22 . 9. Alfre d Kazi n quote d i n Bloom , Prodigal Sons, 136 . 10. A . M . Klein , Beyond Sambation: Selected Essays and Editorials 19281955, ed . M . W . Steinber g an d Ushe r Capla n (Toronto : Universit y o f Toronto Press , 1982) , 320 . n . Ibid. , 320 . 12. Acha d Ha-Am , "Th e La w o f th e Heart, " The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader, ed . Arthu r Hertzber g (Ne w York : Atheneum , 1986), 255. 13. Acha d Ha-Am , "Th e Jewish Stat e an d th e Jewish Problem, " The Zionist Idea, 268-69 . 14. Beyond Sambation, 5. 15. Literary Essays and Reviews, 247 , 250-51 . 16. Beyond Sambation, 319-20 . 17. Ibid. , 25 . 18. A . M . Klei n quote d i n Introduction , Literary Essays and Reviews, xiii . 19. A . M . Klein , Complete Poems, Part 2: Original Poems, 1937-1955 and Poetry Translations, ed . Zaili g Polloc k (Toronto : Universit y o f Toront o Press, 1990) , 556. 20. Ibid. , 566. 21. Complete Poems, Part 1, 142-43 . 22. Klei n quote d i n Ushe r Caplan , Like One That Dreamed: A Portrait of A. M . Klein (Toronto : McGraw-Hil l Ryerson , 1982) , 149 . 23. Lewisoh n quote d i n Caplan , Like One That Dreamed, 71 . 24. Literary Essays and Reviews, 148 .

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25. Ma x Weber , From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed . H . H . Gert h an d C. Wrigh t Mill s (Ne w York : Galaxy , 1958) , 176 . 26. Ibid. , 156 . 27. Willia m Wordsworth , "London , 1802, " Norton Anthology of English Literature, Fift h Editio n (1986) , 220 . 28. Literary Essays and Reviews, 33 . 29. See , for instance , "Th e Moder n Maccabee, " Beyond Sambation, 9-11 . 30. See , fo r instance , "Zionism—Ou r Nationa l Will-to-Live, " Beyond Sambation, 25-26 . 31. Se e Bloom , Prodigal Sons, 125-33 . F ° r instance , Partisan Review, th e New Yor k Intellectuals ' importan t magazine , assigne d th e America n intellectuals, eve n afte r th e wa r ha d begun , th e tas k o f demonstratin g their integrit y an d t o "signaliz e thei r oppositio n no t onl y t o wa r i n th e abstract bu t specificall y t o America n entr y int o thi s war. " 32. Bloom , Prodigal Sons, 139-40 . 33. Beyond Sambation, 30 . 34. Ibid. , 36-37 . 35. Complete Poems, Part 2, 475. 36. Ibid. , 663 . 37. Literary Essays and Reviews, 267 . I t i s interestin g t o not e th e implie d criticism o f th e Ne w Yor k Jewis h Intellectual s i n Klein' s subsequen t ironic comment : "Th e espousa l o f suc h a solutio n [assertio n o f Jewis h authenticity], o f course , woul d brin g Sartr e int o th e cam p o f Rabb i Mordecai Kaplan , an d woul d mak e ou t o f th e Partisan Review bu t a supplement o f th e Reconstructionist." 38. See , fo r instance , th e followin g editorial s i n Beyond Sambation: "Th e Patria" (3 1 Augus t 1945) , 247-48 ; "Th e Unite d Palestin e Appeal " (2 2 March 1946) , 255-57; "Th e World' s Conscience " (2 4 Januar y 1947) , 296-99. 39. A . M . Klei n quote d i n Caplan , Like One That Dreamed, 164 . 40. Literary Essays and Reviews, 246 . 41. A . M . Klein , The Second Scroll (Toronto : McClellan d an d Stewart , 1969), 30 . 42. Beyond Sambation, 333-34 . 43. The Zionist Idea, 271, 276. 44. Beyond Sambation, 468-69 . 45. Ibid. , 477 . 46. See , fo r instance , Ala n M . Wald , The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s (Chapel Hil l an d London : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1987) , 329. 355-

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Mordecai M . Kapla n Jack J. Cohen

In a lif e tha t spanne d ove r a centur y (1881-1983) , Mordeca i M . Kaplan frequentl y anticipate d th e decade s t o come . Hi s min d wa s always o n th e future , bu t h e neve r los t sigh t o f th e fac t tha t th e future i s hew n ou t o f th e pas t an d present . Consequently , hi s thought pai d carefu l attentio n t o the demands of history an d t o th e possibilities an d dangers that inher e in the decisions of today. Kaplan's perspectiv e o n tim e enable d hi m t o avoi d muc h o f th e surrender t o intellectua l faddis m tha t characterize s les s carefu l thinkers. H e was , o f course , n o les s a produc t o f hi s tim e tha n anyone else , bu t hi s involvemen t i n th e affair s o f hi s Jewish an d general environment s distance d hi m fro m tryin g t o impos e a n ab stract intellectua l syste m on a reality wit h whic h i t ha d littl e or no connection. Th e Kapla n o f th e thirtie s an d fortie s acte d ou t a n approach tha t ha d bee n formulate d durin g th e experienc e o f th e first half-centur y o f his life. Kaplan wa s a majo r forc e i n th e Jewish communit y lon g befor e 1930, eve n thoug h h e ofte n regarde d himsel f a s a failure . Mos t particularly, h e berate d himsel f fo r no t ye t havin g publishe d a major volum e o n an y o f the issue s that occupie d hi s mind. I n 1930, Kaplan was forty-nine years old, a late ag e for a person who aspire d to produce a corpus of significant works . Mordecai Kapla n was born in a small town in Latvia. 1 His father , Rabbi Israe l Kaplan , wa s a strictl y Orthodo x Jew , who m Kapla n loved an d respecte d fo r hi s probit y an d willingnes s t o expos e hi s 291

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son t o heterodo x views . Despit e th e elde r Kaplan' s adherenc e t o traditional Jewis h thought , h e believe d i n opennes s t o th e worl d about him , trustin g tha t Mordecai' s loyalt y t o Rabbini c Judais m would b e strengthened , rathe r tha n weakened , b y suc h exposure . The story of Mordecai Kaplan' s subsequent wrestlin g with traditio n has bee n wel l documente d an d nee d no t b e repeated here . Bu t i t i s pertinent t o observ e tha t Kapla n learne d fro m hi s ow n experienc e that followin g th e pat h o f freedom doe s not necessaril y lea d t o th e results desired. Nonetheless , eve n i f the futur e doe s not tur n ou t a s we migh t lik e i t t o be , w e shoul d continu e t o adher e t o freedo m rather tha n tr y t o forc e ou r offsprin g int o ou r ow n pattern s o f thought an d behavior . Kapla n kne w o f n o othe r wa y tha n tha t o f intellectual persuasio n t o convinc e other s o f th e correctnes s o f hi s message. Almos t always , h e was sure that hi s views were sound, s o that whe n the y wer e rejecte d b y hi s audience s o r hi s readers , h e would occasionall y attribut e hi s failure t o a weakness in his formu lation o r deliver y o r style , rathe r tha n t o th e qualit y o f th e idea s themselves. Nonetheless , hi s diarie s demonstrat e tha t Kapla n di d not permi t hi s vanity t o interfere wit h hi s intellectual integrit y an d judgment. Thos e sam e diarie s aboun d i n constan t re-thinkin g o f his premises, analyses , an d recommendations . Frequently , th e self criticism take s th e form o f self-flagellation fo r hi s outbursts of tem per or his lack of adequate scholarship . A t one point, h e says abou t himself, "Min e is the hell of being a mediocrity an d knowing it." 2 From hi s mother , who m h e depicte d a s somethin g o f a tyrant , Kaplan acquire d stubbornness , single-mindedness , an d determina tion, bu t h e tempere d thes e trait s wit h th e capacit y t o correc t mistakes an d t o se e whe n hi s assumption s o r objective s wer e mis guided. H e wa s abl e t o achiev e thi s leve l o f character , becaus e h e learned th e lesson of his mother's life. She was an unhappy woman , and Kapla n attribute d he r unhappines s t o he r blind , unalterabl e piety. Sh e wa s simpl y unabl e t o adjus t t o a changin g worl d o r t o conceive tha t he r so n ha d t o b e fre e t o liv e hi s ow n life . Kaplan' s mother wa s s o determined tha t h e shoul d becom e th e Chie f Rabb i of Englan d tha t sh e looke d upo n hi s departur e fro m traditiona l Judaism a s her ow n persona l tragedy . Kapla n retaine d hi s mother' s strength o f will , bu t h e directe d i t towar d th e attainmen t o f trut h rather tha n th e domination o f the will of others.

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These observation s o n Kaplan' s characte r ca n hel p u s t o under stand ho w h e wa s abl e emotionall y t o cop e wit h th e critica l prob lems tha t face d th e Jewis h peopl e durin g th e tw o decade s betwee n 1930 and 1950 . They d o not , however , describ e th e unusua l feature s of Kaplan' s wa y o f thinkin g tha t enable d hi m bot h t o gras p th e essence o f th e Jewis h experienc e o f thos e day s an d t o contribut e notably t o th e moldin g o f th e decade s ahead . Tha t two-fol d abilit y was a resul t o f broa d readin g an d hi s insistenc e tha t experienc e i s the ke y t o wisdom . H e mad e thi s poin t vividl y whe n h e wrote , " I am alway s fascinate d b y lif e rathe r tha n b y books , eve n th e finest. After all , I a m b y natur e a n activist , an d theorizin g i s wit h m e a means t o a n en d an d no t a n en d i n itself." 3 Kaplan rea d assiduousl y i n history , anthropology , sociology , psy chology, philosophy , literature , comparativ e religion , an d th e arts . He followe d th e advance s i n th e physica l sciences . H e neve r los t sight o f th e limit s o f hi s knowledg e i n eac h o f thes e fields, bu t h e was confiden t i n concludin g fro m wha t h e kne w tha t reaso n an d experience hel d th e key s t o wisdo m an d prevente d imaginatio n from runnin g wild . Traditio n ha d t o b e adjuste d t o wha t ha d bee n discovered b y th e bes t mind s amon g humankind . I f traditio n op poses the truth s an d value s commo n t o th e world' s accepte d author ities, i t ha d t o giv e way . Bu t Kaplan' s predilectio n fo r modernit y did no t blin d hi m t o th e nee d t o giv e a fai r hearin g t o th e heritag e of th e past . H e argue d tha t lif e i s far mor e tha n intellec t alone , an d he therefor e neve r abandone d th e exploratio n o f th e classi c source s of Judais m fo r thei r untappe d resources , eve n i n th e region s o f mysticism i n whic h h e woul d trea d wit h grea t trepidation . Hi s lov e of Judaism an d hi s dedicatio n t o effectuatin g th e creativ e continu ity o f th e Jewish peopl e wer e founde d bot h o n hi s emotiona l tie s t o his forebear s an d o n hi s belie f i n th e abilit y o f hi s fello w Jew s t o utilize th e Jewis h heritag e fo r universall y vali d an d worthwhil e purposes. These affirmation s dre w Kapla n t o th e caus e o f th e Jewish peopl e and it s civilizatio n rathe r tha n t o th e applicatio n o f hi s talent s t o an academi c caree r i n anthropology , sociology , o r educatio n whic h was offere d t o hi m a t variou s times . Kapla n wa s a n intellectua l who believe d tha t th e huma n min d mus t no t b e blocke d i n it s journey throug h tim e b y th e restraint s o f grou p loyalty , bu t h e se t

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out t o prov e tha t th e intellec t coul d b e ever y bi t o f a too l fo r universality whe n i t i s applie d t o th e problem s o f a singl e societ y as i t i s hel d t o b e whe n i t embrace s th e huma n conditio n a s a whole. Le t u s remembe r tha t thi s assertio n wa s fa r fro m eviden t in som e leadin g intellectua l circles , includin g Jewis h ones , i n th e thirties. Th e assumptio n wa s widespread , fo r example , tha t th e problem o f anti-Semitis m woul d b e resolve d whe n th e pligh t o f those wh o suffere d fro m colonialis m an d economi c oppressio n wa s alleviated. Accordin g t o thi s cosmopolitanism , Jew s sustaine d thei r culture, becaus e the y ha d n o othe r outlet . However , a s soon a s the y were fre e t o choos e thei r mean s t o salvation , the y woul d joi n th e human mainstream . Accordin g t o thi s view , th e Jewis h peopl e would simpl y disappear . Thi s was th e conceptio n o f the communist s and thei r man y fello w traveler s an d o f som e leadin g anthropolo gists. Kaplan perceive d tha t th e cosmopolitanis m o f th e thirtie s wa s a spurious one . Th e universa l salvation , preache d b y both fascist s an d communists, wa s actuall y a for m o f nationalisti c imperialism . I n retrospect, thi s phenomeno n shoul d hav e bee n apparen t t o ever y intelligent observer ; bu t Kapla n himsel f flirte d wit h communis m fo r a fe w years , unti l h e understoo d full y tha t it s universalis m wa s a n illusion. Intellectuall y an d morally , fascis m presente d n o proble m for Jewis h intellectual s inasmuc h a s it s avowa l o f rul e b y brut e force wa s sufficien t t o driv e i t outsid e th e pal e o f respectability . Communism, however , wa s a differen t story . Marxism , afte r all , rested o n a universa l ethi c o f socia l responsibility—"fro m eac h according t o hi s ability , t o eac h accordin g t o hi s need"—whic h could easil y b e accommodate d t o th e ethica l foundation s o f Juda ism. I t wa s thi s featur e o f communis m whic h appeale d t o Kapla n for a while . Tha t principle , however , wa s to o circumscribe d fo r hi s taste, an d h e soo n turne d hi s bac k o n Marxis t an d communis t doctrine. Hi s oppositio n ma y b e summe d u p i n a remar k h e mad e during a discussio n h e ha d i n 193 6 wit h student s o f th e Schoo l fo r Jewish Socia l Work . Kapla n maintaine d that , "officia l Communis m or Marxism , i n demandin g th e acceptanc e o f th e Marxis t outlook , precluded it s bein g accepte d b y thos e o f u s wh o believ e tha t th e spiritual aspec t o f life , thoug h determine d i n it s for m an d conten t by th e economi c factor , ca n an d doe s achiev e a n independenc e

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which enable s i t t o determin e th e developmen t an d utilizatio n o f the economi c factor . "4 Subsequently , Kapla n develope d a muc h broader theor y o f the cause s of social conflic t an d change , bu t i t i s apparent fro m hi s reasonin g abou t communis m an d fascis m tha t the nationalis m o f th e Jewish people , i n hi s view , woul d hav e t o accord wit h a mora l an d spiritua l syste m immun e t o an y misus e of power. The interpla y o f cosmopolitanis m an d nationalis m occupie d Kaplan's min d whe n h e though t abou t th e Jewish people . O n th e one hand , h e believe d tha t th e Jew s ha d alway s bee n an d woul d continue t o b e universalis t i n thei r nationa l aspiration s an d coul d therefore b e depended upo n t o treat thei r nationalism a s a responsible and creative spiritual force. A t the same time, the Jewish peopl e was in a shambles. Kapla n was fully awar e of the dangers to Jewish survival tha t lurke d i n th e fre e world . Deculturation , intermar riage, an d the lack of visibility of Jewish community an d culture al l led to assimilation. Furthermore , Jewish survivalists seemed to have no inkling a s to what ha d t o be done in order to plan for the future . By 1930 , Kaplan ha d alread y complete d th e blueprin t o f his theor y of Jewish civilization, whic h h e called Reconstructionism . In definin g Judais m a s a n evolvin g religiou s civilization , Kapla n based hi s thought o n several assumptions , fro m whic h h e never departed: 1. Judais m i s not a n entity unt o itself; it is the product of the livin g Jewish people. 2. Sinc e th e Jewis h peopl e inevitabl y ha s t o chang e a s i t adjust s itself to the vicissitudes of life, s o must its culture undergo evolution fro m on e form o f expression t o another . 3. A civilization contain s ever y variety o f spiritual, ethical , social , economic, political , linguistic , an d aestheti c creatio n tha t th e genius of its adherents can conceive . 4. Th e genius of the Jewish peopl e has been most clearly eviden t i n its understandin g o f an d creativit y i n th e field o f religion . An y plan fo r th e futur e o f Judaism ha s t o tak e int o accoun t al l th e elements o f th e Jewis h heritage , wit h specia l emphasi s o n re ligion.

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At th e foundation , then , o f Jewish civilization , ther e mus t b e a clear conceptio n o f Jewis h nationhoo d o r peoplehood . Basi c t o Kaplan's positio n i s th e intuitio n tha t th e Jewis h peopl e ha s t o recast it s self-identit y i n radica l ways . I n th e firs t place , i t ha s t o accept th e fac t tha t i t i s a natura l group . Th e doctrin e o f divin e election ha d t o be abandoned i n favor o f the adoptio n o f a nationa l vocation responsiv e t o th e ethica l challenge s o f the moment. 5 Thi s revolution i n self-identit y necessaril y entaile d a ne w theolog y an d philosophy o f nationhood , t o whic h Kapla n ha d alread y addresse d himself earl y i n hi s career . H e conclude d tha t th e Jew s mus t se e themselves as a transterritorial peopl e whose center in Eretz Yisrael would b e surrounde d b y a peripher y o f a viabl e Diaspora—tha t i s to say , o f al l thos e Jewis h communitie s fre e t o wor k ou t thei r own destinies. Kaplan cam e t o grip s with th e ful l impac t o f freedom o n Jewish polity. I f Eret z Yisrae l i s t o occup y th e centra l rol e i n Jewish cre ative survival, i t has to be so chosen by the Jews as indispensable t o the creatio n an d retentio n o f a hig h nationa l culture . Kapla n wa s alert t o th e fac t tha t countles s Jews would nee d Eret z Yisrae l a s a refuge an d tha t th e bul k o f it s potentia l settler s woul d com e a s refugees. Bu t suc h a rational e coul d no t suffic e t o satisf y th e spiri tual purpose s for whic h a nation require s a land; no r coul d i t serv e as a basi s for buildin g th e lan d a s a livin g spac e fo r th e Arab s an d others wh o alread y dwel t o n th e soil . S o Kaplan wrestle d wit h al l these questions. While th e retur n t o Eret z Yisrae l i n traditiona l Judais m alway s laid a heavy burde n o f responsibility o n the Jews to behave i n suc h a wa y a s t o meri t th e restoratio n o f th e Lan d t o them , i t wa s Go d who would effectuat e it . Unde r freedom an d voluntarism, however , it wa s th e peopl e alon e wh o woul d decide . Therefore , reasone d Kaplan, i t woul d b e unrealisti c t o expec t tha t th e Ingatherin g o f the Exile s coul d eve r b e actualize d i n it s entirety . A s long a s Jews can fin d freedo m i n th e Diaspora , a larg e percentag e o f the m wil l remain there . Furthermore , n o country i n the world, an d especiall y a smal l one , ca n b e expected t o provid e fo r th e need s of persons of all sorts of skills, temperaments, famil y responsibilities , an d aspira tions. Mankind is in movement. Stat e borders are increasingly bein g crossed. Nationa l exclusivism , buttresse d b y laws t o keep stranger s

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out an d native s in , ar e becomin g a n anachronism . Th e Jewish na tion i s destine d t o b e i n th e vanguar d o f thi s proces s an d shoul d define itsel f hencefort h a s a spiritual people , centere d i n Eret z Yisrael.6 Its Diaspora communities , tie d t o the core in Eretz Yisrael by bonds of religion, culture , an d ethica l aspiration , woul d eac h hav e to creat e a distinctiv e bu t nonetheles s Jewish cultur e befittin g th e unique circumstances o f its environment. 7 Kaplan argue d tha t America n Jewr y an d Jewrie s i n othe r ope n societies i n th e Diaspor a shoul d organiz e themselve s int o on e for m or another o f voluntary organi c communities. He posited that with out suc h a structure , i t woul d b e impossible t o cop e with th e cen trifugal force s se t i n motio n b y freedom . Th e Jewish peopl e i n dis persion neede d a new polity which coul d simultaneously guarante e freedom o f expressio n fo r al l wh o wishe d t o identif y themselve s a s Jews an d provid e a visibl e framewor k fo r tha t identity . Althoug h Kaplan insiste d tha t thes e organi c communitie s woul d operat e ac cording t o th e rule s o f democrati c polity , h e wa s oppose d b y thos e organizations an d movement s tha t feare d t o los e som e o f thei r autonomy an d power . Others , principall y th e America n Jewis h Committee, deplore d an y move that migh t caus e Jews to be viewed as a separatis t grou p withi n th e large r bod y politi c o f th e state . Although Kaplan' s vie w ha s neve r bee n adopte d i n it s entirety , i t remains a s a challeng e t o thi s day . A t leas t i n th e Unite d States , whose futur e mos t engage d Kaplan' s interest , ther e i s considerabl e communal organization—th e Federatio n o f Jewish Welfar e Funds , the Nationa l Communit y Relation s Advisor y Council , th e Unite d Jewish Appeal , th e variou s union s o f synagogues, t o say nothin g of the man y loca l effort s a t coordination . However , al l thes e struc tures hav e avoide d dealin g wit h th e purpose s o f Jewis h creativ e continuity. Unti l the y do , ther e wil l b e littl e o r n o abilit y o n th e part o f America n Jewr y t o comba t th e powerfu l force s o f assimila tion tha t ar e decimating it s ranks. Kaplan i s often portraye d a s a naiv e optimis t abou t Jewis h sur vival i n the United States , but thi s is most certainly a misreading of both th e moo d an d conten t o f hi s analysi s o f America n Jewr y an d his hope s fo r it s future. 8 H e feare d tha t al l tha t woul d remai n o f Judaism i n America woul d b e a sterile Orthodoxy. H e respected th e survival powe r o f Orthodox y bu t deeme d i t hardl y worthwhil e t o

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survive o n tha t leve l o f vitality. I t i s now clea r tha t Kapla n erre d i n his evaluatio n o f th e abilit y o f a t leas t som e segment s o f Orthodox y to adap t t o a modern , pluralisti c society , bu t h e wa s correc t t o b e concerned abou t th e kin d o f Judaism tha t coul d emerg e ou t o f th e tottering structur e o f th e Jewish communit y o f thi s era . Kaplan's visio n o f Jewis h peoplehoo d wa s Zionis t t o th e core . The rebuildin g o f Jewis h lif e i n Eret z Yisrae l wa s a sine qua non of creativ e Jewis h survival . Nonetheless , Kaplan' s conceptio n o f Zionism wa s alway s critica l o f crucia l element s i n th e theor y an d practice o f th e Zionis t movemen t an d o f th e wa y i n whic h i t oper ated i n Eret z Yisrael . H e sough t t o devis e a strateg y fo r surviva l i n the Diaspora , despit e hi s fea r tha t th e ventur e migh t b e i n vain . Moreover, h e looke d upo n Jewis h lif e outsid e o f Eret z Yisrae l a s capable o f bringin g salvatio n t o th e individua l Je w an d o f insurin g the creativ e continuit y o f th e Jewis h people . H e knew , o f course , that Jews woul d no w hav e t o choos e betwee n tw o style s of life, tha t of a responsible , autonomou s majorit y an d tha t o f a fre e minority . Since tha t choic e woul d an d shoul d b e mad e b y eac h Je w i n accor dance wit h hi s temperamen t an d lif e circumstances , Kapla n posite d that th e Jewis h peopl e woul d hav e t o engag e fo r th e foreseeabl e future i n a two-fol d proces s of establishing a humane an d culturall y creative societ y i n th e Jewis h homelan d an d a free , minorit y exis tence whereve r possibl e i n th e land s o f dispersion . Therefore , h e opposed thos e wh o negate d th e possibilit y o r desirabilit y o f a Dias pora Judais m an d thos e wh o believe d tha t ther e coul d b e a Jewis h future unde r freedo m withou t a creativ e Jewry i n Eret z Yisrael. 9 Kaplan aligne d himsel f wit h A c had Ha-Am , A . D . Gordon , an d others wh o empathize d wit h th e nationa l feeling s o f th e Arabs . Periodically, h e criticize d th e Zionis t leader s fo r thei r shortsighted ness i n no t involvin g th e Arab s i n th e buildin g o f a shared econom y and i n ignorin g thei r nationa l feeling s an d needs . Unfortunately , Kaplan expresse d hi s criticism s onl y sporadicall y an d lightl y i n hi s published writings . Her e i s a typica l passage : The Whit e Pape r o f 193 9 is th e penalt y Jew s ar e payin g fo r havin g mishandled th e proble m o f thei r relation s wit h th e Arabs—Jew s should hav e realize d tha t the y hav e t o liv e wit h th e Arabs , an d should no t hav e attempte d t o buil d a Jewish econom y b y discourag -

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ing employment o f Arabs. They should hav e trie d t o develop a single high-level econom y i n whic h exploitatio n o f bot h Ara b an d Jewis h labor would hav e been precluded. 10 For th e mos t part , however , h e concentrate d i s his publi c essay s o n supporting th e historica l clai m o f th e Jewis h peopl e t o it s home land. This , h e felt , wa s wha t th e hou r demande d o f Jewish leaders . Privately, i n hi s diaries , Kapla n wa s mos t frank . H e note s tha t a s a resul t o f th e failur e o f th e Arab s t o develo p th e land , Jew s tende d to despise them. 1 1 I n 1929 , he comments , "Instea d o f deploying som e of th e able r an d mor e fiery spirit s amon g th e Arab s b y givin g the m positions i n som e o f th e financial an d industria l undertakings , th e Zionist Administratio n fostere d a spiri t o f Jewish chauvinis m an d a Western ai r o f superiorit y whic h i s boun d t o antagoniz e th e na tives." 1 2 I n thi s sam e reflection , whic h wa s arouse d b y a conversa tion h e ha d ha d wit h Josep h M . Levy , th e note d corresponden t o f the Ne w York Times, h e wen t o n t o observ e tha t th e mentalit y which serve d th e Zionist s i n thei r dealing s wit h Diaspor a Jewr y an d foreign government s coul d no t b e serviceabl e i n relatin g t o th e Arabs. Kaplan' s empath y fo r th e Arab s was deep . I n a diary entr y o f 1929, h e wrot e tha t th e Zionis t movemen t ha d mad e a seriou s mis take i n no t first negotiatin g wit h th e Arab s befor e turnin g t o th e European nation s t o suppor t th e Zionis t endeavor. 13 I n subsequen t years, Kapla n adde d furthe r reservation s abou t Jewis h behavio r toward th e Arabs , bu t h e neve r develope d a clear an d practica l pla n of actio n fo r th e integratio n o f th e tw o people s i n a settin g o f Jewish sovereignty . The disparit y betwee n Kaplan' s departure s fro m popula r Zionis t rhetoric, a s expresse d throughou t th e diaries , an d hi s publishe d declarations ca n b e partl y explaine d b y hi s reluctanc e t o tak e a public position , excep t i n genera l terms , o n a matte r i n whic h h e was onl y peripherall y involved . Moreover , h e hesitate d t o ad d t o the difficultie s o f th e Jewis h peopl e a t a tim e whe n it s ver y exis tence an d th e possibilit y o f implementin g th e driv e fo r autonom y were threatened . Nonetheless , th e stan d take n i n th e diarie s wa s fully consonan t wit h Kaplan' s visio n fo r reconstructin g th e Jewis h people an d it s tradition . Concernin g th e latter , h e wa s fa r les s reticent abou t voicin g hi s ideology . H e insiste d tha t an y Jewis h

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society o r stat e tha t woul d b e establishe d i n Eret z Yisrae l mus t b e in accor d wit h th e ethica l standard s o f enlightene d democracy . During th e tw o year s tha t h e taugh t a t th e Hebre w Universit y (1937-39), h e sa w th e threa t tha t halakhi c extremist s pose d fo r the yishuv; an d h e wa s equall y concerne d b y th e extrem e secula r abandonment o f al l connectio n wit h th e ric h traditio n o f classica l Judaism. H e asserte d strongl y tha t a religionles s Judaism, whethe r in Eret z Yisrael o r in th e Diaspora , wa s a distortion o f Judaism an d would eventuall y depriv e Jews o f thei r moral e an d o f thei r reaso n for perpetuating th e Jewish people . Kaplan di d no t res t a t thi s point . Indeed , fro m hi s earlies t day s i n the rabbinate , h e attempte d t o evolv e a general philosoph y o f religion an d a new orientatio n t o Jewish religio n tha t woul d mee t th e requirements—intellectual, spiritual , an d moral—o f tha t philoso phy. Hi s basi c premis e wa s wha t h e calle d hi s Copernica n revolu tion—turning religio n o n it s hea d an d usin g a s the poin t o f depar ture not revelation o f God's will for man but rather man's search fo r salvation or self-fulfilment. I n the course of this search, he affirmed , man wil l experienc e th e realit y o f Go d b y virtu e o f hi s (man's ) discovering resource s i n himsel f an d beyon d himsel f tha t wil l en able him to satisfy hi s needs, a t least to a reasonable extent . A ful l expositio n o f Kaplan' s theolog y an d religiou s ideolog y would tak e notice both o f the complex of issues with whic h Kapla n knew h e ha d t o com e t o grips , an d thei r solution , whic h h e sough t but di d no t find. H e envisione d a grou p o f thinker s fro m variou s disciplines wh o woul d poo l thei r intellectua l skill s towar d th e de velopment o f what h e termed th e science of soterics, th e purpose of which woul d b e th e searc h fo r a unifyin g principl e o r principle s regarding th e dimension s o f human salvation . H e never abandone d this effor t t o gathe r a n effectiv e group , whethe r i n th e Rabbinica l Assembly, th e Reconstructionis t movement , o r i n Israe l afte r hi s aliyah lat e i n life . H e eve n attempted , togethe r wit h th e libera l Protestant theologian , Henr y N . Wieman , t o establis h a n interreli gious associatio n o f thinker s wh o wer e prepare d t o respon d t o th e challenges o f secularizatio n an d th e advanc e o f scientifi c method . For some reaso n whic h I have no t yet discovered , th e pla n di d no t materialize, bu t th e ide a i s indicativ e o f Kaplan' s convictio n tha t

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Judaism coul d onl y benefi t fro m clos e cooperatio n wit h othe r reli gions i n th e searc h fo r trut h an d fo r th e furtheranc e o f huma n salvation o n earth. 14 Having determine d tha t religio n shoul d b e locate d i n thos e ele ments i n th e lif e o f ever y peopl e tha t deriv e fro m th e driv e t o satisfy th e huma n nee d fo r self-fulfillment , Kapla n conclude d tha t a rationa l philosoph y o f religion ough t t o begin with a n attemp t t o locate thos e basi c requirement s o f th e huma n person . Her e woul d be th e meetin g poin t o f science , philosophy , an d theology . Bot h philosophy an d theolog y woul d hav e t o remain attache d t o experi ence an d th e scientifi c method , i f religio n i s to kee p pace wit h th e expanding horizon s of the human intellect . Thi s premise in no wa y put Kapla n int o th e cam p o f scientism an d radica l empiricism . H e was carefu l t o acknowledg e th e limitation s o f science, i n th e ligh t both o f frequen t mistake s an d o f th e enormou s domai n o f th e un known, a s well a s of its inability t o handle th e dimensions of value and aesthetics . Man' s imaginatio n i s capable o f extending int o th e far reache s o f the real m o f transcendence. Al l Kapla n sough t t o d o was t o preven t th e misus e o f imaginatio n b y religionist s wh o per mitted i t t o ignor e th e authorit y o f reaso n an d warrante d asser t ability. Kaplan neve r cease d studyin g th e natur e o f man . Mor e accu rately, h e persiste d i n learnin g abou t th e physica l an d psychi c make-up o f th e huma n being , becaus e h e wa s convince d tha t i n order t o approximat e th e cosmi c rol e that human s ought t o play, a theologian mus t first acquir e a well-grounde d knowledg e o f th e human bod y an d mind . Kapla n neve r fell pre y to the fallacy o f an y type o f reductionis m tha t migh t hav e le d t o equatin g th e "is " an d the "ought " o r derivin g th e spiritua l fro m th e physical , bu t h e insisted tha t al l ethica l judgment s mus t avoi d distortin g wha t i s natural t o th e functionin g o f bod y an d mind . Thus , fo r example , many o f th e role s tha t wome n hav e bee n force d t o pla y i n societ y have derive d fro m misconception s o n th e par t o f male s a s t o th e nature o f th e physiolog y an d psycholog y o f th e femal e sex . None theless, scienc e shoul d no t b e s o construe d a s t o eliminat e th e reality o f a real m o f transcendenc e withou t whic h ma n canno t aspire to fulfillment. Kapla n return s t o this theme man y times , bu t I cit e her e on e o f hi s lat e statements , tha t illustrate s hi s sens e o f

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balance: "Althoug h ma n transcend s mechanisti c an d scientifi c law , some woul d reduc e lif e an d menta l event s t o pur e mechanis m an d scientific formulae . Transcendenc e doe s no t impl y oversteppin g th e limits o f natura l law . I t merel y implie s takin g int o accoun t a di mension withi n huma n natur e whic h som e scientist s ignore . Tha t is th e dimensio n o f valu e whic h differentiate s huma n natur e fro m subhuman nature." 1 5 Theology, i t i s sometimes forgotten , deal s no t onl y wit h Go d bu t with th e cosmo s an d man , a s well . Tha t i s t o say , an y concep t o f God entail s view s abou t th e physica l univers e an d abou t ma n tha t befit, o r shoul d befit , th e wa y i n whic h th e particula r theologia n perceives th e Deity . Similarly , ever y concep t o f man o r th e univers e requires a paralle l ide a o f th e othe r dimension s o f realit y tha t i s consanguine wit h tha t vision . Inevitably , theology , lik e al l othe r disciplines, ha s t o underg o constan t metamorphosis . Kaplan ha s yet t o b e accorde d hi s du e a s a majo r theologian . Th e reasons fo r thi s lac k o f recognitio n ar e several , bu t detailin g the m would tak e u s fa r beyon d th e confine s o f thi s brie f account. 1 6 I t i s pertinent, however , t o declar e tha t Kapla n realize d ho w tenuou s and conditiona l theologica l statement s mus t be , ho w necessar y i t i s to conside r seriousl y bot h th e rationa l an d mystica l approache s t o reality an d ho w awar e on e mus t b e o f th e limit s o f an d nee d fo r both system s o f mind . H e shoul d b e credite d wit h bein g on e o f th e few Jewis h scholar s o f th e twentiet h centur y wh o trie d t o mak e sense i n theologica l term s o f th e impac t o n Judaism o f th e discover ies o f th e physica l science s an d th e insight s o f th e huma n sciences . Many theologians , i t i s true , recognize d tha t a ne w worl d wa s aborning, bu t fo r th e mos t par t the y argue d eithe r tha t Judaism ha d already anticipate d i t o r that i t nee d hav e n o effec t o n th e essential s of Jewis h theor y an d practice . Kapla n underestimate d th e holdin g power o f supernatural habit s o f thinking, bu t hi s challenges t o thes e habits remai n unanswered : Ho w shal l religiou s Jews respon d t o th e scientific stud y o f th e classica l Jewish texts , especiall y o f th e Bible ? Do no t th e findings o f tha t stud y undermin e th e foundation s o f halakhic Judaism ? An d i f so , wha t mus t religious-minde d peopl e d o about prayer , man y o f th e mitzvot , th e authorit y o f th e rabbinate , the statu s o f women , an d man y othe r issue s tha t ar e connecte d with th e assumption s o f supernatural revelation ?

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The unwarranted attack s on Kaplan an d the equally unfortunat e ignoring o f hi s theolog y hav e characterized , a s well , thos e wh o regard th e whol e theologica l enterpris e a s outmoded . Fo r muc h of th e thirties , fo r instance , littl e credenc e wa s give n b y Jewis h intellectuals t o religiou s thinker s o f an y stripe . Bot h th e Marxist s and thei r opponent s wer e a t on e i n thei r derogatio n o f religion. I n the fortie s cam e neo-Orthodox y an d existentialis m an d thei r as sault o n th e powe r o f reason . Kaplan' s effort s t o refin e rationa l methods o f solvin g spiritua l problem s wer e declare d t o b e shallo w and secular . The semantic s o f al l normativ e discipline s constitut e a never ending problem . Valu e words , i n particular , posses s so many over tones that communicatio n betwee n educated persons often founder s on mutua l misunderstandin g o f th e inten t i n thei r us e o f identica l terms. Kapla n wa s trouble d b y havin g t o resor t t o languag e tha t had becom e associate d i n th e popular min d wit h supernatura l con notations. Therefore , h e either ha d t o inven t a new vocabulary , o r to elici t fro m th e ol d vocabular y meaning s tha t inher e i n i t i n th e light o f today' s univers e o f discourse . H e chos e th e latte r method , although h e als o ha d t o hav e recours e t o neologism s o r th e bor rowing o f term s fro m othe r discipline s i n orde r t o ge t hi s point s across. I shal l touc h sketchil y o n jus t tw o terms—Go d an d mys ticism. I have alread y referre d t o Kaplan' s insistenc e o n th e importanc e of transcendence i n hi s system. Nonetheless , hi s critics continue t o assert tha t Kaplan' s theolog y lack s an y sens e o f th e myster y o f existence an d o f an y realit y beyon d th e mer e immanent . Th e pas sage I quote d abov e concernin g man' s transcendin g natur e illus trates Kaplan' s problem . Fo r him , th e transcenden t an d th e super natural ar e no t necessaril y related . Traditionalist s spea k o f Go d a s supernatural, tha t is , as completely separat e from th e natural orde r and a s capable a t an y tim e o f overthrowing it . O n th e othe r hand , Kaplan see s the transcenden t a s a facet o f the natural, i n th e sens e of "th e whol e i s greater tha n it s parts." Transcendence i s an essen tial categor y o f th e thinkin g process , Tomorro w transcend s today , natural la w transcend s natura l phenomena , th e huma n perso n i s always far mor e than h e appears to be to himself or to others at an y given moment . Thes e an d man y othe r example s sho w ho w a wor d

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can b e transpose d fro m th e ke y o f th e supernatura l t o tha t o f th e natural. I t shoul d no t requir e to o muc h imaginatio n i n orde r t o apprehend wh y certai n theologian s shoul d b e dissatisfie d wit h Kaplan's transpositio n an d b e unwillin g t o credi t hi m wit h a theo logically respectabl e applicatio n o f th e ter m "transcendence. " All th e mor e i s Kapla n criticize d fo r hi s unorthodo x usag e o f "God." I n thi s respect , h e suffere d th e sam e fat e a s Joh n Dewey , who wa s take n t o tas k fo r applyin g th e ter m t o man' s idea l ends . A God, i t wa s held , wh o reside d onl y i n huma n imaginatio n i s n o God. Dewey , the y argued , simpl y muddie d th e waters . Whateve r b e the validit y o f tha t criticis m o r o f Dewey' s subsequen t rejoinder , Kaplan's terminologica l disput e wit h hi s critic s i s fa r mor e signifi cant. A s coul d b e expected , h e i s stil l calle d a n atheis t i n certai n circles, th e argumen t bein g tha t a Go d wh o lack s absolut e powe r and freedo m canno t b e th e tru e God . Bu t th e critic s fro m al l side s have pai d n o attentio n t o th e crucia l distinctio n tha t Kapla n mad e between "God " an d God . O f th e latte r ma n ca n kno w nothin g wit h certainty. Indeed , al l h e ca n d o i s t o attemp t mor e o r les s educate d guesses abou t God , base d o n hi s experience . An d sinc e tha t experi ence i s alway s limited , s o must man' s knowledg e abou t Go d eve r b e severely circumscribed . A s fo r experiencin g God , tha t to o i s a n aspect o f man' s experienc e wit h wha t h e identifie s a s th e true , the good , an d th e beautiful . I t i s a matte r o f ou r attachin g thes e designations t o w h a t i n th e univers e indicate s tha t ther e i s a forc e operating i n i t tha t help s u s t o becom e trul y human . I n othe r words, Kapla n ha s take n theolog y ou t o f th e real m o f certaint y an d conferred upo n i t th e dignit y o f al l othe r effort s o f man t o defin e hi s place i n th e cosmos . Tha t dignit y stem s fro m man' s determinatio n to posi t purpose s fo r himsel f an d t o achiev e the m i n th e fac e o f a n imperfect an d a n unfinishe d creation . Fo r Kaplan , belie f i n Go d i s the assertio n tha t th e searc h fo r salvation , withi n th e realisti c bounds se t b y man' s mortality , i s supporte d b y th e thrus t o f th e cosmos fo r improvin g th e qualit y o f existence . Ther e ca n b e n o proof fo r suc h a faith , bu t i t i s supporte d ever y tim e a goo d dee d i s done, ever y tim e th e caus e o f a disease i s discovered, an d ever y tim e a wor k o f ar t i s created o r appreciated . Nor di d Kapla n dodg e th e proble m o f evi l tha t arise s i n ever y theological syste m an d tha t becam e especiall y poignan t fo r sensi -

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tive men an d women durin g the decades under discussion. Kaplan' s treatment o f th e existenc e o f evi l i s summe d u p i n hi s publishe d works i n a chapte r o n th e subject , publishe d i n 1948. 17 He distin guishes between natura l an d mora l evil , wit h th e former constitut ing the real theological difficulty . Ho w can a good, omnipotent God create o r permi t floods, disease , an d othe r natura l disaster s tha t destroy innocent lives ? Kaplan's response is unequivocal. 'Th e question wh y evi l exist s i s one t o which th e huma n min d shoul d neve r expect to find an answer. I t seems to be a necessary condition of life which we expect a s part of existence. For , a s human beings , we can never kno w why anythin g exists . Bu t if the existenc e o f evil is part of th e myster y o f th e worl d tha t baffle s huma n understanding , th e existence o f th e goo d i s n o les s a par t o f tha t mystery." 18 Thu s Kaplan sa w th e Holocaus t a s a proble m o f th e mora l conditio n o f the human race . The reasons for the inhuman behavio r of the Nazis and the culpability o f the nations that permitted the m t o take thei r toll were , i n Kaplan' s eyes , availabl e t o examinatio n b y scientist s and othe r student s o f men' s ways . O n th e othe r hand , th e unpro voked sufferin g tha t mos t person s underg o a t som e poin t i n thei r lives and th e unfai r distributio n o f pain, no t cause d b y man's inhu manity t o man , foun d Kapla n a s agonize d an d perplexe d a s an y other theologian . I n th e privac y o f hi s diarie s h e wen t beyon d th e mere acceptance o f evil as a fact o f life. H e did, i n the last analysis , concern himsel f wit h th e mystery t o which h e knew man coul d no t supply a n answer . Bu t h e was humbl e enoug h t o kee p thes e reflec tions to himself. For instance, inasmuc h a s the existence of evil cannot b e denied, Kaplan inquire d a s t o it s statu s i n relatio n t o good . I n on e o f hi s reflections durin g th e thirtie s h e remark s that , "Goo d b y no mean s presupposes evil , a s evi l doe s good . Th e absenc e o f goo d i s no t necessarily evil , wherea s th e absenc e of evil is necessarily good , fo r existence i s per s e good." 19 Startin g a s he doe s with th e normativ e Jewish vie w tha t th e Creatio n i s good , Kapla n i s har d put , a s i s everyone else , t o explai n th e presenc e o f evil . Al l h e ca n d o i s t o accept th e pola r characte r o f realit y an d searc h fo r way s t o mini mize what i s harmful t o man's salvation . On e of his major step s i n this regard is to eschew granting to evil the power of an independen t force. I t exists , becaus e ther e i s a basi c tensio n i n al l o f realit y

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which Go d an d ma n alik e see k t o overcome . I n th e cours e o f tha t endeavor, th e univers e make s it s slo w progres s o f improvement . This i s not a theolog y fo r thos e wh o wan t certainty , bu t i t offer s a n honest an d plausibl e evaluatio n o f wha t ca n b e asserte d a t thi s stage o f civilizatio n abou t th e proble m o f natural evil. 20 When i t come s to th e ter m "mysticism, " Kapla n i s again misread . He ha d enormou s respec t fo r w h a t th e Jewis h mystic s ha d trie d t o do. H e wrot e tha t "Jewis h mysticis m caugh t th e tru e spiri t o f th e kind o f religio n ma n needs . Th e keynot e o f it s thinkin g i s th e trut h that ma n share s with Go d th e powe r t o create." 2 1 N o honest thinke r can ignor e th e fac t tha t whil e ma n ha s reache d int o th e vas t region s of space, h e is still surrounde d b y a n eve n mor e enormou s unknown . Kaplan alway s sough t t o lear n mor e abou t reality . H e joined thos e free spirit s wh o believe d tha t muc h o f th e inexhaustibl e cosmi c mystery ca n b e appropriate d fo r th e fulfillmen t o f huma n destiny . Nevertheless, h e avowe d tha t mer e knowledg e o f natur e an d th e pantheism tha t on e i s tempted t o advanc e i n it s wake leav e u s cold . Man need s a feelin g tha t ther e i s a directio n t o existenc e tha t confers meanin g o n hi s strivin g fo r self-improvement . Ther e i s plenty o f roo m i n thi s imag e o f realit y fo r mystica l assertions , depending, o f course , o n wha t i s mean t b y "mystic. " A s Kapla n re marked: It i s no t a t al l necessar y t o resor t t o th e befuddlin g terminolog y o f mysticism i n th e effor t t o giv e expressio n t o experience s whic h d o not fal l withi n th e ordinar y concept s o f reason . An d i t i s dangerou s to disparag e th e functio n o f reaso n i n checkin g th e wil d extrava gances of uncontrolled imagination . Al l that i s necessary is to enlarge the scope of reason t o limits beyond th e traditional categories. 22 Given suc h a position , i t seem s t o m e tha t a n objectiv e readin g o f Kaplan mus t conclud e tha t h e pai d carefu l an d favorabl e attentio n to th e essentia l rol e o f mystica l though t i n Judais m an d i n al l well-rounded intellectua l systems . H e was , i n fact , a s vociferou s i n attacking th e excesse s o f rationalis m a s i n attackin g thos e o f mys ticism. Kaplan's naturalisti c theolog y wa s applie d b y hi m t o al l othe r as pects o f Jewis h life . I t i s har d t o determin e i n th e dynamic s o f hi s

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system, whethe r h e derive d hi s theolog y fro m hi s anthropolog y o r vice versa. But while that i s a subject tha t migh t be of some interest to ontologists , psychologists , an d other s wh o ar e absorbe d i n th e development o f ideas , i t i s sufficien t her e t o dra w attentio n t o Kaplan's effor t t o relat e phenomen a i n som e organic way . Thus , a God located i n th e transcenden t real m o f the natura l orde r canno t be sai d t o hav e "chosen " th e Jewis h peopl e fo r a specia l cosmi c assignment. Kapla n wa s virtuall y alon e amon g Jewish thinker s o f the twentiet h centur y wh o deeme d i t necessar y t o eliminat e th e doctrine o f divin e electio n fro m th e Jewish mind . Th e logi c o f hi s theology left n o room for a supernatural chooser . Nor did his ethical vision permit arrogatin g to any people a monopoly on moral respon sibility fo r th e welfar e o f mankind . Tha t obligatio n reste d equall y on al l peoples, depending on the circumstances surrounding eac h of them a t an y on e time . Th e Chose n Peopl e doctrine, Kapla n under stood, i s woven o f many threads , eac h of which introduce s int o th e fabric o f Judaism a sourc e o f spiritua l deficiency . Altogether , the y cast th e Jewis h peopl e int o th e comparativ e mood , whereb y th e worth o f Judaism i s determine d b y whethe r o r no t it s uniquenes s also bears the signs of superiority. Th e implications of this mood fo r Jewish educatio n an d fo r intergrou p relation s reac h fa r beyon d th e Jewish people . Strain s o f th e doctrin e ar e t o b e foun d i n almos t every traditio n an d caus e untol d damag e t o th e perception s tha t each has of the other . In place o f election, Kapla n urge d th e Jews to accep t th e burde n of thei r historica l situatio n and , b y endeavorin g t o respon d t o it s challenge wit h ethica l rectitude , contribut e thei r shar e t o th e hu manization o f mankind . I n othe r words , onc e electio n i s remove d from th e theologica l framework , it s messag e o f responsibilit y fo r each perso n an d eac h natio n ca n b e unambiguousl y hel d u p fo r examination. I t is this moral purpos e of national lif e tha t informe d Kaplan's philosophy o f education. I n this connection, too , Kaplan' s intertwining o f theor y an d practic e stand s out . Hi s lif e wor k in cludes: sixty years of association wit h th e Jewish Theologica l Seminary, durin g whic h h e helpe d establis h an d lecture d a t th e Schoo l for Jewish Socia l Work ; tw o years spent teachin g th e philosophy o f education a t th e Hebre w University ; hi s lecturin g throughou t th e length an d breadt h o f the Unite d States ; his role in conceivin g an d

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establishing th e Universit y o f Judaism i n Los Angeles; his participation i n endles s seminar s an d educationa l committees ; an d hi s con tribution t o th e scop e o f educationa l philosoph y a t Teacher s Col lege o f Columbi a University . Kaplan' s entir e professiona l caree r i s an intellectual sag a awaitin g a master narrator . Kaplan ha d man y fault s a s a pedagogue . Ye t h e ha d fe w peer s in transmittin g t o hi s student s a n awarenes s o f hi s dedicatio n t o intellectual honesty . N o teacher , h e taught , ma y violat e th e free dom o f min d o f hi s student s o r lea d the m t o believ e tha t freedo m justifies thei r holdin g an y ide a withou t bein g willin g o r abl e t o expose i t t o th e collectiv e judgmen t o f th e bes t mind s o f thei r generation. Kapla n love d th e Jewis h heritage , bu t h e als o recog nized it s weaknesses . H e appeale d fo r profoun d stud y o f classi c texts, bu t that eruditio n mus t stimulate new and creative ideas an d forms of expression, unknow n t o our ancestors . Education wa s th e ke y t o th e advanc e o f al l civilizations , an d Kaplan wa s particularl y eage r t o strengthe n i t b y bindin g i t eve r more closel y t o th e democrati c wa y o f life . Her e again , w e se e hi s passion fo r organi c thinking . Democracy' s whol e succes s depend s upon th e abilit y o f th e masse s t o brin g t o thei r decision s a fund o f knowledge, a powe r o f analysi s an d a wisdom bor n o f tolerance o f difference. H e always wanted t o know the educational implication s of an y o f hi s ideas , an d h e wa s equall y eager t o understan d wh y some o f thos e ideas , i n whic h h e place d grea t stock , wer e no t acceptable t o hi s audience s o r hi s students . Kaplan' s lif e migh t b e described a s one of unending educational tension . Since education i s the key to salvation, progres s in that directio n is inevitabl y slo w an d uncertain . Huma n beings , Kapla n main tained i n his tough-mindedness, mus t cultivate a morale based on a realistic acknowledgmen t o f th e morta l condition . I n thi s respect , there i s much similarit y betwee n hi s reading o f reality an d tha t o f Bertrand Russell , wh o preache d a gospe l o f huma n dignit y an d defiance i n th e fac e o f a cosmo s ben t o n destroyin g itsel f an d al l that resid e i n it. 23 Kaplan , instead , depicte d a univers e o f inex haustible creativ e power , strivin g t o brin g orde r ou t o f chao s an d capable o f injectin g int o existenc e ne w an d improve d form s o f matter an d mind . I n th e morbi d atmospher e o f th e thirtie s an d forties, durin g th e unspeakabl e perio d o f nazism an d th e Col d Wa r

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between Eas t an d Wes t tha t ensue d a t it s conclusion , Kaplan' s voice spoke of man's nee d t o strive towar d perfection , eve n thoug h the bes t h e coul d hop e t o achiev e wa s a limite d alleviatio n o f hi s pain an d sorrow . I n contras t t o th e spreadin g existentialis m o f th e period, Kapla n urge d hi s fellow huma n being s to take advantag e of the enormou s freedo m tha t i s availabl e t o the m an d t o creat e a more beautiful world . One of the repeated criticism s leveled a t Kapla n is that h e lacked a poeti c sens e an d wa s devoi d o f th e emotion s tha t ar e associate d with th e aestheti c an d spiritua l dimension s o f life . Nothin g coul d be further fro m th e truth . Hi s published work s an d hi s activitie s i n fashioning a moder n curriculu m fo r th e Jewis h schoo l ar e distin guished, amon g othe r ways , b y thei r emphasi s o n th e nee d t o heighten th e artisti c an d emotiona l element s in Jewish life . Kapla n was largel y responsibl e fo r th e introductio n o f musical an d artisti c self-expression a s a major objectiv e i n th e education o f Jewish chil dren. Moreover , i n hi s efforts t o restore th e creative spiri t t o publi c worship, on e o f his main aim s was t o infus e beaut y an d emotiona l power int o wha t ha s becom e a moribun d repetitio n o f a formul a that i s largely irrelevant t o the concerns of the worshipers. A study o f Mordeca i Kaplan' s intellectua l caree r shoul d b e reveal ing to anyon e intereste d i n th e dynamics of cultural history . I n th e first place , wha t drov e a ma n wit h suc h obviousl y catholi c an d universal interest s t o devote almos t a whole century o f intellectua l endeavor t o th e centra l questio n o f creativ e Jewis h survival ? Th e answers t o thi s question—fo r clearl y ther e i s n o singl e explana tion—would entai l a n examinatio n o f such issue s as particularis m and universalis m an d thei r bearin g o n chauvinism , th e rol e o f pa rental an d other environmenta l factor s i n the framing o f mind, an d the impact o f individual temperamen t o n life decisions. Secondly, i t wil l b e notice d that , i n man y instances , Kapla n concerned himsel f wit h matter s tha t exercise d th e Jewis h publi c only a generatio n o r mor e later . Thi s i s manifes t i n hi s urgin g Jewish wome n t o struggl e fo r th e equalizatio n o f thei r status, 24 i n his efforts t o democratize th e institution s o f the Jewish communit y and to bring them into organic coordination, i n his constant cal l fo r a new covenant whic h woul d bin d world Jewry int o a single people

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around a n agree d platform , i n hi s appea l t o th e non-Orthodo x reli gious denomination s t o join th e Worl d Zionis t Organizatio n an d i n his incessan t effort s t o induc e rabbis , educators , an d layme n t o study th e Bibl e an d othe r Jewis h classic s i n th e ligh t o f th e ne w intellectual reality . Som e o f hi s recommendation s wer e adopte d i n the cours e o f time , frequentl y withou t mentio n o f hi s rol e i n thei r promulgation. Bu t other s stil l remai n t o b e considered . What , then , determines whe n th e tim e i s ripe fo r th e implementatio n o f a n idea ? Cultural histor y i s replete wit h accident . Kaplan' s critic s declar e that hi s philosoph y an d hi s progra m ar e passe . Bu t tha t judgmen t might ver y wel l tel l u s more abou t th e lac k o f visio n o f thi s genera tion o f thinker s tha n i t doe s abou t wha t Kapla n actuall y said . O f one thin g I a m convinced . Mordeca i Kaplan' s writing s canno t b e dismissed o r ignore d i n th e cavalie r fashio n tha t ha s becom e com mon sinc e hi s death. I accept th e evaluatio n o f a student o f philoso phy, Dr . Georg e E . Vernon , wh o state d tha t Whatever hi s inadequacies , Kaplan' s achievemen t finall y loom s larger than hi s detractors could imagin e an d that hi s partisans woul d dare suspect . Standin g a t a momentou s crossroad s i n th e histor y o f thought, h e glimpsed ne w path s tha t h e himself coul d no t recognize . The statur e o f th e ma n an d th e scop e o f hi s visio n ma y n o longe r brook denial . T o accor d him , a rightfu l plac e i n th e Judai c an d Western tradition s simply pays an homage long past due. 25 Vernon referre d t o Kaplan , th e theologian . Hi s words , i t seem s t o me, appl y equall y t o Kapla n th e sociologist , th e educator , th e moral activist , th e Zionist , an d th e dreamer . Notes i. Fo r a mor e detaile d descriptio n o f Kaplan' s life , se e th e essa y b y Me l Scult, in Emanuel S. Goldsmith an d Mel Scult (eds.) , Dynamic Judaism (New York : Schocken/Reconstructionis t Press , 1985) , 3-13 ; Kaplan' s autobiographical reflections, "Th e Way I Have Come," in Ira Eisenstei n and Eugen e Koh n (eds.) , Mordecai M. Kaplan: An Evaluation (Ne w York: Jewish Reconstructionis t Foundation , 1952) , 283-321; als o Richard Libowitz, Mordecai M. Kaplan and the Development ofReconstructionism (Ne w York and Toronto: Edwin Mellen Press, 1983).

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2. Kaplan' s Diaries, Marc h 22 , 1936 . Kapla n wa s a n inveterat e diarist . More accurately , h e kep t a journa l tha t wa s packe d wit h reflection s about himself , hi s family, an d a panoply o f the people he met fro m al l walks o f life . H e recorded importan t event s i n Jewish history ; h e use d the journa l t o wor k ou t hi s sermons , hi s disparat e ideas , an d thos e that wer e eventuall y publishe d i n ordere d form . Th e journal contain s hundreds o f page s o f hi s effort s t o systematiz e th e scienc e o f soteric s mentioned late r o n i n thi s essay. I t contains many passage s in Hebre w and quotation s i n a numbe r o f language s tha t Kapla n though t wer e especially striking . Th e entrie s bega n i n 191 3 and ceased , I believe, i n 1979, whe n Kapla n wa s n o longe r abl e t o concentrate . Mos t o f th e excerpts tha t I quote in thi s chapter ar e taken fro m th e two decades of special interest fo r this book. 3. Diaries, December 19 , 1947. 4. Diaries, Februar y 13 , 1936 . Fo r a n excellen t accoun t o f Kaplan' s en counter wit h communism , se e Rebecca T . Alpert , "Th e Ques t fo r Eco nomic Justice : Kaplan' s Respons e t o th e Challeng e o f Communism , 1929-1940," in Emanuel S. Goldsmith, Me l Scult, an d Robert M. Seltzer (eds.), The American Judaism of Mordecai Kaplan (Ne w York : Ne w York University Press , 1990) , 385-400. 5. Reference s t o th e Chose n Peopl e doctrin e ar e scattere d throughou t Kaplan's works and need not be detailed here . 6. Judaism as a Civilization (Ne w York : Schocken , 1967) , chaps . 17-19 . (The first editio n o f thi s magnu m opu s wa s publishe d b y Macmilla n in 1934 ) 7. Kapla n readil y acknowledge d th e influenc e tha t A chad Ha-A m ha d upon hi s conceptio n o f Jewis h polity . Nonetheless , h e refine d A chad Ha-Am's conception o f Eretz Yisrae l a s the spiritual cente r o f the Jewish people in a crucial way . Wherea s the great essayis t lef t th e impression tha t Jewis h creativit y i n Eret z Yisrae l woul d provid e cultura l enrichment fo r th e Diaspor a communities , Kapla n looke d t o the vital ity o f th e yishu v a s a catalys t tha t woul d galvaniz e thos e Jewries t o create their own authenti c form s of Judaism. 8. Kapla n stated clearl y th e problem tha t underla y al l hi s endeavors: "To me . . . the burnin g questio n is , ca n Jews an d Judaism surviv e i n th e Diaspora? All other questions seem to me to be of an academi c nature " (Diaries, May 26 , 1949) . Nor did Kapla n hav e an y illusion s abou t th e future o f th e Jew s i n Europ e wer e Hitle r t o hav e hi s way . H e wrot e that, "th e Jewis h peopl e i s confronte d wit h th e menac e o f gradua l extermination accompanie d b y mental an d physica l torture " (Diaries, August 12 , 1936) . The dange r t o Jewish surviva l cam e fro m th e expo sure o f bod y an d sou l t o force s tha t woul d requir e unifie d resistance . Kaplan was not naive . 9. Perhap s th e mos t penetratin g summatio n o f Kaplan' s perennia l hope s

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and doubt s abou t th e Jewis h futur e i n homelan d an d Diaspor a i s hi s quip, penne d i n Hebre w durin g hi s sojour n a t th e Hebre w University : "Regarding th e contras t betwee n Judais m i n th e gola h an d here , i t ca n be said tha t fro m chao s it i s possible t o create a world, bu t fro m nothin g it i s impossible t o creat e chaos " (Diaries, Decembe r 8 , 1937) . 10. Future of the American Jew (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1948) , 136 . 11. Diaries, Jul y 18 , 1935. 12. Ibid. , June 3 , 1929 . 13. Ibid., September 27, 1929. 14. Ibid., M ay 1, 1947. 15. The Religion of Ethical Nationhood (London : Collier-Macmillan , 1970), 89. 16. A blatan t exampl e o f th e inabilit y o f certai n thinker s t o rea d Kapla n carefully i s th e chapte r whic h Davi d Hartma n devote s t o hi m i n hi s Conflicting Visions (Ne w York : Schocken , 1990) . I attribut e thi s genr e of criticis m t o th e incapacit y o f man y modernist s t o ste p int o th e post modern era . The y recogniz e th e problems , bu t the y hesitat e t o attemp t solutions tha t woul d necessaril y se t asid e hallowe d tradition s an d hab its o f mind . 17. Future of the American Jew, 231-43 . 18. Ibid. , 235 . I n a significan t entr y i n hi s Diaries, Kapla n suggest s tha t salvation shoul d b e conceive d a s escap e fro m evil , rathe r tha n th e attainment o f good. Bu t h e point s ou t (Jul y 12 , 1940 ) tha t th e determi nation b y ma n o f wha t i s evi l i s ofte n misplaced . I migh t ad d tha t Kaplan's suggestio n i s simila r t o th e ide a tha t Judais m teache s u s t o eschew an d comba t idolatr y mor e tha n t o mak e positiv e claim s abou t God. 19. Diaries, Decembe r 24 , 1939 . 20. Ibid. , July 10 , 1940 . 21. The Meaning of God in Modern Jewish Religion. (Ne w York : Recon structionist Press , 1962) , 78 . (Firs t publishe d i n 1937. ) 22. Diaries, Jul y 24 , 1940 . 23. Bertran d Russell , " A Fre e Man' s Worship, " i n Why I Am Not a Christian (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1957) , 104-16 . 24. "Th e Statu s o f th e Jewish Woman, " i n The Reconstructionist, Februar y 21, 1936 . 25. Georg e E . Vernon , Supernatural and Transnatural —An Encounter of Religious Perspectives: The Theological Problematic in the Modern Judaic Woridvie w of Mordecai M. Kaplan (Ph.D . dissertation , Sant a Barbara, Universit y o f California, 1979) , 407-8 .

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Milton Steinber g Simon Noveck

Among th e rabbi s wh o preache d i n America n synagogue s an d wer e active i n Jewish organizationa l lif e durin g th e 1930 s and 1940s , non e was mor e gifte d intellectuall y tha n Milto n Steinberg . Hi s brillian t sermons wer e base d no t onl y o n Bibl e an d Midras h bu t o n philo sophical an d literar y sources . Th e lucidit y o f hi s thinkin g an d hi s skill i n puttin g hi s thought s int o systemati c discourse , hi s historica l novel As a Driven Leaf, whic h mad e suc h a profoun d impac t o n numerous readers , hi s series o f popular book s on Jewish survival , o n contemporary Jewish problems , an d o n basi c Judaism, hi s polemica l articles o n Zionism , Conservativ e Judaism , an d o n Reconstruc tionism, an d hi s penetratin g theologica l essay s writte n wit h th e same lucidit y an d persuasivenes s whic h characterize d al l hi s writ ings—all thes e reflecte d a creativ e min d an d a personalit y wh o no t only influence d hi s generation , bu t als o thos e wh o hav e rea d hi s books i n th e ensuin g years . Mor e tha n an y othe r rabb i o f hi s tim e (or o f ou r time ) hi s lif e an d caree r dramaticall y illustrat e th e fac t that intellectualism , standard s o f excellence , an d literar y styl e ar e not incompatibl e wit h succes s i n th e rabbinate . Early Background and

Influences

How di d i t happe n tha t suc h a gifte d youn g man , whos e famil y background an d earl y upbringin g wer e somewha t differen t fro m those o f othe r America n rabbi s o f th e time , mad e suc h a caree r 3i3

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choice? I n thos e years mos t rabbi s cam e fro m religiousl y observan t parents, ofte n th e son s o f rabbis , cantors , o r othe r religiou s func tionaries an d usuall y ha d year s o f trainin g i n a yeshiv a befor e entering th e Seminary . Youn g Steinber g ha d non e o f thes e advan tages.1 His father ha d studied Talmud i n his youth i n Lithuania an d knew hi s wa y i n rabbini c literature , bu t h e ha d los t hi s piet y an d given u p hi s religiou s interes t eve n befor e settlin g i n Rochester , New York , wher e Milto n wa s born . I n searc h o f ne w mooring s and fo r peopl e wh o woul d b e receptive t o hi s "fre e ideas, " Samue l Steinberg began to gravitate toward the local branch of the Arbeiter Ring (Workman' s Circle ) an d t o atten d forum s a t th e Labo r Ly ceum, a fe w block s fro m hi s hom e wher e h e hear d Morri s Hilqui t and other socialist speakers talk abou t th e new society they wante d to buil d i n America . I n th e "Progressiv e Library " nearby , Samue l began to read article s by Eugene Debs, Abraham Cahan , an d Victo r Berger o f th e Socialis t movemen t an d h e ofte n too k hi s precociou s son along . I n late r year s Milto n woul d refe r t o thes e earl y influ ences, t o th e lov e o f ideas, th e passio n fo r justice, an d fo r intellec tual debate that h e gained from hi s father an d from th e socialist lecturers. Young Steinber g learne d t o rea d befor e h e entere d publi c schoo l and a t a n earl y ag e wa s alread y a frequen t visito r a t th e littl e neighborhood librar y o n Josep h Avenu e nea r hi s grandparents ' home.2 Th e libraria n wa s amaze d t o find thi s nine-year-ol d littl e boy reading Dostoyevsky' s The Brothers Karamazov an d othe r Russian novels . I n junio r hig h schoo l youn g Steinber g excelle d i n hi s studies and a t East High School he led his class in all subjects excep t physics an d geometry . H e was particularl y fascinate d b y th e stud y of Latin. Milton Steinberg, a s his teachers and friends hav e testified , was a natura l studen t t o who m acquirin g knowledg e cam e easil y and gracefully . While hi s father wa s no t religious , livin g a s the famil y di d wit h his mother's parents Milton als o absorbed a n emotional attachmen t to Judaism. Hi s grandmothe r wa s a completel y piou s woma n an d Milton neve r forgo t th e Frida y afternoon s i n he r hom e whe n "on e could almos t fee l th e Shabbos coming in. A s twilight fell , ou t cam e the spotles s white tabl e cloth , gleamin g candlestick s an d th e silve r

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kiddush cup ; an d th e smel l o f m y grandmother' s Sabbat h fish first roused appetite s long before sundown/ ' His grandfather , a nervous , hot-tempere d man , a peddle r lik e Milton's father , wa s als o a n observan t Je w wit h a profoun d rever ence for Jewish tradition . On e of Milton's earliest an d dearest child hood memories was "carrying my grandfather's tallis an d mahzor t o the synagogue. I was very young, s o young tha t I had t o break int o a ru n fro m tim e t o tim e t o kee p u p wit h him , bu t I ca n stil l recall acros s th e years, th e fee l an d appearanc e o f his mahzor —its smooth, shiny , leathe r binding , mottle d brow n i n color , th e yel lowing edg e o f it s page s an d thei r must y smel l whe n the y wer e opened afte r bein g untouched fo r a full year. " In spit e o f th e earl y religiou s influences , however , i t neve r oc curred t o an y o f hi s relative s o r friend s a t th e tim e tha t "Michele " Steinberg woul d becom e a rabbi . H e receive d onl y a fe w year s o f formal Jewis h education , jus t enoug h t o prepar e hi m fo r hi s ba r mitzvah whic h too k plac e i n th e Leopol d Stree t Synagogu e i n No vember 1916 . I n vie w o f hi s logica l min d an d hi s abilit y t o expres s himself, his contemporaries were all convinced tha t this lean, gaun t adolescent wit h th e probin g brow n eye s would stud y law . Tha t h e turned t o rabbinica l studie s instea d ca n b e explaine d onl y b y th e move o f th e famil y i n th e winte r o f 191 9 to Ne w Yor k City, wher e he acquired ne w friends an d teachers and a philosophically oriente d rabbi took a personal interest i n him . Choosing a Career: From Philosophy to Religion Milton Steinber g wa s fifteen an d a hal f whe n th e famil y resettle d on Wes t 119t h Stree t a t th e corne r o f Leno x Avenu e i n Jewis h Harlem. I n contras t t o Rochester' s thirtee n thousan d Jews, Harle m had a population o f approximately on e hundred thousand . I t was a vibrant, intimat e neighborhood , densel y populate d an d bustlin g with Jewis h activity . I n th e are a fro m 100t h Stree t t o 125t h Stree t and betwee n Madiso n an d Sevent h Avenues , a n enclav e o f Jewish institutions of all kinds had been established, includin g the uptow n Talmud Torah , th e Yeshiv a o f Harlem , Ohe b Zedek , th e Institu tional Synagogue , th e refor m Templ e Israel , an d Ansh e Chesed— a

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liberal Conservativ e congregatio n wit h organ , choir , mixe d seating , and lat e Frida y evenin g services—whos e rabb i wa s Dr . Jaco b Kohn. 3 The Jewis h atmospher e i n Harle m wa s especiall y noticeabl e o n Sabbath an d holidays . Whil e a few year s late r th e tren d o f th e mor e affluent Jew s wa s t o mov e t o West En d Avenu e an d Riversid e Drive , in 191 9 Jewis h Harle m wa s a t it s peak , a staunchl y middle-clas s community populate d b y th e mor e successfu l Jew s whos e childre n would mak e thei r mar k i n America n life . Milton attende d DeWit t Clinto n Hig h Schoo l wher e h e displaye d the sam e driv e t o exce l a s in Rochester . I n January 1920 , on hi s first report card , h e receive d 10 5 i n English , 10 0 i n Physics , 9 5 i n Eco nomics an d America n History , an d 9 7 i n Latin . O n th e sam e bloc k where Steinber g live d i n a n apartmen t hous e jus t acros s th e wa y also live d Myro n Eisenstein , th e sam e ag e a s himself , an d hi s "ki d brother" Ira . Thei r grandfather , J . D . Eisenstein , wa s a well-know n Jewish schola r wh o ha d publishe d a serie s o f book s an d encyclope dic work s i n Hebre w o n Jewish la w an d Jewish thought . Myro n an d Milton becam e friend s an d participate d i n man y activitie s to gether—movies, walks , occasiona l ride s o n rente d bicycle s i n Cen tral Park , an d fro m tim e t o tim e share d thei r reaction s t o book s they ha d read . However , whe n th e Eisenstei n brother s too k Hebre w lessons wit h a privat e tuto r thre e time s a week , Milto n di d no t participate. Bu t togethe r wit h Myron , h e di d joi n th e Soh i Clu b a t the Ansh e Chese d Synagogue , th e meanin g o f whic h it s seventee n members wer e pledge d t o kee p secret . Milto n als o agree d t o tak e a course a t th e synagogu e i n biblica l Hebrew , bu t h e mad e i t clea r t o Rabbi Schwefel , th e teacher , tha t hi s interes t wa s i n th e languag e for it s own sak e an d no t fo r religiou s reasons. 4 Unlike th e Eisenstei n brothers , Milto n rarel y attende d service s a t the synagogue . Eve n befor e enterin g colleg e h e ha d rea d Herber t Spencer's First Principles, i n whic h th e famou s philosophe r rejecte d traditional idea s o f God an d insiste d tha t n o on e possesse d sufficien t knowledge abou t th e univers e t o bas e religio n o n suc h a view . H e had als o rea d th e thre e essay s o n religio n b y John Stuar t Mill , wh o denied tha t th e Intelligenc e probabl y responsibl e fo r th e orde r o f the univers e wa s concerne d wit h th e goo d o f huma n beings . Thes e thinkers confirme d fo r hi m th e negativ e attitud e t o religio n h e ha d

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gained fro m hi s father . O n on e o r tw o occasions , however , h e yielded t o hi s friends ' entreatie s an d wen t alon g wit h the m t o Anshe Chesed. Soo n he discovered tha t h e enjoyed "goin g to shul. " The servic e alway s include d a few Englis h reading s an d seeme d t o be a happ y blen d o f modernis m wit h traditiona l Judaism . H e wa s also fascinated b y the thoughtful, philosophicall y oriente d sermon s of Rabb i Kohn , whos e rationa l logica l approac h t o Judais m ap pealed t o him. 5 Kohn wa s a friendl y ma n o f thirty-nine , wh o ha d com e t o th e ministry through philosophy . O n his graduation fro m hig h school in Newark, Ne w Jersey , h e ha d receive d a scholarshi p t o Ne w Yor k University, wher e h e studie d theisti c philosoph y an d avidl y rea d books by Bowne , Royce , an d James, al l o f whom helpe d t o confir m him in his religious point of view. When Solomon Schechter arrive d from Englan d to head the reorganized Jewish Theological Seminary , Kohn decided t o study for the rabbinate. Afte r servin g in a pulpit i n Syracuse, h e accepte d th e cal l t o Ansch e Chesed . Th e Ne w Yor k congregation wa s truly "Conservative " in tha t i t introduce d famil y pews, organ , an d choir . Th e nucleu s o f th e grou p consiste d o f German Jews o f Alsatian background , man y o f whom wer e devote d t o tradition. Amon g thos e wh o attende d service s regularl y o n Satur day mornings were Henrietta Szold , at that time in charge of Zionist educational work , Alic e Seligsberg, a co-worker with Mis s Szold on Zionist projects , an d Jess e Sampter , America n poe t an d Zionis t writer. Th e congregatio n als o attracte d a smatterin g o f rabbinica l students who cam e t o compare Kohn' s style of preaching with tha t of Dr. Kaplan, thei r homiletics professor . For a time , Milto n foun d i t difficul t t o accep t man y o f Kohn' s doctrines becaus e o f hi s earlie r socialisti c upbringin g an d agnosti c views. Bu t a s h e hear d mor e o f th e Rabbi' s sermons , h e foun d himself reexaminin g wha t h e had read an d his youthful presupposi tions. The fact tha t one cannot kno w much abou t the Reality calle d God, Koh n pointe d out , wa s n o reaso n t o assum e tha t on e canno t know anythin g abou t tha t Reality . Th e Spencerian view , i f applie d to other objects of thought, woul d mak e all knowledge impossible. When Kohn discovered ho w interested Milto n was in his theological expositions , h e invite d hi m t o hi s home an d too k hi m fo r lon g walks i n th e park , wher e h e trie d t o stimulat e hi s imaginatio n

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about th e proble m o f Go d an d othe r aspect s o f th e philosoph y o f theism. Koh n communicate d t o Milto n hi s conviction , partl y de rived fro m Royc e an d Bowne , o f th e complet e compatibilit y o f philosophy an d religion . H e showe d Milto n ho w medieva l Jewis h thinkers lik e Saadi a an d Maimonide s ha d employe d philosoph y t o clarify thei r faith . Koh n als o trie d t o implan t i n hi m a tast e fo r w h a t h e calle d "metaphysica l philosophy. " H e pointe d t o th e indis pensable rol e whic h fait h mus t pla y no t onl y i n religio n bu t als o i n science an d othe r area s o f life . Scientists , h e pointe d out , d o no t begin wit h facts , bu t rathe r wit h hypothese s abou t th e orderlines s and rationalit y o f natur e an d th e intelligibilit y o f th e universe , presuppositions whic h canno t b e proved . Al l thes e theme s woul d i n later year s appea r i n Steinberg' s writing s a s foundatio n stone s o f his ow n worl d view . Thes e philosophica l discussion s wit h Koh n convinced Milto n tha t th e "firs t principles " fro m whic h h e shoul d begin wer e no t thos e o f Spence r o r Mill , bu t thos e o f a Go d o n which al l othe r religiou s affirmation s ar e based . I f a philosophica l approach t o religio n becam e th e basi s o f Steinberg' s orientatio n t o Judaism, an d metaphysica l speculatio n a n indispensabl e passio n influencing eve n hi s pulpi t addresse s an d sermons , thi s stemme d i n large par t fro m Rabb i Kohn' s influence . I n a lette r t o Koh n man y years later , Milto n reminde d hi m o f thos e "talk s abou t Judaism an d the Jewis h people , th e univers e an d it s problems, " an d w h a t the y had mean t t o him. 6 The y le d hi m slowly , shyly , an d almos t secretl y to practic e th e traditiona l ritual s o f Judaism . H e bega n t o pu t o n tefillin [phylacteries ] regularly , an d wit h th e ne w understandin g o f religion h e ha d acquired , cam e affectio n an d lov e fo r th e ancien t usages of Judaism. In Februar y 192 1 Milto n entere d Cit y College , a half-hou r fro m his home . H e thre w himsel f int o hi s secula r studie s wit h hi s usua l energy an d determination . H e was undoubtedl y thinkin g o f his ow n college day s whe n late r h e urge d a youn g undergraduat e t o stud y "out o f th e joy an d zes t o f exploration. " For thes e ar e th e year s o f intellectua l adventurin g i n you r life , o f roaming fa r afield , o f flight o f the spirit , yes , an d o f the layin g i n of your basic mental capital . Trave l far, boy , and among all sorts of and conditions o f ideas . An d acquir e generousl y o f thos e treasure s o f

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which, a s the ancient Rabbis put it, a man eats the yield in this world and the principal remainet h unt o eternity. 7 For Milto n Steinberg , thos e wer e trul y year s o f intellectua l ad venturing. Durin g hi s first semester , h e registere d no t onl y fo r th e usual classe s i n Englis h literature , algebra , an d publi c speaking , bu t also fo r course s o n Home r i n Gree k an d o n Cicero , Livy , an d Horac e in Latin . Th e followin g yea r h e studie d th e histor y o f philosophy , Plato i n Greek , Roma n lyri c poetry , an d Gree k drama , a s well a s th e standard course s i n economics , America n government , an d medi eval an d moder n history . W e ca n onl y gues s wha t attracte d hi m t o the Gree k dramatist s an d philosopher s an d t o th e Roma n poets , bu t undoubtedly h e mus t hav e responde d t o thei r rationa l outloo k an d spirit a s well a s to thei r literar y merit . Milton woul d hav e don e wel l i n an y college . Bu t Cit y Colleg e i n the 1920 s was particularl y suite d t o hi s typ e o f intellectualism . Th e school ha d acquire d a first-rate faculty , attracte d t o i t b y it s loca tion, academi c standing , an d comparativel y hig h salaries . Perhap s its best-know n membe r wa s Morri s Raphae l Cohen , wh o afte r sev eral years i n th e mathematic s departmen t ha d receive d a n appoint ment t o teac h philosophy . Cohe n ha d alread y becom e a veritabl e folk her o abou t whos e menta l prowes s tale s wer e recounte d wit h loving exaggeration . The natur e o f th e studen t body , too , helpe d t o creat e a milie u i n which on e wit h Milton' s inclination s coul d fee l a t home . Th e typi cal Cit y Colleg e studen t a t tha t tim e ha s bee n describe d a s a n argumentative, sometime s brilliant , loquacious , an d rathe r trucu lent youn g ma n wh o wa s partia l t o radica l politics , disrespectfu l o f authority, an d ofte n kne w mor e o n a give n subjec t tha n hi s teach ers. Careles s i n dres s an d gauch e i n worldl y matters , h e concen trated o n classroo m accomplishment s wit h a fierce competitiveness . Even i n thi s highl y competitiv e milieu , Milto n mad e hi s mark . B y the en d o f hi s secon d year , h e ha d earne d A i n a t leas t fifty credit s and wo n a meda l fo r th e highes t averag e attaine d b y an y studen t for tha t year . H e wa s als o awarde d a priz e fo r excellenc e i n Greek , a certificat e o f meri t i n logi c an d share d th e priz e i n philosoph y with Pau l Weis s wh o late r becam e a n eminen t philosophe r an d metaphysician.

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While Milto n majore d i n th e classics , th e course s tha t provide d him wit h th e greates t stimulatio n wer e thos e give n b y Morri s Ra phael Cohen . Cohen' s unusua l erudition , hi s Socrati c metho d o f teaching, th e encyclopedi c rang e o f his knowledge, an d hi s logica l analysis o f ever y issu e mad e hi s classe s exhilarating . Fo r Milto n these course s achieve d specia l importanc e becaus e o f his hope tha t through philosoph y h e woul d find th e groundin g h e neede d fo r his ne w religiou s orientation . I n Cohen' s classe s Milto n learne d t o overcome hi s occasiona l tendenc y t o wha t hi s teache r calle d "sloppy thinking, " an d t o disciplin e himsel f alway s t o b e orderl y and logica l i n hi s presentations. I n late r years th e analytical , logi cal nature of Steinberg's sermons and addresses was to be a hallmark of his preaching an d teaching . Par t of his appeal woul d b e not onl y a powerfu l intellec t bu t th e clea r wa y i n whic h h e presente d th e material, breakin g dow n hi s expositio n o f idea s wit h phrase s lik e "In th e first plac e . . . i n th e secon d place. " This logica l approac h stemmed a t leas t i n par t fro m th e exampl e se t fo r hi m b y Morri s Cohen. "Muc h o f what i s straight an d wholesome i n my thinking, " he wrote years later t o Cohen's son Felix, "i s due to the instructio n in straightnes s an d wholesomenes s o f though t whic h you r fathe r imparted." Unlike man y o f his classmates, Milto n di d no t min d tha t Profes sor Cohe n ofte n acte d th e devil' s advocat e an d occasionall y sub jected student s t o hi s wi t an d ruthles s logic . Onc e whe n on e o f Milton's friends angril y walke d ou t o f class in protest, Milto n wen t after hi m an d brough t hi m back . Milto n himsel f wa s s o ful l o f reverence fo r Cohen' s kee n min d tha t h e wa s abl e t o forgiv e un pleasant aspect s of his personality. In thos e days , th e perso n I admire d mos t i n al l th e worl d wa s a professor, a ma n o f staggerin g erudition , vas t profundity , dazzlin g brilliance. T o kno w wha t h e knew , t o thin k thought s a s dee p an d creative a s his , t o b e capabl e o f hi s felicit y o f expression—thi s wa s my highest aspiration . It did not see m important t o me then tha t h e was cruel i n debate, not onl y wit h hi s colleague s wh o wer e presumabl y hi s equals , bu t also with hi s students. Wha t wa s it t o me that i t was hi s pleasure t o demolish student s wit h crushin g remarks , o r tha t h e wa s no t abov e

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baiting som e slo w witte d youngste r int o tearfu l confusion . H e wa s learned, brilliant , an d that was all that mattered. 8 But whe n Cohe n applie d thi s approac h t o Judaism , goin g ou t o f his wa y t o shoc k th e students , man y o f who m cam e fro m religiou s homes, Steinber g becam e annoyed . Lik e Nietzsche, Freud , an d othe r contemporary critics , Cohe n wa s withou t an y underlyin g sympath y for religio n an d alway s stresse d it s "dar k side, " th e war s an d perse cutions perpetrate d i n it s name . H e insiste d tha t religio n instille d mental attitude s antithetica l t o thos e gaine d fro m scientifi c train ing. Cohe n coul d se e n o logica l forc e i n th e theisti c argumen t tha t "the entir e univers e mus t hav e a perso n a s it s cause , designe r o r director." Fo r him , al l form s o f theis m wer e anthropomorphic , an d it wa s "blin d arrogance, " h e said , t o pu t one' s confidenc e i n suc h a personalistic explanation. 9 Later, unde r th e impac t o f th e Naz i threat , Cohe n wa s t o modif y his views . Bu t i n 192 3 he seeme d t o Milto n mor e critica l o f religio n than wa s necessary . Th e "rationalists " i n th e class , lik e Sidne y Hook an d Ernes t Nagel , welcome d thes e views , bu t mos t o f th e students violentl y disagreed . Steinber g alon e ha d th e courag e t o d o so openly . Th e professor , h e declared , wa s overstatin g th e cas e b y giving th e "dar k sid e o f religion " withou t mentionin g it s man y contributions. A rationa l approach , Milto n argued , wa s desirable , but reason , valuabl e a s i t was , ha d it s limits . Milto n fel t someho w that th e ver y futur e o f Judais m wa s a t stak e an d resolve d t o mee t the professo r o n hi s ow n intellectua l ground . T o hi s parents ' dis may, h e bega n t o sta y u p late r an d late r a t night , preparin g fo r Cohen's class . Pau l Weis s recalle d tha t h e hear d muc h tal k aroun d the colleg e o f th e "man y lon g battle s th e professo r an d Steinber g had i n class , wit h Milto n quotin g th e Bibl e an d passage s fro m Graetz's history " a s well a s arguments fro m Royce , wh o ha d becom e for him , a s fo r s o man y othe r earnes t bu t intellectuall y trouble d people a t th e time , a kin d o f prophet . Though h e ha d th e encouragemen t o f hi s classmates , i t wa s a n unequal debat e betwee n th e Socrati c maste r an d th e inexperience d youth. Recognizin g tha t h e neede d mor e knowledg e i n th e philoso phy o f religion , Milto n turne d t o Rabb i Kohn , wh o organize d a

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study grou p t o hel p hi m an d hi s friend s mee t Cohen' s criticisms . "They wer e t o tel l m e al l th e destructiv e bomb s which Cohe n ha d dropped on th e structure o f their religious lives," Kohn later wrote , "and i t would b e my duty t o analyze what th e professor ha d said t o see if ther e wa s no t anothe r sid e to th e matte r unde r discussion . I t became a n exercise of Kohn contra Cohen/' 10 As a resul t o f thes e sessions , Steinber g emerge d fro m hi s classe s with Cohe n wit h hi s theisti c fait h intact . I n a way, Morri s Cohe n completed th e wor k o f Rabb i Jaco b Kohn , b y helpin g Milto n t o argue his way philosophically t o a religious view. During thi s period , Milto n gav e a goo d dea l o f though t t o wha t career h e woul d choos e afte r graduation . I n spit e o f his interest i n philosophy, i t di d no t appea r t o him t o provide the complete visio n of lif e t o whic h h e coul d dedicat e himself . I t ha s bee n suggeste d that Steinber g migh t hav e mad e philosoph y hi s caree r wer e i t no t for th e difficult y i n obtainin g universit y appointment s experience d by Jews i n th e 1920s . To be sure, a n academi c caree r wa s no t eas y for a Jew t o achiev e a t tha t time . However , ther e i s n o reaso n t o believe tha t Milto n Steinber g woul d no t hav e attaine d th e sam e success as his classmates Sidney Hook and Ernest Nagel. That he did not choos e academi c philosoph y a s a caree r wa s a t leas t partl y because he was not satisfied wit h teachin g an d research a s a way of life. H e preferre d a professio n whic h woul d lea d t o a mor e direc t involvement wit h life . Jacob Kohn suggested that h e consider enter ing th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y wher e h e woul d b e abl e t o further hi s interes t bot h i n Judaism an d i n philosophy . Milto n wa s attracted b y the idea an d after a great deal of thought, i n Septembe r 1923, at th e beginning o f his last semeste r a t colleg e an d just befor e his twentiet h birthday , h e applie d fo r admissio n t o th e Seminary . At th e entranc e examination s h e ha d n o difficult y wit h question s on th e Bibl e an d manage d t o writ e a Hebre w composition , thoug h not without severa l grammatical errors . But when he was examined in Talmu d b y Professo r Loui s Ginzberg , th e eminen t talmudist , i t became obvious that h e was not ver y knowledgeable. Nevertheless , Steinberg's genera l backgroun d wa s s o impressiv e tha t th e admis sion committe e accepte d hi m wit h th e provis o tha t h e tak e extr a private instruction i n Talmud an d Hebrew grammar . A few month s later , i n Februar y 1924 , Milton Steinber g gradua -

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ted fro m Cit y Colleg e summa cum laude, a n hono r achieve d b y only four of the three hundred member s of his class. Prior to graduation he received a n appointmen t t o teach Latin and Greek at Townsend Harris , th e preparator y divisio n o f Cit y College . Havin g a semester t o wai t befor e h e coul d ente r th e Seminary , h e accepte d the assignmen t wit h alacrity . H e enjoye d th e experienc e an d "re mained eve r after, " a s h e pu t it , "a n arden t Hellenist. " Neverthe less, whe n th e dea n o f City Colleg e offered hi m a position t o teac h Latin an d Greek at th e college itself, h e turned i t down. Milto n ha d his heart se t on his rabbinic studie s an d ha d n o intention o f changing his mind. That summer , whil e waitin g fo r Seminar y classe s t o begin , h e registered fo r tw o course s i n philosoph y a t Columbi a University . The first give n b y Professo r Willia m P . Montague , wa s a surve y o f the leading ideas of speculative thought from th e Greeks to Bergson. The second , b y Herber t Schneider , deal t wit h recen t philosophica l thought i n the United States. Rabbinical Student Steinberg enjoye d mos t o f his courses a t th e Seminary , particularl y the on e o n moder n Hebre w literatur e wher e h e rea d fo r th e first time th e poignan t storie s o f Mordeca i Ze v Feierberg , th e poetr y o f Hayyim Nachma n Bialik , an d th e essay s o f A chad Ha-Am . H e wa s fascinated b y the spiritua l biographie s of these men, th e inne r con flicts the y ha d suffere d i n a n attemp t t o reconcil e Jewish loyaltie s with th e world a t large . Hi s teachers sense d tha t h e was not onl y a serious student wh o prepare d carefull y fo r eac h class , bu t wa s als o "a thinker. " They respecte d him , a s did most of his fellow students , for hi s intellectua l superiorit y an d hi s abilit y t o articulat e hi s thoughts s o beautifully. A t the en d of his first year h e won a scholarship of three hundre d dollar s for attainin g th e highes t averag e i n the school on the final examinations . However, whil e h e found th e Seminary a satisfactory experienc e scholastically, Milto n wa s disappointed i n hi s hope that hi s studies would hel p him t o find answers to some of his lingering theologica l doubts. H e was not th e onl y on e amon g th e student s wit h intellec tual misgiving s abou t som e aspect s o f traditio n an d abou t thei r

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ability t o adjust t o their future spiritua l role . A few years later, i n a revealing lette r t o a young Seminar y studen t wh o complaine d tha t he was no t altogethe r happ y a t th e institution , Steinber g confesse d that durin g hi s own first year, h e too had bee n "fille d wit h up s an d downs" an d wa s "alternativel y elate d an d depressed. ,, Tim e an d again h e an d hi s friends aske d themselves if they were fitted fo r th e rabbinate "an d w e wer e constantl y haunte d b y th e questio n a s t o our adjustment t o it." n In late r year s Steinber g averre d tha t thes e doubt s wer e nothin g of whic h t o b e ashamed . Quit e th e contrary , h e affirmed , "ever y man o f sou l i n th e Seminar y mus t travers e thi s particula r bi t o f wilderness. Th e onl y me n I knew wh o didn' t hav e thi s experienc e were rabbinica l oxen . Whil e mental disturbance s ar e no guarante e of effectiveness i n th e rabbinate , I certainly thin k tha t th e absenc e of them i s a serious reflection i n any student." n That Milto n di d no t leav e th e Seminar y an d registe r a t la w school wa s primaril y becaus e o f Mordeca i Kaplan , on e o f the mos t influential personalitie s o n th e facult y a t th e time . I n contras t t o Jacob Kohn's philosophical emphasis , Kapla n was influenced b y the sociological approac h t o religio n h e ha d acquire d a t Columbi a where h e ha d studie d unde r Frankli n Giddings , on e of the founder s of the new Science of Society. He had als o read the works of Charles Cooley an d Emi l Durkhei m wh o helpe d hi m t o understan d th e reality o f social lif e an d it s impact o n the individual. 13 Kapla n wa s also very muc h influence d b y A chad Ha-Am , wit h hi s emphasi s o n group consciousness and the will to live of the Jewish people. Kaplan wa s no t i n favo r o f abstrac t theology ; wha t wa s im portant fo r hi m wa s th e experienc e o f th e group . Judaism, i n hi s view, did not contain a fixed set of doctrines incumbent on all Jews, since suc h doctrine s wer e alway s changin g an d evolving . Religio n was a manifestation o f group lif e rathe r tha n a revelation o f abso lute and eternal truths. Thus, Kaplan insisted, Jews were more tha n a religiou s fellowshi p o r Philosophica l Society , a s Refor m Judais m thought. Jews must seek to create in the Unite d States the element s of a real community, becaus e were they to have nothing in common other than thei r religion, thei r life a s a people would b e in danger. 14 Thus, whil e h e an d Koh n were both progressiv e in thei r attitud e t o

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Jewish law , thei r outlook s wer e base d o n differen t philosophi c grounds. Milton studie d wit h Kapla n fo r tw o hour s ever y Wednesda y morning, fo r hi m th e tw o mos t excitin g hour s o f th e week . H e approved o f th e wa y Kapla n trie d t o jolt th e student s ou t o f thei r lethargy. Thoug h mor e deliberat e i n hi s though t processe s tha n Morris Cohen, Kapla n seeme d t o Milton t o be equally excitin g a s a teacher. T o b e sur e h e coul d roa r wit h propheti c wrat h whe n a student misuse d a Midras h o r mad e wha t h e considere d a particu larly stupi d remark . Bu t unlik e th e Cit y Colleg e professor , Kapla n felt i t his duty to reconstruct Judaism. Steinberg, fres h fro m hi s debates with Morri s Cohen an d from hi s reading o f Royce, regrette d tha t Kapla n ha d littl e t o sa y abou t th e nature o f God , th e proble m o f evil , o r o f fait h an d it s relatio n t o reason. Bu t h e recognized th e cogenc y o f Kaplan's sociolog y an d of his broad definition o f Judaism. H e gained from hi m a n understand ing o f th e seriou s crise s confrontin g th e moder n Je w an d th e eco nomic an d intellectua l challenge s t o b e overcome . Kapla n helpe d him t o realiz e th e inadequac y o f existin g program s fo r Jewish sur vival. H e als o furnishe d Steinber g an d th e othe r student s wit h a view of religious observance a s folkway, an d with a vision of a new type o f communa l structure . I f later , a s a rabbi , Steinber g sa w Judaism i n broad comprehensiv e terms as a complete civilization, i f he ha d clear-cu t view s o n al l aspect s o f Jewish peoplehood—cul ture, Zionism , an d th e Jewis h community—thes e wer e base d fo r the mos t par t o n th e integrate d outloo k give n hi m b y Mordeca i Kaplan. Milto n readil y acknowledge d hi s debt t o thi s bold , stimu lating teacher for furnishing hi m with a creative program for Jewish living, an d a rationale whic h enable d hi m t o continu e hi s rabbini cal studies. 15 Midwest Pulpit When Milto n wa s abou t t o graduat e fro m th e Seminar y i n Jun e 1928, Dr. Kapla n invite d hi m t o become his assistant a t th e Societ y for th e Advancemen t o f Judaism i n Ne w York . Milto n turne d th e offer dow n because, a s he put it, he didn't want to become a shadow

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in th e ligh t o f a grea t man . H e preferre d t o star t ou t o n hi s own , even i n a les s prestigiou s congregation , an d accepte d a pulpi t i n Indianapolis, o n th e wa y t o becomin g a prosperou s industria l center. Everything seeme d t o g o smoothly a t th e beginnin g o f his India napolis career . "Th e Ros h Hashana h service s i n thi s outpos t o f Jewish civilization, " h e boaste d i n a lette r t o hi s frien d Ir a Eisenstein wh o wa s stil l a t th e Seminary , "wer e a triumphan t suc cess an d th e stoc k o f Conservativ e Judaism ha s gon e u p 100% . For the first tim e i n th e histor y o f Indianapolis , member s o f a Refor m congregation visitin g a second-da y servic e faile d t o ge t th e smu g feeling o f a n experienc e i n intellectua l slumming . Th e futur e i s particularly roseat e a t the immediate present. " From th e first, Steinber g pu t hi s emphasi s o n hi s sermons . Hi s initial tw o talk s o n Ros h Hashana h entitle d "Realit y o f th e Mora l Law" and "The Kingdom of God," were a foretaste of the theologica l emphasis that was to characterize his preaching. When he launched the lat e Frida y evenin g service s earl y i n October , h e devote d th e first few sermon s t o th e philosoph y o f Conservative Judaism. "Jew ish civilization, " h e pointed out , "i s not static , an d i t i s imperativ e to change an d modify i t accordin g to the times." Orthodoxy was no longer relevant to modern Jewish life, an d Reform Judaism had gone to extremes. The Conservative program, h e insisted, was best suite d for the people of Indianapolis an d for modern American Jews everywhere. In additio n t o theologica l themes , Steinber g too k u p a variety of other topics . O n severa l Frida y evening s h e dramatized th e live s of Jewish personalitie s lik e "Sabbata i Zevi , th e las t o f th e grea t fals e Messiahs." Durin g th e Christma s seaso n h e spok e on "Judais m an d the Teaching of Jesus." In a sermon entitled "Whithe r America?" he reviewed Middletown, th e the n recentl y publishe d sociologica l study by Robert an d Helen Lynd about Muncie, Indiana . Initially there was an enthusiastic respons e to these sermons. But after a fe w weeks , Steinber g discovere d tha t ther e wer e difficultie s in preachin g regularl y t o th e sam e congregation . Fo r som e o f hi s congregants hi s sermon s wer e to o abstrac t an d intellectual , an d even his vocabulary wa s too difficult. Man y were too fatigued fro m the day's work t o be receptive t o a thoughtful message . There wer e

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also physica l difficulties . Th e acoustic s i n som e part s o f th e syna gogue were not good, an d th e temperature no t alway s conducive t o listening to a profound sermon . Steinberg trie d t o b e sympathetic . Bu t soo n h e realize d wit h dismay tha t th e congregant s wer e unwillin g t o hav e thei r mind s taxed b y discussions abou t Go d an d morality ; the y wante d t o hea r "interesting sermons " o n recen t novel s o r curren t events , rathe r than seriou s religiou s discussion . Thoug h disappointe d b y thes e reactions, h e refuse d t o cate r t o th e tast e o f th e congregation . Th e purpose of the sermon, h e explained, wa s not to entertain o r amuse, but t o educate , stimulate , an d clarify . H e urged the m t o mak e th e intellectual effor t t o thin k throug h wit h hi m som e of the problem s of Jewish life. 16 Gradually however , th e congregatio n becam e accustome d t o hi s intellectual approach . The y recognize d hi s grea t talent s an d gre w deeply fon d o f him . Ther e wa s a sweetnes s abou t thi s young rabb i and a dedicatio n tha t the y liked . Whil e h e wa s no t muc h o f a fund-raiser o r a n administrator , hi s grea t abilit y a s a speaker , th e intellectual stimulatio n h e provide d fo r th e younger peopl e i n th e congregation, th e enthusias m an d zea l whic h characterize d every thing h e did , an d th e war m persona l relationship s h e developed , won for him almos t universal admiration . He, i n turn , foun d th e rabbinat e a constan t challeng e an d de rived satisfactio n especiall y fro m th e stud y circle s h e organize d primarily fo r th e young marrie d couples . Littl e b y little th e doubt s he had entertaine d abou t th e ministry wer e dispelled. I n a letter t o the so n o f on e o f hi s congregants , wh o wa s a studen t a t th e Semi nary an d lik e Steinber g i n hi s tim e ha d begu n t o develo p doubts , he wrote: Once you ar e in th e rabbinat e your proble m wil l solv e itself. Yo u must lear n tha t th e Jewis h peopl e need s th e bes t an d fines t typ e o f conscientious leadership . Yo u ma y suffe r fro m a sens e o f defeat an d frustration, yo u ma y find yourself unabl e to effect you r ends, but you will never feel that wha t you are doing is not worthwhile. The Jewish cause may b e doomed i n thi s country, bu t eve n that give s no support for abandonin g it . Th e fac t tha t a caus e i s los t i s n o reflectio n o n its goodness. I fee l s o thoroughl y th e valu e o f th e rabbinat e tha t I wan t t o

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repeat m y ol d advice . Stic k t o you r gun s an d lear n al l yo u can . Prepare yourself t o the full an d allo w your intellectual hesitancie s t o resolve themselves in the course of time. 17 Steinberg serve d a s a rabb i i n Indianapoli s fo r fiv e years whe n h e received a cal l fro m Dr . Loui s Finkelstein, registra r o f the Seminary , inquiring whethe r h e woul d b e intereste d i n becomin g th e rabb i o f the Par k Avenu e Synagogu e i n Ne w York . I t wa s a smal l semi Reform congregatio n wit h a n impressiv e buildin g o n th e Uppe r Eas t Side whos e dwindlin g membershi p ha d bee n searchin g fo r a dy namic youn g rabb i wh o woul d revitaliz e th e congregation . Thoug h it mean t a one-thir d decreas e i n salary , Steinber g sa w grea t potenti alities i n thi s ne w congregatio n and , anxiou s t o b e bac k i n Ne w York Cit y i n th e hear t o f Jewish life , h e welcomed thi s new opportu nity. Onc e agai n a mov e t o Ne w Yor k mean t a turnin g poin t i n his life . Park Avenue Synagogue Steinberg bega n hi s career a t th e Par k Avenue Synagogu e i n Septem ber 193 3 with som e trepidation . Th e fal l o f 193 3 was hardl y th e mos t auspicious tim e t o begi n buildin g a run-dow n congregatio n int o a n effective religiou s institution . Th e countr y ha d no t ye t recovere d from th e Depression . Th e economi c situatio n wa s stil l desperate . The congregatio n itsel f wa s bese t b y problems—lac k o f member ship, financia l difficulties , absenc e o f an y planne d programs , n o Hebrew schoo l t o spea k of , an d fro m Steinberg' s poin t o f view , th e untraditional characte r o f its service. Bu t Steinber g wa s determine d to tak e thi s iner t an d almos t bankrup t congregatio n an d mak e a g o of it . As w e hav e seen , Steinber g wa s hardl y Orthodox , bu t h e wa s committed t o traditiona l ritua l practices . I n hi s vie w the y minis tered t o "man' s thirs t fo r beauty , pageantr y an d myster y i n life " and wer e a way o f preserving th e Jewish peopl e an d it s way o f life. 18 Early i n hi s tenur e h e mad e i t clea r t o th e officer s tha t h e coul d not i n goo d conscienc e officiat e i n a synagogue s o much a t varianc e with th e Conservativ e movemen t i n Judaism . The y ha d agree d i n advance t o discontinu e th e collectio n o f mone y o n th e Sabbat h an d

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to requir e al l worshiper s t o cove r thei r heads . Afte r a great dea l of discussion, wearin g th e tallis a t Sabbat h an d holida y service s als o became th e accepte d practice . Later , a s families o f Eas t Europea n background joine d th e congregation , mor e Hebre w wa s graduall y introduced. Steinber g wa s als o unhappy abou t th e non-Jew s i n th e choir, sinc e i n hi s judgment the y coul d no t participat e i n th e wor ship servic e i n an y genuin e fashion . However , h e di d no t insis t on thei r bein g replace d immediately , preferrin g t o wai t unti l the y resigned. Withi n tw o o r thre e year s th e praye r boo k wa s replace d by a more traditional text , smokin g on the synagogue premises wa s prohibited o n th e Sabbath , an d i n plac e o f th e miniatur e Sukkah [booth] on the pulpit, a real Sukkah wa s built a t the rear of the synagogue.19 When Steinber g bega n hi s ministr y a t th e Par k Avenu e Syna gogue, i t ha d onl y 12 0 dues-paying families, no t enoug h t o solve its financial problem s or to carry out th e programs he had in mind. Bu t he wa s convince d tha t a t leas t som e o f th e unaffiliate d Jew s i n Yorkville—physicians associate d wit h Moun t Sina i Hospital, attor neys, accountants , teachers , an d wealth y businessmen—coul d b e won ove r t o Jewish life . Many , o f course , wer e s o involve d i n th e activities o f th e city—th e Broadwa y theater , concert s a t Carnegi e Hall, th e Metropolita n Opera , th e ar t gallerie s u p an d dow n Madi son Avenue—tha t the y fel t n o nee d fo r religion . Bu t ther e wer e others, Steinber g wa s convinced , wh o wit h th e ris e o f nazis m i n Europe an d th e emergenc e o f anti-Semitis m i n th e Unite d States , might b e more receptive to Jewish identification . At a membership meetin g earl y i n January 1934 , he outline d hi s plan for increasing the membership. I t consisted i n the formation o f small, intimat e stud y circle s t o mee t i n th e home s o f som e o f th e more devote d congregant s t o whic h non-affiliate d friend s coul d b e invited. Socia l groups were soon organized an d night afte r nigh t th e new rabb i mad e hi s way u p an d dow n Par k an d Fift h Avenue s an d over t o th e Wes t Side , leadin g discussion s o n curren t Jewis h prob lems and aspect s of Jewish history an d religion . Steinberg wa s ver y effectiv e a t thes e sessions . H e was helpe d b y his encyclopedic knowledge, hi s liking for people, and his collection of humorous stories. His enthusiasm wa s contagious and he enjoye d teaching. "Mor e tha n th e cal f want s t o suck," h e would say , quot -

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ing th e ancien t rabbis , "th e co w wishe s t o b e sucked. " Thoug h originally man y cam e t o these study circle s invited b y a friend, th e pleasantness of the experience often le d to regular attendance . Gradually al l kind s o f peopl e bega n t o affiliat e wit h th e syna gogue. To the original German "mainlin e families ,, were now adde d many congregants of East European extraction . Man y of these were to make name s for themselve s i n th e general an d Jewish communi ties. After th e membership had increased and the financial situatio n had improved, som e of Steinberg's friends fel t guilt y that thei r "brilliant youn g rabbi " ha d bee n oblige d t o g o ha t i n han d t o variou s homes asking people to join. Bu t Steinberg did not seem to mind. By 1938, afte r five year s o f hi s leadership , th e congregatio n ha d ex panded fro m th e origina l grou p o f 12 0 to 35 0 families . Eac h yea r thereafter sa w new additions . The proportion o f prominent citizen s and professiona l person s was especially high . Bu t besides president s of movie companies and of department stores , Steinberg was pleased that th e new members also included small shopkeepers, machinists , and mechanics . B y 194 2 the membershi p ha d reache d th e "satura tion point " o f 42 5 families an d th e financial situatio n completel y stabilized itself. In 194 9 when I arrived to serve as Steinberg's associate, th e congregation numbere d mor e than 75 0 families. Philosophical Preacher One o f th e mai n attraction s tha t dre w peopl e t o th e Par k Avenu e Synagogue was Steinberg's eloquent an d stimulating preaching. Un like many o f his colleagues, h e spoke in a simple an d direct manne r without affectation . H e di d no t rely o n anecdotes , sensationa l themes, o r gimmicks , bu t hel d hi s audienc e throug h th e conten t and poeti c qualit y o f hi s sermons . The y deal t wit h man y differen t themes, on e o f th e mos t frequen t bein g th e problem s o f Jewis h survival. Thi s typ e o f sermon , usuall y give n a t th e lat e Frida y evening service, was based on Steinberg's conviction tha t Jews were more tha n a religiou s communio n bu t constitute d a n ethni c o r social grouping, a people with cultura l interests , a sense of community an d a dedicatio n t o Palestin e a s a nationa l homeland . Hi s sermons therefor e deal t wit h suc h topic s a s "What' s Wron g wit h Jewish Leadership?" ; "What's Wrong with Jewish Education?" ; "The

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Future o f Zionism i n America" ; "Th e Crisi s in Zionis t Leadership" ; "The Partitio n o f Palestine" ; "Th e Issu e of Dua l Loyalties" ; "Jewr y and It s Lost Jewish Intellectuals. " From tim e t o tim e h e too k u p a historica l them e o r discusse d a historical personalit y i n a n effor t t o giv e hi s congregant s insigh t into th e Jewis h past . Example s ar e suc h topic s a s "Th e Prophe t Elijah: Man , Legen d an d Symbol" ; an d "Maccabee s an d Puritans : Must Religiou s Zea l Alway s Becom e Religiou s Intolerance? " O n successive weeks he summed u p the life an d contribution s of Rashi, Moses Maimonides , an d Mose s Mendelssohn , afte r whic h h e deal t with suc h theme s a s " A Jewis h Vie w o f Jesus " an d th e questio n "Who Crucified Jesus?" Occasionally h e too k a Jewis h boo k a s hi s poin t o f departure . Among those he reviewed o n a Friday night were The Jews of Rome by Leo n Feuchtwanger , Fran z Werfel' s Hearken Unto the Voice, Ludwig Lewisohn' s Renegade, Irvin g Fineman' s Hear Ye Sons, Sholem Asch' s East River, I . J. Singer' s The Brothers Ashkenazi, Mau rice Samuel' s World of Sholom Aleichem an d Mordeca i Kaplan' s The Future of the American Jew. His eloquence an d analytica l power s were particularl y manifes t on th e subjec t o f fait h an d it s uses . A s he ha d don e whe n h e first came t o Indianapolis , h e devote d th e first fe w Frida y evening s a t the Par k Avenu e Synagogu e t o th e questio n o f ideology, discussin g such topic s a s "Wha t Shoul d B e Ou r Philosoph y o f Jewish Life?" ; "Can W e B e Orthodox? Shal l W e B e Reform?" Hi s purpose i n thes e talks wa s t o wi n hi s listener s t o a poin t o f view . H e mad e i t clea r that despit e hi s traditionalis m an d hi s stron g emotiona l sympath y with Orthodo x Judaism , Orthodox y wa s no t hi s program . No r di d he find Refor m a n adequat e o r logicall y consisten t philosophy . I t reduced Judaism t o a pallid kin d o f religiosity b y stripping from th e tradition th e ric h poetr y o f Jewish observance , allowin g Hebre w t o become a dea d tongue , an d i n it s classi c versio n insiste d tha t th e Jew forge t hi s drea m o f a homeland . A s muc h a s h e respecte d colleagues an d friend s i n th e Refor m rabbinat e lik e Lev i Olan , Philip S. Bernstein, Joshua Liebman , an d Charles Shulman, h e could not agre e wit h som e o f th e practice s i n thei r synagogues . I n hi s opinion, a more traditional approac h wa s necessary, an d h e felt hi s congregants wer e entitle d a t th e ver y outse t t o kno w hi s basi c

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religious convictions . Thu s o n on e occasio n h e too k a s his them e " A Modern Confessio n o f Faith : Wha t Ca n a Ma n Believe? " His answe r was ver y explicit . I believe i n Go d becaus e th e univers e a s the manifestatio n o f a creative min d i s th e onl y plausibl e basi s fo r th e orde r o f th e spheres . I believe in immortality becaus e I cannot believ e that consciousnes s is not mor e tha n th e reactio n o f materia l brai n cells . I believ e tha t when th e bod y dies , consciousnes s doe s no t di e wit h it ; ther e i s nothing in science than ca n positively contradic t this . I believe tha t ther e i s a real mora l la w a s surely a s there i s a la w of Nature. I believe i n th e Bible ; not i n it s miracles or in it s science, nor tha t i t i s literally inspire d no r eve n tha t i t i s the final morality . But I d o believ e tha t th e Bibl e i s th e grea t mora l teache r o f law , justice, mercy, th e Kingdom of God. In addition, ther e ar e certain thing s I believe in as a Jew. I believe in th e valu e o f Judais m a s a ric h culture , a s a wa y o f life , a s a contribution t o the civilization o f the world. I believe in Zionism an d the futur e o f th e Jew s i n Palestin e despit e Ara b riots . I believ e w e shall succee d i n buildin g i n Palestin e a rich ne w Jewish cultur e tha t will be an inspiration t o us, a crowning glory to the Jewish past. . . . And firs t an d las t I believe i n ma n an d i n th e essentia l goodnes s o f human nature , i n spit e o f wa r an d bestiality , injustice , poverty , corruption o f ideal s an d hypocrisy . . . . I believ e tha t ma n wil l mount up from th e slopes of Hell to the ideal society that th e prophets call the Kingdom of God. 20 In th e followin g month s h e elaborate d o n hi s outloo k b y dis cussing such theme s a s "Athens an d Jerusalem: Th e Eterna l Struggl e of th e Gree k an d Jewish Spirit" ; "Ca n a n Irreligiou s Ma n B e a Goo d Jew?"; "Doe s Moralit y Requir e Religion?" ; "I s Religio n Inbor n o r Can I t B e Acquired?" ; "Wha t Valu e Ha s Prayer?" ; "Floods , Earth quakes, an d th e Goodnes s o f God. " Fro m tim e t o tim e h e gav e a series o f sermon s o n th e sam e topi c s o h e coul d develop , i n thre e o r four successiv e weeks , variou s aspect s o f suc h philosophi c subject s as "Th e Utopia n Dream s o f Man, " "Th e Searc h fo r Happiness, " an d "Science an d Religion. " The philosoph y behin d thi s kin d o f preachin g wa s a convictio n that i f th e peopl e understoo d th e rol e an d purpos e o f religion , the y would develo p a greate r concer n fo r it . Wha t Steinber g wante d t o get acros s wa s th e vie w tha t religio n i s a n indispensabl e elemen t i n

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life, tha t fait h a s wel l a s intellec t i s necessar y fo r th e goo d life . H e was a religiou s rationalis t wh o appeale d t o huma n intelligenc e an d common sense . I n hi s interpretation , Judais m doe s no t expec t it s followers t o accep t anythin g tha t i s unreasonable, tha t run s counte r to moder n scienc e an d it s laws . Bu t intellect , h e insisted , i s no t sufficient b y itsel f t o gras p th e trut h abou t th e universe . Democri tus, Socrates , Plato , an d Aristotl e ha d though t so , bu t the n Gree k reason ra n int o a ston e wall , an d unabl e t o prov e it s ow n validity , gave wa y t o th e mysticis m o f Plotinus . Th e sam e proces s wa s bein g repeated i n moder n times . Descarte s ha d bee n convince d tha t ma n could solv e al l hi s problem s b y th e powe r o f reason , bu t Locke , Hume, an d Kan t ha d demonstrate d tha t me n coul d no t achiev e ultimate truth , a fac t tha t wa s confirme d b y non-Euclidia n geome try. Faith , too , i s necessary t o wor k ou t a Weltanschauung. The pulpit , Steinber g believed , als o ha d a responsibilit y t o appl y Jewish teaching s t o th e America n scene . H e therefor e rejecte d th e view tha t a rabb i shoul d avoi d controversia l issues . Those who protest agains t pulpit discussion of economic problems, seem t o forge t tha t Judais m teache s th e divinit y o f man ; tha t i t has alway s insiste d upo n th e socia l us e o f wealt h an d upo n huma n cooperation a s th e idea l principl e fo r th e orderin g o f society . The y seem to forget tha t Mose s legislated agains t exploitation , tha t Amos , Isaiah an d th e rabbi s o f th e Talmudi c ag e were intensel y concerne d about th e social problems of their day. 21 Steinberg's concer n wit h socia l problems , whil e no t new , wa s intensified b y hi s appointmen t t o b e chairma n o f th e Rabbinica l Assembly's Committe e o n Socia l Justice . I n thi s capacit y h e issue d a statemen t togethe r wit h Rabb i Elia s Margolis, th e presiden t o f th e assembly, protestin g agains t lynching s i n Maryland , California , an d Missouri, an d callin g fo r lega l protectio n fo r th e victims . A t it s annual conventio n i n Jun e 193 4 a t Tannersville , Ne w York , th e assembly, unde r hi s direction, adopte d fo r th e first tim e a statemen t expressing it s official attitud e t o socia l problems : We affirm tha t th e discussio n o f problems o f social an d economi c justice . . . i s not onl y legitimat e bu t eve n necessar y subjec t matte r for treatment from th e pulpit by ministers of religion.

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Teachers o f religio n must , i f the y ar e t o b e tru e t o thei r calling , give voic e i n unequivoca l term s t o thos e ethica l value s whic h ar e relevant t o man's organized living. 22 Several member s o f th e synagogu e board , conservativ e i n thei r political an d socia l outlook , objecte d t o thi s us e o f th e pulpi t t o express wha t wer e t o the m radica l ideas . A numbe r o f manufactur ers i n th e congregatio n wer e especiall y annoye d b y hi s defens e of trad e unionism . Bu t Jaco b Friedman , presiden t o f Par k Avenu e Synagogue, understoo d tha t a rabb i mus t follo w th e dictate s o f hi s conscience, an d a t n o tim e di d h e tr y t o discourag e Steinber g fro m stating hi s ow n convictions . A t a testimonia l dinne r i n Friedman' s honor, Steinber g pai d tribut e t o th e synagogu e presiden t fo r hi s restraint i n "withdrawin g fro m an y gestur e whic h migh t i n th e least imped e th e fre e movemen t o f my personality. " Ideologue of

Conservative Judaism

As a graduat e o f th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminary , Steinber g was , of course , prou d o f hi s alm a mate r an d alway s encourage d hi s congregants t o suppor t it s progra m an d activities . Bu t wit h th e passage o f th e year s h e bega n t o find faul t wit h th e directio n th e Seminary wa s takin g an d develope d misgiving s abou t wha t h e called it s "theologica l evasiveness. " B y thi s h e mean t it s failur e t o articulate wher e th e Conservativ e movemen t stoo d o n man y reli gious issues . A s h e sa w it , th e Seminar y wa s driftin g towar d a neo Orthodoxy whic h h e di d no t thin k wa s consonan t wit h th e purpos e of th e movement . I n hi s opinion , th e crystallizatio n o f a n ideolog y was indispensabl e t o avoi d intellectua l confusion , t o clarif y th e relationship o f Jewis h t o America n loyalties , an d t o mak e th e movement mor e efficien t an d purposeful . Als o ther e wer e problem s in hi s own rabbinat e o n whic h h e neede d guidance . Unti l Conserva tive Judaism formulate d a poin t o f view , thi s guidance , h e insisted , would no t b e forthcoming . Except fo r Mordeca i Kaplan , th e Seminar y facult y rarel y men tioned th e ter m "Conservativ e Judaism," conceivin g thei r tas k t o b e the developmen t o f a Judais m withou t qualifyin g adjectives . The y

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were no t eage r t o buil d a new religiou s movemen t o r t o encourag e a separatist ideology , bu t though t o f the Seminary a s a great cente r of Jewish learnin g whic h woul d serv e al l America n Jews, withou t labels of an y kind . Steinber g however share d th e view o f numerou s colleagues tha t th e tim e ha d com e for th e Seminar y t o formulate a philosophy fo r itself . Ther e was , h e felt, a need fo r seriou s theoriz ing abou t th e presuppositions , natur e an d consequence s o f Conser vative Judais m a s a wa y o f life . Unfortunately , however , hi s col leagues wer e no t i n agreemen t abou t th e specific s o f suc h a philosophy. Th e rathe r smal l "righ t wing " accepte d th e Shulhan Arukh, th e traditiona l sixteenth-centur y compilatio n o f Jewis h law, a s authoritative . T o the m th e la w coul d onl y b e amende d through th e traditional method s of interpretation . The middle group, which included th e majority o f the Rabbinica l Assembly, als o stresse d th e validit y o f halakha a s th e histori c method whereby Jewish religious consciousness functioned. I n their view, however , ther e wer e instance s wher e th e outloo k o f th e halakha wa s n o longe r acceptable—th e inequalit y o f wome n i n a divorce proceeding, fo r example . Ther e were also problems, such a s child adoption , wit h whic h th e halakha ha d no t dealt . I n suc h areas thi s middl e grou p wa s willin g t o loo k fo r ne w answers . Th e Law Committee , i n th e opinio n o f thi s group , ough t t o ac t i n th e spirit o f the halakha an d thu s retain th e discipline indispensabl e t o Jewish religiou s life . B y settin g u p a cod e o f minimu m religiou s observances, the y hope d to make clear the position o f Conservativ e Judaism o n som e o f th e problem s confrontin g th e congregationa l rabbi in his work. Steinberg was a member o f a third group , th e so-called lef t wing , which consiste d fo r th e mos t par t o f followers o f Mordecai Kaplan . This group asserted tha t th e Rabbinical Assembl y should undertak e legislation o n pressing issues of law, eve n i f it ra n counte r t o established lega l practic e an d interpretation . The y als o believe d tha t ritual shoul d b e removed fro m th e categor y o f la w an d understoo d as bein g custo m o r folkway. 23 I n a length y lette r t o Jaco b Kohn , Steinberg explained hi s view. Change, he stated, ha d alway s been a fact i n Judaism, beginnin g i n th e day s of the Hebre w prophet s an d continuing throug h th e late r talmudi c perio d an d th e Middl e Ages.

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The criteri a fo r change s ha d bee n th e enrichmen t o f th e spiritua l life o f th e individua l an d th e surviva l o f th e Jewish group . I n th e past, h e continued , modification s ha d com e t o pas s i n respons e t o the articulate d nee d o f the individual an d th e community. I n modern time s adjustment s ha d cease d t o b e automatic . Jewish leaders , therefore, usin g th e sam e measurin g rods , mus t no w brin g abou t deliberately, throug h reinterpretation , wha t th e sages had formerl y done unconsciously . Whil e th e presumption i n considering change s should alway s b e i n favo r o f Jewish tradition , boldnes s wa s neces sary if the survival of Judaism an d Jewish law were to be insured. 24 Steinberg held , fo r example , tha t ther e coul d b e relie f fo r th e agunah [deserte d wife] without a new legal enactment. Rathe r tha n seek a devic e t o circumven t thi s problem , h e though t tha t th e Rabbinical Assembl y shoul d tak e upo n itsel f th e righ t t o issu e bill s of divorcement—unde r certai n clearl y define d conditions—eve n without th e for m o f initia l actio n o n th e par t o f th e husband . H e was distresse d tha t n o effort s wer e bein g mad e t o brin g abou t suc h modifications. H e attribute d thi s failur e t o tak e a stan d t o a lac k of courage . Consequently , a golde n momen t i n America n Jewis h religious history was being lost. Steinberg wa s als o unhapp y abou t othe r development s a t th e Seminary. H e was troubled b y the fact tha t th e Seminary's Board of Directors include d individual s wh o di d no t belon g t o Conservativ e congregations an d wer e no t eve n sympatheti c t o th e value s nor mally associate d wit h Conservativ e Judaism. In th e sprin g o f 1944 , Steinber g wa s appointe d a membe r o f a commission t o write a new praye r boo k for Conservativ e congrega tions. He urged his colleagues to modify th e traditional Hebre w tex t "wherever i t was no longer consonan t wit h wha t i s common i n ou r religious viewpoint an d when , i n addition , i t canno t b e made suc h by reinterpretation." H e referred particularl y t o prayers for th e restoration o f anima l sacrifice s an d t o al l stud y text s dealin g wit h sacrificial rituals . H e als o suggeste d modifyin g passage s i n whic h the doctrin e o f th e chosennes s o f Israe l ha d stron g connotation s o f ethical superiority . H e wa s concerne d tha t ye t anothe r editio n o f the traditiona l tex t woul d b e produced unresponsiv e t o contempo rary needs. 25

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While mos t o f hi s colleague s respecte d Steinber g bot h a s a rabb i and a s a thinker , the y resente d th e attitud e reflecte d i n hi s letters . They to o recognize d th e importanc e o f makin g th e praye r boo k relevant t o th e need s o f th e ne w generation , bu t the y wer e als o concerned tha t i t maintai n a continuit y wit h th e tradition . T o b e sure, th e ide a o f th e Chose n Peopl e ha d bee n vulgarize d i n man y circles, bu t th e remedy , the y thought , di d no t li e i n it s elimination . The doctrine , the y insisted , wa s historicall y soun d an d psychologi cally necessary—a n indispensabl e facto r fo r Jewish survival . More over, recen t biblica l scholarshi p indicate d tha t th e concep t wa s associated i n Jewish though t no t wit h belie f i n a n inheren t persona l or grou p superiority , bu t rathe r wit h th e highes t responsibilitie s which com e t o Jew s a s th e custodian s o f th e Jewis h wa y o f life . Also, t o Steinberg' s disappointment , th e commissio n retaine d th e traditional structur e o f th e Musaph becaus e o f it s stres s o n sacrific e as a n ideal , an d fo r th e hop e i t expresse d i n th e restoratio n o f Pal estine. 26 Steinberg wa s deepl y trouble d b y thi s illibera l spiri t i n whic h h e felt th e commissio n wa s working . H e coul d no t accep t wha t h e thought wa s a "fea r o f makin g th e leas t modificatio n o f th e tradi tional text , th e readines s t o engag e i n complicate d argumen t al l fo r the purpos e o f provin g tha t th e word s whic h stan d writte n ar e th e only prope r an d acceptabl e words. " That i s what haunt s me—thi s paralysi s o f ou r hands , heart s an d imaginations, thi s readines s t o sacrific e th e trut h a s we see it ou t o f the exces s of the virtue of reverence for the past, thi s mood of "if ou r ancestors wer e angels , w e ar e mortals ; i f the y wer e mortals , w e are asses." I, too, love the Jewish tradition—but no t with such total subservience of spirit no r with suc h neglec t o f the need s of contemporary Judaism.27 In Steinberg' s view , th e praye r boo k contemplate d b y th e com mission woul d be , a t best , a bette r standar d praye r book , mor e gracious i n style , wit h supplementar y reading s arrange d s o tha t congregations migh t mor e convenientl y selec t appropriat e passage s for specia l occasions . However , i t woul d stil l includ e "thing s whic h

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none o f us believe an d wantin g fro m i t thing s we al l believ e withou t any toke n o f th e fac t tha t th e worl d an d Jewis h lif e hav e change d so mightily i n th e pas t five hundre d years. " I say tha t w e hav e mad e nonsens e o f hal f o f what littl e ideolog y we possess, that w e suffer fro m al l of the powerlessnes s of our Orthodox brethre n withou t eithe r th e sanction s o r th e comfort s o f a n Orthodox theology ; tha t w e ar e throwin g awa y ou r grea t chanc e which I am convinced i s Judaism's las t chanc e in America . Fo r this I weep—for a Conservative Judaism onc e so rich in promise—a prom ise which , thank s t o th e cautio n an d pusillanimit y o f it s leaders , i s being constantly frittere d away. 28 Early Theological Essays In enumeratin g Milto n Steinberg' s activities , I have lef t fo r las t hi s theological essays , fo r the y represent , I believe, hi s mos t importan t contribution. I n th e earl y 1940 s i n th e mids t o f th e war , Steinber g decided t o writ e a boo k o n wha t h e calle d a "reasonabl e faith/ ' Th e mood o f intellectua l uncertaint y resultin g fro m th e war , fro m re cent scientifi c developments , an d fro m sociologica l challenge s o f the tim e persuade d hi m o f th e nee d fo r a volum e devote d t o th e theoretical belief s o f Judaism. Development s i n philosophy , h e felt , confirmed thi s need . Theis m a s a philosophi c doctrin e ha d bee n losing groun d sinc e th e mid-seventeent h centur y an d fo r man y phi losophers ha d becom e a n unacceptabl e view . Christia n thinker s were als o comin g t o th e conclusio n tha t religiou s metaphysic s wa s necessary t o a n understandin g o f Christianity . I n th e Jewis h com munity, too , ther e wer e a t leas t a fe w voice s urgin g th e nee d fo r theological reflection . Because th e tim e seeme d rip e an d becaus e o f hi s interes t i n th e field an d hi s hop e o f being invite d t o teac h a t th e Seminary , writin g such a boo k appeale d t o him . H e planne d t o cal l i t An Anatomy of Faith an d hope d i t woul d provid e th e sam e analysi s fo r religiou s faith tha t hi s Making of the Modern Jew ha d don e fo r Jewis h sur vival. H e ha d thre e type s o f reader s i n mind : religionist s wh o wer e troubled i n mind , ex-religionist s wh o woul d lik e t o mak e thei r wa y back, an d anti-religionist s wh o ha d develope d misgiving s abou t their position . Hi s aim wa s t o present fo r al l thre e group s a rational e

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for th e religiou s life , a n acceptabl e theor y a s to th e natur e o f reli gion an d a demonstration tha t religio n i s possible without th e leas t sacrifice o f intellectual integrity . However, afte r beginnin g th e projec t h e soo n realize d tha t h e needed to do more reading than h e had had time for up till now an d a perio d o f sustaine d reflective thinking . H e recognized tha t wha t he ha d bee n abl e t o d o i n th e cas e o f th e Making of the Modern Jew, t o write th e boo k i n thre e month s durin g on e summer, woul d be impossibl e wit h thi s boo k o n theology . H e therefor e decide d t o publish a serie s o f article s o n theologica l theme s an d le t th e boo k emerge out of these more limited studies, chapter b y chapter . His first essay appeared in the Reconstructionist o f March 7, 1941, and wa s basicall y a repl y t o a n earlie r articl e b y Eugen e Koh n o n the "Attribute s o f Go d Reinterpreted." 29 Koh n ha d presente d Dr . Kaplan's vie w tha t Go d wa s no t a divin e person , a s i n traditiona l Jewish thought , o r a n absolut e Being , bu t rathe r a process a t wor k in th e universe . Koh n als o agree d wit h Kaplan' s repudiatio n o f religious metaphysics , insistin g tha t a concep t o f God i s importan t not fo r wha t i t say s abou t th e natur e o f th e Deity , bu t fo r ho w i t functions i n th e lif e o f th e Jewish people . I n th e Kaplania n view , the whol e o f existenc e i s s o constitute d a s t o hel p th e individua l find "salvation," o r self-fulfillment. "Go d i s manifest i n al l creativ ity an d i n al l form s o f sovereignty whic h mak e for lov e an d fo r th e enhancement o f human life. " Steinberg respecte d th e motive s behin d thi s convictio n o f th e futility o f metaphysical speculation , an d the desire to retrieve fro m the historica l Go d idea it s most meaningfu l elements . However , fo r him th e riddl e o f th e univers e wa s no t s o readil y dismissed . Fait h was no t onl y a psychological an d ethica l ventur e bu t als o a n affir mation concernin g th e ultimate natur e of things. It wa s conviction s o f thi s kin d whic h wer e th e basi s o f th e dis agreement wit h Kapla n an d Koh n whic h emerge d a t thi s time . In Steinberg' s opinion , Kohn' s vie w represente d "a n inadequat e theism." For a God who is merely a n aspec t of reality, th e sum tota l of life-enhancin g forces , i s no t enoug h o f a God . No t onl y tradi tional religionists , Steinber g said , bu t sophisticate d philosopher s like Royce and Bergson , looke d upo n God , amon g other things , a s a "principle o f explanatio n throug h whic h a n obscur e univers e take s

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on lucidity/ ' Also , th e Go d o f Jewis h histor y i s th e Creato r no t o f one aspec t o f realit y bu t th e whol e o f it . T o Steinberg , therefore , the theolog y o f a Go d wh o i s a "proces s a t wor k i n th e universe " might wel l lea d t o th e bizarr e necessit y o f positin g a secon d Godhead. The Kaplan-Koh n concep t seeme d t o Steinber g t o b e merel y a name withou t an y objectiv e realit y t o correspon d wit h it . A s h e confided t o Jacob Kohn , h e di d no t deriv e hi s theology fro m Kaplan . It is one of Kaplan' s limitations tha t h e has almos t n o metaphysi cal interest , perhap s n o metaphysica l sensitivity . T o hi m Go d i s a concept, a t leas t s o he alway s speaks of God, rather tha n a n existen tial reality , th e realit y o f al l realities , th e vrai verite. Or , t o pu t i t otherwise, t o Kapla n Go d represents th e psychological an d sociologi cal consequence s o f th e God-ide a rathe r tha n th e cosmi c Ding-ansich. I t is for its sociology of Jewish life that I am a Reconstructionist , not fo r th e clarit y o r th e utilit y o f Kaplan' s theology . I hav e ofte n challenged Kapla n o n tha t point . Hi s respons e i s tha t metaphysic s is "personal " religio n a s oppose d t o th e tradition-sanctione d grou p expression. I have neve r bee n abl e t o see the value or the validit y of the distinction h e makes. 30 Steinberg wa s convince d tha t i t i s possibl e fo r moder n me n t o have a Go d wh o i s mor e tha n a n idea—th e realit y o f al l realities , the source , sanction , an d guarante e o f man's mora l aspiration . Suc h a God , h e insisted , i s inescapabl e bot h o n intellectua l an d mora l grounds. Thi s wa s hi s first publi c assertio n o f theologica l differenc e with hi s teacher . Bu t i t b y n o mean s indicate d an y alienatio n of theologica l differenc e fro m th e Reconstructionis t caus e o r an y dimunition o f hi s persona l affectio n fo r Dr . Kaplan . With al l m y reservation s a s t o Kaplan' s theology , wit h al l m y awareness of emotional bia s in him, I am at home only in the Reconstructionist group . Conservative Judaism is , for want of a philosophy, jelly-fish i n character. Reconstructionis m fo r all its inadequacies is to me a n adequat e sociology , th e onl y on e in contemporar y Jewish lif e which take s cognizance of all aspects of the Jewish tradition. 31 For hi s nex t essay , Steinber g chos e a s hi s topi c "Towar d th e Rehabilitation o f th e Wor d Faith. " I n writin g hi s nove l As a Driven

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Leaf, h e ha d don e a good dea l o f thinkin g o n th e natur e o f th e ac t of faith an d its relation to the rational lif e and he felt tha t h e would have a "larger , freshe r an d mor e generou s contributio n t o mak e with this subject the n with an y other." Here he was concerned wit h those wh o wer e unabl e t o fin d thei r wa y bac k t o religio n becaus e faith wa s a requirement. The y understand fait h t o mean a readiness to believe that whic h canno t b e completely proven , h e pointed out . Since the y ar e unabl e t o accep t religion' s suppose d rejectio n o f scientific researc h an d fre e inquiry , the y remai n alienated . Steinberg pu t fort h th e vie w tha t bot h scienc e an d philosoph y ar e also based on beliefs or hypotheses which canno t b e logically estab lished. Unless men were prepared t o make such assumptions, empir ical scienc e woul d b e impossible . I f one ma y believ e th e unprove d in one realm, why not in another? In science, to be sure, hypothese s and postulate s ar e use d onl y unde r fixed an d rigi d restraints . Bu t this i s als o possibl e i n theologica l belief , Steinber g insisted . Th e religionist shoul d us e th e sam e standard s a s th e scientis t fo r hi s hypotheses—congruity, practicality , an d simplicity. 32 In general, Steinberg' s thinkin g i n thes e earl y essay s focused no t on th e traditiona l Jewish concept s o f God, Torah , an d Israel , o r o n theories o f th e natur e o f Jewishness, bu t o n hi s general philosoph y of religion . Hi s interes t was , a s h e pu t i t o n on e occasio n t o Dr . Finkelstein, "i n system s o f religiou s metaphysics/ ' i n th e "cosmo logical an d ontologica l aspect s o f th e Jewis h religion , tha t is , i n man's thinking concernin g God and the ground for faith i n Him an d concerning hi s manifestations i n life." 33 In Steinberg' s cosmology , th e entir e univers e i s th e "outwar d manifestation o f Mind—Energy , o f Spirit , o r t o us e th e olde r an d better word , o f God. " Go d i s th e essentia l "bein g o f al l beings, " whose reaso n expresse s itsel f i n th e rationalit y o f the univers e an d makes th e worl d a cosmo s rathe r tha n a chaos . Go d i s endowe d with min d an d consciousness, a truth whic h Steinberg felt ha d bee n played dow n b y Kapla n i n hi s zea l t o mak e th e implication s o f God's existence plain . Why i s ther e s o muc h evi l i n th e world ? A t thi s stage , thi s wa s for hi m th e cru x o f th e religiou s outlook . H e recognize d tha t on e cannot entirel y accoun t fo r evil , particularl y fo r natura l disaster s like floods and earthquakes , bu t h e wa s convince d th e effor t mus t

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be made. Hi s own interpretation , a t thi s time , wa s tha t evi l repre sented th e surviva l int o th e huma n conditio n o f lowe r stage s o f reality—mineral, vegetable , an d animal—ou t o f whic h ma n ha s emerged. Trace s o f thes e earlie r stage s wil l b e eliminate d i n th e course of time as God's purpose unfolds. Som e day man will becom e completely an d purely human . Steinberg kne w tha t thes e essay s represente d onl y a beginnin g and tha t muc h wor k la y ahead . Bu t h e decide d t o publis h thes e early theologica l thoughts . Writte n i n a vivi d an d colorfu l style , these article s reiterate d hi s optimisti c outloo k o n ma n an d th e world's evil. Men ar e "participants eve n i f in the smallest degre e in God's travail a s he gives birth t o a new order not onl y of things bu t of being." . . . T o those who hol d ont o it , th e God-faith "furnishe s a confident hope , a n assuranc e of a final victory over evil." 34 Later Theological Essays At th e en d of December 1943 , while o n a trip to arm y camp s in th e Southwest o n behalf o f the Jewish Welfare Board , Steinberg suffere d a sever e hear t attac k i n Dallas , Texas . Afte r severa l month s o f convalescence h e decide d t o limi t himsel f onl y t o essential s i n hi s rabbinate an d t o devote most of his time to his writing. I n the nex t two year s (194 5 an d 1946 ) h e manage d t o complet e tw o ne w books—A Partisan Guide to the Jewish Problem and Basic Judaism, both stil l i n print afte r mor e than forty-fiv e years . Then onc e agai n he turne d t o hi s program o f reading i n theology . Thi s was not onl y a continuatio n o f wha t h e ha d starte d durin g th e war , bu t als o proceeded fro m wha t h e stil l considere d a desperat e nee d i n th e Jewish community . Durin g th e immediat e post-wa r perio d a ne w climate wa s developing , a t leas t amon g intellectuals , a disen chantment wit h libera l cultur e an d a reevaluatio n o f suc h estab lished belief s a s rationalism, humanism , fait h i n progress , science , the us e o f intelligenc e i n huma n affairs , an d th e perfectibilit y o f human nature . I n technica l philosophy , Americ a seeme d t o b e a t the beginnin g a s wel l a s a t th e en d o f a cultura l epoch . Idea s were being imported fro m abroad—th e existentialis m o f Sartre an d Heidegger, th e ne w sophisticate d versio n o f Catholic Scholasticis m

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of Jacques Maritai n i n Paris , an d logica l positivis m fro m Vienna — all of which were leading to a radical revision of pre-war philosophical ideas. What wa s happening i n th e world o f philosophy wa s also true of Christian theology . Th e "theologica l revolution " whic h fo r man y theologians ha d it s beginning s i n 191 9 with Kar l Barth' s Epistle to the Romans, no w bega n t o have a perceptible impac t o n America n Christian thought . Th e work s o f Kierkegaard , Barth , an d Brunne r were now widely read , a s were those of other existentialis t writers , such as Buber and Berdyayev. While these men exerted only limite d influence i n academi c philosophica l circle s i n th e Unite d States , they had a decided impact on Protestant theology . Milton Steinber g sensed that the y als o had implications for Judaism. With th e hel p o f tw o friends , Wil l Herber g an d Professo r Alber t Salomon, with whom he often discusse d his readings, Steinberg now familiarized himsel f wit h th e work s o f severa l Germa n thinkers — Max Scheler , Wilhel m Dilthey , an d Ma x Weber. H e then rea d lon g selections fro m Kar l Barth , re-rea d man y o f th e essay s o f Charle s Pierce, the founder o f Pragmatism, an d went throug h severa l of th e major work s o f Kierkegaar d whos e emphasi s o n th e subjectiv e lif e of passion, anxiet y an d dread represented for Steinberg a completely different typ e of religious thinking. I n quick order he tackled EitherOr, Fear and Trembling wit h its famous doctrine of the "theologica l suspension o f th e ethical, " Philosophical Fragments and Concluding Unscientific Postscript. Though Kierkegaard' s ideas ran counte r to the basi c presuppositions o f normative Judaism a s he understoo d them, Steinber g foun d hi m a "highl y origina l an d richl y endowe d spirit." However , h e coul d no t accep t Kierkegaard' s repudiatio n o f intellect o r his total relianc e o n faith. T o him, th e Danis h philoso pher represented a n example of the wrong use of faith. Ou t of these readings cam e severa l ne w essay s an d papers , beginnin g wit h a lengthy articl e on Kierkegaar d i n the Menorah Journal i n which h e tried to explain why a Jew could not accept this type of theology. I n this article Steinberg describes Kierkegaard's viewpoint a s marginal, idiosyncratic, an d somewha t extreme , bu t whic h h e considere d a s representative o f Christianit y i n a n intens e an d distinctiv e way . Kierkegaard's basic premises, as Steinberg interpreted them , empha -

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sized the desperate plight of modern man, beset by sin and bewilder ment, an d wer e base d o n a convictio n tha t realit y canno t b e grasped throug h reason . Fait h t o Kierkegaar d wa s no t supplemen tary t o intellect bu t it s natural enemy . Goodness could not save th e individual. Whe n God asks it, mora l principles have to be put aside , as Abraha m ha d don e i n hi s readines s t o sacrific e hi s onl y son , Isaac. Ou r concer n mus t b e for th e individua l sou l rathe r tha n fo r the communit y an d fo r th e on e tru e even t i n history—th e self revelation o f the Eternal. 35 As a religious rationalist , Steinber g wa s unabl e t o accep t an y of these conclusions . I n Judaism , h e wrote , th e ethica l i s neve r sus pended, no t fo r anyon e o r unde r an y circumstances . Kierkegaard' s interpretation o f the Akedah [sacrific e o f Isaac] and hi s delineatio n of th e relatio n o f th e individua l t o societ y wer e therefor e alie n t o the Jewish position . No r can Judaism embrac e th e notio n tha t ma n can d o nothin g t o alleviat e hi s ow n spiritua l plight . I t ha s confi dence i n man' s power s o f self-renewa l an d i n th e regeneratio n o f society. Thoug h h e fel t existentialis m ha d mad e a contributio n b y its emphasi s o n inwardness , it s mystica l sensibility , an d it s feelin g for th e dilemma s an d torment s o f huma n existence , Steinber g re garded it s abandonmen t o f reaso n a s a grav e failing . " I woul d sooner stan d o n objectiv e critica l though t whethe r o n Go d or any thing else, " Steinber g wrote , "tha n o n th e tota l subjectivis m an d relativism o f th e existentialists . Fo r i n th e forme r cas e ther e i s a universal univers e of discourse; in the latter only private worlds." 36 To anothe r corresponden t h e reiterate d tha t whil e existentialis m and th e crisis theology "deepene d th e religious consciousness in ou r time," the y ar e i n th e lon g ru n "advers e t o clea r thinkin g an d wholesome feelin g o n religiou s matter s an d hostil e t o th e entir e enterprise o f perfectin g th e worl d unde r th e kingdo m o f th e Al mighty." His own convictions , h e said, remaine d "i n great measur e the consequence of a rationalist-pragmatic metaphysics." 37 Whatever th e merit s o f Steinberg' s attitude , hi s essa y wa s un questionably a brillian t analysis , base d o n a carefu l readin g o f Kierkegaard, particularl y th e philosophical treatises . It was characteristic o f Steinber g tha t h e wa s abl e i n s o short a tim e t o becom e acquainted wit h Kierkegaard' s vocabulary, t o absor b his ideas, an d to writ e a critiqu e fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f Judaism. I t als o re -

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vealed hi s fair-mindedness an d hi s tolerance fo r a n outloo k incom patible with hi s own. Just befor e th e Kierkegaar d pape r wen t t o press , Steinber g re ceived a n invitatio n t o delive r a pape r o n recen t trend s i n Jewis h theology a t th e June 194 9 convention o f th e Rabbinica l Assembly . The invitatio n wa s prompte d b y th e renewe d interes t i n theolog y sparked b y Marti n Buber , Wil l Herberg , Emi l Fackenheim , an d Ja cob Taubes , whos e article s wer e appearin g i n variou s journals . Members o f th e assembly , i t wa s suggested , woul d welcom e a sur vey o f thei r idea s an d als o o f recen t trend s i n Protestan t though t both her e an d i n Europe . I t wa s a complex , scholarl y assignment , involving a program o f readings few rabbi s were qualified t o under take. Today, i n the 1990s , Buber and Rosenzweig ar e well known i n the Jewish community, an d works of Barth, Brunner, Heidegger , th e two Niebuhrs , an d Tillic h ar e al l availabl e i n paperback . Bu t i n 1949 most rabbi s wer e just becomin g awar e o f thes e names . I t wa s no mea n fea t fo r Steinber g t o synthesiz e th e variou s theologica l currents into a coherent paper an d present hi s own evaluation . The paper bega n wit h a n evaluatio n o f the tendenc y o f contem porary theology , characteristi c especiall y o f neo-Reformationis t continental thinkers , t o rejec t th e intellec t a s a too l an d t o rel y exclusively o n faith . Onc e again , Steinber g admitte d tha t ther e was som e valu e t o th e existentialis t protest s agains t rationalism' s transformation o f th e livin g Go d int o a n abstrac t idea . H e als o found somethin g valuable in the existentialist criticis m of the modernists fo r pretendin g t o loo k t o Scriptur e fo r th e trut h whe n i n fact the y wer e not . H e state d agai n hi s earlie r vie w tha t religiou s certainty woul d no t b e achieve d b y logic . Bu t h e cautione d tha t although th e recent anti-intellectua l tren d in philosophy was sound as a protest , i t wa s "gravel y perilous ,, a s a program . Contrastin g Judaism wit h Protestantism , h e pointed ou t tha t anti-rationalis m i s not essentia l t o Judaism a s it migh t b e to some forms o f Protestant ism. Moreover, Steinber g saw a n "intellectua l disingenuousness " i n the existentialists , us e o f reaso n t o justif y thei r rejectio n o f it . Reason, h e pointe d out , i s als o indispensabl e t o them , i f onl y s o that eac h perso n might , accordin g t o existentialis t doctrine , estab lish his own interpretation o f Scripture. Turning t o recen t thinkin g abou t th e concep t o f God , Steinber g

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agreed wit h Kierkegaar d tha t th e moder n immanentis t notio n o f God a s withi n th e worl d i s no t wholl y consonan t wit h biblica l tradition. Revelatio n t o man y modernists , h e pointe d out , i s per haps little more than man' s own discovery of the truth, couche d i n pietist language . Bu t he warned tha t th e new transcendentalism, i n some o f it s extremis t versions , lik e tha t o f Barth , ha d "inflate d a half-truth t o a whole an d so perverted even the half." In Steinberg's view, Go d mus t b e conceive d a s presen t withi n an d animatin g men an d affairs , an d a t th e sam e tim e a s an Absolut e Bein g abov e and apart . This brough t hi m t o anothe r theologica l novelty—th e proposa l of a non-absolut e Go d advocate d b y thinker s lik e James , Pierce , Whitehead, an d Hartshorne . Subjec t t o severa l reservations , Steinberg fel t thi s notio n ha d considerabl e merit , an d h e acknowl edged th e influenc e o n hi s own thinkin g particularl y o f Pierc e an d Hartshorne. Religion, Steinber g emphasize d i n thi s paper , a s h e ha d don e s o many time s before, ha s a cognitive function t o help us comprehen d the universe . Turnin g t o Kaplan' s work , Steinber g agai n suggeste d that hi s teacher' s refusa l t o engag e i n philosophica l speculatio n concerning Go d was a deficienc y i n hi s theology . Sinc e Kaplan , i n his recent book , The Future of the American Jew, ha d reiterated hi s conviction tha t metaphysic s wa s unnecessary , Steinber g foun d i t necessary t o repea t som e o f hi s earlie r criticism s o f hi s teacher' s theological views . In th e las t par t o f th e pape r Steinber g devote d himsel f t o suc h theological problem s a s the "rediscover y o f sin, " th e "depreciatio n of man' s mora l powers, " an d th e "retrea t fro m melioris m a s foun d in th e writing s o f Barth , Tillic h an d Niebuhr. " H e expresse d hi s gratitude t o thes e me n fo r supplyin g hi m wit h a frame o f referenc e for comprehendin g th e socia l horror s o f th e 1940s . But h e repeate d his view tha t eve n Niebuhr , wh o represente d th e sanes t versio n o f this school , ha d overemphasize d man' s sinfulness . Steinber g mad e clear tha t h e preferre d th e mor e balance d Jewis h vie w o n thi s topic.38

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Steinberg's Philosophy of Religion Among th e man y project s tha t remaine d uncomplete d a t th e tim e of his death i n March 1949 , Steinberg probably would have regarded the volum e o n theology , An Anatomy of Faith, a s th e mos t im portant. H e wa s ver y muc h awar e o f th e fac t tha t h e ha d no t ye t worked ou t a tota l "theolog y o f Judaism. " Nevertheless , hi s pub lished essay s di d constitute , i f no t a Jewish theology , a t leas t th e beginnings of a philosophy of religion. Steinberg's theologica l writing s ar e marke d b y a complet e open ness and receptivity t o truth whateve r th e source, an d by a sense of fairness i n statin g point s o f vie w differen t fro m hi s own . Writte n with th e lucidity, force , an d persuasiveness which characterize d al l his writings, hi s theological essay s are never shallow o r superficial . His point o f departure i s always th e Jewish tradition , fo r whic h h e shows a constant sens e of reverence. Steinber g described himsel f a s a "traditionalist". "Jews, " he said, "ough t not to play fast an d loos e with thei r pas t les t the y los e contac t wit h it. " Bu t h e als o referre d to himself a s a "Hellenist." I n his later years the Greek view playe d less of a rol e i n hi s outloo k tha n i n earlie r years , bu t th e rationa l emphasis o f Gree k thought , it s intellectua l freedo m an d scientifi c spirit a s wel l a s it s aestheti c values , remaine d permanen t influ ences. H e continue d t o believ e tha t th e idea l patter n fo r livin g would b e a synthesi s o f Hellenisti c philosophy , science , an d ar t with Hebrai c religion an d morality . Aside fro m Jewis h traditio n an d classica l philosophy , th e intel lectual framewor k ou t o f which Steinberg' s religiou s outloo k gre w was th e entir e rang e o f moder n philosoph y fro m Descarte s t o Whitehead. However , fo r th e mos t par t i t wa s fro m th e insight s of twentieth-century theisti c thinker s tha t h e dre w th e univers e o f discourse fo r hi s thinkin g abou t religion . H e wa s no t a detache d thinker wh o engage d i n "pur e speculatio n fo r it s ow n sake. " Hi s religious speculation wa s part of his quest for insight, meaning , an d goodness i n life . Scienc e canno t provid e suc h understanding , h e said. I t explore s particula r categorie s rathe r tha n "thing s a s a whole." I t deal s wit h phenomen a whic h ca n b e weighe d o r mea sured, no t wit h th e tru e o r th e goo d o r wit h ultimat e reality . It s function i s t o explai n ho w thing s com e t o be , no t issue s o f valu e

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and purpose, which ar e the responsibility of a God faith. Give n such a Go d faith, Steinber g tells us with a sort of suppressed excitement , "the whol e univers e burst s into lucidity . Th e rationality o f nature , the emergenc e o f life, th e phenomena o f conscience an d conscious ness become intelligible." 39 Such a Weltanschauung ca n mak e a great dea l o f difference i n a person's life , fo r "a s a man think s o f ultimates, s o he tend s t o dea l with immediates. " I n Steinberg' s view , th e failur e t o achiev e suc h an intelligibl e religiou s faith wa s responsible fo r som e of the sever est aberration s o f hi s time—"th e upsurg e o f anti-intellectualism , cultism an d religious authoritarianism, th e proliferation o f neuroticisms an d th e latte r da y worshi p o f th e state , rac e o r economi c class,"40 which h e described a s modern forms of idolatry. Steinberg use d severa l term s t o defin e hi s theologica l approach . He frequently describe d himsel f a s a "modernist, " summin g u p hi s creed a s follows: faith i n intellect, confidenc e i n the essential good ness of man an d th e remediabilit y o f evil, an d a strong sense of th e reality o f progres s a s par t o f th e schem e o f things . I n addition , h e said, th e modernis t respecte d scienc e an d fel t tha t Judais m shoul d be adapted t o modern ideas and circumstances . Steinberg als o referre d t o himsel f a s a "religiou s rationalist " whose conviction s wer e i n grea t measur e th e consequenc e o f a "rationalist-pragmatist metaphysics. " However, t o him rationalis m did no t mea n th e abstract , analytic , an d deductiv e operation s o f the mind a s found i n geometry or the bold "quest for certainty" of a Spinoza, wh o designed hi s metaphysics an d ethic s mathematically . Nor di d i t mea n th e extrem e o f rationalis m o f Herman n Cohen , composed onl y o f demonstrable proposition s fro m whic h al l under tones o f myster y an d moo d hav e bee n eliminated . A religion con fined only t o the logicall y establishabl e an d indifferen t t o the emotional hunger s o f men , h e said , woul d "misinterpre t th e univers e and fee d it s communicant s stone s fo r bread. " Religio n i s als o ac quired throug h intuitio n an d feeling, throug h tradition , revelation , and mystical experience , an d through morality an d group solidarity or a combination o f these. Suc h nonrationa l approaches , however , at bes t furnis h "tentativ e conclusions " whic h the n requir e reaso n to confirm o r upset them . But eve n th e rationa l proces s ca n provid e onl y "plausibl e inter -

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pretations wit h a hig h measur e o f probability. " Descarte s an d Locke, Steinber g asserted , ha d taugh t tha t th e sense s canno t b e completely truste d a s source s o f informatio n concernin g reality . Lobachevski an d th e non-Euclideans ha d thrown a shadow over th e certainty o f th e result s obtaine d fro m Euclidea n geometry . An d Freud ha d show n tha t underneat h logi c there i s the irrationalit y o f the lif e drive . Thu s ste p b y ste p me n graduall y stoppe d lookin g t o reason fo r th e disclosur e o f complete truth . Steinber g sa w evidenc e of thi s i n th e popularit y o f Bergson' s intuitionis m an d i n th e as cendance of William James over Josiah Royce. Nevertheless, thoug h the vision reason provides is "blurred, astigmatic , doubt-ridden, an d always ope n t o challenge, " Steinber g insiste d tha t i t stil l remain s the "mos t reliabl e o f our powers, th e onl y on e which i s universall y shared an d readily communicated. " Several critic s hav e contende d tha t i n hi s las t year s Steinberg' s theological orientatio n underwen t a basi c change . Afte r hi s hear t attack, the y insist , h e reache d a "turning point " in hi s intellectua l life, durin g whic h h e cam e t o "shar e wit h th e Bible , Pascal , wit h Kierkegaard, wit h Bube r an d Rosenzweig , th e convictio n tha t th e religious lif e begin s no t wit h judgmen t o f rationa l assen t bu t wit h an unconditiona l ac t o f faith." 41 T o b e sure, severa l modification s in Steinberg's theology did take place during the last year and a half of his life. Out of his study of existentialist literatur e came a greater awareness o f th e nonrationa l factor s i n life . Also , h e bega n t o recognize th e "dept h o f evil" of which huma n natur e wa s capable , and that progress is not as inevitable as he had thought. The extravagant optimis m whic h h e ha d share d wit h man y liberal s o f th e prewar perio d gav e way t o a more sober attitud e t o human nature . But a compariso n o f Steinberg' s late r essay s wit h hi s earlie r one s does not revea l an y radica l chang e i n hi s methodology. Ther e i s no evidence o f an y ne w directio n i n hi s philosophica l orientation , a s occurred with Whitehead afte r h e came to the United States or with Hermann Cohe n afte r h e retired from Marbur g University . Perhaps, ha d Steinber g live d t o giv e th e cours e o n Rosenzwei g and Bube r h e was plannin g fo r hi s synagogue adul t educatio n pro gram, an d th e seminar wit h th e students of the Seminary, h e migh t have shifte d hi s outloo k t o a greate r extent . Undoubtedl y th e ap pearance o f Judaism magazine , Tradition, an d othe r theologica l

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publications durin g th e 1950s , and th e genera l tren d towar d existen tialism amon g Jewish thinkers , woul d hav e ha d a n impact . Bu t i t i s more likel y tha t h e woul d hav e develope d a for m o f metaphysica l theology alon g th e line s o f Hartshorn e an d Brightma n an d remai n within th e rationalis t tradition . Al l o f this, however , i s pure conjec ture. Wha t actuall y happene d b y Marc h 195 0 was no t a chang e i n direction bu t a partia l shif t o f emphasis, a widening o f horizons an d a deepenin g perspective . Steinberg di d no t liv e lon g enoug h t o full y expos e hi s thought . He died i n 195 0 at th e ag e of forty-seven. Hi s essays, therefore , leav e many question s unanswered , insight s undevelope d an d ambiguitie s unexplained. I n spit e o f this , hi s theologica l writing s ar e stil l ver y much wort h readin g an d studying . The y remin d u s o f th e overl y practical ben t o f America n Judais m an d o f th e nee d fo r philosophi cal reflectio n i n religion . A s a sophisticate d religiou s thinker , sensi tive t o philosophica l issues , h e raise d man y o f th e question s essen tial fo r th e developmen t o f a n acceptabl e theism . In th e presen t age , whe n s o muc h pla y i s give n t o enthusias m and th e nonrationa l elemen t i n religion , hi s plea tha t reaso n no t b e abandoned i n th e theologica l enterpris e continue s t o b e a sourc e o f encouragement an d stimulation . Notes 1. Accordin g t o th e transcrip t o f hi s elementar y schoo l record , youn g Steinberg receive d A in literature , history , geography , science , mathe matics, an d Latin . However , i n physica l training , penmanship , draw ing, and sheet metal, hi s mark was B. 2. A s lat e a s 1972 , th e littl e librar y wa s stil l there , an d o n a visi t t o Rochester I foun d th e Russia n novel s stil l o n th e shel f i n th e corne r where he used to sit and read . 3. Fo r furthe r detail s abou t Jewis h Harle m a t tha t time , se e Jeffre y S . Gurock, When Harlem was Jewish, 1870-1930 (New York : Columbi a University Press , 1979). 4. Juda h Schwefel t o Simon Noveck, October 15 , 1953. Mss. held at American Jewis h Historica l Society , Brandei s University . Rabb i Schwefe l later moved to Israel where he changed his name to Shuval. 5. Outlin e o f th e serie s of sermons delivered b y Dr . Koh n durin g 1919-2 0 on "Jewis h Fait h an d It s Social Significance " an d o n th e Jewish praye r

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book wil l b e foun d i n Problems of the Ministry (Ne w Yor k Boar d o f Ministers, 1927) , 31-36 . Se e als o ibid. , 36-39 , fo r tw o additiona l serie s delivered durin g th e 1923-2 4 an d 1925-2 6 seasons . 6. Milto n Steinber g t o Jacob Kohn , Decembe r 31 , 1942. 7. Milto n Steinber g t o Arthu r A . Cohen , Januar y 17 , 1946 . 8. Milto n Steinberg , A Believing Jew: The Selected Writings of Milton Steinberg (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace , 1951) , 235. 9. Campus, Apri l 26 , 1921. 10. Jaco b Koh n unpublishe d memoir , 11 . The manuscrip t i s in th e hand s o f his daughter, Mrs . Eleaza r Lipsky , i n Ne w Yor k City . 11. Milto n Steinber g t o Mordeca i Brill , Decembe r 21 , 1932 . 12. Ibid . 13. Simo n Noveck , "Kapla n an d Milto n Steinberg : A Disciple' s Agreement s and Disagreements, " i n The American Judaism of Mordecai Kaplan, edited b y Emanue l S . Goldsmith , Me l Scult , an d Rober t M . Seltze r (New York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1990) , 148-49 . 14. Ibid . 15. Ho w strongl y Steinber g fel t abou t Professo r Kapla n ca n b e see n fro m the lette r whic h h e wrot e o n behal f o f himsel f an d hi s fello w student s to Cyru s Adle r i n 1927 . "Ther e i s preeminentl y on e ma n amon g ou r teachers wh o i s responsibl e fo r wha t fait h an d courag e an d visio n w e may la y clai m to . I t i s fro m hi m tha t w e hav e acquire d th e hardihoo d to g o o n i n a difficul t an d discouragin g caus e fo r i t wa s h e wh o ha s given th e Judaism w e ar e expecte d t o teac h th e conten t an d vitalit y w e have elsewher e sough t i n vain . . . . W e hav e see n i n hi m tha t clea r and simpl e passio n fo r spiritua l honest y whic h w e believ e i s th e first desideratum i n America n Jewish life. " 16. Milto n Steinberg , Only Human (Ne w York : Bloc h Publishing , 1963) , 161-65 an d 167 . 17. Milto n Steinber g t o Mordeca i Brill , Decembe r 21 , 1932. 18. Addres s befor e th e Ne w Jersey branc h o f th e Nationa l Women' s Leagu e in Asbur y Park , N.J. , Novembe r 11 , 1936 . Se e als o unpublishe d sermo n on Urie l d a Costa , 1940 . 19. I n introducin g thes e variou s changes , whic h als o include d th e obser vance o f tw o day s o f eac h festiva l rathe r tha n th e one-da y observanc e followed b y th e congregatio n heretofore , a s wel l a s th e custo m o f calling u p individual s t o th e readin g o f th e Torah , Steinber g acte d slowly, gradually , an d wit h patience , bidin g hi s tim e unti l th e peopl e were read y t o accep t thes e innovations . Ther e wer e n o demand s o f any kind , n o firm insistenc e o n wha t late r cam e t o b e know n a s th e "standards" o f Conservativ e Judaism . Steinber g trie d t o achiev e hi s goals b y persuasion , withou t alienatin g o r hurtin g anyon e i n th e con gregation. T o him , th e religiou s feelin g o f each individua l seeme d mor e important tha n th e adherenc e t o a norm .

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20. Unpublishe d sermo n delivere d o n Frida y night , Novembe r 25 , 1933. 21. Reconstructionist, Apri l 25 , 1935 , p. 4. 22. Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly s (1933-38) : 156 . 23. Th e outlook s o f th e thre e group s wer e presente d i n a symposiu m a t the 194 8 conventio n o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y entitle d "Towar d a Philosophy o f Conservativ e Judaism. " Se e Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly 1 0 (1948) : 110-92 . 24. Milto n Steinber g t o Jacob Kohn , January 25 , 1943. 25. Milto n Steinber g t o Rober t Gordis , Ma y 7 , 1944 . 26. Rober t Gordis , " A Jewish Praye r Boo k fo r th e Moder n Age, " Conservative Judaism (Octobe r 1945) : 12 , 14-15 . 27. Milto n Steinber g t o Rober t Gordis , Ma y 17 , 1944 . 28. Juda h Goldin , wh o wa s a membe r o f th e commission , late r cam e t o th e conclusion tha t Steinber g wa s no t justifie d i n man y o f hi s criticisms . He blame d hi s frien d Milton' s involvemen t wit h Reconstructionis m fo r his attitud e a s wel l a s Steinberg' s naivete . Intervie w wit h Juda h Goldin. 29. Reconstructionist, Novembe r 29 , 1940 . 30. Milto n Steinber g t o Jaco b Kohn , n o date . Solomo n Goldma n to o di d not agre e wit h Steinber g o n thi s point . Se e Reconstructionist, Jun e 26 , 1942, pp. 24-25 . 31. Milto n Steinber g t o Jacob Kohn , n o date . 32. Reconstructionist, Apri l 5 , 1942 . 33. Milto n Steinber g t o Loui s Finkelstein , Ma y 9 , 1942 . 34. Reconstructionist, Apri l 30 , 1943 . 35. Menorah Journal, Marc h 1949 . Th e essa y i s reprinte d i n An Anatomy of Faith: The Theological Essays of Milton Steinberg, edite d b y Arthu r Cohen (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace , i960) . 36. Milto n Steinber g t o Arthu r A . Cohen , Novembe r 2, 1947 . 37. Milto n Steinber g t o Simo n Rifkind , Ma y 27 , 1948 . 38. "Theologica l Problem s o f th e Hour, " i n Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of America 1 3 (1949) : 356-408 . Thi s paper i s also reprinte d i n Cohen, An Anatomy of Faith. 39. Steinberg , A Believing Jew, 19-21 . 40. "Th e Use s o f Faith, " unpublishe d articl e prepare d fo r th e Nation, Ma y 1949. 41. Davi d Silverman , unpublishe d addres s delivere d a t th e Emanue l Syna gogue, Hartford , Connecticut , i n Novembe r 1962 ; Wil l Herberg , Commentary, Marc h 1951 , p. 501 ; Cohen, Anatomy of Faith, 57-58 .

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Will Herber g David Dalin

When Wil l Herber g die d i n Marc h o f 1977 , American Judais m los t one o f it s mos t provocativ e religiou s thinker s o f th e post-Worl d War I I generation . Lik e Herma n Cohe n an d Fran z Rosenzwei g before him , Herber g came to Judaism fro m th e outside. A Marxist an d atheist throug h muc h o f his young adulthoo d wh o ha d receive d n o education o r religiou s trainin g i n hi s youth, Herber g turne d t o th e study o f Judais m onl y afte r hi s romanc e wit h Marxis m ended . A prolific an d influential Jewish theologian an d sociologist of religion, beginning i n th e lat e 1940 s his spiritua l journe y fro m Marxis m t o Judaism wa s uniqu e i n th e America n Jewish intellectua l histor y of this century. Th e onl y Jewish ex-Marxis t t o embrace Jewish theol ogy an d th e stud y o f religio n a s a full-time vocation , Wil l Herber g was the quintessential "Baa l Teshuvah" of his generation. Herberg wa s bor n i n th e Russia n villag e o f Liachovitz i i n 1901 . His father, Hyma n Loui s Herberg , wh o ha d bee n bor n i n th e sam e russian shtetl, move d hi s family t o the Unite d State s in 1904 . When his famil y arrive d i n America , hi s parents , who m h e woul d late r describe a s "passionat e atheists, " wer e alread y committe d t o th e faith tha t socialis m woul d brin g salvation t o mankind an d freedo m from th e restraint s tha t ha d boun d Wester n societie s fo r centuries . His fathe r die d whe n Herber g wa s te n an d hi s mothe r share d he r husband's "contempt" for the American public school system . Although h e attended Publi c School No. 72 and Boys High School in Brooklyn , Herber g wa s largel y self-taught , hi s rea l educatio n 353

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taking plac e a t th e kitche n tabl e o f a n apartmen t o n Georgi a Ave nue in a lower-middle-class neighborhood of Brooklyn. A precocious and versatil e studen t fro m hi s earl y youth , Herber g ha d learne d Greek, Latin , French , German , an d Russia n b y th e tim e h e wa s a teenager. Graduatin g fro m Boy s High Schoo l i n 1918 , Herberg late r attended CCN Y and Columbi a University , wher e he studied philosophy an d history , withou t apparentl y eve r completin g th e cours e work for an academi c degree. Herberg inherite d hi s parents' "passionat e atheism " an d equall y passionate commitmen t t o the socialist faith . Enterin g the commu nist movemen t whil e stil l a teenager , Herber g brough t t o radica l politics a theoretical eruditio n tha t helpe d elevate American Marx ism a s a n intellectua l proposition . Whil e les s prolifi c tha n Ma x Eastman, o r th e novelis t Joh n Do s Passos , Herberg , th e edito r an d critic, wa s perhap s th e mos t "catholic " of Marxist polemicist s dur ing th e 1920 s and earl y 1930s . A regular contributo r t o communis t journals suc h a s the Working Monthly, Herber g was als o a familia r ideologue an d polemicis t i n th e Modern Quarterly, on e of the chie f theoretical journals of the Old Left generation . Herberg wrot e score s o f article s an d editorial s o n a n amazingl y diverse numbe r o f topics , critiquin g Edmun d Wilson' s view s o n proletarian literature , arguin g wit h Sidne y Hoo k ove r th e textua l validity o f Marx's ambivalen t positio n o n revolution, an d explicat ing the relationshi p betwee n Freudia n psychoanalysi s an d commu nist thought . Hi s attachmen t t o communis m wa s n o mer e affecta tion, bu t reflected intellectua l convictio n a s well as moral ardor . So earnestly di d he embrace Marxis m tha t h e even sought t o reconcil e it wit h Einstein' s theor y o f relativity . Indeed , perhap s hi s boldes t contribution t o th e radica l though t o f th e perio d wa s hi s effor t t o reconcile Marxis m t o th e ne w Einsteinia n cosmology , th e "secon d scientific revolution, " tha t ha d bee n virtuall y unnotice d amongs t radical writer s i n America . Whil e mos t communist s the n stil l con demned Einstei n fo r rejectin g Marx' s "scientifi c materialism, " Her berg insiste d tha t bot h Marxis m an d th e theor y o f relativit y wer e "scientifically true. " A s a radica l Jew , moreover , Herber g haile d Freud, a s h e di d Mar x an d Einstein , a s a moder n prophet . "Th e world o f socialism—t o whic h nothin g huma n i s alie n an d whic h cherishes ever y genuin e manifestatio n o f th e huma n spirit, " h e

WILL HERBER G 35 5 would writ e durin g th e 1930s , "lay s a wreat h o f homag e o n th e grave of Sigmund Freud.' ' Herberg's first disenchantmen t wit h orthodo x Marxis m cam e i n 1920, whe n he , Bertra m Wolfe , an d othe r youn g intellectual s an d labor organizer s joine d a grou p heade d b y Ja y Lovestone , whic h split off from th e main Communist party within the American Part y leadership. Lovestone , a n American supporte r of the Soviet Marxis t theoretician Nikola i Bukharin , had , lik e Bukharin, advocate d mor e autonomy fro m Sovie t contro l fo r nationa l Communis t parties . I n 1929, Stali n struc k bac k b y demotin g Bukhari n i n th e Sovie t Part y and b y oustin g Loveston e an d hi s follower s fro m leadershi p o f th e American movement . Afte r breakin g with th e official Part y in 1929, Herberg becam e a staff membe r an d the n edito r o f th e Lovestonit e opposition communis t paper , Workers Age, man y o f whose contributors would late r become bitter anti-Stalinists . As th e 1930 s progressed , Herber g becam e progressivel y disen chanted wit h hi s earlie r Marxis t faith . Th e grotesqu e Stalinis t purges, th e communis t "betrayal " o f the Popula r Fron t o n th e bat tlefields of Spain during the Spanish Civil War, the Russian invasio n of Finlan d an d th e Stalin-Hitle r Nonaggressio n Pac t o f 193 9 al l contributed t o hi s growin g disillusionment . Th e Mosco w trials , Herberg maintained , indicate d th e extrem e barbari c measure s t o which Stali n woul d resor t t o suppres s al l resistanc e t o hi s bureau cratic rul e withi n Russia . Fo r Herberg, a s for s o many ex-Marxist s of hi s generation , th e cynical , opportunisti c Molotov-Ribbentro p agreement o f 193 9 dispelled an y remainin g belief , onc e held , tha t "only a socialis t governmen t ca n defea t totalitarianism. " Hi s final break wit h orthodo x Marxism , whic h cam e i n 1939 , wa s n o mer e change i n politica l loyalties , n o mer e repudiatio n o f th e politica l radicalism o f hi s youth. For , a s he woul d confes s i n recountin g hi s journey fro m Marxis m t o Judaism o n th e page s o f Commentary i n January 1947 , Marxism ha d been , t o him an d t o others like him, " a religion, a n ethi c an d a theology ; a vas t all-embracin g doctrin e o f man an d th e universe , a passionat e fait h endowin g lif e wit h meaning." 1 Put t o th e test , however , thi s Marxis t fait h ha d failed . Reality , as Herberg would late r expres s it, "coul d no t be forever withstood, " and by the late 1930 s he had begun t o recognize that th e all-encom -

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passing syste m o f Marxis t though t coul d no t sustai n th e value s tha t had first attracte d hi m t o revolutionar y activity . "No t tha t I fel t myself an y th e les s firmly committe d t o th e grea t ideal s o f freedo m and socia l justice," h e woul d reflec t i n 1947 . Rather : My discover y wa s tha t I coul d n o longe r find basi s an d suppor t fo r these ideal s i n th e materialisti c religio n o f Marxism . . . . This reli gion itself , i t no w becam e clea r t o me , wa s i n par t illusion , an d i n part idolatry ; i n par t a delusiv e utopianis m promisin g heave n o n earth i n ou r time , an d i n par t a totalitaria n worshi p o f collectiv e man; i n par t a naiv e fait h i n th e finality o f economics , materia l production; i n par t a sentimenta l optimis m a s t o th e goodnes s o f human nature , an d in part a hard-boiled amora l cult of power at an y price. There could b e no question t o my mind tha t a s religion, Marx ism had proved itself bankrupt. 2 Perceiving Marxis m a s a "go d tha t failed, ,, rathe r tha n a s a "mer e strategy o f politica l action, " Herber g wa s lef t wit h a n inne r spiri tual void , "deprive d o f th e commitmen t an d understandin g tha t alone mad e lif e livable. " As th e go d o f Marxis m wa s thu s failin g hi m i n th e lat e 1930s , Herberg chance d t o rea d Reinhol d Niebuhr' s Moral Man and Immoral Society, a boo k tha t wa s t o profoundl y chang e th e cours e o f his life . "Humanl y speaking, " h e woul d late r write , it converte d me , fo r i n som e manne r I canno t describe , I fel t m y whole being , an d no t merel y m y thinking , shifte d t o a ne w center . . . . What impressed me most profoundly wa s the paradoxical combi nation o f realis m an d radicalis m tha t Niebuhr' s "prophetic " fait h made possible. . . . Here was a faith tha t warne d agains t al l prema ture securities, yet calle d t o responsible action . Here , i n short, wa s a "social idealism " withou t illusions , i n compariso n wit h whic h eve n the mos t "advanced " Marxis m appeare d confused , inconsistent , an d hopelessly illusion-ridden. 3 More tha n an y othe r America n thinke r o f th e 1930 s an d 1940s , Niebuhr relate d theolog y t o politic s throug h a realisti c assessmen t of huma n natur e tha t seeme d inescapabl y relevan t i n a tim e o f th e breakdown o f the Marxis t (an d liberal ) fait h i n progres s an d huma n enlightenment.

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Some o f Herberg' s acquaintance s woul d late r like n hi s rejectio n of communism , an d retur n t o Judaism , t o Paul' s conversio n o n the roa d t o Damascus . Th e compariso n ma y hav e please d him , fo r Herberg alway s fel t tha t similarly , hi s retur n t o Judais m wa s th e product o f events unanticipated an d dramatic . Hi s memorable roa d to teshuvah , inspire d b y hi s firs t encounte r wit h Niebuhr , wa s unique i n th e annal s o f America n Jewis h intellectual s o f th e pas t generation. I n a n autobiographica l passag e i n on e o f hi s essays , Herberg said tha t hi s encounter with Niebuhr' s thought i n 193 9 was the "turnin g point, " eve n befor e h e me t Niebuh r personally , wh o was then teachin g a t Manhattan's Unio n Theological Seminary . Like Fran z Rosenzwei g befor e him , whos e writing s h e bega n t o read durin g th e earl y 1940s , Herber g wen t throug h a wrenchin g inner struggl e ove r whethe r t o becom e a Christian . Afte r severa l soul-searching meeting s wit h Niebuhr , Herber g declare d hi s inten tion t o embrac e Christianity . Niebuh r counsele d him , instead , t o first explor e hi s Jewish religiou s traditio n an d directe d hi m acros s the street t o th e Jewish Theologica l Seminary , wher e Herberg wen t to study. Th e professors an d student s a t th e Seminar y undertoo k t o instruct Herber g in Hebrew and Jewish thought . Throughout muc h o f the 1940s , while h e was earnin g a living a s the educationa l directo r an d researc h analys t o f th e Internationa l Ladies Garmen t Worker s Union , Herber g als o devote d muc h o f hi s time and energy to the study of Jewish sources. Not having receive d a traditional Jewish education i n his youth, Herber g was introduced to the classica l source s of Judaism throug h th e writings of Solomon Schechter an d Georg e Foo t Moore , an d throug h th e instructio n o f Judaic scholar s wh o becam e hi s friends , suc h a s Professor s Gerso n D. Cohen an d Seymou r Siegel , an d Rabb i Milto n Steinberg . A s Seymour Siege l ha s reminisced , Herber g wa s "extraordinaril y moved " by th e realisti c appraisa l o f huma n natur e i n th e rabbini c litera ture, especiall y a s expounde d b y Schechter. 4 H e wa s impressed , also, b y th e theologica l writing s o f Martin Bube r an d Fran z Rosen zweig who, togethe r with Niebuhr , woul d shap e his evolving view s on religious existentialism an d biblical faith . Herberg was inspired an d excited b y what h e learned. I n Judaism he found , afte r year s o f searching , a fait h tha t encourage d socia l action withou t fallin g int o th e tra p of utopianism. Throughou t th e

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1940s, h e me t regularl y wit h rabbi s an d student s a t th e Seminary , developing an d explicatin g hi s emerging theolog y fo r journals suc h as Commentary an d th e Jewish Frontier, an d h e began lecturin g o n religious fait h an d th e socia l philosoph y o f Judaism t o synagogu e groups an d o n colleg e campuses . I n muc h deman d a s a speaker, h e traveled widely , an d gaine d th e reputatio n o f bein g "th e Reinhol d Niebuhr of Judaism." He met regularly, moreover , a t his home with rabbinical student s an d other s t o discus s hi s theologica l ideas . "I n those earl y days, " as one of these students ha s remembered, "whe n the naturalistic theolog y so brilliantly expounde d b y Professor Mor decai Kapla n wa s th e mai n intellectua l influenc e i n Jewis h reli gious circles, we were fascinated b y Herberg's espousal of the orthodox idea s o f a supernatura l God , Messia h an d Torah , expounde d with fervo r an d yet interprete d i n a new way." 5 Out o f these intellectual encounters , an d ou t o f several essay s published i n Commentary an d elsewher e i n th e lat e 1940s , cam e Her berg's first majo r work , Judaism and Modern Man, whic h appeare d in 1951 . Widel y acclaime d a s a carefull y reasone d an d intensel y written interpretatio n o f Judaism i n the light of the newest existen tialist thinking , Judaism and Modern Man wa s highl y praise d b y Jewish scholars , while Niebuhr, i n a review o f the book in the Ne w York Herald Tribune, (Decembe r 16 , 1951) , himself state d tha t th e book "ma y wel l becom e a mileston e i n th e religiou s though t o f America." Herberg's centra l theologica l concern , a s he describes i t i n Judaism and Modern Man, i s th e pligh t o f moder n secula r man , hi s spiritual frustratio n an d despair. On e by one, Herberg examines th e various "substitut e faiths " i n whic h moder n ma n ha s place d hi s hopes an d aspirations—Marxism , liberalism , rationalism , science , and psychoanalysis , amon g others—and finds that eac h i s a way of evading ultimat e theologica l issues . A s a religion , a s a basi s o f faith, eac h o f thes e secula r ideologie s i s foun d wanting : Moder n man, claim s Herberg, requires belief in an absolute God. "Man mus t worship something, " Herber g ofte n wrote . "I f h e doe s no t worshi p God, he will worship an idol made of wood, or of gold, or of ideas." 6 Faith i n God , assert s Herberg, i s essential t o one's being. Moreover , intellectual affirmatio n i s no t enough . A "lea p o f faith " i s calle d

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for, a return t o th e livin g Go d of Abraham, Isaac , an d Jacob an d a total commitmen t t o Him. 7 In presentin g hi s vie w o f Go d an d Judaism , Herber g criticize d those theologian s o f th e 1930 s an d 1940 s wh o espouse d a liberal , rational approac h t o God and, i n so doing, reduce d Go d to an idea. 8 For th e religiou s existentialist , suc h a s Herberg , wh o wa s deepl y influenced b y the dialogical I-Tho u philosoph y o f Buber an d Rosen zweig, th e "ide a o f God ,, i s meaningless : Go d i s importan t onl y i f there i s a persona l relationshi p t o Him . Thus , fo r Herberg , Jewis h faith an d theolog y canno t b e predicate d upo n a n abstrac t ide a o f God such as , for example , th e Reconstructionist notio n o f "a powe r that make s fo r salvation. " Rather , th e Go d of Judaism and Modern Man i s a personal God to whom we can pray with a n expectation of a response, 9 with whom we can enter into a genuine dialogue. In man y respects , a s Seymour Siege l ha s noted , Herberg' s theol ogy was quite traditional . H e believed i n revelation, covenant , th e resurrection o f th e dead , an d th e comin g o f th e Messiah. 10 H e als o affirmed, unequivocally , th e traditiona l theologica l doctrin e o f "chosenness": Jewis h existence , argue d Herberg , "i s intrinsicall y religious an d Go d oriented . Jew s ma y b e le d t o deny , repudiate , and rejec t thei r "chosenness " and it s responsibilities, bu t thei r ow n Jewishness rise s t o confron t the m a s refutatio n an d condem nation." 11 At th e sam e time , however , Herber g wa s no t a fundamentalist : That is , h e di d no t vie w Scriptur e an d th e Traditio n a s literall y God's word. Thus , fo r example , whil e believin g i n revelation , Her berg did not accep t "th e fundamentalist conceptio n o f revelation a s the supernatura l communicatio n o f information throug h a body of writings which ar e immune fro m erro r becaus e the y ar e quite liter ally th e writing s o f God . . . . The Bibl e i s obviously no t simpl y a transcript fro m Hi s dictation." 12 Rather , Herber g regarde d revela tion a s "the self-disclosure o f God in His dealings with th e world," 13 through Hi s activ e interventio n i n history , an d th e Tora h a s a "humanly mediate d recor d o f revelation. " I n this , an d i n othe r respects, hi s theology , whil e traditional , wa s a t varianc e wit h Or thodoxy. Herberg argued, moreover , tha t a Jewish theolog y relevant t o the postwar perio d woul d hav e t o b e predicated upo n a les s optimisti c

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image o f man , upo n a sobe r recognitio n o f huma n sinfulnes s an d human limitations . Th e barbaritie s o f Stalinis m and , especially , the Naz i Holocaust , seeme d t o Herber g t o hav e destroye d th e ver y foundations o f th e prevailin g libera l faith , share d b y Refor m an d Reconstructionist Judais m alike , i n the "natura l goodness " of man . Liberal Jewish theology , h e maintained , faile d t o answe r th e criti cal questio n o f ho w evi l regime s an d institution s coul d possibl y have arise n i f ma n i s essentially good . Th e answer , Herber g wrote , could b e foun d i n "Niebuhr' s rediscover y o f th e classica l doctrin e of 'origina l sin, ' whic h religiou s liberalis m an d secula r idealis m combined t o deride an d obscure/' Sin, Herber g wrote, "i s one of th e great fact s o f huma n life . I t lie s a t th e roo t o f man' s existentialis t plight." Withou t a n "understandin g o f th e natur e o f sin, " h e con cluded, "ther e i s n o understandin g o f huma n lif e . . . o r man' s relation t o God." 14 Herberg's existentialis t approac h t o Jewish theolog y struc k a responsive chord i n the hearts of many within th e Jewish communit y and beyond , wh o wer e searchin g fo r religiou s root s an d spiritua l inspiration. Th e publicatio n o f Judaism and Modern Man wa s greeted wit h prais e an d enthusias m b y severa l respecte d Jewis h reviewers, suc h a s Milto n Konvit z an d Rabb i Milto n Steinberg . Indeed, Steinberg , wh o wa s reade r o f th e manuscript , pencile d i n the margin s tha t Herber g "ha d writte n th e boo k o f th e generatio n on the Jewish religion. " Herberg's theological writings , culminatin g i n Judaism and Modern Man, ha d littl e impact withi n th e secular Jewish intellectua l worl d of whic h h e ha d onc e bee n a part . Herber g ha d onc e looke d t o the Ne w Yor k Jewish intellectua l communit y t o inspir e an d guid e America's religiou s revival. I n so doing, h e was sadly disappointed . Herberg's cal l fo r " a grea t theologica l reconstruction " an d a rena scent Jewish neo-Orthodoxy , first voiced in his Commentary articl e of 1947 , me t wit h a n inhospitabl e receptio n amongs t man y o f hi s fellow Jewish ex-Marxist s who now contributed t o Partisan Review and Dwigh t Macdonald' s magazin e Politics, an d wer e playing suc h an influentia l rol e i n shapin g secula r Jewis h intellectua l lif e an d cultural tastes. 15 They were , fo r th e mos t part , cultura l modernist s who ha d littl e interes t i n seriou s theologica l reflectio n o r persona l

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affirmations o f religiou s belief . The y foun d Herberg , quit e simply , too religious; and his passionate involvement wit h Judaism, to o extreme. To thes e secula r critics , suc h a s Irvin g Howe , Herberg' s nascen t theological concern s an d commitment s bespok e a "ne w failur e o f nerve" whic h the y wer e quic k t o dismiss . Herberg' s cal l fo r a reli gious revival, the y claimed, represente d "an escape from th e responsibilities o f politica l lif e an d uncertaintie s o f worldl y experience. " Howe, i n particular , unfairl y castigate d Herber g fo r turnin g politi cal moralist , lamentin g hi s conversio n "fro m Loveston e t o Je hova." 16 Herberg' s theologica l conviction s als o trouble d Sidne y Hook an d Danie l Bell , wh o coul d no t accep t hi s argumen t tha t democracy rest s on "religio-philosophical " truth s abou t man' s falli bility an d tha t theolog y ma y b e a possibl e bulwar k agains t totali tarianism.17 Thes e were sentiments share d b y other Ne w York Jewish intellectual s a s well. 18 Th e "defeatist " retrea t t o religio n tha t Herberg espouse d thu s foun d littl e suppor t amongs t mos t o f th e participants i n Partisan Review's 195 0 symposium o n "Religio n an d the Intellectuals " who , a s Joh n P . Diggin s ha s pointe d out , "re garded wit h aloo f disdai n th e religiou s reviva l supposedl y takin g place i n America , a s thoug h i t wer e a n ironi c reenactmen t o f th e "false consciousness " tha t Mar x promise d woul d disappea r wit h industrial progress." 19 No t surprisingly , th e appearanc e o f Judaism and Modern Man th e following year went unnoticed i n the Partisan Review, whil e othe r importan t Ne w York intellectual journals als o failed t o review it . Although Judaism and Modern Man serve d t o mak e Herberg' s reputation a s a theologian , i t di d no t immediatel y serv e t o secur e for hi m th e entre e int o academi a tha t h e activel y sought . Sinc e 1948, his duties with th e ILGW U had diminished t o the point wher e his occupatio n wa s liste d o n hi s incom e ta x retur n a s "write r an d lecturer." H e offered course s on a part-time basis at th e New School for Socia l Researc h i n 194 8 an d 194 9 an d fo r a brie f period , fro m May 195 1 to June 1952 , served a s editor of the new quarterly journa l Judaism. Muc h o f hi s incom e betwee n 194 8 an d 195 4 came, how ever, on a freelance basis , from th e writing of numerous articles an d book reviews , an d fro m hi s lecturin g o n colleg e campuses , an d t o synagogue an d churc h groups , fa r an d wide . A t leas t som e o f hi s

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time an d energies , afte r 1950 , wer e devote d t o th e researc h an d writing o f Vrotestant-Catholic-Jew whic h wa s publishe d i n 1955 . While ther e i s muc h t o questio n i n Herberg' s analysis, 20 Vrotestant-Catholic-Jew remain s a wor k o f endurin g valu e t o anyon e hoping t o understan d th e sociolog y o f America n religion . I t ha s become a classi c wor k i n America n religiou s sociology , on e tha t Nathan Glazer , i n hi s revie w i n Ne w Republic, Novembe r 14 , 1955 , called "th e mos t satisfyin g explanatio n w e hav e bee n give n a s t o just w h a t i s happenin g t o religio n i n America. " Th e critica l an d public acclai m tha t greete d th e publicatio n o f Vrotestant-CatholicJew brough t Herber g instantaneou s publi c recognitio n a s one o f th e country's best-know n sociologist s o f religion, a reputation whic h h e would enjo y unti l th e en d o f hi s life . The critica l acclai m tha t greete d th e publicatio n o f VrotestantCatholic-Jew als o brough t Herber g th e academi c recognition , an d position, h e ha d lon g sought . I n 1955 , h e obtaine d a full-tim e aca demic appointmen t a s professor o f Judaic Studie s an d Socia l Philoso phy a t Dre w University , a Methodis t institutio n i n Ne w Jersey , where h e woul d teac h unti l hi s retiremen t i n 1976 , th e yea r befor e his death . During th e 1950 s an d 1960s , whil e teachin g a t Drew , Herber g also lecture d a t numerou s universities , synagogues , an d churche s throughout th e Unite d State s an d Europe . H e publishe d scholarl y anthologies o n th e work s o f Marti n Buber , Kar l Barth , Jacque s Maritain, an d othe r moder n existentialis t theologians , an d a collec tion o f som e twent y o f hi s article s o n aspect s o f biblica l theology , Faith Enacted into History, appeare d i n prin t i n 1976 . During th e 1950 s an d 1960s , moreover , Herber g becam e par t o f a remarkable grou p o f ex-communist s an d ex-Trotskyist s tha t in cluded James Burnham , Willmor e Kendell , Fran k Meyer , Ma x East man an d Whittake r Chambers , amon g others , wh o transforme d th e National Review int o th e preeminen t intellectua l journa l o f Ameri can conservatism . A s religio n edito r o f th e National Review, Her berg emerge d a s on e o f th e recognize d leader s o f th e post-Worl d War I I conservativ e intellectua l movemen t i n America . Hi s ne w conservatism foun d it s mos t eloquen t expressio n i n hi s view s o n religion an d state . Herberg's view s o n religio n an d stat e wer e generall y dismisse d o r

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ignored withi n th e secula r worl d o f the Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectu als, o f whic h h e ha d onc e bee n a part . A s Nei l Jumonvill e ha s recently noted , severa l o f th e bes t know n o f th e group , suc h a s Sidney Hook , Irvin g Howe , an d Phili p Rahv , wer e alarme d abou t the danger s inheren t i n " a religiou s orientatio n afoot" 21 withi n th e public square . Committe d t o th e secula r fait h tha t religiou s value s and concern s ha d n o legitimat e rol e t o pla y withi n America n poli tics an d publi c life , the y share d th e libera l Jewis h separationis t assumption tha t religiou s freedo m i s most secur e wher e churc h an d state ar e rigidl y separated , an d leas t secur e wher e governmen t an d religion ar e intertwined , whic h differe d profoundl y fro m th e posi tion tha t Herber g ha d begun , durin g th e earl y 1950s , to ferventl y es pouse. Earlier tha n mos t othe r America n Jewis h intellectuals , Herber g called fo r a reassessmen t o f th e prevailin g libera l Jewis h consensu s concerning church-stat e separatio n an d th e rol e tha t religio n should pla y i n America n life . "B y an d large, " h e wrot e i n 1952 , those wh o spea k fo r th e America n Jewis h communit y seem t o shar e th e basi c secularis t presuppositio n tha t religio n i s a "private matter. " . . . The American Jew must hav e sufficient confi dence i n th e capacit y o f democrac y t o preserv e it s pluralisti c . . . character withou t an y absolut e wal l o f separatio n betwee n religio n and publi c life . . . . Th e fea r fel t b y Jewish leader s o f th e possibl e consequence of a restoration o f religion t o a vital plac e in public lif e is what throw s the m int o a n allianc e wit h th e secularist s an d help s make their own thinking so thoroughly secular. 22 And a decad e o r s o later , frustrate d b y libera l Jewis h suppor t fo r the 196 3 Suprem e Cour t decision s bannin g Th e Lord' s Praye r an d Bible Readin g i n th e publi c schools , h e entere d a ple a fo r a restora tion o f religion t o a plac e o f honor i n America n publi c life : Within th e meanin g o f our politica l traditio n an d politica l practice , the promotio n [o f religion ] ha s been , an d continue s t o be , a par t o f the ver y legitimat e "secular " purpos e o f th e state . Whateve r th e "neutrality" o f the state in matter s of religion ma y be, it cannot b e a neutrality betwee n religio n an d no-religion , an y mor e tha n . . . i t could b e a neutralit y betwee n moralit y an d no-morality , [bot h o f which] ar e necessar y t o "goo d government " an d "nationa l pros perity."23

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"The traditiona l symbol s o f th e divin e presenc e i n ou r publi c life, " he warned , "ough t no t t o b e tampere d with." 2 4 Throughout th e 1960s , Herberg' s warnin g wen t generall y un heeded withi n th e America n Jewis h community . I n mor e recen t years, however , Herberg' s view s o n church-stat e relation s hav e gained mor e adherents . Today , mor e tha n a decad e afte r hi s death , his perceptiv e critiqu e o f a publi c lif e devoi d o f religiou s value s is no w reflecte d i n th e though t o f a growin g numbe r o f Jewis h intellectuals wh o hav e com e t o share Herberg' s belie f tha t a n Amer ican politica l cultur e uninforme d b y religiou s belief s an d institu tions itsel f pose s a dange r t o th e positio n an d securit y o f America' s Jews. 25

Notes 1. Wil l Herberg , "Fro m Marxis m t o Judaism: Jewish Belie f a s a Dynami c of Social Action," Commentary (Januar y 1947) : 25. 2. Ibid. , 27. 3. Wil l Herberg , "Reinhol d Niebuhr : Christia n Apologis t t o th e Secula r World," Union Seminary Quarterly Review (Ma y 1956) : 12. 4. Seymou r Siegel , "Wil l Herber g (1902-1977) : A Ba'a l Teshuva h Wh o Became Theologian , Sociologist , Teacher, " American Jewish Year Book, 1978 , 532. 5. Ibid . 6. Jane t M . Gnall , "Wil l Herberg , Jewis h Theologian : A Bibliographica l Existential Approac h t o Religion, " (unpublishe d Ph.D . dissertation , Drew University, 1983) , 51. 7. Wil l Herberg, Judaism and Modern Man (Ne w York: Farrar, Strau s an d Young, 1951) , 25-43. 8. Eugen e Borowitz , "A n Existentialis t Vie w o f God, " Jewish Heritage (Spring 1958). 9. Gnall , 54. 10. Siegel , 533. 11. Wil l Herberg , "Th e Chosennes s o f Israe l an d th e Jew o f Today, " Midstream (Autum n 1955) : 88 . 12. Herberg , Judaism and Modern Man, 244-45 . 13. Ibid. , 246. 14. Wil l Herberg , "Th e Theologica l Problem s of the Hour, " Vroceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of America (Jun e 1949) : 420. 15. See , fo r example : Harol d Rosenberg' s "Ope n Lette r t o Wil l Herberg, " Commentary (Februar y 1947) ; 145-51 , whic h wa s writte n i n respons e

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to Herberg' s Commentary article , "Fro m Marxis m t o Judaism, " th e previous month . 16. Joh n P . Diggins, Up from Communism: Conservative Odysseys in American Intellectual History (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row, 1975) , 279 . 17. Ibid. , 280 .

18. Fo r a thoughtfu l discussio n o f th e attitude s o f th e Ne w Yor k intellectu als t o religio n generally , an d t o Judais m i n particular , see : Edwar d S . Shapiro, "Jewishnes s an d th e Ne w Yor k Intellectuals, " Judaism (Sum mer 1989) : 282-92; an d Edwar d S . Shapiro , "Th e Jewishness o f th e Ne w York Intellectuals : Sidne y Hook , A Cas e Study, " i n Seymou r Marti n Lipset (ed.) , American Pluralism and the Jewish Community (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Transactio n Publishers , 1990) , 153-71 . 19. Ibid. , 296 . 20. See , fo r example : Davi d G . Dallin , "Wil l Herber g i n Retrospect, " Commentary (Jul y 1988) : 42. 21. Nei l Jumonville , Critical Crossings: The New York Intellectuals in Postwar America (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1991) , 104 . 22. Wil l Herberg , "Th e Sectaria n Conflic t ove r Churc h an d State : A Divi sive Threa t t o Ou r Democracy? " Commentary (Novembe r 1952) : 459. 23. Wil l Herberg , "Religio n an d Publi c Life, " National Review, Augus t 13 , 1963, p . 105 .

24. Wil l Herberg , "Religiou s Symbol s i n Publi c Life, " National Review, August 28 , 1962 , p . 162 .

25. Se e fo r example : Jonathan D . Sarna , American Jews and Church-State Relations: The Search for Equal Footing (Ne w York : America n Jewis h Committee, 1989) , 29-31 ; Milto n Himmelfarb , "Churc h an d State : Ho w High a Wall? " Commentary (Jul y 1966) ; Seymou r Siegel , "Churc h an d State," Conservative Judaism 1 7 (1963) : 1-12 ; Seymou r Siegel , "Churc h and State : A Reassessment, " Sh'ma, Decembe r 1 , 1970 ; reprinte d i n Carolyn T . Oppenheim , Listening to American Jews (Ne w York : Sh'ma, 1986), 130-34 ; Jakob J. Petuchowski , "Logi c an d Reality , "Jewish Spectator (Septembe r 1962) : 20 ; Davi d G . Dalin , "Le o Pfeffe r an d th e Sepa rationist Faith, " This World (Winte r 1989) : 136-40 ; an d th e contribu tions o f Davi d G . Dalin , Natha n Lewin , Davi d Novak , Hadle y Arkes , Milton Himmelfarb , Denni s Prager , Richar d L . Rubenstein , Rut h R . Wisse, an d Mar c Gellma n t o th e Symposiu m o n "Judais m an d America n Public Life, " i n First Things (Marc h 1991) .

Contributors

wa s bor n i n Poland , gre w u p i n Israel , and emigrate d t o Canad a wher e sh e taugh t a t Yor k Universit y i n Toronto. Sh e i s no w a professo r i n th e Departmen t o f Hebre w an d Semitic Studie s a t th e Universit y o f Wisconsi n a t Madison . He r publications includ e A . M . Klein, The Father of Canadian Jewish Literature: Essays in the Poetics of Humanistic Vassion (1990 ) an d Assimilation and Assertion: The Response to the Holocaust in Mordecai Richlefs Writing (1989) . R A C H E L FELDHA Y B R E N N E R

i s a professo r o f America n Jewis h histor y an d director o f th e Edga r F . Magni n Schoo l o f Graduat e Studie s a t th e Hebrew Unio n College-Jewis h Institut e o f Religio n i n Lo s Angeles . He i s a pas t associat e directo r o f th e America n Jewis h Archives . His writing s includ e Israeli Voetry: A Contemporary Anthology, translated an d edite d wit h Warre n Barga d (1986) , an d numerou s books an d article s o n variou s aspect s o f th e America n Jewis h expe rience. STANLEY F . C H Y E T

j . C O H E N , a retire d directo r o f th e B'na i Brit h Hille l Founda tion i n Israel , taugh t philosoph y o f religio n a t th e Jewish Theologi cal Seminary , th e Hebre w Universit y o f Jerusalem , an d th e Davi d Yellin Colleg e o f Educatio n i n Jerusalem. H e als o serve d a s rabb i o f the Societ y fo r th e Advancemen t o f Judaism an d a s directo r o f th e Jewish Reconstructionis t Foundation . Amon g hi s publication s ar e The Case for Religious Naturalism, Jewish Education in Democratic Society, an d The Reunion of Isaac and Ishmael. JACK

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S

D A V I D D A L I N , a n ordaine d rabbi , i s a professor o f America n Jewis h history a t th e Universit y o f Hartford . H e i s a membe r o f th e Aca demic Advisor y Counci l o f th e America n Jewis h Historica l Societ y and a membe r o f th e editoria l boar d o f Conservative Judaism. H e i s the autho r o f From Marxism to Judaism: The Collected Essays of Will Herberg (1989) , an d numerou s article s an d review s tha t hav e appeared i n a wid e rang e o f publications . IRA E I SEN S T E I N i s president emeritu s o f the Reconstructionis t Rab binical College , edito r emeritu s o f Reconstructionist magazine , an d a forme r nationa l presiden t o f th e Rabbinica l Assembl y o f America . He co-edite d th e Reconstructionis t Ne w Haggadah, th e Sabbath Prayer Book, an d th e High Holiday Vrayer Book, an d h e i s th e author o f a numbe r o f book s includin g Judaism under Freedom (1956) an d hi s personal memoirs , Reconstructing Judaism (1986) .

s . G O L D S M I T H i s professor o f Yiddish languag e an d liter ature an d Jewish studie s a t Queen s Colleg e o f the Cit y Universit y o f New York , an d rabb i o f Mevaksh e Derek h o f Scarsdale , Ne w York . He i s th e autho r o f Modern Yiddish Culture: The Story of the Yiddish Language Movement an d Modern Trends in Jewish Religion. He i s a co-edito r o f Dynamic Judaism: The Essential Writings of Mordecai M. Kaplan an d The American Judaism of Mordecai M. Kaplan. EMANUEL

i s Russel l Knap p Professo r o f America n Jewis h history a t Columbi a Universit y an d emeritu s professo r o f America n studies a t Hebre w University . H e i s autho r o f Ne w York Jews and the Quest for Community, Dissenter in Zion: From the Writings of Judah L. Magnes, an d The American Jews. ARTHUR A . GORE N

M I L T O N H I N D U S , a foundin g membe r o f th e Brandei s Universit y faculty, serve d a s th e Edyth a Mac y Gros s Professo r o f Humanitie s until hi s retirement . Awarde d th e Wal t Whitma n Priz e b y th e Po etry Societ y o f America, h e i s the autho r o r editor o f fourteen books , including tw o o n Charle s Reznikoff , an d h e ha s contribute d t o leading periodical s her e an d abroad . Hi s Crippled Giant wa s th e

CONTRIBUTORS 3 6

9

first boo k o n Louis-Ferdinan d Celin e i n English , an d his latest boo k is Irving Babbitt: Literature and the Democratic Culture (1993) . CAROLE s . K E S S N E R i s a professo r o f comparativ e literatur e an d Judaic studie s a t th e State Universit y o f New York a t Ston y Brook . She i s th e recipien t o f th e Mari e Syrki n Fellowshi p fo r 1994 . She served a s boo k edito r o f Reconstructionist magazin e fo r twelv e years. Amon g man y essay s an d articles , sh e is the autho r o f "Mil ton's Hebrai c Herculea n Hero " (1974) , "A n Essa y an d Annotate d Bibliography o f Novel s Documentin g th e Jewish-America n Immi grant Experience " (1978) , an d ' T h e Emm a Lazarus-Henr y Jame s Connection: Eigh t Letters " (1991) . Sh e is currentl y workin g o n a biography o f Marie Syrkin .

S U S A N N E K L I N G E N S T E I N i s a professo r i n th e progra m i n writin g

and humanisti c studie s a t MIT . Sh e was born i n Baden-Baden (Ger many) an d received he r Ph.D . fro m Heidelber g University . Sh e has lived i n th e Unite d State s sinc e 198 7 and taugh t a s instructo r an d lecturer i n America n literatur e a t Harvar d University . Sh e i s th e author o f Jews in the American Academy, 1900-1940: The Dynamics of Intellectual Assimilation (1991) , an d sh e ha s contribute d essays to many book s an d journals. wa s professor o f industrial an d labor relation s at Cornel l Universit y an d emeritus professo r o f law at Cornel l Uni versity. H e was a visitin g professo r a t Hebre w University , associat e director o f th e Truma n Cente r fo r Peac e Research , a fello w o f the American Academ y o f Art s an d Sciences , th e Jewish Academ y o f Arts an d Sciences , chairma n o f th e editoria l boar d o f Midstream magazine, an d the author o f Judaism and Human Rights (1972 ) an d Judaism and the American Idea (1978) , amon g man y othe r books , essays, an d articles . MILTON R . KONVIT Z

i s professo r o f religio n a t Vassa r Colleg e and directo r o f its American cultur e program . I n 1988-8 9 she served as researc h directo r o f th e YIV O Institut e fo r Jewish Research . A n historian o f American Jews , sh e has written tw o books, At Home in

DEBORAH D A S H MOOR E

3 7 0 CONTRIBUTOR

S

America: Second Generation New York Jews an d B'nai B'rith and the Challenge of Ethnic Leadership, an d edite d East European Jews in Two Worlds an d co-edite d Jewish Settlement and Community in the Modern Western World. Sh e currentl y serve s a s edito r o f th e YIVO Annual. He r nex t boo k i s To the Golden Cities: Pursuing the American Jewish Dream in Miami and L.A. S I M O N N O V E C K i s th e autho r o f Milton Steinberg: Portrait of a Rabbi an d th e edito r o f th e B'na i Brit h serie s o f volume s o n grea t Jewish personalitie s an d thinkers . H e ha s taugh t Jewis h histor y and philosoph y a t Brookly n Colleg e an d th e Hartfor d Seminar y Foundation, an d politica l an d socia l philosoph y a t th e Cit y Colleg e of New York .

i s a professo r o f histor y a t Hunte r Colleg e and th e Graduat e Schoo l o f th e Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York , th e chairman o f th e Hunte r Jewis h Socia l Studie s Program , directo r o f the Josep h an d Cei l Maze r Institut e fo r Researc h an d Advance d Study i n Judaic a a t th e CUN Y Graduat e School , an d edito r o f th e Encyclopedia of Religion, th e autho r o f Jewish People, Jewish Thought, a co-edito r o f The American Judaism of Mordecai M. Kaplan, an d o f studies o n Easter n Europea n Jewry . ROBERT M . S E L T Z E R

Index

Abraham, Leo , 13 3 Achad Ha-am , 272 , 275 , 277 , 278 , 284 , 323, 324 ; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 298 99; "Th e Negatio n o f th e Diaspora, " 283 Adler, Felix , 130 , 13 2 Adler, Yishai , 76 Affirmative action , 6 0 African Americans , 9 0 Agnosticism, 135-36 , 14 6 Aguilar Fre e Library , 128 , 12 9 A'had Ha-am . See Acha d Ha-a m Alienation, 91-95 , 117 , 186 , 270 , 28 2 Aliyah, 84-85 , 89 . Se e als o Halutz idea l Alstat, Philip , 10 6 American educatio n system , 6 0 American Idea . See Cultura l pluralis m American Jewis h Committee , 86 , 114 , 199, 200 , 29 7 American Jewis h Conference , 19 9 American Jewis h Congress , 86 , 14 7 American Jewis h Join t Distributio n Committee, 16 7 American Jews : Be n Halper n and , 72 73, 79 , 81 , 82-84, 86-88 ; cultura l plu ralism and , 116 , 148-52 , \56-57 f 208 ; European Jewr y and , 87-88 , 111-13 , 217; halutz idea l and , 79 ; Hayi m Greenberg and , 40-43 , 46 ; Henr y Hur witz and , 200 , 201 , 203; Horace Kal len and , 151-52 , 156-57 ; Ludwi g Lew isohn and , 175 , 180 , 186-87 ; Marvi n Lowenthal and , 217 ; Mauric e Samue l and, 238-41 ; Milto n Steinber g and , 335; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 297-98 ; re -

ligion and , 41-43 ; Trud e Weiss-Ros marin and , 111-13 , 114-1 7 American Philosophica l Association , 141 American Zionist (publication) , 22 3 American Zionis t Emergenc y Council , 29 Anglo-Jewish press , 108-9 , 170 , 192-9 3 Anshe Chese d Synagogue , 316 , 31 7 Anti-Defamation League , 20 0 Anti-Semitism: Ezr a Poun d and , 252 53; Marvi n Lowentha l and , 214 , 218 19, 224 ; Mauric e Samue l and , 234-38 ; Morris Cohe n and , 139 ; Zionis m and , 39-40 Anti-Zionism, 201 , 202 Arabs: Henr y Hurwit z and , 200-201 ; Ludwig Lewisoh n and , \65-67 , 172 , 173-74, 184-85 ; Mauric e Samue l and , 237; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 298-99 . See also Bi-nationalis m Arbeiter Ring (Workman' s Circle) , 31 4 Arendt, Hannah , 10 , 20 , 9 1 Arlosoroff, Hayim , 77 Arnold, Matthew , 18 2 Asch, Sholem , 42 , 193 , 241 , 331 Assimilation, 149-50 , 29 7 Atidenu (Zionis t monthly) , 2 8 Avuka movement , 56-5 7 Bar-Ilan Universit y (Israel) , 180-81 , 182 Baron, Sal o W. , 14 0 Barth, Karl , 343 , 346 , 36 2 Beard, Charle s A. , 29 6

371

372 I N D E

X

Bell, Daniel , 361 ; "Parable o f Alien ation," 91-9 5 Bellow, Saul , 28 5 Ben Gurion , David , 40 , 63 , 84 , 11 4 Ben Nathan , Nathan , 76-77 Ben-Shahar, H . (pseud.) - See Lowen thal, Marvi n Bergson, Henri , 38 , 146 , 153 , 339 , 34 9 Bernstein, Eduard , 3 3 Bernstein, Phili p A. , 33 1 Bialik, Hayi m Nachman , 83 , 229 , 242 , 277-78, 32 3 Bi-nationalism, 166-67, 171 , 183 , 19 9 Blaustein, Jacob , 11 4 Blau-Weiss (Germa n Zionis t yout h movement), 10 3 Bloch, Ernest , 19 3 Blood, Benjami n Paul , 266 , 26 7 Bloom, Alexander , 27 8 Blumenfeld, Kurt , 162-6 3 B'nai Brith , 197 , 199 , 20 0 Bodansky, Aaron , 5 6 Borochov, Ber , 77 Boston Lati n School , 7 6 Brand, Joel , 6 2 Brandeis, Loui s D. , 193 , 251; Horace Kal len and , 147 , 208-9 ; Marvi n Lowen thal and , 207 , 211 , 213, 21 4 Brandeis University , 11 , 65-66, 71 , 179 , 256 Breadwinners' College , 13 1 Brenner, Rache l Feldhay , 268-8 7 Brenner, Yose f Chayim , 78 , 8 3 Bronstein, Daniel , 13 3 Buber, Martin , 345 , 349 , 357 , 36 2 Bukharin, Nikolai , 35 5 Burke, Kenneth , 257-5 8 Canadian Jewish Chronicle, 270-7 1 Canadian Jewis h Congress , 27 0 Canadian Youn g Jude a (organization) , 269 Canadian Zionist (monthly) , 27 0 Carruth, Hayden , 25 7 "Chosenness" doctrine , 307 , 336-37 , 35 9 Chovevei Zio n (Hibba t Zion) , 271 , 27 3 Christendom, 176-78 , 236-3 7 Church-state separation , 362-6 4

Chyet, Stanle y F. , 160-9 0 City Colleg e o f Ne w York , 128 , 132-35 , 318-23 Cohen, Elliot , 19 8 Cohen, Felix , 138 , 14 1 Cohen, Gerso n D. , 35 7 Cohen, Hermann , 33 , 348 , 349 , 35 3 Cohen, Jac k J. , 291-31 2 Cohen, Leonard , 27 0 Cohen, Mar y Ryshpan , 13 3 Cohen, Morri s Raphael , 125-43 ; Chance, Love, and Logic: Essays of C. S . Veirce, 132 ; educatio n of , 126 30; famil y of , 125-27 ; An Introduction to Logic and Scientific Method, 139; Jewish histor y and , 137 ; Law and the Social Order, 138-39 ; Milto n Steinberg and , 319 , 320-22 , 325 ; pub lished work s of , 138-39 , 141 ; Reason and Nature, 138 ; religion and , 135 36; retiremen t of , 135 , 138-39 , 140 ; teaching and , 133-35 ; Thoma s David son and , 129-32 , 134 ; Zionis m and , 137-38 Columbia University , 132 , 203 , 249 , 308 , 323 Combative ethic , 234-3 6 Commentary, 198 , 255 , 355 , 358 , 36 0 Common Counci l fo r America n Unity , 60 Common Ground (publication) , 6 0 Communism. See Marxis m Community: Be n Halper n and , 71 , 93, 94-95; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 73 , 297-98, 30 9 Conference o n Jewis h Socia l Studies , 140-41 Conservative Judaism , 326 , 334-3 8 Contemporary Jewish Record (maga zine), 253 . See also Commentary Cooley, Charles , 32 4 Cornell University , 56, 57 Corpus Juris, 25 0 Cosmopolitanism, 294-9 5 Cuddihy, Joh n Murray , 23 1 Cultural pluralism , 138 , 146 , 155 ; Amer ican Jew s and , 116 , 148-52 , 156-57 , 208

I N D E X 37 Dalin, David , 353-6 5 Davidson, Thomas , 129-31 , 13 4 Davidson School . See Breadwinners ' College Dawidowicz, Lucy , 6 1 de Haas , Jacob , 212 , 21 4 Descartes, Rene , 347 , 34 9 Dewey, John , 130 , 131 , 137 , 147 , 30 4 Dial (magazine) , 21 5 Diaspora: A . M . Klei n and , 271 , 272-75, 280-81; Be n Halper n and , 71-72 , 7778, 85-88 , 89 ; Hayi m Greenber g and , 38-41, 39-40 ; Horac e Kalle n and , 155; Jewish cultur e and , 282-85 ; Lud wig Lewisoh n and , 173 , 175-76; Mau rice Samue l and , 233-34 , 238-41 ; Mor decai Kapla n and , 296-98 ; negatio n of, 117 , 282-84 , 285 ; survivalism and , 88-89; Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n and , 114-17. See also America n Jews ; Euro pean Jewr y Diggins, Joh n P. , 36 1 Dilthey, Wilhelm , 34 3 Displaced persons , 63 , 11 3 Dos Passos , John, 35 4 Drew University , 36 2 Durkheim, Emil , 32 4 Eastman, Max , 35 4 Edman, Irwin , 18 2 Education. See America n educatio n sys tem; Jewis h educatio n Educational Alliance , 128-3 1 Eichmann, Adolf , 6 2 Einstein, Albert , 45 , 140 , 162 , 35 4 Eisenstein, Ira , 191-205 , 31 6 Eisenstein, J . D. , 31 6 Eisenstein, Myron , 31 6 Eliot, T . S. , 256 ; "Eas t Coker, " 155 ; Tradition and the Individual Talent, 25 7 Encyclopaedia Judaica, 25 2 Engelmann, Uriah , 25 4 Epstein, Jacob , 29 7 Ethical values : Danie l Bel l and , 92 ; Hayim Greenber g and , 45-47 ; Mau rice Samue l and , 234-36 , 238 , 240 ; Milton Steinber g and , 343-44 ; Morde cai Kapla n and , 30 7

3

European Jewry : A . M . Klei n and , 278 82; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and , 167-68 , 172; Marvi n Lowentha l and , 216-17 , 218-19, 221-22 , 223 ; Maurice Samue l and, 229 , 230 , 231 . See also Diaspora ; Mass extermination s Evil, proble m of , 304-6 , 341-42 , 36 0 Exile (galut). See America n Jews ; Dias pora; Europea n Jewr y "Explanatory myth, " 24 2 Fabian Society , 12 9 Fadiman, Clifton , 29 6 Farn Folk (Fo r th e People ; Zeir e Zio n publication), 2 8 Feierberg, Mordeca i Zev , 32 3 Fellowship o f th e Ne w Life , 12 9 Feminism, 52-53 , 104- 5 Feuchtwanger, Leon , 296 , 33 1 Feuer, Lewi s S. , 13 3 Feuerbach, Leon , 20 8 Fineman, Irving , 33 1 Finkelstein, Louis , 328 , 34 1 Fleg, Edmond , 19 3 Frank, Jerome , 14 1 Frankfurter, Felix , 132 , 14 1 Freedom, an d Jewis h civilization , 296 98, 30 8 French Canadians , 27 5 Freud, Sigmund , 32 , 44-45 , 354-5 5 Friedman, Jacob , 33 4 Friedrich, Car l J. , 9 1 Furrows (Haboni m monthly) , 86 , 8 8 Galut (Golah), 114 . See also America n Jews; Diaspora ; Europea n Jewry ; Shelilat ha-galut Gandhi, Mohanda s K. , 26 , 33-3 6 Giddings, Franklin , 32 4 Ginzberg, Louis , 32 2 Glatstein, Jacob , 24 2 Glazer, Nathan , 36 2 Gluckel vo n Hameln , 217-1 8 God, concep t of : Milto n Steinber g and , 316, 317-18 , 339-41 , 345-46 ; Morde cai Kapla n and , 304-6 , 339 , 340 ; Wil l Herberg and , 35 9 Golding, Louis , 29 6

374 I N D E

X

Goldsmith, Emanue l S. , 228-4 6 Goodman, Paul , 9 1 Gordon, A . D. , 78 , 83 , 29 8 Goren, Arthu r A. , 71-10 0 Gottheil, Richard , 19 3 Grade, Chaim , 24 2 Greed, 32-3 3 Greenberg, Clement , 25 3 Greenberg, Hayim , 25-50 ; "Th e Avoided Subject, " 32-33 ; funera l in structions of , 29 ; Inner Eye, 27 , 37 ; life of , 27-29 ; Mari e Syrki n and , 27 , 43-44, 59 , 61 ; pacifism and , 26 , 3 3 35; Russian-Jewis h intelligentsi a and , 25-26; socialis m and , 29-33 ; Sovie t system and , 30-32 ; a s story-teller , 27 ; "The Universalis m o f th e Chose n Peo ple," 37-3 8 Greenberg, Ur i Zvi , 16 4 Grodzensky, Shlomo , 80 , 8 6 Grossman, David , 28 5 Habonim ('Th e Builders" ; Youn g Poal e Zion yout h movement) , 74 , 82 , 83-8 6 Hadassah, 105 , 10 9 Hagshama atzmit (self-realization) , 78-79 Halakha, 33 5 Hale, Edwar d Everett , 14 7 Halevi, Yehuda , 271 , 274 Halpern, Ben , 66, 71-100 , 258 ; aliyah and, 84-85 ; The American Jew: A Zionist Analysis, 72-73 , 89 , 90 ; "A t Home i n Exile, " 86-88 ; "Th e Destin ies o f Jew an d Negro, " 90 ; educatio n of, 75-78 ; famil y and , 74-76 , 78-79 ; halutz idea l and , 73-74 , 78 , 79-86 , 89; "Ho w t o Observ e th e Command ment o f Exile, " 88-89 ; "I n Defens e o f the America n Chalutz, " 8 3 Halpern, Fannie , 74 , 7 5 Halpern, Gertrude , 80 , 8 6 Halpern, Samuel , 76 Halpern, Zalman , 74-7 6 Halutz ideal , 103 , 138 , 164 ; Be n Halper n and, 73-74 , 78 , 79-86 , 8 9 Haolam (Worl d Zionis t Organizatio n weekly), 28 , 76 Hareven, Shulamith , 28 5

Harris, W . T. , 130 , 131 , 13 2 Harvard University : Be n Halper n and , 71, 73 , 76, 77-78, 91 ; Henry Hurwit z and, 192 ; Horac e Kalle n and , 145 , 208; Marvi n Lowentha l and , 212-14 ; Morris Cohe n and , 132 , 136 ; Thoma s Davidson and , 131-3 2 Hashomer Hatzai r ("Youn g Guard") , 79, 80 , 8 5 Hasidut, 4 2 Hazaz, Hayim , 77 Hebraism, 40-41 , 146 , 152-5 7 Hebrew language : Be n Halper n and , 75-76; halutz idea l and , 83 ; Mari e Syrkin and , 53 ; Milton Steinber g and , 316, 322 ; Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n and , 106-7 Hebrew school , 81-82 , 103 , 106 . See also Jewis h educatio n Hebrew Teacher s College , 76-77 Hebrew Unio n College , 13 7 Hebrew University , 300 , 30 7 Hechalutz (trainin g organization) , 74 , 79-81, 85 , 8 6 Herberg, Will , 73 , 91 , 353-65; "cho senness" doctrin e and , 359 ; Faith Enacted into History, 362 ; Judaism and Modern Man, 358-60 , 361 ; Marxis m and, 353 , 354-56 ; Milto n Steinber g and, 343 ; ?rotestant-Catholic-Jew, 362 Herzl, Benyamin-Zev , 271-7 2 Herzl, Theodor , 207 , 22 3 Hess, Moses , 17 9 Hibbat Zion . See Choveve i Zio n Hillel Foundation s o f B'na i Brith , 19 7 Hindus, Milton , 231 , 243, 247-6 7 Hitler, Adolf . See Naz i regim e Hocking, William , 21 3 Holmes, Olive r Wendell , 14 1 Holocaust: A . M . Klei n and , 278 , 280 ; Jewish Frontier and , 59 ; literatur e of , 66; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 305 . See also Mas s extermination s Holt, Edwi n B. , 147 , 21 3 Hook, Sidney , 133 , 321 , 322, 354 , 361, 362 Howe, Irving , 51 , 66, 268 , 285 , 361 , 362 Humanist Judaism , 192 , 194-95 , 196 ,

I N D E X 37 201, 204 , 271 . See also Menora h movement Hurwitz, Bell a Wolfson , 19 2 Hurwitz, Henry , 57 , 191-205 , 212 ; char acter of , 202-4 ; earl y influence s on , 191-92; humanis t Judais m and , 192 , 194-95, 196 , 201 , 204; Jewish educa tion and , 195-96 ; Menorah Journal and, 192-93 , 196-97 ; Menora h move ment and , 192-95 ; writing s of , 199 201 Individualism, 148-49 , 153-54 , 25 2 Intellectualism: A . M . Klei n and , 276 77, 278 , 283 , 285 ; Charle s Reznikof f and, 262 ; Milto n Steinber g and , 314 , 319, 326-27 ; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 308; traditiona l Jewis h path s of , 45 ; Will Herber g and , 362-63 . See also Theology Intercollegiate Menora h Association , 192, 19 7 International Ladie s Garmen t Worker s Union, 357 , 36 1 Jabotinsky, Zev , 76 Jacobs, Joseph , 19 3 James, William , 130 , 349 ; Henr y Hur witz and , 192 ; Horac e Kalle n and , 145, 146 , 147 , 153 , 210 ; Morri s Cohe n and, 131 , 132 ; " A Pluralisti c Mystic, " 265-66, 26 7 Janowsky, Oscar , 66 Jerusalem Vost, 16 1 Jewish Agency , 29 , 67, 11 5 Jewish communa l service , 71 , 194-95 . See also Community ; Halutz idea l Jewish culture : A . M . Klei n and , 272 75, 280-81 , 284-85 ; America n Jewis h fiction and , 66; Bible in , 241-42 ; Holo caust literatur e and , 66 ; Maurice Sam uel and , 238-40 , 241-44 ; Mordeca i Kaplan and , 309 ; Morri s Cohe n and , 135-37. See also Anglo-Jewis h press ; Cultural pluralism ; Jewis h education ; Judaism; Yiddish ; and specific writers and periodicals Jewish education : Be n Halper n and , 74 , 81-82, 87 ; Henr y Hurwit z and , 195 -

5

96, 203 ; Horace Kalle n and , 155-56 ; Mordecai Kapla n and , 196 , 307-9 ; Trude Weiss-Rosmari n and , 105-7 ; Will Herber g and , 35 7 Jewish Educatio n Servic e o f Nort h America, 14 7 Jewish Frontier (Labo r Zionis t monthly): Bell' s "Parabl e o f Alien ation" in , 91-95 ; Be n Halper n and , 71, 86 , 90-91 ; halutz idea l and , 82 ; Hayim Greenber g and , 28 , 46, 90 ; Jewish Spectator and ; Mari e Syrki n and , 59-61, 66, 67; Wil l Herber g and , 35 8 Jewish Institut e o f Religion , 137 . See also Hebre w Unio n Colleg e Jewish Resistance , 6 2 Jewish Social Studies (scholarl y jour nal), 14 0 Jewish Spectator (monthly) : feature s in, 107-8 ; foundin g of , 101 , 102 , 107 9; mas s extermination s and , 111-13 ; place i n Anglo-Jewis h press , 109 ; Weiss-Rosmarin a s edito r of , 101 , 102 , 110-18 Jewish Teacher s Seminary—Herzliah , 147 Jewish Theologica l Seminary , 307 , 317 , 357, 358 ; Milto n Steinber g and , 322 25, 334-35 , 33 6 Jewish Welfar e Board , 34 2 Jews and Arabs in Palestine: Studies in a National and Colonial Problem (Sereni, ed.) , 8 0 Johnson, Alvin , 140 , 14 7 Judaism: Conservative , 326 , 334-38 ; ex istentialism and , 343-46 , 349 , 350 ; faith and , 332-33 , 341 , 346, 347-48 ; Hayim Greenber g and , 41-45 ; Henr y Hurwitz and , 191-95 , 201 ; Horac e Kallen and , 145 , 146 ; humanist , 192 , 194-95, 196 , 201 , 204, 271 ; Jewish la w and, 335 ; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and , 165 66; Milto n Steinber g and , 318 , 321, 331-33; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 295 , 300-306, 324-25 ; Morri s Cohe n and , 135-36; Orthodox , 331 ; Reconstruc tionist, 115 , 295 , 299-300 , 340 , 359 , 360; Reform , 153 , 211 , 331; secular vs . ritualistic, 232 ; socia l problem s and ,

376 I N D E

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Judaism (Continued ) 333-34; Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n and , 101, 102 , 105-6 , 111 ; as universalistic , 37-41; Wil l Herber g and , 357-60 , 357-64. See also Hebraism ; Jewish cul ture; Theolog y Judaism (quarterly) , 349 , 36 1 Judean (monthly) , 27 0 Jumonville, Neil , 36 3 Kagawa, Toyohiko , 3 4 Kallen, Horac e M. , 73 , 144-59 ; cultura l pluralism and , 138 , 146 , 148-52 , 155 , 208; educatio n of , 144-46 ; Henr y Hur witz and , 191 ; influences on , 145-46 , 147; "Judaism , Hebraism , Zionism, " 154; Marvi n Lowentha l and , 208 , 209-11, 212 ; Morri s Cohe n and , 125 , 138 Kandel, Isaa c L. , 19 6 Kaplan, Israel , 291-9 2 Kaplan, Mordeca i M. , 37 , 73 , 88 , 193 , 291-312; assumption s behin d though t of, 295 ; character of , 291-95 ; "cho senness" doctrin e and , 307 ; The Future of the American Jew, 331 , 346; implications o f theolog y fo r Jewis h life and , 306-9 ; Jewish educatio n and, 196 , 307-9 ; Jewish heritag e and , 292, 293-95 ; languag e usag e and , 303-6; Milto n Steinber g and , 324-25 , 334, 335 ; philosophy o f religio n and , 300-306; Reconstructionis m and , 295 , 299-300 Kaufmann, Yehezkel , 3 8 Kazin, Alfred , 160-6 1 Kessner, Carol e S. , 51-7 0 Kibbutz Giva t Brenner , 8 6 Kierkegaard, Soren , 343-46 , 34 9 Klein, A . M. , 268-87 ; "Autobiographi cal," 274-75 ; "Biali k Tho u Shoulds t Be Livin g a t Thi s Hour, " 277 ; "Th e Bi ble's Archetypica l Poet, " 276-77; "Childe Harold' s Pilgrimage, " 279 ; "The Danger s o f Success, " 282 ; earl y life of , 269 ; "Greetin g o n Thi s Day, " 275; Hath Not a Jew, 269 ; The Hitleriad, 269 ; In Praise of the Diaspora, 284; intellectualis m and , 276-77 ; Is -

rael's Diaspor a polic y and , 282-84 ; Jewish heritag e and , 269 ; "Medita tions upo n Survival, " 279-80 ; "Que bec Poems, " 275 ; The Rocking Chair and Other Poems, 269 , 275 ; The Second Scroll, 269 , 281-82 , 283 ; "Thos e Who Shoul d Hav e Bee n Ours, " 273 ; Zionism and , 269-7 0 Klingenstein, Susanne , 206-2 7 Knox, Israel , 10 7 Kohler, Kaufman , 19 3 Kohn, Eugene , 88 , 33 9 Kohn, Jacob , 317-18 , 321-22 , 324-25 , 335, 34 0 Konvitz, Milto n R. , 125-43 , 144-59 , 36 0 Kreisel, Henry , 28 5 Kronenberger, Louis , 18 3 Labor Zionis t Alliance , 14 7 Labor Zionis t Organization . See Social ist Zionis m Laski, Harold , 14 0 Layton, Irving , 270 , 28 5 League o f Nations , 22 0 Lecky, Willia m E . H. , 151 , 15 2 Leonard, Willia m Ellery , 16 2 Lerner, David , 28 5 Levin, Shmarya , 22 9 Levy, Josep h M. , 29 9 Lewisohn, Ludwig , 66, 160-90 ; A . M . Klein and , 276 ; An Altar in the Fields, 184 ; ambiguitie s i n Zionis t viewpoint of , 183-87 ; The American Jew: Character and Destiny, 180 ; The Answer, 170 , 171 ; Breathe Upon These, \77, 184 ; "B y th e Water s o f Babylon," 184 ; Cities and Men, 160 ; The Creative Life, 160 ; The Drama and the Stage, 160 ; earl y expression s of Zionis t viewpoin t by , 163-68 ; Expression in America, 161 ; Holy Land, 184; impact s o f Nazis m o n Zionis t viewpoint of , 168-78 , 183; In a Summer Season, 184-85 ; The Island Within, 168 , 184 ; Israel, 163-64 , 182 , 186; Jewish Spectator and , 108 ; The Last Days of Shy lock, 170 , 184 ; "Let ters t o a Ne w Member " (i n New Palestine), 178 , 179 ; Marvi n Lowentha l

I N D E X 37 and, 219 ; Mauric e Samue l and , 230 31; Mid-Channel, 162 , 170 , 182 , 186 ; A Modern Book of Criticism, 160 ; The Modern Drama, 160 ; The Permanent Horizon, 168 ; post-war Zionis m of , 178-83; Rebirth: A Book of Modern Jewish Thought, 168 ; Renegade, 331 ; Roman Summer, 161-62 ; The Spirit of Modern German Literature, 160 ; struggle wit h Jewis h identity , 161-63 ; This People, 184 ; Trumpet of Jubilee, 170 , 171, 184 ; Up Stream, 161 , 162 , 185 ; "Watchman" colum n i n Ne w Valestine, 172 ; "Th e World' s Window " col umns, 170 , 171 ; youthful critica l writ ings of , 160-6 1 Liebman, Joshu a Loth , 33 1 Liptzin, Sol , 23 4 Littauer, Luciu s N. , 19 7 Lovestone, Jay , 35 5 Lowenthal, Marvin , 206-27 ; "Th e Ad versary's Notebook " column , 216 ; The Autobiography of Michel de Montaigne (translation) , 207 , 218 , 220 21; Diaries of Theodor Herzl, 207 , 223; earl y lif e of , 207-8 ; i n Europe , 216-21; a t Harvard , 212-14 ; Henr y Hurwitz and , 201-2 ; Horac e Kalle n and, 208 , 209-11 , 212 ; "Jewis h Reali ties i n America, " 216 ; "Th e Jew s i n the Europea n Scene " (series) , 216-17 ; The Jews of Germany, 207 , 218-19 , 222; Life and Letters of Henrietta Szold, 207 , 222-23 ; Memoirs of Gliickel of Hameln (translation) , 207 , 217-18, 220 ; "Minute s i n Colonia l Jewry," 211 ; in Palestine , 219 ; skepti cism of , 207 ; This Was New York (col laboration wit h Monaghan) , 223 ; a t University o f Wisconsin , 208-12 ; A World Passed By, 207 , 218 , 220 ; Zion ist Organizatio n and , 21 4 Lowenthal, Sylvi a Mardfin , 211 , 215, 220, 22 1 Luther, Martin , 4 6 Macdonald, Dwight , 36 0 Mclver, Rober t M. , 20 0 Mack, Judg e Julian , 14 7

7

Magnes, Juda h L. , 193 , 19 9 Manuel, Fran k E. , 77 Margold, Nathan , 14 1 Margolis, Elias , 33 3 Margolis, Ma x L. , 19 3 Maritain, Jacques , 36 2 Marsh, Fre d T. , 183 , 18 4 Marshall, Louis , 25 1 Marxism: Be n Halper n and , 91 ; Hayi m Greenberg and , 29-33 , 44 ; Mordeca i Kaplan and , 294-95 ; Seren i and , 80 ; Will Herber g and , 353 , 354-56 , 36 2 Masliansky, Zv i Hirsch , 12 8 Mass exterminations , 59 , 61 , 87-88, 111-13, 173-74 . See also Holocaus t Megged, Aharon , 28 5 Meir, Golda , 52 , 54 , 60 , 63 , 66, 67, 79 ; Marie Syrkin' s friendshi p with , 51 , 52, 58-59 , 64 , 65 Melamed, S . M. , 5 7 Melting-pot idea , 14 9 Mencken, Henr y L. , 183-8 4 Menorah Journal, 57, 109 , 202 ; A. M . Klein and , 276 ; earl y writer s in , 193; Friends o f th e Menorah Journal and , 198; growt h of , 196-97 ; Jewish stat e and, 199-201 ; Marvi n Lowentha l and , 211, 215-16 , 219 , 220 ; Milto n Steinberg and , 343-46 ; origin s of , 192-95. See also Hurwitz , Henry ; Me norah movemen t Menorah movement : declin e of , 197-98 ; Menorah Bulletin and , 194 , 195 ; Menorah Colleg e fo r Jewis h Cultur e an d Social Scienc e and , 198-99 ; Menora h Educational Conferenc e and , 195-96 , 197; Menora h Foundatio n and , 196 , 197; origin s of , 192 , 193-95 . See also Hurwitz, Henry ; Menorah Journal Menorah Society : foundin g of , 192 , 193-95; Henr y Hurwit z and , 192 , 193-95, 202 ; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and , 162; a t Ohi o Stat e University , 162 ; a t University o f Wisconsin , 209 . See also Menorah Journal; Menora h movement Midstream (publication) , 66 , 67 Militancy, 17 6 Mill, Joh n Stuart , 316 , 31 8

378 I N D E

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Miller, Linda , 20 3 Mills, Eric , 22 1 Milton, John , 27 7 Modern Quarterly, 35 4 Monaghan, Frank , 22 3 Monroe, Harriet , 251-5 2 Moore, Debora h Dash , 101-2 1 Moore, Georg e Foot , 136 , 137 , 35 7 Morgenthau, Henry , Sr. , 14 0 Morris, Richar d B. , 13 4 Mosse, George , 10 3 Munitz, Milton , 13 3 Musar writing , 45-4 7 Mysticism, a s term , 304 , 30 6 Nagel, Ernest , 133 , 139 , 321 , 322 Nation, 146 , 257 ; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and , 160, 162 , 163 , 186 , 21 9 Nationalism: Horac e Kalle n and , 157 ; Ludwig Lewisoh n and , 169 , 178-79 ; Marie Syrki n and , 64-65 ; Mauric e Samuel and , 240 ; Morri s Cohe n and , 138. See also Zionis m National Review, 36 2 Nazi regime : Hayi m Greenber g and , 3 3 35; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and , 168-69 , 168-78, 183 ; Marvin Lowentha l and , 221, 222 ; Mauric e Samue l and , 237 . See also Holocaus t New Leader, 92 , 25 6 Newman, Jacob , 76 New Palestine, 172 , 177 , 178 , 17 9 New Republic, 139 , 212-13 , 215 , 36 2 New Schoo l fo r Socia l Research , 140 ; Horace Kalle n and , 146-47 ; Morri s Cohen and , 131 ; Will Herber g and , 361 New Yor k Jewish Intellectuals : A . M . Klein and , 268 , 270 , 275-76, 278 ; alienation and , 91-95 , 270 , 282 ; Ben Halper n and , 91-95 ; characteriza tion of , 1-9 ; Jewishness and , 268-69 ; Marie Syrki n and , 66; respons e t o European Jewry , 278 ; State o f Israe l and, 285 ; Trude Weiss-Rosmari n and, 117-18 ; Wil l Herber g and , 361 , 362-63 New York Times Book of Verse (Lask , ed.), 6 6

New Yor k Universit y Schoo l o f Law , 249 Niebuhr, Reinhold , 346 , 357 , 358 ; Moral Man and Immoral Society, 35 6 Niger, Shmuel , 27 4 Nobel, Nehemi a Anton , 10 3 Noveck, Simon , 313-5 2 Obermann, Julian , 19 6 Ohio Stat e University , 16 2 Opinion (periodical) , 27 6 Oppen, George , 257 , 26 5 Orthodox Judaism , 33 1 Orwell, George , 3 3 "Other" Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals , characterization of , 9-2 1 Ozick, Cynthia , 9 , 23 1 Pacifism: A . M . Klei n and , 278 ; Hayi m Greenberg and , 26 , 33-35 ; Ludwi g Lewisohn and , \65-66 , 171-73 , 183 ; Maurice Samue l and , 23 5 Park Avenu e Synagogue , Ne w York , 328-34 Parsons, Talcott , 77 Particularism, 153-54 , 27 1 Partisan Review, 198 , 360 , 36 1 Peirce, Charle s S. , 132 , 34 3 Perlman, Samuel , 76 Perry, Ralp h Barton , 13 2 Pinski, David , 19 3 Poalei Zio n ("Worker s o f Zion") . Se e Socialist Zionis m Podhoretz, Norman , 28 5 POETRY: A Magazine of Verse, 251-5 2 Politics (magazine) , 36 0 Pound, Ezra , 248 , 25 2 Pound, Roscoe , 13 7 Princeton University , 14 6 Proust, Marcel , 25 9 Provisional Executiv e Committe e fo r General Zionis t Affair s (PZEC) , 207 , 212 Pulvermacher, Joseph , 19 7 PZEC. See Provisiona l Executiv e Com mittee fo r Genera l Zionis t Affair s Rabbinical Assembly , 333-34 , 335 , 336 , 345

I N D E X 37 Rahv, Philip , 66, 36 2 Ratner, Joseph , 13 3 Reconstructionism: Milto n Steinber g and, 340 ; Mordeca i Kapla n and , 295 , 299-300; Trud e Weiss-Rosmari n and , 115; Wil l Herber g and , 359 , 36 0 Reconstructionist, 33 9 Reflex (publication) , 5 7 Reform Judaism , 153 , 211 , 331 Religion. See Judaism ; Secularism ; The ology "Renegade Jew," 160 Revelation, 35 9 Reznikoff, Charles , 247-67 ; "Autobiog raphy: Ne w York, " 259 ; By the Waters of Manhattan (novel) , 262 , 263 ; "By th e water s o f M a n h a t t a n " (poem), 258 ; By the Well of Living and Seeing, 266 ; classicis m and , 264 65; Complete Poems, 247-48 ; contri butions t o University Missourian, 247-48; Day of Atonement, 265 ; "Ep i logue," 266 ; Five Groups of Verse, 251; Holocaust, 251 ; humor of , 264 ; Inscriptions: 1933-1945, 254 , 255 ; Inscriptions: 1944-1956, 255-61 ; Jerusalem the Golden, 266 ; journalism and , 248-49; Lionhearted, 253-54 ; The Manner Music, 259 ; Mari e Syrki n and, 58 , 67-68 , 254 , 256 , 258-59 , 266 ; "Meditations o n th e Fal l an d Winte r Holidays," 260-61 ; "O n On e Who m the German s Shot, " 250 ; practic e o f law and , 249 , 265 ; Separate Way, 25 3 "Sightseeing Tour : Ne w York, " 264 ; Te Deum, 255-56 , 258 ; Testimony, 251; valu e o f verse-makin g for , 263 64, 26 5 Ribalow, Harol d U. , 23 1 Rice, Elmer , 18 3 Rivlin, Yose f Yoel , 10 3 Robinson, Jame s Harvey , 14 7 Rochdale Institute , 14 7 Rosenfeld, Isaac , 9 2 Rosenwald, Julius , 209 , 21 0 Rosenwald, Lessing , 3 6 Rosenzweig, Franz , 104 , 345 , 349 , 353 , 357 Roth, Philip , 66 , 28 5

9

Royce, Josiah , 132 , 146 , 210 , 213 , 321, 325, 339 , 34 9 Rubenstein, Charle s A. , 18 5 Rubin, Reuven , 29 7 Ruppin, Arthur , 76-77 Russell, Bertrand , 30 8 Sachar, Abra m L. , 63 , 65 Sachs, Nellie , 66 Salomon, Albert , 34 3 Sampter, Jesse , 31 7 Samuel, Maurice , 228-46 ; A . M . Klei n and, 276 ; Charle s Reznikof f and , 258 ; combative ethi c and , 234-36 ; contri bution a s writer , 230-31 ; cred o of , 243; earl y lif e of , 228-29 ; The Gentleman and the Jew, 242 , 243 ; on Hayi m Greenberg, 37 , 46-47 ; I , the Jew, 231 , 234; Mari e Syrki n and , 55-56; Pales tine and , 232 ; In Praise of Yiddish, 229, 241 ; The Professor and the Fossil, 241, 242 ; The World of Sholom Aleichem, 241 , 331; writings o n anti Semitism, 234 ; writing s o n biblica l ideas, 242-43 ; writings o n Yiddish , 241; writing s o n Zionis m an d Israel , 231; You Gentiles, 229 , 23 4 Sanders, Ronald , 24 1 Santayana, George , 136 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 192, 21 0 Sapir, Edward , 14 0 Sartre, Jean-Paul , Anti-Semite and Jew, 280 Satyagraha ("soul-force") , 3 4 Schechter, Solomon , 117 , 147 , 317 , 35 7 Scheler, Max , 34 3 Schen, Israel , 115-1 6 Schiller, F . C . S. , 146 , 14 7 Schneider, Herbert , 133 , 32 3 Schneidman, Jonah , 10 6 School fo r Jewis h Socia l Work , 30 7 School o f th e Jewis h Woman , The , 105 7, 109-1 0 Schwefel, Rabbi , 31 6 Science, 301-2 , 318 , 321 , 341, 347-4 8 Secularism: Be n Halper n and , 89 , 91; Hayim Greenber g and , 42-45 ; Mau rice Samue l and , 240 ; Mordeca i

380 INDE

X

Kaplan and , 300-301 ; Wil l Herber g and, 358 , 360-61 , 36 2 Segregation, 149-5 0 Seligman, Edwi n R . A. , 13 1 Seligsberg, Alice , 31 7 Seltzer, Rober t M. , 25-5 0 Senesch, Hannah , 6 2 Sereni, Enzo , 79-8 1 Shapiro, Karl , 280-8 1 Shazar, Zalman , 26 , 2 8 Shelilat ha-galut (negatio n o f Dias pora), 117 , 282-84 , 28 5 Shipley, Josep h T. , 13 3 Sholom Aleichem , 12 8 Shulman, Charles , 33 1 Siegel, Seymour , 35 7 Silver, Abb a Hillel , 17 7 Singer, I . J., 241 , 331 Singer, Isaa c Bashevis , 24 1 Skidell, Akiva , 8 6 Skop, Morris , 10 6 Sobol, Yehoshua , 28 5 Socialist Zionism : Be n Halper n and , 74 76, 81-82 ; Hayi m Greenber g and , 28 29, 51 ; Marie Syrki n and , 52 , 53 , 63. See als o Jewish Frontier; Marxism ; Young Poal e Zio n Allianc e Society fo r th e Advancemen t o f Juda ism, 32 5 Soviet Union , 30-32 , 59-60 , 16 9 Spear, Thelma , 21 9 Spencer, Herbert , First Principles, 316 , 318 Stalin, Joseph , 60 , 169 , 35 5 State o f Israel : A . M . Klei n and , 270 71, 272 , 282-85 ; Ludwi g Lewisoh n and, 166-67, 180-81 , 186-87 ; nega tion o f th e Diaspor a and , 282-85 ; Trude Weiss-Rosmari n and , 112 , 114 . See also Zionis m Steinberg, Milton , 313-52 , 357 , 360 ; As a Driven Leaf, 340-41 ; Basic Judaism, 342; "chosenness " doctrin e and , 336 37; confessio n o f fait h of , 332 ; conser vative theolog y of , 334-38 ; earl y theo logical essay s of , 338-42 ; educatio n of, 315-23 ; family of , 313-15 ; late r

theological essay s of , 342-46 ; Making of the Modern Jew, 338 , 339 ; Par k Av enue Synagogu e and , 328-34 ; A Partisan Guide to the Jewish Problem, 342 ; philosophy o f religio n and , 330-34 , 347-50; preachin g of , 320 , 326 , 330 34; a s rabb i i n Indianapolis , 325-28 ; as rabbinica l student , 323-2 5 Steinberg, Samuel , 31 4 Straus, Isadore , 12 8 Straus, S . W. , 19 7 Sublimation, 44-4 5 Survivalism, 87 , 88-89 , 110-14 , 29 8 Syrkin, Bassya , 52 , 5 3 Syrkin, Marie , 51-70 ; article s fo r Jewis h Frontier, 59-61 ; Blessed Is the Match, 62; Brandei s Universit y and , 65 , 66; Charles Reznikof f and , 58 , 67-68 , 254 , 256, 258-59 , 266 ; "David, " 63-64 ; fam ily of , 52-53 , 54 ; "Finality, " 67-68 ; "For Golda, " 67; friendship wit h Golda Meir , 51 , 52, 58-59 , 64 , 65 ; Gleanings: A Diary in Verse, 68 ; Hayim Greenber g and , 27 , 43-44 , 59 , 61; Hebre w languag e and , 53 ; Irvin g Howe and , 66 ; lov e o f poetr y and , 53-54, 55, 57; "O f Age, " 51 ; Peace Now statement , 68 ; poem s o n death , 67-68; post-retiremen t activitie s of , 67-69; romance s of , 54-56 ; The State of the Jews, 68 ; teachin g and , 58 , 65, 66; trip s t o Palestine , 58-59 , 61-62 , 63-64, 67 ; writing activitie s of , 56 57, 59-64 , 66 , 67, 68 ; writing styl e of , 54, 56-57; Yiddis h poetr y transla tions, 57; Your School, Your Children, 6 0 Syrkin, Nachman , 52 , 53 , 25 8 Szold, Henrietta , 199 , 207 , 210 , 222-23 , 317 Talmudic Library , 13 7 Taylor, Eugene , 214 , 215 , 216 , 217 , 219 , 220 Tchernichovsky, Shaul , 77 Tchernowitz, Chai m (Ra v Za'ir) , 13 7 Theology: Christia n though t and , 342 43; Milto n Steinber g and , 338-50 ;

I N D E X 38 Mordecai Kapla n and , 300-306 ; ratio nalism and , 345 , 348-49 , 350 ; Wil l Herberg and , 358-60 . See also Ju daism Tikkun (journal) , 6 8 Touroff, Nissan , 7 6 Townsend Harri s Hal l (CCN Y prepara tory hig h school) , 132 , 133 , 32 3 Tradition (publication) , 34 9 Transcendence, 302 , 303-4 , 34 6 "Transitional generations, " 31-3 2 Trilling, Lionel , 182-83 , 257 , 29 6 Trotsky, Leon , 3 2 Union o f America n Hebre w Congrega tions, 19 9 United Nations , 29 , 64 , 11 2 Universalism: A . M . Klei n and , 270-71 , 275-76; Hayi m Greenber g and , 35-37 ; Horace Kalle n and , 153; Mordeca i Kaplan and , 293-9 5 University Missouri an, 248-4 9 University o f Judaism i n Lo s Angeles , 308 University o f Wisconsin , 146 , 208-12 , 214, 21 5 Van Doren , Mark , 24 2 Veblen, Thorstein , 147 , 160 , 161 , 16 3 Vernon, Georg e E. , 31 0 Villard, Oswal d Garrison , 16 2 Waddington, Miriam , 270 , 28 5 Weber, Max , 277 , 283 , 34 3 Wechsler, Israel , 14 0 Weiss, Paul , 133 , 319 , 32 1 Weiss-Rosmarin, Trude , 101-21 ; birt h o f son of , 109-10 ; earl y lif e of , 103-4 ; a s editor o f Jewish Spectator, 101 , 102 , 110-18; educatio n of , 103-4 ; foundin g of Jewish Spectator and , 101 , 102 , 107-9; Jewish surviva l and , 110-11 ; "Jewish Wome n an d Jewis h Culture, " 105; Mari e Syrki n and , 53 ; mass ex tinctions and , 111-13 ; "New s fro m the Schoo l o f Jewish Women " (news letter), 107 ; partition pla n and , 113 -

1

14; Th e Schoo l o f th e Jewis h Woma n and, 105- 7 Weizmann, Chaim , 60 , 163 , 23 1 Wendell, Barrett , 145-46 , 14 7 Werfel, Franz , 33 1 White, Morton , 13 3 Wieman, Henr y N. , 30 0 Wiener, Phili p P. , 13 3 Wilson, Edmund , 35 4 Wise, Stephe n S. , 13 0 Wiseman, B . L. , 107- 8 Wolfe, Bertram , 35 5 Wolfson, Harr y A. , 77, 140 , 191 , 193, 214 Women: amon g th e "Other " Ne w Yor k Jewish Intellectuals , 12 ; role i n Jew ish education , 105-6 ; statu s of , 309 , 336. See also Syrkin , Marie ; Weiss Rosmarin, Trud e Wordsworth, William , 27 7 Workers Age, 35 5 Working Monthly, 35 4 World Conferenc e fo r Internationa l Peace throug h Religion , 22 0 World Zionis t Organization , 67, 76, 31 0 Yehoash (poet) , 5 7 Yiddish, 57 , 137 , 241-42 . See also Jew ish cultur e Yiddisher Kempfer, Der (Poale i Zio n publication), 28 , 8 6 Young Poal e Zio n Alliance , 74 , 79 , 82 . See als o Habonim Zakkaius (pseud.) . See Hurwitz , Henr y Zangwill, Israel , The Melting Tot, 14 9 Zeire Zio n movement , 28 , 75-7 6 Zeitlin, Aaron , 24 2 Zionism, 206-7 ; A . M . Klei n and , 2 7 1 75, 277-78 , 280 ; Be n Halper n and , 78 , 84, 94-95 ; Danie l Bel l and , 93 ; Hayi m Greenberg and , 27-29 , 36-41 ; Henr y Hurwitz and , 199 , 200-201 ; Horac e Kallen and , 148 , 153-54 , 155 ; Ludwi g Lewisohn and , 161 , 162-87 ; Marvi n Lowenthal and , 209 , 210-11 , 212 , 213 , 217, 222 , 223 ; Maurice Samue l and , 231-34, 237 ; Mordeca i Kapla n and ,

382 I N D E

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Zionism (Continued) 296-98. See also Socialis t Zionism ; State o f Israe l Zionist Advisor y Commission , 22 3 Zionist Congres s o f 1946 , 62-6 3 Zionist Newsletter (Jewis h Agenc y pub lication), 11 5

Zionist Organizatio n o f America : Lud wig Lewisoh n and , 178 , 179 ; Mar vin Lowentha l and , 212 , 214-15 ; Mau rice Samue l and , 229 , 231, 232-33 Zionist Organizatio n o f Canada , 27 0 Zukofsky, Louis , 252 , 25 8