The Origins of Postmodern Youth: Informal Youth Movements in a Comparative Perspective [Reprint 2015 ed.] 9783110817188, 9783110154320

Citation preview

International Studies on Childhood and Adolescence 4

International Studies on Childhood and Adolescence (ISCA) The aim of the ISCA series is to publish theoretical and methodological studies on the social, cultural, economic, and health situation of children and adolescents. Almost all countries worldwide report increased risks and problems in the development of children and adolescents. Many pedagogic, psychosocial, and medical institutes as well as education and training centers are trying to help children and adolescents deal with problematic situations. They step in to help with existing difficulties (intervention) or to avoid problems in advance (prevention). However, not enough is known about the causes and backgrounds of the difficulties that arise in the life course of children and adolescents. There is still insufficient research on the effectiveness and consequences of prevention measures and intervention in families, pre-school institutions, schools, youth service, youth welfare, and the criminal justice system. The ISCA series addresses these issues. An interdisciplinary team of editors and authors focusses on the publications on theoretical, methodological, and practical issues in the above mentioned fields. The whole spectrum of perspectives is considered: analyses rooted in the sociological as well as the psychological or medical and public health tradition, from an economic or a political science angle, mainstream as well as critical contributions. The ISCA series represents an effort to advance the scientific study of childhood and adolescence across boundaries and academic disciplines. Editorial Board Prof. Klaus Hurrelmann (Coord.), Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Bielefeld, Postfach 10 01 31, D-33501 Bielefeld, Tel.: (49-521)-106-3834, Fax: (49-521)-106-2987; Prof. Günter Albrecht, Faculty of Sociology; Prof. Michael Brambring, Faculty of Psychology; Prof. Detlev Frehsee: Faculty of Law; Prof. Wilhelm Heitmeyer, Faculty of Pedagogics; Prof. Alois Herlth, Faculty of Sociology; Prof. Dietrich Kurz, Faculty of Sports Sciences; Prof. Franz-Xaver Kaufmann, Faculty of Sociology; Prof. HansUwe Otto, Faculty of Pedagogics; Prof. Klaus-Jürgen Tillmann, Faculty of Pedagogics; all University of Bielefeld, Postfach 10 01 31, D-33501 Bielefeld Editorial Advisors Prof. John Bynner, City University, Social Statistics Research, London, Great Britain; Prof. Manuela du Bois-Reymond, University of Leiden, Faculty of Social Sciences, Leiden, The Netherlands; Prof. Marie Choquet, Institut National de la Santé, Paris, France; Prof. David P. Farrington, University of Cambridge, Institute of Criminology, Cambridge, Great Britain; Prof. James Garbarino, Erikson Institute, Chicago, USA; Prof. Stephen F. Hamilton, Cornell Human Development Studies, Ithaca, USA; Prof. Rainer Hornung, University of Zurich, Institute of Psychology, Zurich, Switzerland; Prof. Gertrud Lenzer, Graduate School CUNY, New York, USA; Prof. Wim Meeus, University of Utrecht, Faculty of Social Sciences, Utrecht, The Netherlands; Prof. Ira M. Schwartz, University of Pennsylvania, School of Social Work, Philadelphia, USA; Prof. Giovanni B. Sgritta, University of Rome, Department of Demographic Sciences, Rome, Italy; Prof. Karl R. White, Utah State University, Logan, USA

Reuven Kahane

The Origins of Postmodern Youth Informal Youth Movements in a Comparative Perspective

In collaboration with Tamar Rapoport

w G DE

Walter de Gruyter • Berlin • New York 1997

Reuven Kahane Professor, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, School of Education, The Harry S.Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Jerusalem, Israel

With 4 figures and 14 tables

® Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Kahane, Reuven, 1931 — The origins of postmodern youth ; informal youth movements in a comparative perspective / Reuven Kahane. p. cm. - (International studies on childhood and adolescence ; 4) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-015432-3 (cloth ; alk. paper) 1. Youth movement - History — 19th century. 2. Youth movement-History-29th century. 3. Adolescent psychology. 4. Interpersonal relations in adolescence. 5. Social interaction in adolescence. I. Title. II. Series. HN19.K24 1997 305.235-dc21 97-13319 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Kahane, Reuven: The origins of postmodern youth ; informal youth movements in a comparative perspective / Reuven Kahane. In collab. with Tamar Rapoport. - Berlin ; New York : de Gruyter, 1997 (International studies on childhood and adolescence ; 4) ISBN 3-11-015432-3

ISSN 1432-4873

© Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in Germany Printing: Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer GmbH, Berlin. Cover Design: Johannes Rother, Berlin.

To my family, especially to the future generation, Oren and Itamar

Acknowledgments

To begin with, I would like to extend my gratitude to two journals, Youth and Society and Sociological Inquiry, as well as to Teachers College Press, for granting permission to draw on material they have published. Chapter 13 of this book draws on the article by T. Rapoport, "Socialization Patterns in the Family, the School and the Youth Movement" (Youth and Society, 1988, 20, 2:159-179); Chapter 14 on T. Rapoport and R. Kahane, "Informal Socialization and Role Development" [Sociological Inquiry, 1988,58,1:49-74); and Chapter 15 on R. Kahane and T. Rapoport, "Informal Youth Movements and the Generation of Democratic Experience" (in O. Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization for Democracy, New York, Teachers College, Columbia University Press, 1990, pp. 221-240). This book would not have been possible without the suggestions, comments and, above all, questions and criticism of several generations of students in seminars at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Institute of Sociology at the University of Vienna. I also benefited greatly from the comments of my colleagues, Professors Chaim Adler and Yehezkel Dar, Eyal Ben Ari, and Drs. Batia Siebzehner, Aharon Ben-Avot, Gad Yair, and Edna Lomski-Feder. The book became a reality largely because of the editorial efforts of Helene Hogri, who had the wisdom and patience to rewrite and reorganize what I had to say. I am also grateful to Siva Azulai, Judy Amiram, Steve Heise, Kari Druck, and David Hornik for their editorial assistance. My thanks to Mrs. Esther Porath, who patiently typed and retyped the manuscript until it assumed its final shape. Thanks are also due to Judith Fattal for typesetting the book. The research was financed by the Ministry of Education and Culture in Israel, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany,

VIII

Acknowledgments

and above all by the National Council of Jewish Women's Research Institute for Innovation in Education, School of Education, and the Harry S Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, both of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. I would like to thank all of them for their support. Finally, I wish to thank Walter de Gruyter and Dr. Bianka Ralle, who with much patience provided the opportunity to publish the book. Reuven Kahane Jerusalem, The Hebrew University, April 1997

Table of Contents

Prologue

Part I 1

Youth and the Code of Informality

9

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modern Societies

11

1.1 1.2

12 14 14 16 17 19

1.3

2

1

The Concept of Youth Basic Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Youth 1.2.1 Social Psychological Approaches 1.2.2 Anthropological Approaches 1.2.3 Sociological Approaches Conclusions

Toward a Theory of Informality

21

2.1 2.2

21 23 27 27 27 28 28 29 29 29 30 30 31 32 32

2.3 2.4

Introduction The Code of Informality 2.2.1 Voluntarism 2.2.2 Multiplexity 2.2.3 Symmetry 2.2.4 Dualism 2.2.5 Moratorium 2.2.6 Modularity 2.2.7 Expressive Instrumentalism 2.2.8 Pragmatic Symbolism The Interaction Between Components of Informality The Meanings of Informal Contexts 2.4.1 Institutionalization of Liminality 2.4.2 Identity Diffusion 2.4.3 Corporate Role Development

X

Table of Contents

2.5 2.6

Part II 3

4

39

3.1 3.2

42 42

Forerunners of the Youth Movements The Social Context of Modem Youth Movements

The Loose Youth Movement: The German Wandervogel

47

4.1 4.2

47

The Formal Setting of the Informal Movement Nonpragmatic Symbols: The Romantic Basis of the Wandervogel General Characteristics of the Movement The Framework: Partial Informality

49 50 51

The Established Youth Movement: The British Boy Scouts

55

5.1 5.2

55

The Social Setting of the Scouts The Coexistence of Youth Autonomy and Adult Control: Structural Clash and Compromise The Basic Characteristics of the Scouts Stable Consistent Informality

56 58 59

The "Official" Youth Movement: The Soviet Komsomol

63

6.1 6.2

63

6.3 6.4

7

Three Paradigms of Youth Movements

41

5.3 5.4

6

33 34 34 35

The Emergence of European Youth Movements

4.3 4.4

5

2.4.4 Value Commitment, Sense of Justice and Trust 2.4.5 Sense of Freedom, Spontaneity, and Authenticity Optimal Conditions for the Emergence of Informality Conclusions: The Phenomenon of Informality

The Political Revolutionaiy Setting The Internal Structure of the Komsomol: The Seeds of Informality The Basic Characteristics of the Komsomol Hidden Informality versus Official Control

Conclusion: Informal Movements as Forerunners of Postmodern Youthfulness

64 66 68

71

Table of Contents

Part III

XI

The Combinative Type: Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

75

8

The Social Context of the Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

77

9

Major Israeli Movements in the "Golden Period"

83

9.1 9.2

83

9.3

10

85 86 86 87 88 88

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

91

10.1 10.2

91 92 93 93 93 94 94 97 99

10.3 10.4

11

Overview of Research on the Israeli Youth Movements Patterns of Informality in Four Major Israeli Youth Movements 9.2.1 The Scouts 9.2.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) 9.2.3 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) 9.2.4 The National Religious Youth Movement (Bnei Akiva) Conclusions: Informality and Its Enemies Changing Conditions Patterns of Transformation 10.2.1 The Scouts 10.2.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) 10.2.3 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) 10.2.4 The National Religious Youth Movement (Bnei Akiva) Structural Causes of Transformation 10.3.1 An Example of Malresponse Conclusions

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

103

11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5 11.6 11.7 11.8 11.9

103 104 106 107 108 110 110 Ill 112

Introduction: Social Structure as a Composite of Activities Excursions Camping Politically Oriented Activities Cultural Activities Sports Intellectual Discourse Games Conclusions: The Nature and Meaning of Informal Activities

XII

12

Table of Contents

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

117

12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5

117 117 119 121 122 122 125 126 126 127

12.6

12.7

13

14

Introduction: Informal Curricula Knowledge and Curriculum The Characteristics of the Informal Curriculum Methodology Classical Curricula in Israeli Youth Movements 12.5.1 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) 12.5.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) 12.5.3 The Scouts 12.5.4 The Rightist Movement (Betar) 12.5.5 The National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) 12.5.6 Curriculum of the "Classical" Period: Cross-movement Analysis The New Curricula: Continuity and Change 12.6.1 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) 12.6.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) 12.6.3 The Scouts 12.6.4 Rightist Movements 12.6.5 The National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) Conclusions

128 130 131 132 134 136 137 141

Moratorium in Three Socialization Agencies: A Comparative View

147

13.1 13.2

147 148

The Definition of Moratorium The Research

Informal Agencies of Socialization and Role Development

153

14.1 14.2

153 154 156 157 158 158 159 162 164

14.3

Role Development Contexts The Research 14.2.1 Measuring Informality 14.2.2 Measuring Role Development 14.2.3 The Approach 14.2.4 Informality Levels 14.2.5 Role Development: Short-term Effect 14.2.6 Role Development: Long-term Effect Conclusions

Table of Contents

XIII

15

Informal Framework and Civic Culture

169

15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.5 15.6

169 170 171 174 176 176

16

Introduction: The Political Socialization of Youth The Israeli Context Political Socialization in the Youth Movements Signs of Decline The Transformation of Informal Agencies of Socialization Conclusions

Preliminary Reflections on Western Youth: Europe and America 16.1 16.2 16.3

179

Introduction Modern Western Youth in Its Formative Years The Alienated Rebellious Youth Cultures 16.3.1 European Youth 16.3.2 American Youth Institutionalization of Authentic Youth Cultures

179 180 183 184 186 187

Epilogue: Postmodern Variations of Informality

195

17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5

Student Movements Reconsidered Pop Culture: Semi-institutionalized Patterns of Youthfulness Informal Youth Culture and the Mass Media The Pathological Potential of the Postmodern Youth Culture Conclusion: The Meaning of the Informal Paradigm

196 198 201 202 203

Appendix

A Comparative View: The Emergence of Postmodern Youthfulness in Non-Western Countries

207

16.4

17

Indigenous Youth Groupings Modern Informal Associations Tentative Conclusions

208 211 214

References

217

Index

253

XIV

Table of Contents

Tables and Figures in the Text Table 1: Components of the Informal Code 26 Table 2: Three Classical Paradigms of Youth Movements: Variations on Informality (ideal types) 72 Table 3: Informal Structural Characteristics of Israeli Youth Movements during Their Golden Period (1925-1960) (ideal types) 85 Table 4: Informal Structural Characteristics of Israeli Youth Movements from the 1960s (ideal types) 92 Table 5: Informal Activities: Illustration of Hypothetical Types 113 Table 6: "Classical" Curricular Topics of Israeli Youth Movements, by Grade 123 Table 7: Informal Curricula of Israeli Youth Movements, 1990s: Comparison between the National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) and the Moderate Socialists (WSY), for the 11th Grade (Outline of Subject Matter) 138 Table 8: Informal Curricular Texts of the National Religious Movement and the Moderate Socialists, Contemporary Period (in order of importance) 139 Table 9: Frequency Distribution of Ranks Assigned to Each Agency, for Five Facets of Moratorium 149 Table 10: MANOVA Analysis of Informality, Comparing Experimental and Control Groups (based on participant observations) 159 Table 11: MANOVA Analysis of Role Development, Comparing Groups in the Posttest Phase 160 Table 12: Tests for Differences in Group Means within Testing Phases by Indicators of Role Development 161 Table 13: MANOVA Analysis of Role Development Comparing Groups in the Follow-up Phase 164 Table 14: Hypothetical Ideal Types of European and American Youth Cultures in the 1990s 191 Figure 1: Proportion of First Ranks Assigned to the Three Agencies by Indicator 150 Figure 2: Mean Role Scope (RS) Scores by Groups and by Camp Test Phase 162 Figure 3: Mean Role Types (RT) Scores by Groups and by Camp Test Phase 163 Figure 4: Mean Role (RA) Scores by Groups and by Camp Test Phase ..163

Prologue

From the beginning of this century and more intensively in recent years, young people's behavior has changed in its very essence. Phenomena such as the youth movements, the student revolts, and the beatnik, hippie, pop, and rock cultures are fundamentally different from common, traditional youth groups and cultures. The aim of this book is to reconsider the subject of postmodern youth. The book will maintain that the new youth cultures are based on the code of informality, which provides a context for authentic, meaningful behavior patterns in the postmodern social environment. Youth has usually been analyzed within three paradigms—developmentalpsychological, transitional, and subcultural. These, however, no longer seem capable of explaining how twentieth-century young people behave and perceive the world. The most recent variants of these approaches have been: developmental (e.g., J.C. Coleman, 1979), sociopsychological (e.g., Heaven, 1994), attitudinal (e.g., Furnham and Stacy, 1991; Modell, 1989), subcultural (e.g., Brake, 1985), age group (e.g., Schlegel and Barry, 1991), interpretive (phenomenological) (e.g., Griffin, 1993; Widdicombe and Woofitt, 1995), and historical (e.g., Gillis, 1974; Springhall, 1986). These studies, however, seem to provide only partial explanations for the dramatic changes in youth behavior that our century has witnessed. Their main shortcoming lies in their not conceptualizing the code, or internal structural components, of youth behavior and youth cultures. Hence, they are often unable to explain young people's interactions with society and the meaning of their conduct. As a result, young people's behavior is often perceived as meaningless, alienated, and threatening, rather than as an attempt to achieve authenticity. In striving to construct an authentic, meaningful model of life in a rapidly changing, complex world, the behavior of "postmodern youth"1 centers around

2

Prologue

symbols of freedom, spontaneity, adventurism, and eclecticism. This pattern has gradually emerged since the rise of the youth movements (the Wandervogel, the Boy Scouts, and the Komsomol) at the beginning of the century, and later underwent changes with the emergence of the pop youth subculture, the student movements of the 1960s, and the recent rock-disco cultures. These expressions of youthfulness constitute a new code of informality, a fluid type of order that is a response to the chaotic nature of the postmodern world.2 Yet, despite the awareness of this shift toward informality, the essence of this trend has not been fully grasped or explained. This book analyzes youth movements as initial expressions of the response to postmodern conditions based on the code of informality. In this vein, the youth movement can be viewed as an adaptation to the rapid changes of the turn of the century, when the modern world "matured" and reached its peak. The movements were a conscious attempt to construct a flexible reality that would lend meaning to life and institutionalize authentic youthfulness, rather than merely smoothing the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Adults often supported this invention as a way of controlling the rising power of youth, but young people themselves viewed it as a means of constructing their own culture. The youth movements, to be sure, did not develop in a vacuum. These movements borrowed, implicitly or explicitly, elements from various models of youth groups from "tribal" societies and "classical" history (e.g., Athens; see Golden, 1990). Nevertheless, youth movements constitute a new invention clearly distinguished from postyouth groups by their structural characteristics or code.3 Whereas earlier youth groups had been aimed at maintaining the social order, the youth movements were an attempt to institutionalize chaotic elements and thereby create a new social reality. Young people were natural participants in the construction of new patterns of behavior, because of their low vested interests in the established order and high inventive potential. This new behavior eventually underwent various changes, taking the form of protest movements, bohemian, hippie, skinhead, and pop cultures, and the like— most of which have been based on the code of informality. These patterns of behavior have often been misunderstood by adults. Keniston (1965), for instance, described modern alienated youth, especially college students, as embracing "non-commitment as a way of life," as reflected in their dress, beatnik lifestyle, and "meaningless" travels:

Prologue

3

What do the alienated do with their time, then? As we might expect from their philosophies, they spend much of it alone. They do not distinguish between work and play, and consequently cannot organize their lives around those schedules of "studying" and "goofing off' which many students use to discipline themselves. When the alienated "work," it is usually on some topic of passionate, even obsessional interest to them; they rarely work because they have to, but because they "need" to. Put more precisely, the compulsions which drive them are less often academic requirements than are those of their fellows, and more often inner psychic compulsions only tangentially related to the requirements of the institution. Similarly, their "leisure" activities often have much of the same driven quality, which makes the usual workplay distinctions irrelevant to them. Indeed, what they do when not studying is very similar in psychological meaning to their studies: in both, they try to intensify, deepen, and comprehend their experience. (Keniston, 1965:92)

Such views of the young as noncommitted persons who behave in strange or even deviant ways have contributed to the generation gap and to a good deal of moral panic (as S. Cohen, 1972, defined it). Arguments such as this one stem from misperceptions of postmodern youthfulness. The new youth culture is aimed at coping with social complexity and transforming alienation into meaning. It is an attempt to create a new concept of youth based on institutionalizing unstable, spontaneous behavior and chaotic trends as a kind of order.4 The concept of youth has passed through three stages over the last one hundred years: from an immature, hot-blooded, heavily controlled group, to an autonomous entity, to an informal authentic culture.5 This new authenticity has been based on a new code of behavior—the code of informality, a symbolic and behavioral construct with which individuals or groups strive to maximize what they perceive as their genuine selfexpression. The ideal-type informal order (or organization) has eight basic structural components: voluntarism (constraint-free choice); multiplexity (wide range of activities equivalent in social value); symmetry (exchange based on equal distribution of power and therefore on mutually accommodated expectations); dualism (coexistence of contrasting orientations); moratorium (provision of opportunities for experimentation or trial and error with a variety of rules and roles); modularity (interchangeable clusters of activities); expressiveinstrumentalism (coexistence of immediate and delayed rewards); and pragmatic symbolism (conversion of symbols into deeds and vice versa). The book addresses a number of questions: What are the basic characteristics of this "informal culture" of youthfulness? What are its historical roots?

4

Prologue

What is its meaning in postmodern society? Why have these unique cultural expressions of youth emerged and developed in specific informal patterns? On the macro theoretical level, rather than the traditional sociological question of how social order is constructed (Parsons, 1951, 1966:7), the book focuses on the question of how it is possible to live under existential conditions of disorder. If, as we tend to believe, the postmodern world is essentially a chaotic one, this question has considerable significance. The book is divided into four sections. The first introduces the problem of adolescence in a rapidly changing world and offers a conceptual framework for the phenomenon. Chapter 1 discusses the relevance of common theories of adolescence to the behavior of postmodern young people. The second chapter sets forth a new theoretical perspective on postmodern youth, based on the code of informality, which is defined in idiosyncratic terms (rather than as weak formality). The chapter discusses the components of the informal code, as well as the conditions under which they emerge and their existential meaning. The second section presents the basic paradigms of youth movements in turn-of-the-century Europe—the Wandervogel, the Boy Scouts, and the Komsomol^—as the harbingers of postmodern youthfulness. Although each paradigm has a different profile of informality, all contributed to developing an authentic concept of youth. Accordingly, Chapter 3 surveys the social context of the rise of these movements. Chapter 4 analyzes the loosely structured German romanticist youth movement, the Wandervogel; Chapter 5 discusses the British Boy Scouts as a paradigm combining autonomy with dependence on the adult establishment, arguing that this dualism gave the movement its flexibility and social attraction; Chapter 6 portrays the Komsomol as a semiofficial youth movement that combined anarchistic and regimented traditions (an analysis that may shed some light on recent changes in post-Soviet youth). A short concluding chapter wraps up the section. Section 3 focuses on the Israeli pioneering youth movements, which have combined elements from the three "classical" paradigms and can be considered typical examples of contemporary youth movements. The section shows how Israeli youth movements are distinguished from one another by different informal profiles that are often related to their political ideology. Chapter 8 discusses the context in which Jewish youth movements emerged in the Diaspora and Palestine from the beginning of the century. Chapter 9 analyzes

Prologue

5

four major pioneering youth movements in Israel, in their fundamental patterns, since the 1920s: the Scouts, the Moderate Socialists, the Leftist Socialists, and the National Religious youth movement. Chapter 10 describes their contemporary patterns, including their transformation, showing how the first two movements have developed some anarchistic characteristics, the Leftist Socialists have shifted to a more informal framework, and the National Religious movement has become somewhat sectlike. Yet all of these movements have retained their core informal ingredients. Remaining in the Israeli context, Chapter 11 portrays youth movements as an innovative way of structuring a range of related activities. The chapter describes the informal profiles of a variety of activities, such as cultural events (dancing, singing, parties), sports, and intellectual discourse. It also presents the results of a comparative study of the meaning of excursions in three agencies: a school, a nature society, and a youth movement, demonstrating that each has a different informal profile and consequently different significance. Chapter 12 applies a hermeneutic approach, within the framework of the sociology of culture and knowledge, to the analysis of the informal curricula in the Israeli youth movements. Comparing these curricula over two historical periods, the chapter illustrates how the texts have shifted from emphasizing "big" problems and classical sources to a kind of informal knowledge emphasizing "little" problems and current affairs, often in a journalistic style, which eventually increased the fluidity of commitment among youth movement members. Section 4 provides preliminary empirical evidence of how the informal code operates. Chapter 13 analyzes one dimension of informality, namely moratorium, from a comparative perspective—in the school, the family, and the youth movement. Moratorium is found to be most salient in the youth movement and least salient in the school. Chapter 14 compares the impact of two types of summer camps (more or less informal) on role development. The findings show that the less informal camps have a stronger impact in the short run, but this rapidly dissipates; whereas the more informal camps have a delayed impact that is preserved in the long run. Chapter 15 tentatively discusses the impact of youth movements on political socialization, mainly regarding increased commitment to democratic ideas. Chapter 16 attempts to analyze Western youth in terms of the code of informality. It suggests that Western youth has shifted from a differential autonomic status into a state where they are constructing their own authentic cultures.

6

Prologue

Chapter 17 is an epilogue that relates the theory and code of informality to various authentic expressions of youthfulness. It tentatively shows that the informal code characterizes most of the changes of youth behavior in postmodern times: the pop culture, student rebellions in the 1960s and 1970s, the rock cultures, discotheques, and the mass media. It argues that such equivalents to the youth movement are all attempts to give meaning to a postmodern anomic world. The chapter suggests that delinquent or deviant behavior (e.g., the drug culture) emerges not so much out of deprivation or alienation, but rather because of the shortage of informal alternatives with which to face and institutionalize postmodern life. Finally, the Appendix adds a comparative perspective by extending the thesis to the context of non-Western countries. This book is built around the assumption that the code of informality is an essential part of any social entity. It should not be viewed as weak formality or as a "primary" relationship, but rather as a unique pattern of fluid order. Many years have been dedicated to the research underlying this book. First, we collected material related to the concept of youth, as well as studies of youth associations, cultures, and behavior. In the second stage, we abstracted from the material the components of a unique code of informality. Third, we transformed this code into indicators that would help us test the conceptual framework. Only in the fourth stage did we apply the indicators to research on the "classical" youth movements, namely, the Wandervogel, the Scouts, and the Komsomol, using mainly secondary sources. In the fifth stage we applied the conceptual framework to Israeli youth movements, conducting longitudinal research and using such varied tools as structural content analysis and a range of statistical methods. Despite this substantial investment of time, effort, and resources, we feel that our knowledge is still limited and that further research is needed.

Notes 1

"Postmodern youth" refers to young people who have grown up in the twentieth century under conditions of accelerated complexity and social change. For them, industrial urban society, sophisticated technology, welfare, democracy, and rapid social change are "natural" experiences.

Prologue 2

3

4 5

7

The postmodern period is regarded here as one in which modern characteristics (such as rapid social change and complexity) have been institutionalized and become a "given" for the young generation. Research on the position of European youth from the Middle Ages through the nineteenth century (e.g., Ben Amos, 1994; N.Z. Davis, 1971,1975;Horn, 1991; Mitterauer, 1992; Shahar, 1990) suggests that youth were generally situated as a reference group to adult society. Rare instances of youth autonomy occurred mainly for a limited time, during occasional festivals and holidays, which constituted "the only break from harsh and monotonous daily toil" (Horn, 1985:xi). At the same time, there were some unique expressions of youthfulness. These were more frequent in the villages than in the cities (Horn, 1991:167) and were largely performed through sisterhood and brotherhood, and in carnivals and sports (Mitterauer, 1992:185); from the middle of the eighteenth century, youth clubs and movements with self-leadership gradually emerged (Mitterauer, 1992:203ff., 225). Yet, even when young people were "allowed" to rebel, this was possible because conformity to adult society was expected in the long run (Kirpal, 1976). In other words, most historical cases of youth culture were based on codes of the adult society rather than on a unique code of their own. See Apter's (1971:8) view of anarchism as an immanent part of a transitional youth culture. Spacks's (1981) examples of literature from the end of the nineteenth century can be interpreted as pointing to the rise of youth as an authentic culture (even though her analysis is based on the evolutional-psychological model of maturation).

Parti Youth and the Code of Informality

1

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modern Societies

The phenomenon of youth is usually analyzed in the framework of social psychology, anthropology, or sociology. Within these disciplines, the most prominent perspectives have been developmental, transitional, and subcultural. These approaches, however, seem to provide only partial explanations for the dramatic changes in the behavior of young people that we have seen in our century. What typifies the behavior of "postmodern" youth is a stress on values of autonomy, freedom, and spontaneity. This behavior gradually emerged at the beginning of the century with the rise of youth movements (the German Wandervogel, the British Scouts, and later the Soviet Komsomol). Later, this behavior underwent changes with the rise of the youth subculture, the student movements of the 1960s, and the rock-disco culture. These recent postmodern patterns of youth behavior have been perceived as strange, threatening, and even deviant, often creating moral panic among adults (Goode and Ben Yehuda, 1994; S. Cohen, 1972). To a large extent, these perceptions reflect the commonly accepted "scientific" explanations of youth behavior. However, these patterns of youth behavior need not be regarded as so strange; instead, we can understand them as an attempt to construct an authentic, meaningful model of life in a rapidly changing, complex world (here, "authenticity" will refer to the maximization of self-expression by individuals or groups). This chapter briefly describes the major approaches to explaining youth behavior, pointing out their contributions and limitations.1 The next chapter will set forth a conceptual framework, complementary to these approaches, that aims at augmenting our understanding of postmodern youth behavior.

12

1.1

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modem Societies

The Concept of Youth

The term "adolescence" or "youth" is derived from the Latin adolescentia and adolescere, meaning "to grow up." However, youth has been defined differently in different historical periods. The concept developed gradually from the ancient classics. In ancient Athens, youth was thought of as a special phase of life. Youth groups were established with the aim of enhancing adjustment to the adult world. Games and play emulated adult patterns of behavior, encouraging conformity to these patterns (Golden, 1990). In ancient Rome, youth was considered an age of crisis, a transitional, stormy period that required control and guidance (Eyben, 1993:11-15). The Roman system regarded the freedom and independence of youth as a serious danger to society, and constructed the world of youth so as to correspond to that society. Some degree of freedom was permitted, but with the expectation that it would enhance future conformity.2 Most modern definitions of youth were influenced by these classical concepts. At the turn of the century, the Encyclopedia Britannica (1910,11th ed., Vol. 1:210), for instance, provided, under Hall's (1904) influence, the following definition: [Adolescence is] the term now commonly adopted for the period between childhood and maturity during which the characteristics, mental, physical and moral that are to make or mar the individual disclose themselves and then mature, in some cases by leaps and bounds and in others by more gradual evolution.

The adolescent is seen as prone to weaknesses and moral perversions, with unstable and vulnerable emotions. This definition of adolescence is based on the assumption that young people have not fully developed the social psychological and moral characteristics of "ripe" human beings. Therefore, they have to be controlled and guided by adults, especially their parents. About 70 years later, the Encyclopedia Britannica (1991, Micropodia, 15th ed., cl974, p. 96) redefines adolescence as: the period of transition between childhood and adulthood ... (approximately age 12 to 20)... [characterized by] adjustments in the areas of heterosexual relations, occupational orientation, the development of a mature set of values and responsible selfdirection, and the breaking of close emotional ties to parents.... [Adolescents are]

The Concept of Youth

13

caught in the ambiguous overlap between reasonably clearly defined roles of childhood and adulthood. Sometimes treated as a child, sometimes expected to be adult, [the adolescent] is uncertain how to behave.

This conception is echoed in the international edition of the Encyclopedia Americana (1990, Vol. 1:175-178), which defines adolescence as: that period of life during which the growing individual makes the transition from childhood to adulthood.... The period is marked by ... rites of passage.... In simple cultures the periods of initiation are usually short. In complex societies adolescence usually is said to last from the age of 12 or 13 to 21 or 22.... In this period physical, intellectual, emotional, sexual changes occur, resulting in increasing independence from parents... increasing responsibility-

Adolescence is perceived as a developmental, transitional stage of life in which dependence and independence coexist. New behavioral patterns cast doubt on the "classical" definitions of youth, as developed from the beginning of this century, which conceive of youth as a stressful stage of transition between childhood and adulthood. In fact, these definitions have been challenged in fictional literature since the mid-nineteenth century (e.g., Turgenev, Fathers and Sons) and even in historical research on youth in sixteenth-century Europe (N.Z. Davis, 1975:Ch. 4; 1971). Spacks (1981) sheds some light on the issue in her book The Adolescent Idea: James Joyce and D.H. Lawrence ... expressed in fiction a degree of identification with youthful heroes surpassing that of their Victorian counterparts. The Victorians wrote as adults looking back on their own adolescence and nostalgically aware of the impossibility of preserving the temporary. Joyce and Lawrence, in their autobiographical early novels, wrote as though from deep inside the experience of adolescence. Although the authority of their phrasing declares their adult distance, although they achieved ironic or pitying or critical perceptions of their protagonists, they also identified profoundly with the suffering and the heroism of characters who assert their genius in refusing to yield to the values of the adult world.... These novelists imagined (or remembered) adolescents imagining themselves as powerful, despite their adolescent experience of youth's familiar impediments. (1981:243)

Lawrence's Sons and Lovers (1913) and Joyce's Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916) represent new concepts of youth—independent of, alien-

14

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modern Societies

ated from, and contemptuous of adult society, with its own dynamic character and inner life. Along the same lines, scientific research over the past four decades has borne out such changing concepts of childhood and adolescence (Aries, 1973; Gillis, 1974; Mosse, 1966; Pollock, 1983; Sommerville, 1982). Essentially, new studies can be interpreted as finding increasing autonomy and authentic behavior among young people, unrelated to transitional stress, generational gaps, or identity crises. In fact, various "amature" behavioral patterns have come to be widespread and legitimate. Since the turn of the century, this kind of "youthfulness" has gradually become a common behavioral pattern. In recent years it has indeed become a central cultural phenomenon that cuts across the boundaries of class, ethnic group, gender, society, and even generation, although it is most salient among youth. Its major expressions appear in pop-cultural activities such as rock singing and dancing (Cohn, 1969; Fiske, 1989; Harker, 1980; Hebdige, 1979; Lowenthal, 1961; Rojek, 1989; Wallis and Malm, 1984; White, 1987); grunge fashion styles (such as ripped jeans); journeys to new, often exotic places; and a generally adventurous approach to life. What was defined as a subculture or counterculture has been transformed into a dominant culture. Let us briefly look at how various theoretical approaches deal with these new patterns of behavior.

1.2

Basic Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Youth

The academic study of youth can be broken down into three major disciplines: psychology, anthropology, and sociology. Each includes a few theoretical approaches that implicitly or explicitly deal with two aspects—youth behavior and patterns of youth associations. The common assumption is that the institutional context of youth activity is inseparable from how young people behave.3

1.2.1

Social Psychological Approaches

There are two major social psychological approaches to youth: biopsychological and developmental. The biopsychological approach, which developed at the turn of the century, is based on three main premises: that

Basic Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Youth

15

youth is characterized by a gap between nearly full biological puberty and relatively incomplete psychological maturity; that this gap creates strains, anxieties, and unreleased energy; and that various socialization patterns are needed to control young people and to sublimate the strain and energy, directing them into positive channels (Elkind, 1974; Hall, 1904). It is assumed that the family, peers, and social activities, such as play, are agencies through which such a process occurs. This approach has two main shortcomings. First, it does not explain findings that depict youth as a relatively calm, protected period, without heavy pressures, at least for most adolescents (Ausubel, 1954; Elkind, 1974). Second, most proponents of the biopsychological approach have not explained why and how the above-mentioned socialization agencies sublimate or mitigate the strains. Nor do they consider the possibility that some socialization agencies may actually accentuate these strains. Developmental theorists view youth as one of several growth stages, having its own "rules" that apply regardless of external conditions and cultures. This approach can be broken down into three schools of thought: Piaget's (1965) cognitive and moral development theory, Erikson's (1968,1977) identity formation theory, and an approach (Furth, 1980) that views development in terms of how young people conceive of various spheres of life (e.g., politics, economics). Piagetan theory, while referring mainly to childhood, applies to other ages as well (see Kohlberg, 1969). It essentially views development in terms of passage through necessary biopsychological stages, from concrete particularistic orientations to abstract universalistic ones. In contrast, for Erikson (1977,1982) and others who follow him (e.g., Cote and Levine, 1987; Marcia, 1980), development involves the accumulation of solutions to dilemmas that are inherent in each stage of life. Each of the eight stages into which Erikson (1977, 1982:32-33) divides the life cycle can be viewed in terms of basic human dilemmas (e.g., autonomy vs. shame and doubt; identity vs. identity confusion). For this approach, development is a process in which each new stage depends on the resolution of dilemmas in the previous one. Moreover, this approach largely explains the developmental process as a reaction to various social problems and needs. Erikson views young people's needs to shape their identity and social roles as a central factor in their development (Erikson, 1968,1977). What is unique to this approach is that it defines the conditions and social mechanisms through which identity

16

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modern Societies

formation occurs, although without specifying their structural characteristics (Heaven, 1994). Finally, a third approach views development in terms of socialization with respect to various institutional spheres. For instance, the political, social, and economic concepts held by children were found to become "more realistic," varied, and pragmatic as they matured (Easton and Dennis, 1969; Furnham and Stacy, 1991; Furth, 1980; Ichilov, 1990). These developmental approaches have two main shortcomings. First, they are largely based on biological determinism, neglecting the sociocultural factors that underlie young people's behavior. Second, even when they do take the micro context of youth maturation into account (e.g., Piaget, 1965, is aware that moral development often occurs in relationships based on "equal footing"), most of these approaches do not do justice to the specific postmodern youth cultures nor to the resulting unique code of behavior.

1.2.2

Anthropological Approaches

The cultural-anthropological approach, which has developed gradually since the turn of the century by using material gathered in various tribal societies (M. Mead, 1970; Schlegel and Barry, 1991; Van Gennep, 1960), is based on four major premises. First, youth is a societal stage in which age is the main principle of organization (Almagor, 1985; Baxter and Almagor, 1978; Bernardi, 1985; Stewart, 1977). Second, the transition from childhood to adulthood is more related to social maturity (status) than to puberty (biological development). In tribal society the gap between puberty and maturity hardly exists, so that the transition is relatively smooth. Yet even in tribal societies it is risky, and can take the path of nonnormative, semipathological behavior. In modern societies, of course, where the gap is much larger, the risk is greater. Third, certain social mechanisms exist for controlling young people, enhancing their integration into society, and reproducing the existing order. The most salient of these are age groups, play, and rites of passage. Fourth, young people's behavior is part of a process; it is an intermediate, liminal situation (that is, one in which individuals find themselves within a fusion of two or more social categories) of passage that brings young people in line with adult norms (Van Gennep, 1960). Thus, for this approach a distinct youth culture mainly constitutes a stage in the life cycle. More recently, however, young

Basic Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Youth

17

people's position in society has been regarded as a more permanent liminal state rather than a stage of life (Foner and Kertzer, 1978; Turner, 1969,1985, 1992). However, even in this perspective, the structural components of liminality and their different meanings have rarely been specified.

1.2.3

Sociological Approaches

The sociological approaches are the most comprehensive in that they deal with both structural and symbolic aspects of youth behavior. Seven such approaches can be delineated. One approach, dominant until recently, interprets youth behavior in terms of a generation gap (Mannheim, 1952:296-301 ).4 The concept of generations has two connotations: it refers to different status groups, distinguishing between adults or parents in a dominant position and the adolescent in an inferior position; and it refers to age groups with different life experiences and styles. In a rapidly changing society, the experience of young people is entirely different from that of the older generation. This leads to different conceptions of reality and a generation gap, which often results in mutual misunderstanding and clashes. A second major sociological approach views youth as a temporary stage on the way to adulthood, characterized by gaps between particularistic, familial orientations and social, universalistic ones (K. Davis, 1944; Eisenstadt, 1971). Youth groups and cultures are seen as intermediate mechanisms that link the life stages of childhood and adulthood and thereby smooth out or institutionalize the transitional strains. For instance, Eisenstadt (1971) offered a framework for understanding the role of youth groups, and used it to compare aspects of age groups and rites of passage in various tribal and modern societies. In doing so, he pointed to the conditions under which youth groups emerge: the greater the social complexity, the gaps between family and society, and consequently the difficulties in passage to adulthood, the more likely that youth groups will emerge. These groups provide both a shelter for young people and a mechanism that fuses universalistic and particularistic orientations. A contrasting sociological approach argues that youth groups and associations are mechanisms invented by adults to increase their control of young people and to maximize social reproduction. That is, youth groups are agents for avoiding social discontinuity and disorder (Gottlieb et al., 1966). Along

18

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modern Societies

these lines, some researchers pay particular attention to the power structure and interests underlying youth associations, both in societal and micro terms (Griffin, 1993:6; Widdicombe and Woofitt, 1995). A fourth sociological approach views youth as a subculture based mainly on expressive patterns (e.g., sports, leisure).5 This subculture evolves from the immature, irresponsible position of young people in society. Young people tend to adopt hedonistic activities, involving non- or antinormative behavior (Coleman, 1961; Parsons, 1964). Paradoxically, this youth culture often develops within formal institutions such as schools. Yet another sociological approach sees youth behavior in terms of the social order, rather than cultural differences or gaps (Bronfenbrenner, 1972; McGrunahn, 1986). For instance, comparing youth under the former Soviet regime to American youth, Bronfenbrenner (1972) showed that the tensions of transition were much lower and the control mechanisms much stronger in the USSR. Soviet youth were found, as a result, to be less flexible in their behavior and less open-minded than their American peers. Another sociological approach views the maturation process as occurring in the context of peer groups, which ease or institutionalize the stresses of youth (Sherif and Sherif, 1964). For this approach, group solidarity and pressures are a major determinant of how young people behave. Finally, a phenomenological approach (based on Becker, 1982; Berger and Luckmann, 1966; Schutz and Luckmann, 1974) argues that young people construct (or deconstruct) their concepts of reality in a discourse based on their life experience (Griffin, 1993). This approach, therefore, focuses on what young people think and feel about their behavior and social interactions. For instance, the pop-rock culture is seen as an arrangement of reality in which young people live in the present, attaching little relevance to the past or future. The uniqueness of this approach is its stress on how young people themselves interpret their encounters with reality. The problem with the approach is that it often neglects the institutional context in which young people's interpretations of reality emerge. The main shortcoming of most sociological approaches is that they do not specify the structural components and meanings of youth behavior and groupings. In other words, because these approaches do not define the different elements that underlie such groupings, the meanings of the groupings themselves are not grasped. This gap in knowledge is especially serious in regard to postmodern youth, so that a large part of their behavior remains unexplained.

Conclusions

1.3

19

Conclusions

The above theoretical approaches have largely shaped contemporary concepts of youth, both among adults and young people themselves, and affect the ways in which young people are understood and dealt with. However, these approaches have only partially explained the changes we have seen in how young people behave and interact. What is difficult to explain is the increase, among young people, of authentic, spontaneous, almost chaotic behavior. What is lacking in these approaches is an analysis of the structural and symbolic aspects of various kinds of youth activities—their internal framework, the social context, the meanings they hold both for young people and adults. Youth behavior occurs within a variety of social contexts, such as age or peer groups, street gangs, friendships, clubs, youth movements, neighborhood groups, pubs and discotheques. Each of these contexts, with its specific activities (hanging around, singing, dancing, traveling, playing), has its own qualities and meanings. The main question to be addressed in this book is: what are the basic principles that underlie these contexts, and how do such principles influence how young people behave? The next chapter will set forth a theoretical framework, aimed at explaining the institutional context and characteristics of the behavior of today's youth.

Notes 1

For recent discussions of the major approaches to youth, see Brake (1985); J. Davis (1990).

2

Despite the potential for the development of youthfulness in the classical world, an autonomous youth culture did not emerge. This can be attributed to three factors. First, young people in the classical world lacked enough resources to compete with adults and develop their own culture. Second, the relative slowness of social and technological change in this period did not motivate young people to develop autonomy. Third, youth was perceived as a transitional stage in the life cycle and therefore lacked autonomous status. Thus, young people's activities were perceived as mechanisms of control. Most definitions of youth refer to the middle classes. In recent years, because of the increasing affluence in all classes, the difference between nonworking and working youth has been narrowed and their behavior has become quite similar (Modell, 1989). Modern scholars use other concepts, such as age groups or cohorts, rather than generations. The measurement of behavioral change in these terms reflects the assumption

3

4

The Changing Concept of Youth in Modem Societies that social experience and behavior often change within a few years, rather than over generations. For empirical use of the concept of cohorts, see Inglehart (1989:75ff.); Modell (1989:322ff.). The concept of youth subculture and counterculture has been broadly discussed (Brake, 1985; Frith, 1984; Furnham and Gunter, 1989; Hebdige, 1979; M. Mead, 1970; Modell, 1989; Roszak, 1971; Yinger, 1982). It has been referred to as specific kinds of symbols and patterns of behavior that differ from those characteristic of adult society: Some subcultures are trivial, some commercial, some joyous; some are expressions of the brutalizing effects of class oppression and racism. Often they are all of these, liberally laced with sexism, but a few contain the kernel of a radical and liberated culture. They are certainly a barometer of social change. They explore the relations of consent and resistance to dominant cultures. They express dissatisfaction, and youth culture can be read as a sign of this. It is an expression of the mini-politics of rebellion against obscure social forces. During a brief period, youth steps outside the stark reality of industrial society to explore a symbolic identity, to celebrate being young, optimistic and joyous a moment all too brief [s/c] in personal biography. (Brake, 1985:198) With increasing pluralism, one may cast doubts about the use of the concept, as the definition of culture in general is an entity composed of infinite subentities.

2

Toward a Theory of Informality

2.1

Introduction

This chapter sets forth a theoretical framework that can perhaps better explain the behavior of postmodern youth than the approaches we surveyed in the previous chapter. Postmodern youthfulness is strongly characterized by spontaneous or chaotic behavior. This has become routine in the family, in schools, on the streets, in leisure activities, and in the mass media. That is why it seems more appropriate to understand youth within a conceptual framework of disorder than of order and discipline. Modern philosophers and sociologists have asked the Hobbesian question of how the social order is possible (Parsons, 1951,1966; Smelser and Werner, 1976). They implicitly assume that people cannot survive or at least live a good life under conditions of disorder. Accordingly, sociologists have long perceived society as an integrative order: Durkheim (1949) viewed the social order in terms of two kinds of division of labor (mechanic and organic); Weber (1948) in terms of legitimation and institutions; Parsons (1951) in terms of social systems. More recently, scholars have viewed order in terms of its cohesive powers, such as nationalism, or of its basic institutions—family, political, and economic (Eisenstadt, 1983). From these standpoints, conflicts, wars, and even revolutions (Eisenstadt, 1978; Porter and Teich, 1986; Skocpol, 1991) have been viewed as temporary situations (Marx, 1956) or even integrative processes (Coser, 1956). Disorder—or anomie—has been regarded as a pathological phenomenon. For instance, Durkheim (1951) depicted anomie as a normless situation or one involving conflicting norms. Merton used the same term to define "symptoms of dissociation between culturally prescribed aspirations and socially structured avenues for realizing these aspirations" (1957:128). Recently, Dahrendorf

22

Toward a Theory of Informality

more starkly defined anomie as a "state of decomposition of both culture and society" or a "state of affairs in which breaches of norms go unpunished." In this state, there is extreme uncertainty as to what behavior one should expect from others (1985:24).' Amid increasing technological change and social complexity, how can the social order be maintained? Some have suggested that order can be maintained through institutionalization of ongoing social change (Eisenstadt, 1968).2 Others have viewed the social order as open to negotiation among different interests and groups (Fine, 1984). Alternatively, order can be perceived in a pluralistic, phenomenological way, open to construction with different meanings by different groups (Berger and Luckmann, 1966; Schutz and Luckmann, 1974). This approach suggests that the social order is a kind of interpretation of reality—a symbolic, often subjective (rather than normative) construction by the individual or group (Harwood, 1995). This approach encompasses many concepts of order whose coexistence in effect creates disorder or chaos. From this perspective, chaos becomes a kind of order (see Thietart and Forgnes, 1995). Postmodern conditions perhaps best reflect the idea of the chaotic order. The modern world has often been described as meaningless and anomic because of complexity, bureaucracy, and rapid social and cultural change.3 Since the mid-fifteenth century, Western society has gradually attempted to cope with these complexities by such means as democracy, scientific knowledge, and a market economy. These very coping mechanisms, however, have themselves often increased anxiety, alienation, uncertainty, and chaotic trends. Freud (1962 c 1910), in his book Civilization and Its Discontents, explains modern individual breakdowns as the result of a widening gap between the pressures of complex civilization and the biopsychological traits of personality. This gap creates problems of adaptation and may even lead to sociopsychological crises unless some action is taken. Freud, however, was concerned with psychoanalytical remedies and did not consider the possibility of social mechanisms that could fill the gap and make meaningful life possible. Under postmodern conditions these questions have only intensified. We define postmodernity as a kind of social structure in which "modern" characteristics, such as complexity, differentiation, and change, have been extended and brought to a peak. This new order is largely characterized by chaos, uncertainty, and uninstitutionalized behavior, which is constantly reinforced by its own arbitrary nature.4 In this chapter, we shall try to determine

The Code of Informality

23

how it might be possible to construct chaos as a kind of order. In doing so, perhaps the most appropriate group to focus on is postmodern youth, since it is a group characterized by such highly chaotic behavior. The main question that needs to be addressed is how, and in what institutions, postmodern youth (and other population groups) cope with the everincreasing pressures, complexities, and chaotic trends. Generally, young people cope with these conditions through behavioral patterns marked by freedom, spontaneity, some rebellious trends, "disordered leisure" (Rojek, 1993), and even deviancy to an extent and in forms previously unknown.5 These responses have aroused moral panic in adult society, causing the older generation to take countermeasures such as the establishment of compulsory educational systems and centers of entertainment aimed at controlling youth (Bunt and Gargrove, 1980; Gottlieb et al., 1966). Paradoxically, these countermeasures have often reinforced the very trends they aimed to suppress and have paved the way for even more idiosyncratic expressions of youth. Such expressions have taken almost infinite forms, encompassing youth clubs, youth movements, student movements, pop or rock cultures, festivals, and media programs. These expressions are quite different from those of the past in that they provide a context that maximizes freedom and expressions of authenticity.6 Our task is to discover what makes meaningful life possible in such contexts. We shall find that the code of informality—which was invented largely by postmodern youth at the beginning of the century—is a central factor.

2.2

The Code of Informality

Let us begin with four premises: 1. Young people seek authentic meaning in their lives. Here, "authenticity" refers to the maximization of self-expression by individuals or groups. 2. It is difficult to establish meaning in contemporary society, where change is so rapid. 3. Certain social frameworks (associations, groups, organizations) encourage the creation of meaning by offering opportunities to interpret and construct experience.

24

Toward a Theory of Informality

4. There are infinite ways of interpreting experience, but most individuals will choose more or less rationally (from their point of view) those interpretations that have the highest degree of authentic meaning for them. We can assume that authenticity will be most likely to develop in social contexts based on a code that maximizes freedom of choice. We shall explain how what we call the code of informality responds to this challenge. The code of informality can be discussed on the macro, intermediate (organizational), or micro levels. Here it will be most useful to discuss it on the intermediate level, because that is often the context where institutional and individual interests meet. Moreover, most examples and research deal with this organizational level. "Informality" (or informal aspects of behavior and organization) has received a good deal of attention in studies of organizations (Morgan, 1986). The term, however, is generally ill-defined and used to mean different things. For instance, research on bureaucratic organizations tends to analyze informal elements in terms of "loosely coupled" organizations or frameworks with "weak ties" (see Granovetter, 1982; see also Beetham, 1987; Hall, 1972:173-174; Morgan, 1986). Similarly, studies of the sociopsychological aspects of organization (such as primary and peer groups) tend to be vague about the structural characteristics of informality (Dunphy, 1963; Himmelweit and Gaskell, 1990; Sherif and Sherif, 1964; J.C. Turner et al„ 1987).7 It seems useful, however, to think of informality as a distinct code that can be applied, in varying patterns and intensities, to a wide range of organizations and groups. Several sociological studies have implicitly made use of informality as an independent concept—such as Victor Turner's notion of communitas (following Buberian terminology; Turner, 1974:114); the concept of "Near Group" (Yablonsky, 1959); and various descriptions of adolescent groups (see Chapter 1). Recent publications on social movements,8 friendships,9 voluntarism,10 and nonprofit organizations" also refer to informality in this way. However, their definitions of informality are not exhaustive, and do not distinguish it sufficiently from other organizational elements. The concept, in other words, needs to be defined more precisely. Admittedly, the idea of "informality" as a pattern of order or organization seems paradoxical. Informality usually implies looseness, whereas order implies rules and coherence. However, if "order" can also refer to social entities

The Code of Informality

25

that contain flexible and even chaotic elements, then it can be used to describe informal associations as well. With this in mind, the main difference between formal and informal organizations lies not in their functions or aims, but in the nature of their underlying codes of behavior. The term "code" has been defined as "a system of explicit social conventions" by which "an assimilation of the unknown to the known is made" (Guirond, 1975:41,61). For Parsons (1967:357), a code is an elementary set of rules underlying concrete norms and behavior in three senses: by giving them meaning, by providing a measure of value, and as a medium of exchange. Bernstein (1975:1, 80-81) and Rossi (1983:187-191) think of codes as a principle for the transformation of signals, that is, their encoding and decoding into behavioral regulations. Going further, the concept of "code" refers to the principles that underlie the meaning of phenomena. Accordingly, phenomena that are conventionally perceived as the same can be placed in different categories because they differ in their code; and, conversely, phenomena that are conceived as different may belong to the same code. For instance, whereas usually all games would be classified under the same heading, analysis of games by code would reveal several kinds. Applying the same logic, a certain type of game and a certain type of dance can be defined as equivalent activities if their codes are similar. Thus, a code can be thought of as a set of generalized principles that (1) constitute the meaning of activity and (2) can be expressed in different behavioral forms. Postmodern conditions and organizations seem to be characterized by the code of informality. This insight emerges from studies on youth behavior and youth associations, in which informality tends to be salient. The internal dimensions most frequently mentioned in those studies are their recreational nature, associations of equals (or peers), multiple goals, dual structure, and moratorium (Boocock, 1972; Coleman, 1961; Eisenstadt, 1971; Gottlieb et al., 1966; Laqueur, 1962). Accordingly, the following sections present eight basic components of the code of informality (see Table 1; for a more in-depth analysis, see Kahane, 1975a).12

26 Table 1:

Toward a Theory of Informality Components of the Informal Code

Dimension

Definition

Expected Impact

Voluntarism

A relatively constraint-free pattern of choice (of goals, means, affiliations) in which the cost of changing one's mind is minimal.

Develops a deep commitment to what has been elected and enhances the bargaining power of youth vis-à-vis adults.

Multiplexity

A wide spectrum of activities that are more or less equivalent in value.

Enables a great number of participants with different abilities to optimize their potential thus fostering a positive selfimage, multitrack personal mobility, and organic solidarity based on mutual dependence.

Symmetry

A balanced reciprocal relationship based on equivalence of resources and mutual coordination of principles and expectations, in which no party can impose his or her rules on another.

Promotes the acceptance of universal values, such as "Do not do unto others what you would not have them do unto you."

Dualism

The simultaneous existence of different orientations, such as ascription and achievement, competition and cooperation.

Offers the possibility of experimentation with contradictory patterns of behavior.

Moratorium

A temporary delay of duties and decisions that allows for trial and error within wide institutional boundaries.

Permits experimentation with a wide variety of roles and assignments and an examination of different "truths."

Modularity

The eclectic construction of activity sets according to changing interests and circumstances.

Develops entrepreneurship and the ability to improvise and take advantage of situational opportunities.

Expressive Instrumentalism

A combination of activities that are performed both for their own sake and as a means of achieving future goals.

Enhances the attraction and influences of activities and promotes the ability to postpone gratification.

Pragmatic Symbolism

The attribution of symbolic significance to deeds and/or conversion of symbols into deeds.

Extends the meaning of symbols and behavior and makes them objects of identification.

The Code of Informality

2.2.1

27

Voluntarism

Voluntarism refers to a relatively constraint-free choice of goals or affiliations (Kahane, 1986b; Tocqueville, 1953:11, 117; Wolfenden, 1978; Wuthenow, 1991). The greater the voluntarism in a given situation, the stronger the participants' bargaining power, as the terms of exchange cannot be imposed. At the same time, the choice involved in voluntary activity increases value commitments.

2.2.2

Multiplexity

Following Kerr's (1963) definition of multiversity, multiplexity denotes a wide range of available activities that are different in substance yet equal in value or importance (e.g., studies, dance, sports, camping, games, parties). In a situation of multiplexity, individuals have more or less equivalent stakes, and various opportunities to express their interests and talents and to acquire power and prestige. Multiplexity, therefore, tends to foster a sense of self-worth.

2.2.3

Symmetry

Symmetry refers to a relationship based on three interrelated elements: actors have fairly equivalent resources, exchanges are balanced reciprocally (Sahlins, 1972:147-148),13 and therefore actors tend to mutually accommodate their expectations (based on Blau, 1964; Lévi-Strauss, 1964). In other words, people in such a relationship cannot impose their own terms on others (as opposed to a nonsymmetrical relationship, in which the weaker party has no choice but to accept the terms of the stronger one), so that there must be joint acceptance of universalistic principles of behavior. Furthermore, under conditions of symmetry, there is mutual consent about the value of exchanged commodities and the benefits to the parties involved. Such consent is only possible when there are universal values in Kantian terms ("act as if the maxim of your action were to become through your will a universal law of nature"). Such universal values make possible the personal trust or noncontractual elements necessary for any social exchange (Durkheim, 1949).14

28

Toward a Theory of Informality

2.2.4

Dualism

Dualism refers to the coexistence or mixture of different and even contradictory orientations (after Boeke, 1953; Nash, 1984), such as collectivism and individualism, or discipline and wildness. In a setting marked by dualism, actors can experience alternative norms and apply them selectively in a variety of situations.

2.2.5

Moratorium

Moratorium denotes an arrangement in which social obligations are delayed and a temporary deviation from commonly accepted norms is legitimate (Erikson, 1956:5). It is viewed as: a period of delay granted to somebody who is not ready to meet an obligation or forced on somebody who should give himself time. It is a period that is characterized by a selective permissiveness on the part of society and of provocative playfulness on the part of youth, and yet it also often leads to deep, if often transitory, commitment on the part of youth, and ends in a more or less ceremonial confirmation of commitment on the part of society. (Erikson, 1968:157)

Adding a more active tone to this definition, we define moratorium as a situation in which trial and error are legitimate and even encouraged—trial, in the sense of experiencing or trying out; error in the sense of mistakes that lead to feedback and correction. Moratorium falls somewhere between the extremes of unbounded permissiveness and fully ordered behavior, allowing experimentation with a variety of roles and rules, with minimal sanctions. Moratorium provides a context for experimentation before any enduring commitment is made. Paradoxically, by widening the scope of behavior to include deviation, moratorium creates conditions for the development of both normative and innovative behavior. Moratorium is, therefore, a flexible and powerful socialization tool.

The Code of Informality

2.2.6

29

Modularity

Modularity is an ad hoc principle of order: A module is a self-contained unit which is capable of performing a function without outside help.... Each module is designed for a specific purpose and is temporary in the sense that as soon as its purpose has been accomplished, it can be disbanded. As such, modules can be added or subtracted (or shifted) as needed. This introduces flexibility into an organization so that it can keep up with a rapidly changing environment. (Rice and Bishoprick, 1971:182)

A framework is modular if it is composed of a number of units (or activities) that are interchangeable and can be arranged variously. Modularity enables actors to rapidly adjust their behavior to changing circumstances and interests.

2.2.7

Expressive Instrumentalism

The distinction between the expressive and instrumental aspects of human behavior and meanings is well known in anthropology and sociology. Veblen discussed the instrumental aspects of leisure (1912); Ruth Benedict distinguished between Dionysian and Apollonian cultures (1934:72). Both authors concentrated on the differentiation between expressiveness and instrumentalism, rather than considering the possibility of their fusion. Expressive instrumentalism refers here to activities that are performed both for their own sake and as a means of achieving future ends—or, put differently, activities that are oriented simultaneously toward immediate rewards and future gains (Bales, 1950:176; Parsons, 1951). This combination links instant satisfaction with postponement of gratification, enhances people's ability to pursue long-range tasks, and augments incentives.

2.2.8

Pragmatic Symbolism

Human beings are often defined as homo symbolicum (Cassirer, 1974 c 1944)— that is, their nature can be understood by analyzing the conceptual or symbolic frameworks they use. Symbols can be analyzed as independent cultural

30

Toward a Theory of Informality

constructs of experience or in their relationship to action (Geertz, 1973:9194; Sperber, 1975; Warner, 1978). In the informal context, symbols and actions are interrelated: symbols are converted into deeds, or deeds are ascribed symbolic significance.15 Thereby the meaning of deeds is extended, and symbols are invested with reality. For instance, symbols of justice can be transformed into acts of philanthropy or into an attempt to establish a just community. This is what is meant by "pragmatic symbolism."

2.3

The Interaction Between Components of Informality

The components of the code of informality operate in tandem to create an open framework, in which participants can construct their beliefs and interests in an authentic way. Symmetry enables transition from particularistic (or egocentric, to use Piagetian terminology) to universalistic rules of behavior. Actors learn reciprocity—that is, they learn to adjust their expectations to others according to generalizable principles. Multiplexity enhances symmetry by allowing actors to express themselves, and to achieve status, in a variety of ways. The availability of many spheres of activity that are equivalent in value enables actors to choose their own paths of expression, and to develop their identities and careers at their own pace and in those fields where they are relatively strong. Multiplexity also offers actors opportunities to experience various types of roles and rules, and to interpret them in their own way. The opportunity to test these different orientations and roles is provided by structural dualism, and voluntarism assures that these experiments will be freely chosen rather than imposed. Moratorium encourages actors to test their behavior before any choice is made, at a relatively low cost. Given the modular nature of informal institutions, choices can then be flexibly adjusted to circumstances. Pragmatic symbolism assures that each choice will have a special meaning at the individual and/or social levels. Finally, short- and long-term meanings are linked by the expressive-instrumental nature of informal bodies.

2.4

The Meanings of Informal Contexts

Social contexts based on the informal code have the potential to give meaning to actions. First, informal contexts institutionalize liminal situations and re-

The Meanings of Informal Contexts

31

duce marginality. Second, they promote the formation of diffused identities, so that individuals are able to express, and cope with, confusion and doubts. Third, they encourage corporate role development (see Coleman, 1990). Fourth, they foster the development of value commitments, a sense of justice and trust. Finally, in informal contexts freedom and spontaneity, and therefore authenticity, are most likely to emerge and even become routine. We shall briefly discuss each of these points in turn.

2.4.1

Institutionalization of Liminality

Following Van Gennep (1960 cl909) and Turner (1969,1974,1985), liminality is defined as a situation in which individuals find themselves within a fusion of two or more social categories: with the increasing specialization of society and culture, with progressive complexity in the social division of labor, what was in tribal society principally a set of transitional qualities "betwixt and between" defined states of culture and society has become itself an institutionalized state. (Turner, 1969:93)

For our purposes, this means that the informal context enables young people (and probably some other groups) to overcome their marginal status and live within different worlds (adult and childlike) at the same time, to feel that they belong in both rather than in a vacuum between them. A unique postmodern development is that for young people, liminality of this kind has become a permanent phenomenon. In such liminal situations, people can simultaneously behave according to norms and antinorms (or structure and antistructure, as Turner, 1969, called it). Because the individuals are simultaneously outsiders to and insiders of the existing order (which is, for young people, the adult order), they can behave freely and experimentally. Postmodern liminality, then, gives individuals institutional space to live with the strains and tensions that are inherent in the social complexity and rapid change of postmodern society. Liminality is inherent in informal contexts. It is closely related to the informal components of moratorium, dualism, and modularity, and helps to stabilize transitional situations.

32 2.4.2

Toward a Theory of Informality

Identity Diffusion

Most scholars view youth as a period for developing an integrated identity (Cote and Levine, 1987; Elder, 1975; Erikson, 1968,1982). For Erikson, youth is a necessary stage of maturation in which a transition is made from identity diffusion (or confusion) to integration (1977, 1982). He describes this as a process of "forcfing] the young individual into choices and decisions, often antagonistic ones" (1968:155). The process, for Erikson's school of thought, is a dialectical one in which the counterculture identity of youth is eventually transformed into a conformist pattern of identity. It seems, however, that in postmodern conditions, this transformation is repeated constantly throughout the life cycle, making identity formation a fluid process. In other words, the "normal" identity under modem conditions appears to be a diffuse or "corporate" one.16 Erikson notes that "A state of acute identity confusion usually becomes manifest at a time when the young individual finds himself exposed to a combination of experiences which demand his simultaneous commitments" (1968:166). As this is the common situation in modern society, the institutionalization of such confusion appears "normal." In fact, most recent research on moral, political, economic, and social development, together with attitudinal surveys of youth, has found inconsistent and divergent patterns of conceptualizing reality (Furnham and Gunter, 1989; Furth, 1980; Modell, 1989). An informal context allows individuals to perpetually change the basic elements of their identity, and add new ones. More specifically, moratorium provides opportunities for experimenting with contradictory experiences; multiplexity provides a context for creating and preserving differential identities; and modularity enables individuals to construct and reconstruct their social and individual identifications.

2.4.3

Corporate Role Development

Maturation, as a human developmental process, is often described in terms of role taking and making, whereby individuals extend their social roles and change their orientations (Erikson, 1968:163; Flavell, 1968; Gordon, 1972; G.H. Mead, 1967). First, individuals extend the number of their roles, taking or creating new ones (such as the student or the worker). Second, the sorts of

The Meanings of Informal Contexts

33

roles that they perform change as they develop, shifting, for example, from less responsible to more responsible roles or from family roles to societal ones. Third, during these shifts, people increasingly change their orientations (e.g., move from particularistic orientations to universalistic ones; or from ascription to achievement). Moreover, they learn to use role orientations selectively according to changing situations and interests. Through this process of role development, people learn to become corporate actors, performing many inconsistent roles and hence holding various rights, responsibilities, and interests (see Biddle, 1986; Cerny, 1990; Coleman, 1990:541; R.H. Turner, 1990). Informal conditions provide a setting in which corporate role models can be learned and reinforced. This is mainly because of the multiplexical, dual, and modular components of informal contexts, which provide a variety of opportunities for the eclectic formation of orientations and roles.

2.4.4

Value Commitment, Sense of Justice and Trust

Because of their voluntary and symmetrical nature, informal contexts tend to encourage the development of value commitments. Value commitments involve an inclination to invest in a certain task and to pay a price, if necessary, for such investment. Often based on universal maxims and long-term expectations of certain consequences, value commitments transcend specific situations and narrow interests (Parsons, 1968:143). Value commitments to universal maxims are most likely to emerge in symmetrical relationships, where none of the parties involved can force its terms on another. Under rapid change and social complexity, such commitments generate basic trust in human interactions. Trust refers to the degree of confidence in mutual relationships, in keeping promises and upholding contracts (Barber, 1983:7; Coleman, 1990:Chs. 5,28; Gambetta, 1990;Laumann, 1979, 1988; Selznick, 1969). It entails a belief in keeping promises and sticking to the "rules of the game" even under changing conditions and interests. Trust is most likely to develop in informal relationships, where behavior can be tested in a voluntary, symmetrical context with minimal coercion and fear. Finally, the informal structure encourages a sense of justice because it provides participants with equivalent opportunities to express themselves according to their talents and interests. This means that participants are rewarded

34

Toward a Theory of Informality

according to their achievements in the areas where they are relatively strong. Therefore, the distribution of rewards tends to be equitable as well, so that participants gain maximal benefits in keeping with their real propensities. (For further analysis, see Jasso, 1983; Sabbagh et al„ 1994; Simon, 1991:93-122).

2.4.5

Sense of Freedom, Spontaneity, and Authenticity

Informality provides a setting rich with a sense of freedom and spontaneous action.17 When actors are free to call on their own resources to realize their goals and desires, authenticity is highly likely to develop. Authentic behavior in this context refers to original, faithful expressions of the inner self, while also taking into account the desires of others. Authenticity is not value-free behavior, but rather a unique expression of the person's sentiments and inclinations that is consistent with universal values (in the Kantian sense). Authenticity requires freedom in decisionmaking, and there is only room for freedom when universal values are upheld (Allison, 1991:25ff.). However, freedom of choice is a necessary but insufficient condition for authenticity; the entire spectrum of informal components (such as multiplexical opportunities, moratorium, and symmetry), which enables freedom to be articulated and put into action, is needed in order for authentic behavior to emerge.

2.5

Optimal Conditions for the Emergence of Informality

Under what conditions are informal institutions and informal behavior most likely to emerge? On the macro level, there seem to be five such conditions: (1) when basic cultural paradigms undergo rapid change; (2) when structural complexity increases; (3) when pluralism emerges out of a lack of clear criteria of evaluation; (4) the more open the political system; and (5) the greater the material affluence. These conditions create a need to construct fluid contexts for coping and giving meaning to life. Under rapid change (in regard to both the rules of the game and institutional arrangements), young people are less bound to the existing order and hence more likely to construct and participate in organizations in which the concept of order is flexible (in other words, contexts based on informality). Structural complexity further weakens the character and au-

Conclusions: The Phenomenon of Informality

35

thority of the existing order. At the same time, processes of pluralism and democratization tend to raise aspirations, but actual opportunities usually lag, increasing strains among young people. Informal frameworks often serve to close this gap. Once informal frameworks are established, they acquire their own logic of development. Strong informal components tend to resist both external pressures for order and internal processes of "oligarchization" and bureaucratization. In contrast, weak components expose organizations to both external pressures and internal interests that can undermine informality.

2.6

Conclusions: The Phenomenon of Informality

The phenomenon of informal organizations or cultures is quite common in the postmodern world. It is a fluid social response to rapid change and complexity that increases the probability of living in a meaningful civic world. As Tocqueville suggested about 150 years ago, the rise of democratic regimes and a modern economy depends on the existence of informal voluntary activity outside or within established institutions. Nevertheless, the nature of informality has rarely been defined. In the present chapter we have introduced a general conceptual framework of informality, applying it to youth. This framework can be extended to a variety of paradigms, such as the functional-structural, conflictual, phenomenological, rational, and interpretive approaches (for an analysis of sociological paradigms, see Rossi, 1983). For instance, from a neo-Marxist perspective, the relatively egalitarian distribution of power in informal frameworks is likely to maximize the satisfaction of various interests. From a phenomenological point of view, informal structures provide a context in which young people can freely invent and construct their concepts of reality (sometimes in a naive way). Rational, authentic decisionmaking processes are most likely to emerge in informal settings because they are relatively free of both internal inhibitions and external constraints (see Elster, 1989:40ff.). Furthermore, informal institutions provide an open setting in which individuals can interpret a wide range of experiences according to their interests and construct their own views of reality. In that sense informal contexts are interpretive institutions, in which experiences gain meaning and value preferences are shaped (see Blumer, 1969; Geertz, 1973:91-92; Silverman, 1991).

Toward a Theory of Informality

36

The theoretical framework presented here has broad implications. With slight modifications, the informal code can be used to analyze economic corporations, political parties and interest groups, voluntary associations and schools. However, the most typical representative—or even inventor—of the informal code is the youth movement, to which we turn in the following chapters.

Notes 1 2

On the micro level, disorder has been related to social uncertainty and the possibility of rationalized action (see Coleman, 1990; Kahneman, 1982). Classical theorists argue that institutionalization is possible because of the rise of such mechanisms as democracy, circulation of elites, and market economy (see Mosca, 1939; Pareto, 1966; Schumpeter, 1947).

3

Literature on modernization processes is voluminous and covers a variety of perspectives (e.g., colonial and indigenous) and paradigms (structural, conflictual, and phenomenological) (see, e.g., Berger et al., 1973; Eisenstadt, 1978; Haferkamp and Smelser, 1992; P. Johnson, 1983,1991). This literature essentially links such modernization processes as economic development, urbanization, industrialization, and bureaucratization (Mann, 1986; Polanyi, 1957) to social and individual expressions such as alienation, loneliness, powerlessness, anxieties, and strains. Some of the strongest literary expressions of these modern feelings can be found in Kafka (1947) and Orwell (1961).

4

As P. Johnson (1983) has pointed out, these trends were a reflection of both modern institutional change and a revolution in the nature of knowledge (scientific, philosophical, ideological, and religious). Apter, for instance, viewed anarchism as a hindrance to the transition of youth to adulthood:

5

Anarchism as a youth counter-culture is a genuinely different structural phenomenon than in the past. The more so since although generational time shrinks, the period of youthfulness expands.... Anarchism means the rejection of the roles themselves. (Apter, 1971:8) 6 7

8

Most historians have neglected to distinguish between twentieth-century expressions of youth and those in earlier periods (e.g., Ben Amos, 1994; Shahar, 1990). In structural terms, primary groups differ from informal groups in that they are based on immediate rewards or punishments and in that they entail control through compulsive group pressures. Hence, they leave little room for freedom and spontaneity. The concept of "movement" has recently been defined as: (1) a network of informal interaction; (2) shared beliefs and solidarity; (3) collective action on conflictual issues;

Notes

37

and (4) action based largely outside institutional spheres and routines (Diani, 1992:711 ; see also Alberton, 1984; Bright and Handling, 1984; Eyerman and Jamison, 1991 ; Melucci, 1985, 1989; Misztal, 1988; Richt, 1991; Zald and McCarthy, 1987). Some kinds of movements are more informal than others. It should be mentioned that protest movements are a special category of movement; that is, protest is not necessarily a component of movements. 9 10

11

12

13

Atsumi (1989:133) suggests a few properties of friendship, including equality, intimacy, confidence, voluntarism, affectiveness, mutuality, and durability. Although of different types, most voluntary organizations can be defined as composed of a combination of formal, professional, and informal elements in different profiles (Kahane, 1986a, 1988). Druker (1989:90) points to the informality in nonprofit organizations (such as the Girl Scouts or the Salvation Army) and suggests that it also be taken into account in analyzing modern profit-oriented associations. This theoretical framework enables us to construct different profiles of youth cultures, which range from minimal to maximal informality aind from high consistency in the intensity of informal components to inconsistency. These dynamic profiles are conditioned by changing circumstances and interests. The principle of reciprocity is considered a prima facie legitimation of every social interaction and obligation (Gouldner, 1960:170; Lévi-Strauss, 1964:80-81) and a necessary condition for institutionalization. When there is a great difference in power between parties, reciprocity may be considered beneficial but not necessarily fair; under such conditions, there is little chance of stable institutionalization. In contrast, when there is "balanced reciprocity," no participant can employ his/her advantage to coerce another; hence, if exchange occurs at all, it is considered fair. When rules are considered fair, there is a belief in their legitimacy and a high probability that they will be institutionalized as well as internalized (Eisenstadt, 1968; Parsons, 1951:51; Sahlins, 1972:Ch. 5; Selznick, 1969:18-26).

14 What we refer to as "basic trust" is closely related to what Durkheim called "noncontractual" elements of behavior. Durkheim defines such elements in two ways: (1) as independent universal laws that "constitute reciprocity of rights and duties"; and (2) as conditions "related to our personal status which, in turn, depends upon birth, on our consanguineous relations, and consequently, upon facts which are beyond volition" (Durkheim, 1949:207; Parsons, 1967:6). 15 This approach is based on Peirce's (1958) concept of pragmatism. 16 This conclusion derives from recent research (Adams et al., 1992; Cote and Levine, 1987; Kroger, 1989; Marcia, 1980). 17 The concept of freedom has been widely discussed philosophically, but has received scant attention from sociologists (see M.J. Adler, 1958,1961; Allison, 1991; Bowker, 1970; Chaitanya, 1976;Fellman, 1959;Neuhauser, 1993; Ortega yGasset, 1946; Taylor, 1985). Spontaneity is defined as behavior based on short time lapses between first advocacy and final execution, often rooted in emotional and impulsive action (Rosenthal and Schwartz, 1989:39-40).

Partii Three Paradigms of Youth Movements

3

The Emergence of European Youth Movements

The beginning of the twentieth century witnessed the emergence of new types of youth organizations in Europe, a unique form of which was the youth movement. Such modern youth organizations differ from youth groups found in tribal and traditional societies in three ways: they regard youth as an independent social category; they institutionalize the authenticity of youth as part of the existing order; and they are perceived, at least partially, as agents of social change. In contrast, youth groups in tribal and traditional societies are organized as temporary transitional agencies, separate (to varying degrees) from adult society. In such agencies, autonomy is not legitimized as a value in itself, but rather serves as an instrument of adult control. In that way, these youth groups have been used to reproduce the social order (Bernardi, 1985; Eisenstadt, 1971). The major innovation in the youth movements of turn-of-the-century Europe was the informal code on which they were based. It was this code that allowed for the construction of authentic behavior, enabling young people to gain meaning in a rapidly changing world. This section considers the social roots of the European youth movements, especially of three "classical" paradigms1 among these movements—the German Wandervogel, the British Scouts, and the Russian Komsomol. We use these paradigms to shed new light on this well-documented subject. We shall show that the conditions under which each youth movement emerged account for its specific structure and mode of development.

42 3.1

The Emergence of European Youth Movements

Forerunners of the Youth Movements

Youth groups existed in European societies as early as the thirteenth century and probably even earlier (for instance, youth abbeys were widespread in sixteenth-century France; N.Z. Davis, 1971). In these groups, youth were relatively free to act foolishly, mock others, play games, and experiment with roles and behavioral patterns without fear of punishment. However, these were marginal enclaves that actually strengthened the existing order. Such enclaves of youth culture in Europe were marginal not only in size but also in the societal role they played. Most young people had little leisure time and no institutional setting in which to express their desires and needs. Thus, in Tudor England (1529-1558) socialization was mainly the responsibility of the family, which used contradictory methods—interweaving, for example, affection and withdrawal of love (Byman, 1978). This often fostered a state of melancholy or indifference among youth, making it easier for adults to exert control (Springhall, 1986). On the whole, the main socialization systems in feudal Europe were rigid in terms of discipline and aimed at reproducing the existing order rather than changing it (Aries, 1973; Coles, 1970). These premodern socialization systems and youth groupings were hardly able to respond to new conditions that gradually developed in Europe from the sixteenth century. The youth movement and its equivalents emerged as an alternative.

3.2

The Social Context of Modern Youth Movements

In turn-of-the-century Europe, with increasing urbanization, industrialization, and elementary education, the importance of youth as a social category rose. Young people became more active and organized, and their gathering was often institutionalized on the initiative of teachers or parents. The most wellknown organizations that developed in this way were the Boy Scouts, founded in Britain by Lord Baden-Powell, and the Wandervogel, established by young Germans and their teacher, Gustav Wyneken. What were the new conditions in Europe that gradually fostered new interests among young people and led to the development of youth movements? One major factor was the widening gap between the family and economic and

The Social Context of Modern Youth Movements

43

political institutions, owing to urban expansion and the Industrial Revolution (Mannheim, 1951). The worlds of work and family became largely differentiated (Smelser, 1959, 1992). Socialization agencies, especially the school, were cut off from both the workplace and the home, so that young people became more differentiated and autonomous. Moreover, the spread of education gave young people the personal resources needed to cope with rapid social change and technological sophistication. Hence, they gained in power vis-à-vis adults. Yet their official status was not elevated; adults continued to dominate. This gap accentuated young people's sense of deprivation and injustice. The increasing democratization at the end of the nineteenth century, especially the extension of voting rights, created a situation in which aspirations toward political participation lagged behind actual opportunities, leading to deepening frustration and discontent. Youth were at the very core of the alienated, although their strong sense of alienation was tempered by hopes for a better future. But they were confused by the different and often contrasting orientations and opportunities available to them, which accentuated their sense of crisis. This complicated their transition to adulthood and their adjustment to the modern world. With the diffusion of a formal school system in the late nineteenth century, which became compulsory at the turn of the century (Sommerville, 1982:67), the gap between adolescence and adulthood widened. Aimed at inculcating youth with knowledge, the school system had no alternative for guiding youth but to use professional and formal procedures, that is, to strengthen the compulsive authority of the teachers. These methods, however, only increased the pressures on young people. The strains and discontent resulting from this situation were compounded by a lack of responsive socialization agents. The major social and cultural upheavals that accompanied the Industrial Revolution led to a reduction in adults' control over youth. European societies had few institutional means for dealing with the inevitable crises and strains. Young people could only be partially helped by their parents, who had been socialized in "traditional" frameworks and who themselves had trouble adjusting to the new reality. The family had little capacity to transmit the sophisticated knowledge and expertise that society increasingly demanded. Tensions were often enhanced, rather than mitigated or institutionalized, by the legal and economic dominance of the family over youth and youth's emotional dependency on their parents.

44

The Emergence of European Youth Movements

What further augmented the tensions was that young people were often better able to cope with the new conditions than their elders. The new situation and the increasing power of youth brought about the development of new concepts of childhood and adolescence (Aries, 1973; Sommerville, 1982). Whereas children and adolescents had previously been regarded as "incomplete" human beings fully controlled by adults, they now began to gain a more autonomous status. To some extent, the school aimed at countering this tendency (Boli-Bennet and Meyer, 1978). The extension of the formal school system was not only an attempt to meet the socioeconomic needs of the Industrial Revolution, but also to institutionalize and limit the trend of youth autonomy (Roderick and Stephens, 1978; Smelser, 1962). However, though the formal school culture may have equipped young people with the knowledge and skills they needed to deal with modern conditions, it failed to provide them with tools for coping with the strains and anxieties involved in transition and identity formation. It did, however, provide middle-class youth with the context, the time, and the resources for collective action, leading to the establishment of some youth cultures, among them youth movements, in the early twentieth century. In contrast, working-class youth lacked the free time but were able to establish their own culture around the workplace (Pollock, 1983). As the power of European socialization agencies waned, the status of youth and the organizations catering to them changed radically. Young people became stronger in educational and political terms and more capable of realizing some of their interests; this led to the emergence of youth associations that were characterized by an informal code, distinct in its nature from the family, the school, and primary (peer) groups. The new movements, whatever the differences between them, were agencies o/youth rather than/or youth. They were "young" associations in that they reflected new values and structures. They institutionalized the autonomy of young people, and directed their strains and anxieties into normative channels of behavior. Thus, the new movements emerged as agents of initiation or adjustment to change, while at the same time creating a degree of continuity and conformity. The particular conditions under which each youth movement emerged were largely responsible for their special internal structures and informal profiles. Using the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter 2, the following chapters comparatively analyze the three paradigmatic youth movements mentioned earlier, especially in terms of their informal codes. All three paradigms con-

Notes

45

tain common informal elements, which appear in varying degrees and patterns. In reality, no youth movement ever constituted a consistent paradigm; the intensities of different components varied over time. Here, though, we consider each paradigm as a generalized model or "ideal type."

Notes 1

This usage differs from Kuhn's (1962:10) definition of a scientific paradigm: "some accepted examples of actual scientific practice—examples which include law, theory, application and instrumentalization together—provide models from which spring particular coherent traditions of scientific research" (see also Barnes, 1982).

4

The Loose Youth Movement: The German Wandervogel

The Wandervogel, a typical example of early twentieth-century German youth movements, represented a unique conception of youth organizations. Many aspects of the movement's structure were informal. Its informal components, however, were mixed with two "deviant" characteristics: maximal separation from adult society and the incorporation of romanticism, involving a severing of symbols from reality. The unbridgeable distance between the movement's ideals and the real world, and between the youth movement and adult society, created powerful strains that often paralyzed the movement, eventually making it less meaningful for young people in their coping with a complex modern society.

4.1

The Formal Setting of the Informal Movement

Like its many German counterparts, the Wandervogel emerged in protest against the "immoral, corrupt adult world." It developed under conditions of increasing friction between generations and a widening gap between, on the one hand, authoritarian socialization systems and, on the other, the more open and fluid society that had begun to emerge in the 1860s (Becker, 1946; Laqueur, 1962). German youth perceived the school and family as irrelevant to the modern world and real life. Rapid economic and political changes diminished the role of the family, including its capacity to mediate the transition from childhood to adulthood (Dahrendorf, 1985; Gay, 1968; Mosse, 1964). The formal school system was extended in response to changing economic conditions, and, in effect, as a complement or even substitute for the family. Middle-class youth was heavily concentrated in the Gymnasium (Ringer, 1979), which was based on full adult control, regimented discipline, and heavy em-

48

The German Wandervogel

phasis on formal and professional principles. The Gymnasium was aimed at keeping young people in line, but this only made it less able to serve as a transitional agency and to counter, sublimate, or institutionalize the tensions young people underwent. In fact, the educational system often added to young people's tensions by reducing their unique sense of adolescence. Lacking most informal components (such as symmetry and moratorium), the schools mostly aggravated the difficult passage to adulthood: In general, youth was considered a rather annoying age and state of mind. The community was adult-centered, and education was expected to produce a new generation of teachers, government officials, and reserve lieutenants that would be a more or less exact replica of its elders. Discipline was strict in the schools, the study of Greek and Latin being considered the only true education. Relations between the sexes were like those in late Victorian England, with, needless to say, the same double standards of morality. It was an efficient and successful society, but it must have been fairly boring to more enterprising spirits, perhaps even stifling, and there certainly was not much romance in it. (Laqueur, 1962:10)

The rise of youth "Bonds," including the Wandervogel movement, at the turn of the twentieth century served to fill the gaps left by the family and school. Until then (and perhaps again in the 1960s), few institutionalized agencies offered German youth opportunities to express themselves in a moratoric, symmetric context, thereby enabling them to construct a liminal identity. Indeed, German society did not legitimize any informal culture, and thus did not allow young people to build such an identity within the existing structures. Because of this lack of legitimized informal space for expression, the Wandervogel was more a tool to escape from reality than an agent for constructing a new one: The Wandervogel's immediate genesis reflected a rejection of accepted standards and institutions by the German liberal bourgeoisie, which was communicated by parents to the youths. The movement was linked to the fascination for avant garde trends in the arts and sciences and to the aspirations for a richer life and broader freedoms which inspired and accompanied the emergence of modern mass society around 1900. Under the leadership of Karl Fischer, the Wandervogel resented the monotonous routine, restraints, and conventions imposed on young Germans by the conservativeminded adult generation. It wanted youth to be able to lead their own lives, and demanded at least a partial release from the tutelage of the parental home, school,

The Romantic Basis of the Wandervogel

49

and the whole system of authority which the Wandervogel claimed did not understand, or even try to understand, the problems peculiar to youth. (Stachura, 1975: 2-3)

Thus, by the beginning of the twentieth century, a small sector of middleclass German youth1 challenged the adult world in new terms, transforming their frustrations into a romantic movement that sought harmony and a natural way of life in an atomized, mechanical world.2

4.2

Nonpragmatic Symbols: The Romantic Basis of the Wandervogel

The quest for harmony was a central feature of the Wandervogel movement. Members sought a balance between the arts and machinery, between architectural and industrial design (Stern, 1974:174). They tried, furthermore, to reduce the gap between values and reality and between the present and the future by rejecting modern urban life and clinging to nature and spontaneity. Sentiments were considered an important means to harmonize man and nature, individual and society. Sublimative cults, rituals of solidarity, and romantic symbolism were all used to foster unity with nature—and these means soon became ends in their own right. Like most other German youth movements, the Wandervogel was a loosely structured association characterized by uninstitutionalized, often spontaneous activities that held sentimental significance. The movement had an aura of "antidefiniteness"; it had "hazy programs and a hazy framework." Taking "an irrational nostalgic approach," it "saw its strength as depending on its lack of a program" (Becker, 1946:95, 97): The movement's organisational structure lacked centralisation, however, and this along with the petty jealousies of certain leaders explains why it soon disintegrated into a host of warring factions.... Activities were composed of rambling, hiking, camping, folk dancing, discussions, and the singing of old folk songs, which in 1909 were published in Wandervogel's most famous songbook, the Zupfgeigenhansel. (Stachura, 1975:3)

This loose structure often led to the development of "deviant" trends:

50

The German Wandervogel although the movement was initially non-political and unreceptive to the strident nationalism and militarism of the older generation, right-wing volkisch ideas were later propagated extensively in Wandervogel circles. Consequently, despite official policy prohibiting racial or religious discrimination in the movement, anti-Semitism was embraced by many members. [There was also] the serious problem of homosexuality. In its quest to rediscover the genuineness of Nature, the Wandervogel came to hold the concept of male physical beauty in high esteem, and this outlook may help explain the wide prevalence of homosexuality within its ranks. (Stachura, 1975:31)

Also characteristic of the Wandervogel was its link to the German primordial (or tribal) tradition:3 Their return to nature was romantic, as were their attempts to get away from a materialistic civilization, their stress on the simple life, their rediscovery of old folk songs and folklore, their adoption of medieval names and customs. (Laqueur, 1962:6)4

This romanticism, which was rather dissociated from everyday life, was based on the assumption that sentiments (of love or beauty) hold precedence over reason. The ideas of the Wandervogel made it very difficult to reduce symbols back to reality, or even to make compromises with basic facts. Members were, indeed, discontent with reality and wanted to cut themselves off from it. In this context, the volk ideology, thought to represent the true nature of the German people, played a major role.

4.3

General Characteristics of the Movement

Drawing on various sources (Becker, 1946; Eisenstadt, 1971; Mosse, 1964:Ch. 9; Stachura, 1975), the Wandervogel can be said to have had several characteristics in common with many other German youth movements:5 1. Members defined themselves as autonomous ("youth among themselves"), free of adult tutelage. 2. They formulated their values largely in terms of the "great" charismatic traditions as opposed to the "little" traditions or routines of adult society. 3. They often embraced romantic conceptions of the German traditions. 4. Their ideals were centered around primordial volk tradition, "the virtue

The Framework: Partial Informality

51

of German ancestry," and patriotism, and were given folkloristic, cultural, and ritualistic expressions. 5. Ideals were infused with heroic meanings and bound to the group by rituals. 6. The social framework was composed of a great variety of activities, including sports, intellectual exchanges, and excursions, each holding romantic, symbolic meaning. 7. Membership was based largely on fraternity, strong leadership, and group pressures. Like other German youth movements, then, the Wandervogel developed a symbolic reality based on a loose combination of elements that are characteristic of mass movements, primary groups, and informal frameworks. Furthermore, as we have seen, the basic symbols of the German youth movements were "primordial" (e.g., Herder's concept of volk and "natural freedom"), making it difficult to translate them into pragmatic action. 6 Because of its loose institutional structure, primordial symbols, and romantic agenda, the Wandervogel movement was limited in its ability to cope with the liminal situation and anxieties of youth. This may have opened the way for the emergence of the Hitler Youth (see Koch, 1975; Noakes and Pridham, 1984), which exploited young people's anxieties, frustrations, and aspirations by providing them with a secure "hothouse" or enclave in a regimented movement.

4.4

The Framework: Partial Informality

In our own terminology, the Wandervogel movement can be said to have developed partial informality. It was voluntaristic and autonomous, with some symmetry but little moratorium. There was only a slight potential for experimentation, which largely took the form of symbolic games, and little real risk. Analytically, this means minimizing the sense of moratorium by abolishing its most important characteristic, namely, taking risks under permissive conditions. Moreover, although relationships between young members and adult companions were symmetric, the symmetry was rarely tested in real situations, so that it developed into sentimental fraternity rather than genuine reciprocity. The movement's highly romantic formulation of symbols reduced its ability to transform them into acts. The search for harmony considerably

52

The German Wandervogel

reduced the dualism common to informal youth associations and lowered the internal tensions that usually lend them their social dynamism. Furthermore, the movement's dominant orientations were based strongly on what Geertz (1963) called "semi-primordial sentiments," that is, communal feelings rather than instrumental-expressive ties, which in turn partially transformed it into a "tutelage" association. 7 These characteristics limited the ability of the Wandervogel (and its German counterparts) to help young people face modern conditions. The Wandervogel emerged as a romantic reaction to the overorganization and authoritarianism of the German society and family (rather than from amorphism or individualism, as has often been argued; e.g., Kornhauser, 1959).8 As a counterforce to social strictness, its main orientation was to create a loose framework. It was this looseness that seems to have made it ineffectual in countering the rising Hitler Youth, which offered a totalitarian pattern of organization.9

Notes 1

2

3

In 1914 the Wandervogel had a membership of approximately 60,000 (Stachura, 1975:3). In 1933, five to six million young Germans were members in all kinds of youth "Bonds" (Noakes and Pridham, 1984:41). See the writings of Hari Ernst, the historian of the German youth movements, in Shatzker (1969:2). Karl Fisher, one of the founding fathers of the Wandervogel, introduced romanticism into the movement. In 1911, Gustav Wyneken, another founder, gave expressionistic meaning to the romantic approach (Mosse, 1964:187). As Aries suggests, this youthful romanticism is part of a much broader cultural perspective: The first typical adolescent of modern times was Wagner's Siegfried: the music of Siegfried expressed for the first time that combination of (provisional) purity, physical strength, naturism, spontaneity and joie de vivre which was to make the adolescent the hero of our twentieth century, the century of adolescence. (Aries, 1973:27-28)

4

The Wandervogel adopted two contradictory approaches embodied in German romanticism: a search for harmony and order on the one hand, and anarchism on the other. This dual orientation explains its symbolic strength and organizational weakness (after Craig, 1984:Ch. 9; Cunningham and Jardine, 1990:Chs. 1-3). Its philosophy of nature

53

Notes

5

and spirit of Bruderschaft are suggestive of certain aspects of the hippie culture (see Brake, 1985:99). Eisenstadt (1971:112-113) lists the following characteristics of German youth movements: a. Lack of institutionalization and a strong element of deviancy; rebellion against established social order. b. Corporate groups, but without unitary organization; parallel developments in different parts of the country. c. Close relations between various groups, but no full unification; continual rifts and schisms. d. Organization into close, sectarian groups with a high degree of internal solidarity and identification; strong identification with a charismatic leader. Complete autonomy: group led by the leader, with a strong element of homosexual identification. e. Manifold activities, mainly recreational, cultural and educational. f. Completely negative attitude towards existing patterns of authority, and a specific romantic youth ideology which regards the young person as a different—and the only complete—free human being. g. Despite these attitudes, a strong yearning towards an authoritative charismatic leadership, national folk community and strong community orientation. h. The movement originated among adolescents but slowly developed into a more adult association, thus facing a perpetual crisis because of its adherence to and emphasis on "youth ideology."

6

7

According to Jung and Kerenyi (1985:79-80), primordiality appears in various archetypes representing or personifying "certain instinct data of the dark." There is no "rational" substitute for these archetypes. The archetype, according to Jung, is an image in which individual and collective spheres of life are connected. Becker (1946) emphasizes only one side of the paradox, describing German youth movements as tutelage organizations in which [t]he particular rebelliousness, spontaneity, and aimlessness of German youth... were of secondary importance, if indeed they were considered at all. The youth tutelage organizations therefore became either passive recipients of adult financial support and programmes, objects of well-meaning counsel and control, or helpless tools of political or religious groups which paid little or no heed to charisma, sense of fusion, autonomy, and the other emotional freightage of the youth movement, (p. 95)

8

In contrast to the German youth movements, fascist youth movements in Italy developed out of anomie. From 1927 until the end of World War II, an attempt was made in

The German Wandervogel Italy to create fascist syndicates of recreational organizations called dopolavoso, aimed at controlling youth by monopolizing their leisure activities. Numbering about 20,000, the dopolavoso were based on primordial and functional ties (age, sex, occupation); their objective was to mediate between individuals and society. Their impact, however, was limited, due to their expressive nature and regimented structure, which largely neutralized the informal components. For example, the dopolavoso used mass methods (e.g., propaganda) to promote beliefs, combined with a more regimented formal framework (Wolff, 1984). Mass theory has attributed the rise of Nazism to atomization and alienation in postWorld War I German society, which created an institutional vacuum, anxieties, and strains (Arendt, 1958; Kornhauser, 1959; Mosse, 1964,1966). According to the theory, the Nazi movement filled this vacuum by providing a strong organization based on Gemeinshaft relations and primordial symbols (Tilly, 1978). However, as Birnbaum (1986:193ff.) has shown, it was not anomie in German society but rather its authoritarianism that led to the rise of Nazism. We may add that it was not "escape from freedom" that led to Nazism, but rather the decline of free voluntary associations. Indeed, Michels' (1962) study and his "iron law of oligarchy" may be viewed in this perspective.

5

The Established Youth Movement: The British Boy Scouts

The paradigm of the British Boy Scouts represents a stable, somewhat conservative youth movement. The movement can be regarded as both a mechanism of adult control and a context for developing autonomy and initiative among youth. This delicate interweaving of control and autonomy explains both the movement's ability to survive over a long period and its unique meaning for young people.

5.1

The Social Setting of the Scouts

The Scouts movement was established at the beginning of the twentieth century by Lord Robert Baden-Powell in an attempt to mobilize young people's commitments and skills for the defense and service of British society throughout the British Empire (Springhall, 1971; Wilkinson, 1969).1 Its rise in Great Britain can be explained by the encounter between the transitional strains experienced by youth and three major societal processes: (1) the expansion of the British Empire and the increasing demand for administrative manpower; (2) acceleration of the industrial and urban revolutions and the rise of a freefloating population (i.e., a population that was disconnected from family and physical constraints and could move easily from sphere to sphere or from place to place); and (3) the attempt of British elites to control young people and to absorb the achievement-oriented middle class into the mainstream (Rosental, 1986; Springhall, 1976, 1986; Stone, 1967). The British Empire expanded considerably in the early twentieth century, and many of its colonies became political entities (Stockes, 1959). This expansion demanded the mobilization of talented manpower; a volunteer association was needed to mobilize the commitments of the younger generation.

56

The British Boy Scouts

The Boy Scouts partially served this purpose. There were, of course, other agencies that mobilized manpower for the colonial administrative service (e.g., the public schools and prestigious universities), but their membership was too small to meet these needs completely (Weinberg, 1967). At the end of the nineteenth century, the impact of rapid industrialization and urbanization on youth in British society came to a head. The transition to adulthood entailed much more radical changes in loyalties (from family to society) and orientations (from ascriptive to achievement oriented) than it had in the past. In addition, urbanization led to an increasingly free-floating population, neither bound to nor controlled by any particular agency, but instead able to manage their own lives. It also brought with it more leisure time, economic affluence, and greater political opportunities for the middle classes. These processes somewhat endangered the dominant position of the British aristocracies (Stone, 1967). The Scouts were established, in part, as a response to these conditions—that is, to provide a tool that could simultaneously assure stability and promote change.

5.2

The Coexistence of Youth Autonomy and Adult Control: Structural Clash and Compromise

Under these conditions, both adults and young people sought to develop some organizational framework for coping with the strains inherent in the transition to adulthood. Adults saw such organizations as a means of control; youth perceived them as a way to establish their autonomy. The Boy Scouts movement both allowed young people to express themselves and gave adults a means of channeling the energy and commitments of youth toward collective goals. In the words of its founder, Lord Baden-Powell: By the term "Scouting" is meant the work and attributes of backwoodsmen, explorers, and frontiersmen. In giving the elements of these to boys we supply a system of games and practices which meets their desires and instincts, and is at the same time educative. From the boys' point of view Scouting puts them into fraternity-gangs, which is their natural organization, whether for games, mischief, or loafing; it gives them a smart dress and equipment; it appeals to their imagination and romance; and it engages them in an active, open-air life. From the parents' point of view it gives physical health and development; it teaches energy, resourcefulness, and handicrafts; it puts into the lad discipline, pluck, chiv-

Coexistence of Youth Autonomy and Adult Control

57

airy, and patriotism; in a word, it develops "character," which is more essential than anything else to a lad for making his way in life. The principle on which Scouting works is that the boy's ideas are studied, and he is encouraged to educate himself instead of being instructed. The principle is in accord with that of the most up-to-date educationists. It continues the education of the kindergarten and Montessori method in due sequence. (Baden-Powell, 1917:9)

The Boy Scouts was a mass voluntaristic movement with which about 34 percent of the age-relevant group was affiliated between 1901 and 1920 (Wilkinson, 1969:3). It was aimed at both reproducing and changing the existing social order, and promoted both goals by implementing informal methods (e.g., through play, games, parties) (Harwood, 1971; Leslie, 1984; Nevill, 1965; Springhall, 1976; Sweet, 1974; Woolford and Low, 1980). The movement sometimes complemented the rigid school system and family, and sometimes acted as a counterculture to them, serving as a more free-flowing alternative of socialization. Baden-Powell adopted a clear-cut strategy of combining autonomy with control. Control was exerted by teachers, "elder brothers," and primary groups and by means of rules and rituals. At the same time, the role of youth leader, performed by youngsters only slightly older than the troop members themselves, lent the movement a degree of autonomy. The youth leader was not intended as a "replacement for the school teacher but to help him—to supply good companionship to the boy and healthy activities out of school" (BadenPowell, 1917). Although the Boy Scouts had a hierarchical framework, in which each troop had its own youth leader and often above him a commander (scoutmaster) and commissioners (field executives), its hierarchy was not anchored in a compulsory organization (as in the army or even the school), thereby limiting the power of the officers. For instance, "commands" made by leaders often actually assumed the form of requests that had to be agreed upon by members. Moreover, the leader's lack of experience and expertise reduced his distance from troop members. Hence the organization was built on a combination of hierarchical and symmetric relations. This duality generated some structural conflicts in the movement, which in turn made the system relatively open and flexible, probably to a greater degree than its founder had planned. Both conformity and sense of autonomy were enhanced by proficiency tests, by attempts to shape character, and by the construction of quasi-adult roles:

58

The British Boy Scouts The Scouts are trained to pass tests for which they receive Badges. There are at present nearly 69 of these badges, of which several may be considered of public utility, such as eyelist, marksman, pathfinder, rescuer, signaller. The remainder are for proficiency in various trades and handicrafts, such as carpenter, plumber, clerk, cook, farmer, engineer, printer, gardener, etc. (Baden-Powell, 1924:8)

Collective pressures were used in the same way: The man's esprit de corps and sense of honor was the main disciplinary force, the grouping of the men into patrols under their own leaders was the means of bringing responsibility on to the individual, and by emulation it raised the general standard of smartness and efficiency ; the uniform of cowboy hat, shirt and shorts was the dress that combined utility with distinctiveness. (Baden-Powell, 1917:2)

At the same time, these collective pressures were greatly softened by an emphasis on individualism, which accentuated the movement's dualism.

5.3

The Basic Characteristics of the Scouts

Several distinctive institutional features can be distinguished in the Scouts movement: 1. Elitistic elements expressed in terms of the "great" (often classical) tradition. 2. "Naturalism" as in simple human societies (such as Indian tribes). 3. Strong elements of altruism, mutual responsibility, and philanthropy. 4. Emphasis on friendship at both personal and collective levels. 5. Evolutionary approach in which activities reflected stages of societal development from the simplest to the most sophisticated. 6. Expressive culture based on sports, camping, and the like, aimed at both entertainment and the performance of semiserious tasks. 7. Individualistic orientations through communal activities, competition, and cooperation (Springhall et al., 1984). 8. Rational and empiricistic thinking (Evans, 1930:133), combined with aesthetic aspects of art and music, largely diffused by means of folklore. 9. Ritualistic elements and cults of initiation (e.g., drills, flags, hymns, uniforms), with a mock "flavor" (Springhall, 1971).

Stable Consistent Informality

59

10. Pragmatic, liberal ideologies and a sense of mission that was translated into concrete tasks. 11. Erotic elements that sublimated and directed libidinal energy into "constructive channels." The Boy Scouts, and to some extent all the youth movements in Britain, were the harbingers of autonomous, secular youth cultures.2 They were committed to liberal-democratic and even pluralistic ideals, and their structure and curriculum countered extremist tendencies and fanatical particularism (Springhall, 1976). They sought to foster a free, open way of thinking, together with public-oriented responsibility. The combination of freedom and discipline, of serious responsibility and a playlike childish culture, was a new phenomenon in early twentieth-century Europe (Springhall, 1976:54). The youth movements developed a large degree of autonomy and expressiveness (against the cult of efficiency) and became a tool dominated and activated by—rather than for—youth (Springhall, 1976:Ch. 3).

5.4

Stable Consistent Informality

The Scouts emerged not only as a tool to control young people and institutionalize social reproduction, but also as a means for institutional freedom and change. British democracy provided youth with several institutional channels for protest and relaxation; the Scouts was one of them. Because a high level of freedom was probably too dangerous for the establishment, the informal elements of the Scouts were mitigated by institutionalized mechanisms of control (e.g., adult intervention and authority, mainly in areas that involved high risk and health hazards). The result was highly institutionalized informality. Although both symmetry and moratorium were usually limited, they sporadically gained high intensity (e.g., in summer camps). Informality was also salient in the attempt to translate "great" traditional values into daily acts, mostly related to charity and philanthropy. It was further enhanced by the conversion of mock rituals and recreational activities (e.g., sports, scouting) into serious, disciplined activities. Sometimes serious activity was retransformed into a game, which often became obligatory in the moral sense (noblesse oblige) (Baden-Powell, 1924). Established activities took on an informal flavor during their perform-

60

The British Boy Scouts

ance. For instance, the routine of summer camp was transformed into "simple" and "natural" behavior in imitation of Indian tribes. Similarly, militarylike behavior (drills and the wearing of uniforms) was transformed into a mock ritual. Along the same lines, philanthropic activity often acquired a gamelike character. The mixture of serious and mock elements, which increased informality, is salient in the Scout's oath.3 Although the oath was formulated in conservative terms so as to encompass obedience, ethics, and instrumentality, it actually served only a ritual purpose. Baden-Powell (1924:5) sensed that what builds "character" is not obedience but structure: "every Scout on joining promises to obey [the rules]. If acted up to by the boys, it would go far to instill character into them, and the boys to carry it out to an unexpected extent, and with appreciable results." The movement was also characterized by pragmatic symbolism aimed at fostering prestige and identification. This symbolism appeared in the quasiofficial, military-style uniforms, as well as in initiation rituals, promotion from level to level, rituals of discipline, and philanthropic activities. Although symbols were often transformed into a game, the "game" had to have pragmatic educational value: Instruction in scouting should be given as far as possible through practices, games, and competitions. Games should be organized mainly as team matches, where the patrol forms the team, and every boy is playing, none merely looking on. Strict obedience to the rules to be at all times insisted on as instruction in discipline. The rules given in the book as to games may be altered by Scoutmasters where necessary to suit local conditions. (Baden-Powell, 1917:13)

The strictness of the game rules limited the movement's potential for moratorium and often added professional elements to expressive activities, as illustrated in the following statement: A boy will take up a hobby with the same zest that he will play cricket or football, and that hobby may become his trade. We are not saying anything against cricket or football—far from it; they are excellent training for the characters of those who play them, but we have a great deal to say against the crowd of loafers who go to watch the games they never play. (Baden-Powell, 1924:4)

Notes

61

The movement's well-institutionalized framework and its relatively consistent level of informality have helped it to mitigate the structural conflicts and strains typical of adolescence. This explains the maintenance of its informal character over a long period of time, to this very day. Indeed, publications on the British Scouts (Harwood, 1971; Rosental, 1986; "The Scout Leaders' Handbook," 1967; Sweet, 1974) attest to the minimal change in the movement's official organization, its patterns of activity and leadership over the past century. Although it has maintained its informal "routine," the modem-day Scouts movement has developed few new activities for helping members cope with increasing complexity and strains. As a result, most postmodern expressions of British youth (e.g., rock, hippie, and punk cultures; see Brake, 1985) have developed outside of the movement.

Notes 1

2

3

The first British youth movement was the Boy's Brigade, established in 1883 by William Alexander Smith, a Sunday School teacher (Springhall et al., 1984). The second may have been the Woodcraft Folk movement (Evans, 1930; Leslie, 1984; Springhall, 1986). Some denominational religious organizations for youth emerged in Britain as quasiyouth movements, but never fully developed their informal autonomy. For instance, the Presbyterian Brigades and the Church Lads' Brigade were considered branches of their respective adult organizations, rather than independent movements, and their declared function was to educate youth in proper religious activity (see Leslie, 1984; Springhall, 1986). In a similar vein, the Boy Scouts movement in America, which was formally established in 1910 and had a federal charter by 1916, seems to have been a unique expression of secular youth culture. Although Hantover (1978:184-185) described this movement as an agent for the perpetuation of maleness, providing an opportunity to counteract feminine influence, this probably only reflects one aspect of the movement. a) A Scout's Honor is to be Trusted. That is to say if a Scout says "On my honor it is so," it is so. b) A Scout is Loyal to the King, His Country, His Officers, His Parents, His Employers, and to Those Under Him. This is the very essence of good citizenship. c) A Scout's Duty is to be Useful, and to Help Others. In other words, he must Be Prepared at any time to save life or to help injured persons and to do a "good turn" to somebody every day.

62

The British Boy Scouts d) A Scout is a Friend to all, and a Brother to Every Other Scout, No Matter to What Social Class the Other Belongs. A Scout is never a snob; he accepts the other man as he finds him, and makes the best of him. e) A Scout is Courteous. f) A Scout is a Friend to Animals. g) A Scout Obeys Orders. Whether these orders are from his parents, patrol leader, Scoutmaster, or anyone placed in authority over him, he must obey orders instantly, and without question. h) A Scout Smiles and Whistles Under All Difficulties. i) A Scout is Thrifty. j) A Scout is Clean in Thought, Word and Deed. (Baden-Powell, 1924:51)

6

The "Official" Youth Movement: The Soviet Komsomol

The Komsomol was the official youth movement of the Communist Party in the USSR. It was established by this party and was guided by its adult leaders both ideologically and organizationally. Founded after the 1917 Communist Revolution, the Komsomol is a singular example of an official, politically oriented youth movement. Although intended to indoctrinate youth so as to create a perpetual vanguard for the Communist Party, the Komsomol nevertheless developed several informal components. This combination of indoctrination and informality played an important role in both closing and opening the minds of Soviet youth. Indeed, the developments of the 1990s, following perestroika, suggest that the seeds of informality had been planted much earlier.1

6.1

The Political Revolutionary Setting

The emergence of the Komsomol can be traced to early nineteenth-century intellectual ferment and nihilist organizations in Czarist Russia (Berlin, 1988; Churchward, 1973; Confino, 1973:130; McClelland, 1979; Pipes, 1984).2 From the end of the nineteenth century, with wider enrollment in secondary schools and universities (Kassow, 1989),3 a prerevolutionary youth culture began to spread through the cities of Russia, influenced not only by the ideas of the Russian intelligentsia (e.g., Alexander Hertzen) but also by Western liberalism and socialism (McClelland, 1979:29ff.). The encounter between these ideas led to the evolvement of a special youth culture with contradictory orientations—avant garde and populist, authoritarian and nihilistic, idealistic and pragmatic.

64

The Soviet Komsomol

The rise of such a youth culture can be partially attributed to the spread of discontent, alienation, and a sense of injustice, and the shortage of institutionalized channels for political expression.4 Consequently, many young people were organized in revolutionary, conspiratorial societies that stressed exclusiveness and demanded absolute loyalty. They were operated by small, dedicated cadres, and controlled by a powerful center. The deep value commitment of members enabled them to create strong collective commitments that largely disregarded individual freedom. Prerevolutionary Russian youth held the naive belief that people can fully shape social reality and bring about a complete transformation of human nature. They aimed at building a new, just society, and embraced any means to achieve that goal. Their deterministic ideology fostered "total" structures (Berlin, 1988; Pipes, 1984:Ch. 10), which provided them with a relatively stable organizational and intellectual environment that was often, paradoxically, conducive to revolutionary ideas. Such were the origins of the Komsomol, a movement that created a regimented framework whose official goal was to promote freedom and justice. As a revolutionary movement within a revolutionary society, the Komsomol expressed its rebelliousness in a conservative manner, that is, through loyalty to the main ideas of the Communist Party (Pipes, 1984:271). It was this duality—freedom and regimentation, revolution and conformity—that planted the seeds of informality.

6.2

The Internal Structure of the Komsomol: The Seeds of Informality

With the institutionalization of the Bolshevik revolution in the 1920s, the youth culture was gradually transformed into the official youth movement of the Communist Party, known as the Komsomol. Initially modeled after the Russian Boy Scouts (established in 1914 under the auspices of the Czarist army and the Ministry of Education; Weaver, 1992:32-33), the Komsomol retained some informal characteristics of prerevolutionary times, although they were given some formal flavor. For instance, the movement was organized informally into small cells, where immediate as well as bureaucratic pressures were strong.

The Internal Structure of the Komsomol

65

To some extent the movement enabled young people to express their own interests and develop their own culture, but within the boundaries of primary and bureaucratic ("big brother") patterns of control (Grant, 1964). Even the Communist Party encouraged some informal trends in order to mobilize young people's commitment. Such trends weakened party influence on youth but left enough room for official adult control and guidance. The Komsomol's structure was based on gradual promotion and informal rites of passage between levels (Riordan, 1989). This structure held for the two younger age levels (the Octobrists and the Pioneers) as well as within the Komsomol itself (Riordan, 1989:149). In terms of power, the distance between Komsomol youth leaders and members was wider than one would expect within a relatively narrow age range. Nevertheless, the mere fact that members and leaders were nearly the same age and background enhanced symmetry, often counterbalancing the official distance between them. This combination of symmetry and hierarchy created dualism. In contrast to most other youth movements, the Komsomol was characterized by a low degree of voluntarism. Although the organization was officially open to all young people on a voluntary basis, in actuality participation was based on strong compulsive and instrumental factors. In particular, voluntarism was limited by the extensive personal costs of dropping out, which reduced chances for selection and promotion within the Communist Party establishment. Voluntarism was also diminished by the official power given to youth leaders and their control over benefits and punishments. The movement was somewhat autonomous on the local and institutional level, but lacked autonomy on the national and symbolic level. "Great" Marxist-Leninist ideological symbols were often used to camouflage interests or legitimize adult control (Kassof, 1965; Riordan, 1989; Vasileva, 1975). More specifically, though autonomy and spontaneity were likely to be regarded by party leaders "as a threat to their control and hence as an anti-party action" (Fisher, 1959:17), some autonomy was tolerated in order to maintain commitment. Supposedly, Komsomol members could only choose tasks in line with "official" Communist ideals. However, since most of these ideals were largely unrealizable, they were translated into minor social obligations and slogans. In transmitting these "little" symbols, the leadership used a sort of group dynamics, in which group pressures and cults of confession were means of indoctrination and brainwashing (Lifton, 1961:419-436). Beneath the surface,

66

The Soviet Komsomol

this aroused doubts, mockery, and sarcasm among members, tendencies that operated as an "underground" informal structure. The official status of the movement lent it an instrumental flavor. Members saw the Komsomol as a means to assure their economic and political mobility. As a result, relationships within the organization were based on functional comradeship, leaving limited room for the development of expressive relationships. Nevertheless, expressive elements were present at times— in games, scouting, and informal discourse—and informal friendships emerged occasionally. On the whole, however, much of the internal solidarity was based on personal instrumental interests and group pressures for conformity, often exercised by means of threats. Officially, the activities offered by the Komsomol were multiplexical, including sports, games, summer camp, music and dance.5 However, the flexibility offered by the wide range of options was countered by the disciplined nature of the activities and their one-dimensional ideological orientation (Weaver, 1992). Participation was often compulsory, although the activities themselves had certain voluntaristic elements (e.g., there was no clear-cut standard of how to dance). These activities incorporated the major symbols of the Russian Communist tradition. In addition, young people in the Komsomol were expected to realize their ideology in concrete activities (e.g., working on farms or in factories, sometimes in remote regions) that were often meaningless on the personal level but highly significant on the collective level (Kassof, 1965:131). It was this very lack of personal significance that gave activities a degree of moratorium and expressiveness, since the tasks involved little risk or responsibility. Furthermore, the informal flavor of activities mitigated the influence of formal and group pressures, creating a more open setting (Weaver, 1992).

6.3

The Basic Characteristics of the Komsomol

Briefly, the Komsomol can be described as follows (at least up to the disintegration of the Soviet Union):6 1. A semi-official movement of the Communist Party (and, in fact, of the state) dominated by adult institutions

The Basic Characteristics of the Komsomol

67

2. Strong instrumental orientation toward political and administrative careers combined with limited expressiveness 3. An elitistic movement, even if officially containing about half of the age population 4. Politically oriented and based solely on one collective doctrine dictated by the established parts of society 5. Based on a hierarchical structure that began in the political center and branched out into local cells and leadership 6. Local cells that largely mixed informal and primary elements, the latter exerting pressure on members to conform and embrace uniform opinions and behavior 7. A multiplexical organization, comprising political action, paramilitary drills, and social-cultural activities, operated out of community centers ("Pioneer Palaces" and "Houses") 8. The requiring of members to realize its revolutionary slogans through activities such as work in brigades on specific industrial and agricultural projects in distant regions (e.g., West Siberia, Barikal Amur Railway); the "Brigade" framework (semimilitary, informal structure) in which these projects were carried out often imparting an informal flavor In short, the Komsomol was characterized by weak informality. The movement was committed to universal symbols of freedom, equality, and cooperation, and attempted to realize these symbols by giving ideological meaning to every activity (e.g., the dance of the revolution); yet the gap between symbols and their realization was quite wide. The organization had strong instrumental significance, serving as a major channel of selection and mobility into elite posts. As a result, voluntarism was limited. Furthermore, this emphasis on instrumental value, combined with strong political control from above, which severely limited free choice, allowed for little moratorium. There was a wide variety of activities arranged in a clear order of preference (i.e., they had nonequivalent value), with political activities at the top. The weak informal characteristics of the Komsomol limited its ability to develop deep commitment to the Communist ideology; instead, loyalty was secured through indoctrination and behavioristic allocation of rewards. This same weakness limited the movement's potential to respond, at least in the long run, to the increasing pressures for democratization in the Soviet Union that began in the 1960s.

68 6.4

The Soviet Komsomol

Hidden Informality versus Official Control

Over the years, the Komsomol faced a dilemma regarding the scope of its membership. Whereas restricting membership would enable a highly controlled framework, such rigidity would reduce the organization's influence. On the other hand, an extended membership would call for the establishment of loose frameworks. A Komsomol report implicitly refers to this dilemma: "About half the 35 million members [in 1978] joined the organization after 1974, and this ... has reduced the quality of the organization's life" (Oschlies, 1978:80).7 In our view, the increasing membership reduced official control and enhanced informal elements that were previously below the surface. The Soviet center tried to increase control by establishing many small cells, each of which was supposed to operate as a primary group, often combined with official Party control. The Party created formal, symbolic, almost legal, boundaries for the Komsomol by establishing various rules and programs. However, these official boundaries made it harder for members to identify with the organization. Consequently, the gap between the official and the informal structure widened, and beneath the surface of the formal framework an informal "gray" culture developed. This included many elements from the West, such as pop and rock music and dances (Bushnell, 1990; Fein, 1990). As opposed to most Western youth movements, the Komsomol traditionally aimed at limiting liminality by restricting opportunities and choices for young people and by providing a "secure" world and fixed channels of mobility (Kassof, 1965; Vasileva, 1975; "Youth and the Party," 1976). In other words, Soviet youth associations were quite different from those in the West in that they explicitly tried to increase certainty and reduce ambiguity. We suggest that, in the long run, this restricted liminality has reduced the organization's ability to respond to the changing conditions of modern society. Indeed, the Komsomol's limited informality, together with the strength of its compulsory and professional elements, have made it less able to cope with or institutionalize transitional strains, as attested by increasing signs of discontent and free expression among young people (Riordan, 1989:152-154).8 In light of attempts since the late 1980s at democratizing the Soviet Union, leading to its later disintegration and the establishment of the CIS, the question arises as to whether informal aspects of the Komsomol provided some tools for the new social developments. It seems plausible that latent trends that developed among young people in the Soviet Union, embodied in the informal activities of the Komsomol, had some influence on the perestroika.

Notes

69

Notes 1

2

3

4 5 6

Western literature in the 1960s and 1970s described Soviet youth as collectively oriented, serious, nonimaginative, and non-leisure-oriented (Bronfenbrenner, 1972). In contrast, Western youth were described as individualistic and pleasure oriented (Rosenmayr and Allerbeck, 1979). Developments in the 1980s suggest that this description of Soviet youth may have been erroneous. Despite official denial, an openminded pop culture developed among Soviet young people (Riordan, 1989:36). A more flexible view of Soviet youth may be found in Easton (1990), Fein (1990), and Riordan (1989). The impact of the Russian intelligentsia on the Komsomol was, of course, indirect. Its major influence seems to have been in the combination of contradictions: that is, it incorporated both populist and elitist symbols, and both ideas of freedom and regimentation (Berlin, 1988; Kolakovski, cited in Kelly, 1988:xxii). The number of university and institute students in Czarist Russia grew from 8,750 in 1859 to 127,000 in 1914, or from 1.4 per 10,000 of the total population to 7.6 per 10,000 (Kassow, 1989:16). The context in which such an autonomous youth culture emerged, and the conflict between generations, are well illustrated in Turgenev's (1965) Fathers and Sons. Kassof (1965:131) quoted a Komsomol member who mentioned the following activities: getting tickets to a movie, writing for newspapers, and calling on sick comrades. Eisenstadt (1971:113) described the Komsomol as follows: a. Unified, country-wide (or community-wide) organization. b. Organizational hierarchy and collective passage of groups from one grade to another, directed by adult society, with varying degrees of internal social autonomy. c. Identity of values with those of the adult society; age group life mainly constituting preparation for full membership in adult society. d. Particularly strong emphasis on the collective, common values of the society.

7

8

Riordan (1989:22-24, 36) reports considerable increases in Komsomol membership —from 1,140,706 members in 1925 to 10,512,385 in 1950 to 38,400,000 in 1988 (constituting about 65% of the relevant age population). Moreover, whereas only 4% of the membership was over the age of 23 in 1925, this figure rose to 19% in 1982. In 1982, over 40% of members fell into the 18-22-year age group and the managing staff of the Komsomol included 350,000 paid officials (2,700 in Moscow alone). The Komsomol ceased to be the sole Soviet youth organization in 1985. After the Gorbachev reforms of 1987, new alternatives developed within and outside the movement, and open criticism of the Komsomol and its corrupt officials became widespread (Riordan, 1989:35ff.).

7

Conclusion: Informal Movements as Forerunners of Postmodern Youthfulness

At the turn of the twentieth century, under conditions of rapid social and economic change, several paradigms of youth associations emerged in Europe. These youth movements pioneered a new code of behavior that combined institutional and chaotic trends, structure and spontaneity. Their structural characteristics, which have served as models for many other youth associations and cultures, have allowed members to express their inner selves and develop autonomous frameworks and yet have enabled adults to maintain a degree of influence. This paradoxical nature of youth movements has legitimized them as new agents that help young people cope with the strains of modern conditions. Young people have used the movements to construct their authentic concepts of the world, according to their own interests, as distinct from the interests of the adult world. The three European paradigms of youth movements adopted the informal code in differing ways and to varying degrees, in keeping with the contexts in which they developed (Table 2). The Wandervogel emerged in response to strong societal control of young people. To avoid confrontation with adult society, German young people separated themselves from that society, adopting a romantic and largely informal approach. This movement developed an inconsistent profile of informality, with high levels of voluntarism, multiplexity, and modularity but low levels of expressive instrumentalism or pragmatic symbolism. Symbols were not only unrealistic but were even used to construct an illusory reality, thereby depriving moratorium of much of its meaning. Members played with dreams, which cut them off both from society and from pragmatic accomplishments. The subsequent shift of German youth to a Nazi movement that aimed at realizing pathological ideas can be partially understood in this context.

72

Informal Movements as Forerunners of Postmodern Youthfulness

Table 2: Three Classical Paradigms of Youth Movements: Variations on Informality (ideal types)3 Informal Components

Voluntarism Multiplexity Symmetry Dualism Moratorium Modularity Expressive Instrumentalism Pragmatic Symbolism

Youth Movement Wandervogel Scouts 3 3 3 2 3 3 1 1

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

Komsomol 1 2

"The higher the number, the higher the level of informality.

In Great Britain, the response of both the school and the family to modern change was less rigid and more "progressive" than that of Germany. These agencies provided both a formal reproductive basis for the transition of youth into adult society, and a setting for authentic identity formation. To some extent, the Scouts was created as an institutional framework complementary to the school, aimed largely at reproducing the existing social order. The movement showed a consistent middle-range pattern of informality. Since members were mobilized through the school system, voluntarism, in a relatively limited form, was institutionalized. Moratorium was also present, but restricted somewhat by adult supervision. Multiplexity was high but modularity was modest—in other words, the many activities were managed in a fixed order and could not be clustered in varied ways. Although expressive instrumentalism was salient, the instrumental aspect received much stronger emphasis. Pragmatic symbolism, too, was rather limited, as it was largely based on "little" philanthropic notions rather than on "great" societal ideas and "callings." This pattern of informality underlies the stability of the Scouts movement, but also explains its muted impact on members. In the former USSR, the Komsomol developed as a tool for mobilizing young people to the revolution and as a part of the main political agency, the Communist Party. An officially established movement, it also aimed at promoting young people into official positions. In its infancy, the movement

Informal Movements as Forerunners of Postmodern Youthfulness

73

embraced certain Utopian ideas of the Russian intelligentsia, with many informal elements. With the institutionalization of the revolution, however, there was a strong official tendency to limit freedom and diminish informality. Voluntarism was low, because of the primary pressures involved in mobilization of members and their expectations of future payoffs. Moratorium was limited to pure play activities. Multiplexity was quite high, as there was a wealth of political, ideological, sport, and cultural activities, but modularity was limited, that is, activities were performed in fixed clusters. Expressiveness was weak, dominated by collective-oriented instrumentalism. Symbolism was largely unpragmatic, as it appeared in socialist phraseology that was cut off from reality. The gap between the socialist slogans and actual performance was quite wide. Nevertheless, informality remained beneath the surface. Komsomol members often behaved in a symmetric and moratoric manner. Moreover, in light of the heavily bureaucratic conditions prevailing in the USSR, the relative saliency of the few informal elements in the movement was impressive. Notwithstanding their differences, the three paradigmatic youth movements each invented and institutionalized equivalent concepts of informality. As such, they have provided models for many youth associations over the generations and around the world. The Israeli youth movements, for example, fuse elements of all three paradigms. These movements adopted concepts of autonomy, purity, and "nature" from the Wandervogel and a pragmatic approach from the Boy Scouts. In addition, the Israeli leftist youth movements were influenced by the revolutionary image and political orientation of the Komsomol; they developed certain nihilistic trends and revolutionary slogans and borrowed some totalitarian elements. Thus, there was a fusion of contradictory elements—the borrowing of Utopian elements from the Wandervogel, conservative ones from the Scouts, regimented ones from the Komsomol. This fusion makes the Israeli youth movements a particularly rich and interesting case.

Partili The Combinative Type: Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

8

The Social Context of the Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

The Zionist youth movements that emerged among the Jewish population in Europe at the beginning of the century, and among the pioneers in Palestine in the 1920s, are perhaps the closest approximation to the ideal type of informal association. These movements borrowed their concepts of informality from the three classical European paradigms (Section 2), adopting the more informal elements and rejecting the others. Indeed, the Israeli pioneering youth movements can be regarded as a sort of laboratory for analyzing the informal organizations of today. The social context in which the Zionist youth movements developed was unique in that it both encouraged and discouraged informality. By the late nineteenth century, Zionism had emerged as a national revolutionary movement in the European Diaspora (Shapira, 1988) whose main aim was to establish a state for the Jewish people. To further this Utopian goal, Zionist ideology created what Anderson (1991) called an "imagined community." The Utopian and revolutionary elements of Zionism increased the informality of the movement and made it attractive to young people. The Zionist Utopia was, however, dismissed by many as a vain dream, and the harsh task of realizing it demanded total commitment and obedience, which often hindered the development of informal elements (Kahane, 1993). The attempt to realize the Zionist dream after the First World War put the youth movements to the test. Both in the Diaspora and in Palestine these movements were regarded as an important instrument of Zionism. Yet, at the same time, the Zionist movement viewed its youth associations as autonomous entities. On the one hand, the commitment to the Zionist revolution often forced them to be conservative and a part of the establishment; on the other, the circumstances of building a new society gave young people enormous opportunities for innovation (e.g., the kibbutz, the moshav), allowing them to construct their own identity.

78

The Social Context of the Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

To grasp the unique character of the Zionist youth movements, it is important to consider their roots. The first Jewish youth movements emerged outside of Israel in the early 1900s.1 In Germany, the Blau-Weiss movement followed the models of the Wandervogel and the Scouts, but adapted them to the basic tenets of Zionism, adding such practical goals as immigration to Israel and the establishment of a Jewish state. In Eastern Europe, dominant elitist-type movements combined elements from the Wandervogel and from Russian revolutionary ideas and movements (e.g., Hashomer Hatzair). There were also more populistic associations that combined the approach of the Wandervogel with moderate socialist ideas and scouting (e.g., Gordonia). A fourth type of European Jewish youth movement was sports oriented (e.g., Maccabi).2 There was also a religious Zionist movement (Akiva), which aimed at fusing Jewish tradition with the modern goals of secular Zionism. Finally, a nationalistic type of movement, largely based on semimilitary cults (represented by Betar), aspired to create the Jewish power needed to conquer Palestine and to establish a Jewish state along the borders of ancient Israel (Shitnovizer, 1992). Several attributes were common to these youth movements. First, they were all based on the idea of a return to independent nationhood, and they viewed themselves as the avant garde of its realization. Second, many were ambivalent about Jewish life in the Diaspora, regarding it as both an authentic expression of Judaism and as an artificial, compulsive pattern of life. Third, most were committed to universalistic ideas of equality, freedom, and social justice. Fourth, they all viewed themselves as agents of Jewish immigration to Israel. Fifth, they viewed themselves as the legitimate interpreters of Zionist ideology. Finally, they established training farms for their members in preparation for their immigration to Israel (later used as bases for establishing kibbutzim). These traits lent the movements a serious flavor without hampering their playful youthfulness. In their beginnings, the Israeli youth movements used the Diaspora youth movements implicitly as reference models. Most youth movements in Israel centered around notions borrowed from European philosophy, which were adapted to the Israeli context. A good example is the attempt to implement the ideas of A.D. Gordon, a major Zionist philosopher who preached the return to nature, manual labor combined with intellectual efforts, and communal life based on cooperation and equality (see Gordon, 1940).

The Social Context of the Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

79

From at least the 1930s, the Jewish youth movements in Palestine emerged as an autonomous, authentic subculture, separate from the Zionist youth movements in the Diaspora, showing many characteristics of their own. The Israeli movements largely freed themselves from the traditional Jewish experience and created a more "normal" lifestyle "like every other nation." They developed an indigenous "sahra" subculture marked by direct, down-to-earth speech and a pragmatic, often anarchistic style. The idea of the kibbutz was central to most of the youth movements; it symbolized a superior imagined community, and was seen as an instrument for realizing social justice and for nationbuilding (Kahane, 1975a).3 The Israeli youth movements have often been described as having sprung up in a wilderness; on the other hand, they were considered the most important channels for mobilizing young people's commitment to the national tasks. Although they were sponsored by and affiliated with specific political parties and ideologies, which aimed to cultivate their young reserves among the movements,4 they also acted as autonomous agents that responded to the interests of their young members. This demanded a special, paradoxical conception of young people: they were supposed to be both childish and mature, moratoric and responsible, spontaneous and deliberate. The influence of the youth movements in prestate Israel stemmed from this multiple significance. The movements acted as an agency of transition from childhood to adulthood, as a nation-building agent, as a channel to elite positions, and as a means of constructing a "just society." They were autonomous enclaves of youthfulness, but often enabled adult guidance and control over young people (see Adler, 1962; Ben David, 1954). Their influence was also boosted by their ability to combine individual and collective interests. Members saw themselves as a service-oriented elite, and believed they could match their own interests with the public interest. Above all, the youth movements acted as agents for the formation of meaning among young people (largely middle-class). They stimulated discourse about various dilemmas, such as Judaism vs. universalism, collectivism vs. individualism, equality vs. equity (Kahane, 1975a). Although some of these trends have continued since the establishment of the state of Israel, the influence of the youth movements has declined, as they have had to compete with many state and professional agents and the mass media.5 The movements have often tried to keep their uniqueness by avoiding drastic change in their frameworks and curricula. But this limited transforma-

80

The Social Context of the Israeli Pioneering Youth Movements

tion has resulted in cultural lags. They continue to use collective Zionist slogans, but members do not take these slogans seriously or find them relevant to their personal interests. We shall focus on the four Israeli youth movements that have been most important in quantitative terms: the Scouts, Hanoar Haoved Vehalomed (Working and Studying Youth) affiliated with the Histadrut (General Federation of Labor), Hashomer Hatzair (Young Guard, affiliated with the left wing), and Bnei Akiva (affiliated with the National Religious Party).6 Politically, these youth movements can be divided into two basic blocs: the secular socialist bloc, mostly related to the Labor Party, which comprises three-fourths of all members (including, unofficially, the Scouts); and the rightist religious bloc, affiliated with the nationalist religious parties, which constitutes about onefourth of the members. About 250,000 young people, aged 11-18 (constituting about 35% of this age group), were members of youth movements in Israel in the late 1980s.7 Most members are 11-14 years old; only about one-fourth are older. The movements are led or directed by about 250 young adult leaders (about 18-25 years old) and about 1,500 young leaders aged 14-18. Above them in the hierarchy is a much older "official" leadership of experienced adults. Although only the Scouts have been formally recognized by the Ministry of Education, all Israeli youth movements maintain high legitimacy and are allowed to recruit their members in schools (mostly from the upper grades of elementary school). The government and the Jewish Agency financially support all movements through special departments for youth. These departments supervise the realm of health and security, but do not have the right to interfere with any movement's ideology or activities. We turn now to an analysis of the four major Israeli youth movements in terms of their structural codes, activities, and curricula. The aim is to enrich our understanding both of youth movements in general and of the theory of informality. Chapter 9 profiles the major Zionist youth movements in their "Golden Period" (1925-1960). Chapter 10 considers the major structural developments in the movements since the 1960s. Chapter 11 analyzes the movements' activities, and Chapter 12 looks at the informal curricula in both periods.

Notes

81

Notes 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

There is much descriptive, almost nostalgic, literature and research on the Jewish youth movements in the Diaspora (for a recent summation, see Alon, 1986; Carmel, 1994; Lamm, 1991; Naor, 1989). Maccabi was, in fact, a Jewish and international Zionist sports organization that was officially founded in 1921 (with roots in Jewish sports organizations established in 1894). Its major aims were to encourage the physical prowess of young Jews and to attract them, through sports, to Zionism (see Alexandroni, 1971). Youth movement members were organized into informal "nuclei" ultimately aimed at establishing new kibbutzim or reinforcing existing ones. These nuclei served as a support group based on friendship that often survived beyond their declared purpose, acting like a cohort. Members remained in these nuclei after graduation, throughout their army service. Although the intention was to found or join a kibbutz, in actuality many members of the nuclei went on to work or higher education after military service. Nevertheless, the nuclei continued to serve as an example for younger members in the youth movements. In contrast, Dror argues that the youth movements in Israel developed under the patronage of the school system (1990:365ff.). However, although they arose among schoolchildren, perhaps partially with the intervention and support of adults, the movements were hardly under the auspices of the official educational system. There are several indications of the diminishing impact of youth movements, such as increased dropout rates, a drop in the age of participants, reduced influence on members, and deterioration of their public image. The other youth movements in Israel include Ezra, the youth movement of the workers of the Orthodox Agudat Israel; Noar Agudat Israel, an Orthodox religious youth movement; Hamahanot Haolim, a youth movement composed mainly of high school students and affiliated with the Labor Party; Young Maccabi and Zionist Youth (Hanoar Hatzioni), which in the past was associated with some parts of the Liberal Party; and Betar and the national working youth movement, which are associated with the rightist Herut Party. Recently there have been attempts to establish youth movements by relatively new political parties (such as the leftist Ratz, the rightist Kach, Moledet, and Tzomet, and the Orthodox Shas), as well as by the Reform and Conservative religious streams. A recent survey found that about 81,000 ninth- to twelfth-graders, constituting about 35% of the age group, participated in youth movement activities in 1990 (Extracurricular Activities, 1993, p. 24).

9

Major Israeli Movements in the "Golden Period"

In an attempt to understand the informal structure of the Israeli youth movements, we shall look at them in their original patterns, during the "Golden Period" (1925-1960), when Israel was undergoing intensive nation-building and social development, and in the next chapter in their transformation (1960s to 1990s), after the institutionalization of the state and its administration.1 The emphasis is comparative; that is, we compare the four major movements in each period and discuss their basic patterns of transformation.

9.1

Overview of Research on the Israeli Youth Movements

The scientific literature on Israeli youth movements is quite problematic, as facts and ideology are often interwoven. This mixture reflects the deep personal involvement in the subject of many of the authors, as well as their favorable conceptions of the youth movements. Yet, despite these biases, most of the scientific literature contains both facts and descriptions that give us a basis for interpretation of these movements. Several major research trends can be distinguished. From their beginnings the pioneering youth movements have been described in ideological terms as emerging spontaneously as a "wild vegetable," without adult intervention, to fulfill the needs of youth and to help shape the nation's identity and institutions (Kafkafi, 1975; Malcin, 1940). Youth movement members have been described as an avant garde who aimed at leading the nation-building process. From the mid-forties to the mid-fifties, research with a more scientific perspective pointed to a partial shift among young people from value commitments to vocational orientations. Nevertheless, young people continued to see the movements as relevant to their authentic concerns and also as a means of access to elite positions (Ben David, 1954).

84

Major Israeli Movements in the "Golden Period"

In the 1950s, S.N. Eisenstadt, in his well-known book From Generation to Generation (1971 cl956), analyzed Israeli youth movements in structural terms. 2 He saw them as politically oriented, semi-autonomous transitional agencies that bridged the gap between childhood and adulthood. In the sixties, scholars described youth movements as elitistic, value-oriented movements that countered the populistic and materialistic trends of Israeli society. The common message of these works was that any shift from the elitistic model would turn the movements into recreational clubs (Aderet, 1963; Adler, 1962; Barzel, 1956).3 Thus, any changes were perceived as a threat to the character of the movements. During this same period, two parallel surveys were conducted on members of the Working and Studying Youth movement. One dealt with veteran Israelis, the other with new immigrants and their offspring. These surveys revealed clear-cut cultural differences between the two sectors. The former was an elitistic culture representing the central values of Israeli pioneering society; the latter was a popular one whose values were considered marginal by the center of society. Members of both cultures, however, perceived the youth movements in social rather than ideological terms. In other words, most members declared that they attended movement activities mainly for social reasons (Lutan, 1964). The seventies brought several studies on the impact of youth movements on the attitudes of members. All found the differences between youth movement members and nonmembers to be slight and the impact of many of the movements to be minimal, although some impacts were discerned among leftist and religious movements (Adler and Peres, 1870; Guttman and Levi, 1974; Shapira et al., 1979). This research also revealed conservative attitudes among members, indicating that Israeli youth movements have been turned to some extent into reproductive agencies, losing many of their innovative ideas. In the eighties, an effort was made to document the history of the Israeli youth movements (Bar Lev et al., 1987; Kafkafi, 1975; publications of kibbutz research centers such as Yad Tabenkin and Givat Haviva). This research was marked by attempts to reconstruct this history, often in a nostalgic, romantic way. Finally, the youth movements and their basic activity have been structurally analyzed from an internal perspective (Kahane, 1975a). The advantage of this approach is that it can explain the position and meaning of youth movements in terms of their internal logic, rather than in terms of external, statewide factors.

85

Patterns of Informality

9.2

Patterns of Informality in Four Major Israeli Youth Movements

Here we shall consider the four major Israeli youth movements: the Scouts, the Moderate Socialist movement (Working and Studying Youth, hereafter WSY), the Leftist Socialist movement (Young Guard), and the National Religious movement (Bnei Akiva). The Scouts and WSY both have loose frameworks and a relatively "soft" ideology (after Eysenck, 1956); that is, they incorporate humanistic ideas with a liberal and socialistic coloring. In WSY, socialism is dominant; in the Scouts, liberalism and socialism are more balanced. In contrast, the Leftist Socialist and National Religious movements have relatively closed frameworks and clear-cut ideologies.4 Let us turn to a structural analysis of the four movements during their Golden Period (19251960; see Table 3). Table 3: Informal Structural Characteristics of Israeli Youth Movements during Their Golden Period (1925-1960) (ideal types)2 Informal Components

Youth Movement Moderate Scouts Socialists (Centrist) (WSY)

Voluntarism Multiplexity Symmetry Dualism Moratorium Modularity Expressive Instrumentalism

4 3 2 1 2 2 4

Pragmatic Symbolism

2

a

Leftist Socialists (Young Guard)

National Religious (Bnei Akiva)

4 3 4 3 3 3 3

2 4 4 3 2 2 3

2 3 2 2 4 3 2

3

4

3

The higher the number, the higher the level of informality.

86 9.2.1

Major Israeli Movements in the "Golden Period"

The Scouts

During the Golden Period, the Scouts movement showed an inconsistent informal profile. Participation was largely voluntary, but there was some pressure applied as membership drives were carried out through schools and classes. Scout members enjoyed extensive moratorium, and mixed expressiveness with instrumental goals. There was limited symmetry between members and youth leaders, as well as low levels of multiplexity, modularity, dualism, and pragmatic symbolism. The emphasis on moratorium and expressiveness often led members to expect strong individual freedom, less seriousness, and relaxed demands. As the opportunities to realize these expectations within the movement were limited, members searched for them outside the movement. In addition, the relatively limited translation of symbols into deeds tended to diminish the movement's prestige and meaning for its members. On the other hand, the fusion of contradictory orientations (such as ascription and achievement) gave the movement more power as a mediatory mechanism between childhood and adulthood and between individual and social levels. Whereas the Israeli Scout movement was much more informal than its British prototype, it was less informal than most of the other major Israeli youth movements. Moreover, its profile of informality was often inconsistent. This inconsistency explains why the Scouts, despite its large membership, had relatively limited impact on members' attitudes and identity during its Golden Period.

9.2.2

Moderate Socialists (WSY)

In comparison to the Scouts, WSY had a rather consistent profile, with all informal components at a relatively high intensity. Voluntarism was high (i.e., membership was based largely on individual decisions), and there was strong symmetry between members and youth leaders. Trial and error was institutionalized in "serious" activities (such as work) as well as play, leading to high moratorium. Activities were varied, with a balance between instrumental and expressive aspects, and members were obliged to transform ideals into deeds (e.g., by helping out in a kibbutz or founding a new one, or working in underprivileged areas). Finally, activities were highly modular—that is, the order and even meanings of subactivities tended to change. For instance, the order of activities during weekly meetings was often determined by the over-

Patterns of Informality

87

all mood of members: when members were excited, the meeting began with a folk dance, with relaxed meaning, and then shifted to intellectual discourse; when they were relatively calm, the meeting began with intellectual activity and then shifted to singing that had a quite "serious" meaning. The consistently high informal structure of the WSY in its Golden Period can be attributed to an attempt to attract young people from manifold strata and backgrounds with varied interests. Because its target membership was so heterogeneous, the movement adopted a structure that accommodated both a working-class setting and a student environment. By including informal structural characteristics, the movement was able to provide a wide variety of activities that appealed to both working youth (who were often occupied and preferred amusement to any kind of ideological activity) and learning youth (who were interested in more intellectual activities). The movement's high level of informality may explain its strong impact on the career development, pioneering activity, commitments, and political involvement of members. Many members of Israel's political elites have been former WSY members.

9.2.3

Leftist Socialists (Young Guard)

The structure of the Leftist Socialist movement during its Golden Period fell somewhere in between the openness of the Moderate Socialists (WSY) and the ideological rigidity of the National Religious movement (see below). Its informal profile was inconsistent, like that of the Scouts, but with emphases on wholly different informal components. Voluntarism and moratorium were relatively low, but symmetry was quite high. The movement offered many kinds of equivalent, highly modular, activities that combined instrumental and expressive aspects. Ascriptive norms and merit-oriented counternorms coexisted, and pragmatic symbolism was strong, as the movement obliged its members to transform values into deeds. However, the inconsistencies in its structure, as well as the movement's efforts to indoctrinate members into a deterministic socialist ideology, often led to the heavy use of primary group pressures for creating uniformity. As a result, the movement often developed single-minded youth with deep, sometimes even blind, commitment to national and social tasks.

88 9.2.4

Major Israeli Movements in the "Golden Period"

The National Religious Youth Movement (Bnei Akiva)

The National Religious movement had a consistently moderate informal profile. This profile resulted from the attempt to combine informality with religious elements, reflecting the strong influence of the National Religious Party and its affiliated kibbutz association (the Religious Kibbutz Movement). For example, members were expected to participate in "secular" activities, such as excursions, social parties, and dances, that were often outside traditional religious boundaries, yet at the same time they were expected to maintain strict religious norms. The tensions and dilemmas that inevitably resulted from the mixture of "secular" and religious elements were alleviated by a compromise—which, however, somewhat lowered the level of informality. For instance, voluntarism, moratorium, and symmetry were developed to a level that fell short of interfering with the official religious authority of the rabbis. Multiplexity was low as well, since the hierarchy of activities was quite clear, with religious activities such as prayer and Talmud study given highest priority. The result was a highly consistent, integrated movement with a strong impact on members' identity formation. Primary group pressures were often used to increase this impact and indoctrinate members with religious ideology. Nevertheless, the ongoing tension between "secular" and religious elements tended to foster open-mindedness, which was often distinct from religious beliefs and rituals.

9.3

Conclusions: Informality and Its Enemies

During the Golden Period (1925-1960), when Israel was undergoing intensive nation-building and social development, its youth movements carried much of the burden, owing to their informal structure. Despite variations in the levels of each informal component, and regardless of ideology, a basic informal structure was common to all, providing the youth movements with strong transitional power, a means for developing identity and meaning, and tools for mobilizing manpower for national tasks and elite positions. The movements acted as agents through which basic Zionist values were imparted and implemented, both in support of and with the aim of changing the emerging Israeli establishment.

Notes

89

Beginning in the late 1950s (sometimes even earlier), the structures of these youth movements began to undergo some transformations, largely reflecting changing societal conditions both in Israel and the rest of the world. Although the basic informal structure remained intact, many of its components took on new expressions. The extent of the transformations, as well as the conditions that brought them about, are discussed in the next chapter.

Notes 1

2

This chapter relies on five major sources: (1) studies on youth movements in Israel; (2) movement weeklies and monthlies; (3) "official" handbooks of individual youth movements; (4) documentary publications, i.e., collections of material written by members during the period under research; and (5) recordings of in-depth interviews with former movement leaders. For documentation of the Israeli youth movements during this Golden Period, see H. Alon (1976), M. Alon (1986), Carmel (1994), O. Cohen (1957). Highly ideologically oriented descriptions of each of the movements can be found in Naor (1989). According to Eisenstadt (1971:113), the movements are characterized by: 1. Institutionalization and legitimacy 2. Countrywide organization, but with smaller groups constituting the main foci of social life and solidarity 3. Organizational hierarchy and collective passage of groups from one grade to another 4. General principles and programs of activities drawn up by the (mostly adult) leaders of the various movements, which are affiliated with political parties, social movements, etc.; despite this, great extent of social autonomy of the smaller groups 5. Relationship between adult leaders and rank and file constitutes one of the main points of tension in the movements 6. Values of the movements do not constitute a negation of those of adult society, but rather an emphasis of them 7. Movements develop a general ideology of young people as the potentially better realizers of the basic values of the society

3

4

Ch. Adler (1962) was probably the only scholar to view the Israeli youth movements not only in terms of their functions, but also as autonomous cultures through which young people gain and interpret reality. The political-ideological orientations of the youth movements and their political affiliations, as well as their splits and unifications, are described in Naor (1989). These affiliations are relevant mainly in regard to the political orientations of some youth movement members, and not with respect to the youth culture as a whole.

10

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

In the decades that succeeded the Golden Period of the Israeli youth movements, the informal structures that characterized the four major movements changed. From the late fifties, these structures began to incorporate professional, anarchistic, or sectarian elements, along with their informal characteristics. The rise of extreme responses, such as the chauvinism and fanaticism that have emerged among some sectors of Israeli youth since the 1980s, as well as increasing alienation, cynicism, and delinquent behavior, can partially be attributed to these structural changes (see Chapter 15). Yet, despite the transformation, most of the movements have sustained their informality, although it has become less dominant and many alternative frameworks have emerged.1

10.1

Changing Conditions

The establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 placed youth movements in a new context. Since statehood, new administrative, military, scientific, economic, and occupational channels for mobility have opened, and this has diminished the role played by youth movements as a major path for mobility. Many of the prestate voluntaristic functions of the movements have largely been taken over by administrative bodies of the state. Moreover, the mass immigration of European refugees after the Second World War, followed by the large-scale influx of Jews from Middle Eastern countries (about 1.5 million from 1950 to 1955), changed the demographic composition and nature of the population. As a result, the youth movements have played less of a role in mobilizing support for political parties and in recruiting manpower to elite positions. Instead they have become one of many such channels, often not the most important one (Adler, 1962; Ben David, 1954).

92

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

The new situation has presented a challenge to the youth movements, calling for a major revision in their frameworks and ideology. However, change has been difficult; the legacy of their dual position in the prestate period—as both part of the adult society and an authentic expression of youthfulness— has limited their scope of response.

10.2

Patterns of Transformation

Each of the four Israeli youth movements discussed in the previous chapter has shown its own pattern of response to new conditions (see Table 4). Each of them has mixed the informal code with other structural characteristics— anarchistic, professional, and sectarian—and has changed its concrete expressions. The Moderate Socialists and the Scouts have become more anarchistic and professional at the expense of their informality. In contrast, the Leftist Socialist movement has increased its informal intensity and reduced many of its sectarian "primary" characteristics. Finally, the National Religious movement has further reduced its informal intensity and increased sectarian transcendental elements. The following details of the transformation are tentative, in light of a shortage of research and observations.

Table 4: Informal Structural Characteristics of Israeli Youth Movements from the 1960s (ideal types)2 Informal Components

Voluntarism Multiplexity Symmetry Dualism Moratorium Modularity Expressive Instrumentalism Pragmatic Symbolism

Youth Movement Scouts Moderate

Leftist

National

(Centrist)

Socialists (WSY)

Socialists (Young Guard)

Religious (Bnei Akiva)

4

4

2

2

3 3 3

3 3

4 4 4 4 4 4 3 2

3

2 2

2 2 2 2

"The higher the number, the higher the level of informality.

Patterns of Transformation

93

10.2.1 The Scouts The inconsistent informal profile of the Scouts movement has been lowered by the addition of many semiprofessional elements. For instance, excursions are only made with adult supervision; entertainment has replaced informal Friday night parties; and what was once spontaneous dancing is guided by a professional dance leader. The mixture of informal and semiprofessional activities has often given the movement a noncommittal flavor, and participation in activities is sporadic. As a result of these changes, the meaning of the Scouts movement has narrowed, and the behavior of Scouts has increasingly resembled that of nonmembers (Levy and Gutman, 1976: Table 10).

10.2.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) Like the Scouts, WSY has increased professionalism at the expense of informality. Many youth leaders receive salaries; curriculum is now designed by semiprofessionals; and there is increased formal control and guidance. The attempt to combine formal, informal, and professional elements without devising mediating mechanisms has created an anomic situation in which norms and expectations are unclear. This is expressed, for example, in aimless activities and meetings. Not surprisingly, the movement's political and ideological impact on members has weakened considerably (Ichilov et al., 1980; Shapira et al., 1979).

10.2.3 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) The decline of the socialist ideology and the diminished attractiveness of the communist regimes since the mid-fifties has ultimately caused the Leftist Socialist movement to rely less on ideological commitments and primary pressures and more on informal elements. At first its response was to become more regimented, reducing moratorium and voluntarism and making heavy use of small-group pressures to get members to conform to the official ideology. However, in the conditions of Israeli society, these methods were largely ineffective. In an open society, the movement had no alternative but to shift gears and strengthen most of its informal components. As a result, the influ-

94

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

ence of the Socialist movement has grown, even though commitment to its leftist ideology has waned. Instead, members feel free to commit themselves to a variety of ideas, changing according to circumstances. This freedom, combined with increased affiliation and friendship among members, has made the movement more attractive to middle-class young people.

10.2.4 The National Religious Youth Movement (Bnei Akiva) Whereas the three other movements seem to have developed more openminded, pluralistic approaches in recent years, the National Religious movement has moved in the direction of parochialism, slowly assuming the form of a religious sect. It has come to be based largely on primary methods of group pressure, combined with "mass" patterns of control. Moreover, a yeshiva network that emerged gradually since the 1950s has put the youth movement in a subordinate position to religious authorities. The seeds of this change can be found in its Golden Period, when the attempt to avoid conflict between informality and authoritative religiosity led to a neutralization of risky elements that might endanger religious beliefs. The result has been the dominancy of the religious elements. Although several of the movement's original informal expressions remain (e.g., spontaneity), these have lost much of their strength and have often been transformed into messianism—a compromise between religiosity and informality (Leslau and Bar Lev, 1993). Members of the movement tend to express their religious commitment in extra-institutional activities, such as settlement in disputed territories. Although these trends of messianism and settlement have not been officially declared by the movement, they have in fact become dominant and are often regarded as authentic behavior of a special kind in which members sacrifice their individuality for the sake of transcendental commitment.

10.3

Structural Causes of Transformation

What are the causes of these transformations? The external-societal explanations provide some answers, but are not enough in themselves. These external factors constitute the pressures for change, but do not tell us why each movement has responded to the pressures in the way it has.

Structural Causes of Transformation

95

The transformation of the Scouts movement seems to involve an accentuated conflict between its status as an official movement of the Ministry of Education and its position as an autonomous agent for young people. As a compromise, the Scouts have strengthened their professional characteristics, though informal elements continue to be salient in certain programs (such as leadership training courses; see "A Program of a Course for Youth Leaders," 1982). This compromise has also served the vested interests of adult supervisors and parents. Whereas greater emphasis on informality would endanger their authority within the movement, reducing informality would threaten the very existence of the movement. The coexistence of informal and professional codes, without mediation between them, has made the movement less structurally consistent and more anarchistic. The anarchistic direction taken by the Moderate Socialists is similarly explained by its increasing professionalism mixed with the highly informal structural elements that had characterized the movement in the past. Lacking the Scouts' tradition and clear rules, and having an unauthoritative hierarchy of youth leaders, WSY has faced the new Israeli conditions with an eclectic, even improvisatory response. The Leftist Socialist movement exemplifies a youth movement that had both the structural potential and the interests to reduce its rigid and primarygroup framework and to emphasize its informal elements. To attract young people and also maintain minimal ideology and commitment, it has had to increase its informality. No other option would allow it to compete with increasing opportunities, other youth movements, and commercial entertainment outlets. The National Religious movement, in contrast, has tried to increase its attractiveness by emphasizing its traditional religious content, at the expense of its informality. These changes evolved out of an initial structure that had highly contradictory elements: the spontaneity and autonomy typical of informal youth movements on the one hand, and a commitment to transcendental concepts (belief in God), higher religious authorities (the rabbinate), and religious rituals on the other.2 These dualities, which were expressed in the movement's activities since its very beginning, intensified with the establishment of the state (Bar Lev et al., 1987; Bar Lev and Kedem, 1989). The movement expected the state to be a Jewish religious entity or at least to minimize the distinction between religion and state. When it became clear that the majority of the population and the government felt differently, the core values of the

96

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

religious Zionist movement in general were threatened. The youth movement has had two options: to differentiate between religious and nonreligious aspects, or to concentrate on the former. The first option places a heavy burden on members, since it creates permanent conditions of dissonance. Since the movement has provided few mechanisms to cope with this difficult situation, the leadership, along with many of the members, has chosen the second option. Increased orthodoxy has gradually made the movement less informal and more sectlike, with authority vested in traditional texts and their mythical interpretations. This solution has eased many strains, enabling the movement to indoctrinate, control, and guide young people and to mobilize them for national-religious tasks (see Bar Lev et al., 1987). In organizational terms, the movement is being transformed into a more "total" compulsory framework, largely using symbolic coercion and religious sanctioning as mechanisms of control, rather than the informal code. The changes have occurred, however, to different extents in various branches of the movement (Leslau and Bar Lev, 1993). One of the branches has indeed remained largely informal; others have developed a sectlike framework. The change in the movement has been initiated mostly by a leadership evolving from the rabbinate, which has created a yeshiva network aimed at strengthening the orthodox elements among religious youth. This trend has been opposed by some groups in the movement, who are concerned that strengthened religious trends will weaken modern Zionist elements. The struggle between the two camps, which began as early as the 1950s, has intensified in recent years and has led to the leadership's emphasis on religious orthodoxy and chauvinism (see, for instance, their periodical, Zraim, June-July 1984, and the BneiAkiva Book, Bar Lev et al., 1987). Indeed, there are some indications that the movement is moving in the direction of a militant religious sect. For instance, there is increased pressure to observe religious rituals and to engage in prayer, and much emphasis has been placed on taboos (e.g., mixing of the sexes). Transcendental elements are becoming obligatory, and authority is largely concentrated in purely religious figures rather than youth leaders. Finally, its graduates have become increasingly committed to settlement in "Greater Israel," viewing this action as observance of a sacred command. In sum, rather than creating informal equivalents to cope with changing circumstances, most of the movements have maintained large parts of their classical patterns of informality while diluting them with professional, formal, or sectarian elements. Consequently, the impact of these youth move-

Structural Causes of Transformation

97

ments has largely diminished and their meaning has become much less clear. At the same time, certain alternatives to the youth movement (such as the rock culture) have gradually developed.

10.3.1 An Example of Malresponse The limited ability of most Israeli youth movements to adapt their basic informal structure to changing conditions has largely prevented them from helping young people cope with increasing economic and political strains. A good example of this is the attempt of the youth movements to absorb the mass immigration of young Jews from Islamic countries (Eastern Jewry) from the 1950s. This issue is particularly important from a comparative perspective, since these young people share several traits with youth in Third World countries and with migrant youth. From their very beginnings, most of the Israeli youth movements made efforts to absorb lower-class and Eastern youth as a way of extending their influence; the Working Youth movement (a forerunner of WSY) even created a specific framework for this purpose (see Histadrut yearbooks, 1953). Yet, despite these attempts, the cultural distance between veterans and new members remained wide, and sediments of frustration and miscommunication developed. With the mass immigration that followed the establishment of the state (19481957), additional efforts were made to absorb immigrants, mainly lower-class Eastern youth. The youth movements tried to form separate branches for these young people that would be better suited to their interests and culture (Lutan, 1964). Attempts were also made, particularly by the Working Youth movement, to absorb them through youth trade unions at their places of employment, which helped them to defend their rights as laborers. Success, however, was limited. Rates of participation in youth movements by this population sector remained rather low (Lutan, 1964), even into the 1970s among secondand third-generation Eastern youth born in Israel (Shapira et al., 1979). Moreover, the convergence of low socioeconomic status and African-Asian origin accentuated the problems of their absorption. Still, some of those immigrant youth who did participate in youth movements became greatly mobile, both politically and economically (Kahane, 1986a). The low rate of participation in youth movements is surprising, considering that immigrant Eastern Jews faced a more difficult passage from family to

98

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

society and from being newcomers to full-fledged citizens than their Western counterparts. One would therefore expect them to use youth movements as a means of establishing their Israeli identity, as a channel for mobility and attaining prestige, and as a route of access to the center of society. Several explanations have been offered for their low participation rate. One attributes it to the strong involvement of such youth in their extended families (Levy and Gutman, 1976; Peres and Katz, 1981). These families can be regarded both as a defense mechanism, which smooths the passage from childhood to adulthood, and as a quasi-informal social framework. This explanation does not, however, account for continued low rates of participation despite a decline in extended families among second and third postimmigration generations. A second explanation suggests that many Eastern young people simply have little interest, time, or resources to invest in youth movement activities. Yet these young people do find the time for alternative leisure activities (e.g., in discotheques). Third, it has been maintained that, because the youth movements are culturally a Western product, they can hardly absorb immigrants originating from Islamic countries (Lutan, 1964). This explanation seems to be culturally biased (see Appendix). Furthermore, even if we accept it, it does not explain why the Israeli youth movements have been only partially able (or have little interest) to construct informal alternatives for Eastern young people. We offer a more comprehensive explanation: that most of the youth movements since the 1960s or even earlier seem to have become more elitistic and less informal in structure. Hence, their uniqueness, attractiveness and, most important, their ability to serve as a mediatory mechanism for immigrant young people have been greatly reduced. If that is so, they can hardly provide a useful transitional setting for immigrant Eastern youth or help them with the feelings of crisis and anxiety involved in their passage from childhood to adulthood, especially for the second and third postimmigration generations. As a result, lower-class and Eastern young people have searched for other (informal) agencies of socialization and channels of mobility, which they have often found outside or on the margin of institutionalized settings (such as mass protest movements, sports, ethnic entertainment).

Conclusions

10.4

99

Conclusions

Youth movements have provided Israeli society with a tool not only for institutionalizing and sublimating the tensions involved in the transition from childhood to adulthood, but also for constructing authentic patterns of youthfulness. Because of their informal code or traits (symmetry, expressive instrumentalism, symbolic pragmatism, multiplexity, modularity, dualism, and moratorium), these movements were able, during their Golden Period (19251960), to convert crises of maturation into processes of liminal identity formation and to provide a setting in which individual and collective approaches were balanced and freedom was maximized. They made young people the guardians of "great traditions" and enabled them to hold both conformistic and innovative (even rebellious) positions in society, a combination that encouraged social dynamism and renewal along with social stability. Since the late 1960s, this balance has shifted. Faced with changing economic, demographic, and political conditions, most of these movements have chosen to incorporate professional, anarchistic, or sectarian elements rather than to develop informal equivalents to their classical structure. They have, therefore, become less capable of responding to the transitional situation of young people and of providing a setting of institutionalized freedom and spontaneity. There are several indications of the diminishing impact of youth movements, such as increased dropout rates, a drop in the age of participants, reduced influence on members, and deterioration of the movements' public image. The changing expressions of informality in youth movements have probably also reduced their potential to provide authentic meaning for young people. The relative decline of the youth movements can also be partially attributed to external societal factors, such as the establishment of the state of Israel, the rise of formal agencies that presumably diminished the need for voluntary services, and increasing opportunities for professional careers dependent on scholastic achievement rather than on youth movement membership. These explanations, however, do not take into account the changes in the internal structures of the movements, which led to a reduced ability to help young people in poststate Israel cope with the tensions of increasing social complexity and of the difficult security situation, and in general lowered the movements' relevance to postmodern conditions. The rise of alienation, fanaticism,

100

Major Transformative Patterns of the Israeli Youth Movements

and blind commitment to nationalistic approaches among young people is probably at least partially related to these changes in the youth movements (see Chapter 15). Amid the strong pressures exerted on youth in modem society in general, and in Israeli society in particular, the decline of the youth movements (as well as other informal voluntaristic associations) has created a vacuum, and Israeli society is left with few alternative mechanisms for countering strains. The crucial factor, then, is not the increasing societal pressures, but the informal mechanisms for coping with them. The transformation and decline of youth movements (or any other informal organizations for young people) cannot be explained by common sociological theories, such as "the iron law of oligarchy," the pendulum model, routinization of charisma, or bureaucratization. Instead, these phenomena are anchored in the inherent structures of these organizations, which fuse authentic aspects of youthfulness with institutional aspects of adult society. Without a strong informal structure, youth organizations are unlikely to foster a meaningful sense of reality. It is difficult to predict whether the Israeli trend toward diminished informality will reverse itself and whether equivalents of youth movements are emerging.3 What seems clear, however, is that a free, civil society can hardly survive or develop without voluntary informal mechanisms and associations, particularly for its young people (see Tocqueville, 1953). Various informal entertainment systems (folk dancing, rock cultures, discotheques) are rapidly developing (Regev, 1992,1995). The extent to which they can provide substitutes for the youth movements remains to be seen.

Notes 1

2

This chapter is based on a few primary sources rather than on research: youth movement monthlies, members' discourse in symposiums and newspapers, various pamphlets and their curricular texts. For collections of these materials, see Adler and Kahane (1984), Kahane and Suchi (1981), Rapoport and Feder (1994), Suchi and Kahane (1994). The dilemma faced by the National Religious youth movement is illustrated by the case of one of the Orthodox "youth movements," Agudat Israel. This movement demands full obedience to the highest Orthodox authorities and can hardly allow the development of informal elements (see their newsletter, Diglenu, Our Flag).

Notes 3

101

Since 1993 there have been signs of a new blossoming in youth movements. There are rumors of a rise in their attraction and size, accompanied by the development of new programs, such as urban communes and "training farms" (these programs were suggested earlier—see a WSY pamphlet of 1989—but were not realized until more recently).

11

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

11.1

Introduction: Social Structure as a Composite of Activities

Any social structure can be thought of as an entity made up of activities.1 Each activity involves more or less specific goals and norms that give it a distinct meaning. Activities in different spheres, or in the same sphere in different contexts, hold different meanings for participants. In terms of spheres of activity, actors might construct a religious meaning through prayer, whereas they construct an aesthetic one through painting (following Cassirer, 1974 cl944). In terms of context, theatrical activity in a professional setting differs from the same activity in an informal youth movement. This means that regardless of their sphere, activities receive special meaning according to their underlying structural code. Youth movements (as well as other informal organizations) can be viewed as frameworks made up of several different informal activities that are more or less equivalent in value. Yet the youth movement is not merely a sum of activities; rather, it is a social entity containing a web of activities that overlap with little differentiation. In comparison, professional or bureaucratic activities are usually differentiated (Freidson, 1986). Informal activities have some unique characteristics. First, they contain planned elements yet are relatively open to the spontaneous manipulation and interpretation of their actors. In contrast, professional or bureaucratic activities are much more heavily controlled by rules and by their operators. Second, informal activities involve a low level of risk. Third, they have a strong element of relaxation or leisure.2 Finally, they involve intensive nonverbal forms of expression (on nonverbal activity, see Wolfgang, 1984). Few attempts have been made to specify the structure of these activities in different contexts, or to examine their code, meaning, and impacts. Our aim

104

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

in this chapter is to explore the varied informal activities in the Israeli youth movements in an attempt to reveal their meaning. This analysis is in no way meant to capture all aspects of youth movement activities, as these change dynamically over time, from movement to movement, and even from one locale to another. We are dealing, instead, with illustrations of more or less ideal types. One can distinguish seven kinds of activities in Israeli youth movements: hikes and excursions, camping, politically oriented activity, cultural activity, sports, intellectual discourse, and games.3 All of the activities are relatively autonomous and equivalent in value and importance. In actual sessions of the movements, they can be combined into various clusters and appear in different orders according to changing circumstances. Let us turn to a description of these various activities. In the first two cases (excursions and camping), which include many subactivities, we also look at preliminary data that point to the broad meaning of informal activities.4

11.2

Excursions

One of the core activities of the Israeli youth movements is hiking or making excursions. These belong in the same category because in the youth movement they tend to be combined; that is, they are neither solely physical (as hiking is generally perceived) nor merely recreational (as excursions are viewed), but rather incorporate both aspects.5 Thus, these terms are used interchangeably. In most youth movements, groups are taken on long hikes in difficult terrain. These are usually prepared in a semiprofessional way by young leaders, using maps and compasses. Such preparations, based on limited knowledge, are not as professional as those of a tour guide, for instance, but neither are they spontaneous. Moreover, decisions about paths to take are made through negotiation and even compromise. Together with the "serious" and risky element is a recreational one, enhanced by the fact that the activity takes place outdoors, adding a sense of freedom, spontaneity, and enjoyment. The activity, then, contains expressive instrumentalism and has a moratoric nature. The excursions usually contain, as well, strong symbolic elements based on a few central values of nature and nationhood. For instance, most are to historical places with cultural significance, such as Masada or Tel Hai.6 Like-

Excursions

105

wise, excursions in the desert tend to stress the pragmatic value of "making the desert bloom." Even excursions that are solely devoted to nature hold symbolic significance, in terms of the return to purity and peacefulness. Participants not only have a say about the routes that are taken, but they are also encouraged to discuss, at the end of the activity, the meanings of the excursion (e.g., how well the message was passed on). This lends a symmetric flavor to the activity. Moreover, youth movement excursions involve several subactivities (opening talk, hike, campfire, closing discussion) that are organized in a modular way—that is, in different, largely interchangeable clusters. The difference between hikes in the informal context of the youth movement and those in other settings is illustrated by the results of research based on systematic participant observation of three frameworks: a youth movement, a branch of the Nature Protection Society, and a high school (Oren, 1985). In the youth movement, participants in the excursion were relatively free of adult supervision, could voluntarily assume responsibilities, had many opportunities to navigate their own way along trails and to choose between more and less difficult ones, and were rarely sanctioned for choosing relatively risky paths. Negative responses to nonconforming behavior were usually made by counselors, whereas peers reacted more favorably. These contradictory responses neutralized one another, so that sanctions, if any, had limited effect. The hike sponsored by the Nature Protection Society, which lasted several days and nights, was oriented toward knowledge acquisition with little emphasis on values. The curriculum was rigid and planned in advance, allowing a minimum of experimentation. Nevertheless, there were some opportunities to deviate from assigned tasks, which lent an informal flavor to the activity. Sanctions were also minimal, and control was enforced by both the professional staff and participants (see also Katz, 1985). Finally, the hike in the high school setting was low in informality. It was compulsory, preplanned, and education oriented (sometimes even followed by testing of the acquired knowledge). Deviation from specified tasks brought heavy sanctions by teachers, and fellow students were not allowed to intervene. The study found that the hikes evoked different responses. In the informal hike, youth movement members reported that it made them feel relaxed, increased their sense of responsibility, and improved their self-image. They

106

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

expressed a strong desire to take part in future hikes. In contrast, participants in the semi-informal Nature Protection Society hike expressed ambivalence and were unsure as to whether they would participate again. Likewise, they were divided as to whether or not they had gained anything from the hike, and, if so, what that gain involved. Finally, the responses of participants in the school hike ranged from resentment to virtual indifference. More important, students believed the activity had had no significant effect whatsoever. Overall, then, the research seems to show that hikes based on different structural codes have divergent meanings.

11.3

Camping

Youth movements usually offer their members short-term camping trips (some as short as a single night, others lasting several days), which take place not only in the summer but also during school holidays.7 These camps, which take place out in the wild, combine free camping out with organized activities. Each camp is devoted to a specific subject that represents certain values. For example, some camps are devoted to natural lifestyles, reminiscent of the American Indians, African tribes, or the ancient Israelites in the desert. Others are devoted to more timely issues, such as Jewish-Arab relations, Jewish ethnic-group traditions, or kibbutz life. Each camp offers routine activities (e.g., scouting, culture, campfires, hikes, sports), which eventually gain charismatic meaning in that they create a "small world" that cuts off young people from their regular environment, parents, and routines. The mere fact that young people go to a distant place for a brief period to create their own "minisociety" in an informal context gives these camps a mood of elation, freedom, and authenticity. Using the informal conceptual framework set forth in Chapter 2, Rapoport (1981) measured the impact of six residential summer camps in Israel for underresourced adolescents in terms of their levels of informality, using both participant observation and participant evaluations. The sample consisted of 259 campers distributed randomly among experimental and control camps. In the experimental camps, informality was explicitly emphasized. For instance, campers were allowed to use rather risky trails with minimal adult supervision. Moreover, to show that delinquent behavior has negative effects, quasideviant actions were temporarily legitimized in a day-long game. In contrast,

Politically Oriented Activities

107

the program of the control camps was based on standard curriculum officially prescribed by the Ministry of Education. Several behavioristic strategies were used: specifying academic goals, granting immediate rewards, limiting opportunities to perform roles autonomously, and continuously encouraging campers to demonstrate temporary success conspicuously. The study showed that the impact of the camps differed. Participants of the informal camps reported that they enjoyed their camp and that it contributed to their self-confidence, independence, role development, and sociability. In contrast, participants of the Ministry of Education camps were not sure if they had enjoyed their camp or if it had contributed to improving their academic achievements. To conclude, the research showed that, despite the short length of time they span, informal camps provide a unique context for promoting independence, self-confidence, responsibility, and extension of role repertoires among young people.

11.4

Politically Oriented Activities

Political discussions and activity have been an integral part of Israeli youth movements since they were established (see Chapter 16). Politically oriented activities are varied, ranging from discussions of topical issues (e.g., policy toward minorities, immigrants, the economy, poverty and welfare) to mass protests and support of specific political parties, particularly in an election year. Political activity in Israeli youth movements shows several basic characteristics. First, most ideas that are discussed have a Utopian flavor and are related to the Zionist "great traditions." For instance, political discussions often refer to Theodore Herzl's century-old dream of establishing a Jewish state. Second, ideas are charged with existential meaning, with "here and now" immediacy in both an individual and a collective sense. For example, there might be a debate over the acceptability of the demand to sacrifice individuality for national eollective purposes. Third, the major political ideas (liberal, socialist, nationalistic, or religious) are often converted into political action within or outside existing political parties. For instance, youth movement members have been mobilized for political actions such as protests and propaganda, and have advocated party ideologies regarding major national issues such as the peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.

108

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

Political socialization in the youth movements works through informal means. For example, methods such as mock trials, games, and simulations are used with flexible and open rules, risk is relatively low, and much room is left for trial and error. This is in contrast, for instance, to simulations during vocational training, which have fixed rules and involve much more risk (since they affect the participant's grade). A case in point is a hypothetical discussion on the issue of peace talks. Although the orientation of discussions will tend to differ from movement to movement, in all of them the activity is grounded in the informal code. Since all participants have the same status, different points of view (pro and con) are presented for open discourse and various solutions are offered. For example, in the National Religious movement (Bnei Akiva), most of the political talk might focus on ways in which the Israeli government should deal with the Arabs and enable Jewish settlement of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, whereas in WSY, discussions are likely to revolve around problems of compromise and the trading of territories for peace. Yet, even in the religious movement, where attempts are made to have members toe the line, discussions are not one-sided. Indeed, in most movements there is a kind of dualism whereby an attempt is made to examine both sides of the issue, yet one side is given greater emphasis, often to the point of indoctrination. That is, the youth movements are faced with the dilemma of whether to socialize young people toward openmindedness and doubts or toward a clear-cut ideology. It is the institutionalization of this dilemma that lends members flexibility in their outlook, an effect that often continues into adulthood.

11.5

Cultural Activities

Youth movements heavily emphasize cultural activities, combining aesthetics, sociability, and entertainment. These activities are usually done in a rather dilettante way, virtually without regard for talent. This is what distinguishes them from cultural activities in a professional context, which use strict criteria based on talent and expertise (see Schultz, 1981:50-51). Moreover, cultural activities in the youth movements are usually loaded with deep symbolic meanings and ideological significance, rather than performed solely for their own sake. For instance, singing sessions are often concerned with such topics

Cultural Activities

109

as "spring" or "freedom," and there are ethnic folk dances (e.g., Yemenite, Hasidic, Arabic) that represent the value of national integration. The most salient cultural activities involve holiday celebrations, parties, folk and pop dancing, theatrical performances, public singing, prayers and rituals (in the religious movements), and literary evenings. Yet, notwithstanding the variety, they share some structural elements. First, cultural activities are expressive yet have "serious" goals. For instance, members sing for pleasure but the lyrics are meaningful, expressing such values as heroism, love for humankind, and friendship. Second, these activities are carried out by members themselves on their own terms, in a symmetric way. No expertise is required; members who are good dancers dance together with those who are less talented. Third, the activities are done in a moratoric way—for example, singing off-key or singing different words is often legitimate, not only during rehearsals but also in actual performances. Fourth, cultural activities are done in a folk style yet gain elitistic meaning. Fifth, different cultural activities are clustered into single entities. For instance, dancing may be intermixed with talk, lectures, singing, and poetry reading. There is often a relatively set menu (known as masechet—literally, a web of acts), but the order and content may be changed. Sixth, cultural activities are often performed in a preplanned group framework that nevertheless is based on spontaneity and individual expression. For instance, a popular folk dance, the hora, has a communelike framework, full of ecstasy and spontaneity, creating a sense of temporarily losing oneself yet at the same time expressing one's own identity. The dance itself is very simple: the dancers arrange themselves in a circle, placing their hands on each other's shoulders. Yet while dancing together, each individual can dance in his/her own way, expressing his/her own emotions. This falls somewhere in between the anarchy of rock and the discipline of ballet.8 Together with the informal dance, the youth movements have semiprofessional dance troupes, choruses, and drama groups that perform on special occasions (e.g., Independence Day). This often leads to a dilemma between the informality of the activity and greater professionalism. However, this dilemma is usually institutionalized, in that relatively untrained and less talented young people are accepted into the semiprofessional groups and taught to dance or sing a bit better. In this way, the informal character of cultural activities is reinforced.

110 11.6

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

Sports

Sports in youth movements are more spontaneous and less professional than in other contexts. They often have "soft" rules, limited competition, and strong elements of excitement, but less tension, anxiety, or risk than regular sports (for a broader analysis of sports, see Arlott, 1977; Hargreaves, 1986; Simon, 1991). The most popular sports in the youth movements are group oriented, and competition is limited. Basketball and volleyball—sports that are perceived as less competitive than soccer, football, wrestling, judo, and karate—are most common in the movements. They are amateur rather than professional or semiprofessional, in the sense that no expertise is needed and little investment of time is necessary (on amateur sports, see Yair, 1992). Most sports are played largely for the sake of encouraging interaction between groups (different branches of a movement, different age groups within a movement) and even solidarity. Most sports are, accordingly, based on a combination of competitiveness and cooperation. As opposed to other activities in youth movements, in sports there are few clear-cut examples of symbolization or attempts atritualization(e.g., uniforms); participation involves a simple action with mainly recreational and expressive meaning. In fact, sports generally act to counterbalance the strong symbolization of other youth movement activities. However, there has been one important symbol associated with sports—the creation of a "new" person who is not only spiritually strong (an image that was emphasized in the Diaspora) but also physically strong (an image incorporated in the Zionist conception of the "new" Jew).

11.7

Intellectual Discourse

Intellectual discourse has always been a major type of activity in Israeli youth movements. For instance, moral issues are often raised regarding the relationships between genders, between age groups (e.g., treatment of the elderly), and between ethnic groups. Topics are raised in a generalized, abstract way, yet at the same time serve as a pragmatic guide for behavior. Intellectual activities take various informal forms, mixing gamelike and serious elements. They usually begin with introductory remarks or the read-

111

Games

ing of a short newspaper item or story, which raise the topics to be discussed. This is followed by an open discussion. The discourse is often done through simulation, role playing, and mock trials, which lend it an informal flavor, enabling members to try out different ideas. For example, discussion of a real or hypothetical case of ethnic discrimination might take the form of a mock trial of the discriminator and the victim. The discourse does not merely involve intellectual activity for its own sake, but relates it to real behavior and deeds. The activity combines different types of knowledge—religious, scientific, philosophical, aesthetic, and Utopian. The aim of the activity is to foster a world view—that is, a broad view of basic principles of behavior, generally related to current issues. For instance, a common discussion revolves around the concept of the "human being" and what members can do to be better people.

11.8

Games

Games provide a context for trying rules and norms under moratoric conditions (Bruner et al., 1976:15). They are often activities that construct or interpret reality through simulative "fantasy" and play (Bateson, 1978; Caillois, 1961; Handelman, 1992). From a structural perspective, games "enframe" reality rather than reflect it (see Heidegger, 1977:283ff.).9 Along this line, participants construct their world through the game. Such construction is enhanced in games based on the informal code, in which young people can play with the rules of the game themselves (Garvey, 1977: lOlff.)In most Israeli youth movements, many games have symbolic meaning in an ideological or even Utopian sense, and are not only played for expressive, recreational purposes. For instance, a simple competition between two groups may be transformed into a struggle between policemen and thieves, between Jewish freedom fighters and ancient Romans, or between "good" and "bad" people. Yet games always remain within the boundaries of play, even though they shape the way participants perceive reality. Thus, they often become a sort of experimental laboratory for acquiring social rules and roles. The youth movements also offer "pure" games that shape concepts of reality through the rules by which they are played (e.g., catching chairs; laugh and cry, where participants shift abruptly from one mood to the other; piccolo—a game of rapid changes in hand movements; telephone; see Horvitz, 1976).

112

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

The playing itself constructs ideas of interaction and communication among members. When based on the informal code, games in the youth movement combine instrumental and expressive meaning. Participants use games to gain prestige and power, yet also enjoy them for their own sake. This combination of practical benefits and short-term excitement increases the attraction and impact of the games.

11.9

Conclusions: The Nature and Meaning of Informal Activities

The youth movement can be viewed as a composite of informal activities. There is a sort of "division of meaning" between the activities, so that each one fosters a different perspective on reality (e.g., aesthetic, ideological, cultural). As we have seen, informal activities both exist for their own sake and are a means to achieve goals. They entail relatively low risk, are neither regular nor routinized, and are diffuse in nature rather than differentiated. Moreover, as opposed to various kinds of "pure" leisure or recreational activities, most informal activities do not merely consume human resources, but create new ones by converting raw energy into meaningful performance (see Rojek, 1993). Within the informal universe, activities differ in their profile (the composition of their informal components). For instance, some allow greater moratorium; others are more modular in nature. Table 5 shows a hypothetical structure of activities in the Israeli youth movements. Of course, there are variations across youth movements and over time. Moreover, it should be emphasized that the informal profile of a given activity depends on the setting in which it is performed.10 For example, as we saw, there is a difference in the level of informality between an excursion that is performed in school and in the youth movement. In the same way, a cultural activity (e.g., folk dancing or disco dancing) taking place in school is different from the same activity held in a social club. Any given activity can be transformed from one structural code to another (e.g., from informal to professional and vice versa). The laws of transforming activities, however, are not clear. Professional activities may develop out of informal activities in a "maturation" process. For example, dance groups often have a unique life cycle: they begin as amateur informal groups and

113

Nature and Meaning of Informal Activities

over time tend to become more professional. In some cases, however, the vested interest of members or youth leaders is to keep the activity informal, so as to maximize their gain and secure their positions. For instance, professionalization might endanger the jobs of dance leaders, because they may not be qualified to lead a professional troupe or may have difficulty recruiting talented dancers. Table 5:

Informal Activities: Illustration of Hypothetical Types3

Informal Component

Moratorium Voluntarism Multiplexity6 Symmetry Dualism

Excursions

Camping Political

Culture

Sports

Intellec- Games tual

4 4 4

2 1 5 2

1 1 3 1 2 4

4

3

1 3 5 1 1 1

4 4

3 3 2 3 4

2 2 4 3 3

4 4 2 4 4

Modularity Expressive

2

5 5

Instrumentalism Pragmatic Symbolism Total Informality

2

3

3

2

2

2

4

3 27

4

3 24

3 17

1

5 25

4

27

15

4

30

T h e higher the number, the higher the level of informality. b

Here multiplicity refers to the number of subactivities within the major activity.

Like any other social action, informal activities, in general, are purposeful and require operation of certain resources. Actors make their personal choices from many alternatives in order to maximize their gains, these gains being defined according to the actors' values. The meaning of social activities is largely influenced by the code of the setting in which they occur, regardless of their goals and institutional sphere (e.g., economic or political). Empirical research on activities in summer camps in Israel (Rapoport, 1986) suggests that informal activities have two significant meanings. First, the existence of many equivalent activities enables every participant to make use of his/her relative advantages. Therefore, the distribution of rewards (largely

114

Informal Activities in the Israeli Youth Movements

prestige) is based on a combination of equality and equity (merit). This kind of "distributive justice" is considered fair—perhaps more so than most professional or formal activities (see Simon, 1991). Second, because of their internal structure, informal activities offer a context where maximal spontaneity and freedom are likely to emerge. In fact, members of youth movements have considerable freedom to improvise—they can create new dances, compose songs, speculate intellectually, and so forth. This generates a sense that members can create their own interpretations of reality and construct it according to their interests. We have seen in this chapter that it is useful to analyze activities not only according to their goals, but also according to their structure and meanings. In more general terms, we have shown the usefulness of taking a broad approach, considering social organizations in terms of their activities and code rather than their goals and institutional spheres.

Notes 1

2

3

Theoretically, activities can be analyzed within the framework of social action, a concept that has long been discussed by sociologists. Essentially there are three basic nonexclusive approaches to social action: (1) the phenomenological symbolic approach (Blumer, 1969; G.H. Mead, 1967); (2) the structural functional approach (Brenner, 1980; Burt, 1982; Parsons, 1966:5-6; Parsons and Bales, 1953; Parsons and Shils, 1951; Smelser, 1962; Warner, 1978); and (3) the sociopsychological approach, which focuses on the level of rationality in each social action (Marsden and Laumann, 1977). Another approach that embraces all these points of view (Coleman, 1990) takes into account the means by which action goals are achieved (rational or irrational) and analyzes actions in terms of their costs and benefits. However, little attention is directed at the structure of action or at the values underlying the actor's perception of costs and benefits. For an analysis of leisure activities, see E. Cohen (1979), Katz and Gurevitz (1974), Koocher (1971), Luschen (1980), Parker (1976), Poole (1983), Rojek (1993), Shamir and Ruskin (1984). A recent Israeli survey revealed th? following participation rates in extracurricular activities among youth aged 15-18 in 1990/91: sports, 38.0%; cultural activities, 27.4%; intellectual activity, 11.2%; technology and computers, 10.3%; nature (hikes/excursions), 9.6%; and arts and crafts, 7.8% (based on Extracurricular Activities, 1993: Table 1, p. 43). These activities are organized in a number of contexts, including youth movements, community centers, and free-lance settings. Community centers operate

Notes

115

the following activities for youth: summer camps, outings, holiday ceremonies, sports, cultural activities, hobbies, and vocational training programs. These activities are largely organized along professional lines (Yanai, 1990). 4 The analysis of youth movement activities is based on their curricular texts (see Ch. 12), participant observation, and specific research on some of the activities (i.e., excursions and camping). 5 For analyses of hikes and excursions, see Ben Una (1978), Fischer (1963), Goren (1972), Hershkowitz (1953), Katz (1985), Kindt (1963), Korn (1963), Manzur (1974), Stahl (1980), Wyneken (1963). 6 The story of Tel Hai tells of the defense of a northern border settlement in 1921. The hero, Trumpeldor, represents two major Zionist values—cultivation of the soil (symbolized by the plow) and defense of the land (symbolized by the gun). According to the story, upon being shot to death, his last words were: "It is good to die for our homeland." The story of Masada refers to freedom fighters in the ancient Roman period. The Jews of Masada committed collective suicide to avoid imprisonment by the Romans. 7 For analyses of various summer camps, see, e.g., Becker (1960), Boyce et al. (1971), Collingwood (1971), E. Davis (1960), Dawson (1976), Durkin (1969), Farago (1973), Halassa and Fleming (1973), Kopp and Barnes (1971). 8 Dance holds special importance as a nonverbal activity that is often on the borderline between the normative and the nonnormative (Spencer, 1985:38). Dancing in the youth movements tended to emphasize the normative aspect of folk dancing until recently, when there was a shift to greater spontaneity in the form of rock and jazz. 9 On the sociology of games and play, see Avedon and Sutton-Smith (1971), Caillois (1961), Ellis (1973), Garvey (1977), Huizinga (1970). 10 It is also likely that the age, culture, and socioeconomic background of participants have a certain impact on its profile of informality. This, however, is beyond the scope of our discussion.

12

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

12.1

Introduction: Informal Curricula

Much of the behavior of young people is explained by their experiences with "informal curricula." These appear implicitly and explicitly in informal associations and other types of nonofficial contexts. There have been few attempts, however, to define the structure and content of such curricula. Youth movements provide good examples of informal curricula. Their curricula appear in various texts, each of which refers to a variety of topics. Such texts are used as flexible guidelines by youth leaders. Although these written texts are clearly distinguishable from the ways in which they are orally transmitted, the texts form a referential framework for the latter. We will analyze these texts using a hermeneutic approach, regarding a curriculum as a set of individual and collective interpretations of reality.

12.2

Knowledge and Curriculum

Curricula can be analyzed in terms of the sociology of knowledge, with "knowledge" referring to an organized body of knowhow developed through systematic discipline. Several major traditions can be distinguished in the sociology of knowledge (Foucault, 1974; Glover and Strawbridge, 1985; Hamilton, 1974; Stark, 1958; Swidler and Arditi, 1994). Whereas one approach views knowledge as reflecting the interests of social classes, groups, and institutions (Mannheim, 1952; Scheler, 1970), another sees it more as a basis for creating interests (Foucault, 1974). A third tradition regards knowledge as a conceptual paradigm containing assumptions, laws, and examples that are tested against reality for validity, reliability, and truth (Kuhn, 1962). In contrast, in

118

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

pragmatic philosophy (Peirce, 1958), knowledge is tested mainly in terms of its uses. Yet another approach classifies kinds of knowledge according to their view of reality. For instance, Cassirer (1972) distinguishes between religious, scientific, and aesthetic knowledge; Parsons (1951) distinguishes between evaluative and cognitive knowledge and between empirical and nonempirical knowledge. Each kind of knowledge lends different meaning to the same reality. Finally, a hermeneutic approach to knowledge suggests that each type of knowledge offers different interpretations and therefore may construct different realities (Gadamer, 1975; Silverman, 1991). What has not been fully considered in any of these approaches is how the different kinds of knowledge are related to one another, and how this interrelation influences the meaning and uses of the knowledge. This question is particularly pertinent to informal knowledge, which interfaces literate and oral culture (Goody, 1987:Ch. 7), fusing several kinds of knowledge (scientific, philosophical, religious, ideological) in various combinations.1 Informal knowledge contains relatively uninstitutionalized knowledge, as well as knowledge that cannot be fully validated by any discipline. Furthermore, it combines various approaches (e.g., phenomenological and empirical, cognitive and sentimental) and orientations (individualistic and collective, particularistic and universalistic). It is these very combinations that make informal knowledge highly articulative and open to different—even contradictory—interpretations. Structurally speaking, informal knowledge contains most of the elements of the informal code. It is organized in a modular way, and includes multiple subject matters and disciplines. Its validity is open to trial and error. It is presented in a symmetric way, as there is no single authoritative source of the knowledge or its interpretation. Its basic symbols are formulated in terms of tasks and activities, each having both expressive and instrumental meaning. Informal knowledge is, therefore, largely open to improvisation, which allows it to be adapted rapidly to varying situations and interests. This makes it a flexible yet fragile body of knowledge. An informal curriculum is a pedagogical projection of informal knowledge. A curriculum, in general, consists of knowledge that is more or less purposely prescribed as a course for study or as a message for socialization. Most studies of curriculum have been related to formal schooling (Apple, 1985, 1993; Bernstein, 1971; Eggleston, 1977; Rudolph, 1978; Young, 1971) and have taken one of four major research directions. Traditionally, school

Characteristics of the Informal Curriculum

119

curricula have been evaluated in terms of their potential to foster basic skills or to produce systematic knowledge (Tyler, 1950). Such criteria, however, are inappropriate for informal curricula, which are broader, more diffuse, and looser than those of formal educational systems. A second tradition analyzes curricula in terms of their underlying codes and principles, viewing them as a construct of facts, ideas, and concepts. For instance, Bernstein (1971) distinguishes between "collection" and "integrated" types of curricula, linking these types to output. He suggests that collection codes generally discourage, while integrated codes encourage, "connections with everyday realities" (1971:58). In a similar vein, Schwab (1975) assumes that an eclectic curriculum is useful in modern, rapidly changing societies. Others view curriculum as representing the interests of ruling elites (Apple, 1985,1993;Wexler, 1987), and as an instrument of social reproduction. However, these views disregard the variety of interests and orientations that are represented in a curriculum, and the different meanings and impacts these have for different sectors of the population.2 A fourth, "pragmatic" approach assesses curricula in terms of their potential for conversion into meaningful behavior and roles. Curricula with a high potential in this regard are contrasted with those that mostly create concepts and abstract knowledge. For instance, the curriculum in most of the apprenticeship systems is of the first type, whereas that in academic-oriented schools is of the latter (Kahane and Starr, 1987). All these approaches refer to systematic, well-structured curricula but hardly take into account unstructured (chaotic) curricula that must constantly be negotiated and reconstructed (Goodson, 1992). These approaches, in other words, are inadequate for analyzing informal curriculum.

12.3

The Characteristics of the Informal Curriculum

Informal curricula differ from systematic curricula (e.g., formal, scientific, technological) in several basic ways. First, informal curricula fuse cognitive and emotional elements. Cognitive aspects are often transformed into sentiments and vice versa. Second, the informal curriculum shapes or modifies subjective experiences and connects them to objective conditions. It does so in three interrelated ways: (1) by interpreting technical experience; (2) by using goals as a means

120

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

of mobilizing commitment; and (3) by providing a context where ideas are transformed into action. Third, informal curricula are largely based on a fusion of written and oral repertoires. An oral repertoire is direct, concrete, laden with signals and details, and based on an enormous amount of words (on the concept of orality, see Goody, 1987; Goody and Watt, 1968:31-34; Levi-Strauss, 1966; Ong, 1982; Stock, 1983). Oral language is characterized, in part, by redundancy, empathy, and active participation (Ong 1982:33ff.). Words have real power and are often used as causes or factors for constructing and changing reality. In that sense, oral language can be regarded as a "language game," or system of communication, to borrow Wittgenstein's terminology (1975:81). In this game, language is used for its own sake, as a means of expressive utterance, and as a tool for interpretation. Oral language includes various mnemonic devices, that is, permanent formulas of speech. Concepts and sentences are used in the same form (e.g., slang), regardless of their substance and context. These characteristics are converted into "soft" written language, creating oral texts that appear as flexible guidelines in actual pamphlets.3 At the same time, the informal curriculum can be considered somewhat journalistic, since it often takes the form of a short, popular message in order to attract an audience (on journalism, see McLuhan, 1974). Fourth, the informal curriculum is dialogical, that is, it takes the form of conversations in which ideas and information are exchanged in a symmetrical way (on dialogues, see Holquist, 1990). There is little room for authoritative or deterministic statements. Moreover, large parts of the informal curriculum are presented in a dramatic or theatrical way. This allows the curriculum to be both imaginative—distanced from reality—and yet related to reality. (On theatrical activity, see Elam, 1980; Levi-Strauss, 1966:24ff.; Magarshak, 1980:225ff.) Fifth, informal curriculum contains both ritualistic and playlike forms. These extend its meaning, giving it charismatic appeal that can easily be used for social or political purposes (Kertzer, 1988). Structurally, informal curricula can be viewed in terms of the informal code: • They are multiplexical, containing a mixture of many topics, disciplines, methods, and types of knowledge, none of which is fully developed. • They are modular in that they are open to negotiation and can easily be arranged and rearranged on the basis of changing circumstances and interests.

Methodology

121

• They are based on the principle of moratorium, that is, they offer opportunities to test the practicality of various kinds of knowledge and actions through games and theatrical activities. • Topics are simultaneously introduced in expressive and instrumental ways, appearing both in emotional and cognitive patterns. • Each topic is presented in pragmatic terms as a program for action or as a real task, rather than in purely symbolic terms. • Informal curricula contain dual orientations: universalistic and particularistic, achievement oriented and ascriptive, collectivistic and individualistic, elitistic and populistic, Utopian and realistic.

12.4

Methodology

The framework we have just developed will enable us to analyze the informal curricula used by Israeli youth movements. The analysis is based on two surveys of youth movement curricula, carried out in 1964 and 1991, respectively. Each survey examined youth movement texts (i.e., pamphlets), selected through clustering sampling, as illustrations of the main curricular trends (see Appendix 12-1). From their foundation in the 1920s, the Israeli movements have transformed their ideologies into curricula. These curricula include core subject matters, principles, and concepts through which the movements' perspectives on reality are constructed. Such curricula are written by relatively mature nonprofessional members who are not experts in any subject matter. Their writings, which are oral in nature, are based on the ideology of each specific movement, as well as on their individual and collective experiences. Each program or text undergoes a trial period, after which it is revised in response to feedback received from youth leaders and members. Once revised, it is disseminated and used extensively. The result is a crystallized yet eclectic text. The first survey was conducted on all the pamphlets in the prestate period and their modification after 1948, up to 1964. The second is based on youth movement pamphlets from 1965 until 1991. From each, a sample of pamphlets or texts was chosen for each age group in the major youth movements. The main criteria for selecting the curricular examples were their centrality or importance, as determined by the extent of time over which they were used. The selected texts were then analyzed in terms of their content, orientations,

122

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

and structure. In defining the units for content analysis, we followed the divisions (i.e., sessions) that actually appear in each pamphlet. Although the titles of the units are often similar between movements, their meaning and emphasis tend to be different, in accordance with each ideology. Comparisons were made between movements, and within each movement between periods. We begin with a discussion of "classical" curricula—those that were expressed, in several modifications, during the Golden Period of the youth movements, from the late 1920s, when Jewish youth movements in Palestine were first established, to the mid-1960s. We then consider change and continuity in contemporary informal curriculum. We will refer mainly to the four largest youth movements—the Scouts, the Moderate Socialists (WSY), the Leftist Socialists (Young Guard), and the National Religious movement (Bnei Akiva)—and the smaller Rightist movement, Betar (as well as a few other small movements). This extension of the sample enables us to cover the full spectrum of sociopolitical orientations as they appear in the curricula.

12.5

Classical Curricula in Israeli Youth Movements

The curricula of Israeli youth movements in the Golden Period were highly ideological. Although each of the movements had its own world view and despite their strong ideological commitment, their informal structure paradoxically limited their ability to indoctrinate their members and made their messages relatively open to freethinking. We now briefly consider the different curricula (see Table 6).

12.5.1 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) The Leftist Socialist movement was committed to orthodox Marxist equality, justice, and class struggle, combined with the Zionist ideology of nation-building and the revival of the "true" Jewish culture (a modern civic interpretation of the Old Testament). Most of the pamphlets presented these ideas in strong ritualistic slogans and through analogies to Jewish historical events. This extended the meaning of the texts, lending them emotional flavor (Young Guard Movement Regulations, n.d., circa 1955).

123

Classical C u r r i c u l a in Israeli Youth M o v e m e n t s

•a

82 u bo c

"a •ä < 73

I «-T I 4> £ vf CL, T3 u U c o Q *o 'S § o •3 "2

I

3 O

a fi

t p--

u J I 2 K S . y mi eCA 'S ¡ 1 o * 1 K o> ! oi § ?

a

•fl U c z a

i§ -a^

•a Ui O S ä 2 co m U u

2

-a

I I l ' i

I Ä . 2 -a o 'S o 2 o

S ä

£ c '3 o T3 U ffl

00 £ 1) V3

V 38 I

CO

c o O C/-J U >• :3 00 3 tt, « "tt

T3 C ^ 2 U Q.

2 E © i/i § CO CO

Ä2 .T3 3 « -T S£ o Im a 3

£ 2

g al § C

C «

•a

«

£

.2 6 Z

o U

T3 J Ì O Ü J3 CA 05 co u * 5 § £ •c UI o 3 00 O £ CO *q > e u ^H "O U w < s> j J> (Li a iS 2 S

U SO -S

U T3

JS

S t-i o ^ § S _ 3 * e © 5 u O co

3

SI u 5

8 co

o

' 23

XI o § *C £5 S U a s9 ue s is

60

e E

CO « i i 1 £ i -(A SP S o u u

•a

2

Ü

U J3 13 8 H 2 k* . 2 X •o S S 2 •i fr £ -8 Jcq (A ^ £

e' I u ^ ™ « 9 Ö O CO

I I ui 35 t> 2 _« 1 2 | Ì | 5 8 J « P Q

G

a « r" ^ 5 " C U C O 'fi u es

™ -M g 2 « 00 •*-» C u U 43 g C O o B « O CO - 3 ci g r i?

8&. -u«a -- a . 2a «o 1 3 3 ^ I 60 O u

H

s

-

x

«

u CO

I S Ä >> o ® 60 U O

21

^

S w

124

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

o

a 3 «5 c .2 CA CO¡8 s u u "8 a

3 0 'Si 1

?

« •a

i ' i

o ta Z

•a

O c o (2 .!a 3 w -5 o £ 5 O CL,

u c «

§ tt.

§

cd | ^ S o I I tfl H es O > u, t ° 3 J H s 3 § g -a oo Z ¿3 m §

u > o •8

u >

U >

CS

I

o x¡

6 (A u •a c a « CS o ca ** s , ««

60 " 2

c

CO "g I

g

CS S3 a.

a Of

y
> ts 8 00 CA u 3 3 >

'-S ^ s a 6 t> 5 s •S o

'8 oo c o S s (i. rs ra

Ü S2 rS U O CL,

60 a

00

£

•w

•a !§

60

«i H & o O rt § & ri u

O 8 00 o c o u 3

£V5

2

^

" t (/J C

00 o tS I s T3 3 X o JJ "So I a* o 3 jO ÍH

%

-S ON

c a

i o > 1 Q X s QJ s

c* tí 1 1 2 C/58

CA O "Bu u c — i

o •s

> o

•8

° e I 5 3 IS 5 J "ft ? sa o «- S § S S. u T3 Q s CO t> .. s 6 22 66i

I Í O U at o

§ 6

N 3 .£1 X) a

_ «3 CA B

.s H

5 s

8 1 o u O

c o ws N 3 2 X) _ I A 2 | I » O T) h ¿I §

w 3 I § § I

u > i

(3

s e s s

£

3

3

.2

«í V U rS £> 60 1/3 S 60 u 3 .2 J= c D¿ H

Classical Curricula in Israeli Youth Movements

125

National subject matters were given socialist meaning. For instance, socialism was interpreted as the continuation of the message of the biblical prophets, and the Jewish state was seen as an attempt to realize the idea of a just society. Moral issues were introduced on two levels: (1) on the personal level in subject matters such as "the image of man in the modern world," or in terms of personal dilemmas; and (2) on the social level through discussion of the "evils" of capitalist regimes. On both levels attempts were made to create models of identification with and realization of ideas, usually through their application to kibbutz life. In didactic terms, the curriculum was transmitted through informal methods combined with group pressures for conformity and other methods of indoctrination. Officially such methods were used to ensure commitment to the movement's ideology. In fact, however, the mixture of these antagonistic methods made the movement more flexible than its adult leaders had expected.

12.5.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) Political ideology in WSY was based on socialistic democratic ideas, egalitarianism, and the concept of personal freedom, and included references to texts of European ideological movements such as the German Socialist Democrats and the British Fabian Society. Socialist Zionist ideas were presented along these lines through the writings of prominent Zionist ideologues (e.g., Nachman Sirkin and Dov Borochov). These ideas were applied to historical events (the Russian Revolution, the Weimar Republic) as well as Israeli institutions (the Histadrut Labor Federation). Nationalism was presented in universalistic trappings, with socialism portrayed as a part of Jewish heritage (according to the ideas of the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel). The basic messages were transmitted through practical activity (e.g., summer camps, kibbutz training) and through analogies to historical events (e.g., the construction of the Second Temple). Informal discourses, games, and simulations were used to diffuse the messages. As a result, the curriculum was open to personal interpretations.

126

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

12.5.3 The Scouts Following the British model, the Israeli Scouts paid little attention to ideological schools such as socialism and liberalism. Moreover, because the movement was under the auspices of the Department of Education of the Jewish national institutions in Palestine (and, after statehood, the Ministry of Education), a deliberate effort was made to remain apolitical. Hence, the curriculum was relatively neutral from an ideological point of view and open in terms of its contents. Emphasis was placed on personal obligations and commitments, which were related to social values such as philanthropy, cooperation, and equality. Thus, the Scouts' curriculum typically combined collective ideology with personal morality. National issues were interpreted in humanistic terms as involving Jewish contributions to world culture, but were rarely tied to socialist ideas. More than the other youth movements, the Scouts performed activities in a ritualistic way so as to encourage the development of value commitments. Accordingly, scouting (i.e., camping skills such as setting up tents, building fires, etc.) was regarded as a means of improving human character and skills; philanthropic activity served as a ritual of commitment to humanistic ideas. In that sense, the movement reduced "big" traditions to "little" ones. Largely informal means were used to transmit the curriculum. For example, one "serious" game that was played involved construction of a defense tower that was common in the Jewish settlements at that time. Each group could build the tower in its own way, learning by trial and error.

12.5.4 The Rightist Movement (Betar) Before turning to the religious movement, let us look briefly at the curriculum of the secular Rightist movement, Betar. This movement was much less important than other movements in the prestate period and had few written curricular texts. However, its significance increased dramatically with the establishment of the state and particularly in the 1970s. Its classical curriculum contained the seeds of its later development. The ideology of the Rightist movement was based on the assumption that the Jewish people had a supreme right to their homeland of Israel and that this could be realized through force (their slogan was "In blood and fire, Judea

Classical Curricula in Israeli Youth Movements

127

fell; in blood and fire, Judea will rise"). The movement emphasized primordial national symbols based on images of bravery and personal sacrifice; it demanded absolute commitment to goals and complete obedience to leaders. Moreover, it glorified historical events (e.g., the Bar Kochba rebellion in Roman times); it gave these charismatic appeal, made them objects of identification, and transformed them into guidelines for current activities. Moral issues were often raised in terms of one's style of behavior—that is, acting in a sincere, honest, and polite manner (hadar)—rather than in substantive terms (e.g., concepts of justice). In other words, style was considered important for realizing values and hence was a central part of the movement's curriculum. The movement used ritualistic and demagogic means and primary-group pressures to indoctrinate members. For example, heroic figures (such as Bar Kochba) were elevated into "obligatory" symbols of identification (see Ben Jernham, 1976; Epstein, 1953).

12.5.5 The National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) Like most of the other youth movements, the National Religious movement emphasized universalistic ideas of justice, freedom, and equality; however, it presented them in traditional Jewish terms (from the Old Testament and the Talmud in their modern interpretations) rather than in the secular versions (Bar Lev et al., 1987). Indeed, Jewish religious subject matters and traditional holidays (such as Passover) were presented as reflecting Jewish values more than universalistic symbols of freedom and democracy. These ideas were complemented by an emphasis on the authority of rabbis, who were considered exemplary figures. Religious texts and interpretations written by famous rabbis (e.g., Maimonides) were a central part of the curriculum. Issues of morality were often presented in religious terms (involving God's commands) rather than as pragmatic matters. Bnei Akiva defined itself as a national-religious, pioneering youth movement combining "Torah and work." Its declared goal was to educate a generation that would be loyal and devoted to the Torah, the Jewish people, and Israel, earning their living from work in the spirit of the Torah (Bnei Akiva Constitution, 1984, revised version; first edition from the late 1940s). Along with this religious emphasis came transcendental expressions. For instance, in the movement's greeting ritual, the greeter says "God be with

128

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

you" and is answered with "God bless you." Moreover, there is ritual in dress: the insignia of the movement contains the two tablets of the Ten Commandments decorated with an olive branch, sickle, and pitchfork on the right and an ear of corn on the left, and enclosed by a ribbon on which "Bnei Akiva" is written, unifying the objects into a single whole. Bnei Akiva members dress modestly and simply, which is considered appropriate for them as well as for the religious community in general. There is a special dress code for the Sabbath and religious holidays, with boys donning white shirts, khaki-colored pants, and the movement's insignia, and girls wearing white shirts, blue skirts, and the insignia.4 Prayers and rituals have been regarded both as a reflection of the values of the movement (and religious community) and as activities performed for their own sake (Bnei Akiva Constitution, 1984). In didactic terms, the movement used largely ritualistic methods and primary pressures, mixed with informal means, in an effort to maintain religious boundaries. This is illustrated in the following excerpts from a Bnei Akiva manual, written in Israel and intended for use in England: The cultural-ideological group "sichah" [discourse, dialogue] constitutes a very valuable part of our activities.... [T]he sichah is damaged if it makes up the main portion of the activity and even more so if it turns into a speech. Our principal desire must be this: to get our chaverim [members] to speak. It is much more important to create an atmosphere of active group thinking than to "disseminate" the Torah, to have much cultural activity and, through this, to change the chevrayah [group] into a passive cult. In evaluating mock trials on literary and social subjects, we can judge them to be fine, enjoyable activities that allow for the participation of many people. At the young age level it is best to arrange mock trials only on books, and not on political questions or social problems, because the unskilled thinking of the young does not yet know how to express and formulate someone else's position authoritatively, and the mock trial usually descends to the level of a debate among the participants themselves. (Pinkas Lamadrich, 1948, No. 21, pp. 10-11, English translation)

12.5.6 Curriculum of the "Classical" Period: Cross-movement Analysis Five main topics were salient in the classical curricula of the Israeli youth movements: (1) communal life; (2) morality (justice, fairness, equality); (3) social identities (religious-secular, national, traditional, modern socialist, lib-

Classical Curricula in Israeli Youth Movements

129

eral); (4) nation-building; and (5) intimate personal issues (such as sex). These topics were presented in an eclectic, diffuse way, which combined various kinds of knowledge. The curricula contained considerable avant garde orientations (i.e., knowledge believed to be superior and to provide guidance for performance). First, they were elitistic, in that they expressed what the youth movements perceived as central ideas for society such as justice and freedom. Second, these ideas were described as renovative (an attempt to create a "new world," make a better society). Third, the ideas were presented as obligations to be realized in the personal lives of members, who were supposed to act as models for Israeli society. The curricula also provided guidelines for public service, often identified with personal interests; that is, collective values were presented as a means of self-realization and vice versa. The elitistic nature of the curricula was often mixed with a populistic flavor, expressed in terms of "little" daily behavior. Most curricula combined objective significance with subjective meaning, so that gaps between concepts and experiences were minimized. The curricula also combined present and future orientations. Topics had a strong futuristic element, often appearing in Utopian terms, but at the same time were expressed in terms of the demand for realization in the present. A typical example of this combination was the idea of the kibbutz as a realizable, Utopian community. In didactic terms, contents were transmitted via games, dance, songs, discussions, and mock trials that were performed extensively through informal means in the leftist and centrist movements (i.e., Leftist Socialists, Moderate Socialists, and the Scouts), and with less informal means in the Rightist and Religious movements (Betar and Bnei Akiva) (see Kahane, 1964). In one mock trial, a fictional scenario is presented in which Israeli soldiers are faced with a dilemma: to kill an Arab prisoner and thereby destroy their self-conception of human existence, or to release him and risk his passing on important information to the enemy. In another, the students consider whether the Jews in the Holocaust went passively to their slaughter or were heroes. On the whole, the curriculum in the youth movements had a relatively strong impact on members' ethics, identities, and behavior. Because of their informality, the movements became agents of interpretation that shaped members' views of reality.

130 12.6

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

The New Curricula: Continuity and Change

The classical curricula were first written before the establishment of the state of Israel, under conditions of rapid cultural change (from Diaspora society toward independent statehood), high uncertainty, and risk, as well as a shortage of material resources that might "buy" young people's devotion to the Zionist idea. Thus, the informal curricula were aimed at mobilizing the commitment of the young generation. However, with the establishment of the state in 1948 and the realization of parts of the Zionist utopia, the classical ideas and organizations often appeared to the Israeli public as irrelevant. At the same time, much of the adult leadership in the youth movements had vested interests in maintaining considerable parts of the classical curriculum as well as preserving their own influential position. They argued that the classical curriculum had universal value and remained relevant whatever the current conditions. Hence, despite the considerable changes in the size and composition of the youth movement population that arrived after the establishment of the state, the classical curricula retained their basic principles with relatively little change until the early sixties. In other words, there were few curricular responses to the population change, to the realization of the Zionist utopia and the shift from a stateless society to an independent state. However, in the mid-sixties, as the state apparatus became institutionalized, demands for a new response from the youth movements began to grow. Indeed, the movements shifted some of their emphasis to "little" day-to-day problems (such as housing), as opposed to the "big" callings of the classical era. Yet much of their classical subject matter remained, compromising the youth movements' relevance—a price that they were apparently willing to pay in order to maintain their elitistic nature. Nevertheless, the new conditions did bring about some gradual changes, planned and unplanned, which have been institutionalized since the mid-eighties. Officially, large parts of the subject matter have remained the same, but certain topics have been expanded and reinterpreted at the expense of classical subjects. For instance, there is more emphasis on such topics as relations with Arabs and ethnic groups, the relationship between the military establishment and the state, immigrant absorption, rock culture, economic and technological issues, future society, personal problems and self-realization. Less attention has been paid to such classical subject matters as the evolutional

The New Curricula

131

approach (i.e., a developmental approach in which society is perceived as moving from the simple to the complex) and the analysis of "simple" societies (WSY was an exception), as well as the analysis of various economic and political regimes (totalitarianism and democracy, capitalism and socialism). Personal moral issues have also been largely reduced, reflecting an increase in cultural pluralism and permissiveness. On the other hand, moral issues on the societal level have come to be intensively debated, reflecting such problems as the Arab-Israeli conflict and the situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; strained religious-secular relations; tensions between Eastern and Western ethnic groups in Israel; and problems of distributive justice and corruption. Accordingly, less emphasis is placed on principles and more on concrete problems and situations. For instance, discussions on the kibbutz center on how the community can survive and serve its members rather than on how it can realize socialist ideals. Ideologies have become weaker, more pluralistic, and more open to questioning in the leftist and centrist youth movements, but stronger, totalistic, and deterministic in the right-wing and religious movements.5 National symbols have been strengthened in all the movements, but more strongly in the rightist and religious ones, in which these symbols have often been given primordial, transcendental, and even mystical meaning. Didactically, the movements now combine a professional approach with various informal methods. For example, role playing is now carried out with well-defined rules and circumstances (e.g., the situation of a kibbutz member who is thinking of leaving the kibbutz), and the aim is for participants to discover the rules by means of definite knowledge (whereas in the classical period, participants were expected to construct the rules based on improvised knowledge). At the same time, the style of the texts has become more popular (though not commercial), oriented to mass culture. We turn now to some descriptions of what has evolved out of this transformation. They are drawn not only from the youth movements already discussed but also from other rightist and religious movements.

12.6.1 Leftist Socialists (Young Guard) The Leftist Socialist movement has considerably reduced its Marxist ideological slogans, substituting concrete issues that continue to be interpreted in

132

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

a generalized way. For instance, problems of racism are raised in reference to Israel's ethnic situation but in a comparative perspective (e.g., the situation of blacks in the U.S.). The movement has separate curricula for younger (11-13 years) and older (14-18) members that cover the same content at different levels of abstraction. In the curriculum for younger members, ideas are transmitted mainly in emotional terms; for instance, socialist ideas are expressed in terms of friendship instead of reciprocity and equality (The Young Guard: An Experimental Program, n.d., around the late 1970s; Friendship, n.d., early 1980s, written for eighth graders). For older members the movement largely presents subject matters in a cognitive way, and from a cosmopolitan perspective. These topics are raised through concrete cases that actually occurred in Israel, such as the trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann, or the petition of Brother Daniel (a Carmelite priest who had converted to Christianity) for Israeli citizenship on the ground that his mother was Jewish. One entire pamphlet is devoted to the problem of conflicting elements in the Zionist identity, such as the continuation of the Diaspora identity versus its negation for the sake of a new Zionist identity (Our Relationship to Israel, 1983). Another pamphlet deals with the notion of nationhood in general and in Israel in particular. Among the problems raised are the relationships between Zionism and Arab national movements and between Zionist and religious viewpoints (Our Relationship to the Nation and to the Country, n.d., mid-1980s). The legitimacy of settlement in the occupied territories is discussed under the broad universal heading of freedom and the right to self-determination. In didactic terms, the Leftist Socialist movement in the contemporary period has intensified the use of informal methods and largely reduced its methods of indoctrination.

12.6.2 Moderate Socialists (WSY) In the classical period, the diverse membership of WSY (high school students, working youth, middle-class youth, kibbutz and moshav youth) brought about a pluralistic approach, so that the movement had both a common core curriculum and a variety of specialized curricula geared to different branches. In later years, however, differences between the sections of the movement

The New Curricula

133

diminished and the curriculum became much more unified, whereas differences between age groups became accentuated. In 1990 the movement put together a comprehensive curriculum, encompassing all age groups, presented in several pamphlets (e.g., Forever a Human Being: A Multilevel Curriculum for Young Members, 1990; Forever a Human Being: A Multilevel Curriculum for the 11th Grade, 1990). This new curriculum is based on the values of the past, but addresses current issues related to Israel in a more popular way. There is an attempt to place current events within a generalized framework that can help young members construct their own world view. At the same time, WSY has continued programs for younger members (grades 5-8) that compare different societies—from that of the American Indians and other tribal societies to more sophisticated ones (The Indians, 1980, for fifth and sixth graders). In this way it socializes young people into thinking comparatively toward their own society. In addition, curricular texts for the younger members present in an eclectic way a variety of subject matters: social relationships, friendship, social affiliation and love, the existence of God, violence, the occupied territories in Israel, leadership and democracy, cooperation versus competition, the sacredness of human life, personal and national identity, pluralism in Israeli culture, democracy and equality, risks of war and peace, and human liberties. For older members (high school students) the main issues are more general, but they, too, appear in an eclectic way: anarchism, fascism, freedom (after E. Fromm's Escape from Freedom), the concept of homeland, the search for meaning, and the kibbutz. Emphasis is also placed on topical issues such as women's liberation, the right to work, freedom of religion, and freedom from social pressures. This is accomplished through symbolization of heroic historical events (such as the Spartacus rebellion and the Jews' act of collective suicide in the name of freedom at Masada), discussing the basic principles and dilemmas involved in each. This presentation of subject matters in terms of a dilemma (was the suicide at Masada heroic or merely an act of despair?) indicates a more open-minded approach. All the curricula convey each subject matter in a diffuse way, mixing many patterns of knowledge such as philosophical texts (e.g., B. Russell, J.S. Mill), scientific writings (e.g., developmental psychology), ideological sources (e.g., Marxism), folklore {The Book of Enigmas), journalistic sources, and even semireligious traditional texts. That is, WSY seems to have built confusion into the curriculum. Consequently, instead of one-sided ideolo-

134

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

gies, several alternatives are presented and members can voluntarily choose among them. Ideas are transmitted in a more open way; a variety of techniques are used (discourse, simulation, role playing) based on informal elements such as moratorium, dualism, symmetry, and modularity. These methods are occasionally "improved" by professional ones (e.g., through group dynamics), which reduce the level of informality.6

12.6.3 The Scouts The contemporary Scouts' curriculum has come to have a pluralistic tone, perhaps more than any other youth movement. A variety of subject matters reflect several different political streams and opinions. In addition, the curriculum has become more informative and less evaluative than in the past. It continues to present different philosophies of life, but they appear now in a more eclectic way.7 The curriculum for the younger age groups (grades 4-6) deals with basic values, including such topics as tolerance, friendship, cooperation, the meaning of promises, war and peace, Israel in a generational perspective, mass communication, and environmental problems. Equally important, the subject matters are discussed in terms of personal commitment and performance {Program for the 4th-7th Grades, n.d., 1980s; Program for the 8th Grade, 1992). In the upper age groups (like in WSY) the curriculum has become more upto-date, and an attempt has been made to raise current events to the level of general issues while retaining the universalistic meaning of such issues. For instance, one pamphlet, which focuses on current problems of Israeli democracy, raises several general questions about the extent to which political competition and rotation are values per se and not solely instruments of democracy (Scouts on Politics for the 12th Grade, 1981). Subject matters are usually discussed from different points of view, pro and con (e.g., the advantages and disadvantages of democracy). In other pamphlets, the Scouts analyze democracy with respect to such issues as the need to establish a constitution in Israel, civil rights, and the rise of fundamentalist movements (Kahanism) in Israel. The subjects of civil disobedience, protest, and revolt are discussed as part of the issue of legitimate means of struggle in a democratic order (Democratic Zionism in the State of Israel, 1985). For instance, a current topic, such

The New Curricula

135

as the antidemocratic, violent protests of Kahanists, is raised to the level of principles (the means that are legitimate for protest in a democratic order) and then redirected to reality (analyzing other types of protest and conflict in Israeli society). Another example of the connection between "big" and "little" traditions is the discussion of military service in yet another pamphlet. On the one hand, the text is aimed at socialization for the transition from the school to military service, and raises general matters in reference to an actual context (From Khaki to Olive, 1981). On the other, there is a general debate as to whether the army can be considered "a value" in itself, or whether it is merely an asset or instrument. In the same way, the concept of "integrity" or "purity in the use of arms" is discussed. What is important is that these subjects gain relevance through being related to current events (e.g., incidents in which innocent Arabs were killed by the Israeli army, or in which innocent Jews were killed by Arabs). In regard to the problems of military service, basic values are discussed, such as humanism, hatred under conditions of war, and concepts of the enemy, heroism, voluntarism, and altruism. Topics of this sort are raised in various ways: through legends, fables, and idioms from the Bible and Talmud, as well as through modern stories and even simulations. The Scouts' curricula show a considerable effort to discuss values via specific material (characteristic of the traditional British Scouts' curriculum; Springhall, 1971,1977). For instance, one text uses the novel Zorba the Greek as a basis for discussing essential human values. In another, science fiction is used to raise issues about the future. In both cases, the aim is to give members a sense of broader meanings in life (The Taste of Life, n.d., late 1970s, for tenth graders). Another example shows how the movement's universal values are applied to concrete civic activity. This text discusses "the Scout mission" in developing towns, in which members help in education as well as social and cultural activities. The Scouts live in these towns for one or two years before army service, and provide a nucleus that helps the local people improve their own cultural and educational services (Signal of Calling, 1978, for eleventh graders). What is important is that the "deeds" are interpreted as a reflection of the "great" civic tradition of concern for humanity (The Struggle of Men for Freedom, n.d., mid-1980s, for ninth to eleventh graders). The Scouts movement treats Jewish national issues and identity in a universal way and mostly in comparison with other nations. Nationalism is por-

136

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

trayed both as something that adds meaning to life and as possibly containing the seeds of chauvinism and even fascism. Such issues are raised through analyses of Jewish history, heroic events and figures, national holidays, and current issues in Israel. The past is used in an analogous and critical way, but there is little attempt to relive it or use it as a direct guide for present and future action (it is different, as we shall see, in the National Religious and Rightist movements). Didactic methods are similar to those of WSY. That is, techniques are mainly informal, but with an added professional flavor.

12.6.4 Rightist Movements The secular rightist movements (Betar and Working National Youth) continue to emphasize Jewish topics, such as the Holocaust, the defense of Israel, the rise of fascism (in connection to anti-Semitism), the ideology of nationalistic leaders (Jabotinsky), and the concepts of homeland, nationhood, and Zionism. Such topics are covered more than in the other secular youth movements, but in an ideological or Utopian rather than transcendental (as in the religious movements) manner. The topics are usually presented in a onesided way, in accordance with the movements' basic ideology and in the context of the rise of nineteenth-century Western nationalism. As opposed to the classical era, contemporary curriculum is strongly anchored in concrete Israeli issues, particularly concerning the right to retain the territories conquered in the Six Day War. For instance, the idea of Greater Israel is presented as a "natural" right of the Jewish nation for self-determination, an issue whose legitimacy stems from ancient Jewish history. A few pages of text are still devoted to the importance of good manners (hadar), but not to general moral issues that were raised in the past. The relatively recent history of Israel is emphasized, often in a nostalgic way, in such subject matters as the underground liberation struggle against the British and the illegal immigration to Palestine in the prestate period. The issues are raised in an attempt to socialize members toward blind commitment to the notions of homeland, Greater Israel, and historical rights. AntiSemitism is presented as a justification for a militant approach both to the Arab-Israeli conflict and to Israel's international relations in general. These issues often appear in a rhetoric reminiscent of mass movements, aimed at

The New Curricula

137

evoking nationalistic emotions (Sources, Thoughts and Questions to Late Adolescents, n.d., mid-1980s; Working National Youth: Nationalism, 1977; Hadar: A Unified Symbol of Identification, 1980). Many parts of the new curricula of the right-wing youth movements have few universal elements and strong particularistic and affective elements. In didactic terms, topics are presented through group dynamics and mass persuasion, often in a one-sided way, greatly limiting alternative ways of thinking.

12.6.5 The National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) The contemporary curriculum of the National Religious movement emphasizes a return to Jewish Diaspora tradition as a means of nation-building, partially replacing its classical focus on Zionist ideology. In addition, there is an attempt to reconstruct the ancient Jewish past and to use it as a guideline for the present (see Tables 7 and 8). Moreover, the curriculum has become more religious in the sense that it places greater weight on rituals, prayers, and prohibitions than in the past, and presents religious authorities' decisions as obligatory, often superseding official state agencies and voluntary social bodies. In addition, the religious movement has revived traditional slogans, reinterpreting them in a political-ideological way and using them as guidelines for daily action. For instance, slogans such as the "Chosen People" or the "Promised Land" have been transformed, in some parts of the movement, into guidelines (or demands) for settlement in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. To a large extent, Zionist goals have become religious commands, actual tasks (e.g., settlement) have taken on a transcendental meaning, daily behavior has been ritualized in an obligatory way, and universalistic Jewish values have been interpreted in a particularistic manner. Along these lines, Bnei Akiva has bound together religion, nationhood, statehood, and territory (the Promised Land) into an inseparable ideology. One pamphlet, which is devoted to national events (Independence Day, Jerusalem Day, and Lag B'Omer, a traditional holiday), presents each as a national symbol with near-sacred meaning (Guidelines, 1981). For instance, Jerusalem is referred to as "a city of God." In the same way, various norms, patterns of behavior, and rituals are presented as obligatory commands that are not open to question. Topical issues, such as the status of ultra-Orthodox Jews,

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

138

Table 7: Informal Curricula of Israeli Youth Movements, 1990s: Comparison between the National Religious Movement (Bnei Akiva) and the Moderate Socialists (WSY), for the 11th Grade (Outline of Subject Matter)* Bnei Akiva ("Paths of Instruction," 1988)

WSY ("Forever a Human Being," 1990)

A) Judaism 1) Rabbi Kook (Ashkenazi chief rabbi in prestate period) 2) Tolerance 3) Sacred and secular 4) Rituals (mitzvot—religious duties) 5) Kook and the Holy Land

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

B) 1) 2) 3) 4)

Nationalism Judaism in the Diaspora Jewish identity Antisemitism The mutual commitment of Israel and the Diaspora Jews 5) American Jewry and their relationship to Israel 6) Soviet Jewry 7) Immigration and absorption

C) The State of Israel 1) Torah and the conception of work in traditional sources 2) Torah and work in practice 3) The settlement of Israel and cultivation of the soil 4) Work as a value 5) Social justice in the traditional sources 6) Patterns of settlement in Israel 7) The army settlement branch (Nahal) 8) The kibbutz D) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

Society: The Individual and the Collective Messages without words Characteristics of persons and social roles Cooperation and group structure Education Deviancy in society

7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) 20)

Interpersonal interaction Self-fulfilling prophecy Politics Arab-Israeli conflict Secularism Gestalts (concepts): interpersonal perceptions Obedience to authority Social cooperation The link between sovereignty and productivity The kibbutz in our time Human freedom Group cohesiveness My homeland The person who looks for meaning Communication under conditions of war Human feedback Bar Kochba rebellion Israeli society The idiosyncrasies of human beings as rational creatures Individualism and cooperation in the kibbutz

(continued on next page)

139

The New Curricula

Bnei Akiva ("Paths of Instruction," 1988)

WS Y ("Forever a Human Being," 1990)

E) Movement: Relationship between the Nation and the Land 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

The link between the nation and its land The meaning of the concept of belonging Gush Etzionb Biriac Be'erot Yitzhak"

a

In Bnei Akiva about 25 out of 30 subject matters (83%) are devoted to religious-nationalistic issues, whereas in WSY the rate is 2 out of 20 (10%). b Gush Etzion is a religious settlement that was conquered in the War of Independence by Jordan and returned to Israel during the Six Day War. It has become a symbol of settlement in the movement. c Biria is a settlement that serves as a symbol of the prestate struggle between the powers of the British Mandate and the Zionist settlement movement. d Be'erot Yitzhak is a religious settlement established by Bnei Akiva members. It is considered a symbol of the movement's settlement activity.

Table 8: Informal Curricular Texts of the National Religious Movement and the Moderate Socialists, Contemporary Period (in order of importance) National Religious (Bnei Akiva)

Moderate Socialists (WSY)

Religious texts (Rabbi Kook's writings) Traditional texts Journalistic texts Ideological texts

Journalistic texts Literary texts (e.g., S. Yizhar) Ideological texts (e.g., Kropotkin) Scientific texts Philosophical texts (e.g., Buber, Erich Fromm)

the role of mass commercial communication and propaganda, and surveys of public opinion on democracy and their social significance, are presented in one-sided interpretations that support the dominant ideology of the movement. This is in sharp contrast to the more open approach of the classical era. One of Bnei Akiva's recent pamphlets (Paths of Instruction, 1989) clearly exemplifies this tendency (see details in Table 7). For instance, a discussion

140

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

of the performance of religious commands (mitzvot), such as keeping the Sabbath or kashrut (dietary laws), begins with the question of why such rituals are important (a question first raised 150 years ago by Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch). At the end of the discussion there is a single answer, based on the writings of Rabbi Kook (the first chief rabbi in Mandatory Palestine), according to which a human being cannot understand the spiritual purity of God but can approach it by performing mitzvot. The curriculum is a mixture of transcendental and pragmatic trends, approaching what characterizes the beliefs of religious sects (see Wilson, 1970a). This includes three basic components: an orthodox element, which conforms to the tradition as it is interpreted and represented by official authorities (rabbis); a transcendental, messianic aspect, by which events from the past and "otherworldly" aspirations become this-worldly sacred goals; and a component of sacredness, which justifies the attainment of goals by any means (see N. Cohen, 1970). This change in meaning has led the religious youth movement to transform informal methods (games, discourses) into group dynamics, primary-group pressures, and similar methods of forging strong value commitments. An example is the strict instructions for organizing a public mock trial, appearing in a 1987 Bnei Akiva manual: Goal:

To provide an opportunity to experience the dilemmas involved in

decisionmaking. Directions: a) A suitable issue for public mock trial is chosen, such as a local branch issue concerning an event or issue that has made the headlines in Israel. b) Judges, lawyers, prosecutors, and witnesses are chosen in advance, and the latter three must prepare their cases well ahead of time. c) The court rules are determined in advance: whether the spectators can participate and if so, when, and the trial procedures. d) The trial is held according to the rules established (it is possible to bring specialists as witnesses or guests from outside the branch to participate). (The Book of Activities, 1987)

Nevertheless, there are still many internal debates and clashes concerning the "right" path for the movement to take (see reports in Hatsofe and Zraim, the newspapers of the National Religious Party and of Bnei Akiva, respectively). An example from Ezra, a non-Zionist, Orthodox youth movement in which religious elements fully dominate civic and national beliefs, highlights the

Conclusions

141

role of religious elements in negating aspects of the informal code. This youth movement, which is considered relatively moderate among non-Zionist religious circles, emphasizes four subjects: the "great tradition" of the Talmud, presented in ancient idioms; transcendental aspects of religion, expressed in terms of obedience to God's will and His representatives in this world (the rabbis); Jewish heroism, emphasized through historical episodes and legends, and interpreted as martyrdom for the sake of God; and modern episodes, which are connected to Jewish history (such as the Holocaust and illegal prestate immigration) and usually transformed into sacred subjects (Who Can Retell?, 1985; Pamphlet for the Youth Leader, 1981). A unique topic in the curriculum treats the issue of the very survival of Judaism: the danger of conversion, assimilation, and secularization, issues that are cloaked in historical terms, such as the conflict between Greek Hellenistic and Jewish cultures in the Second Temple period. At other times, Jewish values are presented in a universal way as general human values ("Do unto others..."). In recent years, Talmudic values have often been used to support a highly nationalistic approach. Ezra also uses some modern subject matters, giving them a particularistic religious meaning and applying them to contemporary issues (e.g., conflict between the religious and secular sectors). The contents of its curriculum are expressed largely in strict traditional terms, which, together with its ritualistic flavor, limits informal discourse. On the whole, the new curricula of the religious movements are a fusion of traditional religious and modern nationalistic approaches. The subject matters appear in ritualistic superlatives, often as religious commands for daily behavior. The ostensibly "open" questions (e.g., why do we need mitzvot) appear, in fact, to be mainly rhetorical. Accordingly, the methods of transmission are largely based on those typical of primary groups rather than informal ones.

12.7

Conclusions

On the basis of the Israeli case, informal curriculum can be viewed as a hermeneutic framework that can create deep experience that influences young people's ideas and behavior. The power of such curricula derives from their informal context, which maximizes freedom and spontaneity. Youth movement curricula in Israel have shown both continuity and change. In their classical curricula, the youth movements dealt with "great" traditions

142

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

and translated them into daily behavior. Basically, they emphasized values related to human beings in general, Utopian aspirations, social justice, and nationhood. These values were transformed in the curriculum into discussions as well as practical tasks and activities. Since the mid-1960s, emphasis has moved somewhat to "little" day-to-day issues and problems. Furthermore, whereas in the past the curricula combined different types of knowledge that were integrated by ideological emphasis, today the ideological approach has become diluted (with the exception of the religious and rightist movements) by other kinds of knowledge (e.g., science and philosophy). The rightist and religious movements have added increasingly emotional elements. Their curricula are heavily based on transcendental and/or primordial assumptions. Consequently, these movements have become more particularistic, deterministic, and closed-minded. They make strong attempts to transform the past into the present and myths into reality. On the other hand, in the leftist and centrist movements the universalistic assumptions remain strong but some have lost their "great" humanistic basis, as the curricula have come to focus on current events. In other words, whereas the rightist and religious movements' curricula have become less open, more deterministic, and less universalistic, those of the leftist and centrist movements have become more open, less deterministic, and even anarchistic. These changes are related to an evolution in didactic approaches. In the rightist and religious movements, primary-group pressures have been strengthened at the expense of informal methods. The most dramatic change has occurred in the religious movements, where informal methods have become largely subordinate to strict religious ones. Open discussions are still held, but because of the strengthening of group dynamics the emphasis has shifted to conformity and indoctrination. Although this trend may have created devoted, missionary masses, at least in the short run, it has also constructed a fixed interpretation of reality, which hardly provides a framework for coping with rapidly changing postmodern conditions. In contrast, in the leftist and centrist movements the more open curricula have provided less and less ideological direction. They have institutionalized dilemmic patterns of discussion that include many-sided messages, often resulting in chaotic discussions and the development of unsystematic ways of thinking. This has been somewhat mitigated by the introduction of professional knowledge. The result has been a diminished ability to provide an arena

143

Appendix

for intellectual and philosophical dialogue. Although the new curricula have somewhat increased ideological flexibility, they have probably also led to a reduction in value commitments. These curricular changes reflect several changes in Israeli society. First, increased educational, economic, and political opportunities and the country's rapidly changing social environment have made some parts of the classical curricula irrelevant to the new reality and have also strengthened the forces that seek to transform it. Second, the rise of mass communication has created popular alternatives to the ideological curricula of the youth movements and forced the movements to take pop culture into account and partially adopt its style. Third, the interests of individual members have changed: they concentrate on coping with their "little" existential problems rather than on solving "big" societal ones. Finally, the basic paradigms of the informal curricula have exhausted much of their potential; they have been changed, to a degree, in an effort to absorb new subject matters. However, the vested interests of youth leaders have often made it difficult for the movements to break through their "classical" boundaries. This limited ability to respond to new developments has opened the way to many informal alternatives outside of the youth movements.

Appendix 12-1. Selected List of Curricular Texts of the Youth Movements in Israel (total number analyzed: 377 texts of 14 movements) "Classical" Period (1940s to mid-1960s)* LEFTIST SOCIALISTS (Young Guard) Anthropology (1950) Concept and Values (1950) Political Debates (1950) Geography (n.d., 1950s) The Knowledge of the World (1956) The Knowledge of the Nation (1957) The Court (1950) *Some of these texts are modifications of earlier texts; others have been modified themselves and reused.

144

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

Him and Her (n.d., early 1960s) The Pioneer (1956) The Nomad in the Diaspora (1954) Colonial Youth (1957) Youth Position (1956) Holocaust: The Rebellions in the Ghettos (1951) The State of Israel and Its Problems (n.d.) Camping (1953) Political Parties in Israel (n.d., early 1960s) The Canon of the Movement (1950) MODERATE SOCIALISTS (WSY) The First of May (n.d„ 1950s) The Path of Freedom (n.d., 1950s) In Masada and the Negev (n.d., 1950s) Heroism and Children's Heroism (1953) The Arab Village (1950) The Diaspora (1938) Democratic Socialism (1961) Independence Day (n.d., 1950s) Children in Israel and in the World (1950) Seamen (n.d., 1950s) Work, Defense and Peace (1962) The Encounter between Generations (1961) Youthfulness (n.d., early 1960s) Scouting (1961) Chapters on Citizenship (n.d., early 1960s) Chapters on the History of Regimes (1954) The Labor Organization in Israel (1957) THE SCOUTS Forty Years of Scouting (n.d., 1950s) Scouting Education (n.d., 1950s) The State and Its Environment (n.d., 1950s) Camping (n.d., 1950s) The Laws of the Scouts (n.d., 1950s) The Education of the Person for Social Life (n.d., 1950s) Proposals for Intellectual Sessions (1952)

Appendix

145

NATIONAL RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT (Bnei Akiva) Citizenship (n.d., 1950s) Between Person and Friend (n.d., 1950s) The Children of the Desert (1957) A Page of a Journey (n.d., 1950s) The Belief in God (n.d., 1950s) We Are Coming (1956) The Movement (n.d., 1950s) Principles of Economics (n.d., 1950s) The Conquerors of Canaan (1952) From Slavery to Freedom (n.d., 1950s) RIGHTIST MOVEMENT (Betar) Holidays (various texts, 1950s) The Principles of Judaism (1957) Principles of Education (1957) Progress (1959) The History of the National Military Organization (Etzel) (1956) Contemporary Period (1965-1992) LEFTIST SOCIALISTS (Young Guard) An Experimental Program (n.d., 1970s) Friendship (n.d., 1980s) Our Relationship to Israel (1983) Our Relationship to the Nation and the Land (n.d., 1980s) MODERATE SOCIALISTS (WSY) Forever a Human Being: A Multilevel Curriculum for Young Members (1990) Forever a Human Being: A Multilevel Curriculum for the 11th Grade (1990) The Indians (1980) THE SCOUTS From Khaki to Olive (1981) The Taste of Life (n.d., 1970s) Signal of Calling (1978) The Struggle of Men for Freedom (n.d., 1980s) Democratic Zionism in the State of Israel (1985)

Informal Knowledge and Curricula

146

RIGHTIST MOVEMENTS (Betar and Working National Youth) Sources, Thoughts and Questions for Late Adolescents (n.d., 1980s) Nationalism (1977) Hadar: A Unified Symbol of Identification (1980) N A T I O N A L RELIGIOUS M O V E M E N T (Bnei Akiva) Guidelines (1981) Paths of Instruction (1989) Book of Activities (1987) Who Can Retell? (1985) Pamphlet for the Youth Leader (1981)

Notes 1

2 3 4

5 6

7

Informal knowledge is often used in uncertain and risky situations (e.g., adventures). It has also been used as a flexible resource in protest movements, modern religious movements, and postmodern art schools. Even scientific and philosophical innovations can often be better understood in terms of informality when chaotic knowledge is studied. For instance, the Western curriculum often aroused waves of nationalistic feeling in Third World countries (Kahane, 1982). On the written expression of oral language, see Ong (1982, Ch. 3). On the classical example in ancient Greek society, see Dodds (1951). All the other youth movements also have their own uniforms and insignia, but they mainly serve for identification, determining the boundaries between the movements rather than having ritualistic meaning. This argument challenges Bell's (1962) claim of overall ideological decline in the modern period. This curriculum is very similar to that of another socialistic youth movement, the Rising Camps (Hamahanot Haolim) (Pamphlet of the Central Council of the Hamahanot Haolim Movement, 1980). For an evaluation of the Scouts' curriculum in recent years, see Prawer (1977).

13

Moratorium in Three Socialization Agencies: A Comparative View1

In most societies, youth in their stage of transition to adulthood are allowed a certain temporary moratorium on common obligations and normative behavior (Erikson, 1956). But it is only in postmodern societies, where uncertainties and cultural discontinuity are built in, that moratorium becomes deritualized and extends to almost every sphere of life. Furthermore, the extension of moratorium makes its boundaries with permissiveness, deviancy, and even delinquency quite vague. This makes moratorium a very risky arrangement. Its pattern as it appears in different social agencies may influence processes of identity formation and the whole way in which young people face reality. This chapter will examine the role of moratorium in three socialization agencies. Each agency may have its own unique pattern of moratorium. By comparing profiles of specific agencies, we can better understand the transitional process of young people and their potential to develop their authenticity. The study reported here compares Israeli adolescents' perceptions of the level of moratorium in three agencies: the youth movement, the school, and the family.

13.1

The Definition of Moratorium

Moratorium is a major component of the code of informality. According to Erikson's (1956,1968,1977) psychosocial definition, moratorium is a period of delay before assuming adult obligations, a state in which young people can freely experiment before committing themselves to any particular values. Here, we expand Erikson's concept by assuming that moratorium allows free role experimentation, trial and error, and even deviancy in normative terms within wide but well-defined boundaries.2 On this basis, we define moratorium as comprising the following five facets:

148

Moratorium in Three Socialization Agencies

a. Freedom to experiment: institutionalized opportunities to try out alternative behavioral patterns, rules, and roles b. Lenient control, the disconnection of behavior from sanctions, so that experimentation is not accompanied by direct punishments or rewards c. Limited responsibility, legitimate opportunities to take actions without being fully responsible for their results d. Extended rights: a broad spectrum of extra rights (or privileges), beyond what is considered normal e. Suspended obligations: temporary postponement of full social obligations The combination of these facets creates profiles of moratorium, allowing us to assess moratorium in various socialization agencies. Israeli society offers a useful context for research on moratorium. From its very beginning it was organized as a voluntary society (Eisenstadt, 1967), where most socialization agencies were informal in their structures and methods (Kahane, 1986b). The family, the youth movement and, to a considerable extent, the school operated largely as informal agencies (Adler, 1962; Dror, 1990; Halperin, 1970; Reshef, 1985; Shapira, 1970; Spiro, 1965). The essence of their informality lay in their broad boundaries and the opportunities they provided for trial and error and for improvisation (i.e., moratorium). In prestate Israel, these informal characteristics were helpful in socializing young people. As a stateless society, operating under heavy economic pressures, uncertainty, and poor security conditions, the informal elements in these agencies provided a sense of order on the one hand, and the sense of freedom necessary to mobilize commitments on the other (Kahane, 1986b). The study reported here examines the extent to which Israeli society has preserved these informal characteristics or their equivalents.

13.2

The Research

The sample of 220 eighth to tenth graders was drawn from the members of a large secular youth movement in Israel (the Scouts), which recruits mainly middle-class adolescents.3 Data were obtained (in 1985) during a five-day overnight camp run by the Scouts. A large number of neighborhood troops attended the camp as part of their annual program. Eight of the participating

149

The Research

troops were randomly sampled and members of each received the questionnaire shortly after their arrival. The questionnaire consisted of a measure of the facets of moratorium outlined above. Each facet was formulated as a question in which subjects were asked to rank the three agencies—school, family, and youth movement—in terms of where they experienced that facet to a greater (or lesser) extent, that is, where they had more freedom, less control, more obligations, and so on. Five independent sets of ranks were obtained. A score of 1 indicated a choice of the first rank. Table 9, which presents the distribution of the rankings assigned for each facet of moratorium, shows that more than half the subjects ranked the family first for all five.4 Most striking is the large percentage (82%) who said that rights are provided the most by the family. The youth movement received second ranking in all facets except suspended obligations (where it came in third at 58%). For instance, a full 71% ranked it between the family and the school with respect to the provision of rights. Finally, more than three-quarters of the adolescents ranked the school third on most facets (e.g., more than 80% believed the school provided the smallest extent of both rights and freedom). The facet of suspended obligations was a notable exception, with 41% ranking the school first. Table 9: Frequency Distribution of Ranks Assigned to Each Agency, for Five Facets of Moratorium (N=220) Facets

Freedom to Experiment

Lenient Control

Limited Extended Responsibility Rights

Suspended Obligations

Rank

1

1 2 3

1 2 3

Family

M

.28 .08

.52 .34 .09

.52 .34 .13

.22 -16 .02 .42 .37 .13

Movement

.35 .52 .06

.37 ,5Q .13

.33 .22 -30

.18 .71 .11

School

.01

.07 .16 .27

.15 .30 .55

-03 .13 .25 -41 .32 .28

Agency/ 2

3

1

2

3

1

2

3

Youth

.13 .86

.12.30

,5£

150

Moratorium in Three Socialization Agencies

Figure 1 displays the three profiles of moratorium, obtained by calculating the proportion of subjects who assigned first rank to each agency per facet. The data show that the school was overwhelmingly ranked low, whereas the profiles of moratorium are high for both the youth movement and the family. The position of the youth movement in between the school and family is particularly salient, as is the polarization between the school and the family regarding the facets of rights and freedom.

Experiment Figure 1:

Control

Responsibility

Rights

Obligations

Proportion of First Ranks Assigned to the Three Agencies by Indicator

On the most general level, the findings show that each socialization agency has a different profile of moratorium. In this regard, they are consistent with studies claiming that socialization agencies in the modern era have undergone processes of institutional differentiation (Gecas, 1981; Musgrove, 1966).5 The family is perceived as granting more freedom and rights, exerting less control, suspending obligations, and limiting responsibility more than the other two agencies. The school, in contrast, appears to grant less freedom and rights, but surprisingly suspends obligations to a considerable degree. Finally, the pattern that emerges for the Israeli youth movement is in between that of the

The Research

151

family and the school, but closer to the former. It is largely perceived as providing more freedom and less control than the school, though to a lesser degree than the family. The exception is the ranking of suspended obligations. We suspect that the relatively strong suspension of obligations in the school is related to the conception of adolescents as childish and hence not required to assume adult responsibilities. In the family, expected performance of household chores may help explain the somewhat low ranking of this facet. In contrast, it seems that the youth movement is less willing to suspend responsibilities and obligations because this agency regards young people as autonomous, full human beings. The Israeli context somewhat resembles a laboratory case that can explain changes over time in the profile of moratorium. Increasing complexity and economic development in Israeli society have induced the school to emphasize professional knowledge and so to become less moratoric. On the other hand, the same conditions have made the family less relevant and enabled it to become more moratoric. The school's consistently low profile of moratorium may be ascribed to an increasing demand for expertise and academic achievement, which makes informality too "costly." In this sense, contemporary Israeli schools are similar to their counterparts in the West (Musgrove, 1966; Shipman, 1967; Stinchcomb, 1964; Waller, 1965cl932). The shrinking responsibilities of the family, on the other hand (reflecting the transfer of educational functions to the public realm), lead to the strengthening of moratorium. However, in this context moratorium may become so strong that it can easily turn into permissiveness.6 The youth movement, despite the development of competing, highly moratoric settings such as the discotheque, has maintained a moderate level of moratorium, in which the balance between rights and obligations is preserved. In sum, moratorium is a social arrangement in which young people, through trial and error, can select and construct their concepts and behavior. In modern society, where uncertainty is high, such an arrangement increases young people's flexibility and enables them to adjust to rapid change and even to invent change. Paradoxically, granting opportunities to err and deviate eventually reinforces not only the inventive capacity of young people but also their normative behavior. It seems that moratorium is likely to develop under conditions that are serious and even risky up to a certain threshold, but not so much as to endanger

152

Moratorium in Three Socialization Agencies

lives or future careers. Overly dangerous activities cannot be moratoric, since the costs hamper the freedom to experiment; nor can situations in which there are no risks and costs at all. It is only in situations of a middle ground of risk, where dangers are limited, that moratorium can fully develop. Informality is most likely to provide such a context. It seems that in postmodern society, moratorium appears as a permanent arrangement that does not vanish in the transition from youth to adulthood but continues, with infinite modifications, over the entire life cycle.7 The expansion of "young" cultures across generations may be one of the most notable of these modifications (Brake, 1985; Hebdige, 1979).

Notes 1 This chapter is based on Rapoport (1988). 2 Nonmoratoric situations may not necessarily be correlated with authoritarianism (Adorno et al„ 1950). 3 Sixty percent of respondents were females. The vast majority (80 percent) came from middle-class families of Western origin with a high socioeconomic status; 84 percent of the parents had a high school education or higher; and 76 percent of the fathers were professional or white-collar workers. 4 No gender or age differences were found in the rankings of the three agencies. 5 Studies conducted both in Japan (Rising Younger Generation, 1983) and Europe (The Young Europeans, 1982) suggest a similar trend. A longitudinal analysis of data gathered in Germany (Shell Report, 1985) suggests a shift in socialization patterns from stricter to more lenient ones. 6 Moratorium should not be confused with the current tendency of major socialization agencies to increase permissiveness and to use less coercive socialization methods—a tendency that has been reinforced by the social climate and promoted by mass media (Gillis, 1974; Meyrowitz, 1984; Sommerville, 1982). In permissive situations, the tension between boundless freedom and strict control that is institutionalized in moratorium is lacking (Neill, 1960; Postman and Weingartner, 1971). 7 Moratorium appears in a variety of forms and degrees in different societies and regimes (Bronfenbrenner, 1972).

14

Informal Agencies of Socialization and Role Development

14.1

Role Development Contexts

Adolescence is a period of intensive role development during which young people gradually change, extend, and refine their role repertoire and responsibilities (Coleman, 1986; Erikson, 1977; Foner and Kertzer, 1978; Gordon, 1972; Rapoport and Barnett, 1986). This discarding of old orientations and formation of new ones—a complicated process in any society—has become especially intricate in rapidly changing industrial societies. Adolescents in such societies have to learn to perform a variety of roles that often clash with one another. They have to invent corporate role sets composed of varied and often contradictory subroles and orientations (Coleman, 1990). Depending on their structural characteristics, socialization agencies (family, school, youth movements) can either enhance or impede this delicate process of role development. However, few attempts have been made to relate structural characteristics to patterns of role development. In this chapter we try to bridge this gap by analyzing, through empirical evidence, how informal frameworks influence role conversion and formation among adolescents. We also discuss the extent to which socialization contexts extend and develop young people's role repertoire. Socialization agencies are usually considered an important setting for maturation (the transition from childhood to adulthood). Those agencies that promote maturation have been described in vague terms, mainly by psychologists, as primary groups (Dunphy, 1963; Lewin, 1948; Seltzer, 1982) based on an "equal footing" that increase universalistic orientations (Kohlberg, 1964; Piaget, 1965). The development of maturation processes has also been ascribed to social contexts that allow for moratorium (J. Davis, 1990; Erikson, 1968; Gordon, 1972; Simon, 1991). The maturation process itself has been

154

Informal Agencies of Socialization

described in terms of the adolescent's increasing duties and rights rather than with respect to role development. Sociologists and anthropologists assume that age groups, rites of passage, and youth cultures facilitate what they call status transition and role passage (Adler, 1962; J. Davis, 1990; Eisenstadt, 1971; Glaser and Strauss, 1971; Mayer, 1970; Van Gennep, 1960), but have not elaborated on the structure of these age groups and youth cultures, nor have they explained the concept of role passage. We hypothesize that it is the structural code of a given group or socialization agency that determines its capacity to faciliate maturation processes in terms of role development. Informal agencies are unique in that they offer openended options and opportunities for trial and error, allowing adolescents to choose their own path, on their own terms, with little adult guidance. More specifically, we suggest that informal socialization agencies have the potential to encourage role development in three directions: (a) adolescents master an increasing number of roles; (b) they familiarize themselves with an increasing number of types of roles; and (c) they differentiate between roles according to their main orientations (e.g., achievement vs. ascription) and institutional spheres (e.g., economic vs. familial). We have, accordingly, formulated one central hypothesis: the higher the level of informality in a youth organization, the greater the role development of participants, and the longer this impact lasts. To test this hypothesis, the following longitudinal study was conducted.

14.2

The Research

Six residential summer camps in Israel, lasting three weeks, were randomly chosen to serve as a quasi-experimental laboratory for testing our hypothesis. Of these camps, three were designated as the experimental group and three as the control group. Invitations to participate were distributed among young people aged 14-16 who study in comprehensive schools in development towns.1 After registration, participants were randomly assigned to one of the six camps by the Youth Division of the Ministry of Education and Culture.2 The two groups of camps differed widely in their basic design. The programs for the experimental camps were developed by specially trained university students (who also served as the camp counselors), in a conscious effort to translate the abstract formulation of the informal code (elaborated in

The Research

155

Chapter 2) into concrete activities. At the same time, the planning of these activities aimed at merely outlining the general content and procedures so that the program would be open to on-the-spot changes by campers and staff alike. The program for the three control group camps, in contrast, was officially prescribed by the Ministry of Education and Culture, which designated routine tasks and the contents and scheduling of activities. The camp counselors, who were professional youth workers employed by the Youth Division all year round, had no part in planning the camp activities. Along similar lines, the objectives of the experimental camps were loosely defined, whereas the control camps rigidly defined the anticipated outcomes. Generally, the former group approximated an organization based on decentralized authority and spontaneity, whereas the latter tended to be based on centralized authority and rigid planning. Although both groups of camps encompassed the same five spheres of activity—cultural programs (e.g., dancing, singing, creative drama), arts and crafts, social activities (e.g., parties, hikes, games), sports, and instructional activities (e.g., lectures and discussions)—they differed substantially in their structure. The experimental camps had a strong component of duality (the combination of cooperation and competition) and symmetry (balanced reciprocity between participants and between them and the staff). Furthermore, activities were moratoric in that they gave campers the opportunity to gradually become familiar with and experience roles from many different perspectives. More specifically, the campers progressed from acting out roles in simulated, "protected" settings to performing them in real situations under supervision, to performing them autonomously in a real-life setting, confronting all the demands and responsibilities involved. In the first stage, campers acted out selected roles, such as that of a bus driver or a neighbor. The "bus driver" acted as if he was driving, selling tickets to passengers, or giving passengers information. The other campers in the group then provided feedback on the actor's conception of the role. The campers next observed a professional actor who performed that same role (e.g., by riding in a bus with a bus driver, accompanying a policewoman on her beat). After observing the adult's social interactions, the camper interviewed the adult and then recounted his or her experiences to fellow campers. In the second stage, the campers were presented with various settings, such as an employment office (a service institution), an army base (a compulsory military institution), a civil guard station (a voluntary military institution),

156

Informal Agencies of Socialization

and a teahouse (a social institution in which to spend leisure time). In each case the campers met with employees of these institutions. Then, in a simulation, they were expected to assume specific responsibilities within the context of that framework (e.g., to be a waitress). In the last stage, the campers were asked to plan, by themselves, a socialcultural event for disadvantaged children in a given neighborhood. Having decided, for example, to run a carnival, they became responsible for promoting it by contacting public officials, parents, and children and for coordinating the programming. This stage was the culmination of the first two stages. The control camps, in contrast, were run in a routine way that offered no opportunities for participants to propose or implement changes. Relations between the campers were alternately based on cooperation and group pressures, but the relationship between campers and staff was distant and hierarchical. A major part of the program consisted of group activities in which the professionally oriented staff taught participants how to perform certain tasks (e.g., how to shape a ceramic vase) and lectured on various topics. Two and a half hours each morning and another two hours each afternoon were devoted to arts and crafts and instructional activities, during which the emphasis was on technical aspects of performance. Campers were encouraged to conspicuously demonstrate immediate gains to their fellow campers and to official visitors to the camps. Other activities included free, unplanned discussions, and recreational activities, such as swimming, two planned hikes, a campwide athletic competition, and a few semiprofessional performances. The staff considered these activities to be unimportant or extracurricular, and they often culminated in discipline problems. Although campers were given the opportunity to criticize the activities, and labeled some of them "childish" and boring, they had little power to initiate a more serious and interesting program. In general, the control camps were described by the participant observers either as being conducted similarly to school or as settings with a high degree of anomie and disorder.

14.2.1 Measuring Informality A partially structured questionnaire (see Appendix 14-1) was used to collect data on five of the informal components—moratorium, dualism, symmetry, multiplexity, and expressive instrumentalism. Two components, voluntarism

The Research

157

and pragmatic symbolism, were assumed to be constant in both groups, because all of the participants voluntarily chose to attend the camps and were free to leave as they wished, and all of the camps were officially based on the same symbolic system. Data were collected by six resident university students (one per camp) who were experienced in leading informal youth groups. All six had attended a five-day seminar on the informal code and had gained experience as participant observers at camps held earlier that same summer. During the one-day review session that preceded the opening of the camps, these students received feedback on their earlier use of the questionnaire so as to improve their observation skills. The observers described each activity not only in terms of the five informal components, but also in terms of their content and the pedagogical methods used therein. The observers did not know whether they were in an experimental or a control camp. The unit of observation was an activity taking place at a scheduled time within each camp. A sample of 283 activities were observed—171 in the experimental group and 112 in the control group—constituting 80 percent of all camp activities during the three weeks. The sample consisted of clusters of the five spheres of activities selected according to their relative weight in the overall camp program. Four research assistants (students who had become familiar with the model while attending a course on informal organizations during the academic year), who were unaware of the division into experimental and control groups, then coded the observations, assigning a score for each of the five components in each activity, based on a three-point Likert scale.3

14.2.2 Measuring Role Development Role development was assessed by means of a questionnaire administered to campers.4 The questionnaire focused on three variables (see Appendix 14-2): 1. Role Scope (RS): the number of roles a subject can write down in a particular time interval. This indicator was based on a direct question: "List all the roles you are familiar with and can think of." 2. Role Types (RT): the number of types of roles per subject. This measure was obtained by classifying the roles listed by subjects in response to Question 1 into six status levels (ranging from high to low in terms of years of

158

Informal Agencies of Socialization

schooling and income level) and eight occupational spheres (e.g., commerce, management, etc.), after Roe's (1962) classification. The highest possible score was 48. 3. Role Aspects (RA): the number of role orientations listed as characterizing a specific role (technical and normative). Technical aspects refer to methods and procedures of performing roles; normative aspects refer to universalistic or particularistic orientations of role performance.5 The score for this indicator was based on two questions: the first asked subjects to describe how they would perform a self-selected role ("Write everything that you would pay attention to"), and the second asked how they would convince others that they could perform it successfully. The higher the scores for each of the three variables, the higher the level of role development.6

14.2.3 The Approach A factorial research design was used, entailing short-term and longitudinal comparisons of the impact of experimental and control groups on role development. Three phases were studied: the pretest, the posttest, and a follow-up conducted nine months after the conclusion of the camps. In the follow-up phase, random samples of both the experimental and control subjects (half of each group) and an additional group of nonparticipants were tested. Data were analyzed by Multiple Analyses of Variance (MANOVA), using Hottelings's trace criterion test (Tatsuoka, 1971). Tests of significance were carried out in the posttest and follow-up phases. Posttest data, which measured short-term effects, were computed by analysis of covariance, with the pretest scores serving as a covariate. In the follow-up, Duncan's Multiple Range Test (Duncan, 1953) was used in a post-hoc comparison of results for the three groups.

14.2.4 Informality Levels Table 10 reveals a highly significant difference in overall level of informality between the experimental and control groups (F=23.41, p