The Old French Chronicle of Morea: An Account of Frankish Greece after the Fourth Crusade [1 ed.] 0754631524, 9780754631521

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Crusade Texts in Translation Volume 28 About the volume Preserved in a unique fourteenth-century manuscript, the Old French version of the Chronicle of Morea is a contemporary account of Frankish feudal life transposed onto foreign soil. It describes clashes, conquests, and ransoms between the Franks and Byzantines, as well as their alliances and arranged marriages. The Chronicle of Morea brims with anecdotes giving insight into the operation of feudal justice, the role of noble women in feudal society, the practice of chivalry, and the conduct of warfare. This is the first translation into English. About the series The crusading movement, which originated in the 11th century and lasted beyond the 16th, bequeathed to its future historians a legacy of sources which are unrivalled in their range and variety. These sources document in fascinating detail the motivations and viewpoints, military efforts and spiritual lives of the participants in the crusades. They also narrate the internal histories of the states and societies which crusaders established or supported in the many regions where they fought, as well as those of their opponents. Some of these sources have been translated in the past but the vast majority have been available only in their original language. The goal of this series is to provide a wide ranging corpus of texts, most of them translated for the first time, which will illuminate the history of the crusades and the crusader-states from every angle, including that of their principal adversaries, the Muslim powers of the Middle East. About the translators Dr Anne Van Arsdall is a research associate with the Institute for Medieval Studies, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, USA Dr Helen Moody is an independent scholar, specializing in literary history.

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The Old French Chronicle of Morea

Crusade Texts in Translation Editorial Board Malcolm Barber (Reading), Peter Edbury (Cardiff), Bernard Hamilton (Nottingham), Norman Housley (Leicester), Peter Jackson (Keele) Titles in the series include Mary Fisher The Chronicle of Prussia by Nicolaus von Jeroschin A History of the Teutonic Knights in Prussia, 1190–1331 Peter Lock Marino Sanudo Torsello, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis Susan B. Edgington and Carol Sweetenham The Chanson d’Antioche An Old French Account of the First Crusade Denys Pringle Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 1187–1291 Carol Sweetenham Robert the Monk’s History of the First Crusade Historia Iherosolimitana Damian J. Smith and Helena Buffery The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon A Translation of the Medieval Catalan Llibre dels Fets Martin Hall and Jonathan Phillips Caffaro, Genoa and the Twelfth-Century Crusades Keagan Brewer Prester John: The Legend and its Sources

The Old French Chronicle of Morea

An Account of Frankish Greece after the Fourth Crusade

Translated by

Anne Van ArsdaLl University of New Mexico, USA and

Helen Moody Independent Scholar

© Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the translators of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East 110 Cherry Street Union Road Suite 3-1 Farnham Burlington, VT 05401-3818 Surrey, GU9 7PT USA England www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chronicle of Morea. English. The Old French Chronicle of Morea: An Account of Frankish Greece after the Fourth Crusade / translated by Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody. pages cm. – (Crusade Texts in Translation ; 28) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Achaia (Greece) – History. I. Van Arsdall, Anne, 1939- translator. II. Moody, Helen, translator. III. Title. DF623.C48127 2015 949.5’02 – dc23 2015020318

ISBN: 9780754631521 (hbk) ISBN: 9781472473868 (ebk-PDF) ISBN: 9781472473875 (ebk-ePUB)

Contents List of Figures  

vii

Acknowledgements  

xiii

Introduction  

1

Historical Timeline  

27

Glossary  

35

The Old French Chronicle of Morea  

43

Chronological Table of the Chronicle of Morea43 The Book of the Conquest of Constantinople and the Principality of Morea 45 The First Crusade 45 The Fourth Crusade 46 The Conquest of Morea 57 Geoffrey I and Geoffrey II of Villehardouin, Princes of Morea 68 William of Villehardouin Becomes Prince of Morea 71 Prince William Becomes a Vassal of King Charles I of Naples 111 Isabelle of Villehardouin Regains the Principality and Marries Florent 135 Princess Isabelle and Prince Philip of Savoy Reign Together in Morea  178 Bibliography  

209

Annotated Index of Persons and Places  

215

List of Unnamed Women  

253

Topical Index  

257

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List of Figures

1

Villehardouin family tree

viii

2

Map of Europe ca 1204 and the route of the Fourth Crusade

3

Map of Greece at the time of the Chronicle of Moreax

4

Map of the principality of Morea

ix

xi

Map 1

An overview of Europe and Byzantium at the time of the Fourth Crusade, ca 1200–1204, indicating the route taken by the main crusader host in its diversion to Constantinople. Regions and cities shown are keyed to places mentioned in the French version of the Chronicle of Morea. Map by Robby Poore; used with permission of the artist.

Map 2

Principal cities and regions in Italy, Greece, and the Byzantine Empire at the time covered in the Chronicle of Morea. Borders and regions changed hands constantly from 1204 onward, as endless and complex power struggles unfolded over decades. Map by Robby Poore; used with permission of the artist.

Map 3

Detailed view of the principality of Morea, sometimes called Achaia, during the time covered by the Chronicle of Morea, showing the major towns, castles, regions, and rivers mentioned in the work. Map by Robby Poore; used with permission of the artist.

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Acknowledgements Several institutions and individuals have our thanks for help and support throughout this project, including the Institute for Medieval Studies at the University of New Mexico (Dr Timothy Graham, Director) and the Department of History, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Professor W. Fitzhugh Brundage, chair). We thank the staff at several libraries: Dr Michiel Verweij, Cabinet of Manuscripts, Royal Library of Belgium, as well as Pascal Trousse and others at the manuscript reading room; UNM’s Zimmerman Library; the Albuquerque Bernalillo County Library and the Corrales Community Library for help with interlibrary loans, microfilm readers, and other needs; and Davis Library, UNC-Chapel Hill. Dr John Smedley, Ashgate Publishing Ltd, shepherded this project patiently, and we greatly appreciate his advice and support over the years. We are grateful to Andrew Dawes for his careful, patient work proofreading the manuscript and to KirstenWeissenberg, senior editor at Ashgate, for transforming the manuscript into a polished document. Many thanks to Professor Bernard Hamilton, who reviewed the draft and answered our many questions on points of history and translation. His clarifying corrections and advice improved the manuscript. We thank as well Richard Borthwick for help with manuscript preparation, including the creation of the Villehardouin family tree; Martine Edwards for timely help with manuscript preparation; Dr Kristian Molin for access to his early draft translation of the first 325 paragraphs of the Chronicle; Robby Poore for creating the three maps contained in this volume; and Dr Edward Steidle, Stanford University, for untangling medieval Italian phrases. Finally, Anne wishes to thank the young Greek, name unknown, she met decades ago at the castle ruins near Livadia, who prompted her quest to uncover the history of Frankish Greece. Anne Van Arsdall and Helen Moody

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Introduction Summary The principality of Morea was established after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish conquest in the Greek Peloponnesus. It flourished in the thirteenth century and continued in diminished form until the fifteenth century. The Chronicle of Morea documents the principality’s establishment and rise, as well as the beginning of its slow decline. The Chronicle describes conquests and captures, trials and punishments, alliances and betrayals among Franks, Byzantine Greeks, Turks, and others. Rich in source material for medieval culture, it illuminates myriad topics connected with feudal life, including chivalry, the role of noble women, and the conduct of warfare. This is the first translation of the Old French Chronicle of Morea into English. It may be read in the original in Jean Longnon’s edition.1 The Chronicles of Morea The Chronicle of Morea is not a single text, although perhaps it was once: historians believe a lost prototype, whose language is a matter of controversy, was composed between 1310 and 1320.2 Rather, the Chronicle of Morea is a collective term for a story that is dispersed among eight extant manuscripts, in four languages, which

1  Jean Longnon, ed. Livre de la conqueste de la princée de l’Amorée. Chronique de Morée (1204–1305) (Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1911). 2  David Jacoby in ‘Quelques considérations sur les versions de la Chronique de Morée’, Journal des Savants (1968), 133–189, presents extensive evidence and reasoning for a French prototype, a finding supported by Peter Lock, Harold Lurier, and Kenneth Setton, among many others. However, Longnon (lxxiii–lxxxiv) argues for an Italian prototype, one created for Bartholomew Ghisi, a theory supported by Antoine Bon: La Morée Franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques, et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe 1205–1430 (Paris: Editions E. de Boccard, 1969), 15–17. Michael J. Jeffreys, ‘The Chronicle of the Morea: Priority of the Greek Version’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 68 (1975), 304–350, presents arguments for a Greek prototype, which are supported by Teresa Shawcross: The Chronicle of Morea: Historiography in Crusader Greece (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). In a critique of Jeffreys’s argument, Gill Page demonstrates the improbability of a Greek prototype; see Being Byzantine: Greek Identity before the Ottomans (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 303–304.

The Old French ‘Chronicle of Morea’

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are believed to derive ultimately from that prototype.3 These manuscripts include translations and paraphrases into Greek, Aragonese, and Italian, as well as the French abridgment translated here. Correspondences exist across all the versions, but each differs regarding which events are included and how events are treated.4 The Greek ‘Chronicle of Morea’ There are five manuscripts of the Greek Chronicle of Morea (To Chronikon tou Moreos), four of them dating from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.5 Three of the four are paraphrases. The definitive texts of the Greek Chronicle consist of the earliest Greek manuscript, dating from the late fourteenth century (MS Fabricus 57, Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen), and the related sixteenth-century Turin manuscript. Written in verse, the Greek Chronicle features more dialog and description than the French, and despite being written in Greek, shows a hostile attitude toward Greeks. It breaks off with events in 1292. Apart from critical editions in Greek, an English translation is also available.6 The Aragonese ‘Chronicle of Morea’ The Libro de los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea (MS 10131, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid) was presented on 24 October 1393 to Juan Fernández de Heredia, the Grand Master of the Knights Hospitaller, then headquartered in Rhodes.7 The Hospitallers had earlier held a lease in Morea from Joanna I of Naples (d. 1382).8 The Aragonese version of the Chronicle of Morea depicts events from 1200 to 1377, about the time the Hospitallers’ lease began, in 1376. However, this version has been judged sufficiently different from the

3

 One point on which seemingly all agree.  See Shawcross, 274–349, for a comparison of the versions. 5  Shawcross, 35–36. 6  Harold E. Lurier, Crusaders as Conquerors: The Chronicle of Morea, in Records of Civilization, Sources and Studies No. 69., ed. American Council of Learned Societies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); John Schmitt, ed. The Chronicle of Morea (To Chronikon tou Moreos): A History in Political Verse, Relating the Establishment of Feudalism in Greece by the Franks in the Thirteenth Century, Edited in Two Parallel Texts from the MSS of Copenhagen and Paris, with Introduction, Critical Notes and Indices (London: Methuen & Co., 1904). 7  The presentation date is recorded in the manuscript. See Alfred Paul V. Morel-Fatio, Libro de los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea (Geneva: Société de l’Orient Latin, 1885). 8  For an account of this lease, see Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), vol. 1, The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, no. 114 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976), 161ff. 4

Introduction

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contemporaneous Greek and French manuscripts to be considered ‘a distinct and even new work’.9 The Italian ‘Chronicle of Morea’ The Istoria della Morea (mss. Italiani classes VII Cod 712 Coll 8754 in Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice) is part of an eighteenth-century codex. The Italian Chronicle is a summary of the Greek.10 The French ‘Chronicle of Morea’ The Chronique de Morée, ‘the book of the conquest of the principality of Morea’, whose translation follows, survives in a unique manuscript, which is held in the Royal Library in Brussels.11 Like the other versions, the French Chronicle is believed to be based on an early fourteenth-century prototype. An abridgment was made early mid-century of a (presumably French) document that was perhaps the prototype. This document was found, we are told, ‘in a book that once belonged to the noble baron Bartholomew Ghisi, the great constable, which book he had in his castle at Thebes’. A copy of the abridged manuscript was made around 1400, possibly in the Veneto, and perhaps thence carried to the duke of Burgundy’s library, where it stayed until the nineteenth century, when it was transported to Brussels.12 This copy is incomplete in terms of the text and apparently unfinished as a book. The lacunae and copyist’s remarks tell us that the abridgment had been damaged. The gaps in the text are noted and faithfully preserved by the copyist, for himself or a future scribe to fill in. This suggests that the copyist believed 9

 Shawcross, 41.  See Shawcross, 36–37, for a description. 11  Chronique de Morée, MS 15702, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Cabinet des manuscrits, la Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, Brussels. 12  For the transmission of the manuscript, see Jacoby, ‘Quelques considérations’, where he describes how John of Nevers might have acquired the abridged manuscript while returning from imprisonment under Sultan Bajazet I in the late 1390s, taking it to Burgundy for copying. Features of the manuscript, however, suggest that the copy was perhaps made in the Veneto, maybe in Treviso: there are two slightly differing bull’s head watermarks of a type belonging to Treviso; on one of the blank pages, a moralized alphabet (e.g., ‘E is for Eve’) is written in a northern Italian dialect. According to Froissart, John of Nevers and his company spent time in Venice, where ‘they employed clerks and messengers to write and carry letters to France’. When an epidemic struck Venice, they decamped to Treviso for four months. See Jean Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, Spain, and the Adjoining Countries, from the Latter Part of the Reign of Edward II to the Coronation of Henry IV, trans. Thomas Johnes, 2nd edn, 12 vols. (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1806), vol. 12, 9–13. Shawcross describes alternative scenarios, 86–98, among them an initial transmission of the Chronicle to Hainaut. 10

4

The Old French ‘Chronicle of Morea’

that an undamaged abridgment existed somewhere or that another version of the Chronicle, perhaps the Greek or Aragonese, might be brought into service to complete the manuscript.13 Besides the lacunae, the manuscript shows another sign of being unfinished: the initial capitals were never completed or gilded. The most recent edition of this manuscript is by Jean Longnon, cited above.14 Unlike the Greek version, which breaks off with events in 1292, the French Chronicle continues the story through a lavish parliament called by Philip of Savoy, then prince of Achaia, and held at Corinth in the spring of 1304 (the year is disputed). Unique to the French Chronicle is a chronological table that begins the manuscript and takes events to 1332/3. No one knows why the table was added to the abridgment, as it provides neither a table of contents nor a thorough update to the main narrative. In a detailed analysis of the table, Jacoby observes that apart from the commonalities between the table and the text regarding events before 1303, they also both report the same dating error: Godfrey of Bouillon’s conquering the Holy Sepulcher in 1104 (really in 1099).15 There are several other correspondences, especially repetition of wording, but the table also reports facts and rumors from different sources. 16 For one example among many, the Chronicle says that the marriage of Isabelle of Villehardouin to Philip of Savoy was prompted by the advice of French noblemen (her close friends and kinsmen), while the table merely notes the pope’s consent. Accuracy in the Chronicle of Morea The Chronicle is a major source for many events and persons in thirteenth-century Morea. Yet its accuracy cannot be completely trusted, as it sometimes confuses similarly named persons, misnames others, conflates events, and invents stories. For instance, paragraphs 80–81 report that Theodore I Laskaris is supposed to have left behind a minor son in the care of regent Michael Palaiologos, who then killed the son and seized control himself. Historically, it was instead Theodore I’s grandson, Theodore II Laskaris, who left behind a minor son. This son was

13  Not all the pages remained pristine; the moralized alphabet was written on a lacuna page after f. 61. 14  For an earlier edition, see J. A. C. Buchon, ed. Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de Morée et ses hautes baronnies. Le livre de la conqueste de la princée de la Morée publié pour la première fois d’après un manuscrit de la Bibliothèque des ducs de Bourgogne à Bruxelles avec notes et éclaircissements. Première époque: Conquête et établissement féodale de l’an 1205 á l’an 1333, vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie de Plon Frères, 1845). 15  As neither the narrative nor the table is accurate by modern standards, we have provided a historical timeline to help orient readers. 16  Jacoby, ‘Quelques considérations sur les versions de la Chronique de Morée’, 144.

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not killed; rather, he was blinded and imprisoned by the regent turned usurper, Michael VIII Palaiologos. The Chronicle sometimes confuses the three Geoffreys of Villehardouin, and conflates the deeds of the first two: Geoffrey (d. ca 1214), marshal of Champagne, crusader, and the chronicler of the Fourth Crusade; the chronicler’s nephew Geoffrey I (d. ca 1228), co-founder and second prince of Morea; and the prince’s son Geoffrey II (d. 1246), third prince of Morea. In another confusion, the early rulers of Athens are called by the names of their descendants, so both Otto and Guy I de la Roche are called ‘William’, and John I de la Roche is called ‘Guy’. Literary Elements in the ‘Chronicle’ The Chronicle was intended, according to its narrator, to be an entertaining read. The narrator does not offer a longue estoire that bores people, since not everyone has the patience to read a long document. Instead, he says, ‘I will tell my story, not as I found it written down, but as briefly as I can. Let everyone hear it gladly and willingly’ (¶1). The word for story (‘Here the story stops’ or ‘here the story says’) used throughout the Chronicle is conte (and variants), rather than estoire, history, the word used for the ‘grant estoire’ of the kingdom of Jerusalem that the narrator has read (¶2). The Chronicle of Morea features many set narrative pieces. There is, for example, a long yarn about ‘Robert of Champagne’ (a figure who may not have existed by that or any other name), who came to claim the principality on behalf of his cousin William of Champlitte. His luckless tale occupies several paragraphs (¶140ff), but no one knows if any of William of Champlitte’s relations voyaged to Morea to claim his title and lands, as the Chronicle reports. Perhaps someone whose record is lost did indeed attempt such a claim. Nonetheless, the narrative’s portrayal of the cat-and-mouse game played by Geoffrey I against a hapless, untitled Robert has certainly been embroidered, if not indeed invented whole cloth. Passages of monolog and dialog, often dramatic, sometimes touching, abound. A small sample includes: • Geoffrey of Bruyères, the captivating lord of Karytaina, talking with his tent pole (¶287ff), so that he could alert his men to the desertion their leaders planned, without breaking the oath of silence those same leaders had forced him to take. • Prince William II and the emperor’s arguing about ransom (¶313ff). • Nicholas III of Saint-Omer’s issuing a dramatic, ‘make-my-day’ challenge to Prince Philip of Savoy (¶861ff). • Roger of Lauria and Lord John of Tournay’s becoming best friends after nearly killing each other (¶764ff).

6

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As it is unlikely that a clerk was present to write down such passages as they were spoken, we must assume that the author(s) of the Chronicle knew how to enliven the narrative, whether by their own invention or by their recording of oral tales. History and the ‘Chronicle’ The history of thirteenth-century Greece is complex. A major power, the Byzantine Empire, was gravely weakened by internal events as well as by the Fourth Crusade. Victors and neighboring powers rushed in to take advantage of its poorly defended territories, even as the empire rebuilt itself. The Chronicle relates these interwoven stories with varying degrees of clarity, a situation not helped by the French version’s being a digest. Furthermore, as described above, the Chronicle misstates some matters of fact, elaborates certain of its stories, and invents some of its scenes. We therefore direct our readers to the full, modern histories of this period presented in the notes and bibliography. More immediately, notes and the annotated index (among other reader aids) correct the larger errors and provide historical context. Finally, we have tried to untangle some of the more confusing narrative threads with the following simple overview of the major historical developments relating to thirteenth-century Morea. Historical Background The events described in all versions of the Chronicle of Morea include the Fourth Crusade and its aftermath in Greece, as well as the conflicts of the newly created Latin Empire of Constantinople with the splintered Byzantine Empire. The following sketch of this complex history is provided to help the Chronicle’s readers understand something of the conflicts, significant personages, and territories mentioned in the text. This overview omits much detail; furthermore, historians are not unanimous regarding many dates, not to mention interpretations of events. For further details, interested readers may refer to a number of indepth histories, as well as to other chronicles.17 In addition, our historical timeline 17  Bon; Nicolas Cheetham, Medieval Greece (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Bernard Hamilton, The Crusades (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, 1998); David Jacoby, ‘The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Frankish States’, in The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Peter Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 1204–1500 (London; New York: Longman, 1995); Jean Longnon, L’empire Latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée (Paris: Payot, 1949); Jean Longnon, Les compagnons de Villehardouin: Recherches sur les croisés de la Quatrième Croisade (Geneva: Librarie Droz, 1978); William Miller, The Latins in the Levant: A History of Frankish Greece (1204–1566) (New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, 1908); Steven Runciman, A History of

Introduction

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summarizes the significant historical events recounted (often out of sequence) in the Chronicle itself, and the annotated index of persons and places provides additional information. The Fourth Crusade (ca 1202–1204) Many complex factors contributed to the Fourth Crusade’s diversion to Greece, the chief of which were the disorganization of the Byzantine Empire and the ambitions of the Latin forces. Byzantium on the eve of the Fourth Crusade At the turn of the thirteenth century, the Byzantine Empire was fragile, having been weakened by decades of poor rulers, rebellious (conquered) peoples, and incessant attacks from neighbors and regional invaders, including Serbs, Bulgarians, Seljuk Turks, and Normans. In 1195, the ruling Byzantine emperor, Isaac II Angelos, was blinded and imprisoned by his usurping brother, Alexios III Angelos, who also captured Isaac’s son Alexios IV. However, in 1201, the son escaped prison and fled to the court of his brother-in-law Philip of Swabia, from where he was soon to change the course of the Fourth Crusade. Franks and Venetians In the late twelfth century, counts and minor aristocracy in northern France, chiefly in the counties of Champagne, Burgundy, and Flanders, were inspired, the Chronicle tells us, by the preaching of Fulk of Neuilly to undertake a crusade to

the Crusades, vol. 3: The Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954); Kenneth M. Setton, R. L. Wolff, and H. W. Hazard, eds. A History of the Crusades, vol. 2: The Later Crusades, 1189–1311 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969); Kenneth M. Setton and H. W. Hazard, eds. A History of the Crusades, vol. 3: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975); Jonathan Shepard, ed. The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). The principal chronicles touching on Morea include Geoffroy of Villehardouin, Conquête de Constantinople (Édition Bilingue Français-Français Médiéval), trans. Jean Dufournet, Garnier Flammarion/Littérature Bilingue (Paris: Flammarion, 2004); Francisco de Moncada, The Catalan Chronicle of Francisco de Moncada, trans. Frances Hernandez (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1975); Ramón Muntaner, ‘The Chronicle of Muntaner’, ed. Anna Goodenough, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society 2nd ser., nos. 47, 50) (repr. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010); Marino Sanudo, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross (Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis), trans. Peter Lock, Crusade Texts in Translation, vol. 21 (Farnham, Surrey, England; Burlington, VT, USA: Ashgate, 2011). See also Jean de Joinville and Geoffroi de Villehardouin, Chronicles of the Crusades, trans. Caroline Smith (London: Penguin, 2008).

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the Holy Land.18 They sought permission from the pope (Innocent III) and went to Venice to secure ships for the overseas passage.19 After ordering ships from the Venetians, the Franks soon found themselves in a financial bind, for the greater part of their expected troops never arrived, and others took different routes to the Holy Land. The Franks were thus left owing for excess ships, a debt they could not pay. In response, the Venetians cut them a deal: invade Zara (modern Zadar, Croatia), a former client city on the Adriatic, and return it to Venetian rule. The Franks agreed to this method of repaying part of their debt and postponing payment of the remainder. Accordingly, in 1202 the Venetians and Franks attacked and conquered Zara – to their own disgrace, for Zara was not only a Christian city but a Catholic one. The initial plan to journey to the Holy Land changed, principally thanks to Alexios IV, who after his father’s blinding, as mentioned above, had fled to the court of Philip of Swabia, his brother-in-law. While there, Alexios met Boniface of Montferrat, who was his brother-in-law’s cousin and a leader of the Fourth Crusade. Alexios persuaded Boniface and most of the leaders of the Fourth Crusade to take their armies to Constantinople and restore his father and him to the throne. For so doing, he promised them vast rewards of troops, ships, and money, which would enable them to continue the crusade to the Holy Land. Although some of the crusaders continued on to Syria and the Holy Land, in 1203 the principal armies journeyed to Constantinople. During one of several assaults on the city, the usurper Alexios III fled in disgrace. The Byzantine nobility restored Isaac II to the throne, but the crusaders, who wanted to claim their promised rewards, then forced them to name Alexios IV co-emperor. As a ruler Alexios IV was neither popular nor competent, and in early 1204 he was overthrown by Alexios V Doukas (called ‘Mourtzouphlos’ in the Chronicle). Alexios IV was killed, and his father, Isaac II, died soon after. The crusaders immediately demanded that Alexios V honor the agreements they had made with 18

 The words ‘crusade’ and ‘crusader’ were never used in these chronicles. Instead the voyagers are called ‘pilgrims’ (‘pelerin’), and the journey is described as ‘the [overseas] passage to the Holy Land of Jerusalem’ (‘le passage d’aler en la saincte terre de Jherusalem’), or simply ‘the passage’. For a recent discussion of the evolution of this terminology, see M. Cecelia Gaposchkin, ‘From Pilgrimage to Crusade: The Liturgy of Departure, 1095–1300’, Speculum 88, no. 1 (2013), 44–91. 19  Venice, a merchant republic, had a very long history of engagement with the Byzantine Empire (and indeed, would continue its involvement in the region long after the Franks left). Nominally part of the Byzantine Empire for some centuries, an eleventh-century treaty gave the Venetians privileged trading status and exempted them from certain taxes. Venetian success aroused local resentment, and in 1182 the populace of Constantinople massacred Latin merchants, focusing particularly on Venetians. The legendary blinding of doge Henry Dandolo, mentioned in the Chronicle, perhaps metaphorically refers to this deadly riot, if not to his other less-than-pleasant encounters with Byzantium. Although Dandolo undoubtedly had very poor eyesight, it was probably not due to deliberate blinding by a Constantinopolitan torturer, as reported in the Chronicle and elsewhere.

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Alexios IV, but he refused. Consequently, in April 1204, the French and Venetian armies sacked Constantinople. Alexios V fled but was captured and executed later that year – by being thrown from the top of an ancient pillar, according to the Chronicle (¶59). After the Fourth Crusade: Kingdoms, Empires, and the Rise of Morea The division of lands after the conquest of Constantinople Immediately after the sack of Constantinople in 1204, the victors divided the conquered areas of the Byzantine Empire. The conquest’s leaders agreed that they would establish a Latin Empire of Constantinople and elect one of their own as its head. Their emperor would take over one-quarter of the Byzantine territories, those nearest Constantinople; Venice and the Frankish nobles who chose to stay in Greece would then equally divide the remaining three-quarters of the Byzantine Empire. This plan meant that after taking the city, the victors had to begin at once the conquest of the remaining Byzantine territories (see Map 2).20 The Chronicle depicts a time of multiple, concurrent developments: the founding of empires, kingdoms, and principalities; of despotates, duchies, and baronies; and the ceaseless wars among them. The Latin-controlled territories included the Latin Empire around Constantinople itself, the kingdom of Thessalonica, and the principality of Morea. Venice, a maritime empire, claimed the major Greek ports and strategic islands, rather than the inland territories. Most of these nascent feudal states were technically subject to the Latin Empire. But allegiances often shifted, depending on marriage and family ties, as well as on opportunity. The Greek-controlled territories included the despotate of Epirus (Arta) and the Byzantine empire of Nicaea. Bordering kingdoms and tribes also participated in disputes, notably Bulgaria and the Cuman people. We present an overview of these developments, which for Morea culminate in the disastrous battle of Pelagonia in 1259. The Latin Empire and Its Rulers, 1204–1261 Within its first few decades (1204–1228), the Latin Empire of Constantinople had four emperors, whom the Chronicle sometimes confuses (¶¶65–87).

20  Peter Lock identifies six Latin-controlled territories that had some form of settled political organization in 1210: The Latin Empire of Constantinople; the kingdom of Thessalonica; the principality of Achaia (Morea); the lordship (later duchy) of Athens and Thebes; the duchy of the Archipelago; and the triarchy of the island of Negroponte (Euboea). In addition, there were numerous small family holdings, such as Boudonitza, as well as Venetian colonial territories, such as the castellanies of Modon and Coron and the duchy of Crete. See Lock, 5.

10

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Baldwin I, count of Flanders (1204–1207) In May 1204, Baldwin of Flanders was elected the first Latin emperor, with Constantinople his capital, just beating Boniface of Montferrat for the title. The empire, however, was not simply given to him; rather, he had to conquer those Byzantine territories allotted to his share. In addition, a much diminished but very hostile Byzantine Empire lay to the east, and to the north Bulgaria coveted his lands. Baldwin was initially successful fighting the Byzantines to the east, but in 1205, his army fell to the Bulgarian army at Adrianople, on the northern frontier. The new Latin emperor was taken prisoner and, in 1207, was put to death in a Bulgarian prison. Baldwin’s brother, Henry of Flanders, initially became regent of the empire. When Baldwin’s fate in Bulgaria became known, Henry was named emperor. Henry of Flanders (1206–1216) Henry (called ‘Robert’ in the Chronicle), an able ruler, spent most of his reign in battles with Bulgaria and the empire of Nicaea. He had to confront turmoil within his empire as well. In 1207, feudal lords in mainland Greece and on the Peloponnesus rebelled against him, planning to establish a powerful territory of their own in central Greece and another in the Peloponnesus. In 1209, however, Emperor Henry overcame the rebellion and demanded obedience from the Frankish nobles, calling a parliament for that purpose at Ravenika, near Lamia. Henry appeared to have united the Latin Empire of Constantinople. In reality, Henry’s land holdings were not much more than Constantinople and a stretch of land between the new Byzantine Empire to the east and Bulgaria (with its holdings in Thrace) to the north. Henry ruled the Latin Empire until his death, perhaps by poison, in June 1216. Peter of Courtenay, Yolanda of Flanders, and their sons (1217–1228) Henry’s brother-in-law Peter of Courtenay started out from France to take his place. Peter was crowned in Rome in 1217, but before reaching Constantinople he was captured by the despot of Epirus that same year and died in prison two years later. In the meantime, Yolanda of Flanders (sister of Baldwin and Henry, as well as Peter’s wife) traveled separately from her husband and successfully reached Constantinople. From 1217 until her death in 1219 she ruled the Latin Empire as regent on behalf of her eldest son, Philip of Namur. During her regency, Yolanda arranged strategic marriages for her daughters Agnes (to Geoffrey II of Villehardouin) and Mary (to Greek emperor Theodore Laskaris).21 The two following years were, technically, without a Latin emperor. Even the regent named after Yolanda’s death, Conon of Béthune, died soon after his appointment, in 1219/20. Philip of Namur refused the imperial throne, giving it to his younger brother Robert, who set out for Constantinople. Thus, in 1221, 21  For detailed accounts of these events, see Lock, 60ff, and Setton et al., eds., A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, 212ff.

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Robert of Courtenay, Peter and Yolanda’s second son, became emperor. Until his death in 1228, Robert ruled ineptly over a territory that was encroached upon from all sides. Baldwin II of Courtenay (1228–1261) Another of Peter and Yolanda’s sons, Baldwin, then took the throne. Baldwin II succeeded his brother Robert in 1228, ruling under a regent (John of Brienne) until he came of age, in 1237. Baldwin II of Courtenay was destined to be the last Latin emperor of Constantinople to hold Constantinople and rule in anything but name. Yet even he spent most of his life as Latin emperor traveling throughout Europe and trying, with limited success, to raise funds and armies to regain his empire.22 Support from rulers in the West and from the pope dwindled, as other crusades and other issues took precedence over the problems of a weak Latin Empire. Although individual Latin feudal states throughout Greece, notably Morea, were flourishing at the time, the Latin Empire itself was never robust, lacking adequate funding and support. The nobles of Baldwin II’s empire wanted only to establish their own power bases and paid him scant allegiance. In 1261 the Byzantine emperor of Nicaea recaptured Constantinople, effectively ending the Latin Empire. Baldwin II fled, living his final years at the court of Charles I, king of Naples, on whose charity he depended and to whom, in May 1267, he conveyed his empire. Baldwin died in 1273. For more than a century afterward, his heirs continued to claim the imperial title. His granddaughter, Catherine of Courtenay, is mentioned several times in the Chronicle as one of his successors. Boniface of Montferrat and the kingdom of Thessalonica (1205–1224) The conquerors also claimed lands on the Peloponnesus and those in mainland Greece that the emperor did not hold. As compensation for losing the imperial election, Boniface of Montferrat, leader of the crusade army, claimed Thessalonica, a city in northern Greece on the Aegean coast. He immediately set out with many of the crusaders to take over as much of central and southern mainland Greece as he could. Boniface was well-placed to rule in Greece. He had been chosen as the crusade’s leader after the death of the original leader, Theobald III of Champagne, and had married Maria of Hungary, the widow of Emperor Isaac II, thus allying himself with key Greek nobles, some of whom accompanied him on his march to the south. Beginning in the fall of 1204, Boniface overran Thessaly and then proceeded south into Boeotia. He took Thebes, then Athens, and marched on to the Gulf of Corinth: victorious everywhere. As he won land, Boniface gave holdings 22

 Baldwin II was indirectly responsible for Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. In 1238, he persuaded Louis IX of France to purchase the Crown of Thorns and redeem the pledge made to the Venetian merchant to whom Baldwin had pawned it. Work on Sainte-Chapelle as a fitting shrine for this relic began in 1241. See Lock, 316.

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to his followers, who established baronies and fiefdoms. Among them was the de la Roche family in Athens, a house that features prominently in the Chronicle. Leon Sgouros, a powerful Greek archon mentioned in the Chronicle, steadfastly opposed Boniface on mainland Greece and was not defeated until some years later (1208/1210) at Corinth, after a long siege. By the end of 1205, Boniface and his followers controlled the middle of mainland Greece north of the Gulf of Corinth and east of the formidable Greek-held territory of Epirus (called Arta in the Chronicle). Boniface and one of his followers, William of Champlitte, then joined Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, the historian’s nephew, and his men, who had just begun their conquest of the Peloponnesus. Together they began campaigns that established the principality of Morea (known in formal documents as Achaia). While Boniface was in northern Morea with Champlitte and Villehardouin at the siege of Nauplia, he heard that Bulgarians were invading his territories in Thessalonica. He left the Peloponnesus to Champlitte and Villehardouin, returned to northern Greece, and was killed in battle against Bulgarian forces in September 1207. Boniface’s infant son, Demetrius, succeeded him, and was king of Thessalonica until its surrender to the despot of Epirus in 1224. The principality of Morea, 1205–1278 Although the region of the Peloponnesus was fairly rich, exporting oil, silk, and mastic, the Byzantine government in Constantinople had not expended much by way of troops or fortifications to defend it. Consequently, with only 100 knights and 400 other mounted men, Boniface of Montferrat, William of Champlitte (whom the Chronicle calls ‘the Champenois’), and Geoffrey I of Villehardouin captured much of the peninsula, meeting relatively little resistance. By autumn 1205, the principality of Morea had been created, and Pope Innocent III first referred to a ‘prince of Achaia’, William of Champlitte. Prince William I of Champlitte divided the lands among his companions and recognized the continuing rights of the minor Greek lords, the archontes. The Franks immediately began building castles, many of them on strategically chosen mountain tops, where their ruins may still be seen.23 In 1209 William of Champlitte went to France in order to claim an inheritance, but he died on the journey and the principality passed to his regent, Geoffrey I of Villehardouin. From then until 1278, the Villehardouins were rulers of Morea: Geoffrey I (d. ca 1228), followed by his sons, Geoffrey II (d. 1246) and William II (d. 1278). Geoffrey II died without issue. William II left no sons, but had two daughters, 23

 For further information on crusader castles in Greece and the Levant, see Hugh Kennedy, Crusader Castles (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). Kristian Molin, Unknown Crusader Castles (New York; London: Hambledon and London, 2001); Alexander Paradissis, Fortresses and Castles of Greece, 3 vols. (Athens: Efstathiadis Bros, 1972).

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Isabelle and Marguerite, by his third wife, Anna Komnene Doukaina (¶¶172–189). His daughters would lay claim to the title and one, Isabelle, would actually rule. They and their heirs, however, were shackled by agreements that William was forced to make after the battle of Pelagonia, first with the Greek emperor and later with the king of Naples. William II was thus the last independent ruler of Morea. The Greek Rulers Following the conquest of Constantinople, large Byzantine states existed on two sides of the Latin holdings in Greece: the despotate of Epirus (Arta in the Chronicle) to the west and the empire of Nicaea to the east.24 The despotate of Epirus and Thessaly 1205–1479. Epirus, a Greek despotate with its capital at Arta, encompassed a large area of western mainland Greece. Founded in 1205 by Michael I Komnenos Doukas, a Greek military leader and one-time ally of Boniface of Montferrat, it became a Byzantine stronghold and was soon a rival to the empire of Nicaea. Epirus (Arta) encompassed the entire western mainland, from the north to the Gulf of Corinth, and Despot Michael hailed it as the center of a new Byzantine empire, thus competing with Nicaea. Michael I’s reign comprised a complex series of alliances and maneuvers among rival Greek factions and their neighboring states, in particular Bulgaria, which very soon involved the various Latin states and their rulers. These activities underlie much of the action in the Chronicle of Morea and are often recounted there, albeit inaccurately. Michael I was murdered in 1215, and his half-brother Theodore Komnenos Doukas succeeded him as despot of Epirus (Arta). Always seeking to capture more land for his despotate, Theodore attacked Bulgaria in 1230 as part of an ongoing effort to regain Constantinople, also coveted by the emperor of Nicaea. Theodore lost the battle. John Asan II, emperor of Bulgaria, captured Theodore and his family, including his son John Komnenos Doukas and his daughter Irene, who then married John II of Bulgaria. Because of his marriage to Irene, John II released Theodore and his son from captivity and helped them assemble enough support to take over Thessalonica in 1237. However, John III Doukas, the emperor of Nicaea, backed John Komnenos Doukas, the ruler of Thessalonica, and finally managed to capture Thessalonica for himself in 1246 (¶214ff and ¶973ff). In the meantime, after his uncle Theodore was captured, Michael II Komnenos Doukas was named despot of Epirus. From the outset, Michael II tried to seize more land in northern Greece. To that end, he began to seek alliances with Western leaders, notably his son-in-law, William II of Villehardouin, prince of Morea, who could furnish armies to help him gain territory at the expense of his uncle and the emperor of Nicaea. 24  For simplicity’s sake, we omit the Byzantine state of Trebizond, adjacent to Nicaea, which was created at this time and has its own interesting history.

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The story of this alliance features prominently in the Chronicle, since its outcome was a battle on a plain at Pelagonia in 1259 which was disastrous for the Franks. The despot of Epirus fled the field and abandoned his Latin allies. The forces of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos won the battle and captured many Frankish leaders, who were then imprisoned for three years. Some years later, the deserting despot, Michael II of Epirus, returned to rule his despotate as an ally of the emperor of Nicaea, his former foe. When Despot Michael II died in ca 1268, his son Nikephoros I Komnenos Doukas (d. 1297) became despot, and his illegitimate son, John I Doukas (d. 1289), with help from the emperor of Nicaea, became ruler of Thessaly. These two brothers are featured in several episodes of the Chronicle because in the tumultuous decades after the death of their father, Nikephoros and John were sometimes allies and sometimes enemies, not only of the Latin states but of each other. John II Doukas (d. 1318) succeeded John I; soon after his death, Thessaly was invaded and completely taken over. In Epirus, Despot Thomas I, son of Nikephoros I, died the same year as John II. Soon thereafter, the counts of Cephalonia, of the Orsini family, became the rulers of the former despotate. The despotate continued under various dynasties until the fall of Arta in 1449 to the Ottomans. The empire and emperors of Nicaea 1204–1453 After the crusader army conquered Constantinople in 1204, Theodore I Laskaris, a Greek nobleman, established a smaller version of the Byzantine Empire, the empire of Nicaea, directly to the east of Constantinople (the Chronicle calls this the Greek empire). The Orthodox patriarch officially crowned him emperor in 1208, and he reigned until 1222. Lacking a male heir, Theodore named John III Doukas Vatatzes, his son-in-law and a military leader, to succeed him. John III warred against the Latins in Greece and fellow Greeks in Epirus. He allied with, then fought against, Bulgaria, and gradually expanded the Nicaean Empire, always seeking to recapture its former glory and territories. By 1246, he had conquered territories that had constituted the kingdom of Thessalonica and nearly had Constantinople within his reach. He died in November 1254, much revered, and was later made a saint of the Orthodox Church. Following John III, his son Theodore II Doukas Laskaris reigned only four years, from 1254 to 1258. The Chronicle attributes his story (¶¶77–80) to his grandfather, Theodore I. During his reign, Theodore continued to strengthen the empire, largely from lands in Greece held by Bulgaria. When Theodore II died, his minor son, John IV Doukas Laskaris, was placed in the care of a regent, who was murdered. Michael Palaiologos, who coveted the crown and was backed by the Greek nobility, took over as regent and in 1259 named himself co-emperor with young John. Michael was in charge of an army that defeated the army of Epirus and its Latin allies at Pelagonia that year, as described above and in the following section. This victory enabled Michael to regain Constantinople in August 1261. While Michael was away at war, the young co-emperor was blinded and sent into exile, on Michael’s orders.

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In 1261, Michael VIII Palaiologos began his long reign as emperor (until December 1282), founding a dynasty that lasted until 1453, when Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks. The Greek emperor referred to in the latter parts of the Chronicle is this man (for events up to 1282) or his son, Andronicus II, who ruled from 1282 to 1328. The Battle of Pelagonia, 1259 The battle of Pelagonia, a version of which is related in the Chronicle (¶254ff), spelled the end of a powerful and independent principality of Morea. In 1259, William II of Villehardouin married Anna Komnene Doukaina (also known as Agnes), daughter of Michael II of Epirus, cementing the alliance between Epirus and Morea against Nicaea, which led them into battle against the Greek emperor’s forces. When the enemies met in battle, the Epirote army deserted, as noted earlier, and William was defeated by the army of Michael VIII Palaiologos. William was taken prisoner and transported to Nicaea, remaining in captivity until 1262. With many important men now dead and most of the surviving Frankish leaders in the emperor’s prison, their wives and widows ruled nearly all their holdings. In 1262, to release himself and other prisoners, William II was forced to surrender his fortresses and lands at Mani, Monemvasia, and Mistra: important and strategic strongholds on the Peloponnesus, which gave the emperor footholds inside the Frankish principality. To make matters worse, in 1261, while the Franks were in his prison, Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos recaptured Constantinople, eviscerating the Latin Empire. The Nicaean Empire was now a restored Byzantine Empire, strong and aggressive. This loss of power following the defeat at Pelagonia forced William II, as well as the titular Latin emperor Baldwin II, to seek protection and support from Charles I of Anjou, king of Sicily. After 1259: the Rise of the Angevin Kingdom and the Decline of Morea Charles of Anjou, the younger brother of Louis IX, established a kingdom centered in Naples (the Chronicle tells this story beginning ¶415). In 1266, as Charles I, he became ruler of Sicily, a kingdom that encompassed the whole of southern Italy, as well as the island of Sicily itself. The Angevin court soon became a powerful force in the Mediterranean world, ambitious for expansion, including appropriating the former territory of the failed Latin Empire. From the 1260s, the Angevins played a major role in feudal Greece, taking advantage of the misfortunes suffered by the Latin emperor and the prince of Morea. The Treaty of Viterbo In May 1267, now living entirely on the charity of the court of Naples, Emperor Baldwin II had to cede the Latin Empire to King Charles, an agreement formalized

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in the Treaty of Viterbo. The king obtained rights to an essentially defunct empire. These rights gave him, however, certain claims to historic possessions in Greece, should he wish to claim them by force and thereby attempt to revive the Latin Empire, which he eventually did. The treaty also made William II of Villehardouin, prince of Morea, one of Charles’s vassals, in exchange for Angevin military help. In so doing, William effectively agreed to disinherit his children. As part of the agreement, William betrothed his daughter Isabelle to Charles’s younger son Philip (called Louis in the Chronicle), envisioning them as the future rulers of the principality. But the marriage terms sealed the fate of Morea, stipulating that if no male heir resulted from the union, the principality would revert to the king. Further, should Prince William have a male heir in the years to come, his son would inherit only a part of the principality and that as an Angevin fief. William had little choice, although the Chronicle (¶¶439ff) makes the matter sound like a happy opportunity, rather than a bitter necessity.25 Philip died young without offspring, Isabelle remained at the court in Naples, and Morea became a vassal state of an ambitious court. When William II of Villehardouin died in 1278, rule of Morea passed into the hands of Charles I and later to his son Charles II. At the best of times, Angevin governance of Morea was desultory, being handled by regents and other lieutenants. But once the War of the Sicilian Vespers began, the Angevins needed to focus on the recovery of Sicily, and the Villehardouins reigned again in Morea, for nearly 40 years. The War of the Sicilian Vespers The War of the Sicilian Vespers and the emergence of the Catalan Company form the backdrop for the latter part of the Chronicle of Morea and its chronological table.26 Morea’s fate was entangled with that of the Angevins, and the principality was drawn into a power struggle between Charles I, king of Naples, and Peter, king of Aragon. Angevin rule was resented by the people of the island of Sicily. During Easter Monday vespers at a Sicilian church in 1282, it is said that a French soldier abused a Sicilian woman. The Sicilian crowd attacked the soldier and his defenders and killed every French person they found. The rebellion spread throughout Sicily, and the people turned to Peter, king of Aragon, to help them oust Charles I and the French. The War of the Sicilian Vespers lasted twenty years, with the Angevins, the kings of France, and the papacy on one side and the kings of Aragon on the other. The war affected nearly every country and principality in the Mediterranean, 25

 For the constraints the treaty imposed upon the Villehardouins, see Lock, 84ff, and Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), vol. 1, 148ff. 26  For more detail, see the chapters in Setton and Cheetham, as well as Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World in the Later Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958).

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including Morea and the rest of Greece, which were effectively left to themselves, with scant help or attention from their overlord. As Malcolm Barber notes, ‘in retrospect it can be seen that any realistic chance that the Angevins would be the saviours of the Latin Empire ended with the Vespers in 1282’.27 The Chronicle treats some of the events and figures in this conflict, though without context. Roger of Lauria, for example (¶755ff), was a formidable admiral on the side of Aragon.28 Paragraph 775 mentions a duel in 1284 between Charles I and Peter of Aragon at Bordeaux, which never happened, except metaphorically. The Catalan Company Long years of battle in the Mediterranean ended in 1302, with Frederick of Aragon, Peter’s younger son, becoming king of Trinacria (the island of Sicily) and Charles II retaining the southern Italian peninsula as king of Naples. Peace created a problem. Thousands of Catalan mercenaries, along with their vessels, had been hired to oust the Angevins, and now they were no longer needed. Under the leadership of Roger de Flor, these uncommitted mercenaries became a piratical force known as the Catalan Grand Company. Soon, the Catalan Company became a kind of floating state, making deals on all sides, gaining riches and strength. They remained a power in the eastern Mediterranean for a century. The Company’s history lies behind events mentioned in the chronological table for the years after 1304, the year the French Chronicle’s narrative account abruptly ends. It also explains how the Frankish rule of Greece ended. In 1310, the duke of Athens, Walter V of Brienne, asked for the Company’s help, and they obliged. Being done with their services, he dismissed most of them without sufficient compensation. In response, on 15 March 1311 (which the chronological table records as 1307), they fought him in battle near Halmyros in Thessaly. The duke lost his duchy and his life. Much worse, nearly 700 Frankish knights were slaughtered, not to mention many thousands of infantry. It was at this time that the castle of Thebes was burned down, where at least one copy of the Chronicle is said to have been kept. Following the disastrous defeat at Halmyros, Villehardouin history in Morea lurches to an end. After capturing the duchy of Athens, the Catalan Company recognized the Aragonese Crown of Sicily. By 1318, their power extended into Thessaly, taking the duchy of Neopatras, which the Company ruled until the late fourteenth century.

27  Malcolm Barber, ‘Western Attitudes to Frankish Greece in the Thirteenth Century’, in Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, ed. Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby (London: Frank Cass and Company, 1989), 121. 28  See Gabriella Airaldi, ‘Roger of Lauria’s Expedition to the Peloponnese’, in Intercultural Contacts in the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of David Jacoby, ed. Benjamin Arbel (London: Routledge, 1996).

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The End of Morea Fourteenth-century Morea was dominated by Italian interests, as well as by the fortunes of the Byzantine Greeks, the Catalan Company, and the Ottoman Turks. It was during the first half of the fourteenth century that the French Chronicle of Morea is thought to have been composed and then abridged. Morea, or rather parts of it, survived through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The last of the Moreot fiefs were ceded in 1430 to the Byzantines, who lost everything to the Ottomans just decades later, in 1453. Modon and Coron, fortified Venetian towns, held out until 1500; Nauplia and Monemvasia, also Venetian, until 1540. There were further battles and treaties between Venice and the Turks over former Moreot possessions well into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, coinciding with the appearance of the Italian and later Greek chronicles of Morea of the same period. The Ruling Families of Morea during the Time of the Chronicle French families dominated the governance and rule of Morea during the thirteenth century. Italians were also important during and after the conquest of Constantinople, especially Venetians, who controlled most of the islands and important ports in the region. Some Venetians, such as the Sanudos and the Ghisis, are occasionally mentioned or alluded to. Franco-Italian lords from Montferrat, Savoy, and Lombardy played important roles as well, as military leaders and as spouses (their identities and many others are listed in the annotated index of people and places). Nonetheless, the principal ruling families in the Chronicle of Morea were French,29 and the most important of those families was the Villehardouins. The Villehardouins The Villehardouin family was central to the fortunes of Morea and associated with the foundation and rise of the principality.30 The Villehardouins arose in twelfth-century Champagne, perhaps from a minor branch of the Briennes, at the time a more important family that also sent sons to the Outremer, the crusader states of the eastern Mediterranean. The patriarch, Villain of Villehardouin (d. 1170), married twice. His first wife bore John of Villehardouin (d. ca 1216), the father of Geoffrey I, prince of Morea. His second 29

 Please see the numerous family histories in Bon.  The family is treated by most historians of Morea, but for detailed histories see in particular Bon and Hopf, as well as Theodore Evergates, The Aristocracy in the County of Champagne, 1100–1300, Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 14ff, 186–187. Shawcross describes the Villehardouin family as ‘a unifying dynasty, a sacred dynasty’; see 214ff. 30

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wife produced John’s half-brother and the prince’s uncle, the historian Geoffrey of Villehardouin, marshal of Champagne (d. ca 1214). Geoffrey I (d. ca 1228/29), prince of Morea ca 1209 to 1228. The Chronicle of Morea often confuses Geoffrey I, the first Villehardouin prince of Morea, with his historian uncle of the same name. Geoffrey I’s first recorded action as prince was to call a parliament to refine and extend the system of fiefs that he and William of Champlitte had begun (¶128). His marriage with Elizabeth of Chappes produced two princes of Morea, Geoffrey II and William II, as well as a daughter, Alice (Old French Haile or Alix). Her marriage to Hugh of Briel31 produced Geoffrey of Briel (Bruyères), the charming baron of Karytaina, famed as the finest knight in Morea, whose repeated defiance of William II produced some of the Chronicle’s most dramatic scenes. Geoffrey I may have returned to France around 1228, where he is presumed to have died. Geoffrey II (d. 1246), prince of Morea ca 1228–1246. Son of Geoffrey I, he married Agnes of Courtenay, the daughter of Peter of Courtenay, emperor of the Latin Empire of Constantinople. Geoffrey II died without issue. The Venetian historian Sanudo the elder described aspects of his reign: He possessed a broad domain and great riches; he was wont to send his most confidential advisers from time to time to the courts of his vassals, to see how they lived and how they treated their subjects. At his own court he constantly maintained eighty knights with golden spurs, to whom he gave all that they required besides their pay; so knights came from France, from Burgundy, and, above all, from Champagne, to follow him. Some came to amuse themselves, others to pay their debts, others because of crimes which they had committed at home.32

William II (d. 1278), prince of Morea 1246–1278, was the son of Geoffrey I and brother of Geoffrey II. He was married three times: first to a daughter of Narjot of Toucy, and then to Caritana dalle Carceri, both women dying without recorded issue. His last wife was Anna Doukaina of Epirus (d. 1289), by whom he had two daughters, Isabelle and Marguerite. William has been called ‘the hero of the Chronicle of Morea’,33 whose reign featured a magnificent court, safe travel for merchants, and a strong polity. He and his time dominate the narrative, because in its early days his reign was a golden age. A warrior-prince, he secured important fortresses and regions for the principality. He evidently found further occasions to demonstrate prowess, 31

 Among other spellings, Briel appears also as Bruyères, the form used in the Chronicle; see Bon, 105. 32  Miller translation: Miller, 87. 33  Setton, 68.

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such as joining Louis IX on the Seventh Crusade, an event not mentioned in the Chronicle.34 But he was less than perfect as a man and a ruler, and his later reign was marked by loss. Some have noted William’s greed, low cunning, and even cowardice.35 A recent, sympathetic portrait describes William’s courtly interests in poetry and higher culture.36 Certainly, he saw the heights of Moreot prosperity and political success, as well as the terrible defeat at the battle of Pelagonia, Morea’s subsequent loss of sovereignty, and the beginning of its long decline. Isabelle of Villehardouin (d. 1311, in Hainaut), princess of Morea 1289–1307. Isabelle became ruler, with two of her three husbands, of a weakened Morea. Although she was a woman in a feudal society and thus needed a son or a husband to rule successfully (as she herself says through her clerk, in ¶850), her Villehardouin lineage was a more important consideration for the principality’s barons.37 Isabelle married three times. Her first husband, Angevin Prince Philip of Sicily (‘Louis’ in the Chronicle, ¶544), was a child, whom she married (in May 1271) when she was a child. The marriage was part of the agreements supporting 34

 See Joinville’s account, ¶148 and elsewhere, in Joinville et al. According to the Chronicle, Louis granted William the right to coin deniers tournois (¶185), the standard currency of France. For further details on this coinage, see Metcalf, ‘The Currency of “Deniers Tournois” in Frankish Greece’, The Annual of the British School at Athens 55 (1960), 38–59. 35  Lock, 90. Lurier summarizes three Greek accounts of William’s less than heroic capture after the battle of Pelagonia: ‘When he saw that the battle was lost, he sought to save himself by hiding in a haystack or in some deep woods, but he was discovered and captured by some Greek troops, who recognized him from his prominent front teeth. This last was a well-known characteristic of his, so much so that he was often called “Long-Tooth”’ (191). 36  John Haines, ‘The Songbook for William of Villehardouin, Prince of the Morea (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Fonds Français 844): A Crucial Case in the History of Vernacular Song Collections’, in Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese, ed. Sharon E. J. Gerstel, Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Symposia and Colloquia (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2013). 37  The Villehardouin lineage, despite its local prestige, had only highly qualified legal standing in its claim to rule. For example, Isabelle’s sister, Marguerite, called the lady of Akova, was not part of the direct line of succession, thanks to the Treaty of Viterbo and related agreements, which assigned succession to the Angevins. Nonetheless, she later made claims to the rulership of Morea. Her daughter, Isabelle of Sabran, and her niece Mahaut, daughter of Isabelle of Villehardouin, fought (via husbands) over the claim to the principality. Before she died, Mahaut seems to have named her cousin Isabelle’s son James III of Majorca as heir to the principality. See Setton, Papacy, vol. 1, 153 and elsewhere; Setton and Hazard, eds. History of Crusades, vol. 3, Ch. IV passim; and the other histories mentioned for detailed accounts of these complex claims and the Viterbo treaty’s effects, as well as Peter Topping, Feudal Institutions as Revealed in the Assizes of Romania: The Law Code of Frankish Greece. Translation of the Text of the Assizes with a Commentary on Feudal Institutions in Greece and Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949), 7 and elsewhere.

Introduction

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the Treaty of Viterbo, in which the Angevins gave military support to Morea in exchange for rule of the principality. After Philip died (1277) and until Isabelle remarried, the Angevin kings of Sicily, Charles I and Charles II, ruled as princes of Morea via regents. Upon her marriage to Florent of Hainaut, a favorite at the court of Naples, Isabelle became princess of Morea in 1289, and they ruled together until his death in 1297. Their reign was successful, and thanks to Florent’s efforts, Morea was at peace for many years and saw a return to prosperity. They had one daughter, Mahaut of Hainaut (d. 1331), who later became princess of Morea. In 1301, Isabelle married Philip of Savoy in Rome. She was around forty and he about twenty-two. Philip was prince of Morea from 1301 to 1307, when he and Isabelle were officially deposed on various technicalities by Charles II of Naples, who then handed the principality over to Philip of Taranto, his son. Isabelle and Philip of Savoy had separated and left Morea earlier, around 1305. Isabelle departed to Hainaut, her husband Florent’s lands, where she spent the rest of her life. Her one daughter by Philip, Marguerite of Savoy (d. 1375), accompanied her and had no further recorded involvement in Morea. Back in his lands, Philip of Savoy clung to the title ‘prince of Achaia’, despite Angevin intransigence, for the rest of his life. Until 1418, when the last one died, his male descendants (by another wife, Catherine de la Tour du Pin) styled themselves ‘of Savoy-Achaia’.38 Mahaut of Hainaut (d. 1331), princess of Morea 1313–1318. The daughter of Princess Isabelle and Prince Florent and thereby a claimant to the principality, Mahaut led a complicated life, part of her tale being related in the Chronicle. She was the last Villehardouin to rule, and then not for long. She was married three times, first to Guy de la Roche, duke of Athens, who died young. Her second marriage, in 1313, to Louis of Burgundy, ended with his death in 1316, a few weeks after his victory at the battle of Manolada. The widowed princess ruled until 1318, when she was betrothed to John of Anjou, count of Gravina. The betrothal was broken, however, when she revealed that she had already secretly married Hugh of Lapalisse, a Burgundian knight. She was ordered kidnapped by John’s brother Robert, king of Naples. He gave the principality to Count John, who ruled as prince of Morea from 1318 to 1332. Mahaut lived a prisoner at Castel dell’Ovo in Naples and later in nearby Aversa until her death in 1331, at the age of thirty-eight.39 For decades afterward, Morea was ruled by the Angevin court of Naples, whose rulers included the formidable Catherine of Valois-Courtenay and Joanna I of Naples.40

 Longnon, L’empire Latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée, 191.  See Setton and Hazard, eds., 116–117 and elsewhere. 40  Catherine is referred to as ‘the very excellent lady who is now called empress’ in ¶86 and alluded to in ¶709, as well as named explicitly in CT12. 38 39

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The Families of the Duchy of Athens and Thebes Important throughout the Chronicle of Morea are the powerful Frankish rulers of the duchy of Athens and Thebes: the families of de la Roche (whose rule later continued through marriage in the Brienne family) and Saint-Omer, details of which can be found in the annotated index. For the most part, they were allied with the Villehardouins and their vassals in Morea, but sometimes conflicts arose. The title ‘duke of Athens’ began during the time covered by the Chronicle. 41 Louis IX, king of France, conferred the title on Guy I de la Roche in 1258; the story behind it is related in paragraphs 220–253 (in which Guy is called ‘William’). The Culture of Morea and The Assizes of Romania The narrator and his characters delineate a chivalric ethos and a precise understanding of feudal law, distinguishing them from their adversaries and allies in Greece. The Baronial Consortium and the Culture of Conquest Many of the Franks, certainly the Villehardouins, hailed from the county of Champagne, which from the twelfth through the early thirteenth centuries had a baronial culture in which the count was really first among equals, not an autocrat. The counts of Champagne practiced a collegial type of lordship, acting, as one count phrased it, ‘with the advice of my barons’ in all important matters.42 The feudal and chivalric values of the county of Champagne were transported to Morea, where they thrived – even as the movement toward centralized power and the absolute authority of kings grew in Europe. This ‘baronial consortium’43 existed in most of the crusader kingdoms, but perhaps nowhere as strongly as in Morea. Throughout the Chronicle of Morea, the prince or princess repeatedly makes a point of seeking the barons’ advice before every important move, whether for treaties, ransoms, or military strategy. Parliaments and other meetings are 41  The duke of Athens figures in fourteenth-century literature, thanks to Boccaccio and Chaucer, who borrowed from the Italian writer for his Knight’s Tale. Boccaccio used the figure of the duke of Athens twice – in the Teseida, as Theseus, and in the Decameron, where the ‘duke of Athens’ appears in the seventh tale of Day Two. The Decameron’s duke is probably a satirical allusion to Walter of Brienne, who ruled Florence (1342–1343) so badly that he was sacked and barely escaped the city with his life, an event memorialized in the detached fresco at the Palazzo Vecchio Museum, ‘St Anne and the Expulsion of the Duke of Athens’. 42  Evergates, 7, 10 and elsewhere. See also Topping, 13, about the preservation of early thirteenth-century northern French law in Morea. 43  Hamilton, 57–61.

Introduction

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constantly called: ‘advice’ and ‘advise’ are two of the most frequent words in the Chronicle. They are most often used in association with groups, themselves repeatedly mentioned, such as ‘his barons’, ‘the wisest men’, and ‘her council’. Conquest was integral to the life and ethos of the knightly class in Morea. Prestige and rights were accorded those knights, the baronage, who won their land by conquest,44 rights that applied not only to the initial conquests of Champlitte and Villehardouin. Even relative latecomers like John of Neuilly, who established the barony of Passava around 1220,45 had more prestige than knights who held fiefs in simple homage. For Moreot barons, conquest was both ideally and in fact unending. For example, after the disastrous battle of Pelagonia in 1259, Prince William II, taken prisoner and accused of disloyalty to the Byzantine Emperor by his captor, a Greek general, justifies Frankish baronial attitudes toward conquest: Certainly, sire, if I sought more land than my ancestor and had conquered Romania, I ought not be blamed in the least, but rather praised by all noblemen; because throughout the world it is the custom that all men of arms should constantly strive to make conquests from their enemies and to expand their estate and their sovereignty. Those who do so should be praised highly, unless what they do is against justice or would disinherit one’s blood kin (¶309).

William was keenly aware of customs, whether written or understood, relating to conquered lands. As prince of Morea, merely chief among a consortium of barons, he had considerably less power than the Greek emperor had over his nobles. Imprisoned in Constantinople, William explains the essence of Moreot feudalism to Emperor Michael Palaiologos, who had urged him to surrender his lands and return to France: The country of Morea is conquered territory, acquired by force of arms, which my lord father and other noblemen of France accompanying him conquered. They established among themselves by laws and customs that the land should pass to their heirs. Consequently, I would be committing a terrible wrong if to save my own life I, one man only, should disinherit all those who are yet to come … And besides, Sire, even if I myself wanted to do it … the other noblemen who are my companions and my peers would not and could not do it under any circumstances in the world (¶314).

Clearly, even the prince himself ruled within the constraint of baronial customs. Woe betided the Angevin regent or the interloping husband like Philip of Savoy who ignored the barons. Forever alert to their ‘franchises et usages’, their liberties and customs, Moreot barons could send regents and princes packing. So the regent 44

 Topping discusses the ‘conquest fief’, 12, 147ff.  Bon, 113, 508–509.

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Le Roux of Sully discovered when the barons refused to pay him liege homage (¶538ff). And so too Prince Philip learned, when during his conflict with Marshal Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the country’s leaders put him in his place (¶967ff). The customs that bound this feudal society together, though vivid in mind, were too important to be kept by human memory alone. They were recorded in The Book of the Usages and Statutes of the Empire of Romania, more usually referred to as The Assizes of Romania.46 The Assizes of Romania The Assizes was written about the same time as the hypothetical prototype for the Chronicle of Morea. The Assizes was probably founded on a thirteenthcentury code, itself based on records of various judgments in the High Court and formulations of existing customs.47 The laws and customs took their final form sometime between 1333 and 1346, perhaps for the use of Catherine of Valois and other Angevin rulers. This law book clearly spells out the principles of Moreot feudalism in a code of 219 articles. We learn about the reciprocal duties of liege lords and vassals, the laws governing inheritance and marriage, as well as the duties, rights, and privileges of the various classes, both Greek and Frankish. Among the unusual features of the Assizes was its rejection in matters of inheritance of both the feudal practice of primogeniture and the precedence of male over female.48 The Assizes of Romania is unlikely to have existed as an organized codex in the early thirteenth century, despite its claims of having derived from the Customs of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Yet some formal code existed at the time of the Chronicle, which refers to a written set of laws. There are mentions of ‘le livre dez usages’ and the ‘livre des loys’, particularly in connection with Marguerite of Neuilly’s dispute and trial with William II over the barony of Akova (see ¶¶519–524). Several episodes, particularly the aforementioned court session, read almost as case histories for the Assizes. Indeed, Article 36 evidently addresses that very event. The surviving texts of The Assizes of Romania are written in Italian. There are a dozen late Venetian manuscripts ranging from the year 1423 to the mid-eighteenth

 The Assizes apply to Achaia/Morea, not all of ‘Romania’. For invaluable notes and clear translation, see Topping, an important source for most of this section’s assertions. For an older edition, see Georges Recoura, Les Assises de Romanie: Édition critique avec une introduction et des notes (Paris: Librairie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1930). 47  Topping, 12. 48  David Jacoby, ‘From Byzantium to Latin Romania: Continuity and Change’, in Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, ed. Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby, 1–44 (London: Frank Cass and Company 1989), 18. 46

Introduction

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century, and the Assizes remained a law book in many Venetian territories until that late date.49 The original, many historians believe, was in French.50 Notes on the Translation and Apparatus This is the first complete translation into English, and as far as we know into any modern language, of the French Chronicle of Morea. We presume that the principal readers will be students of crusade history and literature, medieval history, crosscultural studies of the medieval Mediterranean, and Old French literature. The principal edition used for the translation is Longnon’s, but we also consulted Buchon’s. In addition, we worked with a microfilm of the unique manuscript, whose original was viewed in Brussels, November 2012. We have relied on Longnon’s edition for the translation, checking it against the manuscript and making changes to correct errors and to improve clarity. For example, his edition loses track of numbering in several spots, so we have renumbered some paragraphs alphabetically, such as 721a and 721b. We did not want to change the actual paragraph numbers because of the many references in the literature to those numbers. In a very few places, we have corrected Longnon’s reading. For instance, in one place he writes ‘three knights’, when the context makes that figure improbable. The microfilm showed a small superscript ‘c’ by the iii, so we changed the figure accordingly to ‘three hundred’. Longnon fills in the narrative blanks, lacunae in the manuscript, with summaries from the Greek. We have translated and further condensed those summaries as notes where the blanks occur. In addition to these summaries, readers are encouraged to refer to Longnon for the detailed historical notes he provides. We have tried to stay as close to the text as possible, while writing idiomatic English. To make the text easier reading, however, we have made certain changes to an otherwise literal translation: 1. All places are given their modern names, so that readers can locate them on maps. The annotated index of persons and places usually includes the Old French name or other appellations. 2. We have shortened most sentences for readability. The manuscript has no terminal punctuation, using spacing and capitalization to separate major segments. Many sentences follow a pattern of ‘Quant … et … si’ and can run a hundred words or more. Although we often follow Longnon’s marks, 49

 Setton, 155.  Ibid.; David Jacoby, La féodalité en Grèce médiévale: Les ‘Assises de Romanie’, École pratique des hautes études: Documents et recherches sur l’économie des pays byzantins, islamiques, et slaves, et leurs relations commerciales au Moyen Age, 10 (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 82–88, 170. 50

The Old French ‘Chronicle of Morea’

26

3. 4. 5. 6.

we break overlong sentences at clauses, usually at ‘et’ or ‘si’, and adjust the wording and syntax accordingly. Some sentences required more help to be intelligible. For instance, there are many ambiguous referents, which we have clarified by substituting a name for a pronoun. Personal names have been anglicized. As an aid to reading, we added headings and subheadings. To help with matters of historical fact, we offer a timeline, an annotated index of persons and places, a list of unnamed women, a glossary, and other such apparatus.

Historical Timeline Dates are intended to help readers understand the events narrated or alluded to in the French version of the Chronicle of Morea. The timeline is therefore specific to those events and personages and is not comprehensive for the period. Although not everything listed here is specifically mentioned in the Chronicle’s story, everything here is nonetheless in some way important to understanding that story. For more information on the complex history of the period, please consult the special studies noted in the bibliography. Not all sources agree precisely on all the dates. Sources for information are predominantly Buchon (1845), Longnon (1911), Cheetham (1981), Setton (1976), Lock (1995), and in particular for details about people and places, Bon (1969) and Hopf (1868). 1095 The First Crusade is called by Pope Urban II; it is preached by Peter the Hermit, among others. 1198 The Fourth Crusade is preached by Pope Innocent III; nobles throughout Europe, notably from Champagne and Flanders, begin plans to join it. 1201 Before the crusade armies set out for the Holy Land, negotiations are underway to have galleys outfitted in Venice to transport men and horses arriving from northern Europe. However, some crusaders leave from places other than Venice (Marseille and Genoa, for example), and only part of the host arrives in Venice. 1202 To be able to pay Venice for the unused ships, the crusader host that does arrive there agrees to sack nearby Zara (under control of Hungary) and share the spoils with Venice. The sack takes place 10–23 November; the armies winter in Zara. 1203 May. The crusader host and Venetians leave Zara for Constantinople, ostensibly to bring the Orthodox city under the Church of Rome; the Latins agree that they will restore to the Byzantine throne Alexios IV Angelos, son of deposed Byzantine Emperor Isaac II, with help from Philip of Swabia, brotherin-law of Alexios and pretender to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire. — 17 July. The crusader army and Venetian ships attack Constantinople and are victorious; the Byzantine Emperor Alexios III, who had overthrown Isaac II, flees; Alexios IV and Isaac, his father, are named co-emperors. Great unrest continues in Constantinople. 1204 January. Alexios V Doukas (called Mourtzouphlos) takes over after Alexios IV is killed and Isaac II dies. — April. Crusaders and Venetians attack and sack Constantinople when Mourtzouphlos refuses to give them the substantial rewards Alexios IV had promised them; Mourtzouphlos flees and is later executed.

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— May. The Byzantine Empire in Greece is divided between Venice and leaders of the crusade; the Latin Empire of Constantinople is established; Baldwin of Flanders is elected emperor, to the dismay of Boniface of Montferrat, leader of the crusade army. — Boniface of Montferrat is given the kingdom of Thessalonica, a vassal state of the new Latin Empire; crusader William of Champlitte, called the Champenois in the Chronicle, joins Boniface in setting out to conquer mainland Greece. — The Greek despotate of Epirus (Arta in the Chronicle), empire of Nicaea, and empire of Trebizond are founded after Constantinople falls; Theodore I Laskaris, crowned in 1208, claims to be the true Byzantine emperor, living in exile in Nicaea. 1205 William of Champlitte, Geoffrey of Villehardouin and their followers begin their conquest of the Peloponnesus; the siege of Corinth (Acrocorinth) begins, lasting several years. — April. Latin Emperor Baldwin of Flanders is defeated at the battle of Adrianople, taken prisoner, and later killed by Bulgarians. — April. Henry of Flanders (called Robert in the Chronicle), Baldwin’s brother, is named regent of the empire. 1206 August. Henry of Flanders is crowned Latin emperor of Constantinople. 1207 Much of the Peloponnesus (now called Morea or Achaia) is under Latin control. — 7 September. Boniface of Montferrat is killed by Bulgarians, with the help of Cuman mercenaries, in Thessalonica. 1208 William of Champlitte (the Champenois) returns to France; leaves Geoffrey of Villehardouin as regent and his designated successor should he (or a designated relative) not return to Morea within a year and a day. The episode in the Chronicle concerning a relative named Robert being sent to Morea and thwarted in his efforts to claim the territory cannot be verified historically, but may have a basis in fact. For whatever reasons, Villehardouin does not claim the principality as his own until 1210. 1209 May. Latin Emperor Henry calls a parliament at Ravenika (the location is not named in the Chronicle); receives homage from Geoffrey of Villehardouin and Otto de la Roche, ruler of Athens, among others, finally uniting his empire. — Geoffrey of Villehardouin calls a parliament at Andravida and takes account of feudal assignments given to Frankish leaders of the conquest. They constitute the original baronies and fiefs in Morea, with special rights and privileges that are inherited. The Venetians are confirmed as rulers of the port cities of Modon and Coron. 1210 May. Pope Innocent III refers to Geoffrey of Villehardouin as prince of Achaia (Morea). — Corinth, Argos, and Nauplia are conquered by the Franks, which takes until 1212 to fully accomplish.

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1216 June. Latin Emperor Henry of Flanders dies; his sister Yolanda is regent for two years while her husband and heir to the imperial throne, Peter of Courtenay, travels to Constantinople from France. He never makes it. 1217 Agnes of Courtenay, daughter of the Latin Emperor Peter of Courtenay and his wife Yolanda, marries Geoffrey I of Villehardouin in Morea. 1221 Robert of Courtenay (son of Peter of Courtenay and Yolanda) becomes Latin emperor of Constantinople. 1222 John III Vatatzes is crowned emperor of Nicaea; he is Emperor Theodore’s son-in-law. 1224 The kingdom of Thessalonica returns to Byzantine rule under Theodore I Doukas of Epirus (Arta). 1225 Otto de la Roche goes to Burgundy and leaves Athens and Thebes to Guy de la Roche, his nephew. 1228 Latin Emperor Robert of Courtenay dies. John of Brienne is regent for eleven-year-old Baldwin (son of Peter of Courtenay and his wife, Yolanda). — Geoffrey I of Villehardouin dies (some date this 1229 or 1231); he is succeeded by his son, Geoffrey II. 1229 As a child, Baldwin II becomes Latin emperor of what was not much more than Constantinople, with Brienne as co-ruler. 1230 Michael II Doukas, called John in the Chronicle, becomes despot of Arta (Epirus). 1237 Baldwin II becomes Latin emperor of Constantinople on the death of Brienne. 1246 Geoffrey II of Villehardouin dies; his brother, William II of Villehardouin, succeeds him. — Siege of Monemvasia begins, lasting to 1248 when the city falls to William II of Villehardouin. 1249 Prince William II joins the Seventh Crusade to Egypt with Louis IX; receives permission to mint tournois coins in Morea. 1250 Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor, dies; he ruled much of Italy. 1254 Theodore II Laskaris is emperor of Nicaea. 1255 Civil war rages throughout Frankish Greece; Villehardouin and his vassals in Morea ally with Genoa against the Venetians and certain Latin rulers on the mainland. It lasts to 1259. 1258 May/June. Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, leaves Morea to fight on the side of his brother-in-law, Guy de la Roche, ruler of Athens, against his uncle and liege lord, Prince William II. The issue was that the prince demanded homage from the ruler of Athens, who refused. — Guy de la Roche of Athens loses the battle against Prince William and is ordered to go to France to get judgment about his status from King Louis IX; the king exonerates him, and the Chronicle relates that the king bestows the title duke of Athens on Guy in 1260; he returns to Athens in 1261. (The title duke of Athens only became official in 1280.) Geoffrey of Bruyères obtains pardon and penalty from his uncle.

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— Michael Palaiologos of Nicaea is named regent for Emperor Theodore II Laskaris’s young son, John Laskaris. Soon, Michael overthrows John, seizes control, and becomes emperor, founding a long-lived dynasty. — William II of Villehardouin marries Anna Komnene Doukaina, daughter of Michael II, despot of Epirus (Arta), who seeks an ally against the emperor of Nicaea. 1259 October. Battle of Pelagonia, between the most important French barons and their followers, and forces led by Michael Palaiologos, the soon-to-be emperor of Nicaea. The Franks lose badly; many nobles are taken prisoner, including Prince William II of Villehardouin and Geoffrey of Bruyères. 1261 Michael Palaiologos has effectively restored a strong but smaller Byzantine Empire by taking back Constantinople from Baldwin II, Latin emperor. Baldwin seeks help throughout Europe, but the Latin Empire of Constantinople exists only on paper henceforth. 1262 Prince William II of Villehardouin cedes Monemvasia, Mistra, and Grand Magne (Mani) to the Greek emperor in return for his and his followers’ release from prison; he returns to Morea. As surety, Marguerite, the daughter of John of Neuilly, and the sister of grand constable Jean Chauderon are sent as hostages to the Byzantine emperor’s court. — Charles of Anjou, brother to the king of France, is crowned king of Sicily. 1263 Birth of Isabelle of Villehardouin, daughter of Prince William II and Anna Komnene Doukaina. — summer. Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, and the beautiful wife of elderly John of Catavas, his vassal and seasoned warrior, make a romantic pilgrimage together to Italy; two years later, they return (the Chronicle says sent home by King Manfred). As punishment, Geoffrey loses his hereditary lands and holds them henceforth only for life. — Conflict erupts in Skorta, southern Morea when the Greeks think Prince William, who is vacationing, is there to retake the castles he ceded to the Greek emperor. The emperor’s forces arrive and join with local Greeks and Slavs to fight the Franks. At the battle of Prinitza, the Franks decisively defeat a larger Greek force. 1264 Battle of Makryplagi Pass in Skorta, a victory for the Franks against Greek forces. 1265 Hostilities continue in Morea between Franks, Greeks, and foreign mercenaries who have remained without leaders (notably Turks); the Chronicle describes various battles from this time. 1266 26 February. Charles of Anjou defeats Manfred at the battle of Benevento; he is crowned king of Naples and Sicily. Manfred dies. — birth of Marguerite, daughter of William II of Villehardouin and Anna Komnene Doukaina. 1267 Early spring. Baldwin II, titular Latin emperor of Constantinople, signs the Treaty of Viterbo, giving sovereignty over the nominal empire to King Charles

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of Naples; Prince William II signs the same treaty, agreeing to become the king’s vassal. — Prince William II of Villehardouin arranges the marriage of his daughter, Isabelle, to Philip of Anjou (Louis in the Chronicle), King Charles I’s younger son; Isabelle goes to live at the court in Naples. 1268 Conradin, duke of Swabia, king of Sicily, king of Jerusalem, invades Italy in 1267–1268 with a huge force, meets King Charles I of Naples at Tagliacozzo, is defeated on 23 August, later captured, imprisoned in Naples, and beheaded in October 1268. Prince William fights on the side of King Charles. 1269 Prince William II returns to Morea from battle in Italy to find the Greeks have broken their treaties with him. Unrest ensues. 1271 28 May. Isabelle of Villehardouin marries Philip of Anjou. 1273 October. Latin Emperor Baldwin II dies in Naples; his son Philip of Courtenay succeeds him to the paper title. 1275 The lord of Karytaina, Geoffrey of Bruyères, dies; his widow, Isabelle de la Roche, marries Hugh of Brienne in 1277. 1276 Marguerite of Neuilly, lady of Passava, claims Akova as her inheritance and brings her claim to the feudal court in Morea. She marries John of Saint-Omer, who champions her cause. The court’s ruling is that the barony be split between Marguerite (one-third) and Marguerite of Villehardouin, Prince William’s younger daughter (two-thirds). 1277 Philip of Anjou, Isabelle of Villehardouin’s husband and intended successor to her father, Prince William II, dies. 1278 May. Prince William II of Villehardouin dies. Title to the principality goes to King Charles as stipulated in the Treaty of Viterbo. Charles sends Galeran of Ivry as his regent to Morea until 1280, followed by Philip of Lagonesse until 1282. After that, a succession of Moreot barons serve as regents. 1282 ‘Sicilian Vespers’: the forces of King Charles of Naples are expelled from Sicily; the crown of Aragon takes it over. 1285 Charles I of Anjou, king of Naples, dies: his son Charles II the Lame becomes king. 1287 William de la Roche, duke of Athens, dies; succeeded by his minor son Guy II with Hugh of Brienne and Helen Komnene (Guy’s mother) as regents. 1289 September. Marriage of Florent of Hainaut and Isabelle of Villehardouin in Naples, with permission and contingencies from their lord, Charles II, king of Naples; they arrive in Morea as rulers soon thereafter. 1291–1292 Combined Frankish forces help the despot of Epirus (Arta) against the forces of the emperor of Nicaea. 1292 Roger of Lauria, admiral of Aragon, makes a side trip during the struggle over Sicily (‘Sicilian Vespers’) to raid islands and ports in the Aegean Sea, including Morea, while Prince Florent is away in Italy at the court of King Charles II of Naples; meets with Princess Isabelle. 1293 November. Birth of Mahaut of Hainaut, daughter of Princess Isabelle and Prince Florent.

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— Slavs in Skorta take over the castle of Kalamata, which the Franks eventually regain (an event recorded only in the French version of the Chronicle). 1294 Charles II of Naples transfers control of Morea to his son Philip of Taranto. Philip marries Thamar of Arta, daughter of Despot Nikephoros of Epirus (Arta). 1295 War breaks out between Byzantine Thessaly and Arta (Epirus), now allied with Charles II and the Latins. 1297 23 January. Florent of Hainaut, prince of Achaia (Morea), dies. 1299 Mahaut of Hainaut is betrothed to Guy II of Athens; goes to live in Thebes. Marguerite of Villehardouin marries Count Richard of Cephalonia. 1300 Princess Isabelle goes to Rome for the jubilee year; meets Philip of Savoy, ambitious young Italian noble. 1301 February. Princess Isabelle marries Philip of Savoy over the objections of Charles II, but backed by the pope; they travel to Morea; the Moreot barons become Philip’s vassals, and he vows to uphold their customs and laws. — Constantine of Thessaly appoints Guy II of Athens regent for his son, John II, and Guy goes to Neopatras to see his ward and the duchy. — Catherine of Courtenay, titular empress of Constantinople, marries Charles of Valois, brother to the king of France. 1302 Nicholas of Saint-Omer, grand marshal of Morea, joins Guy II, duke of Athens, in an excursion to Thessaly without permission from their overlord, Prince Philip of Savoy. Guy is the guardian of young John II Doukas, ruler of Thessaly; Anna Kantakouzene of Epirus had made incursions into John’s lands; Guy and Nicholas move to avenge the incursions. — June. Slavs and Greeks in Skorta revolt against Prince Philip because of excessive taxes. 1303 June. Philip of Savoy and John of Cephalonia unsuccessfully attack Epirus (Arta) at the behest of King Charles when despotess Anna refuses to hand it over to Philip of Taranto, his son. She insists her son Thomas is the rightful ruler. King Charles orders them to attack again the following spring, but Anna of Epirus (Arta) essentially buys them off. 1304 May. Prince Philip of Savoy calls a lavish parliament and tournament in Corinth as a reason not to have to attack Arta. All the notables in Frankish Greece are invited, and it attracts wide attention. — Count Richard of Cephalonia dies, leaving his wife, Marguerite of Villehardouin, a widow. His son John succeeds him as count. — Fall. Charles II of Naples forces Philip of Savoy and Princess Isabelle to leave Morea; Nicholas of Saint-Omer is named regent of Morea for King Charles. 1305 Marriage is solemnized between Mahaut of Hainaut, Princess Isabelle’s daughter, and Guy II of Athens. 1307 11 May. Philip of Savoy is formally deposed as prince of Morea by King Charles II of Naples; Princess Isabelle goes to her daughter’s lands in Hainaut and dies there later. Philip of Taranto, Charles’s son, becomes prince of Morea. — The Catalan Company begins to ravage Thessaly.

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— After the death of her mother and still a child, Catherine of Valois becomes titular Latin empress of Constantinople under a regent, Catherine of Courtenay. 1308 October. Guy II de la Roche, duke of Athens, husband of Mahaut of Hainaut, dies; Walter of Brienne, his cousin, succeeds him. Walter hires the Catalan Company to help him assert control over Thessaly instead of turning rule over to John II of Thessaly as he should. 1309 The papacy moves to Avignon. — King Charles II (the Lame) dies; his son Robert of Anjou (the Wise) succeeds him. 1311 Walter of Brienne refuses to pay the Catalans, wages war against them with many allies, and loses his duchy and many men; he dies on 15 March in the battle of Halmyros. John II Doukas rules Thessaly. 1312 (possibly late 1311) Princess Isabelle of Villehardouin dies in Hainaut after making a formal declaration of her and her daughter Mahaut’s rights to Morea. Her sister, Marguerite, makes several claims to the principality before and after Isabelle’s death. King Robert of Naples denies these claims. 1312 The Catalan Company sacks Corinth. 1313 July. Mahaut of Hainaut marries Louis of Burgundy, and becomes Princess of Morea. — Catherine of Valois, daughter of Charles of Valois and Catherine of Courtenay, titular Latin empress of Constantinople, marries Philip of Taranto, brother of King Robert of Naples. 1314 Marguerite of Villehardouin arranges for Isabelle, her daughter by Isnard of Sabran, to marry Ferdinand of Majorca, believing the barons of Morea will accept Isabelle as their rightful sovereign. Instead, Marguerite is imprisoned and considered a traitor to the principality. — January. Nicholas of Saint-Omer dies. 1315 The future James II of Majorca is born to Isabelle of Sabran and Ferdinand of Majorca. Isabelle dies in childbirth; her mother Marguerite of Villehardouin, the lady of Akova, dies in Morea. Ferdinand lands in Morea, asserting the rights of James, to the principality, inherited through Isabelle. — John II Doukas of Thessaly marries Irene Palaiologina, the illegitimate daughter of the Greek emperor Andronikos II. 1316 5 July. Ferdinand of Majorca (father of James II, the grandson of Marguerite of Villehardouin) fights Louis of Burgundy (husband of Princess Mahaut of Morea) over supremacy in Morea. Ferdinand dies losing the battle of Manolada. Louis of Burgundy dies unexpectedly in August. 1318 Mahaut of Hainaut, princess of Morea, is forcibly betrothed to John of Gravina, brother to King Robert of Naples; she is disinherited and imprisoned by King Robert when she refuses to marry, claiming she is secretly married to Hugh de la Palisse. John of Gravina rules Morea through regents. — John II of Thessaly dies without an heir; Thessaly is under the control of a powerful Greek, Stephen Gabrielopoulos, and the Catalan Company, which establish the duchy of Neopatras.

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— Thomas of Epirus (Arta) dies and the counts of Cephalonia take over the despotate. 1320 And following years: the Greeks begin to regain castles and territories in Morea; the Catalan Company continues to gain territory. 1331 Princess Mahaut dies a prisoner in Naples (possibly at Aversa). — Catalans sack the castle of Saint-Omer at Thebes. 1332 Philip of Taranto dies; his son Robert becomes prince of Taranto with his mother, Catherine of Valois, as regent. 1333 John of Gravina gives his nephew Robert, prince of Taranto (under his mother Catherine), the principality of Achaia (Morea) in exchange for other territory. 1338 Catherine of Valois goes to Morea and serves until 1341 as regent and princess of the principality for her son Robert. 1341 Bartholomew Ghisi, said to be the owner of a copy of the Chronicle of Morea, dies. 1343 King Robert of Naples dies; he is succeeded by Joanna I. 1346 Catherine of Valois dies; her son Robert of Taranto becomes the titular Latin emperor of Constantinople and prince of Achaia (Morea).

Glossary Achaia, Morea. In ancient times, Achaia was a district on the northwestern coast of the Peloponnesus. Under Rome, it became a provincial name for the greater part of Greece and was later so called in papal documents. Although the ‘principality of Achaia’ sounded good to certain ears, ‘Morea’ was the name most often applied to the Peloponnesus in late medieval and Turkish times and is what the inhabitants usually called their land, as we read in the Chronicle. The Chronicle prefers ‘Morea’ to ‘Achaia’ 10:1 (approximately 250 instances to twenty-five). The name ‘Morea’ perhaps arose from a word for mulberry, trees that supported the silk industry in the Peloponnesus. See also Romania. Archontes. A class of Greek noblemen. Archontes included the great landlords, as well as middle- to high-ranking imperial officials, most of whom were also the chief notables of their cities. Some archontes, such as Leon Sgouros, were quite powerful. Banner, banneret. In the Chronicle, a banner (a standard carried into battle) is used as a synecdoche for the troop carrying it. A banneret is a knight rich enough to lead a small troop under his own banner. Baron. In thirteenth-century France, a baron was a member of the minor nobility. In Morea, however, barons were high lords, holding their authority directly from the prince. (A similar situation prevailed elsewhere in the crusader states.) Besides the prince, there were eleven chief barons in Morea, ‘barons of land’, who had in the words of the Assizes ‘blood justice and a bishopric in their land’ [Article 94 in Topping, 57]. These barons held their lands by conquest, either through their own efforts or by descending from the original conquerors. Bourgeois. An individual formally recognized as a non-noble citizen of a particular town or city. Caparison. Decorative cloth covering for horses and other animals. Captain. ‘Captain’ (OF chapitaine and variants) referred to a military chief, whether the vassal lord in command of a company or an appointed or elected leader heading a large army. For instance, Boniface is asked to be captain of the crusading host [¶9], and many other ‘captains’ held powers closer to that of a modern general. In other places, as Topping notes [168], ‘captain’ and ‘castellan’ are synonymous. The captains of Corfu and Kalamata exemplify that

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use. Article 177 [Topping, 85] mentions places like Glarentza and Androusa, where ‘the lord has a captain to dispense justice’. Carole. A circle dance of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries that featured singing, as in ¶242: ‘ … the young squires put on a great celebration of jousting, breaking lances at targets, and dancing caroles’. Castellan. Lord of a castle and its dependent lands. Sometimes the term refers to a lieutenant left in charge to manage the garrison and maintain the castle, but castellans could be governors with judicial powers as well. Castellans were the most important local officials in Morea; they sometimes included baronies of the first rank. See also Captain. Castellany. The extent of land and jurisdiction belonging to a given castle. The rank, office, or jurisdiction of a castellan. Chamberlain. An official in a royal or noble household responsible for finances and valuable property, such as coin, plate, and jewels. Chancellor. An official who oversaw the production, distribution, and preservation of written correspondence and documentation within a royal or noble household or institution. Usually a cleric. Cleric, Clerk. A scholar or clerk in the service of a noble household, functioning much as a modern bureaucrat or secretary. Constable. A leading official within a royal or noble household. Sometimes the term refers to the head of a small garrison. However, the grand constable of Morea was ‘the most important civil office’ in Morea [Topping, 123]. Initially given to one of the leading barons, the office became hereditary and accrued power. For instance, John of Chauderon, hereditary constable, took over as regent at William of Villehardouin’s death. Count. In medieval France, the lord of a region (a ‘county’), with powers and status comparable to those of dukes or even kings during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Later, counts were ranked below dukes. Crossbow, crossbowmen. Arbalests and arbalesters (OF arbalestiers), the more powerful crossbows developed in the twelfth century and their users, are the more precise terms for these words. Crossbowmen are distinguished from archers (OF arciers/archiers/archers), who used bows (OF arcs) and possessed a superior skillset. The Cumans, for example, were known for their prowess as mounted archers. Crossbowmen required much less training to succeed on the

Glossary

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battlefield. Crossbows shot arrow-like projectiles called quarrels, which could pierce chain mail and some armor. See also Quarrels. Crusade and crusader. See Pilgrim and passage. Demesne. Manorial land retained for the private use of a feudal lord for his personal support. See also Fief. Denier. Deniers of Tours were the common currency of large parts of France, and beginning in the mid-thirteenth century were the standard coin of Attica, Boeotia, the Peloponnesus, and some of the Aegean islands. See also Hyperpyron. Despot. A senior Byzantine court title that originally referred to the sons or sons-in-law of reigning emperors, particularly the heir-apparent. Later the title was used by rulers of independent states (‘despotates’). Among these despotates was Epirus (called Arta, after its seat), which figures importantly in the Chronicle. Later, in 1349, Morea itself became a despotate. Doge. The title of the elected ruler of the commune of Venice. Donjon. The fortified main tower of a castle; a keep. Fief or fee. Possessions, usually property with its rights and revenues, granted by a lord to a vassal, typically in return for military service. The fief or fee with its annual income determined the wealth and the power of its holder. Some fiefs lasted for only the life of the holder, some could be inherited only by the children of the holder, and some were fully inheritable and could pass to any legal heir. Fiefs of conquest were the most prestigious and secure. However, a fief of conquest could be revoked for high crimes, chiefly treason, as is threatened by the prince at the lord of Karytaina’s trial: ‘But the noblemen begged and pleaded to the point that the prince pardoned him and gave him his land and all his homages, just as he had them earlier. However, they were newly granted fiefs and no longer as those earned by conquest’ [¶414]. See also Demesne and Homage, as well as the discussions of Moreot culture and the Assizes of Romania in the Introduction. Franks and Latins. Among Greek writers, ‘Frank’ was an ethnic marker applied to all Western Europeans. The name was taken from one of the Germanic tribes that had invaded Gaul in the fifth century and was used pejoratively by Byzantine writers from late antiquity through the Middle Ages. However, in the Chronicle the word ‘franc’ appears rarely and then as a synonym for ‘françois/

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françoys’, the preferred term. The word ‘Latin’ and its variants appear perhaps twenty times in the Chronicle, usually referring to Western Europeans, as distinct from Greeks. Grand Domestic. The title of megas domestikos (‘Grand Domestic’) was given to the commander-in-chief of the Byzantine land army: he ranked only below the emperor. Hauberk. A long tunic made of chain mail. Homage. The declaration of fealty by a vassal to a lord. Plain or simple homage differed from liege homage, as the Assizes of Romania explains in Article 72: ‘This is the difference between a man of liege and one of simple homage: the lord can appoint a vassal of simple homage an official in an office of honor – a liegeman he cannot. And a man of simple homage is obliged to serve according to the terms of his letters. The liegeman belongs to the Council of the Lord while the man of simple homage does not. The liegeman can grant a third of his land while the man of simple homage cannot. A liegewoman can marry without securing her lord’s permission, while giving a third of the produce yielded in the first year, or the equivalent value. And a woman of simple homage cannot marry after this has been forbidden her by her lord. If the land of a liegeman is unjustly seized by his lord he shall not be able to lodge a complaint against his lord if a year has not passed, and if he lodges a complaint before a year and a day have passed, he loses the fief. But a man of simple homage can lodge a complaint once forty days have passed. A liege noble has a Court, while a man in a simple homage cannot hold one.’ [Topping, 51–52] Hyperpyron (plural hyperpyra). The hyperpyron was a gold coin of Constantinople, also called a bezant. See also Denier. Invest, investiture. Literally, to enrobe someone with the symbols and regalia of office. In the Chronicle, investiture is accompanied by a ring or other precious object or by an item of clothing. For example, Prince William II invests Lady Marguerite with a hood when he gives her a third of the barony of Akova [¶529], and he later invests his daughter with a glove when he gives her the other two-thirds [¶531]. Joust. A martial game played on horseback, using lances. Two knights would ride toward each other at top speed, each trying to unhorse the other or at least to break his own lance on his opponent’s shield. See also Lists. Kyr. The title for ‘lord’ in Greek.

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Liege lord. A lord or sovereign to whom allegiance and service are due according to feudal law. See also Fief. Liegeman. A vassal or subject owing allegiance and services to a lord or sovereign under feudal law. See also Homage. Lists. An area for combat in jousting, often marked by ropes and wooden barriers. See also Joust. Mangonel. A missile-throwing, torsion-powered siege engine, used as a catapult in medieval warfare. Marquis, Marquess. A noble title that in Europe was often associated with lands inside the Holy Roman Empire, such as the March or Margraviate of Montferrat. Marshal. A high official in a royal or noble household. Marshals might perform various duties, but typically they held chief military authority. In Morea, marshals were also military judges. The role was hereditary, and the dignity could pass to female heirs. For instance, Marguerite of Passava through her marriage to John of Saint-Omer conveyed the title to him and their heirs. Morea. See Achaia. Panejours. Local fairs, where Latins and Greeks bought and sold their produce and goods. Parliament. Assembly, court, or convention of nobles. Moreot rulers and leaders generally made their decisions only after convening councils or parliaments of their peers. At Nikli, for example, ‘the princess and all the ladies of the land … called a parliament to see whether it was wise to give up the three castles as a ransom for Prince William’ (and also for the husbands of said ladies), taken at the battle of Pelagonia in 1259. [¶324] Pilgrim and passage. ‘Crusade’ and ‘crusader’ do not appear in the text. The text uses le passage and related variants, which may be translated as ‘the overseas journey’. Similarly, the armies assembled by the French and the Venetians are never called crusaders, but pelerins, pilgrims. Prothoalogatora. A Greek noble with status and duties similar to a marshal’s. Protovestiary. In Morea, the senior financial official.

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Prudhomme. (OF Preudomme and variants.) A man who embodied the ideal blend of personal qualities in both his internal disposition and outward conduct: ‘ … the epithet prudens begins to appear in eulogies of the good knight. It became increasingly popular and soon overtook other adjectives which stressed the physical courage, such as fortis or strenuus … It described the perfect knight in whom reason and bodily strength were perfectly balanced.’ [Duby, 180] Quarrel. A square-headed bolt or arrow especially for a crossbow. Regent. We have generally translated the word bail/baill as ‘regent’, its most frequent meaning. In the Chronicle, bail/baill means regent when discussing high-ranking individuals; for instance, even the emperor is called bail. It can also mean guardian, when referring to wardship of minors, and in such cases, we have used that word or its synonyms. But for the most part, bail in the Chronicle means someone who governs during the minority, absence, or disability of the king or overlord. Romania. The Byzantines called themselves ‘Romans’ and coined the term ‘Romania’ for their empire. After the Fourth Crusade, the Franks took this name as a collective term for their territories in the Aegean. The ‘empire of Romania’ refers to the Latin Empire, which laid claim to the Peloponnesus, virtually all of the islands, and lands on the shore of the Aegean. See also Achaia. Sebastokrator. Sebastokrator (literally ‘venerable ruler’) was an exalted court title in the Byzantine Empire, almost always restricted to members of the imperial family. It was also used by rulers of bordering states. Seneschal. A high officer in a noble house. In medieval France, the seneschal was also a royal officer in charge of justice and control of the administration. In Latin Constantinople, he had military jurisdictions. In Morea, the prince of Achaia bore the title of ‘Grand Seneschal of the Latin Empire of Constantinople’ [¶ 56]. The other manner in which the term is used is as an explanatory aside for the Grand Domestic [¶ 103]. Sergeant. Generally refers to a skilled warrior who fought alongside a knight. Though usually considered men-at-arms, sergeants might also perform nonmilitary duties. In the Chronicle, sergeants have small fiefs (sergeantries) but are not themselves noble. Squire. Literally, a ‘shield-bearer’ (OF ecuyer). A squire might be a knight’s assistant, drawn from the serving classes, or a knight-in-training, from the nobility. Like sergeants, squires are considered men-at-arms.

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Trebuchet. A type of catapult for hurling large stones or other missiles against walls during sieges. Vassal. A person who owes service, often including military service, and loyalty to a lord who has granted him or her a fief. See also Homage and Fief.

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The Old French Chronicle of Morea Chronological Table of the Chronicle of Morea1 CT 1. To remind those who are alive and those yet to be born, 1,104 years after the resurrection of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ was the conquest of the blessed sepulcher of Jerusalem, and Godfrey of Bouillon was king. CT 2. Afterward, in the year 1204, was the conquest of Constantinople, when Baldwin, count of Flanders, was emperor, and two years after that was the conquest of Morea. CT 3. In 1260, Prince William was captured at Pelagonia. He stayed for three years in prison in Constantinople and then left prison. He lived for fourteen years with wars and tribulations and died in the year 1277, at the castle of Kalamata, the same place he was born. CT 4. In the year 1286, Lord Florent of Hainaut came as prince to Morea, when King Charles gave him in marriage Lady Isabelle, daughter of good Prince William of Villehardouin. He made peace with the Byzantine emperor, Kyr Andronikos Palaiologos, and the peace lasted seven years, until the castle of Saint George in Skorta was captured in 1294. Then the Venetians fortified the castle of Modon so that the prince was hindered in the siege of this castle and could not rout them. CT 5. Prince Florent died in the year 1297. CT 6. In 1300 was the jubilee year in Rome, when Princess Isabelle went on pilgrimage to Rome. She agreed and took as her lord and husband Lord Philip of Savoy with the pope’s consent. CT 7. In 1302, in the month of October of the first indiction, Prince Philip and Princess Isabelle, his wife, came to Glarentza. That year, in the month of June, the marshal, Nicholas of Saint-Omer, went to Thessaly to help his cousin, the duke of  In the unique manuscript of the French Chronicle (Brussels 15702), the narrative text is preceded by a chronological table, not found in any of the other versions. Its dates and names do not always relate directly to what is in the Chronicle. In fact, they carry the story several years out from events described in the narrative. Furthermore, although many of the Chronicle’s dates and details, both in this section and throughout, are at least roughly accurate, not all are. We note the larger errors, but please refer to our introduction and historical timeline for a modern overview of this time. Longnon moved the chronological table so that in his edition it follows the Chronicle’s narrative. We have restored it to the beginning of the Chronicle and given the paragraphs unique numbering, beginning with CT, and cited as such in the annotated index and list of unnamed women. In addition, we have preserved the manuscript’s sequence of the entries (not always in chronological order), which Longnon had changed. 1

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Athens. The minute he passed into Amphissa, the rebellion in Skorta broke out, when the Greeks destroyed the castles of Saint Helen and Crievecuer. CT 8. In 1303, the month of June, the second indiction, the prince of Savoy and the marshal of Morea went to the despotate at the command of King Charles, when the war between the prince of Taranto began against the despotess of Arta2 and her son Thomas, who was then bearing arms for the first time. CT 9. In 1304, the month of November, Prince Philip of Savoy left Morea and went to his country of Piedmont in Lombardy leaving the marshal regent of the principality. During that year, at the beginning of the month of June of the fourth indiction, Prince Philip of Taranto came and took over sovereignty of Morea by the order and authority of King Charles, his father. CT 10. In 1306, the seventh indiction, Duke Guy de la Roche died, and that year Count Walter of Brienne and Lecce, his first cousin, came and received lordship of the duchy of Athens. CT 11. In 1307, the eighth indiction, on the fifteenth day of the month of March, on a Monday, Duke Walter of Brienne and Lecce fought the Company of Catalans, and in Halmyros, was killed because of his own mistake. CT 12. In 1310, the ninth indiction, the prince of Taranto went to France to take as his wife and bride the very noble Lady Catherine, daughter of Lord Charles (brother to the king of France) and sister of Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople. CT 13. In 1312, the month of October, the twelfth indiction, Prince Louis of Burgundy’s legal representatives came and received the principality of Achaia for Prince Louis and Princess Mahaut, his wife, which the prince of Taranto had given them. That year, in the month of January, on the thirtieth day, noble Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, marshal of Morea, died. CT 14. In 1313, on the eighth day of July, of the thirteenth indiction, Don Ferdinand of Majorca took the city of Glarentza, Chloumoutsi, Beauvoir, and other castles. CT 15. In 1314, in the month of April, the fourteenth indiction, Prince Louis of Burgundy came to the city of Patras. He fought with Don Ferdinand on the plain of Manolada, routed him and all his men, and had his head cut off. And twenty days after this battle, Prince Louis took to bed and died of an illness that killed him on the second day of August of this indiction. CT 16. In 1316, the first indiction, King Robert sent for Princess Mahaut to come to Naples, with the intention of giving her in marriage to his brother, Lord John, count of Gravina. John became prince of Morea when the king disinherited Princess Mahaut. CT 17. In 1332, in the month of December, the first indiction, after the death of the prince of Taranto. Prince John of Gravina did not deign pay homage to his nephew Sir Robert, the son of the prince of Taranto, from whom he was supposed to hold the principality of Achaia. Accordingly, they made an exchange with the 2  Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene, d. 1313. For details, see the annotated index (under “Arta, despotess of”) and the list of unnamed women (by paragraph number).

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empress, the wife of the said prince of Taranto.3 John of Gravina took the duchy of Durazzo and left the principality of Achaia to his brother’s heirs. And on the second day of April after this indiction, Sir Guy Romane de l’Escale came to Glarentza and received the principality for the empress and her heirs. CT 18. In 1319, the third indiction, the third of February. That night the castle of Saint George of Skorta was robbed and taken, and by the treaty of Mote [ … ] of Liege and of Nicholas of Patras, who then betrayed him and gave it to Sgoceco. CT 19. In 1320, the fourth indiction, on the ninth day of September, on a Tuesday. The aforesaid Nicholas of Patras treasonably gave the castle of Saint George, where he was castellan, to Kyr Andronikos Asan, the emperor’s nephew and captain. On that day, Lord Bartholomew Ghisi, the grand constable, was taken, as were Bishop James of Olena and many noble knights who went to save that castle. And that year, that same Asan took the castles of Akova, Polyphengo, and then Karytaina and other castles that the traitors who guarded them sold to that Asan because of his trickery. The Book of the Conquest of Constantinople and the Principality of Morea This is the book of the conquest of Constantinople, the empire of Romania, and the land of the principality of Morea. It was found in a book that once belonged to the noble baron Bartholomew Ghisi, the great constable, which book he had in his castle at Thebes. 1. Throughout the world, some people are easily bored, and it annoys them to hear a long, well-organized history, preferring instead to be told in a few words. Accordingly, I will tell my story, not as I found it written down, but as briefly as I can. Let everyone hear it gladly and willingly. The First Crusade 2. It is true, according to what the great history of the kingdom of Jerusalem tells us and asserts, that 1,104 years after the incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the prince and other noblemen of the kingdom of France and other regions of the West made the overseas journey at the instigation and exhortation of Brother Peter the Hermit.4 3. They passed by Constantinople and conquered the land of the Levant and ceded it to the Greek Emperor Alexios Vatatzes, who was there.5 According to the covenants made and drawn up, he was to accompany them in person with all his

3

 Catherine of Valois (1303–1346). For details, see her entry in the annotated index and the paragraph in the list of unnamed women. 4  Peter the Hermit preached the First Crusade in 1096. 5  The Byzantine emperor named here was Alexios Komnenos, 1081–1118.

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forces to conquer the holy land of Jerusalem; he failed them in doing this as soon as he had the land in his grasp. 4. Our people went to the city of Antioch and took it. Then they went directly to conquer the country of the Holy Land, in the kingdom of Jerusalem. Out of all the princes who were there, they elected the good duke Godfrey of Bouillon for his excellence and made him king of the kingdom of Jerusalem. The Fourth Crusade 5. Seventeen years6 after the eminent and noble men of the West journeyed with a great company of pilgrims to the holy land of Jerusalem, it happened that in 1204 (one hundred years after the aforementioned conquest), Count Baldwin of Flanders, the count of Champagne, the count of Toulouse, and several other noblemen of the West, took the cross and swore to travel together to the kingdom of Jerusalem. By common consent they agreed that the count of Champagne should be captain and chief of all, because he initiated the overseas journey.7 6. But it happened, as it pleased God, that the count of Champagne departed from this world. This was a great loss, because he was a nobleman of great distinction and only twenty-four years old. When the news was known throughout that the count of Champagne had come to the end of his days, all the pilgrims who had taken the cross to go with him were so mournful and dejected that they were on the verge of not making the overseas journey. 7. Lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin, the marshal of Champagne, a valiant prudhomme,8 had been chief counselor to the count (may God rest his soul) and had encouraged the count to take up the cross and make the overseas journey to the holy land of Jerusalem. When he learned about the ill-fated death of the count, he took up the mission himself and said that if he himself should die, the overseas journey should not be delayed. 8. Then he left Champagne and went directly to Baldwin, the count of Flanders, and spoke with him; with the count’s advice, they confirmed the overseas journey. Then he went to the count of Toulouse and so spoke and arranged with the two counts that they reconfirmed the overseas journey.

6  Regarding the time specified here, editors Bouchon and Longnon read the mark (VII over X) differently. Bouchon read it as seventy, and Longnon as seventeen. Longnon thought it referred to the Third Crusade, which began about seventeen years before the Fourth Crusade, in 1204. 7  ‘Crusade’ and ‘crusader’ are terms that do not appear in the text. The text uses le passage and related variants, which may be translated as ‘the overseas journey’. Similarly, the armies assembled by the French and the Venetians are never called ‘crusaders’, but pelerins, pilgrims. 8  A prudhomme was a man who embodied the ideal blend of personal qualities in both his internal disposition and outward conduct. See the glossary for further description.

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9. Each of these two counts thus presented one knight to the aforementioned Sir Geoffrey, and he took another knight from Champagne, a nobleman, so that they were four knights. Then, by the common consent of the counts and the other barons who had taken the cross, they went to Lombardy, straight to the marquis of Montferrat, who was called Lord Boniface, whose sister was then queen of France.9 Because he was so valiant and of such great distinction, they asked him, on behalf of all the barons on the expedition, if it pleased him to take on the captaincy and governance of the host making the overseas journey. 10. The marquis consulted with his barons and then replied to Sir Geoffrey and to the other knights and told them this: that he thanked very much the counts and the other barons of France for the great honor they bestowed on him when they deigned make him captain and head of such noble people as they were.10 He prayed that they would be patient with him awhile until he could go to speak with the king of France and the queen, his sister; for without their knowledge and consent, he could not do it. 11. So, he arranged his journey and traveled until he came to the city of Paris, where he found the king of France and the queen, his sister. He told them the news of how and why the great men of France and the other princes requested that he become the captain and governor of all the people in this overseas journey. When the French king and the good queen heard this news, they praised him highly and advised the marquis that he should undertake this leadership, showing him with good reason how this matter was a great honor and advantage to him and his family. 12. When the marquis had been advised by the good king of France and by the French queen, he set off immediately on his way, and returned to Montferrat, in his country of Lombardy. When he was in his city of Lans, he had letters written and sent them to the count of Flanders and to the other princes and barons of the overseas journey, saying that he had returned from France and would gladly accept and carry out their request. 13. Then they arranged how and where they would meet. When they were together, they decided that their overseas journey should be made by way of Venice, because there they would be able to find a better, easier route and more ships than anywhere else. The Franks go to Venice 14. They now instructed the nobleman Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, him and three other knights, and sent them directly to the city of Venice. They drew up official letters for them and gave them their full authority to arrange and carry out 9

 Philip II Augustus, king of France at the time, was not married to a relative of Boniface. This error recurs in ¶11. Please see the list of unnamed women for more information. 10  ‘Captain’ (chapitaine and variants) referred to a military chief, whether the vassal lord in command of a company or an appointed or elected leader heading a large army.

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their overseas journey. And they swore to uphold and maintain everything they would promise and arrange for the overseas journey. 15. After this instruction, Sir Geoffrey and his companions set off on their journey and traveled until they came to the city of Venice. When they were in Venice, they found the good doge, who was called Henry Dandolo, a wise and valiant man, who received them gladly. That doge had very poor vision because the Greek emperor, for no reason, had applied hot copper basins to his eyes. When Sir Geoffrey and his companions presented the letters they carried to the doge of Venice, they told him word for word the arrangements of the men of France. They asked him to outfit enough ships to comfortably carry ten thousand mounted men and four thousand foot soldiers. 16. When the doge heard this news, he was very happy, believing and hoping that, with the arrival of these noblemen of France, he might enrich and exalt his commune and enhance his own honor and position. Then he called on all the noblemen of the city of Venice, as well as the people, to gather at the church of Saint Mark. He preached to them and explained persuasively how the overseas journey of these great lords would be very honorable and profitable for the commune of Venice. So much did he relate and explain to them, that all manner of people, the commoners as well as the noblemen of Venice, consented and granted that ships should be prepared to transport the aforementioned people of France. 17. And so they had letters and contracts drawn up outlining how the four barons guaranteed, on behalf of the aforementioned counts, that if by any chance they did not make the overseas journey, they were beholden to pay and compensate the commune of Venice for all that it could truthfully show having spent on outfitting the ships. 18. After this was signed and sealed, the four knights returned to Lombardy, came to Montferrat, and told the marquis all that they had done and arranged in Venice. Then they took leave of him, came straight to Count Baldwin of Flanders, and described to him how they had arranged the ships’ passage with the doge of Venice. 19. At once the count sent this news to all the pilgrims and let them know that, with God’s help, at the beginning of spring everyone should be in Venice ready to travel to the holy land of Jerusalem. 20. It so happened, however, that the count of Toulouse and many other good and noble men from there did not pass through Venice at all, but went via Apulia and other places. 21. When the count of Flanders, the marquis of Montferrat, and the other noblemen of France came to Venice, there were not nearly enough people to fill all the ships that the commune had outfitted for them. Because of this, the French had a huge quarrel with the Venetians, for the Venetians did not want them to go anywhere if they did not pay all the expense of the extra ships that remained. 22. In the end they agreed in this manner: that the French should help the Venetians conquer the city of Zara in Slavonia, which the Venetians used to have,

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but which had rebelled against them. The commune would then release the French from paying the extra costs of the ships that they had made for them. 23. After they agreed, just as I am explaining to you, they prepared for their overseas journey and boarded their ships. With as many of his people as he could bring, the good doge of Venice, Sir Henry Dandolo, boarded the ships that had been made for the French. And they sailed to Slavonia, straight to the city of Zara. 24. When our people had reached port, they went ashore and at once armed themselves. They attacked the city right away, took it by force, and gave and delivered it to the doge of Venice, according to their agreements. Events in Constantinople 25. Now I will stop talking to you about our Frenchmen and will tell you about a chance event that befell them, which caused them to abandon the voyage to the holy land of Jerusalem, sail to Constantinople, and take it by force of arms. 26. At the time the overseas journey I am telling you about was being planned as I tell you, it happened that the Greek emperor of Constantinople at that time, whose name was Kyr Isaac, had a brother named Alexios. The brother treacherously seized him, blinded him, and put him in prison, then had himself crowned emperor. 27. Emperor Kyr Isaac was married to the sister of the emperor of Germany, by which lady he had a son named Alexios, after his uncle. When the son saw the treason his uncle had committed against his father, he fled and went straight to his uncle, the emperor of Germany.11 28. When the emperor of Germany saw Alexios coming in such a manner and learned of the treason the boy’s uncle had perpetrated against his father, he was very sad about it. As soon as he heard the news that the French were planning to go to Syria, he called Alexios, his nephew, and said to him: 29. ‘Dear Nephew, you clearly see how your uncle has disinherited you from your empire. I have heard news that the noblemen of France have undertaken a great pilgrimage to go to the holy land of Jerusalem. Now it seems to me if our Holy Father the pope wanted to order them to abandon this trip and go to Constantinople, he could most probably reinstate you in your empire. But there is undoubtedly one reason why the pope would not want to do it, for I know well that you Greeks are rebellious against the Holy Church of Rome. So, I will request our Holy Father the pope to give the said order, if you would promise me this: that if the pilgrims restore your empire to you, you will thenceforth make your Greeks obey the law of Rome; that you will pay the expenses the French incur for you 11  Relationships and people are confused here. Emperor Isaac II was not married to the emperor of Germany’s sister. His daughter, Irene Angelina (d. 1208), was married to Philip of Swabia (1177 to June 1208): Philip was thus the brother-in-law, not the uncle, of Alexios. For details on Irene Angelina, see the list of unnamed women. Philip is called ‘emperor’ or ‘king’ of the Germans and never named in the Chronicle; he is also mentioned at ¶¶31 and 42. See his entry under ‘Germany’ in the annotated index.

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on this trip; that you will afterward go with them to the kingdom of Jerusalem, accompany them for one year, and fight against the enemies of the Cross.’ 30. The boy, who was wise, answered that he would willingly do it so long as they could restore his empire to him; and then he swore to it. 31. After this, the king of Germany sent his messengers to the pope, telling him of this affair. When the pope was confident about the pacts and agreements the king of Germany had made with Alexios, the son of the emperor of Constantinople, he was very pleased and made up his mind immediately. He at once appointed a cardinal as his legate, gave him all his powers, and sent him straight to where the pilgrims were, at the city of Zara.12 32. As soon as the legate had arrived at the port of Zara, Alexios, the son of the emperor of Constantinople, arrived from the other direction. The legate showed him the papal letter about the commission and power he had from our Holy Father the pope of Rome. 33. Afterward, the legate carefully explained to them the promise and the agreements that Alexios, the son of the emperor of Constantinople, had made and affirmed to the Holy Church of Rome. He showed them how the voyage to Constantinople would be more honorable and more profitable than the one to Jerusalem. The Greeks, he said, were Christians; through some error on their side, they were rebellious and did not want to receive the sacraments of the Holy Church of Rome. It would be better to recover and convert the Greeks and return them to obedience to the Holy Church, just as their ruler had promised to do, than to go searching for something whose outcome they could not know. And after that, the pope would absolve them of eternal punishment and guilt, just as if they had died in the war with the Saracens delivering from their control the Holy Sepulcher of Jesus Christ. 34. When the pilgrims heard this news and the absolution of our Holy Father the pope, they all agreed and together consented to carry out the command and the will of our Holy Father the pope. The truth is that there was then a great division among the pilgrims because some eminent clerics, being envious, wanted to disrupt this mission. They did not go with the pilgrims, but turned back. But in the end, the leaders and noblemen of the host came to agreement and carried out the pope’s command. 35. When the doge of Venice, that good prudhomme, saw and heard the Holy Father’s absolution, he spoke with his people and said that it would be quite shameful and contemptible for everyone if they abandoned the company of pilgrims. Rather, that it was better to go with them to help the boy conquer his empire and hope that they could promote their commune in some way.

12

 The pope did not intervene; the messengers went straight to the crusaders. For details of what occurred among all the parties involved, see Kenneth M. Setton and H. W. Hazard, eds. A History of the Crusades, vol. 3: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), 4–10.

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36. When the matter had been planned and approved, they departed Zara and went by sea until they came to the city of Constantinople. 37. When they arrived, they plotted and planned how and in what manner they would attack the city. They agreed that the French would attack by land and the Venetians by sea, because the city was like the sail of a ship, with one side on the land and the other two on the sea. 38. And so, because the sea there is deep enough for the ships to come alongside the shore, the Venetians came to shore and made landing ramps. They lowered them from the ships and came straight onto the city walls. Then the Venetians advanced, swords drawn, and climbed onto the walls. In this manner the Venetians entered the city before the French. 39. When the city had been taken, Alexios, the brother of Emperor Kyr Isaac, fled and went to the Levant. When they saw this happen, the Greeks who were inside the city delivered Emperor Kyr Isaac from the prison where he was, led him to the imperial palace, and put him on his throne, blind as he was. 40. When the city had been taken, the noblemen of France, Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin and many others in his company, took the boy Alexios and brought him to his father, the Emperor Kyr Isaac. 41. When they were before him, they greeted him on behalf of our Holy Father the pope and all the noblemen of the troops. In particular, they told him how and following what agreements they had come to return his son Alexios to his empire. They wanted to know from him whether or not he wished to keep these agreements. 42. The emperor replied quickly, without seeking advice, that everything his brother, the king of Germany, and Alexios, his son, had agreed and planned with our Holy Father the pope pleased him, and he committed himself to paying. As a consequence, the captain of the army, the marquis of Montferrat, and all the other noblemen of the army, beseeched and asked that they might restore the crown of the empire to his son Alexios. That way he, having lordship, could carry out and complete the agreements he had made with his uncle, who was the king of Germany, and with the Holy Father, the pope in Rome. 43. After my lord Geoffrey and the other messengers heard this response from the emperor, they returned to the marquis and the other barons, and told them of Kyr Isaac’s response, which greatly reassured them. 44. Then they took the boy, entered the city, led him to the imperial palace, and crowned him in great triumph and solemnity. 45. When the boy was crowned and became emperor of the Greeks (a malicious and false people always, especially toward the French), the most noble and wealthy men there spoke with and advised Alexios, the young emperor, not to go with the French. They made him believe that the French were a desperate people, foolishly seeking their death. But that if he wanted to do well to his own advantage, he should lead them on with words until they had spent and consumed their supplies. Then they would leave, poor and miserable. And so Emperor Alexios, who was still young, agreed to their advice.

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46. The city was taken on the fourth day of November, and our people stayed in Constantinople until the end of February. 47. The Greeks knew that the French had consumed all their food; nonetheless, they still did not want to leave the city. So the Greeks organized light troops, picked a fight with the French, and killed all those they found inside the city of Constantinople. But, as it pleased God, no noblemen were found in the city then, only the humble people of their households and craftsmen. 48. When the French saw the treachery the Greeks had done to them through their disloyalty, and realized they had used up all their food, they decided to go attack the cities of Macedonia as far as Adrianople. They captured such a herd of cattle and other things that they recovered more than they had spent during the time they had sojourned in Constantinople. 49. When Kyr Isaac, the old emperor, heard tell of these things, he grieved deeply over it. He called his son Alexios, the young emperor, and he was furious with him and all those in his council. He reproached them severely and pointed out that they had greatly offended against the French, those who had treated them so well that they had restored their heritage to them. 50. Then they took counsel and sent word to the French, the marquis, and the other barons of the army that they were ready to repay the outrage that the Greeks had done to them, and that Alexios, the young emperor, would do everything he had promised them. In this way peace was made. 51. When the emperor met with the French, he made up for the harm they had received. They arranged that the French should leave the city before the Greeks and go on their voyage, because the Greeks would take their time and prepare at their leisure. For as long as the Greeks knew the French were there, they would not dare quarrel with the French. However, as soon as the French were gone, the Greeks would be more at ease and would follow after the French. 52. Then our people left, boarded their ships, and departed Constantinople. They went directly toward the kingdom of Jerusalem, all the time waiting for Emperor Alexios. 53. On seeing that our people had left the city, it happened that a rich Greek named Mourtzouphlos, with the help of others who favored him, killed young Emperor Alexios and crowned himself emperor. 54. When other nobles, who were not part of this group of traitors, saw this, they sent messages by ship to our people, out to where they were sailing, telling what had happened to their lord the emperor. 55. When our people learned this news, they grieved deeply. Afterward, they discussed the mishap that had befallen the emperor. The matter was much debated, and finally the wisest in the army said the Emperor Alexios was killed by his people in an act of treason, and the empire was left without a natural lord. ‘Since we are people who come to conquer, it therefore would be much better to turn back and take and conquer the city and empire of Constantinople than to go any farther, now that we know what can happen to us.’

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56. So they all agreed and said that the advice was good and fitting. Then they turned their sails toward Constantinople. When they were before the city, they planned the battle and the assault on the city just as they had done the other time. They attacked the city on the fourth day of April. The Venetians gained entry by scaling the walls and took it, just as they had done the other time. 57. When the city was taken, this Mourtzouphlos was also taken, the disloyal emperor, who had murdered his lord. They brought him before the marquis, the captain of the army, and the other barons. Then they held their council as to what justice this Mourtzouphlos should receive and what death he should die. 58. At this moment, a wise old Greek came from the city. He related to them how at the time of Leo the Philosopher, when he was emperor of Constantinople, he very wisely planned and made many things, some of which happened at the time and some of which are yet to occur in the city. Among other things, Emperor Leo had made a very large pillar that still stands in front of the church of Saint Sophia. He raised it there and inscribed it with letters that read thus: ‘The false emperor of Constantinople will be thrown from here.’ 59. When the marquis and the other barons heard this and saw the letters thus inscribed, they all agreed and said, because this prophecy was written on the pillar, it was reasonable it should now be fulfilled by this disloyal emperor, who had so treacherously murdered his lord. They made this Mourtzouphlos climb onto the pillar, then they threw him down, and he died in this way. 60. After justice had been served for this disloyalty, all the noblemen of the army assembled and consulted on the fate of the empire, which had been left without a ruler, and on what they should do. 61. Then they came to a unanimous agreement and said as follows. Following an order from our Holy Father the pope, they had broken off their mission to the holy land of Jerusalem, and had come to Constantinople to restore Alexios, the young emperor, to his rule. Then his own man had treasonably killed and murdered him, leaving the empire vacant. Because of these events, therefore, they could not make a better conquest than to keep the empire for themselves, to elect as emperor one of the noblemen who were present, and to portion out the regions of the empire by relative value, as lands of conquest. 62. Then they chose twelve noblemen, prelates, and barons from all their regions of origin, and made them swear by the saints that they would loyally, without taking sides, consider and elect the most suitable man from the troops to be emperor. 63. At the election of the emperor, a great debate arose because some of the twelve prudhommes said that Henry Dandolo, the doge of Venice, was worthy to be emperor, since he was wise and valiant, and that thanks to his good judgment and planning, the city had been taken twice. 64. When the good prudhomme, the doge of Venice, found out that because of him, the election was being delayed, he came before the twelve wise men and said to them as follows: ‘Good Lords, I have heard that you are divided over the election of the emperor on my account, because some of you graciously say that

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thanks to me, the city was taken twice, and give other reasons, for which I thank you very much. But I want you to know, although it would be base to boast, that I fully realize what a great honor it is to be emperor. But because no one from our commune has ever attained such a dignity, I beg you not to include me in your debate. Instead, I seize the words in the voice of all those who voted for me, and add mine there, amending all of yours, and say that it seems to me that Baldwin, count of Flanders, the noblest and most appropriate man of all the army, should be emperor.’ 65. When the twelve barons heard the doge speak so frankly and saw that this was his wish, they agreed unanimously and said with one voice that the count of Flanders should be crowned emperor of Constantinople, so that the countries and regions could be divided in an orderly manner and given to each according to his rank. 66. They then went to the imperial palace and called together all the noblemen and announced that they had elected Count Baldwin of Flanders emperor, lord, and governor of the entire empire of Constantinople. 67. When Boniface, the marquis of Montferrat, who was captain of the troops, heard this news, he and all his friends were greatly troubled by it, and as a consequence, a great quarrel started up among them. When the doge of Venice, the good prudhomme, saw this, he summoned the count of Toulouse and the other noblemen who were there. They labored greatly with how they could make peace among these noblemen. Finally, they resolved that the marquis should be king of Thessalonica. When the matter had been settled this way, the trouble ended.13 68. When Baldwin, count of Flanders, had been crowned emperor of Romania, and Boniface, the marquis, had been crowned king of Thessalonica, they appointed certain people to divide the empire in a reasonable and orderly manner, according to each person’s rank. As a result, a quarter as well as half of a quarter of the whole empire of Romania went to Venice. 69. It happened that at that time there was a king in Thessaly named John Vatatzes.14 This King John was the father of Kyr Nikephoros, the despot of Arta. When he realized our people had taken over lordship of the empire of Constantinople and that the marquis had also taken control of the city of Thessalonica, he sent for ten thousand Cumans, who were light troops and very valiant. They began to wage war against our people, and inflicted great damage on the Franks. Finally, through both cleverness and deception, he went to the city of Thessalonica and set his ambush far from the city. He sent forth his raiders, had them attack as far as the city walls, and they took all the booty that was in front there. 70. Then King Boniface rode forth most willingly against his enemies with such men as he had in his company. He went so recklessly, chasing his enemies, 13

 ¶¶67–87 present a muddled account of the history of the Latin Empire. Please see the introduction and the historical timeline for the history of this period. 14  Longnon notes here that all versions of the Chronicle mistake John Vatatzes for John Asan II, emperor of Bulgaria; only the Aragonese version has the name correct.

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that he rode straight into an ambush the Cumans had set for him, and they then surrounded him on all sides. When King Boniface realized that he had been tricked in this manner, he rallied his people as best he could and set about defending himself very vigorously. But in the end, the Cumans defeated him by the strength of their bows: for they killed the Franks’ horses and then did what they wanted with the men. 71. Afterward, King John fought against our troops in so many ways that after three years he reached the city of Adrianople, where the Emperor Baldwin then was, and defeated him the same way he had King Boniface. 72. When the doge of Venice, who was in Constantinople at the time, heard that Emperor Baldwin had been defeated, he went to Adrianople with as many people as he could to save the city. 73. He ordered his ships to the West for Lord Robert of Flanders, brother of Emperor Baldwin, to where he was, in the city of Nisse.15 When Robert heard the news about how his brother the emperor had been defeated and killed, he greatly mourned. He then put his lands in order and appointed his regent and his lieutenant. Then he left and came to Constantinople. 74. Then he sent for the doge of Venice and other barons of the empire. And when they all had come, by common consent they crowned Lord Robert and he became ruler, just as his brother had been before. 75. This Lord Robert had a son named Baldwin, who afterward lost the empire.16 He also had a daughter, who was being sent to marry the king of Aragon, but who landed instead at the castle of Beauvoir in Morea.17 There Geoffrey of Villehardouin took her as his wife. He was the first prince of Achaia, as will be told later on in this book. The new emperor of the Greeks 76. Now we will cease with him, and we’ll first tell you who was emperor of the Greeks after our men became rulers of Constantinople. 77. At the same time that our people took Constantinople and made Count Baldwin of Flanders emperor, the eastern Greeks realized that they had neither a lord nor an emperor to govern them and continue the war against the Latins.

15

 The brother’s name was Henry of Flanders.  Baldwin II of Courtenay was indeed the last Latin Emperor of Constantinople (d. 1273). His brothers, the emperors who preceded him, were Peter II (ruled to ca 1216) and Robert (ruled to 1227). 17  Agnes of Courtenay was actually the granddaughter of Peter of Courtenay, the brother-in-law of Henry of Flanders, who became Latin Emperor when Henry died in 1216. For details, see annotated index under Geoffrey II of Villehardouin, and under this paragraph number in the list of unnamed women. 16

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So they elected a nobleman named Kyr Theodore Laskaris and made him lord. Laskaris’s wife was the daughter of Kyr Isaac, emperor of them all.18 78. This Laskaris began to wage a very fierce, harsh war in the East against my lord Robert of Flanders (Lord Robert’s brother was Emperor Baldwin) and several other noblemen in his company, who had crossed to the regions of Asia Minor and had conquered many cities and castles. 79. Sir Robert stayed for about three years until Emperor Baldwin was defeated and killed by King John of Thessaly at the city of Adrianople, just the way the story told you earlier. Then Sir Robert came to Constantinople and was consecrated and crowned emperor. 80. When Kyr Theodore Laskaris became ruler of the Greeks, he waged war against our people all his life. When he saw that it was time for him to depart this world, he left a son who was a minor. Because Kyr Michael Palaiologos was then the bravest and best prudhomme in the empire of Romania, Kyr Theodore called him before all the barons and commended his son to him, and put him in his care. He made Kyr Michael swear to raise his son loyally, to govern and maintain his country, and when he had come of age, to crown him and set him in his lordship. 81. When Palaiologos had received custody of the child, in the way I describe to you, cunning and malicious as he was, he knew how to arrange things so that he was in possession of all the castles and fortresses in the empire. When he was master of everything, he had the child drowned and kept the empire for himself.19 82. He began to wage war against Emperor Baldwin the Younger, son of Emperor Robert. When they had fought for a long time on sea and land, he made an alliance with the Genoese. He gave them the area of Galata and exemption from all tolls, taxes, and usufructs throughout Romania, on the condition that they help him conquer his empire. 83. So the Genoese allied themselves with Emperor Michael, received Galata, and settled there. They gave sixty armed and outfitted galleys as their pledge. They then began a war against the Venetians, because the latter backed Emperor Baldwin. After the Genoese had come to the aid of Emperor Michael, they guarded the Arm of Saint George (this is the sea and the straits of Constantinople) so that no help could come to Emperor Baldwin from anywhere. 84. When the Greeks who were living inside the city saw that Emperor Baldwin could not hold out against the Greek forces, they made an agreement with the Greek emperor and got him inside the city of Constantinople. When Emperor  The Chronicle conflates the two Theodore Laskarises, making the identity of the woman mentioned here uncertain. Theodore I was married to Anna Komnene Angelina, daughter of Byzantine Emperor Alexios III Angelos, and may be the intended reference. Please see the section ‘Historical Background’ in the introduction for an overview of the emperors of Nicaea, and the list of unnamed women. 19  The Chronicle confuses persons and conflates events here. It was this Theodore’s (Theodore I Laskaris) great-grandson who briefly co-ruled with and was then blinded and dethroned by Michael Palaiologos, in 1261. 18

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Baldwin saw this treason, he withdrew inside the old imperial palace, called the Palace of the Lion, and there he remained for a long time with all the people in his retinue. 85. When Emperor Baldwin saw that he could no longer endure the war, he boarded a ship with fully three thousand people. He went by sea to the castle of Monemvasia, from there he went by land as far as Glarentza. From Glarentza he went to Apulia and then to France to find help, but he could not find any. And when his time came, he died. 86. He left a daughter who was to become his heir. Charles of Valois, brother of the king of France, took her in marriage, a union that produced the very excellent lady who is now called empress and who was the wife of Sir Philip of Taranto, a very excellent and noble man.20 87. When Emperor Baldwin went to the West, there remained in the country of Morea several noblemen with their wives, whom good Prince William retained, giving fiefs and grants to each of them as he could. That is to say: the lord of Toucy, brother of Lord Philip, the regent of Constantinople, who married the mother of Sir Geoffrey of Tournay,21 lord of Kalavryta; those of Alni, those of Brice, those of Planchy, those of Espinas, those of Agni, those of Nivele, and several other gentlemen, knights, squires, and Greek archontes. It would bore you very much if we listed them all by name. The Conquest of Morea 88. Now we will stop talking with you about Emperor Baldwin and Kyr Michael Palaiologos, the Greek emperor, and we will tell you briefly how the principality of Achaia was conquered by Lord William of Champlitte22 (the count of Champagne’s brother), who was called the Champenois. William of Champlitte takes over 89. It happened at that time that the count of Champagne, of whom you heard earlier, set out on the overseas journey to the holy land of Jerusalem, and he died, just as the story told you in this book. He had two younger brothers. 90. The news spread that the eminent and noble men who were supposed to go by way of Syria had abandoned this route, gone straight to Constantinople, and conquered the city. Furthermore, the count of Flanders was crowned emperor, and the marquis of Montferrat king of Thessalonica. So, Lord William of Champlitte, third brother of the aforementioned count of Champagne, undertook to make the overseas journey. He invited all his friends, mortgaged a part of his lands, gathered 20

 Baldwin’s granddaughter Catherine of Courtenay married Charles of Valois in 1301. See under this paragraph number in the list of unnamed women for more detail. 21  No information has been found on this lady, the widow of Otto of Tournay, other than the statements provided here. 22  Called William of Saluce in the manuscript. The Chronicle goes back to 1205 here.

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as many horsemen and foot soldiers as he could, and entrusted his estates to his brother. He went by land and by sea until he came to Morea and arrived at a town named Achaia, in the vicinity of Patras. 91. When they arrived there, he had a brick castle built next to the sea, and then began to raid and war against the Greeks in the country as best he could. He did so well that he took the city of Patras and also the castle, and he placed the Greeks of this area under his rule. 92. Afterward, the people of the country told him that Andravida was the best town in Morea, and it lay on a plain without walls or any fortifications, and that as soon as he got there, he could take it. Once he held this town, he would rule the whole plain of Morea. 93. Then they went straight to Andravida and took it without striking a blow, because the people of the town, as soon as they heard that the Champenois was descending on them, knew well that if they had wanted to defend themselves, they could not do so. A good two thousand of them came out of the town, all carrying crosses and icons, met the Champenois, and bowed before him as their lord, and he received them most benignly. 94. After he had conquered Morea and placed it under his rule, he called a parliament with all the Greek noblemen who were with him. He commanded them to advise him loyally how he could best conduct the war and to which area he could best proceed in order to conquer the country. Then the advice was given to him to go straight to Corinth, because this castle was the most regal in all of Romania. If he took this castle, he could easily have the rest of Morea. 95. After this advice was confirmed, he organized his people and left as many as he saw fit at Andravida, Patras, and Achaia to guard the country and fortresses. He took the remainder and went to Corinth by land; the ships went by sea. When he got there, he immediately laid siege to the city, which lay on a plain. 96. There happened to be a valiant Greek man named Leon Sgouros, who was lord of Corinth, Argos, and Nauplia. When he learned of the Champenois’s arrival, he had all the women and the commoners, as well as their belongings, gathered up in the castle. The men-at-arms stayed with him to defend the city. 97. After the Champenois had spent a day surrounding the city, and his men were adequately rested, he had the city assailed from all sides. And just as God pleased, he took it by force of arms. But he could not capture the valiant Sgouros at all, because he fled and climbed up to the castle, along with some of his men. 98. When the Champenois had taken the city, he had it proclaimed aloud that everyone in the country who wanted to join him would be well received and would keep their inheritance just as before, and more freely. When this news had spread throughout, the people of the region of Corinth, Argos, and Damala came to him from everywhere, and he received them very honorably and according to their station. 99. At the same time the Champenois came to Morea, Lord Boniface, the king of Thessalonica, of whom the story spoke earlier, was still alive. When he found

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out that the Champenois was at Corinth, he took Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin,23 who was then in his company, and as many men as he could get, and came to Corinth to see him. He found that the Champenois had besieged Sgouros at the castle of Corinth. 100. When the Champenois saw King Boniface, he was so full of joy that it seemed truly wonderful to him. They kissed and embraced and had a great celebration together. 101. Afterward, they arranged to go to Argos, went there, and took it at the first attack, because it lay on a plain. When Sgouros, lord of Corinth, learned that the Champenois had left the town, he descended from the castle by night, came into the town, and greatly hurt those of our people who were left behind there, for they scarcely imagined that Sgouros was bold enough to ride forth from the castle. 102. When the news reached the Champenois of how Sgouros had issued forth from the castle by night, entered the city, and inflicted great injury on his people, he grieved. He lost a number of good people who lay ill and others who slept calmly in their beds, confident in the town’s safety. As soon as he got the news, he left Argos and came to Corinth. Geoffrey of Villehardouin joins Champlitte in Morea 103. The Champenois had been there for only three days when King Boniface took leave of him and returned to Thessalonica, in his country. But Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin did not want at all to return with him. Rather, he remained with his lord, the Champenois. He said that from now on he would not leave his lord’s company; it was for this reason that he had come in King Boniface’s company. 104. The Champenois wintered near Corinth. When spring came, he held council with my lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin and the other barons who were with him. They reasoned that if he continued to besiege Corinth, a strong, wellequipped castle, the siege would last too long to support as many men and ships as he had, and he would not make any gain or advancement. Rather, it would be better to go to Morea, where the countryside was more open and where he could make better progress. 105. The Champenois then supplied the town of Corinth, and Argos also, with men and food. They returned to Patras and Achaia, and from there they went to Andravida, at that time the principal town in Morea. He entered it right away, because there were neither walls nor fortifications. 106. The nobles from the plain of Morea and the people from the towns throughout the country and from the mountains of Skorta saw that the Champenois was thus conquering and taking the castles and the towns and that they had nowhere they could retreat. So they came to terms with him in such a manner that the Greek noblemen who held fiefs, lands, and towns in the country would retain them according to their rank. The rest was divided among our men. The common 23

 Nephew of the famous chronicler of the Fourth Crusade, for whom he was named.

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people would pay and perform service just as they were accustomed to doing under the rule of the emperor of Constantinople. 107. For this purpose, the nobleman Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, several other noblemen whom the Champenois commanded, and the wise Greek noblemen of the land were appointed to investigate and examine diligently what each held, to bequeath and give provision according to the merit and the estate of each. The remainder should be enfeoffed and assigned to the noblemen of France and the other men. 108. When they had done and arranged all this, Sir Geoffrey, who was a prudhomme and endowed with great wisdom, came before the Champenois and said to him, ‘Sire, you realize that you are in a foreign country, far from your friends and enemies, so you have to understand and bear in mind that the ships are costing you a great deal. For this reason, for as long as you have them, you should work to take the fortresses that are next to the sea. For if you have the ports and the entry points into the country, you can have reinforcements of men and supplies whenever you need them. I have heard from the locals that there are three castles near Kalamata – Arcadia, Coron, and Kalamata – and they are on the sea. This region has many rich towns and is everywhere easily accessible by horse. You could conquer it more easily than many other regions in this land. For this reason, I recommend that you order your ships to go by sea and that we go by land. Take everyone who can bear arms with you, and let us go directly to this region, because once you have captured these three castles, you can easily have the rest of the country.’ 109. When the noble Champenois and the barons in his council heard this advice from noble, wise Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, they praised him highly and said that he was a wise prudhomme. Soon everything was planned, just as Sir Geoffrey had devised. 110. Then the ships departed from the port of Saint Zacharias, where the city of Glarentza now stands, and the Champenois went by land with all his people, French and Greek, and traveled until they came to Arcadia. Since there was no good port for large ships, the Champenois did not want to attack the castle, and so they went straight to the port of Navarino, and then to Modon. But they found it demolished. The Venetians had already taken it and destroyed it, because pirates were based there and had inflicted much damage to their vessels as they passed by. 111. From there, they went straight to Coron and laid siege to the castle by land until the ships came by sea. They unloaded the crossbows, catapults, and mangonels that were on the vessels, and attacked the castle from all sides so violently that they took it on the very same day. 112. Once they had taken it, they did not want to stay any longer, because the area was not very easy for their horses; so they went straight to Kalamata and laid siege to it. 113. When the people of Kalamata learned that the castle of Coron had been taken by force, they agreed to surrender the castle to the Champenois by treaty.

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The Champenois promised them that they could keep their holdings according to their rank. 114. Once he was in possession of the castle, he found the country very much to his liking, and he stayed there for about a month to rest his people. He dismissed his ships, and they returned to their land. Then he organized his men, left Kalamata, and went straight to Arcadia. 115. When he arrived, he besieged the castle from all sides and the next day attacked it. It happened that they captured the town immediately, but they could not take the donjon by assault, because it sat on a gray rock with a stout tower at its top that was the work of giants. The people inside were very brave and defended themselves very vigorously for a good week. 116. When the Champenois saw that these people were not going to surrender to the attack he was making on them, he had two catapults and two mangonels set up to hurl stones at the donjon of the tower. When the Greeks inside realized they could not hold out any longer, they came to terms with the Champenois by a treaty so that each should retain their holdings just as they had held them before. Champlitte departs for France, leaving Geoffrey as regent in Morea 117. After the castle of Arcadia was surrendered and taken, before the Champenois departed thence, news reached him from France: his friends informed him that his brother, the count of Champagne, had died. Consequently, the king of France was summoning him to go within the ordained time to recover his lands and do homage to him. This news grieved him deeply, as much for his brother’s death as for his not having completed his conquests as he wished. 118. He judged that the time had come for him to leave this country and go to France so that he would not suffer the indignity of losing the county of Champagne, his inheritance, and a fine lordship. Accordingly, he called together all the prelates, barons, and the best men of his company. 119. He told them how he had received news that his brother had come to his end, and how the king of France, his liege lord, had stipulated a time by which he had to appear before him to take back his lands and perform homage to him. He said he could no longer remain for any reason. Therefore, with their advice, he wanted to arrange to leave the country that he had conquered with them so that everyone had his share according to his estate. 120. So they ordained that Lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin, marshal of Champagne, two bishops, two barons, and four of the wisest Greek archontes in the country should apportion the land that had been conquered to that time. 121. When the prelates, barons, and Greek noblemen had been appointed by the Champenois to establish and enfeoff these men, they first of all designated the lord’s demesne. Next, they designated the bishoprics and the baronies; the baronies of the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic Knights; and then the fiefs of the knights and men-at-arms. They conveyed them in writing, in a very careful and orderly fashion, in the presence of the Champenois.

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122. And when the Champenois saw that everyone had been enfeoffed except for Lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin, of whom no mention had been made, he felt compassion for him because of Geoffrey’s excellence and nobility.24 123. He called him and said in front of everyone, ‘Sir Geoffrey, it is clear that my brother the count of Champagne, may God pardon him, undertook the passage to the holy land of Jerusalem upon your advice. After he left this world, which was a great setback, you did not delay the grand undertaking but took the trouble to go to good Count Baldwin of Flanders and then to the count of Toulouse, urging them to complete what they had begun with my brother. Then, with their advice and consent, you went to the marquis of Montferrat and arranged that he would be captain of this army. You then went to Venice, where you arranged the ships to carry these men. After that, you accompanied them to Constantinople. From this I know that the entire great enterprise was accomplished by means of your advice. And when you knew that I had come to this country, you abandoned Emperor Baldwin of Flanders and the share of your conquests that you should have had there and came straight to me. 124. ‘Because you made such an effort, it would be a sin if you were not rewarded for all your pains, for the great virtue that is in you, and for setting an example to all prudhommes. As a reward for your loyal service, I give to you and your heirs the noble castle of Kalamata with all its appurtenances.’ 125. He invested Sir Geoffrey with his gold ring, and he became his liegeman. When Sir Geoffrey had received the castle of Kalamata, the Champenois said to him: ‘Sir Geoffrey, now that you are my liegeman, it is right and reasonable that you be more obedient than before and that I have even greater confidence in you than before. Therefore, as it behooves me to go to France, so it behooves me to leave a prudhomme behind in my place as governor of my land and my people in this country. Because I have placed my trust in you, I pray and require and command you, for love of me, to be in this country, in place of me, lord and regent over all my people and my land, which I have conquered with these other noblemen who are here. There is one condition: if any of my close relatives come here, in place of me, within the term of one year and one day, you must render to them the land and the whole lordship, and hold your land from them, just like all the others. But if, by chance, no one comes within the given time, the land and the lordship shall remain with you, without contradiction from any man.’ 126. Sir Geoffrey, who was very wise and knowledgeable, thanked his lord the Champenois for the good opinion that he bore him and received the regency of Morea in the manner and under the conditions you have heard. They sealed the letters of agreement with the emblems of the prelates, the barons, and the Champenois, and everyone swore an oath of allegiance to Lord Geoffrey.

24  Geoffrey I is confused here and in the following paragraphs with his uncle, the chronicler.

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127. After these things had been done and the agreements confirmed, the Champenois prepared for his journey. He departed Morea, and traveled straight to France. Sir Geoffrey remained as regent and lord of the land. 128. Sir Geoffrey called a parliament at Andravida saying he wanted to ascertain which barons and other men were given fiefs under the Champenois, and who were still to be enfeoffed. He found that Sir Walter of Rosières had been granted the barony of Akova with all twenty-four knights’ fiefs; Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, the barony of Skorta with twenty-two fiefs; Sir William le Aleman, the city of Patras and the entire barony; Sir Matthew of Mons, the town of Veligosti with all four fiefs; Sir … 25 the town of Nikli with all five fiefs; Sir Guy of Nivelet, Geraki near Lacedaemonia with all four fiefs; Sir Otto of Tournay, the barony of Kalavryta with all four fiefs; Sir Hugh of Lille, the barony of Vostitza with all four fiefs; Sir John, marshal of Neuilly, the barony of Passava with all four fiefs; to the bishop of Modon, four fiefs; the bishop of Coron, four fiefs; the bishop of Veligosti and Nikli, four fiefs; and the bishop of Lacedaemonia, four knights’ fiefs. All these barons and prelates received their fiefs when the Champenois was in charge, as well as several knights, squires, and sergeants, about whom the book makes no mention at this point. 129. When Lord Geoffrey, the regent, researched, investigated, and confirmed all those who had received fiefs from the Champenois, he had it written down in his register. Then he ordered the barons who held towns and large baronies each to bring two banners and provide personal service, and, for each fief, one knight and two mounted sergeants. The other barons with four fiefs should each bring one banner and have one knight and twelve mounted sergeants with his banner. Each knight who held only one fee should provide personal service, as should the sergeants who held sergeantries. 130. The length of service owed was determined. Because the country was taken by conquest, it would necessarily always have war, whether to conquer new lands or to defend the lands they had conquered. Thus, service would be due all year; namely, four months on duty when their lord could assign them to garrison the frontier, wherever he needed them, and four months to wage war against his enemies, and the other four months to spend in the country attending to their affairs without going overseas. It is clear to see that, because the lord could pick any eight months that he wanted from the twelve to wage war or maintain the frontier, essentially they had to provide service all year round. 131. It was also determined and put into the lord’s register that all the prelates and other ecclesiastics who held baronies should each carry banners, like the other barons, for the defense of the country and to wage war against enemies. They would also join in local sorties against enemies at the request of their lord, but not be placed on general duty or assigned to garrison the frontier like the other vassals. 132. When all these matters had been planned, ordered, and recorded in the lord’s register, Lord Geoffrey prepared his men and began to ride through the  In the Greek Chronicle, the knight is identified as ‘William’. See Longnon, note 44.

25

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countryside and conquer the Greeks. As he made conquests, he granted fiefs to those noblemen who had come to the conquest, those whom the Champenois had left in Lord Geoffrey’s company. 133. The local Greeks realized that they could not defend themselves against our people because the country had scarcely any fortresses. They were not at all used to warfare, and they could not find help from anywhere. They made peace with Lord Geoffrey and submitted to him in such a way that he allotted each one holdings according to their status. He took the surplus and assigned it to his men. Geoffrey persuaded to assume control of Morea 134. Lord Geoffrey was so gracious that all sorts of people, nobles as well as others, loved him and respected him more than they previously had the Champenois, their rightful lord. 135. When, through his great understanding, he had done so much that he had gained the hearts of his people, several of them, for his great merit, directed and advised him to keep the land for himself. They encouraged him so much that the prudhomme set aside his conscience and his great reason, and placed earthly glory above the contrition of his soul. The matter was pursued so ardently that the noble man consented. 136. So it was planned in this way: he sent word to all the lands where he had friends, as far as the kingdom of France and along all routes, that if the count of Champagne sent any of his relatives to Romania, they should be delayed and diverted in some way, so that the deadline would pass before they came to the country of Morea. He arranged this everywhere with his people and his followers, and gave them as much money as they wanted so that they would carry out this request. 137. Now we will stop telling you about Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin and will return to talking about the noble count of Champagne, how he went to France and how he settled his affairs. 138. The Champenois left Morea and went to noble Champagne, his country, where he was much wanted by his people for his great virtue. After he had stayed a week or more in his country, he left and went straight to the king of France, in Paris, where he was celebrating Pentecost with the twelve peers of France. When the king saw him coming before him from so far away a land as Romania, which he had never been able to see, he was very happy and put on a great feast for him and all the baronage of France as well, as for someone who was well loved and regarded for his excellence. 139. After the count had stayed for as long as it pleased him in the company of the king and the other noblemen of France and had completed all his business with the king, he took his leave and came back to Champagne. He stayed with his people, reveling for about eight months, during which time he never mentioned sending any of his relatives to Morea. He did all this based on the great trust he had in Geoffrey of Villehardouin, that whenever he might send someone, that person would be received according to the pact and agreements they had made together.

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140. Then he took counsel and summoned one of his cousins, named Robert, a valiant man with a noble manner. He summoned his cousin to his presence and gave him the country of Morea, which he had conquered with great effort. Robert became his liegeman and promised to hold Morea from him.26 141. When the privileges were written and sealed, as well as the letters Robert should take to my lord Geoffrey, regent of Morea, and he arranged his household and everything he would need for his trip, Robert took his leave of the good count. He departed from Champagne at the end of the month of November, and set off to travel until he came to the peaks of Mount Cenis. He found them so covered with snow that he could not pass. Thus it suited him to sojourn in Savoy for more than a month-and-a-half. 142. When he was able to pass through the mountains, he continued through Lombardy, traveling straight to Venice, believing and hoping to find a better passage there than anywhere else. But Geoffrey of Villehardouin had entreated the doge of Venice and other friends he had there to impede and divert anyone coming on behalf of the count of Champagne to claim lordship of Morea and the whole country. 143. When Robert came to Venice, he was received by the doge with great honor, more to beguile him than for anything else. He stayed in Venice for two months, being led to believe that ships were being outfitted to transport him. Finally, they gave him an armed galley. 144. The doge of Venice, being a friend of Geoffrey of Villehardouin, who wanted to block and divert this nobleman’s journey, ordered the captain of this galley to put Robert ashore when he reached the island of Corfu and to go straight to the island of Crete on the commune’s business. The galley’s captain, who could do nothing else, did as the doge of Venice had ordered him. 145. When Robert reached Corfu, the captain made him think that the galley required caulking in several places. In this way he made the gentleman debark with all his equipment, and then he pretended to unload the galley. 146. That night, when Robert was at the castle sleeping peacefully, the captain, to deceive him, reloaded everything he had unloaded. The galley left Corfu and came straight to the port of Saint Zacharias, where the town of Glarentza now stands. Two messengers left the galley and went to Andravida, where they found Geoffrey. They presented him with letters from the doge of Venice, which spoke of Robert’s arrival, how the doge had Robert set down on the island of Corfu to hinder him. 147. When Geoffrey saw these letters, he praised the messengers highly, sent handsome gifts to the master of the galley, and had as much food given to the galley’s men as they wanted to take. The galley left and went on its way.  Cousin Robert is never given an honorific in the Chronicle. Everyone else of noble birth is referred to as messire (which we translate as ‘Sir’), as monseignor (which we translate as ‘Lord’ or ‘my lord’), or as Kyr (the Greek honorific). Robert is plain Robert throughout. 26

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148. When Robert, who was staying at the castle on Corfu, was woken up the next morning and saw that the galley had gone, thus tricking him and leaving him in such manner as I have told you, he was so astonished that he did not know what to do. Then he made enquiries until he found a boat to take him to Morea. When the captain of Corfu learned of this, he went to the ship’s master, spoke to him in confidence, and forbade him to take Robert. 149. When Robert saw that the Venetians had betrayed him and that he was under virtual arrest on the island of Corfu, he searched with all his might for a boat to take him to the port of Saint Zacharias, where the town of Glarentza is. 150. When Robert had arrived there, he sent some of his servants to Sir Geoffrey in Andravida, to ask for horses for traveling to him. But as soon as Sir Geoffrey, who was at Vlisiri and who had arranged all these matters, learned that Robert had arrived at the port, he departed Vlisiri and went to Kalamata. 151. When Robert’s people came to Andravida and found that Geoffrey was no longer there, they found the commander who was there. They begged him on their lord’s behalf to provide them with horses to bring Robert, the cousin of the count of Champagne, who came as lord of Morea. 152. When the commander of Andravida, who was informed about the whole business, learned this news, he pretended to be overjoyed at the arrival of Robert, the cousin of the count of Champagne. He had horses delivered to them. He himself took all the good men who were there; they went straight to the port of Saint Zacharias and found Robert there. They received him with great joy. Then they brought him to Andravida. 153. When Robert was in Andravida, he believed he was in his own lands and that he was accepted as lord. However, he soon came across those who showed and told him about the pacts and agreements that Sir Geoffrey had with the count of Champagne. Unless he went to Sir Geoffrey to explain and expedite his business, he would not otherwise be held as lord of the country. 154. When Robert realized the reality of the situation, he did not want to stay any longer at Andravida. Instead, he asked the good men and the commander to lend him horses, and to accompany him to wherever Sir Geoffrey, the regent, was. 155. So the commander, who could not do anything else, immediately sent a message to Sir Geoffrey and then gave Robert horses and companions to escort him to where Sir Geoffrey was. The commander himself escorted him to Vlisiri. When Sir Geoffrey learned that Robert was coming to him at Kalamata, he left and headed toward Veligosti. 156. The men who escorted Robert took him to Kalamata. When he was there and did not find Geoffrey, he became absolutely furious. The men from Andravida who had come with him no longer wanted to escort him, and so they took their leave of him and turned back. 157. When Robert saw that he was thus impeded, he requested the captain of Kalamata to give him an escort and provide him with horses for himself and his followers to go to Sir Geoffrey, the regent. The captain of Kalamata, who could do nothing else, provided him with men and horses and led him straight to Veligosti.

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158. When he got there, he still could not find Sir Geoffrey, for he had gone to Nikli. Then those from Kalamata turned back, leaving Robert totally crestfallen and not knowing what to do. 159. Why should I tell you a long story? The men at Veligosti did exactly the same as those at Kalamata. When Robert got to Nikli, he still could not find Sir Geoffrey, because he had gone to the city of Lacedaemonia. This caused Robert great tribulation, and he procured horses and an escort to go to Lacedaemonia. 160. When Sir Geoffrey, who had ordered all these hindrances, knew for certain that Robert was coming toward him, he mounted his horses with as many men as he had, went to meet Robert with the greatest honor possible and gave every appearance of rejoicing to see him. Sir Geoffrey then had him lodged as honorably as possible. 161. When the next day came, Robert, believing he held the lordship and the rightful claim over the country, told Sir Geoffrey to bring all the noblemen who were present to his lodgings to see and to listen to the letters and instructions that he carried to them on behalf of his lord the count of Champagne. 162. Sir Geoffrey, who was very wise and clever, wanting to come to an understanding through common sense and reasonableness, called together all the noblemen who were there. Soon, they came before him. He took them and led them to the lodgings of Robert of Champagne. They were very noble and of gracious manner, so he received them gladly. Then they all sat down together, great and small. 163. Afterward he had a clerk from Paris stand up, who was very wise and well spoken. He ordered the clerk to repeat and explain carefully how and in what manner the count of Champagne, having conquered the land of Morea, kindly lord that he was, had given and discharged all the country to his cousin Robert so that Robert would come and reside here with the noblemen. The count did this because the king of France would not allow the count himself to leave his company. 164. And when he had spoken and had made his declaration, he took the charters and instructions he had from the count of Champagne and other letters of testimony from the noble king of France and all the prelates and barons of the said kingdom testifying how, in what way, and why the count of Champagne had given and granted the country of Morea to Robert, his cousin. The count commanded my lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin, his regent, to relinquish and deliver the country to Robert; the men of the country should accept him as their lord. 165. When the clerk had read the letters aloud, my lord Geoffrey, who was wise and well educated, rose to his feet and acknowledged the letters and instructions from his lord, the count of Champagne, and the testimony of the blessed crown of France. Afterward, he had the letters of agreement he had with the count of Champagne brought out and had them read in the presence of Robert and all the others. These letters related how the count of Champagne had left my lord Geoffrey as regent of the country in such a manner and on condition that, if he returned from France or sent any of his relatives within the term of one year and one day, then the ruler of Morea, Sir Geoffrey or his successor, whoever it should be, must

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deliver the country and the lordship to him without any opposition. The castellany of Kalamata should remain the perpetual inheritance of the said Geoffrey and his heirs. If it happened that the term of one year and one day should pass without the country of Morea’s being claimed in the way just stated, then it should remain with my lord Geoffrey and his heirs as his own inheritance and conquest. 166. After these letters had been read aloud before Robert and the other noblemen present, Sir Geoffrey rose to his feet and asked all the noblemen who were present at this parliament that they, loyally and in good faith, without any deceit, consider and give a fair judgment as to who should have the land by right, Robert or himself. Robert, believing he had a good case, agreed to submit to the barons’ decision. 167. When the noblemen had thus been briefed by both parties, they consulted with each other and debated the matter as carefully as they could. They found that, according to the letters of agreement, the time limit had passed by more than a week. Some said that Robert had entered the country within the term, but finally, they all came to one decision and said that throughout the whole world, pacts supersede the law. Because the agreements were such that whoever was to become ruler of the country had to present himself and make his claim within the prescribed term, and as the term had passed, Robert did not have any right to the country, rather by right it belonged to my lord Geoffrey and his heirs. 168. So the barons called them and told them their decision. When my lord Geoffrey heard the noblemen explain the verdict they had given, he thanked them very much. Robert did not thank them, but stood completely dumbfounded, as if he had totally lost his mind. 169. But Sir Geoffrey, who was not at all confused, made a splendid speech and held the grandest feast possible. And he honored and celebrated Robert as if he had been his very own lord. 170. When Robert saw that he had lost lordship of the country in the way that you have heard and that he would not gain anything by staying, he asked my lord Geoffrey for safe conduct so that he could leave and go to his country. He asked those who had given their verdict to give him a copy of their decision and of the agreement; they were given to him. 171. Sir Geoffrey, who was so wise and knowledgeable, graciously offered himself to Robert and accompanied him in person as far as Andravida. There he gave him valuable gifts and as much money as he needed for his trip. Robert arranged his trip as nobly as he could, left this country, and went away to France. Geoffrey I and Geoffrey II of Villehardouin, Princes of Morea27 172. When Robert left Morea and returned to France, and Sir Geoffrey saw that the land had remained with him, he called himself lord of Morea, and began to 27  This account is often confused. Please refer to the Villehardouin family history provided in the introduction.

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organize and run his affairs in a different way than he had done before. He strove hard to expand his land and make conquests from the Greeks. 173. He lived as long as it pleased God. When he came to the end of his life, it so befell him to pass from this world to the next. But before that, he made his will carefully, as he should and as befitted such a wise lord as he; for he had two sons, Geoffrey and William. 174. He left Geoffrey as his heir and lord of the country of Morea. To William, he left the castellany of Kalamata, his rightful conquest, which the Champenois had given him. 175. He rewarded all manner of people who had taken part in the conquest, each according to their estate, in such a way that each was indebted to him. Because of his goodness, when he died, all manner of people, rich and poor, felt as much grief as if they had seen their own father die in front of them. 176. After the death of this noble and valiant lord, Geoffrey of Villehardouin, who was marshal of Champagne28 and afterward was lord of Morea, his oldest son, Sir Geoffrey, remained as his heir and lord of Morea. The son was valiant and worked hard at improving his estate and increasing his honor, like his father and even more. 177. It happened at that time that emperor Robert of Constantinople made an arrangement with the king of Aragon to give the king his daughter in marriage. So the emperor sent his daughter with two galleys to Catalonia, well accompanied by many ladies and knights.29 178. Then, just as chance guides people, these galleys put into port at the castle of Beauvoir in Morea. When the lady arrived, my lord Geoffrey was at Vlisiri. When he found out that the emperor’s daughter had arrived at the port of Beauvoir, he went straight to the lady, came aboard the galley where she was, greeted her nobly, and invited her to come ashore and go up to the castle. He did all this to honor the lady. So she came up to the castle, accompanied by many of her people. 179. When she had stayed a good two days, she wanted to depart and continue on her voyage. There were some of Sir Geoffrey’s people who advised him to take this lady as his wife, for he would not be able to find a better match in this whole country. He agreed with their advice and then invited all the best people of the realm who were with him and asked them to advise him on this matter, so he could act in a manner that would bring him honor. Some pointed out the dangers; but in

28

 The marshal of Champagne and chronicler of the conquest of Constantinople is again confused with his nephew. 29  The story concerns Agnes of Courtenay, daughter of Latin Emperor Peter of Courtenay, who was on her way to Constantinople when she met and married Geoffrey II of Villehardouin in 1217, in Morea. Peter was in an Epirote prison at the time, and the Latin alliance sought with Aragon was in the future. Robert of Courtenay, Agnes’s brother, would soon be emperor, in 1221. For details, see the annotated index under Geoffrey II of Villehardouin and ¶75 in the list of unnamed women.

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the end they agreed that the marriage should take place and that ‘if the emperor got angry, we would find a means to make up with him’. 180. Then the two wisest knights of them all were chosen to speak to the lady about these things. They went to her and explained the whole matter, just as it was, but the lady did not want to agree to it, because she feared her father, the emperor. In the end, as much through force as persuasion, the lady agreed and married my lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin. After the wedding celebration, which was splendid, the two galleys left, returned to Constantinople, and told the news to Emperor Robert. 181. When the emperor heard this news, he was so angry that he did not know what to do. He thought it was a dishonor and shame that his daughter had been taken in such a manner. It had also ruined the marriage he had arranged with the king of Aragon, from whom he believed he would receive a great deal of help with armed troops to fight against his enemies, the Greeks. He was so consumed with anger that if he could not pursue the war he was waging with the Greeks, he would start a war against Sir Geoffrey. 182. As soon as Sir Geoffrey, who was very wise, had married the lady, he sent his messengers to the emperor telling him the circumstances of marrying his daughter. He had done it because of the great loyalty he felt toward the emperor and because he could not find a wife to match her in all of Romania – he could not take a wife from any other nation than his own. So, to make up for having married the lady without the emperor’s consent, he wanted to become the emperor’s vassal, to hold his land from him, and to be as one with him in their fight with the enemy, the Greeks. 183. When the emperor heard this news, his anger cooled. He summoned his barons and, telling them everything Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, lord ofMorea, had told him, he asked their advice. The barons, who were very wise, debated the matter from every angle. Then they agreed with one accord and told the emperor that this was a well-advised thing, that God Himself had ordained it so that these two lords would become as one to help each other and to defend their lands against their enemies and conquer them. 184. So the answer was sent to noble Lord Geoffrey. It was arranged thus: that the emperor should come to Thessaly, to a castle named Larissa. Sir Geoffrey traveled by way of the duchy of Athens and took Sir William de la Roche with him. They went together to Thessaly along with all their knights and found the emperor there, who greeted them with great honor. 185. They celebrated together for about a week, and then they called a general assembly where they negotiated, then agreed upon all their affairs. Most important, the emperor gave my lord Geoffrey the Archipelago, including the homage of those who ruled the islands of Romania, to hold for his lifetime as a dowry for his daughter. Then he named Sir Geoffrey prince of Achaia and grand seneschal of the

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empire of Romania, and allowed him to mint small tournois coins in his lands.30 So the prince became his liegeman, holding the principality from him. The prince took a copy of the Customs of the Empire that Emperor Baldwin, his brother, had had from Jerusalem. 186. After they had settled their affairs to their satisfaction, they took leave of each other. The emperor went back to Constantinople, and Prince Geoffrey returned to Morea happy and contented, because he had accomplished everything to his liking.31 187. After Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, the first prince of Achaia, returned to Morea, and his wife, the very noble princess, daughter of Emperor Robert, saw for certain how he had come to terms with her father, she was very happy. 188. From that moment on, she with her baron, the prince, led a happy life. They lived together as long as it pleased God, but their destiny was to have no heirs. And when they could no longer live, it behooved them to die. William of Villehardouin becomes Prince of Morea 189. When God’s will had been done with good Prince Geoffrey, his brother Sir William received lordship of Morea. He found that the Greeks still held the castles of Corinth, Nauplia, and Monemvasia, which were the most loyal and the strongest in the whole land. Monemvasia and Nauplia, the most important ports apart from Constantinople, supplied and aided the Greek emperor’s forces. 190. When the good prince, who was more enterprising than his brother Sir Geoffrey had been, realized that these three fortresses were impeding his lordship over the land, he wondered how he could take them. He knew that, since he did not have ships at sea, he would not be able to achieve his goal. Therefore, on the advice of his men, he sent messages to the doge of Venice. They agreed that if the commune provided four armed galleys until William had captured the castles of Monemvasia and Nauplia, William would give them the castle of Coron in perpetuity. There was the stipulation that from that time onward, the commune would keep at the country’s disposal two galleys, the prince paying only the crew’s upkeep. 191. While the prince was making this agreement with the Venetians, he also planned the siege of Corinth. He summoned William de la Roche, the lord of Athens and Negroponte, and he took the men of Morea and went straight to besiege the noble castle of Corinth. 30  D. M. Metcalf, ‘The Currency of “Deniers Tournois” in Frankish Greece’, The Annual of the British School at Athens 55 (1960), 38–59. 31  The preceding five paragraphs refer to events in 1209 at the Parliament of Ravenika (a town in mainland Greece near Lamia). The events of Geoffrey I and his son and successor, Geoffrey II are intermingled in this section of the Chronicle. Geoffrey II died in 1246, and his brother William succeeded him that year. Please see the introduction and historical timeline for further information.

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192. So, because the fortress has a large enceinte,32 and the people who were inside could go as they pleased to gather wood and get other things to keep themselves alive, the prince directed that a fortress be built on a steep hill next to the castle toward the south. It was named Mont Eskovée. Sir William de la Roche, the noble lord of Athens, erected another fortress at the other end of the castle toward the wood. These fortresses were guarded by good crossbowmen. 193. They laid siege against those inside in such a way that they could not go outside the walls of the castle to collect water or any food to sustain them. But if we wanted to tell you about everything that happened to those outside and to those inside as long as the siege lasted, it would be too much to tell. 194. But as it pleased Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Greeks inside the royal castle realized that they could no longer hold out, because neither help nor food could reach them from anywhere. So they came to terms and surrendered the royal castle of Corinth to good Prince William, on clear agreements that their persons would be safe, and that those who held fiefs and lands would have as much as they had before. 195. When Prince William had taken the noble castle of Corinth, he garrisoned it with good men, provisions, and everything appropriate for such a castle. Then he called together all his barons and all the other noblemen and said to them: ‘My dear Brothers and Companions, you see the grace of God, who has given us divine favor and strength. We have conquered the greater part of this land, for which we should praise God. But we still have to conquer two fortresses, which cause us much trouble in this country. They are the castles Nauplia, which is close to us, and Monemvasia: for these are the main ports and landings for Greek vessels, and they fill the land with foreign people and other things. For these reasons, we need to hold council as to how and by what means we can reach our goal. I ask each of you to consider what is best.’ 196. Then there was a great debate. One person said one thing and another something else, but both said the castles were so strong that whoever besieged them only by land would be wasting effort, because by sea they would have everything they wanted. But whoever wanted to attack them properly, should arrange to besiege them by land and by sea; in that way, he would realize his intention. Then it was thus decided at once. William and the Venetians 197. The prince sent word to the doge of Venice, and they agreed thus: because the prince had given the commune the castle of Coron with all its appurtenances, with the exception of the feudatories, under that same agreement the Venetians would give the prince four manned galleys for the siege of Monemvasia and Nauplia, until such time as the castles were captured. Once they had been taken, the Venetians would keep two galleys in the waters of Morea in case of pirates. 32

 An enceinte, a kind of close, is the inner ring of fortifications of a concentric castle.

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If the prince should need them for the good of his land, they would be at his command, the prince only providing them with food. 198. When Prince William had made this agreement with the Venetians, he sent for the four galleys that the commune of Venice had promised him, and he gathered all his people. He summoned my lord William de la Roche, lord of Athens and the island of Negroponte, and they went to attack the castle of Nauplia by land, and the four galleys besieged it by sea. Those inside the castle could clearly see that they would not be able to hold out for long, because they knew for certain that they could not get help from anywhere, either by land or sea. 199. Then the Greeks made an agreement with the prince such that, the castle of Nauplia having two fortresses, the Latins would hold and guard one and the Greek archontes the other. After their agreements had been written up and stamped with the seals of the prince, the lord of Athens, and the other barons, and they had loyally pledged and sworn that both they and their heirs would faithfully abide by their pact, the castle was handed over to the prince. 200. When Prince William gained possession of the beautiful castle of Nauplia, he graciously gave it to Sir William de la Roche, lord of Athens, along with the whole city and the castle of Argos with all its appurtenances. All this he did for the great merit and faithful companionship Lord de la Roche had shown at the siege of Corinth and because he would expect the same from him at Monemvasia. 201. After Sir William de la Roche had received the lordship of Argos and Nauplia, he accompanied the prince as far as Corinth, and there they took leave of each other. Then the prince returned to Morea and the lord of Athens to Thebes. 202. When winter had passed and spring had come, the prince called upon the lord of Athens and all the barons of Negroponte to follow him where he was going: to besiege the castle of Monemvasia. When the barons and the others from the principality saw the letters and the orders from the good prince, they prepared themselves, came most nobly, and went with the prince to attack the fortress of Monemvasia by land. The four Venetian galleys that the Venetians gave the prince for the castle of Coron also came. 203. After the galleys had arrived, the prince ordered his siege by land and sea. But the people of Monemvasia, who knew how the prince was going to come and attack them, had already provisioned themselves and stocked up on everything they needed. When the prince laid siege to them, they were so well supplied that they didn’t give a straw about him, or his siege, or his war. 204. When the prince saw their great defiance, he was angry and swore by God and by His blessed name that he would never lift the siege until he had taken the fortress of Monemvasia. Then he had carpenters come to construct siege engines, and when they had built what he required, he had them put up and ordered them to be fired continuously, day and night, into the town, because he could not reach the top of the rock. 205. But the prince conducted the siege for so long – three years – that the people suffered from a great famine, all their food having run out.

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At this place, two pages are missing. I have left room for them here.33 206. … against the prince. When they had debated enough, they agreed that they should send their messengers to the prince, asking exemption from being held to serve like the peasants of the country; instead, they would serve him by feat of arms when he had need of it. The prince, who realized that he would not be able to master them or make them submit to him in any other way because of the strong country where they dwelled, agreed with them as best he could. 207. When he had made peace with the Slavs, he had another castle built on the coast toward the West between Kalamata and Grand Magne, which was called Beaufort in French and Leutron in Greek. With these three castles, Prince William surrounded the mountains of the Slavs, to better contain them and subjugate them. The despot of Arta and his two sons 208. Now we will stop talking about good Prince William to tell you about the despot of Arta, how he gained control of the despotate and of Thessaly and rose up against the Greek emperor.34 209. You have already heard earlier how Kyr Theodore Laskaris, the emperor of Constantinople, when he passed from this world, had a minor son, whom he left in the care of Kyr Michael Palaiologos. Kyr Michael had the child drowned, kept the empire for himself, and had himself crowned emperor. At this same time, King John, the grand despot, was lord of Thessaly and of the despotate of Arta. 210. When he heard tell that Kyr Michael was behind the drowning of his lord, Emperor Laskaris’s son, and that Kyr Michael had placed himself on the throne of the empire, he became very angry and repudiated Kyr Michael’s lordship, no longer wanting him to be his lord. Since Kyr Michael had murdered King John’s lord, it was all the more reasonable for King John to keep control of Thessaly and of the despotate of Arta without obeying that Palaiologos. Thus King John did as he pleased and afterward no longer wanted to obey this perfidious emperor. 211. For as long as Emperor Baldwin held the city of Constantinople, Kyr Michael could not go to war against King John, despot of Arta. However, after he had taken the city of Constantinople, Kyr Michael began to fight strenuously against King John by land and sea. But the king received a great deal of aid from 33  The manuscript has a lacuna, which the copyist notes. The following précis, based on Jean Longnon’s summary of the missing text, relies on the Greek Chronicle: The inhabitants of Monemvasia surrender to Prince William and his followers on condition that they remain free and become his vassals, only owing service required of those receiving military pay. Prince William takes possession of the castle and surrounding areas. He goes to Lacedaemonia for the winter and while there, chooses a site in Laconia to build a handsome, strong castle, which he names Mistra. He also has a castle built in Mani, named Grand Magne, so he can more easily subdue the Slavs living in the area. 34  Please see the section ‘Historical Background’ in the introduction for an overview of the people and events in Arta (Epirus) and Thessaly, as this narrative confuses many names, events, and their chronology.

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Prince William, from the lord of Athens, and from other lords of the duchy who helped him very staunchly and helped to defend his land. He defended himself so well that the emperor Kyr Michael inflicted little harm on him. 212. So it happened that this king, the despot, came to the end of his life. When he was about to die, he called for his one son, named Kyr Nikephoros. He handed over the country to him and made him lord and heir of it. He also had a bastard son, a most valiant man, named Kyr Theodore, to whom he left part of Thessaly, and he granted it to him for life. 213. After the death of the despot King John, Kyr Nikephoros, his son, remained as despot and lord just as his father had been. But he was not nearly so wise or valiant as his father had been. 214. Kyr Theodore, the bastard, who was wise and valiant, saw that King John his father was dead. Realizing that his brother Kyr Nikephoros did not have a great deal of sense, Kyr Theodore wanted to control all of Thessaly and half of the despotate of Arta, saying that he was just as much his father’s son as Kyr Nikephoros. This matter caused a great war between the two of them. At that time Kyr Theodore built the fine castle of Neopatras, the most important in Thessaly, and began to wage war against his brother the despot. 215. When Kyr Theodore had fought against his brother for a time, he went to Emperor Michael Palaiologos to seek assistance to overcome his brother and take all his land. When Emperor Michael Palaiologos saw Kyr Theodore coming to see him, he greeted him most joyfully, treated him with great honor, gave him an official role, had him named sebastokrator, and handed over to him his entire army so that he could wage war against his brother.35 216. When the despot saw that Kyr Theodore had risen up against him and had sided with the emperor, he thought to himself that unless he made an alliance with some great lord, he would not be able to hold out against the emperor. And so Kyr Nikephoros made an agreement with Prince William to the effect that the prince took the despot’s sister as his wife.36 (The prince made a very good match because of the lady’s dowry.) Once the prince had married the despot’s sister, he provided Kyr Nikephoros with very large auxiliary troops who fought against Kyr Theodore. Prince William and the consolidation of Morea 217. Now we will stop talking about Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, and return to good Prince William and his men in Morea. 218. Prince William of Villehardouin had won the castle of Monemvasia and had built the castles of Mistra, Grand Magne, and Beaufort around the mountains where the Slavs were, just as you have already heard. The war had come to an end 35

 Sebastokrator (literally ‘venerable ruler’) was a highly elevated court title in the late Byzantine Empire, almost always restricted to members of the imperial family. 36  This was Anna Komnene Doukaina (d. 1284), daughter of Michael II Komnenos Doukas of Arta. See the list of unnamed women for more detail.

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in the country of Morea and the principality of Achaia in the way that we have told you. After all these events, the barons and other noblemen of the country began to build fortifications and residences, some castles and some houses, upon their lands and changed their surnames, taking the names of the fortresses they built. 219. At that time there was a valiant man named Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères, who was lord of Skorta, the man who built the castle of Karytaina. Sir Walter of Rosières had the castle of Akova; Sir John of Neuilly, the marshal, had Passava; Sir John of Nivelet had Geraki, which is in Laconia. In addition, all the other prelates, barons, knights, and other noblemen each constructed a castle according to his ability and led the best possible life that anyone could lead. Prince William’s struggles with William de la Roche 220. Now we’ll cease talking about the men of Morea and will tell you how war began between Prince William and Sir William de la Roche, who later was duke of Athens. 221. You have already heard how Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, who was king of Thessaly, came to Corinth to see the Champenois, the two having great love for each other, because the Champenois had asked him for assistance. The king, being wise and chivalrous and full of affection for the Champenois, gave him the liege service and homage of the lord of Athens, the marquis of Vonitza, and the three triarchs of Negroponte. Lord William remembered this liege service and homage, which his father and brother had received for their services in the great wars. 222. Because Lord William had conquered Monemvasia and the remaining parts of the land, and held all the land of the principality, he sent word requesting my lord William de la Roche, the lord of Athens, to come pay homage to him. 223. Lord William de la Roche answered how astonished he was that the prince had sent him this news, since the prince knew that he had conquered his land by the sword, just as the prince had. Also, he was at that moment at war, and the prince was not; and he was allied with men other than his; that he felt nothing but kindness and loyal companionship toward him. It was true that the prince had granted him the city of Argos and the noble castle of Nauplia, but then he had also helped the prince capture the royal castles of Corinth and Monemvasia. 224. When the prince heard this reply, he became very angry, and swore by his faith that he would never rest until the lord of Athens submitted to him. He sent for his barons and asked advice on this matter. When the barons came, including the wisest men in his land, he repeated the reply that Lord de la Roche had given him. They responded, advising unanimously that because the lord of Athens had answered him that way, disdaining his lordship and rebelling against him, the prince could and should rightfully and without blame march against him as his mortal enemy. 225. When the prince had been thus advised, he prepared letters and messages and sent them to every sort of man-at-arms who held land and was obliged to serve him, saying that they should equip themselves and muster for battle, each

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according to what he owed, in spring, on the plain of Nikli to march against the lord of Athens. 226. When my lord de la Roche heard the news that Prince William was organizing this mobilization to march against him, he pleaded with and requested all his friends, everywhere he had them, that they should come to aid and succor him, and defend his lands and his honor against Prince William, who was coming against him. And among the other friends he had, the best one, whom he trusted most, was the noble and brave Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, whose wife was the sister of the lord of Athens.37 227. He asked and pleaded with Sir Geoffrey not to let him down in any way, but to come and help him defend his honor with all his might: that he should act like one good brother toward another and that he had faith in him. When the lord of Karytaina received the appeal from his brother-in-law, the lord of Athens, he became extremely distressed and had a great debate within himself because he did not know whom he should help, his liege lord Prince William or the brother of his wife, the lord of Athens. 228. But in the end, after he had pondered long and debated within his heart which path to choose, he on his own chose the worse option, by which he disinherited all his heirs; for he said he would rather march against his liege lord than against the brother of his wife. All this he did because of the trust he had in the prince, for the prince was his uncle. But he was mistaken in his judgment. Then he made all his preparations and summoned all his friends and those who held land from him. 229. When the prince heard talk of the great preparations that the lord of Karytaina was making, he believed the lord was doing it to accompany him against Lord de la Roche, just as the prince had requested. But the lord of Karytaina, who took his own bad advice, took as many of his men as he could get, and set off on his journey by way of Corinth until he reached the city of Thebes, where he found the lord of Athens amassing as many men as he could. When he saw the lord of Karytaina coming to help him in such force, he was as happy as he could possibly be. 230. However, Prince William was not happy when he heard tell that the lord of Karytaina, his nephew and the best and most powerful man he had among all his relatives, had thus treacherously abandoned him in his greatest need and had gone to aid his enemy. 231. Nevertheless, notwithstanding the lord of Karytaina’s mutiny, the prince let nothing stop him from carrying out his intention and his mission. Rather, he took all his men, left Morea, started on his journey, and crossed through the pass of Megara in force, because the people of Corinth had just occupied it and guarded it so that he could pass securely when he came.

37

 This was Isabelle de la Roche (d. 1279). See list of unnamed women for more detail.

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232. When Lord de la Roche knew that the prince had gone through the pass of Megara and had entered his lands in force, he gathered all his men and came to confront him. Just as chance guided them, they met on a mountain called Karydi. 233. There they fought as hard as each side could. But, just as God pleases, He gave Prince William the victory, and the lord of Athens left the field. In that field perished Guibert of Cors, whose wife was the daughter of Marshal John of Passava.38 (Afterward, this lady married Lord John of Saint-Omer, a match that produced the very noble Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the grand marshal of the principality of Achaia.) Many other barons, knights, and men of lower rank died in this battle, which was a great loss to the country of Athens. It would be tedious to list all their names here. 234. When Lord de la Roche had lost the battle and was thus discomfited, as we are telling you, he retreated to the city of Thebes. With him came Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer and brothers Sir John and Sir Otto of Saint-Omer, the lord of Amphissa, and other barons, knights from the battle of the pass of Megara. 235. When the prince saw that God gave him victory in this battle, he thanked Our Lord abundantly, commanding his people to ride and destroy the region. They inflicted a great deal of damage throughout the duchy. The prince took all his barons and the best of his men and went to attack Lord de la Roche inside the city of Thebes, which he had entered. 236. But this event displeased some of the barons, because of their love for Lord de la Roche; so they intervened to make peace between these two barons. They negotiated until they agreed by such ways and conditions that Lord de la Roche swore and promised Prince William that he would never bear arms against him at any time, and would make such amends as the prince wished to devise. So also swore all the barons of the duchy. 237. When the prince had received the oaths and pledges of the lord of Athens and the other barons, he took all his men and returned by way of Corinth. He went straight to Nikli because the country is broad and comfortable, thanks to the beautiful meadows there, and his men could set up camp there more easily. 238. Lord de la Roche, who did not wish to delay too long or break his word, took the lord of Saint-Omer, who was lord of half of Thebes, and his brother Lord Thomas, lord of Amphissa, and all the other barons and noblemen of the land, and came as honorably as he could straight to Nikli. The lord of Karytaina also came with him. 239. When the lord of Athens was at Nikli, as he had been advised, he took lodgings. Shortly afterward he went to the prince and cried mercy for failing him, bearing arms against him, and fighting him in the field. And the prince forgave him, at the request of the prelates and barons who were present, and received his homage. After the prince had accepted fealty from Lord de la Roche, he commanded that to make amends for the offence that he had committed against 38  Marguerite of Neuilly (John of Passava = John of Neuilly), named in ¶501. See the annotated index for more details.

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him, Lord de la Roche should go to the king of France so that the king could decide and decree the penalty a liegeman should bear when he deserts his liege lord, bearing arms and fighting against him. 240. After the truce and accord had been reached between Lord de la Roche and Prince William, Lord de la Roche, the prelates, and all the noblemen who were there led Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, before the prince with a rope around his neck. All of them fell down before the prince and begged him for the sake of God and nobility to pardon Sir Geoffrey and not to look at his misdeeds or crimes, but rather his personal goodness and nobility. 241. The prince, who was angrier at the lord of Karytaina than he was at the lord of Athens, behaved very fiercely and harshly and said that there was no way he would pardon him. But in the end, thanks to the pleas of the noble barons, the prince forgave him and restored his land to him in such a way that from that time onward, he would not hold it by conquest or pass it on to just any heir. Rather, the prince assigned it as a new gift to him and to the direct heirs of his body, as to someone who had been disinherited because of his own deeds. 242. In this manner, as you have heard, accord and peace were made between Lord de la Roche and Prince William. Once peace had been made, the young squires put on a great celebration of jousting, breaking lances at quintains, and dancing caroles. 243. When they had celebrated for as long as they wanted to, Lord de la Roche and all his barons and the other noblemen who were in his company took their leave of the prince, and set off on their journey to the city of Thebes. Then, because winter was approaching, it was time for Lord de la Roche to return to his own lands to prepare and equip himself as he saw fit and suitable for going to the king of France, just as the prince had ordered him to do. 244. As soon as spring arrived, he and his men boarded two galleys that he kept at the port of Livadostro and went straight to the port of Brindisi. As soon as he was ashore, he had horses bought. Then he set out and traveled as quickly as he could to the city of Paris, where he found the king of France.39 245. When he was in Paris, he went straight to the king of France and greeted him. The king received him with great honor when he realized that he was the lord of Athens and came from Romania. One of Prince William’s knights, who was carrying letters from him to the king of France and had come in the company of Lord de la Roche, presented the letters to the king. In the letters Prince William informed the king of the actions and misdeeds Lord de la Roche had done against him. The prince had sent the lord of Athens to him so that the king could devise and declare, with the advice of his court, what punishment Lord de la Roche should receive for having waged war against his liege lord, carried arms, and fought in the field against him and his men. 246. The king of France, a wise lord, clearly understood that the prince, in sending his recalcitrant liegeman for the king to judge, bore him great honor and 39

 Louis IX, Saint Louis, was king at the time, ca 1260.

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esteem. The king called together all the noblemen of France and the wisest clerks he could find. 247. When the barons of France had come in response to the king’s summons, he explained to them carefully how and why the prince of Morea had sent him the lord of Athens, his vassal, to judge and decide what punishment the lord deserved because he had carried arms and fought against the prince on the battlefield. When the king had carefully explained to his barons all the circumstances of why and how Prince William had sent him the lord of Athens, his liege vassal, the barons and the noblemen of France and the wise clerics, who had such knowledge, long debated the matter. 248. When they had thoroughly debated the matter, and each had expressed his opinion as to what seemed best, they all agreed with one decision and with one will. They gave the king the following response: if Lord de la Roche had performed homage to his lord the prince and then had rebelled against him and fought against him on the battlefield like his enemy, the lord ought to be disinherited of everything he held from the prince, as is only right and proper. But because he had never performed any homage to the prince and had waged war and carried arms and fought against him to defend his rights and his honor, the lord of Athens should not be disinherited at all. Because neither he nor his ancestors nor anyone in his stead had paid homage to the prince or performed service, it could not be said that the prince was his liege lord. 249. It was true that the lord of Athens knew that his lord, King Boniface, had paid homage either to the prince’s father or to the Champenois, who were lords of Morea. He knew that he should hold his lands from the prince, that he was bound to perform homage and allegiance to the prince, and that he should not bear arms or wage war against the prince under any circumstances. After everything the lord of Athens had done, he had fallen on the grace and mercy of his lord. Therefore, because his lord had sent him to the king of France, who was the most noble man in the world, and from such a faraway land as Romania, the punishment he ought to receive for his misconduct, out of honor and reverence for such a lord as the king, should simply be the trip he had made. There was reason enough for the prince to consider himself satisfied. 250. These decisions were reached and revealed in open court. The king summoned Lord de la Roche and Prince William’s knight and told them the judgment and decision of the barons of France and what punishment Lord de la Roche should have for bearing arms against his lord. 251. When Lord de la Roche heard the decision the council had given the court of the noble king of France, he thanked the king first of all and then his barons, and he went to kiss the king’s foot. Then he requested that the king have letters of testimony drawn up for him sealed with the king’s seal and those of the barons, explaining how the lord had appeared before the king and how the king had passed judgment on the case that had brought the lord of Athens there. The king gladly had this done for him.

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252. Once the letters had been drawn up and given to Lord de la Roche, the king called the lord before him and said to him: ‘Lord de la Roche, you have come to Paris from the distant land of Romania, so it is right and reasonable that you not leave my court without my granting you some favor. For that reason, I tell you to ask for one, and I will happily grant it to you, excepting, however, my crown and my honor.’ 253. When Lord de la Roche heard the king speak so nobly, he felt very happy and wondered what favor he should ask. After he had thought for a while, he answered the king in this way: since it pleased the crown to grant him favors, the lord requested that from that day onward he should be called duke of Athens, because his lands were a duchy and in ancient times its lord called himself duke of Athens. The king gladly acquiesced. The battle of Pelagonia; Moreot leaders imprisoned 254. Now we’ll stop telling you about the king of France and the duke of Athens and we will return to talking about good Prince William and how he was captured at Pelagonia. 255. As you have already heard, Kyr Nikephoros, despot of Arta, reconciled with Prince William and gave him his sister in marriage.40 Their friendship grew day by day, and the people of the despotate and Morea were as one. But still the sebastokrator, Kyr Theodore, never ceased warring against the despot inside his country with all his might. 256. When the despot saw that his brother Kyr Theodore would not stop warring against him, he pondered how he could to the best of his ability overwhelm and destroy him. So he sent one of his messengers to Prince William, his sister’s husband, saying he wanted very much to see him and talk with him in person about such matters that he could not send in a letter or by messenger. He requested him to go to the city of Patras – he himself would come by way of the castle of Navpaktos and go there – and they would hold their discussion. 257. When the prince received the despot’s letters and heard that he asked him to meet at Patras and speak with him, he answered that he would gladly do so. Then he ordered all his barons and other noblemen to be at the city of Patras on the day he told them, there where he was to meet with his brother, the despot. 258. When the prince and the barons were at Patras, the despot came from the other direction very nobly accompanied by the gentlemen of his country and crossed the gulf between Patras and Navpaktos. When they were together with the prince, they rejoiced in each other’s company and had a great celebration. When they had celebrated to their hearts’ content, they held their parliament with their barons and the wisest men from their countries. 259. The parliament concerned the despot’s complaints to the prince about how his brother, Kyr Theodore, was ravaging and pillaging his country. They 40  The lady was Anna Komnene Doukaina (d. 1284). See ¶216 in the list of unnamed women and note 36 above.

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made an agreement to hire and assemble as many mounted men and foot soldiers as they could. The prince would go to the despotate in the spring to meet with the despot, go to Thessaly, overrun the country, and devastate it. They would advance into the emperor’s lands and go as far ahead as they could. If Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, wanted to wait for them to fight him in battle, just as they had planned it, then they would strike and do just that. 260. When the meeting was concluded in the way we have told you, the despot took leave of the prince and went to his country. He sent word to Apulia for mercenaries and horses, and he ordered the men of his country and other lands to assemble and to prepare for his campaign as grandly as possible. 261. The prince returned to Morea. He issued orders throughout his country to all his mounted men and foot soldiers that they should be outfitted and equipped with everything they would need. He required them to travel to the despotate with him against his enemies. 262. He also sent word to the duchy of Athens, to Sir Otto de la Roche, who was the brother and regent for the duke of Athens, because the duke was still in France. He did the same throughout all his territories, sending word to the lord of Negroponte, and the duke of Naxos, the marquis of Vonitza, and to the other barons and noblemen beyond the pass of Megara that they should all gather in the spring to campaign with him against his enemies. 263. Now we will stop speaking about Prince William and the despot and will talk about Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator. 264. Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, learned the news that his brother, the despot, and Prince William had formed an alliance and were preparing as quickly as they could to march against him and enter his country, Thessaly. He immediately provisioned all his castles, placing in them all the food he could get, and arranged for all the people in the villages to retreat into the fortresses and the high mountains when it seemed best for them to do so. 265. He had three very noble and valorous sons: the oldest and bravest was named Komnenos, the second Doukas, and the third Angelos. He appointed Komnenos, his oldest son, as his deputy and second in command in his country and ordered all of his subjects and made them swear to consider Komnenos as their lord as though it were himself.41 266. After he had attended to his business and his children, he took as many men with him as he pleased and went straight to Constantinople. There he found the emperor, Kyr Michael Palaiologos, and he told him about the news: the despot, his brother, and Prince William had made an alliance to come overrun and pillage his lands, to enter the empire, and to conquer it if they could. 267. When Emperor Michael heard this news, he felt very troubled. He feared that these two princes could inflict damage on his country. He could lose his empire because they had great strength in men and leadership. So he called for the noblest barons and those wisest in war in his empire. He asked their advice concerning this 41

 These are names of noble Greek families, not the names of sons.

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news: how and in what manner could he defend his territories and resist the despot and Prince William, who were coming so forcefully to enter his country. 268. This matter was thoroughly debated among the barons. When they had thoroughly debated and conferred, Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, who was very wise in warfare, advised the emperor. He said if he expected to defend his land solely with his own men, he could expect to lose his empire. However, if he wanted to maintain his honor and protect his territory, he should send word to Germany to hire men-at-arms. They were brave men who would come willingly. He should also contact the king of Hungary to ask him to help him in his hour of need, as well as the king of Serbia, who would gladly send him some of his men or come to his aid in person. He should send word to the Levant to have those men come who were used to fighting the Turks. Once he had all these groups of men who were great warriors, then he would be able to defend his empire and war against his enemies. 269. When the emperor heard Kyr Theodore voice his suggestions and show a good way to be able to defend his honor and his empire, he agreed with him, praised his advice, and esteemed him highly. It seemed in this way he would be able to resist his enemies and defend his country. And so, the messengers and letters were sent out to all the realms that you have heard named. 270. So it happened that the men who went to Germany brought back three hundred fine, elite German troops. Those who went to Hungary brought back 1,500 Hungarians, good at lances and bows, all of them mounted. The king of Serbia sent him six hundred mounted men, and from the Levant came many horsemen and countless foot soldiers. When spring arrived, all these men came to the country of Adrianople and assembled there. The emperor, who had given great thought as to how he could defend his lands, sent for two thousand Cumans, light troops, who were good archers on horseback. 271. When all his men had arrived from all around, he appointed Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, head, captain, and governor of the entire army. He commanded all his men to obey him as if he were the emperor himself. 272. The story stops speaking so much about Emperor Palaiologos and Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, and returns to talking about the despot of Arta and Prince William: how they waged war against Thessaly, entered it by force, and then attacked the emperor’s lands. 273. When that winter ended and the spring arrived, when nightingales sing sweetly at the break of day, and all creatures on earth awake and rejoice, Prince William, who was further away than the despot, gathered together quickly all his forces from Morea, from as far away as Monemvasia, both foot soldiers and mounted men. 274. He traveled to the despotate and found his brother, the despot, who had also assembled so many men that it was a wonder to behold. They did not tarry at all, but planned their route and entered Thessaly by way of Janina. Men from the duchy of Athens, from Negroponte, and from other islands traveled through the

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pass at Gravia, moved through Sideroporta, and arrived by the plain of Neopatras. There they gathered with the despot and the prince. 275. When together, they consulted on how to begin waging their war. Some suggested besieging Neopatras and Lamia, attacking the fortresses, and in this way conquering the land. But those who were wisest about war said that if they began by besieging the castles, they could lose time. The most desirable and best thing to do was to overrun and ravage the country and ride as far as they could. If it happened that the sebastokrator wanted to wait for them and fight them in the field, and God gave them victory against him, then it would be all the easier to conquer the remainder of Thessalonica and Thessaly without striking another blow. For when the people who are inside the castles heard it said that the sebastokrator had been defeated in battle and the emperor’s troops had been routed, they would be so discouraged that they would be happy to surrender their fortresses, saving themselves and their belongings. 276. When these opinions had been voiced and discussed, everyone, high and low born, agreed that this seemed to be the best way for them to defeat their enemies. So they organized their troops, about a thousand horsemen and three thousand foot soldiers. Then they divided them into three battalions. Over each battalion, they put a captain. They commanded them that no matter what, they must meet together every evening. Afterward, they ordered their battalions to depart. 277. As soon as all this had been arranged, they set off to ride through Thessaly. The raiders always went a good day ahead. When they had ridden through and raided the land of Thessaly to their liking, they came to a place called Katakalon, there at the border between the empire and Thessaly. They began to raid and waste the lands of the emperor of Constantinople. 278. When they were at the castle of Servia, they captured men who told and assured them that Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, was expecting them and was coming toward them. They had seen him near Thessalonica with all the emperor’s forces. They seemed quite happy to hear this news and made the decision to go straight toward him. They hoped that if Kyr Theodore wanted to meet them in battle, and God wished to grant them victory, they would be lords of all Romania. So they did as they had planned; they rode until they came to the district of Pelagonia. 279. However Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, was a wise warrior and he was not asleep. He had very carefully instructed and commanded his troops as to exactly what they must do. He had a good two thousand Cumans, light troops of skilled, mounted archers, who always went ahead, reconnoitering the country. Next, he had Germans in his first battalion, then Hungarians, and finally Albanians. He came next with Greeks, each battalion carefully arranged, just as someone would do who knew exactly how to plan and order things. When he had divided up all the battalions, Kyr Theodore found he had twenty-seven fine, strong battalions. 280. Then he created a grand deception. He summoned all the peasants from the mountains and villages with all their beasts of burden, donkeys, oxen, and cows, and made them ride into the mountains and the coastal areas where they lived. At the time, our troops were encamped on the plains; his forces were in the

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mountains and along the coasts. When it grew dark, he ordered everyone, peasants and armed men alike, to light fires every night. This created such a great light that it seemed the whole world was gathered there. Every evening, he made them yell and shout at one time, so that for those who heard it, it seemed that the whole world was collapsing. 281. Then he chose some of his men and made it appear that they were fleeing from his army to our men. They came through the army to the despot and prince and told them the most outrageous lies and distortions in the world. They praised the emperor’s men and said for every one of them there were a hundred with the emperor. It is important you know that so many came and said so much, they upset our men to the point that no one was brave enough to want to venture out. 282a.42 After that, he sent for one of his private messengers, one he trusted implicitly: his confidant. He told the messenger everything he wanted him to do. He sent him secretly to his brother, the despot, as though he were fleeing, and provided him with letters of introduction. The messenger came to the despot and gave him the letters. The despot read them, called for the messenger, and asked him for the news his brother had sent him. 282b. The messenger, a skilled speaker who knew exactly how to make a lie seem like the truth, began to tell the despot, as if through tears, how his brother greeted him as affectionately as he could. He had contacted him in this manner because war was breaking out between the two of them over lordship of the despotate and Thessaly. He was asking for half, saying they were brothers and children of the same father. Kyr Theodore knew he was his blood brother, and there was no man in the world he loved more. 283. Because of this, Kyr Theodore felt very sorry that the despot had penetrated so deep into the emperor’s territory with so few men as he had: because for every one of his, the emperor had one hundred. Truly, if the despot fought on the field of battle, he would be defeated and lose his followers and his honor, maybe even his life, causing great sorrow and shame for all his friends. 284. But if the despot wanted to believe his brother’s advice, he advised him – because he was caught in such a misfortune – to take all of those he loved the most, abandon Prince William and the commoners in his army, and go to his own country as secretly and quickly as possible. At least the despot could save himself and would be able to save his country. If he stayed there only two days more, all the men the emperor sent against him would come upon him. If he decided to wait, not a single one of them would escape. 285. When the despot heard this news, he did not feel at all confident. He was so troubled, he did not know what to do or say. So he called for Prince William, his sister’s husband, and had the same messenger tell and relate to him all this news. When good Prince William had heard these lies, he was deceived and tricked, believing what the false messenger said was true. 42

 Longnon has two paragraphs numbered 282.

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286. Therefore, on the despot’s advice, they called together all the barons and all the noblemen of their army, and made them swear on the Holy Gospels that none of them would talk about or reveal their discussion. After they had sworn, the despot related to them the false news by means of the same person who had brought it. Then there was great consternation, for some put their faith in these words and others did not. But when they had spoken and debated enough, they finally agreed among themselves. Once the common men had gone to sleep, toward the middle of night when the moon had risen, they should arrange to leave as quietly as possible (so that the common men would not hear them) and go wherever God directed them. When this decision had been agreed upon, each went off to his camp. 287. The lord of Karytaina, who was then a very valiant man, saw this terrible fate God had sent to these men. He could not reverse the decision or the barons’ intentions, and he felt great pity for the common men, especially for his own men, whom he loved dearly. So he considered how he could save them in such a way that he did not commit perjury. 288. He came inside his tent holding a section of lance in his hand. He hit the tent pole, and began to talk to it, saying: ‘Good pole, you have served me loyally and well until today. If I failed you and abandoned you into others’ hands, I would be false toward you, I would lose your good service, and I would be to blame. And so, I want to confide in you. I want you to know that the despot and the prince, and the rest of us great barons of the army, have sworn and agreed together to flee this night and abandon our followers and the men. To keep my promise, I cannot tell this nor reveal it to any person. But I am telling you, who are not a man, about it, and I assure you truthfully that it is just as I tell you.’ 289. When the noble knights and other noblemen who were in the tent with the lord of Karytaina heard this news said and related, they were astonished. They began to look at each other in amazement. They went outside the tent and went to their camps. Each one told his friend this news. So, just as bad news always travels faster than good, soon enough it had spread throughout the whole army, in such a way that every one of the common men begged his lord not to do what they had agreed. 290. When the despot, who was Greek, saw and knew that their plans had been discovered, he secretly readied his affairs by himself and fled that night with some of his men. All the others stayed in the army with the prince. 291. The deceitful messenger, who had caused all this, saw that the despot had fled from the army and that the others remained behind like discouraged people. He left and before midnight passed, he came to the emperor’s army. He went straight to Kyr Theodore, and told him how he had split up the despot’s and prince’s army and how the despot had fled and abandoned his army. 292. When Kyr Theodore knew this information for certain, he immediately, at that hour, called together the captains of all the battalions and told them the good news his confidant had brought him. Then he ordered them to prepare their troops and their battalions right away. When dawn broke and the first trumpet sounded,

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each one should be ready with all his battalion to ride out in an orderly fashion, just as the battalions had been organized, one after another. 293. When it came toward dawn and the trumpet sounded, the battalions set off to leave. They went straight to the plain of Pelagonia, where Prince William was encamped. 294. When news reached the prince that Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, was coming toward him to fight, he called all the barons and the captains of his army, reassured them as best he could, and said the following to them: ‘Dear Brothers and Companions, you can clearly see that we have been betrayed. There is nothing else to do than to fight and for each to defend his body and honor. You can see that we are far from our homeland and in the midst of our enemies. So, for God, I pray and ask you that on this day we may conduct ourselves in such a manner that people will be able to speak of us forever. Because even if they are more numerous than we, they are a worthless, miserable bunch of men made up of many races. We are a good, elite people. If we conduct ourselves well and behave like noblemen, and God wishes to help us overcome the first battalion, the Germans, then the others should easily be defeated and dispersed.’ 295. However, the prince’s men were somewhat unnerved by the despot’s departure and the false news the traitor had told the despot and the prince. They did not feel quite as determined to fight as they would have been if the despot had not left and the treachery had not happened in the way that you have heard it told. Nevertheless, thanks to the brave words and the exhortations of the good prince, the noble men rallied. They told the prince that truly it was certain that they would allow themselves to be cut to pieces in his company, defending their honor and his. 296. The prince then ordered the lord of Karytaina to command the first battalion, and that the mercenaries and the best men in the whole army be in it to attack the Germans. They said if this first battalion could be beaten, they could easily defeat the others. Afterward, he organized the other battalions in the order he thought best. 297. It happened that the battalions were approaching the Germans, who were advancing at the front. They attacked the lord of Karytaina, and the lord of Karytaina, who was one of the bravest knights in the world at that time, gave them a hard fight. At the clash of lances, the lord of Karytaina attacked the duke of Carinthia, one of the noblest and most valiant princes of Germany. The lord of Karytaina struck the duke’s shield so hard, he knocked him and his horse over in a heap. From the fall he sustained, the duke broke his neck and died. Immediately afterward, the lord of Karytaina struck down two more German barons, who were the duke’s relatives. When his lance had broken, he seized his sword and began to inflict so much carnage that all those who saw it were amazed. 298. When the other battalions saw the lord of Karytaina inflict so much damage to the Germans, they spurred their horses on and attacked all the more vigorously alongside the lord of Karytaina. And to tell the truth, the followers of Prince William came out on top in this first encounter.

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299. When Kyr Theodore saw that his people were afraid, he mobilized the Hungarians and the Cumans. They came to the lord of Karytaina’s battalion, to the spot where he was fighting with the Germans. Their archers began to fire and to cut down and kill the Germans, who were on their own side, as well as the men with the lord of Karytaina. The sebastokrator ordered all this done because of the shock and the great losses that the lord of Karytaina was inflicting on the Germans. He believed that if the German battalion were defeated, then the other battalions would not be able to withstand Prince William’s forces. 300. Good Prince William, who was inspecting the battalions and encouraging his men, saw and realized that the lord of Karytaina’s battalion was being attacked by three of the largest battalions, filled with the best men the emperor had. He knew right away that the intent was to defeat the battalion led by the lord of Karytaina, his nephew, which contained the flower of the army, so that they could hurt the prince the quickest. 301. And so, the prince took as many men as he could with him and went straight to where the noble baron, the lord of Karytaina was fighting against the Germans, Hungarians, and Cumans. When the lord of Karytaina and his followers saw the prince coming and entering the battle so vigorously, they were recharged. They took courage, defended themselves more strongly, and inflicted more damage on their enemies than before. 302. But the Cumans and Hungarians, who never stopped firing their bows, wounded and killed the horses in a short space of time. In this way, through sheer force, both horse and rider were killed and collapsed to the ground. Then an arrow hit the lord of Karytaina’s horse directly in the temple with such great force that horse and knight both fell to the ground in one heap. 303. When the prince saw his nephew fall in such a way, he rushed to the spot to help him, but he came too late. The noble man was completely broken by blows, by the mass of attackers, and by the great labors he kept up that day. And so, just as he and his horse had fallen, he was taken and seized on all sides. 304. When the lord of Karytaina had been taken like this, the man in whom our men placed their faith and regarded as their leader, our troops were alarmed and discouraged. The emperor’s men gained courage and audacity. They defeated our men, with the result that the prince and all the barons were captured. 305. This happened in the twelve hundred and sixtieth year of the Incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ.43 Many of the common soldiers escaped and suffered many tribulations in getting to Morea. For as they traveled through Thessaly, they were in many places attacked and robbed; some died, and others were captured. 306. Once the sebastokrator had won the battle and captured Prince William and his baronage, he had his pavilion erected, lodged his army, and halted two days to rest his troops, bury the dead, and tend to the wounded, of whom there were so many that no one knew what to do with them. Then he had the prince brought to his pavilion with great honor. He treated him with great respect as his 43

 The battle was actually in 1259.

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prisoner. After the prince, he honored the lord of Karytaina, and then the other barons, each according to their renown. After all the barons and knights had come before him where he was, in his pavilion, he took the prince by the hand and had him sit next to him. Then all the barons and other knights sat down. When all were seated, he turned to the prince and said to him: 307. ‘Lord Prince, you are welcome as the person I have greatly desired to see one day just as I see you now. God gave to your father and then to you great favor, so that you were able to conquer and have lordship over a country as beautiful as Morea. You should thank God and keep yourself in peace in your country. You should not try to take the empire from the Holy Emperor and disinherit him without having any right to his possessions. You can see and know that he is a better Christian than you. God loves him more than you when He grants the emperor victory and has you come into his hands. And God, who is always just, has judged you correctly. God has placed you, who were planning to disinherit the emperor and seize control of the empire, in his power, and he can do whatever he likes with you. And because you believed you could seize and take away his lordship – to which you had no right because it was his – you will lose your land and your lordship.’ 308. When the sebastokrator had finished his speech, Prince William, who was wise and spoke Greek well, answered him, saying: ‘Lord Sebastokrator, you presently have a great advantage over me to speak and voice your wishes and justifications because you hold me prisoner. But according to the wise men’s saying, an honorable man should not stop speaking the truth when time and place permit. Having said this, it is bad for an honorable man to blame and to threaten his enemy when fortune or sinfulness brings an enemy into his power. Moreover, he is cursed if he blames others for things for which he is responsible. 309. ‘Certainly, Sire, if I sought more holdings than my ancestor and had conquered Romania, I ought not be blamed in the least, but rather praised by all noblemen. Throughout the world it is the custom that all men-of-arms should constantly strive to fight against their enemies and to expand their estate and their domains. Those who do so should be praised highly, unless what they do is against right or disinherits their blood kin. So it seems to me that I should not be blamed if I try to conquer more than I have, but should be greatly praised. I am a poor prince and have undertaken to war against an emperor, one of the bravest men and warriors in the world. And besides, since I do not belong to the family or the lineage of the emperor, people cannot say that I acted against my relative and against right. 310. ‘You know and ought to admit to yourself how much you hold from your brother the despot, including your right to the despotate. You have found so much generosity in him, for he permitted you to hold lordship over Thessaly, which is the most beautiful part of his despotate. But that did not satisfy you in the least. You wanted to wrongly and sinfully steal his domain. It is even worse that you joined forces with the Holy Emperor, who is the deadliest enemy he has in the whole world, to help you, to the best of your ability, utterly destroy and ruin your

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brother. You should not accuse me so basely in front of the many noblemen here present, because fortune, sin, and treachery had me brought to your men and into your power: which therefore besmirches you and not me at all.’ 311. When Kyr Theodore saw that the prince spoke to him so haughtily, in such position as he was, holding the prince in captivity, he felt scorned and insulted. Had he not felt shame because of the noblemen who were present, he would have said and done things to the prince that were other than honorable. But the noblemen present intervened with words and actions, and placated and reconciled them. 312. After Kyr Theodore had sojourned at Pelagonia for two days to rest his men, he called up his army, took the prince and the other prisoners with him, and went on his way to Constantinople where the emperor Kyr Michael was. When the emperor saw the prince coming before him, he was very happy. The emperor appeared to receive the prince honorably. He gave orders and arranged for the prince and the lord of Karytaina and the most esteemed barons in their company to be placed in a respectable prison. 313. After the prince had been in prison for a week, the emperor ordered that he be led before him. When the prince arrived, the emperor said to him: ‘Prince, you can see clearly that you are in my prison. So I will tell you everything I want, because there is no other way for you ever to leave prison unless you give me the country of Morea. You ought to know that the country is mine and you have no right to it. And if you were free from my prison and in Morea again, as you are accustomed to being, you would not be able to withstand me for long before I seized and conquered my land from you by force. So, since I have you in my power I could, should I wish to, send enough troops by sea and by land to take the land easily, particularly because you and your men would not be there to defend it. Because your ancestors, you, and your people have expended effort and expenses in conquering the country of Morea, I will give you enough from my treasury to enable you to return to your country, France. You can buy such good lands that you will be rich and better off than in Morea. And you will be in peace and tranquility, without either you or your heirs having to wage war against anyone. But in Morea, if you were there, this would never be the case; you would never lack war and hardship.’ 314. ‘Lord Holy Emperor, since you demand from me the country of Morea in the way you describe, it is right that I answer you completely truthfully. That includes what I could do even a hundred years from now if I stayed that long in your prison. The country of Morea is conquered territory, acquired by force of arms. My lord father and other noblemen of France accompanying him conquered it. They established among themselves by laws and customs that the land should pass to their heirs. Consequently I would be committing a terrible wrong if – to save my own life – I, one man only, should disinherit all those who are yet to come from now until the Day of Judgment. And besides, Sire, even if I myself wanted to do it (and I would die before doing so), in any case, the other noblemen who are my companions and my peers would not do it. They would not and could not do it under any circumstances in the world. So I implore and ask Your Holy Crown not

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to speak of this matter to me anymore, because it is something that could never, ever be done. But if it pleases you, release me and my companions in return for a money ransom, in the way that it is done throughout the world wherever wars are fought. We will be as obliging as we can, and each of us contribute according to his ability. Or if not, we are in your prison for you to do with us as you please, because you will never get anything else from us.’ 315. When the emperor heard this answer from Prince William, he was visibly very angry. In the presence of all those who were there, he spoke to the prince in this way: ‘Prince William, you are clearly showing that you are French, because the great pride and arrogance of the French always keep them from reaching their goal. Certainly, if you were as smart as you think you are, you would know right now that God has struck you down for your great pride here, in the same way he led you to my prison. You do not wish at all to acknowledge your fault. Instead, you believe to get away from me by means of your arrogant words and wickedness. Accordingly, I promise you upon my faith and upon my oath that you will never leave my prison for a ransom of money. So leave my presence immediately and go to your prison, for you will never get anything else from me.’ 316. So the prince left the emperor’s presence and went to prison, where he stayed for three years. He believed that an agreement would be reached involving money. But the emperor kept his word very well: for nothing in the world would he condescend to free the prince by a ransom of money. Prince William forfeits holdings in Morea for his freedom 317. The prince finally realized there was no way on earth he would ever reach an agreement with the emperor over money. On the advice of the lord of Karytaina and the other imprisoned barons, he made an agreement with the emperor to give him three castles in Morea: to be precise, Monemvasia, Mistra, and Grand Magne. According to this treaty, he and all his people would be released from prison by giving up these three castles. They made a compact with the emperor and swore together that at no time would they ever fight each other; rather, each would help the other to his utmost ability whenever the need should arise. 318. Once these agreements had been drawn up and confirmed, the prince arranged for the lord of Karytaina to go to Morea and deliver to the emperor the three castles I have named to you. 319. In the way you have heard me tell it, Prince William came to an agreement with the emperor to hand over these three noble castles as his ransom. He believed and hoped that once he was out of prison he would be able to act or negotiate in some way to get the castles back. He said that because he had been in prison and he had no other way out, he could disregard all the pacts and the oaths that he had made without any prejudice or blame. 320. So he appointed the noble baron, the lord of Karytaina, and gave him men and such escorts as he deserved. He left Constantinople and went by land to Thessalonica, straight through Thessaly to the city of Thebes. There he found a relative, Lord William de la Roche, who had returned from the king of France. He

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now called himself the duke of Athens, because the king had bestowed the title upon him. 321. When the duke of Athens saw his son-in-law come out from prison, the man he most wanted to see in the whole world, he was overjoyed. But when he truly knew that the lord of Karytaina came to deliver the said three castles to the emperor, he became very sad. He said before everyone that there was no way on earth that he would agree to these three castles being handed over to the emperor. He said if the emperor held these three castles, he would easily be able to throw the French out of the country and regain it. He had great power on land and sea, and the French would be greatly weakened by the power he would obtain. 322. After the lord of Karytaina had stayed with the duke for about a week to rest his men and his horses, the duke said he would accompany the lord of Karytaina and come with him to Morea. 323. So they left Thebes and went straight to the city of Nikli. There they found that the princess and all the ladies of the land had called a parliament to see whether it was wise to give up the three castles as a ransom for Prince William. They had learned what Prince William had agreed with the emperor. You should know that the best and the wisest present at the parliament were Sir Leonard the chancellor and Sir Peter of Vaux the elder, because all the noblemen of the land had been captured along with the prince at Pelagonia. 324. When the duke of Athens and the lord of Karytaina came to Nikli, they were very well received and entertained by the princess and the other ladies. Then the parliament was convened, and there was much debating over the fate of the castles, whether or not they should deliver them to the emperor as a ransom for the prince. 325. Then the duke of Athens spoke and said: ‘Madam Princess and you other Lords, Prelates, Knights: it is true that I, wishing to defend my position, have acted against the lord prince, just as each of you knows. So, every one of you could believe that I do not want the lord prince to be set free at all. But in truth I tell you that I do not think it is at all a good idea to hand over these three castles to the emperor. If the emperor takes possession of these three castles, he will place such powerful troops there that he will expel us from the country. If it could be done – so nobody would doubt my word – behold my body ready to go to prison to free my lord the prince. And if I had to mortgage my lands for a money ransom, I would not suffer that my lord be in prison.’ 326. Then the lord of Karytaina came forward and said: ‘My Lord Duke, you must forgive me for what I am going to say. I am sure that you love the prince and the well-being of the country. Everything you say, we have discussed and debated already while we were in prison. If we had found any other way to free our lord, the prince, and the other noblemen who are with him in prison, we would have done it. You can see our lord the prince has been in prison for three years. Unless he wants to stay there for the rest of his life, there can be no other agreement. You should know that he conquered Monemvasia; he built Mistra and Grand Magne. And if he wants to die in prison for the comfort of others, the shame would be his.

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But as soon as he hands over what he himself conquered and built and is set free, God will help him regain his own. Therefore, know truly, as a man who can talk about it, I will not leave the lord to die in prison. I will follow his orders and hand over what is his in order to deliver him from the suffering he is in.’ 327. ‘Good Brother,’ replied the duke, ‘by my creator I want and hope for the deliverance of our lord the prince more than any man in the world. I am certain that when the emperor knows that we do not want to hand over these castles as his ransom, the emperor will not eat the prince with a sprinkle of salt, but will settle for money. Not least because, in letting himself die in prison rather than give his country to the Greeks, the prince would be acting like a free lord, and like Jesus Christ did to save his own people. He, one man, would rather die instead of a thousand. If the prince were to hand over and deliver these castles to the Greeks, the emperor would place such a large body of men inside them that the native Greeks in the countryside would rebel. They would cause the prince so much trouble that he would prefer to be in prison than to witness the destruction of his people and his own disinheritance. Now I have told you what I think could come about if your wish is carried out.’ Prince William returns 328. When they had sufficiently discussed and debated the prince’s release, the lord of Karytaina, who was carrying documents and signed agreements for the castellans, went and turned over control of the castles to the emperor’s messengers. He took the daughter of the marshal, Sir John of Neuilly, baron of Passava, and the sister of the grand constable, Lord John Chauderon, to Constantinople with him and freed the prince from prison.44 The men returned to Morea and were received with great honor and joy by those who were longing to see them. 329. When Prince William had been freed from prison, just as you have heard it told, and he arrived in Morea, he didn’t hesitate a moment before going to the city of Lacedaemonia to see and revisit this land he greatly longed to see. Hostilities break out between Franks and Greeks 330. When the emperor’s Greek subjects who lived in the castle at Mistra learned that the prince was coming, they believed he wanted to begin a war with them. So they joined forces with the Slavs living in the Taygetus Mountains and revolted against the prince, also letting the Greeks of Monemvasia know. The people of Monemvasia sent a light frigate to Constantinople right away, letting the emperor know how Prince William had broken his agreement and had begun a war with them. 331. When Kyr Michael Palaiologos, at that time the greatest warrior in the world, learned that the prince had started the war, it seemed to him a great 44  Marguerite of Neuilly has been identified; Chauderon’s sister has not to date been confidently identified. See the annotated index for more detail on Marguerite and the list of unnamed women for detail on both.

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misfortune. He believed for sure that the prince had broken his promise. He sent to Turkey and had 1,500 Turks come to his pay. He called for a man named Makrynos, one of his cousins – a nobleman and a great warrior. He gave Makrynos the Turks and the Greek forces from the Levant who were used to how the Turks fought and sent them directly to Monemvasia. 332. The emperor commanded them to fight against the prince as fiercely as they could. He told Makrynos that he should spare nothing – neither money nor men – but do everything in his power to conquer Morea. And he gave him letters for all the corporals and captains in the mountains controlled by the Slavs in Laconia and in the Taygetus Mountains. He promised them many rewards and privileges if they would join him and abandon the prince and the other Frenchmen. 333. Just as you are hearing, the war began between the emperor, Kyr Michael Palaiologos, and Prince William of Villehardouin. That cousin of the emperor was made a captain to come to this country. He boarded a vessel, left Constantinople, and came directly to land at Monemvasia. When he debarked, he sent the letters to those whom the emperor had written. Then he took his men, went to Lacedaemonia, and began to overrun and ravage the country. He had hardly arrived in the country when the people in the mountains of Laconia and the mountainous region where the Slavs lived rebelled against the prince and turned to the emperor. 334. Prince William learned that the emperor’s captain had arrived at Monemvasia and had overrun his country. He sent word to the duke of Athens, the barons of Negroponte, the islands, and wherever he had lordship that all his men should come and help him defend his country against the emperor’s men. They had come to overtake his country. But the duke of Athens and dukes from the other side of Megara Pass did not come at all, for which the prince felt completely let down. 335. He assembled the men of Morea and came as far as the city of Nikli. He knew that the men of Laconia had rebelled against him, and the emperor’s captain had a huge army. He was advised not to proceed any farther, but to garrison well his fortresses. Then he should go to Corinth and summon the duke of Athens, the barons of Negroponte, the marquis of Vonitza, and the barons of the islands, who were supposing and expecting to fight the emperor’s men. 336. However the emperor’s captain didn’t tarry a moment, but reflected and thought about how he could damage the prince and overcome him. He called for his messenger and sent him to the emperor, telling him how he had overrun and taken over a good third of Morea. He said that if the emperor would send more men to help him, he believed he could conquer the country of Morea. When the emperor heard this news, he was very happy. He then called for his brother, the Grand Domestic (meaning in French the grand seneschal of Romania) and for John Kantakouzenos and sent them with a good thousand men to Morea. 337. When they landed at Monemvasia, they came on land and went to meet with the captain at Lacedaemonia, where he was mounting a siege. When they arrived at Lacedaemonia, they decided to go directly to Morea. They said that the prince was no longer there, but was at Corinth. Because the prince was not in the

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country, they could easily do what they wanted. Then they left Laconia, went as far as Skorta, entered it, and their Turkish forces began to ravage the country. 338. When the people of Skorta saw that the emperor’s men were coming toward them, capturing and killing like wild beasts in such a way that they could not withstand them, they bowed down to the Grand Domestic, the emperor’s brother. Here six pages are missing, where the story was about the rebellion in Skorta against Prince William, where the people turn to the emperor’s brother, the Grand Domestic. I have left space here.45 339. Then some men arrived who knew the countryside well. They led the prince directly below the town of Sergenay. They had him stay in a little chapel called Saint Nicolas of Mesicle, with all his men surrounding him. He had so many men, from Palaiopoli to Gogonas, that an apple thrown among them could not fall to earth without touching a man or a horse. They remained there peacefully that night. 340. But the next morning, the prince, who had not slept, took all his men and divided them up. He made three good battalions, and directed them as to how they should go fight against their enemies. When they reached the town of Sergenay, they caught sight of the enemies, who were armed and in formation, waiting to fight them there, at the chapel of Saint Nicolas. Then the prince went forth from the town and formed the battalions. And they stood firm on the wide road, waiting to fight. 341. And as the battalions held one side and the other, a high-born, rich man from Constantinople named Kantakouzenos, who was captain of the army and a companion of the emperor’s brother, being armed and mounted, bearing his quiver and his bow and a mace in his hand, began to spur his horse on, riding between 45  The italics indicate what appears in the manuscript, where there is a lacuna. Longnon (pp 128–131) supplies ¶¶338a–l at this point in modern French, assembled from Greek versions of the Chronicle, to fill out the missing information. To summarize what Longnon provides: The Greeks with their Turkish mercenaries ravage the countryside, including burning down the monastery of Isova. The Franks and Greek forces meet at a place called Prinitza. William had left John of Catavas as regent in this area, a man who had been a brave warrior but was crippled by rheumatism and could no longer fight. He rallies the French forces and holds the banner when they meet the Grand Domestic on the field of battle, greatly outnumbered. In fact, the Grand Domestic says his forces will eat the Franks for breakfast. After an initial setback, the Franks gain the upper hand. The Franks rout the Greeks and take many of their horses when they flee to the forests and mountains. The Grand Domestic is humiliated to have been defeated by what he terms an old crippled warrior leading only three hundred men, but plans a renewed attack in the spring, using many archers to defeat the Franks. William is at Andravida in the spring, and the Greek army marches there, looking for the best place to use their arrows to advantage. The following paragraphs recount a subsequent meeting between the Franks and Greeks at Sergenay.

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the two armies in front of our men, now here, now there, cursing and insulting our men because he saw no threat from them. 342. When he had ridden enough this way on one horse, he mounted another, mace in hand, and spurred this one on like the other in front of our men. Some of the prince’s men would have liked to ride out against him, but the prince did not let them, so as not to break up the men or disorder the battalions. 343. Because God hates pride, this Kantakouzenos’s horse threw him down, and horse and knight fell ignobly straight onto a boulder, which his fall nearly forcibly dislodged. He was so debilitated from the fall that he could not get up by himself. Having turned to face Kantakouzenos, the prince, as soon as he saw him fall, called out to his men. They ran toward Kantakouzenos, and since he could not get up and no one could help him, the prince’s men killed him. 344. Now Kantakouzenos was one of the greatest lords of Constantinople, considered the bravest man in Romania; he was leader of the army and one of the very best in the host. So when the emperor’s brother saw the misfortune happen to this Kantakouzenos, he did not want to fight with the prince at all. He took Kantakouzenos’s corpse and sent it ahead, then led his men away in an orderly manner, one battalion after the other. They left in this way without fighting the prince. 345. The prince was very wise. When he saw such a fortunate event happening – the emperor’s brother losing his captain and leaving the country courteously, without fighting or making other trouble – he was advised to keep the peace without attacking or chasing the enemy. He did not have nearly enough men to be able to engage with them in battle, and if by chance he were defeated, he would lose the whole country. So he stayed and guarded his country. The emperor’s brother continued to the plain of Nikli, besieged the city there and stayed as long as he wanted. Turkish mercenaries defect to the Franks over wages 346. Now something happened here that was very unfortunate for the emperor’s brother: the Turks, a thousand mounted men, were owed wages for six or more months of service. Their captain came to him and demanded their wages. 347. The emperor’s brother, however, was very dejected because he had not in any way avenged his shame for the debacle at Prinitza. In fact, his shame had increased because he himself had been on the plain of Morea with all his forces and had seen Prince William in front of him ready to fight. Yet he had not been at all willing to fight him. Instead, he had ceded the field to Prince William, lost his captain, and left in shame, as you have heard. So he answered the Turks offensively and spoke to them this way: 348. ‘Why, isn’t it enough that, thanks to the Holy Emperor, you have enriched yourselves with all that you have pillaged here in the Franks’ country? And you are asking for more wages! Rest assured that you won’t be paid anything unless you give me all the booty you have seized.’

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349. When they heard this answer, they responded loudly: ‘Sire, since you are withholding our wages, it seems obvious that you are letting us go. So we bid you adieu, because we are going to find a lord who will give us wages and goods.’ They left immediately, came to their camp, and assembled men and retainers. Soon after, they mounted their horses, left Nikli, and came to the noble castle of Karytaina. 350. When the emperor’s brother knew for certain that the Turks – the best and bravest men in all his army – were leaving like this and going to the Franks, he was furious. He wanted to go after them to make them return against their will. But the wisest of his companions dissuaded him, saying that if he went after them, they would be angry and badly disposed. Being men of the sword, they would turn to fighting and defending their lives, and they could easily defeat him. It would be a disaster and a much greater dishonor than if the Franks had defeated them. 351. Then he sent two Greek archontes from Constantinople with several escorts to a place down below Karytaina, beside the river where the Turks were encamped. They went straight to the tent where Melic was, the Turks’ captain and ruler. 352. They dismounted and went right up to Melic. They greeted him in the name of the Grand Domestic, the emperor’s brother, and all the noblemen in his company. They said they were astonished that he and his troops had left the emperor’s service in such a manner, without occasion, abandoning the oath they had made to him. That they should certainly return, for he would promise to pay them all their wages, as they desired. 353. When these noblemen had concluded their message, Melic and the noblest of the Turks answered. Absolutely nothing the emperor’s brother could promise them would make them return. They would never serve him again; he had never kept his word or his agreements with them. 354. When the messengers heard this response they wanted to leave. However, one Turk, who had lived with the Greeks a long time and wanted the Turks to return to the Greeks, got the messengers to stay the night, thinking perhaps to make the Turks return. But the Turks preferred to go to our Franks. They got up the next morning, sounded their trumpets and horns so they made loud and varied sounds, broke camp, and set out along the valley of the Alpheios River. 355. They marched until they came to the region of Biauregart. When the prince’s men saw them coming so freely, they went directly to the prince at Andravida, where he was having a moat dug around the whole town, and told him the news. When the prince and the best of his men heard this news, they were afraid, believing that it was the emperor’s brother who was coming back to besiege them. 356. But when the Turks, who were wise in the ways of war, arrived at Vlisiri, they called for two of the wisest and most eloquent of their men, gave them escorts, and sent them to the prince to tell him how and why they were coming to him. When the Turkish messengers arrived at Andravida, where Prince William was, they were received most honorably.

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357. They told the prince why and under what circumstances they had left the emperor’s service and why they had come to help him fight against his enemies if he needed them. Or, if not, they asked him, as though he were their overlord, to give them permission to go to their own country. Wise and honorable Prince William, on the advice of his barons, ordered letters be given to the noble and brave Ancelin of Toucy, brother of Philip of Toucy, who was regent of Constantinople. He had been born and raised in Romania and knew the language and customs of the Greeks. The prince gave him an escort of knights and noble squires. They went directly to meet the Turks at Biauregart, where they were awaiting Prince William’s response. 358. When Melic and the other noble Turks in his army saw Ancelin of Toucy coming toward them, they rejoiced. Ancelin was the man they had hoped to talk with, because they knew he was from Constantinople, and they could better relate to him than any other of the prince’s men. So they ran out toward him, and they made a great feast together. 359. After they had discussed matters together awhile and had related how and why they had left the Grand Domestic and had approached the prince, all of them left Biauregart and came to Andravida, where the prince was. When the prince learned that they had nearly reached the river near Andravida, he mounted up with all his barons and went to meet them very honorably. When the Turks saw the prince and were acknowledged, everyone dismounted at the church of the Greeks and greeted the prince nobly, except for Melic and Salic, who were rulers. Ancelin held back from dismounting, in order to honor them. 360. As soon as they had dismounted, before they made camp, they spoke with the prince since he was in their encampment. They told him they had not come to tarry frivolously. Rather, they urged him to take all his men at once and let them go against the emperor’s brother, wherever they might find him. For truly, they could defeat him in battle, just as they had divined in their oracles. When the prince heard this news, he was very happy, as were his barons. They stayed that night at Andravida. The Franks and Turks join forces against the Greeks 361. At dawn the next day, the prince ordered the Turks to ride ahead at once, then after them, Sir Ancelin with his entire battalion, and then the prince, and after that the other battalions in order. They rode to Copanitza, and the prince lodged there. But the Turks, who went before, encamped themselves rather far from our people and slept at the castle of Moundra. 362. After they had set up camp, they consulted their oracles and found that the next day without fail they should join together and fight the Greeks. They made it known to the prince and my lord Ancelin. Sir Ancelin came right away, and they talked and planned how they should ride out the next day. 363. On the following day, Sir Ancelin of Toucy, who was in charge of the Turks, arose early and went to the castle of Moundra, where the Turks were encamped. He ordered them to ride out first and be the first battalion, and he gave

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them guides from his own household. After the Turks, Sir Ancelin rode with his whole battalion and then the prince with such men as he had from Morea. 364. When the battalions had formed up, they rode out from their camps. A spy had come to Sir Ancelin to tell him that the Grand Domestic, the emperor’s brother, with the mighty force he had, had arrived at Veligosti and had taken Makryplagi Pass. 365. Sir Ancelin went to the prince immediately and reported the news. Then Sir Ancelin told the prince that he had earned the right to ask the prince’s permission to lead the first battalion into battle. The prince, who loved Sir Ancelin very much, really did not want to grant the request. But in the end, Sir Ancelin gave him so many good arguments, the prince gave in, saying they were not yet completely certain of the Turks. If the Turks went first and happened to be defeated, they themselves would be in danger of being defeated, and if they lost this battle, they would be in a position to lose the country. 366. Thereupon, Ancelin agreed with the prince, who was a wise warrior and experienced with battles involving Greeks and Turks. The prince arranged that the Turks should follow his battalion. The prince himself, being familiar with the countryside, ordered that the battalions should ride in order, one after the other, and that they should stay close together so they could aid and assist each other, because the environs and the pass were perilous. 367. When all was in order, Sir Ancelin took his battalion and began to ride across the plain of Calamy. When he reached the foot of Makryplagi Mountain, he stopped for a moment to encourage his men and say that he was certain the emperor’s brother was in the pass and would attack them. He said that each man should think of being brave and of defending his life and honor; and that if God gave them grace to destroy those men and to win the first battle, no men would be honored more than they, because they would be responsible for winning back the country. 368. Wanting very much to do well, the men responded, ‘Sire, let’s ride out full force against our enemies, because we will fight for you to the death.’ They put themselves in God’s hands, praying to the blessed baron Saint George to accompany them and help them defeat their enemies, just as he had at the battle of Prinitza. Then they began to climb Makryplagi Mountain. 369. Just as they arrived at the mountain crest, Kaballarios, a powerful nobleman from Constantinople who commanded the first battalion, assailed them fiercely with a crossbow attack and made our men fall back toward the valley. 370. But brave-hearted Sir Ancelin shouted loudly to his men so all could hear him. They regrouped immediately, turned back toward the enemy, and chased them back to the mountain top. They took over the castle where the Greeks had been and killed everyone they met there. The others took to flight in such disarray that one did not wait for the other. 371. When the two remaining Greek battalions, which were stationed just in front of the crest of the mountain, saw the first battalion routed and scattered,

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they did not want to wait any longer but took to flight right away, just as the first battalion had done. 372. When Sir Ancelin saw the Greeks routed and fleeing, as you are hearing, he sent two men on horseback to the Turks, who held the rearguard, to get them to come quickly, because the enemy was broken up and fleeing. When the Turks heard this news, they rejoiced and hastened to mount their horses as best they could. When they reached our men, who were chasing the Greeks, killing them, and taking them prisoner, the Turks also began to kill and take an astonishing number of prisoners. 373. They took many Greek nobles prisoner, but they could not capture any of their captains. This grieved Sir Ancelin because his older brother, Sir Philip of Toucy, regent of the empire of Constantinople, was in prison in Constantinople at that time.46 He had hoped that if he could capture some rich men from Constantinople, he could exchange them for his brother and save him from prison. 374. When his men saw Sir Ancelin so depressed, they determined to search more closely in the valleys and mountains. Then one of his squires, named Perrin, came running to his lord and said: ‘Sire, I bring you good news. What reward will I get if I tell it to you?’ And wise Sir Ancelin said that if the squire told him one of the great Greek lords had been captured, one for whom he could ransom his brother, Sir Ancelin would give him whatever he asked. 375. The squire took Sir Ancelin and led him to a cave in a gorge between two mountains, beneath the mountain where the castle of Gardichy is today. When he got there, he saw nine Turks standing in front of the Grand Domestic and Kaballarios, who were put in the cave. The Turks made them bow down and reproached them for having withheld their wages, which was the reason they had left the emperor’s service. 376. When Sir Ancelin saw them haggling in this way he shouted to them in Greek as loudly as he could, ‘Lords, what kind of business are you doing down there?’ When the Turks heard Lord Ancelin’s voice, they recognized him by his coat of arms. Immediately it looked as though those gentlemen had been disarmed for at least a day. The Turks took them and brought them up to Ancelin. 377. When Lord Ancelin saw them and seized them, he raised his hands toward heaven and gave thanks to God and was the happiest man in the world, because he was certain that he could ransom his brother from prison. Then he took them and led them to Veligosti, where the prince and all the barons of the army were gathered. 378. When Prince William came to Veligosti, he reviewed all the prisoners they had taken in this encounter. He found that he had first of all the Grand Domestic, Kaballarios, 354 sevastades and archontes, and countless lesser men. The prince then commanded that they rest and sleep at Veligosti that day, because his men were tired. 46  Latin Emperor Baldwin II was in Europe for years seeking funds for the collapsed Latin Empire of Constantinople. By this time, Constantinople was in Greek hands.

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379. The following day, the archontes and noblemen who had earlier rebelled arrived from Skorta. They fell at the prince’s feet and cried for mercy. The prince, who was kind and merciful to his people, with the agreement of his barons, pardoned them and made them swear by the saints to be good and loyal to him. When the prince realized the grace God had shown him by giving him this victory, he thanked Him very much and said that he hoped God loved him and that with His aid, he would regain his country. 380. The next day, the prince commanded that the prisoners be brought before him because he wanted to see them and talk with them. The Grand Domestic, Kaballarios, and the other nobles were brought in. When the prince saw the Grand Domestic, he had him sit down beside him, and then he began to review everything: how the prince had kept his oath and the covenants he had made with his lord the emperor; how the emperor had let him down on all accounts and had launched a war against him, during which the emperor had ravaged and pillaged the prince’s lands sinfully and unlawfully; how God Almighty, seeing the terrible wrongs that the emperor had done, gave the prince the grace to see the emperor’s men defeated at Prinitza and again at Makryplagi, just as everyone could witness. The prince concluded, ‘For all this, I give thanks to Almighty God because He has shown me to be in the right and given me visible revenge.’ 381. When the prince concluded his speech, the Grand Domestic replied: ‘Lord Prince, I cannot speak with you on equal terms, because I am your prisoner, and you may do with me what you wish. Nevertheless, even if you should put me to death this minute, it would not deter me from responding to what you have said and reproached me with. To be sure, your reproaching me here on this spot, in the presence of so many good men, is an injustice and a sin. It does not suit a man such as you, because no nobleman should praise himself or reproach and demean his enemy when God gives him power over him, because acts of war and misfortune and adversity are common to all men. 382. ‘About your claim that the Holy Emperor failed to uphold the covenants between the two of you; it seems to me that you utter a contradiction. The truth is this: the country of Morea, which you now hold, is in no way yours, not by right or justice, but was and should be part of the empire of Romania and the rightful inheritance of the Holy Emperor from his ancestors. Your ancestors wrongly and sinfully stole it from him by tyrannous force. For that sin, God led you and put you into the hands of my lord the Holy Emperor. And because he is merciful and the best ruler in the world, he did not take those events into consideration. Instead, he let you go and freed you from prison on your covenants and oaths that neither you nor your men would ever at any time take up arms against him or his men, for any reason or in any way. In affirming this friendship, you became his sworn ally. You should not break your oath on any account, nor fight against him. But you did just that; as soon as you were released from prison, you began to fight against him. And from this everyone can see exactly who has been false to whom. 383. ‘As to the victory you had at Prinitza and just now over our people: neither your boasting nor your blaming another is the least bit honorable for a nobleman,

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because acts of war and all adversities are common to all. If you recalled clearly your defeat at Pelagonia, involving such noblemen as you and the despot and the mighty force of good men you had with you, you would never blame feat of arms or men. If I have spoken further than I ought, please excuse me, particularly because I am your prisoner; for I do it to defend the honor and rights of my liege lord.’ 384. ‘In God’s name,’ the prince replied, ‘I pardon you in front of these good men, except for your saying that I broke my oath. Because you are my prisoner, I cannot say or do otherwise. Nonetheless, I do say this: no man lives under the dome of heaven to whom I don’t flatly deny everything you say. I have never broken my oath nor departed from my agreement. The emperor was the one who began the war with me, not I with him. I think he did it based on false information people from Monemvasia and Mistra sent him when they saw me going to revisit Laconia, because they saw that the men who accompanied me carried arms. As God protects my body and soul, I was riding armed not for war or any other reason but because I was wary of the Slavs in Skorta and their villainy.’ 385. So the air was cleared on all these issues. The prince dealt with his prisoners, sending the Grand Domestic to the castle of Chloumoutzi, and Kaballarios and the other prisoners to other castles in his country. After that, the prince called all his barons and the wisest among his army together and sought their advice on how he could ride out against his enemies. He was advised to ride toward the city of Lacedaemonia, because it was within easy distance for both men and horses, and to surround the castle of Mistra as for a siege, hoping by a treaty or other means, they could regain the castle, meaning they could recover the country. 386. Then the prince ordered Lord Ancelin, captain of them all, and Lord John of Saint-Omer, the marshal, to take the army, leave Veligosti, and go to Lacedaemonia. They left right away and went to Lacedaemonia. 387. When they arrived there, they discovered that most of the Greeks who lived in the city had left and gone to Mistra, because the emperor’s men had seized them and forced them to go to Mistra. When the prince arrived at Lacedaemonia, he found the city empty of the people who were citizens and had inhabited the city. He was rather bothered about this. Consequently, he assigned their houses, lands and possessions to the Latins and the other Greeks still there. He was surer of them than of the other Greeks who had gone to the castle of Mistra. 388. Then he attacked the towns that had revolted against him. They put all their provisions in the city and furnished the city with everything artisans made for him and for those who were going to stay there. Then the army rode to the Valley of Elos, and near Monemvasia, and to Lacedaemonia as well, taking a great deal of booty and loot. They supplied themselves for a long stay, because the prince’s intention was to come into this land. Skorta rebels against the prince 389. But just as fortune rules man’s fate and upsets many of his intentions, an act of fortune happened to the prince. He had not been at Lacedaemonia a month when news reached him that the people of Skorta had revolted and attacked the

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castles of Bucelet and Karytaina. The prince was very distressed about this news. He provisioned the city with men and all the necessities they required, then took his army and returned straight to Veligosti. 390. When he arrived at Veligosti, he consulted with his barons as to how and where the foot soldiers and mounted troops should enter Skorta, because the area was mountainous with narrow passes and poor approaches. Then the prince called Lord Ancelin of Toucy and spoke to him thus: 391. ‘My Lord Ancelin,’ said the prince, ‘certainly, because of your goodness and generosity, you have helped me in this my war, and I am grateful for it. For that reason I am asking you to do me another favor. Because of the defiance of my wicked nephew, the lord of Karytaina, who abandoned us in our hour of great need and went to Apulia for his debaucheries;47 and because of the defiance shown by his evil people, the traitors of Skorta, who have twice risen up against me: I direct you to order the Turks to enter into the country of Skorta to pillage and ravage those evil people and do as much harm to them as they can.’ 392. Wise Sir Ancelin knew the prince was furious with the people of Skorta, and replied very gently that he would do his will and commandment. He then called Melic the Turk and told him it was the prince’s desire that Melic attack and ravage the country of Skorta and its people, because of their disloyalty in revolting twice against their lord in such a short time. 393. Melic the Turk, who wanted nothing more than to pillage and ravage there, answered Ancelin that he would gladly do it. He formed his men into three battalions, entered Skorta in three different places, and they rode, pillaged, and threw firebrands on the towns. They burned down all the dwellings of the noblemen and archontes of Skorta and put to the sword all those who gave any resistance. They presented everyone who surrendered to the prince. 394. When the noblemen of Skorta saw the land ravaged and wasted and all their homes burned, they retreated into the highest mountains and places that they held, then sent to the prince, asking him, in the name of God and mercy, to pardon them. They said it would not please God had they risen against him in the way he had been given to understand. But that it had been done because of an ordinance saying they could defend themselves against the emperor’s men if they attacked them. 395. When the messengers from the Greek archontes of Skorta stood before the prince, they gave him this excuse. The barons and knights who were there, all of whom loved the lord of Karytaina, felt a great deal of pity for the terrible damage and devastation to his country that his people had received. They fell at the prince’s feet and begged him so much that he pardoned the people of Skorta. Then he ordered Melic the Turk to cease immediately and take all his men back to Veligosti. The prince released all his men from service and went straight to Morea.

47  This passage anticipates the actual introduction of Geoffrey of Bruyères’ elopement with the wife of one of his knights, beginning ¶398.

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396. When the prince arrived in Morea, Melic the Turk asked him leave to go to Thessaly and find passage to go to Turkey. Because the prince had made an agreement with the Turk when Melic first came to him, the prince could not force Melic to stay against his will, but showed him courtesy and gave him what he could. Then the prince gave him leave to go, as well as a safe conduct, and Melic went when he wished. 397. It is true that many Turks from that group stayed in Morea with the prince and were baptized. Some were made knights and received fiefs in Morea; they took wives and sired children. Some of their heirs are still in Morea. Geoffrey of Bruyères and his (mis)adventures 398. We will now leave off speaking to you about Prince William and will tell you about the noble baron, Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, and where he was when Prince William fought against the emperor, and he was not in his company. 399. At the time when the prince was waging war in his country of Morea, as you heard earlier, the lord of Karytaina, considered one of the best knights in the world, was not in Morea at all, because fortune and sin had led him to do something outrageous. Love for a woman, which deceives and leads many a man, even the wisest, to death and a shameful life, so deceived and entrapped the nobleman that he fell in love with a lady who was married to one of his knights, named John of Catavas. She was the most beautiful lady in all Romania.48 400. To be able more easily to have his pleasure with the lady, he let it be known that he had vowed to make a pilgrimage to Rome, to the church of Saint Nicholas in Bari, and to the shrine of Saint Michael on Monte Sant’Angelo in the Gargano mountains. He took this lady and as many companions as he wanted, and went to Apulia. 401. When King Manfred of Germany, who was at the time king of Sicily and Apulia, learned that the lord of Karytaina – at the time as famous as a knight can be – had arrived in his country, he enquired about the reason the noble lord had come. The king enquired and asked so many times that one of those who had come with the noble lord and knew well about the affair, swore to the king that the lord had come because he loved a lady. She was a lady married to one of his own knights, and he had stolen her from her husband and come there, saying they were making a pilgrimage. 402. When the king learned this news and had verified it, he sent messages to the lord of Karytaina that he wanted to see him and talk with him. Two knights went and summoned the noble lord in the name of the king to come talk with him. The lord of Karytaina went willingly and most joyfully to the king. 403. When he was before the king, he saluted him and gave him the reverence due a king. The king received him handsomely and showed him much attention, 48  No information has been found about this woman or her fate after the episode described in the Chronicle. See the list of unnamed women for details.

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honoring him in the manner befitting a brave knight with such renown as he had. The king had him sit beside him. He began to ask him what circumstances had caused the noble lord to come to his country. The lord of Karytaina answered that he came to fulfill a sacred vow he had taken to visit a place in the king’s country of Apulia, and he aspired to go as far as Rome, if it pleased God. 404. King Manfred, who knew absolutely the real reason he had come, felt great compassion for such a knight, but even more for the prince whom the knight had left during a time of war for such debauchery. He replied in this way: 405. ‘Lord of Karytaina, be aware that I have been informed why you have come over here. I know that you are of great renown and one of the most valiant knights in Christendom. But the reason for your visit is so despicable, I would not ever mention it in public, and I don’t even want to look into your misdeeds. You really deserve to lose your head for abandoning Prince William, your liege lord, during the fiercest war he has ever had. In addition, you have deceived your liegeman, who I hear is one of the best knights in Romania, with whom you should keep faith. Instead, you have stolen his wife. Because of this, I tell you simply that because of your former renown, I pardon you from the sentence I should give you. I command you to leave my country completely within eight days and to go to your liege lord to help him in the war he is fighting. If I find you in my country after that period of time, I will serve the justice on you that a man deserves when he abandons his liege lord in his hour of need and does not fight for him.’ 406. When the lord of Karytaina heard the king speak thus openly, he was very ashamed of it. Afterward, he was afraid that the king might do something that would dishonor him. The lord of Karytaina did not want to make a lengthy speech, because he could not find any excuse that would make him look honorable. He answered the king as graciously as he could saying that since the king forbade him to remain in his country and ordered him to leave, he would do so voluntarily and obey the king, unless illness or misfortune at sea prevented it. Then he took leave of the king as graciously as he could. 407. So it happened that after he left the king, he traveled by land and sea, and in five weeks, he reached Glarentza. He inquired where the prince might be. He was told that the prince was in Andravida holding a parliament, which was being held because of news he had received: the emperor had sent a large force to Monemvasia for the help and relief of his lands and for fighting even harder against the prince. 408. When the lord of Karytaina learned that all the barons were assembled with the prince, he was greatly relieved, thinking that, because of the barons’ intervention, the prince would pardon him more quickly. He did not want to remain at Glarentza another minute, but right away mounted his horse with his whole company and went to Andravida. 409. When the barons and knights at the parliament learned of the arrival of the noble lord of Karytaina, they mounted up and went to meet him. They greeted him joyfully and were glad at his coming, because they believed he would help them greatly.

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410. When he arrived at the monastery of Saint Nicholas of Carmel, he immediately begged all the barons and knights to help him make his peace with the prince. He was certain that the prince was very angry with him and considered himself badly paid, because Lord Karytaina had abandoned him in his hour of need. All of the nobles quite willingly promised to help him. They went straight to the prince, who was at the cathedral of Saint Sophia at the Franciscans’ monastery. 411. When the lord of Karytaina came before the prince, he greeted him and made him the reverence due to such a lord. But the prince was pitiless and furiously angry with the lord of Karytaina, who was his nephew, because he had trusted him like no other, and the lord had abandoned him and failed him in his hour of need. So the prince did not want to look kindly on him; rather he stood firm. The lord of Karytaina, being wise and feeling guilty, took a rope, put it around his own neck, and then fell to his knees at the prince’s feet. 412. The others followed. Prelates, barons, knights, and noblemen who were there knelt down very humbly. They begged the prince, as a noble gesture and because of their entreaty, to pardon him this time, because nobody in the world is so wise that they never make a mistake. ‘He is your blood relative,’ they said, ‘and one of the noblest and bravest knights in the world. Because he acknowledges his wrongs and asks forgiveness, God and reason demand that he receive pardon.’ 413. The prince answered them: ‘I’m fully aware that the lord of Karytaina is my nephew and a blood relative and my liegeman. The fact that he is so closely related to me makes it more painful to me and shames me here among you. For to the extent that he is closer to me, all the more should he guard against wrongdoing. Accordingly, I am more grieved by his offense than I would be by another’s. Despite all the prudhommes and good men petitioning me, I cannot accede to your request. If I forgive him, he will wrong me again, just as he did the last time. The last time he wronged me, he took up arms against me to help the duke of Athens, to whom he was related by his wife,49 and I pardoned him more willingly for that offense because he had a good reason. But this time, for no reason at all except sin and dishonor, he abandoned me during the fiercest war I’ve ever had and went away to another country, just as all of you know. The whole thing is a disgrace, for news of it has spread among the people.’ 414. The prince and the barons argued long over the matter, because the prince remained obdurate and said that the lord of Karytaina had betrayed him once before, and should have kept it in mind and not done it again. Thus he would not pardon him for any reason. But the noblemen begged and pleaded to the point that the prince pardoned him and gave him his land and all his homages, just as he had them earlier. However, they were newly granted fiefs and no longer as those earned by conquest.

49  Isabelle de la Roche (1235–1279). See the list of unnamed women, ¶¶226–227, for details.

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Charles of Anjou has his slighted wife made a queen 415. Now the story stops speaking about Prince William and the lord of Karytaina. I will now tell you how good King Charles the elder, brother of the king of France, came and conquered Sicily and Apulia, and how Prince William, lacking a male heir to inherit his country, made an agreement with that same king, so that Louis, son of the king, would marry Isabelle, Prince William’s elder daughter.50 According to this agreement, the prince would now hold the principality from the king and his heirs. 416. At the same time we are telling you about, the count of Anjou, who was lord of Provence, had three daughters but no male heir. Charles, second brother to the king of France, was then one of the bravest, most enterprising knights in the world and very famous. For that reason, the count made an agreement with him, giving him his eldest daughter in marriage and making him his heir. After a little time, the king of France took the second daughter; after that, good King Edward of England, who was then one of the most valiant and wisest kings in the world, took the third daughter.51 417. After the three women were married, as you have heard, the count of Anjou, their father, passed from this world into the next. Because of this, his lands went to Charles of France, who had married his first daughter, and Charles became lord of Provence. 418. About this time, it happened that Emperor Frederick of Germany ruled Sicily, all the region of Apulia, Romagna, Spoleto, and all of Italy. He had banished the pope from Rome, to show his power and to further his persecution against the church. For this reason, the pope fled Rome and took up residence in Venice. He excommunicated the emperor and put an interdict on his country.52 419. Because Charles of France, count of Anjou, was then the most valiant, enterprising prince in the world, the pope asked him several times, by letter and messenger, to come and wage war against King Manfred. For that, the pope would award him the crowns of Sicily and Apulia and would provide funds from the 50  He was historically (Louis) Philip of Anjou, d. 1277, son of King Charles I of Naples. Note that Charles became king only after the events described in the paragraphs immediately following this one. Please also see the section ‘Historical Background’ in the introduction for an overview of the Angevin rulers. 51  Count Raymond of Provence (not Anjou) had four daughters. Marguerite, the elder, married (Saint) Louis IX, king of France; Eleanor married Henry III of England; Sancha married Richard of Cornwall, brother of Henry III; and Beatrice, the youngest, married Charles of Anjou in 1245. She died in 1268.The names and lineages here and following are confused. 52  The papacy and the Hohenstaufen emperors and kings warred for decades during the middle of the thirteenth century throughout regions of modern Italy, involving Emperor Frederick II and his bastard son Manfred against the popes and their allies, such as Charles of Anjou. A succession of popes ruled at the time, approximately from Gregory IX to Clement IV. For more detail on the complicated situation see, for example, Setton and Hazard, eds., 81–138.

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treasury of Saint Peter’s, enough to wage war against King Manfred, who was persecuting the Holy Church of Rome. He promised if Charles was victorious, the pope would give him those kingdoms, and the Holy Church of Rome would confirm his rule. But Charles did not want to do these things. He said that if he began the war, it would cause war between his brother, the king of France, and the German Empire, from which terrible things could ensue. 420. As God pleases, it happened that the king of France sent an invitation to the king of England to visit the queen of France, his sister, asking him to bring the queen, his wife, with him. The king of England came willingly and nobly, with a great entourage of knights and ladies. When the two kings were together, they held a grand celebration. 421. It happened one day, when the two queens, those of France and England, were seated together enjoying festivities and amusements; they saw the countess of Anjou, their elder sister, coming toward them. When the two queens saw their sister approaching, they rose to meet her, greeted her, and then both sat back down. Then, the countess sat down as an equal with them and did not bow to them, or pay them any reverence, because the good lady thought that since she was their elder sister, she was not obliged to pay them the reverence due to queens. And so the queen of France, who was the second eldest sister after the countess of Anjou, said this to her: ‘Clearly, Countess, you are not doing your duty when you do not pay reverence to us, two queens, who are the noblest and richest ladies in the world. Instead, you sit as our equal, though you are not at all. You ought to acknowledge that God has given us more dignity and power than you.’ 422. When the noble countess heard these words and reproaches from her sister, she felt such great shame that she could not utter a word or sit any longer with her sisters. She rose quickly without taking leave, went straight to her lodgings and into her room, and began the greatest sobbing in the world because of the scornful words her sister had said to her. 423. It happened that Sir Charles of France, count of Anjou, her lord husband, came from where he had been, enjoying the company of the two kings, his brothers. When he was in the great hall, he asked where his wife, the countess, was. They said she was in her chamber. The count, who loved her deeply, straight away entered the room, where the countess was. 424. When the countess found the count, her husband, in her room all of a sudden, she felt very ashamed. As soon as she could, she dried the tears she had shed from her eyes. But as soon as the count, who was wise and perceptive, looked the countess in the face, he knew she had been crying. He asked the reason for her tears. She answered that she had not been crying at all. The count replied (and these are his words): ‘By God the Father, either you tell me the truth, or I will punish you.’ When the lady saw the count yelling and cursing and realized she could not hide or refuse him, she recounted the affair to him word by word, how the queen of France, her sister, had reproached her because she sat down as an equal with the queens.

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425. When the count heard how the queen of France, the countess’s sister, had audaciously humiliated his wife, a noble lady and her elder sister, he was outraged and angry. The queen, who was younger in age and who should have honored her and put her forward, had instead pushed her down. Then the count swore an oath and told his wife the countess: ‘By God the Father, I swear that I will not rest until you are crowned a queen.’ 426. He then went straight to the king of France, his brother, and spoke to him thus: ‘Lord King,’ the count said, ‘Our Holy Father, the pope of Rome, asked me many times in letters and through messengers to come to him. He will crown me, make me king of Sicily and Apulia, and make me standard-bearer of the Holy Church – if I would undertake the war against King Manfred, who is persecuting the Holy Church of Rome. I did not want to do it for any reason. But now, the will to do it has come to me. And so I am asking that I may undertake this with your agreement and permission and that you assist me to go into this honorably, as suits both your honor and mine. For I hope to God that I will add to your crown and our lineage.’ 427. When the king of France heard that his brother wanted to undertake such a great mission, he willingly and happily agreed. He answered him thus: ‘My Brother,’ the king said, ‘I am delighted that God has given you grace to want to undertake such a grand mission as this one, because at this time it is the highest and most noble need that there is in the world. Certainly, Brother, I would have advised you a long time ago to do what our Holy Father the pope asked of you. But I worried that you would just believe that I wanted to distance you from myself and put you in danger of death. In fact, I am certain it will befall you to suffer and fight on the battlefield with King Manfred and to put yourself in danger of dying, nor otherwise could you come to your purpose. 428. ‘But since the decision comes to you readily and freely, I willingly give you of my men and money as much as you please, in order to hire as many troops as necessary. Go now, dear brother, and I pray God that you might have His blessing, my father’s and mine. I pray to Our Lord that it please Him to give you victory, because I am certain that since you are going to defend the Holy Church, God will help you. And because you are going at the request of our Holy Father the pope, he himself will make the treasury of Saint Peter’s available to you, because he can now get his wish.’ The wise and valiant count thanked the king, his brother. 429. The count organized his equipment and preparations for the journey, just as grandly as was suitable to such a powerful man as he was. He took as many of the knights of France as he pleased and traveled to Provence, his country. He found there the ships, galleys, and transports made for carrying horses that he had had outfitted to carry him and his men to Rome. 430. After he had outfitted and arranged for everything needed, he, his barons, and all his men boarded his ships and went to Rome. When he made port, he went on land and had them unload his horses, his armor, and all his provisions. 431. When our Holy Father the pope learned that Charles of France was coming at his request and in his service, and was so nobly outfitted, he rejoiced

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and gave thanks to Our Lord Jesus Christ, to Saint Peter and Saint Paul, who gave him the heart and will to avenge the Holy Church. He was now certain to regain the lordship for the Holy Church that the Germans had wrongly and sinfully stolen from it and had sinned through their pride and persecution. 432. And so, to give courage and resolve to the count and to honor him as well, the pope himself, his cardinals, and all the clergy and noblemen of Rome mounted up and went to meet the good count and lead him joyfully to Rome. When they were in the city, each went to his abode. The pope sent two archbishops and four barons to ask the count to see him. 433. When the count saw the pope, he bowed down. The pope took him by the hand, seated the count beside him and began asking him for news from his brother, the king of France, and about his arrival. How and for what purpose had the count come? Was he there at the pope’s request to help recover land belonging to the Holy Church of Rome? When they had conversed together for some time, and the pope knew the count had come at his request to serve him, he thanked him very much and gave the count his blessing. The pope then held a grand and most noble convocation, and all the nobles who came with the count and all the men of Rome ate with him. 434. During this feast and convocation, he celebrated Mass, crowned the count with a golden crown, presented him with the standard of the Holy Church of Rome, made him king of Sicily, and invested him with the golden staff. As soon as good King Charles had been crowned and had received the standard of the Holy Church of Rome from the hands of our Holy Father the pope himself, he did not want to lose any time or tarry needlessly. He asked the pope’s leave to demand of all the kings and other rulers in the West and in all of Italy that whoever was devoted and loyal to the Holy Church should help him by providing men to regain the Holy Church’s lands from the hands of the persecutor of God.53 435. Then from every direction came so many men that King Charles was well accompanied. When he had been furnished with enough men and everything necessary, he organized and arranged his men and his battalions. He commanded that each battalion leave the city and ride by itself. He then armed himself and went, completely armed as he was, straight to our Holy Father the pope, knelt before him, and asked his blessing. The pope blessed him with his right hand, then put a cross on his left shoulder and ordered that his men and those of his companions also wear the cross. He gave all of them his benediction and absolved them of eternal suffering and blame. He told them that everyone who died in this war, defending the rights of the Holy Church, was absolved of all their sins, just as if they had died in the holy land of Jerusalem delivering the Holy Sepulcher from the hands of the pagans.

53  He was crowned in the Lateran church on 28 July 1265; the coronation with his queen was on 2 January 1266.

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436. After the good king had received the blessing of our Holy Father the pope, he left Rome with all his men and journeyed until they came to the Ceprano Bridge. They found it unguarded, crossed it, and entered the region of Apulia. 437. King Manfred, having heard the news about King Charles’s arrival, had sent out an appeal to Germany, Lombardy, and Sicily, and everywhere he had friends and lordship. He had amassed a large force of mounted men and foot soldiers and was waiting for King Charles near Benevento. They met there on the battlefield. As it pleased God, He gave victory to good King Charles, and he vanquished King Manfred, who died in this battle.54 438. Because King Charles had won this battle and had killed King Manfred, he became king of the land of Sicily and of all that King Manfred had held through his tyranny. Prince William Becomes a Vassal of King Charles I of Naples 439. We leave talking about good King Charles and will turn to talking about good Prince William. 440. The tale says that after the lord of Karytaina returned from Apulia, just as the story told you earlier, he made up with and received pardon from Prince William. His sovereign returned his lands to him just as the prince had done another time, that is to say for the lord of Karytaina to leave to his immediate descendants only and not to other heirs. The prince waged war in many ways against his enemies the Greeks, sometimes winning, sometimes losing, as is usual in war. The details of this would be tedious to write down and to read. 441. When the prince heard the news that King Charles had killed King Manfred and had taken over his realm and authority, he was very happy. He rejoiced that the language and power of France were getting closer to him and his country. 442. Then the prince pondered an important matter. He said to himself that because the dominion of the emperor of Constantinople had become so deeply rooted in his country of Morea, the prince could not throw the emperor out without help from some great lord more powerful than himself. Therefore, since God had not seen fit to give him a male heir, only females, the prince saw no better way than that he should become allied with King Charles and also that the king’s son should marry the prince’s daughter. For by this method, the prince would be able to get help to recover and reconquer his country.55 443. The prince then called in the wisest men to be found there, those in whom he had the greatest trust, and told them his plans. When the noblemen heard what their liege lord, the prince, intended to do, they discussed the matter thoroughly. Finally, they agreed that the prince’s will and purpose were very wise, noble, and soundly judged. For there was no higher lord with whom he could ally himself 54

 Friday, 26 February 1266.  William’s elder daughter was Isabelle of Villehardouin; the king’s younger son was Philip of Anjou. 55

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than King Charles or better match for his daughter than King Charles’s son, if the king agreed to it. 444. Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the elder, one of the wisest men in Romania, then addressed the prince: ‘Sire, if you would allow me to tell you what I think about this matter, I will take upon myself the responsibility to see that the king agrees to this marriage. It is a fact that your ancestors conquered this country, and your lord father, who received this principality, had no other lord from whom he held his lands but God. But to get what he wanted, your brother, Prince Geoffrey, in the way we all know, married the daughter of Robert, emperor of Constantinople.56 He of his own free will became Robert’s vassal by legal agreement, and so from then on, he held his lands from the emperor. Therefore, I say thus: that your brother could succeed during his time and his lordship, both in this and more. However, saving his grace, he could not include you or his other heirs after him in this relationship, not by law or agreement. Therefore, it seems to me that just as your brother made that agreement with Emperor Robert for his own needs and advancement, you can do the same thing and make an agreement with King Charles because of your needs, which are great. You can make his son your heir if he takes the lady Isabelle as his legal wife. I am certain the king will willingly agree to make these covenants.’ 445. When Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer had finished speaking and giving advice, just as you hear, Prince William and the others in his council all agreed with what Sir Nicholas had said. After the matter had been affirmed, in the way you are hearing it, the prince called Bishop James of Olena and aged Sir Peter of Vaux, one of the wisest men in the country, and sent them both to King Charles. 446. They traveled by land and sea until they came to the city of Naples, where the king was. When they were before the king, they gave him the letters they were carrying from Prince William, which were letters of introduction. When the king had read the letters and listened to them, he went to his chambers and called the prince’s messengers to him. He began to question them as to why the prince had sent them, because the prince’s letters only said that the king should believe everything the messengers would tell him in person. 447. Then the bishop and afterward Sir Peter began to carefully explain to the king everything the prince had said to them. When the king had diligently listened to the prince’s reasons for sending them to him, he replied that he wanted to discuss the matter with his advisors and would get back to them with a response. 448. The king then called in the wisest men in his council, showed them the prince’s letters, and then recounted to them – word by word – all the reasons why the prince had contacted the king. After they had discussed the matter at length, they called in the prince’s messengers and asked them pointedly all about the

56  He married Agnes of Courtenay (ca 1202–1247), a daughter of Peter of Courtenay, Latin Emperor of Constantinople. See ¶75 in the list of unnamed women for details.

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prince’s situation; how and from whom he held his country and his land, and in which country he was. 449. Sir Peter of Vaux began to explain the whole matter – how the prince held his land and from whom. When the king was fully informed about Prince William and his country, in the presence of his advisors, he agreed to marry his son to Prince William’s daughter. The king called in his own messengers, a bishop, a baron, and two knights, and sent them to Morea accompanying the prince’s messengers. 450. When they arrived in Morea, they found the prince waiting for them at Andravida, because he had learned about their arrival when they got to Corfu. When the messengers came to Andravida and spoke with the prince, they confirmed that the king was pleased with the marriage proposal, on the condition that the prince take his daughter and bring her to Apulia and meet with the king to finalize the marriage. 451. When the prince knew for certain that the marriage pleased the king, exactly on the terms and conditions the messengers had specified to the king, he was extremely happy. He settled his affairs and left his regent in charge of the country and his affairs. He sent to Negroponte for a ship and had another galley equipped at Glarentza, so that he had two galleys. Then he outfitted himself as richly and elegantly as he could. And he, his daughter, and the men he had with him boarded the two galleys. They journeyed by land and sea until they came to Naples, where the king was at that time. 452. When the king learned that the prince was on his way to see him in Naples, he did him great honor by going in person with all the barons in Naples to meet him some distance from the city and received him honorably. While the prince was in Naples, the king had him lodged very nobly. The next day, the king summoned the prince to him, ate with him, and held high court for love of the prince. 453. After the meal, the king went to his chambers, taking the prince and all the barons with him. When they were seated, they heard the messengers the king had sent to Morea. In front of the king and the prince, they began by recounting their messages – how they had arranged the marriage agreement between their two children, since Our Lord God wanted to see them joined together, and that they thought to accomplish this matter in a way that did them honor and was good for their people and their country. 454. When the messengers had finished speaking, the prince reiterated what they had said. He began by explaining to the king all the reasons behind his bringing his daughter here, with the king’s approval, and that he was ready to do everything that he had promised the king via his messengers. The king responded that everything the prince said was true and that he wanted the matter accomplished just as the prince had proposed. 455. When they had reviewed the pacts and agreements that were to be between them from now on, they had the two children brought before them, and the archbishop of Naples solemnized their engagement. After the engagement ceremony, the prince paid homage to the king, pledging to hold his principality from the king, and he divested himself into the king’s hands. The king then

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invested his son, Sir Louis, as the prince’s direct heir. After that, Sir Louis handed over lordship of the principality, that the prince should hold it for his life. 456. When all these matters had been settled, news arrived for the prince from his country, Morea, that the emperor of Constantinople had sent his nephew, a great nobleman, to Monemvasia with a large number of soldiers from the East – Turks, Cumans, and Greeks. When the prince heard the news, he went to the king and told him what had happened, saying that if it pleased the king, he would return to his country to support his men and garrison his castles. The king consented and said it was good that the prince return to safeguard his country. 457. The prince took leave of the king and went to Brindisi, where his galleys had been waiting for him, boarded the ships, and went to Glarentza. When the people of Morea saw that he had returned, they rejoiced, since they were worried about the emperor’s men who had come to Morea. 458. After the prince returned from Apulia, he let his barons and captains know that he had succeeded in accomplishing everything that he had set out to do with the king. The barons and captains should garrison the fortresses with armed men and furnish the castles with all the provisions they needed. 459. After the prince had rested a little at Andravida, he took his own retainers and sent for his barons to accompany him. They rode by all the settlements, encouraging his people and telling the frontier guards and garrisons how each one should carry on. 460. For a little while, we will cease speaking about Prince William to tell you about good King Charles and what he did when the prince took leave of him in Naples. King Charles I of Naples sends forces to help Prince William in Morea 461. At that time Prince William left King Charles in Naples and went to his country of Morea, just as the story has told you before this. The good king, a wise man and a good warrior, thought to himself that since the emperor had sent such a large number of men to Morea to fight the prince, the prince would need men to help him defend and maintain his country. Then he commanded a grand and noble gentleman named Sir Galeran of Ivry, gave him a hundred mounted men and two hundred on foot, a hundred archers and the … 57 462. … because he had such good men, he went to that plain and approached fairly near to the emperor’s captain. If by chance he felt like fighting on that plain, so the prince, with God’s help, having such good men, hoped to have the victory.

57  A page is missing here in the Brussels manuscript. Longnon supplies three paragraphs in modern French taken from the Greek version of the Chronicle to fill in the missing information. To summarize: Ivry goes from Naples to Morea with the forces the king has provided; they have been paid for six months’ service. He meets up with Prince William in Morea, and the two armies join forces, traveling together to Isova and then to the plain of Nikli where they can rest awhile.

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If God gave him victory, the prince could easily regain his country, which the emperor took from him. 463. They set out to ride uphill along the course of the Alpheios River to the castle of Karytaina. When the lord of Karytaina learned of the prince’s arrival, he came out a good four miles to meet them. In addition, Walter of Rosières, the lord of Akova, came with all his men, so that in total, between him and the lord of Karytaina, they had a good one hundred fifty mounted men and two hundred foot soldiers. 464. When the prince arrived at Karytaina and found the two barons accompanied by so many fine men, he was delighted. When the prince was encamped below Karytaina, beside the beautiful river, he called the lord of Karytaina and the lord of Akova to him and asked their advice on what seemed the best thing to do. They agreed to proceed to the plain of Nikli, just as he had been advised. For the lord of Karytaina said he knew that the emperor’s captain was so arrogant and dimwitted and had such confidence in the impressive troops he brought with him that he would set to fighting with them. And if God gave them victory, the prince would be able to win back his country easily. The prince and all the others agreed with this advice. 465. The next day, they left Karytaina and within two days came to the city of Nikli. When they arrived, the prince called in the light troops he had and ordered them to go raid the region of Gardelevio and Lacedaemonia, both of which had revolted against the prince and gone over to the emperor. They raided and destroyed all the towns in this region as far as Monemvasia and got so much booty that it was astounding. When they had raided and pillaged the area, they returned to Nikli. 466. Despite all that, the Greek captain did not budge from Lacedaemonia to meet our men or to defend Lacedaemonia, which our men raided for four or five days. To anyone who asks why that leader acted like that, I will answer him that after our men beat the Greeks so badly at Prinitza and then at Makryplagi, the emperor forbade his troops to fight our French troops on the plain. He said that since his men were beaten by so few Latins once before, they could easily lose the country. The emperor did not want his men to meet the French on the open field, but to keep to the mountains and the fortresses so that they would have an advantage when the French were drawn up as an army. 467. When our men realized what was happening, they decided to go where he was, to Lacedaemonia. But some did not agree with this, and they were wiser. They said that between Nikli and Lacedaemonia was a very steep pass, and the Greeks had more infantry than our men, and the Turks, who were mounted archers, could go and come through these mountains. 468. The prince called Lord Galeran and all his barons and asked their advice on what to do. They debated long. Some advised they should stay at Nikli and collect sufficient provisions to be able to winter over there. They could then hold the frontier against the enemy, so that the Greek captain could not go raid our people to provision himself. They reasoned that if our men departed from there,

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and the captain found the country abandoned, he would ride toward Argos and Corinth and to Skorta and would take over the country. 469. But finally, the prince did not agree with them at all, with respect to Lord Galeran and his men (who were mercenaries) not being able to find enough provisions for themselves and their horses. To address this, the prince had the city of Nikli provided with food and everything else it needed. He left my lord John of Nivelet with one hundred mounted men and two hundred foot soldiers, of which, one hundred should be stationed at Veligosti to be able to come more easily. When they were needed, they would be under the command of the lord of Nivelet. 470. After the prince had provisioned the city of Nikli, he went to Karytaina. There he discharged the men from the castellany of Kalamata and the lord of Akova, but the lord of Karytaina remained with him and went with him to Glarentza. 471. When the prince was in Morea, he called Sir Leonard, the chancellor, and the lord of Karytaina to him and asked advice about what praise, honor, and favor he could give Galeran of Ivry to honor the king, who sent Galeran with such a fair company of men-at-arms to help and aid him. The prince, having confidence in these men, went looking for the emperor’s captain to fight with him, and cut a swath through Laconia. The prince thought that by paying honor to Sir Galeran, the king would be more favorable to the prince when he needed it. 472. After the prince had obtained his advice, he summoned Lord Galeran in front of all the men and decreed and established that he would be the regent and governor of the principality for the king, on the part of the king and of the prince. For this, the prince read him his commission and gave him the glove of the office of regent. Sir Galeran, a wise prudhomme, seeing that this affair was beneficial and honorable to the king, accepted the charge gladly. 473. Just as you hear, Lord Galeran of Ivry became regent of the principality of Achaia for the lifetime of Prince William, as he himself established it to please King Charles. Prince William helps King Charles I against Conradin 474. But now, the tale falls silent about Prince William and will talk about King Charles and how Conradin came to Apulia. 475. It happened that, sometime after King Charles beat King Manfred in battle, killed him, and conquered the kingdoms of Apulia, Sicily, and Calabria, and peacefully ruled them, Conradin of Germany, Manfred’s relative … 58 58

 A page is missing here in the Brussels manuscript. Longnon supplies the missing information from the Greek version of the Chronicle (p 184), summarized here: To avenge the death of his uncle Manfred and loss of territory, German Duke Conradin assembles a huge force – thanks to Emperor Frederick II, his grandfather – allies himself in Italy with the antipapal Ghibelline forces and marches to Apulia. King Charles gets help from his brother, the king of France, the pope, the Count of Provence, and also from Prince William, who brings along to Italy some of the best of his barons (Karytaina, Akova, and others). They assemble in Apulia as well. The subsequent paragraphs describe the battle of

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476. … in force into the country of Apulia and went looking for King Charles until he found him. When the armies were close to one another, Prince William, who was accustomed to the kinds of war fought in Romania and had learned maneuvers from the Greeks and Turks, mounted his horse and took with him a group of men who knew something of warfare. He rode until he climbed onto a hill to survey and spot where the emperor’s army was camped. When he was at the summit, he looked high and low and all around where Conradin’s men and army were encamped. When he had carefully studied them and taken their measure, he was immensely impressed. He told his men that truthfully, these were the most glorious men he had ever seen and that it seemed to him they had twice as many as King Charles. After the prince had seen and discovered the extent of the power that Conradin’s men had, he went back to King Charles’s army. 477. The prince called the king aside and said: ‘Lord King, I assure you that I myself have seen and assessed the army and might which Conradin has, and in my estimation, they outnumber us considerably. In addition, I know these Germans – a savage people who fight recklessly and with no organization to their battles. For this reason, if you see fit to fight them using strategy and skill like the people of the Levant do, I am certain that with God’s help, we will be victorious.’ 478. ‘Dear Brother,’ the king replied to the prince, ‘there is no strategy in the world that I would not use to win victory or hesitate to employ against our enemies. Because you are wise and informed and have such great experience in warfare, I am putting you in charge, and I will do everything you order.’ 479. ‘Lord King,’ the prince replied, ‘since you command it, I will give you my opinion. It is true that neither the Turks, nor the Cumans, nor the Greeks can compete with our men in the excellence of their chivalry. And so, when God took away their excellence, he gave them malice. They fight using such a strategy that it is very hard to defeat them; early on, they always have the advantage. Using their strategy, they beat Emperor Baldwin and King Boniface of Thessalonica. Because it pleases you that I do so, I will outline how it should go. 480. ‘You must select the fastest troops that you have in all your army and make up two or three battalions or more, if you have enough of your very best men. Make as many battalions as you can; and they will be with you far enough away from our enemies where they will not be discovered, but where they can see us. I will be in another location with just my men, and I will be hidden in such a way that I will not be seen. 481. ‘When our enemies come toward us to fight, those light troops that you have organized will go straight toward our enemies to fight. They will have been ordered that, when they are just at the point of engaging in battle and leveling their lances toward the enemy, all of a sudden, they will take to flight and go straight back to our camp. I am positive that as soon as the Germans see them fleeing, they will start to chase after them. Tagliacozzo, fought in the summer of 1268, in which Conradin was defeated by the forces of Charles I of Anjou.

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482. ‘Our men should not stop for even a moment, but should keep going past our encampment, keeping their eyes on you and on me, where I will be. I am certain that the Germans and those other mercenaries are so gluttonous and eager for spoils that as soon as they come near our encampment and see the pavilions, the draperies, and rich adornments, they will give up the chase and stop to plunder. We will have our spies who will be watching their moves and what they do. 483. ‘As soon as they start plundering and scatter themselves throughout the camp, then you will immediately come with all your battalions from one side and I from another. Those fleeing will turn around and will land in my hands. And so we will find them in disarray and confused, just as I have explained it to you. We will defeat them more easily than any other men have been defeated.’ 484. ‘By God the Father,’ said the king to the prince, ‘you have thought up such an excellent plan that I want it done without any further discussion.’ And so they separated and organized the battalions just as the prince had planned and explained to the king. 485. Since it would be very boring to relate, particularly in writing, how they maneuvered and fought, we will tell you in a few words: everything was done exactly as the prince had planned. As the Germans began to chase our men, they came to the tents. The moment they saw all the wonderful things and riches that were there to deceive them, they immediately started to plunder and disperse in such a way that each one lost sight of his brother-in-arms and abandoned his banner. 486. When King Charles and the prince saw the Germans so villainously breaking up and in disarray, they surrounded them on all sides and attacked them so forcefully that Conradin was taken prisoner, and his men were defeated and routed so that there were none left. 487. When King Charles saw that victory was in fact his, he gave thanks to God, and then aloud he thanked the prince, saying that because of the prince’s intelligence and organization, he had beaten Conradin of Germany and so many of the good men he had in his company. 488. The good men of Naples, who loved King Charles deeply for his great virtue, as soon as they had taken Conradin, cut off his head, stuck it on a lance, and brought it to King Charles, believing that would please him. But when the king saw Conradin’s head, he looked very angry about it. He said that he would rather it had cost him a fortune than that they had cut off Conradin’s head. If the king had had him alive, he would have treated him with great honor. For Conradin did not deserve anything bad to happen to him, but should have been honored and taken prisoner above all other men, because he had labored hard and risked death to avenge his friend, Manfred. 489. Afterward, the king commanded that the prisoners be sent to castles and fortresses throughout the realm and separated according to the rank of each one. Then the king commanded that each of his men receive what he had won, except for the tent, the pavilion, and Conradin’s own chamber and equipment, which the king kept for himself.

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490. When victory was achieved, just as you have heard, the king gave leave to all his men, saying each one should go to his own country and his own dwelling. But the prince accompanied the king to see the queen and his daughter. When they were there, the king praised the prince greatly and told the queen, in front of everyone, how by his intelligence and good organization they had won a victory over his enemies. 491. The king, who loved the prince dearly and paid him great homage, kept him in his company for twenty days, feasting and leading the best life in the world. He wanted to keep the prince longer, but news came to the prince from his country, Morea, that his Greek enemies had broken the peace and the treaties he had with them. He had to leave the king’s company earlier than he wanted to return to his own country. 492. The king knew well that it was because of the prince’s good sense and strategy that he had overcome his enemies and had regained the country that he thought he had lost. He realized the prince had spent a great deal of money in serving him and that he had not been given money for the service. So King Charles gave the prince a great treasure, beautiful jewels, and one hundred horses, the best that he could have, from those that he won in the battle. After that, he gave the prince fifty mounted men and two hundred foot soldiers, paid up for six months, to take with him to Morea to help the prince in his war. 493. When the king had given the prince all these things, the prince took leave of the king and journeyed to Brindisi where he found his galleys and the horse barges from the king waiting to receive him. He boarded them with all his men and went directly to Glarentza with no problem. When it was known throughout Morea that the prince had returned from Apulia with great honor and victorious, people came from every direction to see him and celebrate and to see their relatives and friends who were there with the prince. There was great rejoicing at their arrival. 494. When the prince had ascertained that the Greeks had broken the peace he had established when he went to Apulia, and that they had done so deliberately and not because of any discord on the part of his men, he called for the men the king had given him. He gave them to the lord of Karytaina, and told them to go with the lord to hold the frontier from which to fight the Greeks. 495. When the lord of Karytaina had these men in his company, he felt great joy, believing and hoping that because he had them with him he could inflict damage on his enemies and conquer them. He took them and led them to his lands in Skorta. He ordered them to stay at a beautiful castle named Arakhova. It was the best fortification on the border one could have for fighting the Greeks and defending the country so that the enemies could not enter or damage any other areas. 496. However, it happened that when these men arrived at Arakhova, they had not been there long, when all of them fell sick of dysentery caused by the cold waters in the castle, and most of them died from it. Despite that, the lord of Karytaina did not let them linger or lose time, but took them and rode continually to fight against his enemies.

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The Lord of Karytaina dies; misfortune in the duchy of Athens 497. After this, only a short time passed before a great misfortune befell the country of Morea. The very valiant knight, Geoffrey of Bruyères, the lord of Karytaina, took to bed from a malady and died. Prince William and everyone in the country, noblemen and commoners, were sorrowful and upset about his death, because he was the best knight in all of Romania and because he maintained and protected the country against all enemies. Because he did not leave an heir to inherit his lands, his barony was divided into two parts. Half was given to his wife,59 the duke of Athens’s sister, and the other half to Prince William. 498. Not long after that, with the agreement and consent of the king and the prince, the lady’s brother, Duke Guy de la Roche, arranged a marriage between the lady, his sister, and the noble Sir Hugh, count of Brienne and Lecce, who then lived in Apulia in the state of Lecce, which good King Charles had given him. When the marriage agreement had been made between Count Hugh of Brienne and the duke of Athens, the count came from Apulia to Morea. From the opposite direction came the duke of Athens. When they were together in Morea, they called for the lady to come from where she was, at the castle of Karytaina, and they held the marriage ceremony at Andravida.60 499. After the count had married the lady, he received lordship over half of Skorta. He arranged all his affairs there and put officials in charge of his lands. He did not want to stay long in Morea at all, but took the countess, his wife, and went to Apulia, to his county of Lecce. Not long afterward, the lady conceived from the count a son, whom they named Walter, who attained great honor and estate and who was one of the best knights in the world, and of good report. 500. After Guy de la Roche died, Walter inherited through his mother the duchy of Athens. He became the duke. He made an agreement with the Catalan Company and had them come to Thessaly. Then he had a disagreement with the Catalan Company at Halmyros. He died, defeated and disinherited because of his pride, in the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ 1310, on the fifteenth day of the month of March, on the first Monday of the eighth indiction.61 Dispute over the duchy of Akova 501. We will stop speaking to you about the count of Brienne and the duke of Athens and will tell you about the lord of Akova: how he died without direct heirs and left his barony and his inheritance to the noble Lady Marguerite. She was the daughter of the deceased Lord John of Neuilly, baron of Passava, marshal of the principality of Achaia, and mother of the very noble Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, 59  Isabelle de la Roche (1235–1279). See the list of unnamed women, ¶¶226–227, for details. 60  Isabelle de la Roche was sister of John de la Roche, duke of Athens (1263–1280). John’s father was Guy I de la Roche (1225–1263). Geoffrey of Karytaina died in 1275. 61  Indiction was a recurring fiscal period of fifteen years used as a dating method in ancient and medieval systems. The date was actually 15 March 1311.

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the grand marshal of that principality and lord of half of Thebes, may God save his soul.62 502. Back when Prince William was in the emperor of Constantinople’s prison, he longed to get out by being ransomed for money. But there was nothing he or others could say or do to convince the emperor to let the prince out of prison, unless the prince gave him some of Morea. The prince remained for three years, negotiating this affair and hoping he could be freed through ransom money. When he saw that he could not win, following advice from the lord of Karytaina and other of his barons, he agreed to give the emperor as his ransom the castles of Monemvasia, Mistra, and Grand Magne. When he had arranged his agreements and accords so that he could leave prison, he was obliged to find hostages to leave behind. He chose Sir John of Chauderon’s sister63 and my lady Marguerite, daughter of Lord John of Passava, the principality’s grand marshal. 503. It happened that, after Prince William had been out of prison for a while, noble baron Sir Walter of Rosières, lord of Akova, died without any direct heirs. As a result, the above-mentioned Lady Marguerite became his heir. Her mother was the sister of Lord Walter of Rosières, and so Lady Marguerite was his niece. Therefore, because that lady was in prison for her liege lord and was not in the country to receive the inheritance that had fallen to her upon her uncle’s death, the prince seized the castle of Akova for himself, as well as the entire barony and kept it for himself while the lady was in prison. 504. When it pleased God that the lady left prison, she appeared before the prince and requested her inheritance, demonstrating and proving that she was the closest relative to her uncle, Lord Walter. But the prince answered her and said that she had no right to it, that she had lost it because she had failed to claim it within the prescribed term of a year and a day, just as the usages and customs of the country require.64 505. When the lady heard the prince give her this answer, she was astonished by it, because she believed there should be no question about the matter. The prince had made her a hostage in his place, and if it had not been for this reason, she would have been in the country and would not have missed the required term. When the lady realized she would get no other response from the prince, she left and went to her lodgings very sorrowful. After a little while, the lady went again and asked the prince, for the second and third time for her right, in the manner and way that one should ask for inheritance that falls to a person on the death of

62  Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, nephew of Nicholas II; see his entry in the annotated index. 63  Chauderon’s sister is never named, and no information has been located about her. See ¶328 in the list of unnamed women for further details. 64  For the customs and usages in Morea at the time, see Peter W. Topping, Feudal Institutions as Revealed in the Assizes of Romania, the Law Code of Frankish Greece (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949).

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his nearest relative. But the prince immediately gave her the same response and offered her again the regards of his court. 506. When the lady saw that the prince was trying to appease her with words and did not want to deliver to her either the castle or the barony of Akova, she consulted the friends and relatives she had then. Her friends advised her to marry such a man as had the intelligence and power to demand her rights, because as long as she was a widow, she could not accomplish anything or get what she wanted. 507. When the lady considered her unjust situation and the fact that she could not get what she wanted otherwise, she agreed with her friends’ advice. Her friends planned and maneuvered so that she took as her husband the noble baron, Lord John of Saint-Omer, brother of Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, ruler of half of Thebes with Sir Otto. The three Saint-Omer brothers were high noblemen, because their father, Bela of Saint-Omer, was married to the sister of the king of Hungary.65 Duke Guy de la Roche was their first cousin. The duke had three brothers-in-law, all of whom were knights of high estate. You can see from what I tell you, that when these seven barons wanted to do anything at this time, they would find no one who dared contradict them. 508. After Sir John of Saint-Omer married this lady, he took control of her full inheritance and was proclaimed grand marshal of the principality. After that, without waiting long, he asked his brothers, Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer and Sir Otto, to come join him in asking the prince at his court for the barony of Akova, which was directly inherited from his wife’s ancestor. The brothers arrived in Morea from Thebes very nobly. 509. When they arrived, they went to see the prince. After two days, Sir John of Saint-Omer took his wife, went to the prince, and presented his wife to him. And at that very hour, he requested that the prince call the court together, with all the barons. The prince replied very politely that he would do it. Then the prince ordered all his barons and liege knights to come on the appointed day. 510. When everyone had arrived, the prince held his parliament and court in the church of Saint Sophia in Andravida. When the court was assembled, Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer spoke for his sister-in-law. He took her by one hand and his brother by the other, and presented them to the prince’s court and said: 511. ‘My Lord Prince, the truth is that Lady Marguerite, my brother’s wife, here before you, is the niece of Lord Walter of Rosières, his sister’s daughter, upon whose death the barony of Akova, which Walter held until his death, passed on to this lady, being his next of kin and closest heir. It is true that the lady was not in the country when her uncle died, in order to present herself before your court within the period of a year, according to the customs of the country. But her excuse is loyal and just, as all can see. For you yourself sent her as a hostage to obtain

65  Longnon, p 200, corrects the genealogy: Bela was the son of Marguerite of Hungary, and he married Bonne de la Roche, sister of Duke Guy of Athens. See the list of unnamed women for details.

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your release, and for that reason, she was in Constantinople when her uncle passed from this world. 512. ‘As soon as you had her released and she came back into the country, she presented herself before you and offered herself as the direct heir and closest living relative to her uncle, asked you for the inheritance that came to her on the death of her uncle. And you, arbitrarily and with neither the advice nor judgment of your liegemen, told her she had no right to the inheritance. She, as a helpless woman, took leave of you without having any justice. And then, thank the Lord, she married such a man as my brother, who is here. For this reason they present themselves before you and your court, the one as the direct inheritor and closest relative, the other as her protector. They offer you their fealty and service such as the barony should. They pray you, requesting it as their lord, that it might please you to invest them with the castle and the rights to the barony of Akova.’ 513. The prince answered Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer in this way: ‘We have listened to every single word that you have spoken before us and our court. We are fully aware that you have said nothing but the truth, and that Lady Marguerite, who is here, was disinherited because she was being held hostage for us and that she was not in the country inside the period of a year after the death of her uncle to assert her rights to her inheritance. For this reason, we want to know from you whether you are asking for justice or grace for the fact that we disinherited her.’ 514. Lord Saint-Omer replied to the prince, ‘My Lord Prince, if I believed that my sister-in-law were in the wrong, I would ask for your grace. But her cause is clearly just: you yourself caused her to be a hostage on your behalf in order to obtain your freedom, and it was for your sake that she was kept from being in the country to demand her rights. So, I do not ask you for any grace, but instead, for justice.’ 515. ‘Certainly,’ the prince answered Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, ‘because you ask for justice from my court, I would be committing a sin if I refused you. And so, I want to add to my court the wisest men in my country, both clerks and laymen. I will put this affair upon their shoulders and their souls to judge and give a verdict as honestly as they can, according to the usages and customs of the empire of Constantinople, which Emperor Robert gave to my brother Prince Geoffrey.’ 516. The prince then ordered that all the barons, prelates, and all the other liegemen of the country come to Glarentza to deliberate the question that Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer had proposed to his court. When everyone had come and assembled at the church of Saint Francis to attend court, the prince asked Lord Nicholas who his lawyer was. Lord Nicholas answered the prince that he himself would be the principal speaker of this matter for his sister-in-law. 517. ‘In God’s name,’ the prince said, ‘because you have decided to be the advocate in this case, out of love for you, I will keep you company and will speak and defend the court myself.’ The prince then handed over the staff he held to Leonard the chancellor, who was his senior counselor and the person he trusted the most. He then said to him in front of the court: ‘I am handing over to you the responsibilities of my office, and command you to uphold the rights of this lady

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and also of the court following the advice of the noblemen who are present.’ After the prince had transferred the responsibilities of his office to the chancellor, he acted then as an equal to Nicholas of Saint-Omer and stood before the court. 518. Lord Nicholas then began to speak and present his sister-in-law’s case from the beginning. He reviewed how the prince had sent her as a hostage for himself. How, while Lady Marguerite was in prison, the lord of Akova, her mother’s brother, died. And how when the term of a year and a day expired, during which term the statutes mandate that heirs claim their inheritance, the lady was not in the country to ask for her rights, and my lord the prince with his officers seized the barony of Akova for the court. He concluded: ‘For this reason I assert that because the lady was in prison where my lord the prince put her in his place, there is no reason to disinherit her by law, because the fault lies with the prince and not at all with the lady.’ 519. After the lord of Saint-Omer had finished his argument, the prince began to answer and to make his assertions and defenses as best he could. The affair was debated at length in the court, considering all the points of law and assertions each raised in their defense. Finally, the court was leaning heavily toward the lady’s rights, and they all agreed that she should not lose her inheritance because she had actually been in prison in the prince’s stead. The prince, who had been well advised and informed, had the book of customs and usages brought, and he argued his case in front of the court, citing the chapter that states and commands that each liegeman must go to prison for his lord if the lord requests it. 520. The prince spoke to the court, stressing this point. The lady, in doing the duty she was required to do toward her liege lord, and that being the reason, was not in the country to claim her rightful inheritance and did not appear before the prince. Therefore, according to the meaning of the chapter in the book of customs, she had been disinherited and that was what was submitted to the consideration of the court. 521. When the prince had shown the book of usages to the court, he thus proved by law: that the lady was obligated to go to prison for her liege lord; that while fulfilling her duty, the inheritance came to her, and she was not in the county to present herself before her lord within the specified time. The court debated a great deal. 522. Finally, they all agreed and said that according to the meaning of the book of laws, the lady had no rights to the inheritance, and that it was entirely up to the prince to give grace to the lady because being in prison for him, she was disinherited from her barony. They called in everyone concerned and told them the opinion of the court. The prince immediately thanked the court. But Lord John of Saint-Omer, who lost the argument, replied loudly that he would not give any thanks to the court, because he had lost his case. 523. The prince turned his face toward Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer and said: ‘Because you were so sure of your own prowess, you have this day hurt Lady Marguerite, your sister. I know the book of usages much better than you and knew for sure that she had no legal rights. When I asked you whether you were asking

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for her rights or for grace, if you had asked for grace, by my soul, I would have been glad to grant it to your sister, because I know and acknowledge that she was disinherited because of my needs. For that, may God and these noblemen here present pardon me.’ The court broke up, and each went to his own dwelling. But first they greatly reproached Sir Nicholas as they left the court. 524. When the prince had retired to his dwelling, he went to his chambers and summoned Chancellor Leonard to him and said to him, ‘Chancellor, be aware that I have a great deal of pity for Lady Marguerite, the marshal’s wife, for she lost her inheritance because of me. God knows that were it not for Saint-Omer’s tremendous arrogance and reckless language (since I informed myself by the book of customary laws that she had no right to the barony of Akova), my intention was to give her by grace half of it and the other half to my daughter, Lady Marguerite. 525. ‘Nevertheless, even though the court ruled that I won the argument, my conscience hurts me, because I know that she was disinherited doing her duty for me. And so I want you to do me a favor for love of this good lady. The barony of Akova has twenty-four knight’s fiefs, both in homage and in demesne. Separate out eight fiefs, which is a third of the barony, five in demesne and three in homage. Let them be the very best fiefs. Make a charter of privilege saying I am granting them out of special grace and as a new gift to Lady Marguerite and the heirs of her body.’ 526. The chancellor, a wise and prudent man, seeing what the prince wanted to do, called in protovestiary Colinet and others who were very familiar with the barony. They apportioned the eight fiefs just as the prince ordered. The fiefs of demesne were the fiefs of Gueraines and la Guomenice in the area of Kalavryta; the fief of Kokova near Akova; the fief of la Juliane near Chalandritza; the fief of la Petite Gastoigne on the plain of Morea; the entire castle of Charpigny and half of Estransses.66 527. The fiefs of homage included James of Veligosti’s fief of la Valte, with the entire towns of Regranice and Coscolomby; homage from my lady Marguerite, Walter of Rosières’s cousin, for the fief of Lisaria and the half of the fiefs of Toporitsa and Valaques held by John of Chauderon, and after him, his daughter Lady Barthomée; and homage from the lord of Charpigny for the half-fief of Escuel on the mountain of Movri. (There now stands the castle of Saint-Omer, which some time ago Nicholas of Saint-Omer the younger, grand marshal of the principality, built during his life and named Saint-Omer, for the one in Thebes that the Catalan Company took from him when they entered Thebes.) 528. When the charter of privilege had been drawn up, the chancellor brought it to good Prince William. When the prince had read the charter, he put it under the covers on his bed and then called in the chancellor. He went to Lady Marguerite and told her that the prince asked her to come to him and requested she not bring her husband or any of his brothers. When the lady arrived before the prince, he addressed her by name and said to her: 66

 Longnon identifies some of these fiefs (fn.208–209).

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529. ‘Lady Marguerite, you know that I realize it was because of me that you lost your inheritance, the barony of Akova. But certainly, it was my intention to do you grace. It was because of your brother, Lord Nicholas, who refused my grace and took me to court that you lost your case in the eyes of the court. It is not my wish at all that you be disinherited or stripped of your rightful inheritance. Raise the covers from this bed and take the letters and what they contain. I am investing you with my hood and am ordering the chancellor to put you in possession.’ 530. The lady, who was very wise, believing that she had no claim to the barony at all, when she heard the prince speak, felt great joy and thanked the prince most kindly. She took the charter, and returned to her dwelling. When Sir John of SaintOmer realized the grace that the prince had shown his wife, he was very happy, for he did not think the prince would show them any grace since the prince had won the debate in the court’s eyes. 531. After the prince had given a third of the barony of Akova to Lady Marguerite of Saint-Omer, just as you have heard, he called in the chancellor and told him to write another charter of privilege. The charter should say that he gave to his daughter, young Lady Marguerite, the castle of Akova and two-thirds of the barony, excepting the third he had given to the marshal’s wife and her direct heirs. Then he called for his daughter, Lady Marguerite, and with his glove, he invested her with the castle of Akova and then put her in possession of it. Death of William II, prince of Morea 532. After he had settled this and other of his country’s several affairs, just as it pleased God, the good prince took to bed with an illness at the castle of Kalamata, the same place where he was born, where he was meant to die. When he sensed that he could not survive this illness, he sent for all the best and wisest men of his country and made his last will and testament exactly as wise prudhommes do when God gives them the grace of making a good end. 533. When he had finished arranging all his affairs completely, he appointed John of Chauderon, the grand constable, to be regent of the country, subject to the king’s approval. Afterward he had a message prepared for King Charles recommending first of all his wife and daughters to the protection of the king, as his liege lord, and after them, all his people, nobles and commoners. He asked that everything he had given, both to churches and to other people, be held, for God’s sake, in perpetuity. 534. When he had arranged all these affairs to his liking, he gave his soul to our Lord God Jesus Christ on the first day of May in the year 1278. 535. After he died, as he had commanded, his body was brought within the same year, to the splendid church of Lord Saint James at Andravida, which he founded and built during his lifetime. He put the Knights Templar in charge of it, together with four chaplains, and gave each a good benefice to chant perpetually therein for the souls of his father, his brother, and him. All three lay together in one tomb: Lord Geoffrey, his father, in the middle; Prince Geoffrey, his older brother, on the right-hand side of his father; and he on the left.

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The principality of Morea under the kings of Naples and their regents 536. Let us stop talking about good Prince William now, may God pardon him, and we will tell you about Lord John Chauderon, whom he appointed as his regent and governor of his country, and what he did after the prince died. 537. After Prince William’s death, Lord John Chauderon, grand constable of the country, whom the prince had left as regent of the country when the prince died, at once called his messengers and sent them to King Charles, notifying him of Prince William’s death. When the king received this news he was sorely grieved. Then he asked for advice about how he should rule the country of Morea. His advisers told him to send his own regent and some of his men to learn how to best govern the country in such a way that the people of the country would remain peaceful. 538. He appointed Le Roux of Sully, a very able baron, and gave him fifty mounted soldiers and two hundred foot soldiers, all crossbowmen. The king ordered him to take those men with him and to station the crossbowmen throughout the castles in the principality. After Le Roux had been given all he needed for his mission, he left Naples with his company of men and went by land and sea until he arrived at the port of Glarentza. 539. When he arrived, he sent the letters that he carried from the king to all the barons and prelates in the country. He himself wrote to each of them, asking them to come to Glarentza to see and hear King Charles’s commandments. When the noblemen of this country saw the letters, they came to Glarentza right away. When everyone had arrived, they read aloud the commissions that Le Roux brought from the king: how the king directed and commanded them to accept Le Roux as his regent and his lieutenant and how they should pay homage to him and obey him exactly as they would the king himself. 540. After the king’s commandment and commission had been read, the archbishop of Patras, whose name was Benedict, answered for everyone in the country and responded to Le Roux in this way. They would submit to the king’s commandment: they were ready to obey Le Roux and to serve him just as they would the king their lord himself, in everything within their power: except for paying liege homage to the king’s regent. It would be absolutely impossible for them to do this, because if they did, they themselves would destroy their own rights and the customs of the country. The reason was that the liegemen of the principality of Achaia are neither required nor obliged to pay homage or fealty to anyone but to the lord of the country himself, in person, within the realm of the principality and nowhere else. 541. When the archbishop gave the regent this reply on behalf of the noblemen of the country, the response did not seem to please him at all. And so the situation was long debated. The local men said if they wanted to pay proper reverence to the king, they could not do so without the personal agreement from all the barons of the realm, and especially those on the other side of the pass of Megara, such as the duke of Athens, the duke of Naxos, the marquis of Vonitza, and the three rulers of Negroponte.

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542. When Le Roux realized that the men of the country who were there would not pay homage without the barons just mentioned, he agreed to let them swear in the king’s name and his heirs that they would recognize and obey him as their regent and ruler. As to the homage, they could do that when the king was present, because the barons and the other liegemen were neither required nor obliged to do it otherwise. Then the affair was thus resolved so that the barons, knights, and liegemen who were present swore the oath. 543. After the oath was sworn and Le Roux was accepted and took office, he began to look after the country’s needs. First of all, he appointed the officials, the protovestiary, treasurer, castellans, constables, sergeants, and all other men who held office. 544. After the king had received the principality for his son Lord Louis, not much time passed before God had his way with Lord Louis, son of King Charles I and brother of King Charles the Lame, and he departed this world. This was a great shame, for had he lived out his life, the people of Morea would have had a good ruler.67 545. Let us stop talking about Le Roux of Sully, regent of Morea, and about the death of Lord Louis, who should have been prince of Morea. We will now tell you about the duke of Athens, William de la Roche, and about Count Hugh of Brienne and Lecce, which is in Apulia, and how the duke of Athens, William de la Roche, returned to his country from France. The duchy of Athens and events in Morea after Prince William’s death 546. At the time we are talking about, the duke of Athens had not yet married. (Much earlier, the story told you how William, duke of Athens, returned from France after Prince William had sent him to the king of France. The duke found that the prince had been taken prisoner at the battle of Pelagonia.) So the duke made an agreement and married the daughter of Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator, and illegitimate brother of the despot of Arta.68 The duke had a son by this lady and named him Guy. After his father’s death, Guy became duke of Athens, lived very honorably, and took as his wife my lady Mahaut, daughter of Prince Florent and Lady Isabelle, the princess of Achaia, just as the story will tell you clearly.69

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 His name was Philip. He died in 1277, leaving Isabelle of Villehardouin a young widow.  Helena Komnene Doukaina of Arta (no dates located). See note below and the list of unnamed women for details. 69  Guy de la Roche went to France in 1260 and died in 1263. His sons John (1263–1280) and William (1280–1287) succeeded him as Dukes of Athens, the title of Duke becoming official only in 1280. Duke William married Helen Komnene, daughter of another illegitimate Greek (John, despot of Vlachie), not his brother Kyr Theodore. Duke William and Helen’s son was Guy II of Athens, who married Mahaut of Hainaut. Isabelle, Geoffrey of Karytaina’s widow and the wife of Hugh of Brienne, was the sister of Duke William of Athens. Beginning in 1285, Duke William was regent of Morea. 68

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547. Duke William outlived Prince William for a time. After the prince’s death, the first regent King Charles sent to Morea was Le Roux of Sully. After Le Roux, the king sent letters and commissions to Duke William asking him to be regent of Morea. The duke received the letters, commission, and position from the king and held them as long as he lived. During the duke’s regency, he rebuilt Dimatra Castle and was there in person when it was completed. That was a year after Prince William died. 548. Then at the time we are telling you about, it happened that the countess of Brienne, Duke William’s sister, died.70 She had been the wife of the very noble baron, the lord of Karytaina. Count Hugh of Brienne had a son by this lady, the valiant knight Count Walter of Brienne, who was killed by the Catalan Company at Halmyros. 549. After the countess’s death, her brother Duke William of Athens died. This was a terrible shame, because he was a brave man who ruled his country well. A short time after Duke William’s death, Count Hugh of Brienne came to Morea from Apulia and went to the duchy to see the duchess of Athens, the widow of his brother. 550. As God pleases, it so happened that Count Hugh took the lady as his wife because they got along so well. Not much time passed before the lady bore the count a daughter, whom they named Joan, who later married the noble and valiant knight, Nicholas Sanudo, duke of Naxos. They lived a long time, but whether because of a sin or because it did not please God, they had no male heir, nor were they ever together in the country at the same time.71 551. After Count Hugh had married the duchess, he held the duchy and Guy de la Roche, his stepson, in his wardship while the duchess was alive. But when the countess died, Count Hugh went back to Apulia, in his county of Lecce, which King Charles had given him. When Guy de la Roche came of age, he was dubbed a knight and called duke of Athens. He held his lordship all his life in the country, just as you heard here earlier. Nicholas of Saint-Omer and a claimant to the principality 552. But here the story stops talking about the duke of Athens and will tell you instead how the principality of Achaia returned to Lady Isabelle (the daughter of good Prince William, who married Louis, son of King Charles, who was the king of France’s brother), and how Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer married the widowed princess of Morea. 553. After Prince William’s death, his wife the princess (sister of Kyr Nikephoros, despot of Arta) remained a widow for a while.72 In her dower, she 70

 Isabelle de la Roche (1235–1279). She married Hugh in 1277. See the list of unnamed women, ¶¶226–227, for details. 71  Hugh of Brienne married Duke William’s widow, Helen Komnene Doukaina, in 1291. 72  Anna Komnene Doukaina, widow of Prince William, married Nicholas of SaintOmer in 1280 and died in 1286. See ¶216 in the list of unnamed women for details.

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held certain lands in Morea and in the castellany of Kalamata. It happened that the noble baron, Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the elder, lord of half of Thebes, who had been married to the princess of Antioch,73 was by now a widower himself. He had amassed a fortune from her in household goods and coins. A very intelligent man, he arranged to marry the princess of Achaia. 554. This Lord Nicholas was a great nobleman descended from a royal lineage and was immeasurably rich because of the great wealth he had from the princess of Antioch. He used the money to build the noble castle of Saint-Omer near Thebes, and it was the most beautiful and sumptuous manor in all Romania. But the Catalan Company tore it down when they had control so that the duke of Athens could never take it back and recover the duchy using this castle. He also had built the manor of Maniatecor when he was lord, and then he built the castle at the port of Navarino. 555. After the death of Duke William, regent of the principality, it happened that the noble baron, Sir Guy of Trimolay was made regent. He was the lord of Chalandritza as long as he lived and was a courtly and generous man. 556. After this Lord Guy died, noble Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the elder, was named the principality’s regent, at the king’s request and command. During his time and regency, something happened in the country of Morea that the story will relate to you from here on. 557. After the lord of Karytaina died, it happened that one of his relatives from the county of Champagne learned the lord was dead. He hoped that control of the barony would rightfully come to him, as he was the closest living relative. His name was Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, the same as the late lord of Karytaina. He outfitted himself as nobly as possible, left Champagne, traveled to Naples, and brought testimonials to King Charles the Lame from all the prelates and barons of Champagne saying that he was the closest living heir and relative to the lord of Karytaina. 558. When he was before the king, he showed the king his letters and affidavits. At that time, good King Charles was dead, and his son King Charles had succeeded him. The son was lame and had been lord of the kingdom of Apulia. Sir Geoffrey said the documents showed that all the prelates and noblemen of Champagne testified that he was the lord of Karytaina’s closest heir and relative. 559. After the king saw and had Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères’s testimonials read, he sought counsel. Then the king sent a message to Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, regent of Morea. The king asked the regent to inquire, in consultation with the liegemen of the country, whether Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères had the right to the lord of Karytaina’s inheritance. He said if the man was entitled to it, he should deliver it to him right away. 560. Lord Geoffrey then came to Morea. When he was before the regent Lord Nicholas, he presented him the letters he brought from the king. As soon as Sir 73  Mary of Antioch (Marie de Poitiers), d. ca 1280. See the list of unnamed women for details.

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Nicholas received the letters from the king, he had all the valiant men of the country assembled, and he held a parliament about Lord Geoffrey’s claim to the lord of Karytaina’s barony. There was much debate and questioning about this matter among the barons, clerks, and laymen who were at the meeting. 561. In the end, they agreed unanimously, called in Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères, and told him quite calmly that in the eyes and estimation of the court, he had absolutely no rights to the barony of Karytaina, because the lord of Karytaina, his cousin, had lost it and had been disinherited for twice defaulting in his duty. The first time was when he abandoned the prince, his liege lord, and allied with the duke of Athens, who had revolted against the prince, bearing arms and fighting man-to-man against his liege lord. Because the nobles begged him, the prince returned the barony to the lord of Karytaina and to his direct heirs in an act of special grace. But afterward, the lord of Karytaina finally lost his land when he abandoned the prince in the fiercest war the prince ever had and took the wife of one of his own vassals and led her to Apulia. When King Manfred, who was king of Sicily and Apulia, learned that the lord of Karytaina had abandoned his liege lord and had come into his kingdom in this way and with such moral abandon, he banished him from his country on pain of losing his head and ordered the lord of Karytaina out of his kingdom within eight days. The lord of Karytaina left and came at great risk back to Morea. Again, because of pleas from the nobles, by an act of special grace, the prince returned his lands to him and to heirs of his body. 562. When Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères fully realized that he had no rights at all to the barony, he kept silent, as one who cannot do anything else. 563. After a bit of time, he thought up a great ruse, which you will hear next. He looked into the condition and affairs of the barony and all the castles in Skorta. He left Morea and made himself sick. He arrived easily at Salicore. There he took to bed, pretending to be ill and said that he had diarrhea. For that reason he sent every day to the castle of Bucelet and had brought to him some of the water from the cisterns there to help restrain his stomach. 564. When he had lived this way for a good week, he sent one of his squires to the castellan of Bucelet, who was named Fylocalo. The squire begged Fylocalo to let him come stay at the castle for three or four days in order to drink fresh water from the cistern, because nothing but that water could speedily restore his health. When the castellan heard the knight’s request, he could think of no evil such a nobleman might think of doing and decided to grant the knight a favor. When Sir Geoffrey heard this reply from Fylocalo, the castellan, he left Salicore right away and entered Bucelet castle. 565. As soon as he was inside the castle, he had such a way with the castellan that the castellan let Sir Geoffrey into the keep and gave him a bed in the best room in the tower. Sir Geoffrey, seeing that the castellan had done him this favor, pretended to feel much worse, saying that the diarrhea had weakened him. 566. When he saw the opportunity, he called four of his squires. He made them swear by the saints that they would keep secret what he was about to tell them concerning his plans, and that they would help him recover his inheritance in the

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way he would explain to them. When the squires had sworn to keep the secret and to help him unto death, he began to tell them this: 567. ‘Beloved Brothers and Companions, you know and you heard in testimony from the barons of Champagne that I am the lord of Karytaina’s closest living relative and his blood cousin. You saw how King Charles received me nobly and ordered in his letters that the regent of the country should grant me my rights and give me the barony of Karytaina if I could prove that I was of that lineage. 568. ‘It seems to me – because of the king’s wishes and the lack of evidence to the contrary – that I should not have lost my inheritance if it were not for the wicked men in this country, who are false and disloyal. They did the same thing long ago to the count of Champagne and stole lordship of the principality from him and gave it to Sir Geoffrey of Villehardouin, marshal of Champagne, my ancestor. They did this following a false judgment that they found against Robert of Champagne, the count’s cousin, who came here within the allotted time according to the customs and covenants that the count had promulgated and established by oath with the lord of Villehardouin. 569. ‘And so, beloved Brothers, I say to you that because of the despair, very bad company, and melancholy that I have suffered because of the wrong these wicked men have done me, I would like to risk doing one thing with your help and assistance. I promise you faithfully, as a nobleman, that if God gives me grace to regain my inheritance, I will make all four of you knights and will divide things up with you in such a way that each of you will be rich and comfortable.’ 570. All four squires answered unanimously: ‘Sire, we have clearly heard everything that you have said, and we are certain that you have been greatly wronged. For this reason, we say to you that you are undertaking something that will give you the advantage so that you can have your inheritance. We are ready to live and die with you.’ 571. Geoffrey thanked them very much and then began to tell them his plan: ‘Friends, sweet Brothers, don’t think for a minute that I had anything wrong with my stomach or my body; for I feigned illness to be able to get into this castle – the strongest one in the whole barony. Have our armor brought inside in a satchel on a basket. Have a good amount of hardtack made at Salicore, where we were, and bring it here secretly so no one learns about it. As soon as we have our bread and our arms – there is enough wine and water here – call the castellan and the best sergeants inside here and go have a drink with them at the tavern outside the castle. When you have begun to drink, have wine brought for them in abundance and you will urge them to drink; but you will drink only a little. As soon as you see that they are pretty drunk, you will begin leaving to come here one by one. 572. ‘As soon as you are inside the door, you will seize the porter and throw him outside, and then lock the door and bring me the keys. Right away two of you will climb above the door to ensure that no one comes near to set it on fire. Meanwhile, we will arm ourselves, our group and me, and we will mount the walls and take the castle for ourselves. And then we will free the Greeks who are chained up in the prison; there are about a dozen of them. We will arm them and

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will station them where we can watch them. We’ll tell them that we will give the castle to the emperor, so that they will be more inclined to help us. Afterward, we will lower two of them at night down a rope, and we’ll send them to the captain of the Greek forces telling him to come and claim the castle for the emperor. 573. ‘When the regent of Morea learns that we are holding the castle and plan to give it to the Greeks, he will be forced to agree with me that I should receive the barony from the king, rather than give the castle to the Greeks. And one more thing: as soon as we have the castle, we will tell the castellan and his sergeants to deliver the news to the regent.’ 574. When Lord Geoffrey had drawn up and arranged this whole plot for his squires, exactly as they should do it, they all agreed to his plan. They told him that he had planned it so well that all the wise men in the world would not change it a bit. 575. So they did exactly what Sir Geoffrey had planned. When Sir Geoffrey had taken the castle in the way you have just heard, he had letters written to the Greek captain. He had two of the men who had lain in prison let down the wall at night and sent them straight to the Greek captain. When the castellan and the sergeants who had stayed drinking outside the castle realized how they had been duped, they armed themselves with what arms they had and stood in front of the castle. 576. Soon, one of them sent news to the regent, who was at Glarentza, telling him how Sir Geoffrey had duped them, taken the castle, and had sent word to the leader of the Greek forces to come and claim the castle for the emperor. They also sent two sergeants to Simon of Vidoigne, who was at Arakhova, telling him how the castle had been taken. He was the captain of Skorta, and at that time the garrison of the territory of Skorta was there. 577. When Sir Simon of Vidoigne heard this news, he grieved. He immediately assembled all the men at arms who were with him and sent for all the men within his territory – whether cavalry or foot soldiers – and set out straight for Bucelet and laid siege to it. He secured all the paths and roads so that no one could enter or leave the castle. 578. As soon as Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the regent, heard the news, he sent word to all ranks of men in the principality to come help win back the noble castle of Bucelet that Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères had treasonably taken and wished to give to the Greeks. He took as many men as he could muster from the plains of Morea and came as quickly as he could to Bucelet. Upon finding the captain of Skorta holding a siege around the castle and guarding all the paths and roads to it, he was greatly reassured and thanked him very much. When the regent arrived at Bucelet, he reinforced the siege so that no one could enter or leave the castle. 579. While the regent had arranged the siege be made, as you hear, he received news that the emperor’s captain had arrived at the Alpheios River with all his forces and was headed straight for them in the hopes of receiving the castle and helping Lord Geoffrey, just as he had been instructed in the letters. The captain of Skorta called for one hundred mounted men and two hundred foot soldiers and

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went straight to where the Greeks’ captain was so that he could hold the border and prevent him from entering the country of Skorta. 580. After these men had left, he called for two knights and sent them to Lord Geoffrey. They demanded the castle on behalf of the king and the regent. Lord Geoffrey answered that he refused to give up the castle, for it was his own, since his ancestors had won it by the sword. ‘Certainly, Lords, I cannot complain at all about the king, because as soon as I came to him and showed him my letters showing that I was the rightful heir to this barony, he ordered the regent to treat me fairly. And the regent, on the advice of the men of the country, who do not want to have any noblemen from France among their ranks, made allegations against me in order to disinherit me. Recognizing this great wrongdoing, I entered this castle – which belongs to me – in the way I could. No one has the right to blame me for doing this because I have not stolen anything. I will hold it in honor of God and the king. I pray my lord the regent that he give me possession of all the homesteads around here, and I am ready to pay homage and fealty to the king and pay him the service the barony owes him.’ 581. The knights replied, ‘Sir Geoffrey, you can be as certain of this as of death itself: we are adamant that you will not achieve your goal of obtaining the barony you demand. You saw that the court and the barons proved to you, with good evidence, how and why your cousin the lord of Karytaina, by law, and the decision and opinion of the court, was disinherited twice. And that in an act of special grace, because the noblemen who were there intervened, Prince William granted the barony to him and to heirs of his body. 582. ‘And so, because the king commanded the regent to do the legally right thing by you according to the customs and usages of the country, the regent entrusted the matter to the decision of the country’s liegemen. The nobles deemed in good faith that the lord of Karytaina, together with his heirs, was disinherited by his own fault. So when you, as a relation of his, demand the barony, you are smart enough to realize that you have no right to it. 583. ‘Further, a man such as you ought not to do this kind of thing – taking a castle from the king’s hands like that. For this reason in good faith and as knights are bound to do, we advise and request you without more ado to give up the castle and to say that anger and bad advice made you do it. If not, be as certain as of death itself that the men who have besieged you will never leave here until you have been taken prisoner and rendered justice for doing such a thing.’ 584. When Sir Geoffrey heard all these words and many others the knights said, he realized full well that he had done the wrong thing by taking over the castle that way. In the end, Lord Geoffrey came to an agreement so that Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer promised to give him in heritage, with the king’s consent, the fief of Moraines, which is in Skorta, and to give my lady Marguerite, the lady of Lisaria, in marriage. She was a cousin of Lord Walter of Rosières, the lord of Akova. 585. When all these matters had been decreed and agreed to by signatures, oaths, and covenants, Lord Geoffrey gave up Bucelet castle. He then went to

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Morea and married the lady and was put in possession of his fief and of Lisaria. In this way, Lord Geoffrey remained in Morea the rest of his life. His wife bore a daughter named Elaine, and she married the baron, Sir Villain of Aunoy, lord of Arcadia. Their children were Erars of Aunoy and his sister, Agnes; she married the noble knight Stephen le Maure, lord of the castle of Saint Saveur. 586. The story now stops talking about Lord Geoffrey of Bruyères and his heirs. It now tells you how Lady Isabelle became princess of Achaia and how afterward Princess Isabelle recovered her inheritance, the principality of Achaia. (Isabelle was good Prince William’s daughter and at that time was called the lady of Morea.) Isabelle of Villehardouin Regains the Principality and Marries Florent of Hainaut 587. At the time you are hearing about, through the agreements that Prince William had made earlier with good King Charles I, King Charles II had lordship over the principality of Achaia because his brother Lord Louis had died. At that time my lady Isabelle, the lady of Morea, was in Naples with the queen, the one from Hungary.74 There were two barons in Morea whom the king trusted more than any others: they were Sir John Chauderon, grand constable of the principality, and Sir Geoffrey of Tournay, lord of Vostitza. 588. These two knights often visited the kingdom of Apulia, and came and went in the king’s service. To tell the truth, these knights were really something; they were big and tall, wise and very handsome, and of great valor. The king loved them and trusted in their merit greatly. When at Bordeaux on the Garonne River he fought man-to-man with the king of Aragon for the kingdom of Sicily, each had one hundred knights in his company. He chose these two knights and put them in the ranks with the one hundred knights who were supposed to be with him in battle. The king loved Chauderon so much that he made him an admiral of the kingdom of Apulia.75 589. With great affection, these two knights met with nobleman Sir Florent of Hainaut, brother of the count of Hainaut, who was at the time grand constable of the kingdom of Sicily. These two knights knew what to do and what say to King Charles to bring about the marriage of Lord Florent and my lady Isabelle, the lady of Morea. 590. The king consented to the marriage and to Sir Florent of Hainaut’s becoming prince of Achaia. Then the king ordered the privileges, covenants, and 74  Marie of Hungary was the wife of King Charles II of Naples. See the list of unnamed women for details. Isabelle had been a widow since 1277 and was living at the court in Naples. 75  Longnon notes, p 236, that the duel between King Charles I of Naples and King Peter of Aragon was scheduled for 1 June 1283, but did not take place. Most of the events recounted here happened a few years later and involved Charles II, his son.

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statutes that should be maintained at all times between the king and the prince (or princess, whichever it was), so that the prince would be bound to the king and the king to the prince. Among the other stipulations was one requirement such that if by chance it happened that a female inherited the principality, be she virgin or widow, she could not marry without the king’s permission and consent. If by any chance she married without the king’s consent, she and her heirs would be disinherited in perpetuity from the principality of Achaia. 591. When the agreements had been made and ratified, the king commanded that the marriage and the wedding feast should take place. As soon as they were married, the king invested Isabelle with the principality as the direct heir, and afterward he invested Florent as her lord husband.76 592. After the marriage celebration was over, and Prince Florent had settled all his affairs with King Charles, his liege lord, he arranged to go to Morea. He sent to Brindisi for ships, and he took leave of the king and queen and all the other noblemen who were there. The princess also went to Brindisi, where she found all her ships ready and outfitted: galleys, and transport ships for the horses. She had in her personal service more than one hundred cavalry and also led three hundred crossbowmen. 593. After they boarded the ships, they sailed to Glarentza. Arrived in port, they discovered that Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the regent, was at Andravida. As soon as he knew that the prince and princess had arrived, he came to them, and he held a splendid feast for the prince. The prince had the letters brought out, in which the king told his regent that he had given the principality of Achaia to Prince Florent and Lady Isabelle, his wife, and ordered the regent to obey Prince Florent and turn over to him the country and the castles. 594. When the regent saw the king’s orders, he bowed with great reverence. Then he sent word throughout the country that Prince Florent had arrived at Glarentza and that they should come to see the king’s letters. All kinds of people from the principality came to Glarentza, and when they were all there, the prince went to the church of Saint Francis. When everyone was seated, the prince handed over the king’s letters to Benedict, archbishop of Patras. The archbishop had them read by a canon. 595. After the letters had been read as written, they arranged to have them read in the vulgar tongue so that everyone would understand. Recognizing the excellence of noble Lord Florent of Hainaut, the king had given him my lady Isabelle, daughter of the late Prince William, for his legal wife. He had also given them in heritage the principality of Achaia. The king ordered that all prelates, barons, knights, bourgeois and everyone else in the country, Latins and Greeks, receive Prince Florent of Hainaut as their liege lord and pay him their complete homage and fealty, except for the fealty they owed the king, which he reserved for himself. 76  The marriage took place in Naples on 16 September 1289. Charles II, the Lame, was king, having been crowned in 1285.

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596. They bowed down to him and each gave him homage according to their status. After the prince had received his people’s homage and oaths of allegiance, on the advice of Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer and other prudhommes, he began to appoint and change his officials. Upon receiving his castles, he found them devoid of provisions and arms. Right away he had them provisioned with everything they needed. He then changed all the castles’ sergeants and put in people he had brought with him. He found the country in great poverty, wasted and depleted by bad government from officials, particularly officials of the court, who allowed the poor people to be wronged. 597. The prince sought the advice of his barons on how he could get the country back in good shape so that he and his men could live there. When he had heard his barons’ advice, they agreed that he should stop warring, because wars were consuming every country in the world, and that he should make peace and good truces with the emperor of Constantinople. 598. Then he summoned his messengers and sent them to the emperor’s captain, who was in Morea at that time. He let the captain know that he was now prince of Morea and that he owed allegiance to King Charles. He said he had found the country impoverished and devastated because of the wars that had been fought between the king and the emperor. He said that, if it pleased the emperor, they should mutually agree to a state of peace between them, so that their people could go and come freely and live in peace. 599. When the Greek captain received this message from the prince, he thought it was good. He greatly praised the prince for being a wise lord and good ruler by trying to restore peace to his country. And so the leader sent this reply: his term of office as captain could not last longer than one year, for the emperor did not allow any of his captains to stay longer than a year before he replaced them. Therefore, he would gladly maintain the peace for his term as captain and would do it as well as he possibly could; but if the prince wanted the peace for longer than that, he would have to make an agreement with the emperor. 600. When the prince had the response from the emperor’s captain, he sought advice, then replied. Since the captain did not have the power to make a peace for longer than his assignment, he entreated him to make it known to the emperor. It was the prince’s wish to make a good peace that would last forever, or at least for the lifetime of the emperor and the prince. 601. The captain was very pleased to receive this response. On advice from Greek archontes, he sent messengers to the emperor informing him of the peace that Prince Florent proposed – a long and good one – so that the people in their countries could go and come and live in peace and tranquility. The emperor was very happy to hear this proposal, as he was then embroiled in a very big war in the Levant with the Turks, who fought him fiercely and were stealing his castles and lands. He was also warring with the despot of Arta and with the emperor of Angora.77 77

 The sultan of Angora (modern Ankara, Turkey).

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602. The emperor called for a nobleman named Philanthropinos and empowered him to make a peace with Prince Florent as good and as strong as the prince knew how to devise. After Philanthropinos arrived in Morea and had spoken with the captain, he sent messengers to Prince Florent, saying he had come on behalf of his lord, the emperor, to draw up, confirm, and prepare the peace that had been discussed between him and the emperor, his lord – as good and as strong a peace as possible. 603. When the prince received this news, he was very glad about it. He sent two knights to Philanthropinos, carrying to him the prince’s assurances, and they brought him to Andravida, where the prince was. When they were together, they discussed, organized, and established the peace, as good a peace as they knew how to devise. They wrote down all their agreements in sections. Then they swore, each for himself, to hold and keep their peace loyally and steadfastly, without any deceit. 604. After peace had been reached, as you have heard, the prince addressed the gentleman thus: ‘Dear Friend and Brother, do not be displeased with what I tell you. Pertaining to the peace we have just made together, the truth is that for my part, I have no lord above me, but you have your sovereign lord, the emperor. Because I have personally taken an oath, composed a letter that speaks for me, and sealed it with my seal, I ask you for the emperor’s personal letter, sealed with his seal, containing his intentions to hold and keep firmly to this peace, just as I have done in your presence.’ 605. Philanthropinos agreed to what the prince said, and he promised that he would obtain a letter to him from the emperor. It was arranged that the prince would send two gentlemen to the emperor in Constantinople with Philanthropinos. They brought back the emperor’s sworn statement, just as they had wished him to compose it. 606. After Prince Florent had made peace with the emperor, he began to settle the affairs of his country as he wished. There was such a good peace that his country became so fat and plentiful in everything that the people did not know the half of what they had. 607. But the emperor, after he concluded this peace treaty, threw all his energies into attacking Nikephoros, the despot of Arta, by land and sea. He ordered 40 galleys from Genoa and put his men aboard them. He had ten transport ships to carry the horses. The galleys came by way of Cephalonia and entered the Gulf of Arta by way of the Strait of Saint Nicholas. By land, he sent fourteen thousand horsemen and thirty thousand foot soldiers. Those men went directly to the castle of Janina and besieged it from the front, at the entrance. No other approach would work because the castle is surrounded by a fresh-water lake so large that it cannot be approached from any side.

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Prince Florent helps the despot of Arta fight the Greek emperor 608. We’ll stop talking about the emperor and will tell you about how the despot of Arta arranged to defend his country when he learned that the emperor of Constantinople had raised an army to go against him. 609. When the despot realized that the emperor was coming to attack him on all sides, by land and sea, he asked his barons’ advice on how he could best defend his country against the emperor. The wisest men of his country advised him to make an agreement with Prince Florent, lord of Morea, his closest neighbor, because Prince Florent was chivalrous and had a powerful army. If the prince would come with all his forces to help, the despot could easily defend himself against the emperor. 610. So he called for four noblemen, the wisest in his country, and sent them to the prince in Morea. He granted them all his powers to make such agreement as they could with the prince, to the end that the prince come to his aid in his great need. These nobles went by way of the Gulf of Lepanto and arrived in Andravida, where they found the prince holding a parliament with his barons and the community of his people. 611. When they came before the prince, they greeted him on behalf of their lord, the despot, and gave the prince the confidential letters the despot had sent him. When the prince had read and understood them, he answered the messengers that he thanked the despot for the great affection he showed him and that concerning what the despot was asking, the prince would seek advice and then would give them an answer. 612. The prince called his barons into the church of Saint Sophia and asked their advice about the despot’s request. It was hotly debated because some approved the prince’s going to help the despot and others argued against it. But in the end, they agreed unanimously that it would be good for the prince to go for many reasons, especially because the despot was his wife’s uncle, and also because he was the prince’s nearest neighbor. So the prince had enough good reasons to help the despot in his hour of need. 613. When the discussion concluded, they called the despot’s messengers and answered them that the prince agreed to go help the despot, on the condition that the despot send his son Thomas to the prince as hostage. The prince would go in person with four hundred horsemen, all to be paid at the despot’s expense, each one according to his rank. When the despot’s messengers heard this response, they were very happy and agreed to the prince’s wishes. 614. After this response, the despot’s messengers left Andravida right away and went by sea and land until they came to the great castle of Arta, where the despot awaited them eagerly. When they had arrived there, they told the despot of the response of Prince Florent. 615. The despot was very glad to hear the answer because he had greatly doubted that the prince would agree to his request. So he outfitted his son Thomas and some worthy companions with all they needed and sent them to Prince Florent in Morea. He also sent four months’ pay for him and his army. When Thomas

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arrived in Morea, the prince received him nobly and sent him to Chloumoutzi in good company and with a distinguished guard. Count Richard of Cephalonia helps, then tricks the despot 616. We’ll leave talking about Prince Florent and will tell you about how Count Richard of Cephalonia made an agreement at that time with the despot and went to help him in his war with the emperor of Constantinople. 617. At the time we are talking about, when the emperor was having a hot war with the despot of Arta, the despot in order to defend his country made an agreement with Count Richard of Cephalonia, exactly as he had done with the prince. The despot gave Count Richard his eldest daughter as a hostage.78 And the count came to help the despot with one hundred cavalry. 618. But the count played a great trick on the despot. Once the despot had finished his war, and the count had returned to Cephalonia, the count arranged things so that his eldest son, Sir John of Cephalonia, married the despot’s daughter, whom he held hostage. (The son became count of Cephalonia when his father died.) This affair provoked a great quarrel between the despot and Count Richard. 619. The count knew so well how to act toward the despot that they got on very well together. So much so, that Count Richard sent his son (Count John) and the despot’s daughter (Count John’s wife) to live with him. They stayed with the despot until Count Richard was killed at Glarentza by one of his own knights, named Sir Leon.79 Then Sir John of Cephalonia, who was living at Arta under the despot’s rule, came to Glarentza and became count of Cephalonia. That happened in the time of valiant prince Philip of Savoy, who was prince of Morea in 1301. Prince Florent goes to help the despot 620. We’ll stop talking about the count of Cephalonia now. We will return to Prince Florent and how he crossed over to the despotate and how he pushed forward to the war. 621. Just as you have heard, Prince Florent made an agreement with the despot of Arta, and as soon as he had sent Thomas, the despot’s son, to Glarentza, Prince Florent left Andravida with all the men he had taken with him. He traveled until he came to Arta, where he found the despot waiting for him. 622. When he saw the count and the prince, the despot was as happy as if he had won the whole world, especially because they came so nobly accompanied. The prince and then the count went to take their rest down in the town and the despot in the castle. Then noble baron Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the grand

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 Maria Komnene Doukaina was the daughter’s name. Please see the list of unnamed women for more detail. 79  Count Richard Orsini of Cephalonia was killed in ca 1304. Cheetham, p 125, says that ‘in a senile temper, Richard struck one of his knights with a stick and was killed by the counter blow’. His death is further described in ¶¶869 and 890.

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marshal of the principality, went to take his rest, and all the others after him. They rested contentedly that night. 623. The next day, the despot came with all his barons to the prince’s quarters, where he found the count, the marshal, and all their baronage having a discussion about waging the war. The despot was very pleased to see them assembled for this purpose. 624. When all were seated, the despot began by saying he greatly thanked the prince, the count, and all the others for their company and for the great love they had shown him by coming to help him wage his war. He entreated, as urgently as he could, that all of them discuss this matter together and proceed together because such noblemen as they would have honor and reward from this war. He said, ‘If God grants you grace that we win, the honor will be more yours than mine, because it will be well known everywhere that the war was won through your intelligence and chivalry. Everyone knows well that you are the bravest and best men of all Romania.’ 625. When the despot finished speaking, the prince answered: ‘Dear Uncle, a thousand thanks for the praise and esteem you give to these gentlemen who are with me. I am speaking for myself and for all of us in saying it is true that we are here at your request and in your pay. But do not believe for a minute that we have come out of desire for your wages. Rather because of my kinship with you and for love and the good neighborliness that is and should be between you and us, we have come to help you defend your country against your enemies. Good neighbors and good friends should help with such a need. And finally, we have come because all knights and worthy men-at-arms must and should seek out and go where wars are being fought, so to prove their personal worth and valor. 626. ‘Therefore, be assured that if these good men had been able to come and serve you at their own expense, they would have willingly done so rather than take your wages. But they have come to your service as the noblemen that they are and as your friends. I promise you on my faith, on behalf of all of us, to help you with all our might and not to abandon you until the emperor’s men have left your country, or we will die in the attempt.’ 627. When the despot heard the prince speaking so openly, he thanked the prince very much and all the barons who were with him at this council and in his party. After this meeting, they discussed how they should conduct their war. They all agreed to ride east toward the noble castle of Janina to meet the emperor’s men who had besieged it. 628. They had the announcement proclaimed on behalf of the despot, the prince, and the marshal that all men, mounted or on foot, be ready to follow the marshal’s banner. Then they arranged the battalions and planned how each should ride out. They did not want to wait long at all, but on the next day as the sun rose, they sounded the trumpets and bugles throughout the whole army and marched all the battalions, one after the other. And so they left Arta and headed straight toward the castle of Janina.

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629. The Grand Domestic, who was the captain and head of all the emperor’s army, learned that Prince Florent had gone from Morea to Arta to help the despot, and with him the count of Cephalonia, as well as the grand marshal and many good men. So he called to him all the barons and nobles in his army and in his service. They took counsel together about what they should do. They agreed that they should continue to besiege the castle until they were more certain of the prince’s coming. For it would be reckoned a great dishonor if they left the castle siege based on rumor, without having any certain knowledge. 630. But when they knew for sure that the prince and the other barons had come to Arta and were advancing straight toward them, they did not want to discuss the matter, but said that even if the emperor himself were there in person, they could not hold out against these men. They agreed that it would be more honorable to leave before the despot came than to wait for him and flee shamefully, or to wait for the battle, get beaten, and flee ignominiously. If anyone asked what sort of men were with the emperor, I would tell them that there were more than fourteen thousand mounted men including Greeks, Turks, Cumans, and Germans. As soon as they were certain of the prince’s arrival, they got out of there right away and as quickly as they could. They left Janina and went by way of Thessaly, immediately to their country of Romania. 632.80 As soon as the emperor’s men abandoned the siege of Janina, the men inside the castle sent messengers to take the news to the despot. When the despot and the prince learned that the emperor’s men had abandoned the siege and were fleeing, they left Arta and headed straight for Janina to intercept them. They rode without stopping until they came to Janina. When they arrived, the marshal lodged our men in the quarters where the emperor’s men had stayed. When everyone was settled, the entire baronage assembled in the prince’s tent for a council. They agreed to go after the emperor’s men as they wished to catch up with them and to fight them in battle. 633. They rested the night there, left the next day, and went at once, following their enemies. As they were going after their enemies, the despot, by the advice and request of the prince and of the noble marshal, gave orders to well-mounted light troops. They sent them after to catch up with the Grand Domestic and to tell him and to ask in their names that he wait for them in a place suitable for fighting together. For it was neither courteous nor honorable in the least to a nobleman such as he to come from so distant a land, seeking war, and to leave thus without combat, since he found men to fight with him. 634. But the Grand Domestic and his troops were so courteous that they would not wait for our men for anything in the world; rather, they got away as fast as they could lead their horses. Their men, poorly mounted, suffered great harm and abandoned their exhausted horses and their gear, which were found by our men. 80  The paragraph numbering in Longnon’s edition skips from 630 to 632, and this is noted in his page of errata. We keep his numbering for the sake of cross-referencing. The events here took place in 1292.

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635. Our men, who were chasing after them with gusto, hoping they might catch up with them somehow, never stopped going after them as fast as they could. When they began to enter the emperor’s country, they overran and pillaged it heavily, doing as much damage as they could. They gained a great deal of booty and took a large number of prisoners, for the country was calm, trusting in the emperor’s army, which they believed was at Janina. Because of this, the inhabitants were taken by surprise in their homes. 636. This raiding only lasted two days, because the despot suddenly received a report that sixty galleys had come into the Gulf of Arta, and had arrived at the port of Saint Nicholas le Tort at the old city of Preveza. Their men had landed, they were raiding and pillaging the country, and they were coming straight for Arta. 637. When the despot heard this news, he was filled with dread, because he immediately thought these were Genoese galleys that the emperor had sent to attack the despotate. He asked right away for the prince, and someone showed him where the prince was. The despot left his fighting men, traveled quickly to the prince, and told him the news. Then he asked him gently to please return quickly to save the castle of Arta, saying, ‘Truly I think they will be able to take Arta if they assault it. If I lose Arta, I will risk losing control of my entire country.’ 638. The prince said, ‘Lord Uncle, be assured that I did not leave my country to come to your country for any reason but to help you and assist you with all my might against your enemies. And as I am here, you have to do nothing but give the order, for I am ready to be at your honor and service.’ 639. The despot thanked him warmly, and then the prince commanded the marshal to sound the trumpets throughout all the battalions. They set out to return to Arta as quickly as they could. During their first stage, they sent three battalions of mounted men – around a thousand cavalry – the best light troops they had, to the castle of Arta, because they said that the Genoese were the best crossbowmen in the world, and if by any chance they attacked the castle, they could easily take it by the strength of their crossbows. 640. But the affair went quite differently than they had planned. As soon as the Genoese and the noble Greeks who were in the galleys found harbor in the Gulf of Arta, they landed their men. They took some locals aside, who told them how the emperor’s men, arriving by land, had besieged the castle of Janina. And how as soon as they heard that the prince, Count Richard of Cephalonia, and the other barons were coming, they abandoned the siege and left like cowards without striking one blow. They also said that the prince and the despot had chased after them to hurt them and had handily won their horses and gear. 641. When the men from the galleys heard this news, they took counsel about what to do. The wisest among them said that the emperor’s men, following the emperor’s orders, had arrived by land to help them and accompany them to damage the despot and his country. However, these same men left the land to the despot in a cowardly fashion and ‘would not wait for either our help or support’, and now the despot was reinforced by French forces. They reasoned that it would not be wise to leave their ships and besiege the castle of Arta, because if the despot

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captured them far from their ships, given that they would have no help from any cavalry, they could suffer great damage and shame. For this state of affairs, they gave full blame to those men who fled so disgracefully. 642. Nevertheless, because they knew the despot was nowhere near, they landed a large number of men and they ravaged the despot’s lands and seized provisions. They got as far as la Vagenetie and into the country of Arta. They set fire to houses, took many peasants, a great supply of cattle, and other things, for the men felt secure because the people’s lord, the despot, had gone off to pursue his enemies. But as soon as they learned that the despot was on his way back, they retreated into their ships. They said they would not leave the country until they saw the size of the despot’s army, and that to the best of their ability they would damage the despot, his country, and all his castles along the sea before they left his territory. 643. Worrying that the men on those galleys would harm him, the despot rode ceaselessly, day and night, until he came to Arta. Before he came, the forces arrived that he had sent two days ahead to rescue his country; they caught up with a contingent of the galleys’ troops and wreaked great harm on them. 644. When he arrived in Arta, the despot found that the forces from the ships had not harmed the towns or castles of Arta, and he was relieved and reassured. He told the prince that since the Genoese had not been in Arta, he was indifferent about the expedition they had made. When he learned that the ships were still in port, he consulted with the prince and the other barons about what to do. They agreed to go to the port where the ships were. They sounded the marshal’s trumpets and proclaimed that all men should follow their banners. The following morning they left Arta and went straight to Salagora, where the ships had arrived. 645. When the men from the ships saw the despot coming with his battalions in formations, they sounded a retreat and withdrew; they gathered everything that was on land into their ships, weighed their anchors, and withdrew far out to sea. When the despot saw the ships’ retreat, he asked the prince’s advice on what to do. A wise prudhomme, the prince told the despot that in his opinion, the very best thing to do was to station themselves where the ships might land, to hold the line, and thus keep them from getting water and food. It happened just this way, and they came down and stationed themselves right where the ships faced them. 646. When the men aboard the ships realized that the despot had such a great force, they wondered where he might have gotten such fine men and such noble knights. Those in the know said it was the prince of Morea and Count Richard of Cephalonia who had come to help the despot. 647. They held council about what to do. The wisest among them said it would be completely dishonorable to slink away, as had the emperor’s men retreating from Janina, and it would be good to inflict some damage to the despotate before they departed. Others said that the despot had arrived and held the shoreline, so that they could not land either to fight or to take on any supplies. So the best thing to do would be to leave that night and put fifty men on land at Xeromero to pillage

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that region and refresh supplies. They could easily do this because the despot and his men could not get there in time to hinder them. 648. They did it just as they planned it, landing their men, who attacked and burned as far as Sainte Maure. The ships came and collected the men and supplies that they had taken. They then set sail and went toward Coron, on the way to Constantinople.81 649. When the despot knew that the ships had left, he was partly sad and partly glad. Sad for the damage that they had done to his country; happy that his enemy had left, and he was delivered from their war. He began leaving Preveza for Arta, and when he got there, he released his army from service. When the next day arrived, he held a noble assembly and invited the prince and the count. All the barons, knights, and other noblemen dined joyfully at his residence. 650. After the assembly, realizing the despot no longer faced a war, Prince Florent did not wait for the despot to give him leave to depart, but requested it and said to him: ‘My dear Lord and Uncle, by the grace of God, today one can say that you have been delivered from the war that the emperor waged against you and that you have won honor from the war because your enemies left your country in shame. And so, because you have concluded your war and waged it honorably to the end, there is no need for me and my men to stay here any longer. For this reason, we would like to ask your leave to go. If, God forbid, something should happen that you have need of me or my men, you only have to send me a short message, and I promise you on my faith that I will come with even better forces than I did this time.’ 651. The despot thanked him very much for this kind promise. The prince took his leave and left Arta with all his men. They made straight for the Gulf of Lepanto, went by way of Patras, and arrived at Glarentza. 652. When he arrived at Glarentza, the prince sent some noble knights and others from his army to the castle of Chloumoutzi, where the despot’s son, Thomas, was being held hostage. He had him brought back, then sent him nobly accompanied to the despot at Arta. When the despot saw his son with such a noble retinue, he thanked the prince very much and said that the prince had truly acted like a nobleman. 653. However, Count Richard of Cephalonia didn’t do anything at all like that. He did not want to return the despot’s daughter, whom he held hostage, as the prince had done with the despot’s son. Instead, he talked the despot’s daughter into consenting and agreeing to take Lord John, the count’s older son, as her husband and faithful spouse. He had the priest come and marry them.82 654. After doing this, he summoned two Franciscan friars, who having been raised at Galata were fluent in Greek, and sent them to the despot, telling him that the count was honored to have him as his lord and relative, because he himself could not easily have suitably married his son in Romania. For which reason he  The Greek Chronicle breaks off after this incident.  See ¶¶617–619 above, where this part of the storyline is introduced.

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promised the despot in good faith to make up for what he had done without the despot’s knowledge. From now on he would with all his might personally be of service to the despot for all his needs in defending his country and his honor, in any way he would order or command. 655. When the despot learned this news he was absolutely furious and would have gladly changed things if he were able. But since the count’s lands were islands and he did not have the power to fight him, and since he could not repair his honor, he decided to pretend that matters pleased him. He called the count’s messengers and gave them a polite response. He said the affair pleased him and that he thought the count had done a good thing. Since the count’s son had married his daughter in such a way, the despot was asking the count to send him his son with his wife, because since God had joined them together, the despot wanted to have them near him. 656. When the count received this answer, after consulting others, it seemed things had turned out for the best. He sent his son, Lord John, and his wife, the despot’s daughter, to the despot. When the despot saw Lord John of Cephalonia, his son-in-law, and how he was one of the most handsome knights in Romania, in stature and in face, well-spoken and wise, the despot received him courteously and thereafter kept him by his side until Count Richard died. After his father died, Lord John became the count of Cephalonia. 657. After the despot saw that his daughter was married so lowly – he had intended to marry her highly, to some king, so that he would have help in defending his country against his enemies – there was a great disagreement between the despotess (his wife) and the wisest barons in his council.83 The despot had another daughter, a very beautiful maiden named Kyra Thamar. He was advised to marry her to one of King Charles’s sons, so that the despot could have assistance if the emperor of Constantinople or anyone else wanted to war against him. After his council agreed to this idea, the despot called his messengers and sent them to King Charles. 658. When the king had received and heard the despot’s letters telling him how the despot wanted to forge an alliance by marriage, he sought advice. Then he agreed that his son Philip, prince of Taranto, should marry the despot’s daughter. In return for marrying his daughter, the despot would give Prince Philip four of the best castles in his country, that is to say, the royal castle of Lepanto, the castles of le Blecola, Gello-Castro, and Vonitza on the sea, with all their contents. They confirmed their agreements in this manner: that if Thomas, the despot’s son, died, the prince of Taranto would be sovereign and despot over the entire despotate. If Thomas outlived his father, the despot, and attained his majority, that he would become lord and despot. Further, he would hold his lands from the prince, and the prince would get the castle of Saint Donnat with all of Vegenecie and its appurtenances. 83  The despotess was Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene (d. 1313). See the annotated index under despotess of Arta, and the list of unnamed women at CT 8.

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659. After the pacts and agreements were completed, arranged, and affirmed, the king sent for the despot’s daughter and brought her to Naples, where the king’s son, Philip, married her with great ceremony. After marrying the lady, he sent his regent and his treasurer with a large company to receive the dowry that the despot had given for his daughter.84 660. When the prince took possession of these ten castles, he held them in peace for as long as the despot, Kyr Nikephoros lived. Lord Walter and the affair with Greek nobleman Foty 661. Now we stop talking about the despot and his son-in-law the prince, and we will tell you about Prince Florent of Hainaut and what he did when he returned from the despotate to his country, Morea. 662. It happened that Prince Florent had two nephews who were full brothers; he asked them to come from Hainaut to Morea. The elder was named Lord Engilbert of Liedekerke, the other Sir Walter. This Lord Walter was a very handsome knight with a fine physique. The prince was extremely fond of him and, because of the love he felt for him, made him captain of the royal castle of Corinth with all its appurtenances. 663. Sir Walter was a big spender and he lived life on a grand scale, and what he had did not suffice for the ostentatious life he led. So after about two years of having the office of captain of Corinth,85 he began to displease everyone and to take from them without justification to maintain his lifestyle. And so it happened that the emperor’s noble Greeks became quite angry. Because of the peace they had with Prince Florent, they left to live in towns they shared with the Franks, the prince’s vassals. 664. Among the Greeks was a gentleman named Foty, first cousin to James le Chasy of Kalavryta, the bravest warrior the emperor had in all of Morea. Foty had gone to the area of Corinth where he had towns that he shared with the noblemen of Corinth; he conducted business with these men and lived a good life on this earth. 665. Because the common folk are a devilish, bad lot and they hate the aristocracy and the behavior of noblemen, the sojourn Foty was making annoyed them. Some of them went to their lords in Corinth, complaining about Foty and how he had come with all his household to stay among them and was causing them vexation and harm. They said they could not stand having two lords and as many costs as they were incurring. 666. When the prince’s vassals in Corinth, these commoners’ lords, heard their men complaining, they went to Lord Walter of Liedekerke, their captain. They complained bitterly about Foty, saying that he had come to live and stay in the towns they held in common and that he consumed everything and ruined their 84

 The marriage was in September 1294. Philip was the son of Charles II of Anjou.  In the Chronicle, ‘Corinth’ can mean the castle, the town, an extensive area around them, or all of them. Neither are Corinth and Acrocorinth differentiated by name. All of these places were under the direct control of the prince of Morea. 85

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men. He had no right to do this, because the prince and the emperor held the area in common. Just as the prince’s Frankish vassals could not live or stay at the towns that they held in common with the Greeks, neither could the Greeks. 667. When Lord Walter heard these complaints about this Foty from the vassals of Corinth, he summoned and ordered some thirty horsemen to bring this Foty before him. The vassals who had begged justice of him immediately went to their hamlets where Foty was and brought him unceremoniously before Lord Walter in the city of Corinth. 668. When Lord Walter saw this Foty being brought before him and realized what kind of man he was and that he might well gain some money from him, he pretended to act very cruel. He began to describe how the emperor had made and sworn peace with the prince – a good and lasting one – for him and for his people, and how the French, the prince’s men, did not go and live in the villages in the neutral zone that they held together with the Greeks, and the Greeks shouldn’t do it either. They put Foty in prison in the castle’s donjon in leg irons, and then conducted an investigation into the harm Foty had caused to the towns in the neutral zone. 669. The vassals of Corinth, who thought they could get revenge so that the Greeks would no longer come live in the towns, greatly harassed the commoners, and then swore up and down that the Greeks had done it. Lord Walter let this Foty know that he had found out during the investigation into his case that the damage he and his entourage had caused to the towns in the neutral zone amounted to more than ten thousand hyperpyra. Because Foty was the brother of James le Chasy of Kalavryta, one of the best men the emperor had in Morea, he would have to pay all those damages, or Walter would have Foty hanged by the neck. 670. Foty, intending to get out of prison without paying the damages, held firm. But Lord Walter, who was hungry for the money he thought to get from this Foty, made sure the latter’s stay in prison was extremely harsh and cruel, and finally had two of his teeth pulled from his jaw. When Foty realized he could not get out of Lord Walter’s grip by any other means, he gave in to him and gave him one thousand hyperpyra. In this way, he was freed from prison. 671. When he got back to his home in Kalavryta, he complained many times to the emperor’s captain, hoping to recover his money and to have justice for the imprisonment and the shame Lord Walter had inflicted on him. The emperor’s captain, wishing justice for Foty, particularly to please Foty’s brother James, the bravest man-at-arms the emperor had then in Morea, implored Prince Florent by letter and through messengers to do Foty justice for the harm and shame that Sir Walter, his nephew, had wrongfully and unjustly done to him. 672. But the prince answered that Foty deserved even greater harm and punishment because he had laid waste to and ravaged the region of Corinth. When Foty realized he could not have any justice, he kept quiet and no longer asked for anything; rather, he thought to himself that he would avenge himself in some manner.

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673. Sometime after Foty had been shamed in this way and realized he would not get justice from the authorities, he thought to himself that he would avenge himself against Lord Walter in some way, whether on him or his men, when they went to or came from Corinth to Morea. 674. Just as adversity and fortune intervene in the lives of the noblemen and prudhommes who pass through this wretched world, it happened at that time that the noble baron, Lord Guy of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza, was traveling by sea in a boat from Vostitza to Corinth. His horses and entourage were going by land. During his trip at sea, he wanted to land for a time in order to eat more comfortably. He took port at a place called Saint Nicholas au Figuier, where there is a spring. He went ashore in the company of two knights and four squires and they spread out their meal near the spring. 675. While he was seated and was eating with his companions, it happened that this Foty was in the area with a group of men who were hunting. At that time, Foty had spies out and patrolled the road looking for revenge. When they saw Sir Guy land, they believed him to be Lord Walter of Liedekerke, captain of Corinth, who had done this Foty such harm. They did not ride in haste but trotted slowly, because they did not want Sir Guy to detect they were approaching him to do him harm, lest he retreat onto the boat. 676a. When the lord of Vostitza saw them approaching him so slowly, and noticed they had hunting dogs, he did not believe they intended any harm, but said they were hunters and were coming toward them for no harm, or perhaps to ask for information. So they waited for the group without thinking anything was wrong.86 676b. When Foty and his companions saw that the lord of Vostitza was not interrupting his meal while they were approaching, they spurred their horses on and put their hands on their swords. Foty saw Lord Guy, who looked somewhat like Lord Walter in that he was blonde and white-skinned, and hit him hard on his head with a stroke of his sword, so that the lord rolled onto the ground, and then Foty hit him again several times more. As he was hitting him, he said, ‘Now Lord Walter, take your reward.’ 677. When Lord Guy’s men heard Lord Walter’s name and recognized Foty, they cried: ‘Foty, oh, Foty, what are you doing, killing the lord of Vostitza in place of Lord Walter?’ When Foty heard the name Lord Guy, lord of Vostitza, he stopped immediately. 678. He then realized that it was not at all Lord Walter, whom he hated so much, but instead the lord of Vostitza, whom he considered his lord and his friend and had nothing to do with his imprisonment. Foty threw his sword down on the ground, got off his horse, took Sir Guy in his arms, and began to cry very sorrowfully. Then he threw himself at his feet, begging him for mercy and saying: ‘Oh, Sire, have pity and mercy on me and pardon me. I didn’t recognize you and thought you were the traitorous Lord Walter who treated me so badly. Look, here 86  Longnon’s text has two paragraphs numbered 676; we number them a and b and retain his numbering because of possible existing references to this text.

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is my sword. Do with me what you wish because I have greatly offended you without cause.’ 679. When the lord of Vostitza’s knights and squires realized that he did not have any strength remaining, they said the best thing would be to get into the boat and go directly to Corinth. There they could find a doctor who could give them advice on how to heal their lord. They set out from that place and sailed until they arrived that evening at Corinth. Having arrived in port, they asked for horses, put Lord Guy on a palfrey and took him to the city in great pain because he had suffered a mortal wound to his head. 680. When Lord Guy and his companions boarded the boat, Foty and his companions left Saint Nicholas. He was horrified that he had wounded Lord Guy, such a man as was the baron, lord of Vostitza, and that he had wounded him during the peace the emperor had made and sworn to with Prince Florent. He did not know what to do, because he was sure that the Greek captain would send him to the emperor, and the emperor might have him blinded. But his companions begged him to take comfort, saying he had a good excuse because it was a case of mistaken identity and that he himself had received such great harm. What he had done to Lord Guy, he had believed he was doing to Lord Walter. 681. They left there as quickly as they could, worried that Lord Guy’s followers, who were traveling overland, would encounter them. If by chance they met Lord Guy’s men, and those men learned what they had done to Lord Guy, they would be shamed and hurt. 682. As soon as they were in Corinth, Lord Guy’s knights and squires found a resting place for their lord and the physicians who were there. They saw the wounds in Lord Guy’s head, and when they examined all of them, they found one that was so deep, none of them could heal it unless God performed a miracle. After they had carefully examined the mortal wound that Guy had in his head, they said to each other that this was not a man who would want to hear lies but that it would be far better to tell him the truth. That way, he might make his own plans and not die without making his last confession or his last will and testament. They said this to the knights and the other prudhommes present, and they agreed to inform him of the situation. 683. Then one of the physicians said to him: ‘Sire, we have carefully examined all your wounds and we are hopeful that God will help you. We will give your condition the best plan of treatment that we can. However, because you have a very dangerous wound, we advise you to put your affairs in order and do your duty to God so that you and we will rest assured. Do it so that we can proceed with all the care that we can give you.’ 684. The lord of Vostitza, who was a wise prudhomme, thanked the physicians very much and said they spoke like prudhommes. They had a Franciscan monk come, who was a prudhomme and well-educated. The lord made his confession to the friar, devotedly received the Body of the Lord, and then made his last will and testament in great detail and with repentance. After he had done all that was

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required, he only lived one more day. His death was a great loss to the country of Morea, because he was a nobleman whom everyone loved. 685. When news spread that Foty had killed the lord of Vostitza, the Greeks were upset because they were certain that the Franks would overrun the country and begin a war. They gathered all their cattle and all that they possessed in the neutral zone and brought them into their fortresses. When Prince Florent heard the news, he greatly mourned, for the lord of Vostitza had died because of his nephew. 686. Prince Florent then called for all the barons, knights, and noblemen in his country to confer about this situation. When all had assembled at Andravida, the prince told them how the lord of Vostitza had been killed by the men from Kalavryta and asked their advice on what to do about it. 687. When the barons, knights, and nobles heard the prince tell how the lord of Vostitza had been killed, they grieved deeply. Most of them told the prince that he ought not let the death of such a noble baron as the lord of Vostitza go unavenged, because he would be held accountable by all who heard the story. Then the barons and nobles discussed what should happen. 688. The wisest of them said that to tell the truth, all the guilt lay with the prince. They said that when the emperor learned about the situation, how it happened and for what reason the lord of Vostitza had been killed, by all rights he would throw blame on the prince’s side. If his nephew Lord Walter had not done to Foty what he did, then Foty would not have done what he did. What Foty did, he only did to avenge himself, believing that it was Lord Walter. If he had recognized the lord of Vostitza, he would not have touched him at all but to give him honor. They said, ‘If we declare war, we will bear all the blame, because the outbreak will be our fault. Moreover, if we wanted to have revenge, we could not do it properly, because the Greeks have reduced the amount of everything they have here, as though they knew they had offended us.’ 689. The prince, a wise man, knew well that the origin and blame for all this lay with themselves, especially with his nephew Walter, and that, because the Greeks had retreated, he could not take revenge. On the other hand, if he started a war, the wrongdoing and its instigation would belong to him. And if he ever wanted to make peace with the emperor, he would not be able to hope the emperor would want to agree to it. And he thought that if there were war in his country, his lands would be laid waste and pillaged. For all these reasons, he thought it would be better to wait a bit and see what happened. Thus he held himself in check. 690. And so, to shift blame to the Greeks, he sent letters to the emperor’s captain letting him know how Foty, with all his men from Kalavryta, had lain in wait for the lord of Vostitza, while the lord was traveling from Vostitza to Corinth, and had killed him treacherously. For this reason, since the Holy Emperor had vowed to keep the peace with him, the prince was asking the emperor to serve justice on Foty for the homicide he had committed on such a baron as the lord of Vostitza. 691. The emperor’s captain was fully informed about everything that Lord Walter of Liedekerke, Prince Florent’s nephew, had done to Foty. The leader

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replied via his messengers that the prince’s nephew Sir Walter, during the peace he had sworn with the emperor, had outrageously, wrongly, and sinfully, ‘without consulting you or me, taken Foty on our lands, imprisoned and tortured him, had two of his teeth pulled out of his jaw, and then took from him a thousand hyperpyra in ransom’. For those reasons, he demanded that the prince render justice to his nephew and that when the nephew was ready to do justice and right by Foty, everything would be settled. 692. When the prince heard the answer and saw that the captain sought justice, that the wrong was on his side, that the entire blame for the misdeed rested with his nephew Lord Walter, he decided he would not break the peace over the death of the lord of Vostitza. Instead, he reaffirmed the peace and kept it as firmly as before and for a long time.87 Prince Florent and the Slavic revolt at Gianitza 693. One day, shortly after what I have been telling you about, it happened that as they were coming and going past the castle of Kalamata, two rich Slavs named Lianort and Fanari who lived in Gianitza and were neighbors of the castle, were overcome with desire to take it for themselves. They arranged it so that one of their men was put into prison in the castle’s donjon. He measured the height of the wall using a rope that he threw from the parapets to the ground. When he was freed from this prison, he had a ladder made as tall as the height of the wall. At that time, the walls were not as high as they are now, because they have been raised since then.88 694. After they had made a ladder the height of the donjon, because part of the donjon was completely outside the castle, they saw a time when they might have the advantage. Right away, they took around fifty men, because they thought if they took too many, they could be detected. They went straight for Kalamata, which was only about a league away. 695. As soon as they were at the foot of the donjon’s wall, they leaned the ladder against the wall. It was just the right height. They began to climb, one after the other. The first to get on top of the donjon took hold of the guards and threw them to the bottom of the tower. Then they descended into the castle, seized all the soldiers, tied them up, and put them in the prison. 696. As soon as they had taken over the great castle, they sent for their companions at Gianitza. To their aid came six hundred armed men in good hauberks and other armor, according to their custom. When they arrived, they descended on the town and took it entirely over. But they did not find a soul there, because the townspeople had fled during the night, as soon as they heard the Slavs’ commotion and the emperor’s name, which they cried out when they entered the castle. 87

 Longnon places the preceding story in 1295 and the following in 1293, because of who is in the story. 88  For this segment of the story involving the castle of Kalamata, the Slavs, and some of the Greek subjects in Morea, see Cheetham, 115–116.

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697. When news arrived at Androusa that the Slavs from Gianitza had taken the castle of Kalamata, there was a great clamor, and all manner of folk were alarmed and distraught. As soon as this bad news arrived, the captain who was at Androusa on behalf of the prince sent two men on horseback without delay to Rhiolo, where Prince Florent was. 698. When the prince heard the news, he was greatly dismayed. He immediately sent word throughout his entire country that all ranks of men, on horse and on foot, come to the aid of the castle of Kalamata, which the Slavs of Gianitza had taken by stealth. The prince quickly assembled his men and the men from the plain of Morea and from Beauvoir, and they went as fast as they could to the castle of Nisi in the diocese of Coron and rested there. 699. Then he sent Lord John Chauderon, grand constable at the time, to Kalamata to ask the people who had taken it to return the castle and to let them know they could have money or privileges of knighthood with fiefs and lands in return for the castle. But they answered Chauderon that they did not want any titles or any other reward than this castle: now that they were lords of such a castle as this one, they did not need fiefs, land, or money. 700. When Chauderon returned to the prince, he told him the answer, and the prince became even more furious than before, believing he could find no agreement with the Slavs. The prince called to him all the barons and noblemen who were present and asked their advice on what to do. They agreed that he should send word to the emperor’s captain, requesting him to order the Slavs to return the castle of Kalamata, which they had captured on the territory that the Holy Emperor protected. 701. The emperor’s grand captain replied to the prince that the Slavs were not his subjects, nor did they act on his knowledge or advice; rather, they were a willful people who ruled by force. As the castle had not been taken from or by the emperor’s men, he begged the prince to excuse him, but there was nothing he could do for him. 702. When the prince received his answer from the emperor’s grand captain, he called all his barons and the wisest men from his council and asked their advice as to how he could manage to regain the castle of Kalamata. The matter was hotly debated, with some saying one thing, others saying another. But in the end they all agreed that Lord John Chauderon, the grand constable, and Lord Geoffrey of Aunoy, lord of Arcadia, should be sent as messengers to the emperor on the prince’s behalf. Both had been in prison in Constantinople with Prince William and had learned the Greeks’ language and customs. 703. When this advice was confirmed, the two barons did not want to tarry. They got ready and assembled everything they would need for their journey. They left the prince, who was besieging the Slavs at Nisi, and set forth on their journey, going by way of Amphissa and Thessaly. Then they entered the emperor’s lands and went past Thessalonica and the county of Adrianople. They arrived in Constantinople, where dwelled Kyr Andronikos Palaiologos, the emperor.

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704. When they arrived in the city, they went straight to the Venetian quarter and took lodging near the church of Saint Mary. The following day they arose in the morning and went directly to the imperial palace, where the emperor was. They dismounted from their horses. As they began to enter the palace, the emperor’s gatekeepers met them head on, telling them they could not come in because the emperor was busy and that they should return to their lodgings and wait for the emperor to send for them. 705. The barons, who were wise and knowledgeable, left. They said that this was done to them quite deliberately, for the emperor had neither the wish nor the desire to hear their petition or to return the castle of Kalamata, which discouraged them. But they realized that they could do nothing but follow the emperor’s wishes, and so they went back to their lodgings. And they stayed there fifteen days without seeing the emperor. 706. During this time, something very good chanced to happen to them. King Charles had sent a prudhomme named Lord Peter of Surie to the emperor to ratify an agreement the king was making with him. In effect, the emperor would give the king the kingdom of Thessalonica. In return, King Charles promised to obtain for him signed letters and agreements from the pope in Rome, the king of France, and from King Charles himself.89 The documents would certify that they forfeited all claims and rights that they had or might have within the empire of Constantinople, without their or any of their successors ever asking anything more from this time forth. 707. One day it happened while the two barons were walking about the city of Constantinople, they encountered Lord Peter of Surie. When Lord Peter saw them, he recognized them from King Charles’s residence in Apulia, where they had spent some time together. He ran toward them and greeted them, embraced them and all of them celebrated together. Then Lord Peter asked them what matters brought them there. 708. The two barons told him all about the peace that the prince had established with the emperor, and how the emperor’s men had killed the lord of Vostitza while peace was in effect; and furthermore, how one of the best castles in all of Morea – the castle of Kalamata – had been taken. They told him how Prince Florent had sent them to the emperor to tell him about the affair and to ask him to order his grand captain in Morea to return the castle to the prince. They also recounted how they had gone to the emperor’s residence and about the response his gatekeepers had given them. 709. Lord Peter of Surie was a wise knight, and he loved Prince Florent very much, because they had been companions at King Charles’s residence. He also knew that the prince held the principality from King Charles, the prince’s lord. He told the two barons, ‘Noble Knights, be assured that I am the person who can best 89  In 1293, when Longnon reckons this incident happened, a papal election was in progress that lasted two years. Celestine V became pope in July 1294; Nicholas IV died in April 1292. Philip VI of Valois was king of France.

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help you with your needs, better than anyone else. I’ll let you in on the fact that the emperor is afraid that King Charles will help Charles Valois of France, his cousin, and he fears they intend to come and conquer his empire. (That cousin is brother to the king of France, and he is married to Emperor Baldwin’s daughter.90) 710. ‘For this reason, the emperor proposed to King Charles that the king relinquish all claims to the empire, and in return, the emperor would give him the kingdom of Thessalonica so that King Charles could hold it or he could give it to his cousin, Charles Valois of France. The king sent me to the emperor to arrange all of this. Tomorrow is the day when he is to give me his answer. I know the emperor’s brother pretty well, and I could arrange it so that he could get you into the emperor’s palace, and you could then speak with him as you wish. 711. ‘And so tomorrow morning, here is what I advise you to do. I will go into the palace and you will come in behind me. Then I will come toward you, pretending that I had not seen you before, and you do the same. We will greet one another, and then I’ll ask you what brings you here and why you have come. Right away you – who will be having your audience with the emperor at that point – will tell me everything you just told me about the castle of Kalamata that the emperor’s men took over. After you’ve told me the whole story, you will hear what I shall tell the emperor. With God’s help, I will be able to present your side of it persuasively.’ 712. After Lord Peter of Surie had discussed all of this with the two barons, they took leave of one another, and each went to his lodgings. Not wanting to forget what he had arranged with the two barons, Sir Peter went to see the emperor’s brother and told him that he had learned though one of his squires, who was at the Holy Emperor’s court, how two barons from Morea, whom the prince had sent to the emperor, had come to the court and tried to enter the palace. But the gatekeepers had rudely pushed them back and told them they could not come in because the emperor was busy. He said this kind of thing dishonors the Holy Emperor, refusing two such barons who came as messengers from the prince. He said it was not honorable for the barons to stay so long in the city without seeing or speaking to the emperor to give him their message. He asked him, as a lord, that no mention be made of his having said anything about these two barons, but asked him, the emperor’s brother, as someone who should cherish his honor, to talk to the emperor. 713. When Kyr Theodore, grand despot and brother to the emperor, heard the whole story, he was favorably inclined toward Lord Peter and thanked him very much for being so concerned about the honor of his brother, the emperor. He immediately mounted his horse and went to tell the emperor how he had heard that two noble barons from Morea had come as messengers from Prince Florent and arrived at his court intending to come into the palace, ‘but the gatekeepers – without notifying you – had outrageously pushed them back and did not let them

90  Catherine of Courtenay (1274–1307). See ¶86 in the list of unnamed women for details.

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come in. They have been in the city a good fifteen days, which affair is not at all honorable.’ 714. When the emperor heard what his brother told him about the barons from Morea, he ordered that the brother send someone from his court to find them and to tell them they should come the next day to the imperial palace, ‘to come into the palace and talk with me as they please’. Then the despot sent out some of his people. They asked everywhere in the city until they found the barons in the place they were staying, in the Venetian quarter. They greeted the barons in the name of the emperor’s brother and told them that the emperor had learned that they had come to court as messengers from Prince Florent and that the gatekeepers had not let them enter. This angered the emperor. If they wanted to come to court the next day, they could enter and talk with him at their pleasure. 715. The barons rejoiced to hear this news, and they thought to themselves that it had been through the intervention of Lord Peter of Surie. They told each other that they had hopes of concluding their business successfully. The next day the two barons arose, mounted their palfreys, and went directly to the emperor’s court. There they found noblemen from the grand despot’s entourage, who received them honorably and then led them to the palace, and conducted them before the emperor. 716. When they were before him, they greeted him on behalf of their lord, the prince, and made him the reverence due an emperor. When they were scarcely before him, the emperor began to ask about their lord, Prince Florent. After they had spoken only a little with the emperor, Lord Peter of Surie, who was also present, bounded forward and saluted the barons to make it look as though he had not seen them before this. Right in front of the emperor, he began asking them what business brought them here. Chauderon answered, ‘Since you are asking us questions in the Holy Emperor’s presence, Lord Peter, I will surely tell you the truth about the reason for being here, with all due respect to the Holy Crown.’ The emperor replied that he could speak at will. 717. Chauderon began to recount how the Holy Emperor had made peace with their lord, Prince Florent, and had sworn to uphold it, and how during the peace the Holy Emperor’s men had killed the lord of Vostitza. ‘And my lord the Prince, to keep his word, did not want to break the peace or go back on the promise he had made to the Holy Emperor. Soon after that, the Slavs, who are under the Holy Emperor, stole one of the prince’s castles, the one named Kalamata. For this, my lord the prince sent us to my lord the emperor to ask if he would please order the Slavs to return the castle.’ 718. Lord Peter of Surie, who had thought about what he should say, came forward and then, within earshot of the emperor’s entire court, said, ‘Ah, Lord Holy Emperor! How should I hope that we can conclude an important negotiation like the one about the kingdom of Thessalonica, which my lord King Charles has sent me here to discuss with your holy crown, if you delay handing over to two barons a small castle that your people stole during the peace that you swore with Prince Florent.’

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719. The emperor acted as though he were ashamed when he heard what Lord Peter of Surie told him. The emperor quickly answered and said he had heard nothing at all about what he was being told. ‘But since it has happened, it pleases me that the castle should be returned.’ When Chauderon and Lord Geoffrey heard the emperor’s answer, they fell to their knees at his feet and thanked him very much on behalf of their lord, the prince. 720. It was nearly time for the emperor to eat, so all who were there left the palace, and each went to his lodgings. The two barons also went to their lodgings, gladdened by the favorable answer the emperor had given them. 721a. After this, something good happened to them, enabling the castle of Kalamata to be returned. A Greek nobleman named Kyr George Sgoromaly, the emperor’s marshal in the country (they call him prothoalogatora), was then in Constantinople and at the emperor’s palace when the emperor gave the barons his answer.91 721b. Because this Sgoromaly was a prudhomme and loved the law and the Latins’ country, he asked around until he found out where the barons were staying. He went to their lodgings secretly and found them just about to leave. He told them he would assure them as a trustworthy knight that if they would keep secret what he would tell them, then he would advise them how they could be certain of regaining the castle of Kalamata without question. The barons were happy about this. They promised him on their faith to keep the secret he would tell them. 722. When they had made their promise, he began to tell them the following: ‘Lords, the truth is that good Prince William was our true lord and he gave us to the emperor for his ransom. For this reason, we are certain that the goodness and honor the emperor shows us is because of the war we are waging with you Latin noblemen. If you were not, he would consider us baser. For that reason, I want you to know that I would rather you have the castle of Kalamata than the emperor. And so I want to tell you about something that I learned from a friend of mine who is in the emperor’s council. So that I can be certain that no one will learn that I have told you about this, I want you to give me your solemn promise that you will not reveal it to anyone in the world.’ 723. When the barons heard this, they were very happy, because they doubted whether the emperor would keep his word. And so they promised never to reveal what he told them. ‘I swear to you in truth,’ said Sgoromaly, ‘that the fine promise the emperor made to you was only because King Charles’s knight was there, for he was shamed by the words that he said in your presence. The emperor really does not want to give you back the castle. I am certain that he wishes to make you letters of commandment saying he gives it back to you. If you return home by land, just as you came here, it will be a month before you are in Morea. The emperor intends to send letters with me to the captain there, telling him not to give you back anything but to appease you with words. You can see here the galley for Monemvasia, on which I am supposed to travel. You can imagine that if nothing 91

 Longnon has two paragraphs here numbered 721.

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bad happens at sea, I will arrive in Morea before you. If you really want to achieve your business, remember that the emperor told you he would give the answer when he gets up. 724. ‘And so, make sure that the king’s knight comes with you before the emperor when you speak with him and ask that he give the order. I too will be there and will hasten earlier from him so to board the galley that is in port and is scheduled to leave tomorrow morning. When you are before the emperor, ask him to issue the order. He will order the dragoman to write the missive for you. Fall at his feet and tell him that the route you took by land is too long and perilous and that you have learned there is a galley in port bound for Monemvasia in the morning and that you implore him to order that the galley take you aboard. Also, because I am here and am his official over there, ask that the order that he will have written include how he orders me expressly that I should give you the castle of Kalamata, verbally, in front of all his barons. Once you have arranged matters in this way, I promise and swear by my faith as an honest man that I will do all in my power to see that you regain your castle of Kalamata. If you decide to do otherwise, you will be tricked and deceived.’ 725. When the barons heard this proposition, they thanked this Sgoromaly very much on behalf of the prince and themselves and promised him that if their mission succeeded just as he had devised it, they would arrange for him to have as a reward three thousand hyperpyra and a good horse. 726. After they had arranged their affairs, just as you have heard, this Sgoromaly took his leave. The barons stayed in their lodgings and talked about the advice that the good man gave them. After they had discussed at length how the emperor planned to deceive them, they said it would be good to let Lord Peter of Surie know about it, in hope he would give them some good advice about the matter. They called for their palfreys, mounted, and went directly to Lord Peter’s lodgings. 727. When they were with him, they told him everything Sgoromaly had told them. Lord Peter was surprised, but he said he believed it was the truth, as he knew the emperor was malicious and never kept his word. They agreed to go to see the emperor. They asked that Lord Peter go ahead so that they might find him there when they came, and that just as he had from the beginning, he would help them successfully complete their mission. Lord Peter promised them to do everything in his power to help them. 728. Lord Peter mounted his horse and went directly to the imperial palace, where he found the emperor with all his baronage. The two barons came after him. When they were before the emperor, they reminded him of their business, and begged him to allow them to go on the galley for Monemvasia. 729. The emperor replied and said the following to Lord Geoffrey. The Slavs who took the castle of Kalamata were not very obedient to him and that if he wanted to proceed according to law, he would not be bound to have the castle of Kalamata returned ‘because the Slavs were not all restrained by the treaty I made with Prince Florent. But because you were in my prison for such a long time, and

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your wife is my relative,92 I grant you this castle by my grace and as a gift. Once you have taken possession of it, if you wish to give it over to your lord, do that of your will.’ 730. When Lord Geoffrey of Aunoy heard this answer, he fell on his knees at the emperor’s feet and thanked him many times, and Chauderon did the same. The emperor commanded the grand chancellor to write the order, just as the two barons wanted it written. 731. Then the barons told him this: that it had been a great hardship for them to come overland from Morea through Thessaly into the lands of Romania. So since they had learned that a ship from Monemvasia was in the port of Constantinople and was about to depart, they entreated him, as their lord, that the ship should carry them to Morea. ‘And the order Your Holy Crown is preparing for your captain, we ask that it be given to Kyr George Sgoromaly, your prothoalogatora, who is aboard, and that he himself come give us the castle of Kalamata.’ 732. Then Lord Peter of Surie came forward and said to the emperor: ‘Ah, my Lord, because Your Holy Crown is returning the castle to them, may it please you to graciously grant what they would ask you.’ The emperor answered that it would indeed please him to grant what they asked. He then called this Sgoromaly who was before him, and in the hearing of all who were there, ordered him to go in person with these knights and see to it that they be put in complete possession of the castle of Kalamata. He also commanded that the order be written exactly as the barons had asked it be worded. 733. When the affair had been concluded just as you hear, the two barons took leave of the emperor. They arranged it so that the emperor relieved Sgoromaly of his own responsibilities so that he could accompany the two barons. When they had completed all their affairs, they left the emperor, went to their lodgings, and ordered their servants to take their horses and return to Morea by land. They joined Sgoromaly, boarded the ship, and arrived at Monemvasia in seven days. 734. Soon after debarking from the ship, they found and hired horses and headed straight for Mistra. When they arrived there, they did not want to rest for a moment, but hired new horses, took leave of Sgoromaly, and went straight to the castle of Nisi, where they found Prince Florent, who was besieging Kalamata. They told him all that had happened with the emperor. 735. When Prince Florent heard what the two barons had done to get back the castle of Kalamata, he was happy and joyful. It is true that it would have taken him quite a while to take the castle. The prince then called for a messenger and for letters of introduction, and sent the messenger to Mistra, where Kyr George Sgoromaly was. He entreated him, his good friend, to come as quickly as possible so the prince could show him the love and goodwill that as the barons had told him he felt toward him. The prince was ready to fulfill this and more, which the barons had promised on the prince’s behalf. 92  No information was found on the wife of Geoffrey of Aunoy, kinswoman of the emperor. The relationship is mentioned again in ¶749.

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736. Sgoromaly was not the least bit lazy, and he would not wait for the prince’s messenger, because he greatly desired to complete the mission he had begun and to fulfill the promise to Prince Florent’s barons. As soon as the barons left him, after they had arrived together at Mistra, he took the emperor’s soldiers and other men so that they numbered a good three hundred mounted men. He went by way of Veligosti and Akova, descended by way of Makryplagi Pass into the valley of Calamy, then past Loutro, and then directly to the castle of Kalamata. 737. When he was there, he went down to the town and took ten archontes into his company, those whom he most trusted because they were of his lineage, all of them armed just as they had been when they left the castle. He found that George la Vulge and Fanari had about twenty men in their company who were guarding the castle. He greeted them on the emperor’s behalf, told them the emperor was happy that they had taken the castle of Kalamata, and he was pleased with them. He said he brought letters for the captain to grant each of them five hundred hyperpyra of land. 738. At that point, he pretended to order that the letters be brought to him there, outside the town. He also called for the best archontes and soldiers who had come with him, as though for them to hear the letters that he brought to them from the Holy Emperor. Some thirty men came, the best in his company and the best armed. When he had around fifty men in his service, he surrounded the castle on all sides, and then he had a letter of commandment that he brought from the emperor opened and read. When the letter had been read, he told them, so that all present could hear: 739. ‘Dear Friends and Companions, you know that our sovereign, the Holy Emperor, concluded a peace with Prince Florent. And the prince, who is wise and noble, kept his word and did not want to break the peace over the death of such a noble baron as was the lord of Vostitza, but kept it well and firmly, until the time that you took over this castle. You made the most noble sovereign in Christianity go back on his word by your wickedness and gluttony. For that reason, the emperor sent me here, to receive the castle for him. For this reason, I order you, on behalf of our sovereign, the emperor, to come out and leave here and abandon the castle. If not, I will have you thrown over the castle walls.’ 740. As soon as he had spoken, the soldiers and other noblemen who were with him seized the Slavs and threw them out. Then he sent two mounted men to Prince Florent at the castle of Nisi asking him to send Lord John Chauderon and Lord Geoffrey of Aunoy, the lord of Arcadia, so that he could turn the castle over to them. 741. When the prince heard this news, he was extremely happy. Right away, he called the barons and commanded them to go take possession of the castle. Wanting very much to hear this news, the barons mounted their horses and took the men they wanted with them. They went directly to Kalamata, and all of them went up to the castle, where they found Sgoromaly waiting for them. He greeted them as soon as he saw them approaching, and then gave them the keys to the fortress. After

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he had given them back the castle, he went into the town, and he and his whole company mounted up and went directly to Micromani and dismounted there. 742. The noble baron, Lord John of Tournay, lord of Kalavryta came there and greeted him on the prince’s behalf and presented him with a fine horse that the prince had sent him. Then the prince’s treasurer, who had accompanied the lord of Kalavryta, gave him three gold florins which the other barons had promised him. When Sgoromaly received the horse, which was extremely fine, he got off his own palfrey and mounted the horse and led it onto the plains of Mani and rode it around quite a while. 743. When he had ridden sufficiently to know that the horse was good, he dismounted and mounted his palfrey, came toward Lord John of Tournay, and took leave of him. He asked the lord to give the prince his regards, telling him to let the prince know he would have liked to have seen and spoken with him, but he dared not do it, lest slanderers accused and blamed him for giving the prince the castle, and please to excuse him for this. Then he went to stay the night in the valley of Calamy and went the next day to stay at the castle of Mistra. 744. When he was there, he found a message the emperor had sent, saying that he must not give Kalamata back for any reason. When the men of Mistra learned that Sgoromaly had given the castle of Kalamata back to Prince Florent and that he had done it totally without proper orders and wishes from the emperor, they ran at him and wanted to arrest him and send him to the emperor. For this reason, he had to flee Mistra. 745. He then went to Laconia. After that, he lost his titles and office. He fled from town to town until finally, he died in a haystack. This was a great shame because he was a prudhomme and a valiant man who loved the Latins greatly. 746. We will stop talking about him and will tell you about Prince Florent. Geoffrey of Aunoy gets his castle from Prince Florent 747. When Prince Florent got the castle of Kalamata back, just as we have told you, he gave thanks to God and was happy and joyful, because he had never believed he would recover it. When Lord Geoffrey of Aunoy, the lord of Arcadia, imagined the prince so happy, he asked Chauderon to accompany him to see the prince and to testify to the prince that the emperor had relinquished and given the castle to him, not to the prince. He actually did all this so the prince would give him the half of the castle of Arcadia that the prince held, because Lord Geoffrey only held half. 748. Lord Geoffrey took Chauderon by the hand and went before the prince and said to him: ‘Lord Prince, you know that it was at your will and command that I went to Constantinople with Chauderon, here beside me. For this reason, I ask you as my lord, to command him to tell you the truth about how and under what circumstances the emperor returned to us the castle of Kalamata.’ 749. Then the prince told Chauderon that he should tell what he knew about the affair. Chauderon then began to speak and to tell how the emperor told Lord Geoffrey that he was returning and giving the castle of Kalamata to him as a gift,

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because of the love the emperor had for Geoffrey’s wife, who was related to him,93 and not to Prince Florent. The emperor said he had no reason to return the castle to the prince, since the castle had not been taken or occupied by his men, but by the Slavs, a willful people who never obey any lord. And if the emperor could get the castle from the Slavs in some way, he would still wish to give it to Lord Geoffrey as a gift, and that the prince had no right to it. 750. After Chauderon had had his say, Lord Geoffrey thrust himself before the prince and spoke to him as follows: ‘Lord Prince, you have heard the grand constable tell you how the emperor did not want to give you the castle in your name, but gave it to me because of the fact that my wife is, as mentioned, his relative. And so I am telling you, Sire, that Kalamata is your very own castle and your inheritance, and that the emperor’s men stole it, even though they say it was the Slavs who do not obey them. The emperor said he was giving me the castle as a gift because of my wife, who is his relative. I am saying, with all due respect to him, that even though the Slavs do not obey any lord, it is well known that the Slavs are under his law and of his faith, and they obey him more than any other ruler. They took your castle because you and the emperor had sworn a peace together. And so, if I wanted to say that the castle of Kalamata should be mine for the reasons he said, I would not have right or law behind me. And so I say, by all rights, the castle should be yours. 751. ‘My father, Lord Villain of Aunoy, came to this country with Emperor Baldwin of Flanders, and out of the goodness of his heart, your father-in-law, my lord Prince William, his cousin, gave him the castle of Arcadia and asked him to stay there. After that time, your court obtained half of it as part of my deceased sister’s inheritance. If you would be willing to give me back that half in recognition of the service I have rendered you and could render in the future, it would give me courage to serve you henceforth with even greater willingness and would provide an example to your other vassals for them to give you even greater service. I am asking you, as my very beloved lord, that I do not fail in my plea.’ 752. The prince, who was very astute, acquiesced without seeking any advice, because the proposal pleased him very much. He forthwith invested him with his glove and then ordered his protovestiary to put Geoffrey in possession of the castle. 753. After the prince had done this favor for Lord Geoffrey of Aunoy and given him this gift, he ordered the castle of Kalamata be furnished and provided with everything he needed. After the castle was provided a castellan, a constable, menat-arms, and necessary provisions, the prince and his entire baronage left Nisi and returned to Morea, each to his own lands. 754. After the prince returned to Morea, just as I have told you, he did not stay very long until he had finished all that he had to do, and then he went to Apulia and went to see King Charles, his liege lord, to pay him the reverence he owed him.

93  No information was found on the wife of Geoffrey of Aunoy and kinswoman of the emperor. The relationship is mentioned also in ¶729.

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Roger of Lauria raids off the coast while Prince Florent is in Italy 755. We will stop talking about Prince Florent and will tell you about an adversity that happened to those in Morea while the prince was in the kingdom of Apulia with King Charles. 756. At the time I am telling you about, while Prince Florent was in Apulia, the Holy Father, pope of Rome,94 ordered peace be made between King Charles and King James of Aragon, because the war in which they were engaged was the most heated and deadly ever in all Christendom. So in order to end the war and strengthen the peace, the pope consented and ordered that Lord Robert, the duke of Calabria, King Charles’s elder son, marry King James’s daughter,95 and that Don Frederick, King James’s son, marry King Charles’s daughter.96 757. After this peace had been sealed, and the people under these two kings could come and go from one kingdom to another in peace, it happened that a knight from Calabria named Lord Roger of Lauria, at that time the bravest, most enterprising, and most famous knight in all of Christendom, was with King Frederick of Sicily, against King Charles. When he learned that these two kings had concluded peace between them, he did not want to waste any time, but went to speak to his sovereign, King Frederick, and said: 758. ‘Sire, since God has willed it that you conclude a lasting peace with your enemy, I don’t want to waste time or stay here for no reason. And so, if it pleases you, I would like to go to some areas of Romania to see the country and seek my fortune in some manner.’ 759. The king willingly agreed to it. Since he had the king’s word and command, he ordered and outfitted thirty ships, both galleys and transport ships to carry the horses. After he had outfitted this army all on his own, he left from the city of Messina and went by way of Glarentza. Then he passed along the rivers and seas of Morea without landing or doing any kind of damage anywhere. He continued along to the island of Chios, which is in the Aegean Sea. 760. There his men debarked, on foot and on horseback, and they overran the entire country. They took many prisoners and all the mastic97 that they found in the castles and in other places they went, because there is no other place in the world 94

 The pope at the time was Boniface VIII (b. 1235; ruled from December 1294 until his death in 1303). He organized the first Roman Catholic ‘jubilee’ year in 1300. 95  Yolanda of Aragon (1273–1302) was the sister, not daughter, of James of Aragon. See the list of unnamed women for details. 96  King James II of Aragon himself, not his son, married Blanche of Anjou (1280–1310). See the list of unnamed women for her details. King James did not have a son named Frederick; however, he did have a brother named Frederick, who was king of Sicily. 97  Mastic, especially that from Chios, was highly valued throughout the ancient and medieval eras primarily for its medicinal properties. The modern world still finds many uses for it. Webster’s New World Dictionary defines it as: ‘A yellowish resin obtained from a small Mediterranean evergreen tree … used as an astringent and in making varnish, adhesives, etc.’ Webster’s New World College Dictionary, 5th edn (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2014).

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that has as much mastic as the island of Chios. They got enough to fill two galleys. After they had done what they wanted on that island, their men landed on several other islands. They pillaged and ravaged and captured a great deal of booty, and they took men at will. 761. On their return, they went by way of Monemvasia, where they took the city, which was below the castle, by force of arms. They took the archbishop and all the goods they found in the city, but all the nobles and commoners escaped, because they went up into the castle, on the huge rock there. 762. They left Monemvasia and went to the promontory where the castle of Grand Magne is located. Before they entered the port, they raised the banners of Saint Mark98 and made it look as though they were merchants from Venice, in order to deceive the townspeople. They carried some of their possessions out to sell them and also began to buy some things that people brought them. When the people felt at ease, they began to sell eagerly and brought plenty more to sell. When Sir Roger saw that no more people were coming, he arrested those who were there and seized them with everything they had. They were put on the ships and taken to Sicily as slaves. Once Sir Roger of Lauria had done that, he gathered his men. They raised anchor and set sail. 763. They came straight away to the port of Navarino. When they arrived, Sir Roger felt secure because he knew the principality of Morea was under King Charles, who had concluded peace with King Frederick, his lord. He told his men to go ashore, and if they could, to get water and other refreshments they might need. They went ashore feeling safe, and led their horses out of the transport ships to refresh them. A skirmish between Lord Roger and John of Tournay in Morea 764. At this time, it so happened that Lord George Ghisi held the barony of Chalandritza and had lordship over it. He was married to Lord Guy of Trimolay’s daughter99 and was the captain of the castellany of Kalamata. When he saw Lord Roger’s galleys and ships sailing past Coron, sails unfurled, he thought that the ships would surely land and ravage the countryside of Kalamata. He took nobleman Lord John of Tournay, who was at the time in the town of Androusa, John’s brother Otto, and many other knights, squires, and noblemen who were in his company, and they went directly to the port of Navarino. They found that Lord Roger had debarked with many of his men, on foot and horseback, to refresh themselves. 765. As soon as our men spotted them, they did not delay but set out toward them as quickly as they could pull up their horses. When Lord Roger saw them coming in such haste, he ordered the trumpet sounded. He had his men arm themselves, and they mounted all the horses they had on land.

98  Venice had its own banner, one bearing a winged lion, the symbol of Saint Mark, patron saint of the city. 99  No information has been found about this lady.

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766. When he came toward the assembled men, Lord Roger singled out Lord John of Tournay, who rode chivalrously in front of everyone. He was a great knight, one to be marveled at, the best armed of all his company. Lord Roger rode his horse toward him. When Lord John of Tournay, the greatest, best, and most valiant knight in all Morea, saw Lord Roger coming toward him, he thought he recognized Lord Roger of Lauria from the handsome armor he wore. He rode his horse toward him, and they met each other with great force and struck each other so hard that their lances shattered. 767. Lord John, who was the stronger man, hit Lord Roger’s body with such force that he threw him and his horse to the ground in a heap. When the foot soldiers saw Lord Roger fall to earth with such force, they thought he was dead. They ran quickly after Lord John with their javelins and lances and killed his horse. When Lord John found himself on the ground, he sprang up quite vigorously, drew his sword, put his shield in front of his chest, and began to fight and kill this mass of foot soldiers. 768. But neither his defenses nor fighting tactics could have prevented his death from the daggers and lances that they hurled at him, had not God and Lord Roger come to his aid. After Lord Roger had been felled as violently as you have heard, he was so wounded from the fall that he could not get up when he wanted to. But as soon as he was able to get up and saw Lord John, the man who felled him, completely surrounded by his men, he drew his sword as quickly as he could, shouting to his men that they should not kill the knight on any account. 769. When they heard Lord Roger, their sovereign, and saw him calling them to cease, they did not dare strike another blow at Lord John. Then Lord Roger came toward him and said very kindly: ‘Sir Knight, do not allow yourself to be killed by these men, because it would not be to your honor and would be a great shame for so valiant a knight as you. Surrender to me, and I promise and swear to you, as a loyal knight, that nothing bad will happen to you from anyone.’ 770. When Lord John realized he could not defend himself alone and that Lord Roger was protecting him and reassuring him so nobly, he surrendered to him. Lord Roger then ordered that two horses be brought to him; he presented one to Lord John, and he mounted the other. They went fully armed together up to the red galley, which was outfitted for Lord Roger personally. 771. When they were at the shore, they dismounted and went aboard the galley. There they disarmed, and then they were brought two scarlet mantles, which they donned. Then Lord Roger took him by the hand; they sat down in the poop-deck of the galley. Sir Roger asked what had happened to Lord John of Tournay’s men and his soldiers. They said they had captured Lord George Ghisi, the captain, six knights, Otto of Tournay, Lord John’s brother, and eighty-four squires, all of them mounted. 772. When Lord Roger realized that he had beaten the men of Morea, he was very happy, especially so since he knew he had been so close to death when Lord John knocked him off his horse in such a knightly manner. He would have died if the soldiers who were around him had not saved him.

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773. He ordered all the prisoners put into the galleys; however, on his own galley he wanted no one but Lord John of Tournay and two valets to serve them. Lord Roger acted like a father to Lord John, saying he was the most valiant knight he had ever fought since he first bore arms. After that, they brought in something to eat and drink. 774. After they had drunk, he began to speak to Lord John and said the following: ‘Sir Knight, do not be displeased, but I would really like to know your name so that I can make your acquaintance, if you please, Sir.’ And Lord John, who was wise and spoke well, answered politely: ‘Sire, those who know me call me John of Tournay.’ ‘Ah, Sire,’ said Lord Roger, ‘besides you, is there a baron from this country named Geoffrey of Tournay? I saw him in Calabria.’ ‘Certainly,’ said Lord John, ‘he was my lord and my father.’ 775. ‘By my faith, I must say that you resemble him quite a bit,’ Lord Roger said, ‘for he was one of the most handsome and tallest knights I have ever seen and considered a prudhomme and a valiant knight. I know this about him, that when King Charles was fighting hand-to-hand with King Peter of Aragon at Bordeaux on the Garonne River, each having one hundred knights in their company, your father was one of the knights whom King Charles selected to be in his company. For this reason, I am even happier than before, because I was defeated by a gentleman and one of the most valiant knights in the world. I reckon it a great honor to have received a hit from the lance of such a knight as you.’ 776. Then he asked him whether he was married or not. Lord John answered that he was married to Count Richard of Cephalonia’s daughter.100 ‘By my faith,’ said Lord Roger, ‘that is a shame. If you were not married, I would give you my daughter101 for your wife, and I’d give you so much of my wealth that you would be the richest count in Sicily.’ ‘Sire,’ said Lord John, ‘I thank you, and I myself would like to do it to please you, if it could be done with honor.’ 777. When Lord John saw that Lord Roger was speaking to him so kindly, he took courage to speak more boldly than he had done, because he was his prisoner. Lord John said to him, ‘Sire, it is so throughout the world that whoever fights against an enemy hopes to win. For this reason and in this hope, I came into battle specifically to defend the lands of my lord the Prince, my liege lord, although the opposite of my intentions happened. And frankly, I see that God gave you the victory, and you hold me a prisoner. And so I would like to know, if it pleases you, what your intentions are for me and the other men who were taken with me, whom you hold captive.’ 778. ‘As for me, Sir Knight, I will tell you everything I intend to do, because you have asked me to. I swear to you that if you were not married, I would demand no ransom at all for you, but would take you to Sicily with me, give you my daughter in marriage, and make you the greatest count in the kingdom. But since 100  Possibly Guillerma, daughter of Richard of Cephalonia. See her entry in the annotated index for details. 101  No information has been found about this lady.

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you are married, I will show you the grace, honor, and courtesy due such a valiant knight as you. For valiant knights deserve such a custom because of their might and their valor. And so, I put the affair in your hands and promise you, as a true knight, that I will make your deliverance exactly as you wish, because of the enormous goodness I find in you.’ 779. Lord John replied, ‘Sire, a thousand thanks for your frank words and for the great honor you are showing me, even though you have me captive, because I do not deserve it at all. Nonetheless, Sire, since out of your nobility and great courtesy, you give me the freedom of arranging my own deliverance, I say this, subject to your amendments. Because God and your good fortune gave you victory over us, and you vanquished us in battle and you hold us prisoner, may it please you to take us to the port of Glarentza so that we can get money there for our ransom. And may it please you to calculate and order what each of us will give you, according to his ability. And then, Sire, after we have paid our ransom, if it pleases you to continue the great recognition and honor you have shown me your knight, you will set us free, and then you will make your voyage. May God in his mercy lead you to safety.’ 780. ‘By my faith,’ said Lord Roger, ‘I consent to what you propose.’ Lord John of Tournay replied, ‘Then, Sire, I beg you, to name what amount pleases you to tax each one for his ransom.’ 781. ‘In God’s name,’ Lord Roger said, ‘I have asked about your and your men’s worth and condition, and know that you are poor in assets because you are lavish spenders. But Lord Ghisi is much richer than you because his father, Lord Bartholomew the elder, has a great deal of money. I want him to give me ten thousand hyperpyra in your currency, and not one denier less. Of those ten thousand hyperpyra, I will give you two thousand to make a suit of armor with my coat of arms on it to wear in my honor and in my memory whenever it pleases you. And you will give me two thousand hyperpyra with which I want to make a suit of armor bearing your coat of arms to wear in remembrance of you. After that, for your love, I want you to have this as a favor: your brother, Otto of Tournay, and all the squires and the other men who were captured with you shall be freed without paying any ransom.’ 782. When Lord John heard the great nobility and generous courtesy that Lord Roger showed him, he removed his hat and bowed low and thanked him just as was suitable. Then he asked Lord Roger to allow him to send one of his squires by land to Glarentza to certify to his deputy that he had been freed and to order money for his ransom. And Lord Roger granted it graciously. 783. He then called for one of his squires and sent him to his deputy, telling him that he had agreed to give four thousand hyperpyra for his ransom and that he should arrange to have them ready when Lord Roger’s galleys arrived. He said to himself that it would not be honorable to apply the two thousand hyperpyra that Lord Roger was giving him toward the ransom provided by Lord George Ghisi. Instead, he wanted to pay the entire four thousand hyperpyra himself.

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784. When everything we have told you was arranged, Lord Roger stayed in the port of Navarino for two days to rest and refresh his men and his horses. On the third day, he ordered them to leave and head straight for Glarentza. Once they were back aboard the galleys, they left the port and went directly to Glarentza. Roger of Lauria meets with Princess Isabelle at Glarentza 785. It happened that Princess Isabelle, Prince Florent’s wife, was at Glarentza at the time. She had learned of Lord Roger’s arrival and the capture of the men from the castellany of Kalamata. She had called all the Moreot nobles to come defend the town and to arrange to free those who were captured. The princess asked for advice. She ordered the admiral of Glarentza to board his light frigate to go meet Lord Roger, greet him on her behalf, and ask that he come down directly to the port of Glarentza in good faith. For if it pleased him, she would gladly talk with him. 786. The admiral, who at once had his frigate outfitted, boarded it right away and went directly to the waters around Beauvoir. He met Lord Roger who was sailing in with all his ships. He recognized his galley right away, its being red. He sailed toward him, and when he was near, bowed and saluted him appropriately. Afterward, he spoke with Lord Roger and greeted him on behalf of his lady, the princess, telling him that she asked him to come directly to the port of Glarentza, because she very much wanted to get together and talk with him. Lord Roger, who was wise, responded courteously, saying he thanked the princess greatly for her greeting and that he would happily do her bidding. Then he ordered his ships and sailors to set their sails for Glarentza. 787. When he arrived at Glarentza, he came into port in a most lordly manner. As soon as the anchors were lowered, he sent two knights to the princess. They greeted her on his behalf and told her: ‘My Lady, Lord Roger of Lauria sends you greetings and all honors. He acknowledges to you that he certainly knows you hold your land from King Charles and that King Charles maintains a firm peace with our lord, King Peter of Aragon and Sicily. And because the two kings are at peace everywhere that they rule, Lord Roger, when he passed by here and went to Romania, would not let any of his ships land in your country, not even to get water or any refreshment, and he intended to do the same on his return. 788. ‘Now it is true that, being confident in the peace we have, we landed in the port of Navarino to get some water and refresh our horses, who were weary of sea travel. At this point, some of your people from the region came and outrageously attacked us. And we, my lady, as the men-at-arms that we are, defended ourselves as best we could. It so happened, as the fortunes of war treat enemies, we were victorious. We captured your men in battle and carried them here on our galleys. This is the reason Lord Roger says that the fault lies with your men and that he conquered them in a fair fight. They broke the peace that our sovereigns made and outrageously attacked us. They were taken in battle. He beat them in a fair battle. He does not want to offend you in any way; nonetheless, he asks if you would be willing to talk with him, just as you requested by way of your admiral. If it pleases

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you, designate a suitable place outside this city, and he will be happy to come in good faith and without any deception.’ 789. When the knights had said all that Lord Roger had commanded, the princess, who was a good lady and wise, replied very nobly that they were welcome, that she accepted Lord Roger’s message graciously, and she thanked them very much. Then she called for Lord John Chauderon, the grand constable, and the other barons and sought their advice. 790. Then she answered the knights and told them they should return to their lord, greet him on her behalf, and tell him that she had willingly accepted what he had sent by his messenger. ‘About the place outside of town where you say he wants us to meet and talk, tell him this, that if it pleases him, it seems best to us that it be outside at a tower called Calopotamy, on the shore of the sea.’ She instructed two knights, who went with Lord Roger’s two knights, took him the message, and arranged that he come to that tower. Thus the oaths were taken and affirmed. 791. The princess mounted her palfrey and went directly with all her barons to the tower of Calopotamy. Lord Roger left his ship and came toward the princess well accompanied and saluted her most courteously. They sat down in the shade of the tower on beautiful Turkish rugs that had been rolled out, and they began to talk of many things. 792. After they had talked and discussed matters for a while, Sir Roger, who was wise, began to speak to the princess and to excuse himself, just as he had done by way of his knights. He said that King Charles and King Peter of Aragon had concluded and sworn a peace for them and all their countrymen, that Prince Florent, her baron, held his lands from King Charles. He himself had gone to Romania seeking his fortune, and when he passed by the shores of Glarentza, he did not want to take harbor in her country because he did not want his men to pillage her country in any way. 793. On the return journey, he needed to get fresh water and food for the horses, which were weary of sea travel, and he landed at the port of Navarino. He had forbidden his men, before they disembarked, to leave the port or to go far from the galleys to do any harm in the country. He had disembarked in good faith, trusting in the peace that the two kings had agreed upon in their realms. But the men of the country had attacked them outrageously, and he, in defending himself, had taken them fighting in battle and held them on his ships in order to ransom them. He had done this out of courtesy for love of Prince Florent and her. 794. At this the princess, realizing that she could not regain her barons and the other men who had been captured by any other means, thanked Lord Roger very much and said her men were the guilty ones. It was ordered that the townspeople of Glarentza furnish the money to pay for the barons. They gave eight thousand hyperpyra for Lord George Ghisi and four thousand hyperpyra for Lord John of Tournay. Then, Lord Roger ordered that they be freed. He had them brought before the princess, and then he said this about my lord John of Tournay when he stood in front of the princess and all the barons who were there:

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795. ‘My Lady Princess, I recommend to you this knight as one of the best knights in the world, of all those that I have ever seen in all the wars I have been in. I swear to you that he felled me with a blow of his lance, me and my horse, all in one heap and he could have killed me chivalrously had not my foot soldiers saved me. I count such an event a great honor, that I traded lance blows with such a knight as he; a king or a prince ought to be happy having a lance blow from such a prudhomme as he. I promise you, as a loyal knight and on my faith, if he were free to marry, I would accept no ransom at all from him, but would take him back with me and give him my daughter as his wife and would make him the richest count in all of Sicily. But because the gentleman is married, it would be neither just nor honorable that I separate him from his wife.’ 796. The princess, who was a wise lady, thanked him as kindly as she could. Afterward, Lord Roger ordered that Otto of Tournay, Lord John’s brother, be brought before him together with all the squires who were imprisoned aboard the galleys. And in the presence of the princess, he gave them to Lord John as a gift. Then he had a handsome bay horse brought forward, one he kept for his own use, the most valuable he had, and a complete suit of armor bearing his coat of arms and had them presented to Lord John, asking that he wear it for love and remembrance of him. Lord John, who was sage and courtly, received everything Lord Roger gave him with great joy and thanked him very courteously as was suitable for as noble a man as he. 797. The princess, a wise and valiant lady, seeing Lord Roger’s goodness and nobility, called in Lord John Chauderon, the grand constable, and ordered him to arrange for foodstuffs to be brought to Lord Roger’s galleys for refreshment. And Chauderon, a wise prudhomme, had bread and wine brought in and countless cows and sheep and had them presented to Lord Roger on behalf of the princess. Lord Roger accepted them most courteously and had them divided among his galleys. After all these things were done, Lord Roger took leave of the princess and boarded his galley. 798. After he was aboard, the princess sent one of her knights and the master chamberlain to him with wonderful jewels, which the original book does not mention. When the hour of nightfall came, Lord Roger had the anchors weighed; they departed from there and went directly to the city of Messina. Prince Florent returns to Morea to find a touchy situation in Skorta 799. We will stop telling you about Lord Roger of Lauria, the valiant warrior, and will tell you about Prince Florent, who at that time had gone to Apulia to see King Charles, his liege lord, and was not in Morea when Lord Roger of Lauria came there. 800. The story says that at the time Lord Roger of Lauria came to Romania and on his return captured the men of Morea at the port of Navarino, the prince heard the news that Lord Roger had been in the country of Morea and had taken his barons in battle. He was deeply unhappy about it and for this reason made haste to return as soon as possible to his country of Morea. He went to King Charles and

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told him about the affair and asked his leave to go. The king granted it. The prince left Naples and went directly to Brindisi, then boarded ships that he found ready and went to Glarentza. When he was in Morea, they told him how Lord Roger had taken his men prisoner and how he had freed them. The prince praised him at great length and said that he was truly a valiant prudhomme. 801. Prince Florent had managed to maintain an enduring peace with the emperor in Constantinople, which lasted more than seven years. Shortly after the prince returned, while the peace was in effect, noble baron Guy of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza, was killed, and the Slavs of Gianitza captured the noble castle of Kalamata. Then it was returned, just as you heard before this. Nor for any other thing that might have befallen them was the peace broken. 802. By mischance and adversity, something happened in the land of Skorta at a lovely meadow, which is called Livadi in Greek, in front of a castle called Vervena. They held fairs there, called panejours in Greek, which take place nowadays in mid-June. People came to the fairs from all around to buy and to sell, people from both the emperor’s and the prince’s lands. 803. Well, beside the meadow where the fair took place lived a knight named Lord Gerard of Remy in his own town, called Nemnitza. While the fair was going on, the knight went out with his household to amuse themselves. He ran into an upstanding Greek man from Arakhova with the surname Korkondilos who had come to sell his silk. The Greek had words with the knight. My lord Sir Gerard became inflamed with anger at what he heard. He struck Korkondilos with the butt of the lance he held in his hand, I don’t know if it was one blow or two. 804. Korkondilos reckoned this event a grave dishonor and felt deeply humiliated. He left Vervena right away and went away directly to his home in Arakhova. He sent people to seek out one of his relatives named Anino who had married his daughter.102 The man was a cellarer at the castle of Saint George, a strong castle that is nearby, above the town of Arakhova. He told Anino how Lord Gerard of Remy had cruelly struck and beat him during the Vervena Fair, something he considered a great dishonor. If he did not avenge himself, he would die of humiliation. 805. They consulted together about how they could get revenge. Finally, they agreed that there could be no better revenge they could take or worse harm and humiliation they could inflict on the Latins than to arrange some way that they could give the castle of Saint George to the emperor. After the castle had been taken, they could incite Skorta to rebel, and during the revolt, they could have their friends seize this Lord Gerard and make him die a terrible death. 806. After they concluded their discussion, they agreed that they could carry out all of it without involving anyone else. So this Anino left and returned to the castle of Saint George where he was cellarer. He called for a sergeant named Boniface, who guarded the donjon tower. He was his good friend. 102

 No information has been located about Korkondilos or his daughter.

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807. He swore him to secrecy about what he was going to tell him. As soon as Boniface had sworn, Anino told him the plan: how he had agreed with Korkondilos, his father-in-law, to take the castle of Saint George and give it to the Greeks. Further, if Boniface wanted to join with them in doing what was planned, they would share the property and reward that they might get from the Greeks. When Boniface – that deceitful traitor – heard about the great gifts and goods that Anino told him about and planned on having from the Greeks, he consented to give the Greeks the tower. 808. When they had planned and organized how they should take the castle, this Korkondilos left Arakhova and went straight to Mistra. There he found a Greek nobleman named Kyr Leon Mavropapas, who was captain over a hundred Turks, mercenaries employed by the emperor. Because he was from Skorta and was his relative and close friend, he called him aside and made him promise to keep secret what he was going to tell him. 809. Korkondilos began to tell him how they could capture and then possess the castle of Saint George and then give it to the emperor, realizing the possessions and rewards that he and his companions would have from it. Kyr Leon was delighted, particularly because by overtaking this castle the emperor could increase his standing and honor. 810. He took leave of Korkondilos, went away to the emperor’s grand captain, and told him how he could have the castle of Saint George. When the grand captain heard this plan, he was extremely pleased. This was the very castle, the very fortress, the emperor wanted more than any other that the Latins held at the time, since it was on the border of Skorta. 811. It is true that they thought the emperor might be angry, because he had sworn personally to keep peace with Prince Florent, and possibly he would give it back to him, just as he had given back the castle of Kalamata. But finally they agreed and said that the emperor would not give it back for any price. The castle was the best situated of all in the country, because it sat at the chief point of Skorta. By having this castle, he could have all of Skorta, and having Skorta, he could easily have all of Morea. 812. They agreed to the plan, then ordered gifts and favors be given to the traitors (who were actually worthy of being dragged behind horses and hanged – traitors deserve no other reward). They had letters and privileges written about what the traitors were to get. Then they planned how and on what day the castle would be betrayed and taken. 813. After he had arranged all this business, the traitor Korkondilos took leave of the captain, Kyr Leon, and returned to his home in Arakhova. There, he called for his son-in-law Anino and for Boniface, the two traitors. He told them everything he had done and organized, and showed them the letters and the oaths the captain had made for them. 814. When they had agreed upon the treachery, Korkondilos went to a castle named Chelmos near Veligosti, where he found Kyr Leon Mavropapas, captain of the Turks. He was there with all his company, who hunted in the countryside

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and amused themselves, waiting for the day and the time when the castle would be returned to them. Korkondilos took ten men from this host with him and went at night by moonlight, just as he had planned it, and found that Anino had already put the ladder against the wall of the donjon. 815. They immediately climbed up, went in, and then climbed onto the tower. They took all the sergeants and the guards, tied them up, and put them in the bottom of the tower. When they had lordship of the castle, they unfurled the pennants and signals they had arranged with Mavropapas. When he saw the pennants, Mavropapas and all his company mounted their horses. They came to the castle of Saint George at the break of dawn as its rulers. 816. As you have heard, the noble castle of Saint George was betrayed by Korkondilos and given to the Greeks. Just as bad news always spreads quicker than the good, the news was taken to Prince Florent, who was at Andravida at the time, that Korkondilos had betrayed the castle of Saint George and had given it to the Greeks. 817. When the prince heard the news he was distressed. Right away, he called all the barons in his country and all manner of men, noblemen and commoners, to go and save the castle of Saint George, which the Greeks had taken by treachery. He took all his household troops (from his side about a hundred mounted horsemen, knights and squires) and all the men of Morea and from the castellany of Beauvoir. He arrived in two days at Saint George. He found that the captain of Skorta had arrived there with all the men he could muster and had besieged the castle of Saint George on all sides, which pleased him greatly. 818. When the prince was in front of the castle, he had his tent erected there, where the chestnut trees are, near the fountain. He said he would never leave until he had retaken the castle. He then issued another command to everyone who held lands from him: that they should come to the siege, bringing provisions. 819. When everyone had arrived from throughout the land, they held a council about what they should do to recapture the castle. Because the castle was situated on a high mountain and upon a strong rock so that it did not fear assault, it was decreed that another castle be built in front of it and the siege be maintained as long as it might endure. They began to fortify a mountain named le Spurte, which faces the castle of Saint George on the west side. 820. After they had constructed one tall tower, the prince was not pleased with it. So they abandoned it and began to build on top of another, even higher mountain named Malomigny. The prince called in a master from Coron who made a trebuchet for him that threw a huge boulder weighing more than fifty pounds at the tower of Saint George, destroying several battlements of the donjon’s tower. Despite that, those inside scarcely mentioned it but defended themselves like brave men. 821. After they had constructed a tall tower on this mountain of Malomigny, those who knew the countryside and the location very well, said that the mountain was so high, if the castle were built on it, no one could stay there because of the snow, the terrible cold, and the winds during the winter. So they abandoned it,

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saying the fortress would be better placed above the pass that was near the high mountain of Condiny, because it could close off the road by which one enters Skorta, going toward Saint George. 822. So everyone agreed that the fortress should be built at that location. The prince ordered work to begin there. This fortress was named Beaufort. While the prince maintained the siege and had the castle of Beaufort built, he was advised to procure and use other foot soldiers than those from Skorta. 823. The prince sent word to Apulia and was sent 50 foot soldiers, lancers, and crossbowmen. Then he made a treaty with Spany, a powerful Slav, who was lord of Kisterna and other castles around it. The prince gave him two towns in the castellany of Kalamata with agreements and privileges, which came with the required service of giving Prince Florent one battalion armed to his requirements. The Slav sent the prince two hundred foot soldiers, lancers, and archers. 824. When the prince had the men from Apulia and the Slavs at his command, he ordered them to mount a continual assault on the castle of Saint George. But those who were inside were so loyal to their lord that no matter how fierce the assault, they would not surrender the castle. 825. The prince kept besieging the castle of Saint George through the summer and realized he had conquered nothing. He asked the advice of the noblest men, who told him that since summer was long past and winter was coming, he could not easily keep up the siege, and they needed to leave, no matter what. They also told the prince that the best thing to do would be to provision the castle of Beaufort with men and food and to arrange that the horsemen, who were supposed to stay and hold the frontier at Arakhova, stay at Vervena. They could find no better or more comfortable place to stay than this, because Arakhova was disloyal. 826. Then the prince ordered that of the mounted men from the castellany of Kalamata, twenty horsemen stay year round in rotation, without fail, winter and summer, at the castle of Dimatre. Following advice his barons gave him, after the prince arranged for all these necessities and for several other things concerning the defense of Skorta, all of which would take a long time to relate, he gave his men permission to leave. He himself left the siege and went to Andravida, where he most often stayed. Prince Florent dies, and Isabelle rules Morea 827. Just as you have heard, war began between Prince Florent and the emperor over the capture of the castle of Saint George, and it ruptured the peace that had lasted more than seven years. Not long afterward, Prince Florent took to his bed with an illness, from which he died. This was a terrible shame because he was a wise prudhomme, who knew how to govern well and maintain his country and his people. He did not leave a male heir, only a daughter, who was named Mahaut. 828. Princess Isabelle was left a widow by her lord, Prince Florent. With the advice of her council, she arranged for Count Richard of Cephalonia to be regent and deputy of her country. After a short time, the princess left Morea and went to

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live in the castellany of Kalamata at the castle of Nisi, where she liked to live more than anywhere else. 829. After she had stayed at Nisi for a little while, she arranged for Benjamin of Kalamata, at the time the protovestiary of the principality, to be chancellor. She gave him the estate and the office, just as Chancellor Leonard was accustomed to having during the reign of Prince William, her father. She gave him more land than any other chancellor ever had. She gave the office of protovestiary to Kyr Vasylopule. After she had appointed her officers, she ordered a nobleman called Lord Engilbert of Liedekerke, Prince Florent’s nephew, to be grand constable of the principality, because Lord John Chauderon, who had been constable, had come to the end of his life. 830. After Princess Isabelle had appointed all her officials, following her barons’ advice, she began to have a castle built, called Chastelneuf. It was in the region of the valley of Calamy toward the west. This castle included all the towns around it down toward Arcadia and the port of Navarino. All of them customarily rendered tribute to the Greeks of Mistra and Gardichy, because at that time, the Greeks did not have any other castles in the vicinity of this region. As soon as Chastelneuf was built, the barons, noblemen, and vassals who held their lands in this castellany and paid tribute to the Greeks agreed that for seven years they should pay all that tribute instead to Chastelneuf. Princess Isabelle’s daughter Mahaut marries the duke of Athens 831. After the princess had settled all her affairs, she wintered at Nisi. When winter had passed, the princess left and went to Beauvoir. While there, she called for Count Richard of Cephalonia and for all her barons and liegemen and held a parliament to organize her affairs. Once the barons and other noblemen arrived and the parliament had begun, the wisest among them, the majority of her council, advised her to marry young lady Mahaut, her daughter, to some high nobleman, so she would have children to inherit her country. The princess agreed with the idea and said she would be glad to do it, but he must be a suitable man, one appropriate for her daughter. Many noblemen debated and discussed this issue. 832. After they had discussed the matter sufficiently and suggested the names of several gentlemen, Sir Nicholas of Saint-Omer,103 grand marshal of the principality, said that the noblest possible marriage in all of Romania would be to Lord Guy de la Roche, duke of Athens. When the count of Cephalonia (who was the marshal’s father-in-law) and all the other barons in the council heard the marshal name his cousin the duke of Athens, for love of him, they consented and praised this marriage above all the others. 833. The princess saw clearly that the count of Cephalonia, an old man and regent of her country, and the grand marshal, one of the noblest men in the principality and the most esteemed of all, and after them all the other noblemen in her council, praised this marriage. So, she was pleased and agreed to it. The council 103

 Nicholas III of Saint-Omer is meant here and henceforth.

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itself decreed that the marshal send two of his knights to the duke of Athens, his cousin, to say how by coming to see the princess he would honor him. Then the marshal would speak with him, on her behalf, about this marriage. 834. The marshal, fervently wishing this marriage be made to the duke, his cousin, commanded two of his most trusted knights to go to Thebes, where Duke Guy de la Roche was holding a parliament with his barons and other liegemen. When the two knights from the grand marshal of Morea were before the duke, they presented to him the letters of introduction that they brought him from his cousin, the marshal. When the duke had received the letters, he called the knights aside and asked them what they had to tell him from his cousin. 835. The knights, who were wise and well-instructed, told him that Princess Isabelle wanted to find a husband for her daughter, the young lady Mahaut. They said that his cousin, the marshal, had been so persuasive that the count of Cephalonia and all the barons of Morea advised the princess to marry her daughter to the duke of Athens rather than to anyone else, and that the princess herself agreed. Moreover, the marshal, their lord, summoned him, advising that the duke come to Morea himself to see the princess, who was his liege lady. They told him he should not hesitate for any reason in the world, because, for certain, if he came, the marriage would take place, with help from God and from his friends. 836. When the duke heard the news, he was overjoyed: which certainly, he well should have been, since he was to take and marry his liege lady, and through her, he would be prince of Morea. So he did not delay, but arrayed himself as richly as he could and sent for the lord of Amphissa, who was his liegeman and the finest prudhomme anyone knew in all of Romania, and for all his other barons and knights. He left Thebes and journeyed straight to Vlisiri, where he found Princess Isabelle. She had come there because the district was full of fine homes, and the baronage and all sorts of people could be lodged there more easily. 837. When the marshal knew for certain that his cousin, the duke, was coming, he took all the barons and knights who were there, and they proceeded to Andravida. They met the duke with great honor and led him directly to Vlisiri, where the princess was staying. When the princess saw the duke, she received him very joyfully and acted as charmingly toward him as she could, as she well knew how to do. 838. When the duke had been in the company of the barons and the noblemen of the country for two days or more, feasting and rejoicing like the young man he was, the marshal spoke to him (on the princess’s advice and bidding) about his marriage with the young lady Mahaut, the princess’s daughter. The duke, following the council of his cousin, the marshal, a man he trusted more than anyone else in the world, and that of his other barons and friends, replied most courteously and said that the marriage pleased him and he was ready to do everything just as the princess and the other barons would plan it. 839. The princess had council with her people about the marriage she was arranging for her daughter. It was said and planned that, because the castellany of Kalamata was the particular conquered property that the Champenois gave to

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the elder Lord Geoffrey of Villehardouin, the princess ought to give it to the duke upon his marriage to her daughter. Upon this, the matter was confirmed by the princess and her council: that for the marriage portion of young lady Mahaut, the duke should have the castellany of Kalamata, both the demesne and the homages. 840. They had the bishop of Olena come, and he performed the espousals with great solemnity. After the duke had espoused Lady Mahaut, his wife, he remained with his mother-in-law, Princess Isabelle, about twenty days, celebrating with the barons and the noblemen of Morea. Then he took leave of the princess and all the other nobles who were there, took his wife, the duchess, and went away to his country, to the city of Thebes. 841. It was not long after Princess Isabelle married off her daughter that there was a jubilee year when Rome gave pardons, which happens at the start of each century after the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.104 When she realized that the jubilee year had already begun, she said she would not let anything stop her from going there. She asked the advice of the most discreet men, those whom she trusted the most, how she should best arrange her own affairs and those of her country. She also asked to whom she might entrust her country: who could best govern it until her return. 842. The closest confidants of her council, in particular Benjamin of Kalamata, the chancellor, told her that because she was going to go as far as to Rome, she really should not leave her country under Count Richard of Cephalonia’s control. Count Richard was a very old man and no longer knew how to defend the country in case of war. However, Nicholas of Saint-Omer, the grand marshal, lord of half of Thebes, was the most powerful man in her principality, a brave man in war, and the best loved and feared in all the country. He could best perform the office of regent and of military governor in her country like no other person. Princess Isabelle goes to Rome for the jubilee and finds a husband 843. Then the princess called in the marshal. In the presence of all her barons, she requested him to assume the office of regent and rule over her principality until her return from Rome. The marshal, who was full of good sense and of all virtues and graces, did not at all want to refuse the request from the princess, his liege lady, but graciously and willingly agreed. Upon this, the princess turned over her country to him in the presence of all her barons and gave him all her powers by means of legal documents and covenants that he might govern in her stead. 844. After she had settled all her affairs, she equipped herself with everything she needed for her trip, then took leave of her people. She boarded two Venetian galleys that had come from Alexandria to Glarentza and she went directly for Ancona. There she landed, and from thence she traveled to the city of Rome.

104  For more information about this event, see Herbert L. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias, Rome 1300: On the Path of the Pilgrim (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2000).

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845. When Princess Isabelle arrived in Rome, she found the city packed with people who had come from throughout Christendom for the jubilee that was then in Rome, a marvel to see. And so, once she was settled in her lodgings, she began going out daily to visit the holy places, making her pilgrimage and her penances just as the other pilgrims were doing. 846. The pilgrimage was huge (the jubilee was taking place at that moment); and just as all manner of folk were coming from all parts, so too came a nobleman, called my lord Philip of Savoy. He was the elder son of Count Thomas of Savoy, who was treacherously killed by an arrow from a crossbowman in front of a castle named Mortel, belonging to the dauphin of Viane. He was first cousin of the count of Savoy at that time. Count Thomas was ruler of Pinerol, Turin, and the region of Piedmont. 847. Just as the events of this world are ordained, while this Lord Philip was staying in Rome, making his pilgrimage to obtain pardon for his sins, and Princess Isabelle was also, mutual friends and relatives got them together in such a way that Lord Philip of Savoy married Princess Isabelle and became prince of Morea. 848. After they were married and joined together, they went to Piedmont, to Prince Philip’s country. The prince arranged matters in his country and settled all his affairs so he could go to Morea in as noble a manner as possible. He took two barons with him, Guy of Monbel, his senior counselor, and Humbert of Miribel, and many other noblemen from his troops and household – around seventy mounted men and three hundred foot soldiers. They journeyed to Ancona and then went by sea directly to Glarentza. Princess Isabelle and Prince Philip of Savoy Reign Together in Morea 849. When news spread throughout Morea that their lady, the princess, had arrived in Glarentza, had married, and that the couple had come together, people began to arrive from everywhere – the noblemen of the country and the whole community of people, Latins as well as Greeks – to see their lady and their new prince and lord. 850. When everyone had gathered at Glarentza, the princess, who was a wise lady, commanded one of her clerks, a skillful and well-spoken man, to deliver her message and to speak to her people on her behalf. He told them thus: that by right necessity, being a woman without a son or brother or male relative, she could neither govern nor manage her people or her country. And so she decided to marry in order to govern her country. On the advice of French noblemen who were her blood kinsmen and her relatives, she had married this Lord Philip of Savoy, who was one of the bravest knights in the West and very famous for his feats of arms. Because of that, she had hope in God that together, he and she would recover the lands of their inheritance that the Greeks now held. 851. Therefore, because she had taken him as her baron and lord, she was requesting and commanding them to receive him and obey him as their lord, and to pay him the homage and feudal allegiance they had paid to her. He was ready

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to swear their oath, which was customary for all princes to make to the men of the principality, to keep them in their freedoms and usages. 852. Upon this, the barons and all the men of the country asked the reverend father in God, Lord Benedict, archbishop of Patras, to speak for them to the princess and convey their response to what had been said. The archbishop, a sage prudhomme, rose to his feet and answered the princess as follows: ‘My Lady, may your ladyship know that the noblemen here and the community of all your people rejoice greatly in your arrival and that of my lord the prince, your baron, who is here, because they have been wishing for a natural lord. They are ready to receive and obey him as their lord, provided he acts toward them as is the custom for all lords to do when they enter into the lordship of this country.’ 853. They had the holy relics brought. First, the prince swore to maintain and uphold the men of his country in their freedoms and legal customs, just as other princes had done and were bound to do. After the prince had sworn his oath, the barons and all the liegemen swore to him their customary feudal allegiance and homage. The men of simple homage, the bourgeois, and all other sorts of men, Latins and Greeks, swore on the holy relics to be good and loyal to Prince Philip, their lord. Prince Philip gets bad advice 854. Prince Philip of Savoy received homage from the barons and other knights and from the liegemen of the principality, and oaths from the burghers of Glarentza and from the vassals of the country who held their lands in simple homage. Then he changed all the castellans, constables, and a portion of the sergeants from all the castles in the principality of Morea, and he replaced them with men he had brought from Piedmont and Savoy. 855. From spending time in his own country of Piedmont, he had seen how the tyrant of Lombardy and those who held office or lordship in Lombardy knew how to gain money and other riches. So, once he had obtained lordship over the whole principality, he called in Lord William of Monbel, his senior chamberlain, and others from his privy council, and he asked them how he could procure money to maintain his estate and his lordship. 856. In Skorta was a Picard knight named Lord Vincent of Marais the elder, a clever enough man, who gave good advice and was part of the princely court. He was a very good friend of Count Richard of Cephalonia and was supported as one of his knights. Because he wanted to insinuate himself into Prince Philip’s council and have the prince show him signs of favor, he gave the prince much advice that was unfavorable to the men of the country. 857. He realized that the prince was showing him favor and trusted him. He wanted to please the count, his lord, and he hated the chancellor, Benjamin of Kalamata, more than anyone else because of what he had advised Princess Isabelle to do when she went to the jubilee in Rome, when she ousted Count Richard from being regent and replaced him with Marshal Nicholas of Saint-Omer. And so, he arranged to tell the prince privately that there was no better way legally to obtain

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money than from the chancellor, who had been protovestiary of the country. He said the princess had appointed him chancellor and made him lord and master of her country when she was in Rome, and he had enriched himself from the goods and rents in the principality and should be held accountable for what had happened over several years. 858. With this information from Lord Vincent, the prince, believing he had been given good advice (but without any advice at all from the men of the country), had the chancellor arrested and ordered his men to guard him at his home in Glarentza. Having been arrested in such a shameful fashion and having no better friend and lord than the marshal, the chancellor let the marshal know by one of his knights how the prince had had him arrested and held him prisoner in his own home. He asked him for the love of God and freedom to help him get out of this shameful situation he was in. 859. The marshal was one of the noblest and most powerful men in the country, the most valued and feared of all. As soon as he learned that the chancellor had been arrested, he went straightaway to see the prince, who was in his room with his intimate companions, as well as with the princess, Lord William of Monbel, Lord Humbert of Miribel, and other knights from his country. As soon as the marshal came before the prince, he asked him, within everyone’s hearing, why he had had the chancellor arrested. 860. The prince knew well that the marshal loved the chancellor and that the chancellor had no one else in the country who dared speak for him or help him in this matter if the marshal didn’t. Because the marshal had come to confront him so arrogantly, the prince answered angrily that he had had him arrested as his vassal and his official, which he was, and as one who had been in charge so long and owed him a reckoning of the revenues from his country. 861. The marshal told him he had no right to do it, that the chancellor was his liegeman and he ought not arrest him for any reason. The prince’s oath obligated him to obey the usages and customs of the country, and he was breaking the oath that he had sworn to the men of the country, to maintain their freedoms and legal customs. At this, the prince became furious and said spitefully to the marshal: ‘Ha, Cousin! Where have you found these customs?’ 862. The marshal was very courageous, his nobility and lordship giving him great boldness. He pulled a large, naked blade from the scabbard worn on his belt, held it straight up in his hand, and said to the prince: ‘Behold our customs! For by this sword our ancestors conquered this land: and by this sword we will defend our freedoms and usages against those who would destroy or weaken them for us.’ 863. When the princess saw him pull the naked blade near the prince, she believed he wanted to attack him. She loudly cried: ‘Ha, Cousin! For God’s sake, what are you doing?’ The marshal, who was as virtuous and gracious as a knight could possibly be, replied as follows: 864. ‘My Lady, never believe that I am so angry as to want to attack my lord the prince, but I am defending his honor and mine as his liegeman. I am showing him his honor and the truth, because he is acting contrary to what he swore when

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he received lordship of the country. If he wants to break the oath he made to us, we will break the one we made to him, without any bad feelings. Nevertheless, I am sure that my lord the prince is not acting on his own, but did it on advice from evil men who falsely counseled him and whom I accuse of treason. I will prove what kind of men they really are.’ 865. Then Lord William of Monbel, a wise and knowledgeable baron, said: ‘Ha, my Lord Marshal! For God’s sake, let there be no discord between my lord and you. But take the path of reason and maintain the rights of the lord prince and your own honor. You, more than any other baron in the country, ought to treat him with justice because of the great intelligence and nobility that is in you, more than others. You know that the chancellor was the country’s officer. When a man enters into office for the lord, he cannot defend as a freedom his exemption from rendering reasonable account of the things he would have received from the rents and takings of his lord.’ 866. When the marshal heard Lord William speaking so politely and logically, he softened a bit and allowed that the affair had been handled with justice and right. An agreement was reached that the chancellor should give pledge of twenty thousand hyperpyra to be held as a deposit against rendering account to the court at such time as the prince, by right, would ask him. At this, the marshal contacted his friends and they pledged for the chancellor, and freed him from prison where the prince had put him and detained him. 867. When the chancellor had been freed, he knew what had to be done and gave the prince twenty thousand hyperpyra from Glarentza.105 The prince gave him the towns that are on the other side of Corinth, toward the duchy called Perachora, which return the value of six thousand hyperpyra a year. Afterward, the chancellor made up with the prince and was in his good graces. He began to exercise the office of chancellor, and he became the most trusted man the prince had in his council. 868. When he saw the moment to revenge himself for what Count Richard had done to him, the prince was eager to ask the count to lend him twenty thousand hyperpyra. He would give him six thousand hyperpyra of escheated land, land that would revert to the court, for any heirs he might have by the countess, his wife, the lady of Akova, who was Princess Isabelle’s sister.106 869. The chancellor himself arranged this affair. He became good friends with the count in assuring that the prince gave and assigned this land. But he only got half of the town of la Saete near la Rionde, which reverted to the court during Count Richard’s lifetime after the death of a young girl named Alison. But after the count was killed by his knight Lord Leon,107 a daughter he had had with his 105

 By this time, money was being minted in Morea at several locations, Glarentza among them. 106  Marguerite of Villehardouin married Richard Orsini of Cephalonia in 1299, after the death of her husband, Isnard of Sabran. 107  The count’s death, in ca 1304, is mentioned also in ¶619 and ¶890.

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wife, the countess, also died. Because of this, the countess received none of the escheated land, which reverted to the court after that. 870. After Prince Philip of Savoy had arranged and concluded the affairs we have briefly told you about, he began to ride throughout his country, hunting game and water fowl, and enjoying other amusements. And he engaged in some feats of war, as do those who are brave men and good warriors. His council then ordered Duke Guy of Athens to come to Vostitza, and the prince and all his barons went there as well. The duke paid homage to the prince equally for his duchy and the castellany of Kalamata; and for the city of Argos, and the noble castle of Nauplia. 871. After the duke of Athens had paid the homage he owed the prince, the duke and the prince stayed at Vostitza for eight days, feasting and leading the good life with their barons and the knights who were with them. After they had feasted to their content, the duke took leave of the prince and went away to his country, and the prince returned to Andravida, in Morea. He liked to stay there most of all, because of the agreeable company of the country’s gentlemen and the pleasures and other things that he and his men had in abundance, more than at Glarentza. The duke of Athens helps Thessaly’s ruler against the despot of Arta 872. We will stop telling you about Prince Philip of Savoy and will tell you about Kyr Nikephoros, despot of Arta, to clarify for you the events and affairs that happened afterward between them. 873. After the duke of Athens returned to his country, it happened that Angelos of Neopatras, lord of Thessaly, died, leaving a son who was a child and a minor.108 The sister of the said Guy of Athens was Constantine’s wife and the child’s mother. The boy was the duke’s nephew. Angelos Komnenos made his last will and testament while on his deathbed and ordered all his barons to place his son under the guardianship of his brother-in-law, the duke of Athens, until the child was mature. He ordered his barons and his men to obey the duke in all things as they would their lord, with one exception: they must not let anyone enter or guard his castles except his own men, the best and ablest men in all his country. After Angelos Komnenos settled his affairs, he left this world. 874. All the barons and important men of Thessaly gathered together and conferred. They agreed that their lord, Komnenos, had specified in his last will and testament that the child and his lands were to be under the guardianship of the child’s uncle, the duke of Athens. They said the duke was the closest relative the child had and was a powerful man who could keep and defend the child’s country 108  Constantine Doukas Komnenos (also called Angelos Komnenos, or Doukas Angelos Komnenos) ruled Thessaly from 1289–1303, when he died. He was not married to a relative of the duke of Athens; instead, the nobles of Thessaly asked Guy II of Athens to serve as regent for Constantine’s young son John II when Constantine died. John II, unnamed in the story until ¶974, ruled Thessaly until his death in 1318. Thessaly and the despotate of Arta (Epirus) were at war on and off for years, beginning in 1295. See Setton and Hazard, eds., 438–442.

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against the emperor and the neighboring despot, both of whom coveted his lands. Further, that it was correct to give the duke lordship and governance of Thessaly until the child reached the age to bear arms and knew how to maintain rule over his country. And even if Angelos had not ordered it, the duke should do it to avoid the wars that the rulers in states neighboring Thessaly, the Bulgarians and Albanians, might wage against them. 875. They instructed their messengers and sent them to the duke of Athens, in the city of Thebes. The baron’s messengers came to see the duke and told him that their own sovereign, Angelos, had ordered in his will that the child, his son, and lordship of his land should be in the duke’s governance and that the barons of Thessaly were asking him to come and receive government of the country. The duke received them very gladly and rejoiced at the news. He certainly had reason to rejoice, because the situation would increase his honor and his lordship. 876. The duke gave the messengers generous gifts and then told them that they should go to the barons in Thessaly and tell them that the duke greeted them as his dearest friends and that they could expect him the next week in the region of Neopatras, because, with God’s help, he intended to be there. The messengers left and returned to Thessaly. The duke called in men from everywhere; he called for Lord Boniface of Veronne, for several others from Negroponte, and for the lord of Amphissa. 877. When he had a suitable number of companions, he left Thebes and traveled until he arrived at his castle at Lamia, which is near Neopatras at the entrance to Thessaly. The high born and noblemen of Thessaly arrived, and they bowed to him as the Greeks bow to their lords. Then they swore to accept him as their lord and governor until the child of Angelos, their natural lord, attained his majority, with the condition and agreement that the barons would guard and maintain the castles and fortresses in the child’s name. Further, the duke would have all the rents and revenues to govern and maintain the country. 878. After the duke received the oaths from the noblemen of Thessaly and from all other classes of men, the duke swore to them in return to preserve and uphold their freedoms and laws. After both sides had sworn their oaths, the duke took the noblest men from Thessaly with him and went to the city of Neopatras, where Angelos’s child (his nephew) was, to see him and to entertain him as the dear nephew that he was. After he had seen the child, he ordered that the boy be served as honorably as if he were the king’s son. 879. After he had stayed with the child as long as he wanted, the duke took leave of him and returned to his castle, Lamia, which was at the entrance to Thessaly. At the time, Lord Boniface held this castle and the one at Gardiki. Angelos had given both of them to Duke William, Duke Guy de la Roche’s father, when they became related by marriage. When the duke returned to Lamia, he held a council with the barons from Thessaly, the ruler of Amphissa, Lord Boniface of Veronne, and Lord Anthony le Flamenc, who was considered one of the wisest men in Romania. He appointed suitable officials, who were all to his liking, with the council’s approval.

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880. He also appointed a nobleman named Vucomity as marshal of Thessaly and gave him authority over all the matters concerning feats of arms that pertained to his office. He also gave him one of his own knights, Lord John le Flamenc, to be his aide in overseeing all the country’s needs. He appointed Lord Anthony le Flamenc, considered one of the wisest men of the duchy, as regent and his lieutenant over the whole country. When the duke had settled all the affairs necessary for the country of Thessaly, he returned to Thebes, where he dwelled more often than in any other place in his duchy. 881. After the duke of Athens received lordship over Thessaly, just as you have heard, it was scarcely any time until the despotess, the wife of the deceased despot of Arta, Kyr Nikephoros, treacherously took a castle named Phanarion, which belonged to the child.109 The castle was in Thessaly, over toward Janina. She was a highly intelligent woman and very crafty. Conflict between the duke of Athens and the despotess of Arta 882. When the duke of Athens heard news that the despot’s widow had taken Phanarion, he was furious. He considered it a huge insult, because the despotess, a woman, had taken over a castle that he held in his governance. Also, if his nephew’s lands suffered any damage or diminution while the duke was acting as his guardian, it would shame him. 883. Right away he instructed his messengers and sent word everywhere he had lordship that men should come armed, outfitted, and supplied with provisions for three months, because he wanted to ride out against the despotess. He then sent word to the nobles of Negroponte, who were friends of his, to come help him in this war, which the despotess had begun against him. 884. After this, he sent word to the grand marshal of Morea, his dear cousin, asking him to come help with the war. He said this was the greatest need he had ever had, and he begged him not to let him down. When the grand marshal of Morea, who loved his cousin, the duke, more than any other man in the world, learned the news and how the duke his cousin urgently needed his help, he wanted very much to go help the duke as nobly as he could. In addition, the marshal held from the duke half the rights to Thebes, was his liegeman, and owed him the service of eight knights. He very much wanted to go meet the duke as nobly as he could. 885. He sent word to all the men who held their lands from him to come equipped with everything they needed to go help his cousin, the duke of Athens, in Thessaly. When all of them arrived and were about to depart, he wanted to ascertain how many men he had. He found he had eighty-nine good horsemen, of whom thirteen were fully armed knights and the others squires and noblemen from the countryside and the north.

109  The despotess was Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene (d. ca 1313). See the annotated index, under Arta, and ¶CT8 in the list of unnamed women for details.

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886. The marshal had quarreled with Prince Philip of Savoy, on behalf of the chancellor and many other men in the country, for the prince wanted to do harm and wrongly take from them, and the marshal wanted to defend them. So when he was about to leave, the marshal really did not want to go in person to take leave of the prince, lest by chance he wouldn’t give it to him. This way, he could quiet the quarrel between them. So the marshal sent two knights to Beauvoir, where the prince was, to ask for leave to go. But the prince did not at all want to give it to him. 887. When the prince saw that the marshal did not want to come in person to take his leave, he told the knights that he would not grant him any leave at all. He said he was marshal of the prince’s country and should summon men-at-arms for the prince’s wars. The prince forbade him to leave the country on pain of losing whatever the marshal held from him. 888. The knights, who had been thoroughly briefed by their lord the marshal, answered the prince thus: that the marshal would not – for the sake of any man in this world – refrain from going to help his cousin the duke in his great need. He was not taking his land with him, but was leaving it in the country. And if the prince wanted to take over his lands, he could do at his pleasure, because the marshal would not forbear going to help his friend just to keep his land. 889. The messengers left the prince and went to Andravida, where the marshal was, and told him what they had said to the prince and the answer he gave them. When the marshal, as one who had a great heart and ability, heard the prince’s refusal, he rated it as small stuff. He left Andravida with his men and went to Vostitza. He ordered barges be brought from Patras and Neopant to transport his horses and armor toward Vitrinitsa. While on the shores of the sea, where the men spent a day and a night, two new knights joined him, Lord Geoffrey of la Botiere and Lord Baldwin of Aix. 890. News arrived that Count Richard of Cephalonia had been killed by one of his own knights, named Lord Leon, while sitting on a bench at Glarentza, because the count had hit the knight on the head with a stick. The marshal looked sad at this news, because the count was his father-in-law. To be more certain of the news, he sent two squires on horseback to Glarentza. They went and returned in a day and a night and brought him the confirmation of why and how Count Richard had been killed.110 891. Because his horses and equipment and most of his men had already gone to Tolofon, the marshal boarded the boat and went too. As soon as he disembarked with all his men, he set off on his journey and arrived at Gravia in the evening. He had passed through nearby Amphissa and went to Gravia. He had fine houses there that belonged to him, and they rested there that night. 892. In Gravia, he asked where the duke of Athens, his cousin, might be. They told him that the duke had waited a week beside the river Sperchius below 110

 Count Richard’s death, in ca 1304, has been mentioned previously, in ¶¶619 and 869.

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Sideroporta. But because he did not think the marshal was coming, the duke had left and had gone into Thessaly to get more men from all regions of the country. 893. The next day, the marshal left with his company and passed by Sideroporta, went down the steep descent, and came to the river Sperchius at a place called Lutro. There they found comfortable lodgings that were made for the duke and his men, where he had been for four days waiting for the marshal. The duke had left behind two knights and ten squires from his own household troops, with a great supply of bread, wine, meat, and oats, and everything needed for men and horses. 894. When the marshal found such good lodgings and food supplies, he decided to stay there for two days to rest his tired horses. On the third day, he left and went as far as Domokos to a castle at the edge of the plains of Thessaly. He rested there the night with all his men in a house that is beneath the castle itself. The duke was a good six miles away with all his army. 895. The marshal arose in the morning and told his men how they should ride forth. He had the beasts of burden go first, of which he had more than one hundred – both horses and mules, his and his men’s. After that he sent the battle horses, one after the other; there were more than 130, which grooms led by the right hand. Then two squires went, holding two banners affixed to lances, and after the banners, went two more squires, one of whom carried the marshal’s shield before him, the other his lance with pennant bearing his coat of arms, so he would be recognized there. Then rode the marshal, with one knight beside him. After them, the knights rode two by two, and then the squires in order. They rode in such a fashion that their troop stretched out a good two miles. 896. As he was riding along, he happened to meet Lord Boniface of Carceri, one of the noble knights from the island of Negroponte. Boniface held two castles from the duke, and he held him dearest of the barons he had. Boniface had more than a hundred knights with him, whether his own or from the duke of Negroponte. After them came the lord of Amphissa and Sir Francesco dalle Carceri the elder, who had in their company a good two hundred men. 897. When they were some two miles near the army, the duke came to meet up with his cousin. He was with all the noblemen of Thessaly, more than a thousand mounted men. When the duke saw the marshal coming toward him in such a noble fashion he was very pleased. He spurred his horse toward him and kissed him more than ten times. He held his hand, asking about the prince and how many came in the army. As they approached the tents, the duke, who held the marshal by the hand, asked him to come down to his tent and to eat with him. After they had eaten, they went to rest on the duke’s bed. 898. When they got up, they sat on the bed together. The duke began to talk with the marshal, saying: ‘Dear Cousin, what do you think of these men?’ And the marshal answered that they were the best men that he had ever seen in Romania. And he could well say that, because they numbered more than nine hundred mounted men, all of them Latins: good, elite men. From Thessaly and Bulgaria were more than six thousand mounted men, very good men with good horses. They were divided into eighteen divisions led by eighteen barons, all of them

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grand lords, noble Greeks of high estate. In addition, they had thirty thousand foot soldiers. 899. When the duke heard the marshal praise his men so highly, he was very satisfied with him. The duke then said to him: ‘Dear Cousin, since you praise these men, and, out of love for me, you came such a distance with such a grand company of men, I entreat you to assume command over me and my army, because there is no one who knows how to proceed better than you.’ 900. The marshal replied: ‘Certainly, Sire, save your grace, but there are others! In particular, the lord of Amphissa, who is the most senior prudhomme in this army and the most experienced in deeds of arms.’ – ‘You say you came here to do my bidding, so I am asking you to do what I ask.’ – Then the marshal replied to the duke: ‘Sire, because you wish it, I will carry out your command as best I can. May God give me the grace to do both of us honor. I hesitate not because of either difficulty or labor, but only because of my ignorance.’ 901. And so the marshal took over the captaincy of the duke of Athens’s army. He then appointed one of his Burgundian knights, named Lord Etienne Corbeille, to be vice-marshal. The latter had the trumpets sounded and orders called out: all men in the army must be ready to leave the following day and follow the marshal’s banner in an orderly fashion, one battalion after the other. 902. The next morning, the duke left with all his army and went that night to a castle called Elassona, located in the middle of the great plains of Thessaly. After they were lodged, the duke ordered that the following day, all the nobles and captains should go to his tent. They were to have a meeting about what they should do and the route they should take to the royal castle in Janina. The despotess was there, they were told, together with her army, in order to defend her country against the duke of Athens. 903. When the meeting had been agreed to, everyone retired to their lodgings. The marshal commanded all manner of tradespeople and those who carried the forage to follow the army. In two days they arrived at the castle of Trikala. From there they left the next day, passed by Kalabaka, and came to a place named Sarakina. While staying there, they asked how long it was to get near Janina, and were told one full day, but the army would go comfortably in three days. 904. When they arrived there, it happened that the despotess had learned from her spies that the duke of Athens and the marshal of Morea were coming to fight her with so many men that she would not dare meet them on the field or fight them. She was advised that if they entered her country, they would lay waste to the land and could take her castles; therefore, she should give up Phanarion, the castle she had taken, rather than lose her own castles. 905. She sent for two knights who were in her service and two other Greeks and sent them to Sarakina. They brought letters of introduction to the duke of Athens and the marshal of Morea. When the messengers from the despotess were in the presence of the duke and the marshal, they presented the letters to them, and they were read. They asked the messengers what they had to say.

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906. They answered that the despotess, their lady, sent greetings and love to her nephew the duke and to her dear cousin, the grand marshal of Morea. She wanted them to know that the castle of Phanarion had not been taken on her advice nor by her will; that if the duke had asked her, she would have given it back to him. Therefore, because she knew they had come to her because of the castle, she was giving it back immediately, and for the expense they had to come all this way, she was giving them ten thousand hyperpyra in her coinage, seven thousand to the duke and three thousand to the marshal. 907. When the noblemen of Thessaly heard the despotess’s offer, they all urged the duke to take the castle without fighting a war and to have peace with her because she was requesting it. When the duke saw that all the noble barons of Thessaly were pleading with him to make peace with the despotess, he agreed to it. He took possession of the castle and then swore a peace with her. Peace is reached; armies invade the Byzantine emperor’s territory 908. When the noblemen from the duchy and from Thessaly saw that the duke had confirmed peace with the despotess, they came to him. They told him that even though he had recovered the castle, it would not at all be to his honor nor to theirs that so many good men as they had assembled should leave in vain, ‘without doing anything that would be honorable for you or us’. 909. When the duke and the marshal, who were young, heard the praise and advice from the squires, they agreed to do their bidding. Then they said where one might wage war. They said there was no place nearer to wage war than in the emperor of Constantinople’s land. However, the duke had peace and a truce with him, and they had no right to break the peace without a reason. 910. Because of their great desire to wage war, they called in messengers and sent them to Servia, one of the emperor’s castles. They said the emperor’s men had transgressed against the men of Thessaly, and because of it, the duke was coming against them. They should watch out for him. They entered the emperor’s territory, crossing the borders that divide the empire and Thessaly. The noble barons from Thessaly drew up three huge battalions each with a thousand horsemen, Greeks and Bulgarians. They went a good day ahead of the army as advance troops, overrunning and pillaging the empire. They came within a day of Thessalonica, always pillaging near Pelagonia. The empress of Constantinople defuses the situation 911. It happened that at that time the marquis of Montferrat’s sister was the wife of the emperor of Constantinople; she was the empress of Constantinople.111 Out of sin and contempt, she had an infant baptized who was a bastard child of her lord, the emperor. When the patriarch of Constantinople and others of the Greek clergy learned about it, they told the emperor that, because his wife, the empress, 111  Yolanda of Montferrat (d. 1317) married Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos in 1284. See the list of unnamed women for more detail.

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had baptized his child, she had become its godmother.112 This was a situation the law prohibited, and it stipulated that the couple no longer live together nor lie together carnally. Because of this, the emperor had sent the empress, his wife, to Thessalonica, and she was there when the duke went raiding the empire. 912. When the empress learned that they were coming straight for Thessalonica, she sought advice. She sent two of her Lombard knights and another two Greek archontes, with letters of introduction, to the duke of Athens and to the marshal of Morea with valuable gifts and presents. 913. When the knights arrived before them, they greeted the duke and the marshal on the empress’s behalf as her beloved cousins and gave them the letters of introduction they carried. Then they told them verbally that the empress had been aware that they had entered the empire of Constantinople by force with all their army. They were overrunning and pillaging the lands of her lord, the Holy Emperor, who had a treaty and a good peace with the duke for the country of Thessaly. The duke had no just reason to break the peace he had sworn with the emperor. In addition, if the empress had known in advance that the duke intended to break the peace, perhaps it would have permitted her to defend her country and her honor. Further, it was well known everywhere that the emperor had given the empress the city of Thessalonica with all its revenues for her support. And so it was not at all fitting for such valiant men as they were and of such renown to wage war against ladies. 914. She asked them politely, as her beloved cousins, not to war against her. For her part, she did not intend to fight with them at all. But out of courtesy and to honor gentility and knighthood, she begged them to go to the city of Thessalonica to see her, with as many of their companions as they wished, and feast together as long as they pleased. She said she would like to see them, because they were her cherished relatives. If she were not a woman and could do it honorably, she would have gone out to see them and visit them where they were. 915. When the duke, the marshal, and the other noblemen and barons who were in their company heard the message, which was so lovely, and the courteous words the noble empress sent them, they received the response with joy and said truly the empress was a wise and noble lady. Whoever went against her or caused her displeasure should be censured. They conferred on what response they could send her that would be honorable. They agreed that they would not go any farther and would not wage war any longer, and that what they had done was too much, because they had broken the peace. 916. The duke sent two knights and two Greek archontes from Thessaly to the empress with her own messengers. He honorably sent her salutations and love, saying that out of love for her they were abandoning the war and were returning to their country. He asked her to consider them excused for all they had done, because fault lay with the emperor’s men, who had been false to the men of Thessaly. They 112

 Athanasius I was patriarch of Constantinople from 1303–1309.

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turned back to Thessaly, and as they were turning back, the noblemen of Thessaly took their leave. 917. When the duke arrived at the river Sperchius near the castle of Lamia, the men from Negroponte took their leave, as did many others of the duchy from the cities of Argos, Nauplia, and Athens. Each went his own way. The duke took the marshal, the lord of Amphissa, and other of his most trusted barons and knights and went to see Angelos’s child, his nephew, at the city of Neopatras. After spending two days with the child, he went back to the river Sperchius where he had his lodgings. He stayed there as long as it pleased him, settling all the business he had to do in the country of Thessaly. 918. The marshal stayed with the duke for a week, celebrating and living a good life, believing that Prince Philip of Savoy had seized his lands because he had departed without the prince’s permission. Then he took leave of the duke, left the Sperchius, and went to the royal castle at Neopant. While he was at Neopant, he was told that the Greek archontes from Skorta had rebelled against Prince Philip of Savoy, their lord, and had summoned the emperor’s captain. They had taken and destroyed the castles of Saint Helen and Crievecuer. Prince Philip of Savoy faces discord in Skorta 919. We will stop telling you about the marshal, how he crossed the Gulf of Patras and went to Morea. We will tell you about Prince Philip of Savoy and what happened to him after the marshal went to Thessaly to help the duke of Athens, his cousin, against the despotess of Arta. 920. At the time we are telling you about, Lord Philip of Savoy was prince of Morea. Because his regency depended on his wife, he was worried that if the princess (his wife) died, he would lose his lordship of the country. Likewise, as he had not yet paid homage to King Charles, from whom he was supposed to hold the principality, he feared losing lordship in another way. Thus, he never ceased to study how he could procure money in all ways. 921. Before the marshal left Morea to go to Thessaly, it happened that Lord Vincent of Marais, a sycophant, who never ceased to give the prince bad advice about the men of the country, advised him to set a tax on the archontes of Skorta. These were Lord Vincent’s neighbors, and he felt ill will toward some of them. He made the prince believe they were rich and rolling in money and that by taxing them he could have lots of money. 922. The prince, eager for gain, agreed to the backbiter’s advice and levied a tax on the archontes as well as on the archers of Skorta. When the gentlemen of Skorta were certain that the prince had levied a tax on them in this manner, they let it be known, one to the next. As a result, the best and highest ranked of them began to gather at the castle of Linistaena, home of the Micronades brothers, George and John. The others considered the brothers their leaders because they were good warriors and more enterprising. 923. When they were all gathered there, they held their parliament together. They said among themselves that they would rather face death today and be

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destroyed than to pay one single denier of this tax. They were in agreement to revolt against the prince and to call for the emperor’s captain to come with all his army to Skorta to ravage the country and do the worst they could to the prince their lord. 924. Because they knew that the marshal was the most powerful man in the country and that he was about to leave for Thessaly, they agreed they could do much better with their plan when he was gone from the country than when he was there. They waited until they knew for certain he had left Morea and had crossed the Gulf of Corinth toward Amphissa and had entered Thessaly. They called in two of their companions, William Macri and Nicholas Zilliamary, the most knowledgeable and best spoken of them all, and sent them to the city of Mistra, to the emperor’s grand captain. They pretended to be going on a pilgrimage to Saint Nicholas in Lacedaemonia. 925. When they arrived at Mistra, they arranged to speak with the captain in private. They swore that they and all their company would be good and loyal to the emperor. To be more believable in their treason, they told him that all the best archontes of Skorta had agreed to revolt against their lord, the prince, and to turn over the castles and all the country to the rule of the Holy Emperor. 926. After the emperor’s captain arranged and devised with the traitors the manner and method they should enter and conquer the prince’s country, he sent his messengers and letters everywhere he had command in the emperor’s land. He ordered all types of men-at-arms – on foot and mounted – to come to the plain of Nikli on a given day as forcefully as they could to help with a certain need that was profitable for their lord, the emperor. 927. When they all were gathered there, the captain called the best men of his army, those whom he trusted the most. He told and revealed to them the reason he had sent for them to come there. They consulted with the traitors themselves about where and from what direction they could most securely enter the country of Skorta without fear of encountering the Latins. They advised them to enter at a place named Xerokarytaina, which is toward the castle of Karytaina, because this was the best route, the easiest and surest of them all. 928. When they had confirmed their advice, they gave the traitors reliable mounted men and foot soldiers and had them go ahead. The disloyal traitors, wanting very much to harm the country of their lord the prince, took the men who had been given them as guides. They came and went directly by way of Xerokarytaina to the castle of Saint Helen, which they found with weak walls and poorly manned. Because the Greeks make a massive attack when they first assault castles, as soon as they approached the castle, they gave a loud cry and attacked the castle so well that they took it on arrival. 929. After they had taken it, they realized they were in a vulnerable location and could not hold out against the Latins’ forces. They tore down the walls and built a fire on them. They burned down the donjon and the town where the vassals of the country and the archers who lived there to guard the country had their houses. As soon as they had torn down and burned the castle of Saint Helen, they

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headed straight for the castle of Crievecuer. It was situated on a high mountain, had walls of mud brick, and was poorly manned. They attacked it so that they were able to enter it right away. They demolished the walls and burned it just as they had the castle of Saint Helen. 930. After they had destroyed the castle of Crievecuer, they descended from the mountain and came to the town of Andritsena where the grand captain waited for them with all his forces. They rested there that evening. The next day, they left by morning and came directly to the castle of Beaufort. They thought to attack it and take it like they had the others. However, the castle had a fine tower, large and tall, and was walled with stout towers made of boulders and cement, manned by good crossbowmen on all sides, a fine group of sergeants, and a noble castellan named Lord Gracien of Boucere. They repulsed them from afar, as far as their crossbowmen could shoot. 931. Because the Greeks made such a confident charge, and the mountain was steep, the Greeks could not quickly retreat or flee. They suffered great harm, receiving wounds from being struck by the quarrels113 the good crossbowmen and sergeants eagerly hurled to hurt them. 932. When the captain saw the great harm his men were suffering, he sounded the retreat and had his men pull back onto the mountain of Condiny. Then they descended onto the plain near the castle of Saint George. He had his tent set up there and had the castle besieged on all sides. He said he would not leave there until he had taken Beaufort. He sent to Monemvasia to have a trebuchet brought to him to strike down the tower that was so strong. 933. At this time, Lord Nicholas le Maure was the captain of Skorta and of the castellany of Kalamata, which the duke of Athens held at that time because of his marriage to Madame Mahaut, his wife. Lord Nicholas was in the town of Androusa when he heard the news that the men of Skorta had rebelled against Prince Philip, their natural lord. They had brought in the emperor’s captain with all his army and had entered Skorta, taking over and destroying castles. He sent the news to the prince by way of a horseman. 934. He gathered to him all the mounted men and foot soldiers from the castellany of Kalamata and came to the castle of Dimatre. From there, he sent word everywhere for armed men from Skorta who were loyal to the prince. As soon as he had gathered all the men he could, he came directly above Beaufort, near a mountain named Caconero. There he established the battlefront against the Greeks. From there, he sent another messenger to where the prince was at Andravida, telling him about the enemy’s forces. He said he had established the battlefront and asked the prince to come to their aid so that the castle of Beaufort would not fall. If that castle were by any chance taken, all of Skorta would be in danger of being lost. 935. When Prince Philip of Savoy heard this news, he was wretched. He began to regret his treatment of the marshal and to curse those whose talk had caused the 113

 Crossbow arrows. See glossary.

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ill will between them. Nevertheless, the prince was a very brave man and had great courage, and he consoled himself as best he could. He then ordered the captains of Morea and of Beauvoir to take all the men in their jurisdiction to go and save the country of Skorta. 936. Then he sent messengers to the archbishop of Patras, the lord of Chalandritza, and the lord of Vostitza that they should come with as many fighting men as they could. Then the prince took into his company as many men as he could from Glarentza and the plain of Morea and set out to go as fast as he could toward Skorta. 937. When he was in the vicinity of Vervena with all the men he could muster, he had to spend that night there to wait for the men who were coming to his aid and to consult about what they should do: whether to go directly to where the Greeks were or to go by way of the plain of Karytaina to seize the pass by which they would have to return. 938. The Greeks, being very inventive and ingenious, and wondering whether the prince was going to come, had sent their spies and scouts throughout all the mountains. As soon as they were certain that the prince had arrived at Vervena, they left in the middle of the night and fled, scattering through the valleys that are in the direction of Saint George and Arakhova, with no one waiting for the other. 939. When our men, who were inside the castle of Beaufort, saw the Greeks leaving, they could not imagine why they were doing it. They thought they were going to attack Sir Nicholas le Maure and his men, who were above Beaufort near Caconero. They began to unfurl banners galore. 940. When le Maure saw the banners, he could not imagine why they would be flying, unless the Greeks were maliciously attacking at night out of fear of the crossbowmen in the castle, who would not see them at all. They mounted up, fully armed and ready to defend themselves if need be. They stayed that way through the night until dawn. 941. When daybreak came, the men in the castle saw the Greeks’ empty tents. They also saw our men all mounted up in a group and the prince’s banner displayed. Lord Gracien sent word to them through two sergeants that the Greeks had left their tents but they did not know where they had gone. Then le Maure had the trumpet sounded and started to climb up toward the castle with all his men. 942. When they had climbed up and come to the tents, they found many animals and other things, such as clothes and armor belonging to the Greeks, which they had left behind when they fled. They decided to go after the Greeks as quickly as they could. They went as far as the plain of Caf Celle and found there many workhorses, donkeys, and arms that they had thrown away and left behind. They profited a good deal. 943. But the prince, who was at Vervena, could not get any news at all about his enemies. All the commoners from the castles had fled into the mountains out of fear of both Greeks and Latins. They did not know what to do, but waited to see

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who would win. He called his council together and dubbed two new knights, one named Peter of Vaux and the other John of Monpas.114 944. After they had been knighted, he gave them one hundred horsemen and many foot soldiers, lancers, crossbowmen, and archers. He ordered them to go ahead to take the pass and clear the way so his army could pass through more easily. He arranged the remainder of his men into two battalions, and he himself led the second. They set out in this way, hoping to find their enemies at the siege of Beaufort so they could fight them. 945. As Sir Peter of Vaux and Lord John of Vidoigne went ahead, they saw the prince’s banner above Beaufort, on the donjon of the tower. They knew that the castle was being held for the prince, their lord, and were greatly encouraged and invigorated by that, much more so than they had been before. So they hurried to come near the castle. When Lord Gracien, the castellan, and the sergeants saw our men coming toward them and they recognized the prince’s banner, they were greatly encouraged. They began to shout out praise for the prince and called for them to come more quickly. 946. When our men saw the men in the castle clamoring this way, they hurried to ride faster until they came to the castle summit. They asked the castellan where their enemies, the Greeks, might be. They were told how the Greeks had fled the previous evening; how le Maure, as soon as day broke (‘and he and we were certain that they had fled’) began to chase after them, he and his men as best they could; and how the Greeks had left behind quite a bit of their equipment and food supplies, since they were so well equipped. 947. When the prince came to Beaufort and realized how his enemies had acted, how they had fled in such a dishonorable manner, he was rather unhappy, because he could not catch them. They lodged in the Greeks’ tents. When le Maure returned from chasing after the Greeks, the prince ordered the barons, and all the knights and noblemen to come to his pavilion to hold a council on what they ought to do. When they were seated, some of them advised going after the Greeks, overrunning and pillaging the emperor’s lands. Since they had fled in that way and disbanded, they would not dare wait to offer resistance. 948. But the wisest said they ought to thank God very much that their enemies had fled and disbanded by themselves. They had abandoned such a strategic location as the mountain of Condiny and the pass at Beaufort, which they could defend against anyone. The best thing would be to stay at Beaufort and to arrange things so that the peasants and others who had fled into the mountains would be reassured that each one could stay peacefully in his home. Further, that they should furnish the castles with weapons and food, and station well-armed men at the frontiers so that the country could defend itself if it became necessary: ‘For certain, those traitors who went with the Greeks will plan to hurt us as much as they can.’ This advice was quickly accepted. 114  The Chronicle reports two Lord Johns in this episode, one of Monpas and one of Vidoigne. It is not clear whether these are meant as two different men or if one is misnamed.

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949. The prince had a proclamation cried aloud: that everyone would be safe and each should return to his home, or might God strike him dead. Afterward, he ordered Lord Nicholas le Maure, who was the captain, to send word everywhere he knew the people of Skorta had fled, telling them they could safely return. When the good people of the principality heard the prince’s assurance, they returned, each to his own home. The very best of them came to where the prince was. 950. When they were before the prince, he asked them why they had rebelled, and who the traitors were who had ordered it. Those who knew it well told him: the reason for the rebellion was the tax he had levied on the archontes. The men who first called for the rebellion were George Micronades and his brother John. Then there were the Macrianes and the Zilliamarys and Papa Nicolopulli, all of whom were related to each other. They did not want to pay the tax levied on them. But no other man of substance or from the common folk of Skorta was part of their decision or their group. 951. When the prince knew for certain exactly those who had instigated the rebellion, who had called in the emperor’s captain and his men and had wrecked the castles, just as you have heard, he ordered their lands and their property be seized for the court, wherever they were. Then he ordered the castles of Skorta be provisioned with everything they needed. He left with le Maure, who was the captain, a large company of mounted men, and foot soldiers. He ordered them to be garrisoned at Vervena because this was the best place to maintain a battlefront with the Greeks and guard the country. 952. When he had settled everything, he took the remainder of his men and returned to Morea. After the prince had left and returned to Andravida from Skorta, not 25 days passed before the marshal returned to Morea from Thessaly. He had been helping his cousin, the duke of Athens, in the war he had had with the despotess of Arta. Marshal Nicholas of Saint-Omer and Prince Philip clash 953. When the marshal was informed about the rebellion in Skorta, he was extremely sad about the destruction that had ensued, even more so because he had not been in the country when this thing happened. Many told him that if he had been in the country, the men in Skorta would not have done what they did. Even they said they rebelled because the marshal, who they knew would help them get relief from the tax put upon them, was not there. 954. When the marshal returned from Thessaly to Morea, as you have heard, he found that Lord John, elder son of Count Richard of Cephalonia, had received the county. Lord John had come to Morea as soon as he learned of his father’s death, and the prince had invested him with the county. 955. Count Richard had been married to Madame Marguerite, Lady of Akova, who was Princess Isabelle’s blood sister. He had left her all his goods, but Count John did not want to give them to her. They had gotten into an argument. The prince had obtained a great deal of money from Count John to help him out. He

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sided with the count and did not want to listen to the arguments of the countess, his wife’s sister. 956. When the countess realized that the prince sided with Count John, she was advised not to bring her issue before the court until the marshal returned from Thessaly, where he had gone to help the duke of Athens. He was the person she trusted the most. When the marshal returned, the countess told him her side of things. She asked him to give her advice and help her succeed in her demands. The marshal promised her that he would help her with all his ability. 957. The prince came to the Alpheios River and stayed at the residence of William of Flun, because it was summer. The barons and knights were at towns in the region of Vlisiri. It was then that the countess presented her case to the prince’s court. It began with her lawyer’s demanding that Count John return all the goods of her lord, Count Richard, which Count John had appropriated and kept for himself. 958. The count was smart and well-spoken, and moreover he enjoyed the favor of the prince, who was indebted to him. He began to speak a little rudely toward the countess, his stepmother. The marshal, who was the most powerful, most beloved, and most formidable man in the country at the time, reproached the count rudely. He told him, in front of the prince and the entire court, that he should not be so presumptuous as to speak insultingly to such a noble lady as the countess. She was after all, sister to the princess, his liege lady. If he continued to speak like that, he would make him feel like the kind of man he was. 959. A terrible row erupted between the count and the marshal, and they were at the point of drawing their swords. The marshal felt the greatest disdain toward the prince: for disregarding the countess’s rights because he owed the count money, and for allowing the count to speak so haughtily in his court, which he should not have permitted. Nevertheless, seeing how things were going, the marshal softened a bit so as not to weaken the countess’s case, and began to speak courteously in front of the court. 960. One day as the pleadings were taking place in court, Lord Vincent of Marais spoke on behalf of the count in court with the prince and other men. He was considered one of the wisest knights in the country, was in the prince’s high council, and had been in the count’s service. The marshal wanted to have him thrashed before the prince and had him ejected from court, whether he wished it or not. He said he ought not to be in the court or part of the verdict, because he spoke out of place. 961. The marshal further argued that Lord Vincent was not worthy to try or to sit in judgment of such a noble lady as the countess and the count of Cephalonia. She was the daughter of Prince William, the rightful lord and conqueror of the country. The count of Cephalonia was a landed baron and one of the twelve barons of the principality who held jurisdiction and were the supreme judges in their lands, whether for criminal or civil cases. Those barons were not to be judged in court in the company of other barons and vassals. Rather, any issues concerning

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those landed barons against anyone at all had to be considered and judged in the highest court.115 962. When the prince, the count involved in the suit, and the other barons and knights heard the marshal speak and make this allegation, none were brave enough, or wise enough, or old enough to dare answer or contradict what he had asserted. The prince realized no one was going to respond to what the marshal had said, and that the marshal had ejected Lord Vincent of Marais from the courtroom so rudely that neither the count involved in the suit nor anyone else could object. So, wishing to seek advice at his leisure, he arose, and with him all the court. 963. He said to everyone that it was the time to dine. On the following day they should be there early in his pavilion to hear and consider the issue that his sister the countess and the count had in the court. Then they brought the countess’s palfrey. The barons helped her mount, and then they accompanied her to her lodgings. 964. After the countess and the marshal had left the court, the prince called the count and all the wisest men in his counsel. He asked their advice about the issue the countess and the count had with each other; about what the marshal had said and done – outrageously throwing out of his court such a knight, an old man, as Lord Vincent of Marais; and about what the marshal said about his not being worthy to sit in court nor pass judgment in a suit between the landed barons. 965. At this, the wisest among them began to answer. Some said that the marshal was wrong to have spoken so rudely in front of the prince, his lord, and to have threatened him while in court. It was likewise wrong to have thrown out of court Lord Vincent, considered one of the wisest knights in his country. They said that the marshal had shown a great deal of pride when he disparaged his lord in this manner, and that the prince should not suffer it. 966. The prince became furious when he heard these words, especially because they had not been on good terms since the marshal left the country to go to Thessaly despite the prince’s prohibition. The prince answered them that this was not the first insult or show of pride the marshal had demonstrated toward him since he had arrived in Morea, and that he would strike down the marshal’s great pride. 967. When the grand constable, the bishop of Olena, the chancellor, and all the other noblemen present saw the prince so overcome with fury, they had no doubt that if things continued this way, bad things would happen to the country. They began to soothe and pacify the prince. They showed him and told him that he mistook what the marshal had said in court to Lord Vincent, who was speaking against the countess in favor of the count. They told him that what the marshal said about the landed barons was the truth, and because of that, ‘we did not give him any reply because we would have spoken against justice and the usages of the country if we had argued against him’. 968. ‘Concerning what you say about combating his pride, we would not advise it for anything in the world. If the marshal speaks more forcefully than anyone else in your country, he can do it for two reasons. First of all, he is the noblest man in 115

 See Topping about jurisdictions and this case in particular, pp 166ff.

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your entire principality because he is descended from kings and emperors. Next, he is the most powerful of all, because the duke of Athens is his cousin, and his liegemen include the barons from beyond Megara Pass and from the islands, the lord of Vostitza, the lord of Chalandritza, and the lord of Arcadia, all of whom hold their lands from him. Also, Sir Regnux of Veligosti, lord of Damala, holds lands from him and is his liege. 969. ‘In addition, he is so generous and courteous and kind to everyone, that the men of your country who hold their lands from you would rather abandon what they hold from you than go against him. And so we pray and beseech you as our rightful lord and then loyally advise you that you ought to drop this issue. If you proceed against the marshal, you do it unjustly, and put the whole country at risk and in discord. Everyone will blame you. If you want to rule in this country and increase your standing, you can count the marshal as the best friend you have in your principality. If both of you get along well together, then you can say you are lord of this country.’ 970. The prince was smart, and when he heard his barons’ advice and realized they were telling the truth, he answered them very calmly. He said he was grateful to them and knew they intended well and that the marshal was the wisest and the most valiant man in his entire principality. The truth is, no matter what anyone said about the marshal, the prince was overcome with fury. However, he realized that the men who had said things against the marshal had done it out of envy and as the liars they were. So the prince prayed and beseeched the barons to advise him how he could make peace and agreement between the count and countess. He realized the countess was asking for justice according to the letters of agreement that she had from her husband, Count Richard. 971. To this they replied that Count Richard’s goods, according to official estimates, were worth more than one hundred thousand hyperpyra. If the countess took all of it, Count John would be wronged, for he well knew that when Count Richard arranged to marry the lady of Akova, he made such generous agreements so as not to lose her. They said that if they could agree that the count would give the countess the sum of twenty thousand hyperpyra, it seemed to them that each side should consider itself satisfied. 972. The prince then sent for Lord Hugh of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza, and for Brother John of Nuefchastel, high commander of the Templars, who were close to the marshal. He explained to them that he was requesting them, out of love for him, to intervene in creating agreement between the count and the countess. They should talk with the marshal, and he would talk with the count. Then the two of them went to the countess and the marshal. They managed it so that they agreed to the count’s giving the countess twenty thousand hyperpyra. They mutually agreed, and the matter was settled.

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Trouble between the king of Naples and the despotate of Arta 973. We’ll stop telling you about them and will tell you how the prince of Taranto, King Charles’s son, began a war against the despotess of Arta, his mother-in-law.116 974. After Kyr Nikephoros, despot of Arta, had arranged the marriage between Kyra Thamar, his second daughter, and Philip, the second son of King Charles, as we told you earlier, the despot lived as long as it pleased God. And when he passed from this world into the next, his wife, the despotess, was still living. She held sovereignty and governance over the despotate because Thomas, his son, was a minor. At that time, this lady was one of the wisest women in Romania. 975. When King Charles knew certainly that the despot was dead, he called for his messengers and sent them to the despotess. He requested and demanded from her lordship over the despotate for his son, the prince of Taranto, according to the agreements he had made with the despot Kyr Nikephoros, her husband. When King Charles’s messengers arrived in Arta, they went directly to see the despotess, greeted her on the king’s behalf, and presented to her the letters the king had sent. Then they addressed her verbally and demanded possession of the despotate’s castles and that her son, Thomas, pay homage to the prince and hold his despotate from him. 976. She answered them that her son Thomas could not swear homage to him, because he was obliged to hold his land from the emperor of Constantinople. If he did it, he would be breaking his pledge to his rightful lord. She was very surprised that so noble a man as the king demanded such a thing when he had no right to. Thanks be to God, her son Thomas was alive and – through direct lineage – was lord and rightful heir of the despotate from his father. The despot, his father, could not disinherit his son by any agreements he might have made during his lifetime in favor of his son’s sister (whose marriage ended in divorce). She had no right to the despotate because her brother was alive. The son should inherit from him his patrimony and as great a lordship as was the despotate. It ought to suffice her to have the four castles she had been given for her marriage, all of them royal and the most beautiful in the despotate, and the rent of one hundred thousand hyperpyra a year. She ought not demand her brother Thomas’s inheritance and send him out begging into the world – something God should not allow and no man consent to – because it would be the greatest wrong in the world. But since the prince of Taranto already had such fine properties in the despotate, he might continue to hold them with her blessing. If it happened that her son Thomas died without having any direct descendants, and the prince of Taranto had a child with her daughter, then he could and should come and ask for the despotate, but she did not intend to give him anything more than what he already had. 977. When the king’s messengers saw they would get no other reply from the despotess, they took leave of her, went to the port where their galleys were, boarded them, and traveled to Apulia. When they reached the city of Brindisi, they 116  The despotess was Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene (d. ca 1313). See the annotated index, under Arta, and ¶CT 8 in the list of unnamed women for details.

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debarked, mounted horses, and rode until they came to the royal city of Naples, where King Charles was. They told him the answer the despotess had given them. 978. When the king heard the answer the despotess had given him, he was completely overcome with fury. Then he commanded that all his barons come to him to listen to this answer and to advise him on what he should do. When everyone had come, he repeated the despotess’s answer and then asked their advice. They agreed to declare war, because the despotess was a woman, and her son Thomas was a child. With the help of the prince of Morea, the count of Cephalonia, and their men, they could easily take this country, which was a wonderful kingdom. 979. Then the king summoned one of his knights from Provence who was named Lord Remondas, a good warrior and a valiant man. He made him marshal of the army, gave him two hundred well-mounted horsemen, three hundred foot soldiers, and another French knight, Lord John Mauterrier, to be his companion. He ordered them to go to the despotate and to begin the war as soon as they could, with the help of the prince of Morea and the count of Cephalonia. He would send letters to them directing and requiring them to go in person with all their forces to help and accompany Lord Remondas, his captain, and the men-at-arms he was ordering into Romania to fight a war with the despotess. She did not want to keep the agreements that the despot, her husband, had made with the king when they arranged the marriage together. 980. When Lord Remondas had the letters that the king was sending to Morea to Prince Philip of Savoy, to the marshal, and to the count of Cephalonia, he took his leave, came to Brindisi, and from there sent those letters to Morea. He himself came to Vonitza, which belonged to the prince of Taranto, to arm himself. He stayed there until he knew the prince and the marshal had passed Neopant and were coming toward him, and that Count John had come to Vonitza. They assembled themselves and went over the gulf, then descended to the port of Coprena, which is four miles from Arta. 981. When the prince and the marshal from Morea had passed the Gulf of Neopant, they rode until they came to Coprena, where they found Lord Remondas, King Charles’s captain, and Count John of Cephalonia. 982. When they were all together, they estimated the number of fighting men they had. It was found that Lord Remondas had 220 horsemen, soldiers from the West. A local Greek nobleman, who was called Cocomatiano, a vassal of the prince of Taranto in the despotate, had more than two hundred horsemen in his battalion. The prince and the marshal had more than three hundred horsemen, and the count of Cephalonia had more than one hundred horsemen in his battalion. 983. They left Coprena and came directly to the noble castle of Arta. They found the town empty of everything. So many people had gone into the castle that they constituted its guard. When our men arrived at Arta, they lodged in the town and besieged the castle. The despotess had had the castle provided with men and food. She had all the houses near the castle torn down to have room to fight, if need be. She took her son Thomas, and they went to the royal castle of Janina. However,

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with the advice of his barons, the despot, who was already fifteen years old, bore arms himself, and held the battlefront against our men. 984. After our men had maintained the siege of Arta for about a month, they left because they ran out of food. They went to a place called Salagora where their ships were with their supplies. When they were at Salagora and had gotten all the supplies they needed, they were advised to go to a castle called Rogous, which is five miles from Arta. 985. When they arrived, they found that this castle was built on a hill encircled by a river that splits in two below the castle, goes around it on each side, and then meets and leaves as one. Where our men were encamped, the forest was so large and dense that no one could pass, unless they cut a path through it. 986. Because the river did not have a ford beyond where our men were encamped, Lord Remondas had an oak tree felled, by which around three hundred foot soldiers passed to besiege the castle. The men in it felt secure, believing the branch of the river on the far side of the castle had no ford. Our men spread out below the trees and bushes that grew on the hill where the castle was and most of them went to sleep. 987. The despot’s men were constantly thinking about how they could hurt our men. They always sought them everywhere, and had spies and lookouts who told them how our men were foolishly hiding in the woods. So, about noon, from the other side of the castle, around three hundred horsemen came to learn the location of our men. 988. When the men inside the castle saw the horsemen and knew they were theirs, they let a man out of the castle by way of a disguised doorway. He went to tell the horsemen the location of those foot soldiers and how they were foolishly asleep in the bushes. If they crossed the river, they could kill them all, without fear of the men from the army. 989. So these men charged ahead quickly and willingly. They found those men sleeping, most unarmed. They killed around eighty men. More than twenty drowned trying to flee back toward our men. After they had routed our men like that, they went back to the despot who was waiting for them at an abbey of Our Lady named la Blaquerne. 990. When the despot heard this news, he rejoiced. But the prince and the marshal of Morea were furious and considered it shameful when they heard the news, just as you have heard it. They saw the despot’s men come and kill these men as they watched, and knew they could not save them because the river was so deep. They bitterly reproached Lord Remondas and even more Count John, who knew the area better than anyone. Then the marshal had the trumpet sounded, and the prince armed himself. The men came out of the woods and came to the plain. That night, they arrived at Arta where they had first stayed. They stayed in Arta about fifteen days. 991. They realized they could not hurt the castle of Arta in any fashion because it was so strong. They could not scavenge anything in the countryside. Everyone from the villages had fled to the mountains and to fortresses with all

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their possessions, so that our men could not find anything to eat. Near them, the despot, Thomas, held a battlefront about a mile wide or more with all his army. They were so situated that if our men wanted to go and find provisions, they could not do it without great danger and without having to fight the despot and his men. The barons, other knights, and noblemen from the army went to the prince’s tent to consult with him on what they wanted to do. 992. They held some heated debates among themselves. Finally, they agreed and said that since the castle was so strong and furnished with so many provisions and men, they could not overcome it in any fashion. They could not plunder the countryside or find any food for themselves or their horses. Staying any longer would be in vain. In addition, the month of August was already gone, and summer had passed. So the best thing would be to retreat from there with honor. Prince Philip could go to his country and the count to his. Lord Remondas should fortify his castles and stay in the country of Quello with all his men, guarding the prince of Taranto’s country and holding the battlefront against the despot, fighting him when he could with his army. He should let the king and the prince know how he had begun the war against the despot and tell them what he had done. After they had their consultation, they arranged to leave. 993. As they were leaving and were about to cross the Macronoros mountains, they found that the despot had taken over the country with all his men. He had eight mounted battalions. About nine in the morning, bowmen blocked their way. Our men could not get by on the most direct road, but had to leave the road and go by way of the crest of the mountain. All that day they had to struggle and toil to get through. They had a great deal of trouble in passing the summit and getting to the plain named la Boidice that evening. The count held the rearguard and guarded the way so that our men were able to pass safely. They defended themselves against the despot’s men when they blocked the road and often charged the count and his men. 994. When the count saw the despot’s men charging him in this way, in order to defend his honor, he had to turn back toward the enemy. The despot’s men had the worst of it on his return because they lost nine horsemen, either dead or captured. When the despot’s men saw that they had been routed, they fled back to where the despot was and let the count pass by in peace. After our men arrived at the plain of la Boidice, they stayed at la Lessyaire that evening. 995. Afterward, the prince and the marshal left with all their men and went to Morea. The count of Cephalonia remained with Lord Remondas in the country of Quello for about a month, then left and went to Cephalonia. Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer and affairs of the heart 996. We will stop talking about Lord Remondas and his war and will tell you about Lord Nicholas of Saint-Omer, marshal of Morea. 997. As we told you earlier, the marshal married my lady Guillerma, daughter of Count Richard of Cephalonia, after the death of her first husband, John

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Chauderon, grand constable of Achaia.117 This lady was mature, and the marshal was a young man. Because the lady was beautiful, he married her for her great beauty and the love he had felt for her since the time of her first marriage. For three whole years, the marshal knew no other lady but her. 998. But the lady was contrary with him. She was so jealous that she never left him in peace and picked fights with him. When he came back from anywhere, she told him he came from debaucheries. She did not let him live in peace, but made him suffer and lead the most difficult life in the world. He had to get out into the country to escape her company, disheartened and depressed. He took her with sweet words and swore to her he had slept with no other woman since he married her. He begged her to stop making him live such a miserable life. If she did not leave him in peace, because she was wrongly blaming him, to be quite frank, she would force him to break his yoke. If by chance he ever broke it, no master, no matter how wise, could ever snare him again. 999. Why drag out the story for you? She made him live such a miserable life that the nobleman could no longer stand it. He thought to himself that he could die of despair because she upbraided him like this. Finally, he said that because she would not let him live in peace and he might die of despair, he would make her die just as he was going to die. And for such a death, he would incur no sin, nor any reproach from the people. 1000. He thought to himself that the most beautiful death he could give her was to pretend to fall in love with some lady from the country. She would then have such enormous despair and jealousy that she might die of it. He told those closest to him that since he was setting out to do this, he could not do it secretly, so that everyone in the world would not know about it. He said it would not be honorable for him to fall in love with a low-born lady. Because he had to fall in love, he wanted to love a lady from a grand family, and this would be the lady of Akova, Princess Isabelle’s sister.118 She would cause his wife, the marshaless, the most humiliation, because the lady had been married to Count Richard of Cephalonia, her father. 1001. From that time forward, he began going often to see, follow, and accompany the lady of Akova when she wanted to go anywhere. He could not do it so secretly that it was not plain to the country that the marshal loved the countess. This was told to Count John; he himself noticed it because of the great emotion he saw between them. But the count did not dare show that he knew. 1002. Afterward, the marshal had his wife live at Rhoviata. He had ten squires who served her, one physician, and two chaplains. He went around the countryside indulging himself in hunts for game and waterfowl and having a good time. To humiliate his wife, every time he came to see her, he only stayed a short time and then left. 117

 Despite this assertion, no mention of this marriage has been previously made, apart from the allusion in ¶890 that Count Richard was Saint-Omer’s father-in-law. 118  Marguerite of Villehardouin, lady of Akova (1266 to February 1315). See her entry in the annotated index.

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The conflict in Arta is peacefully defused 1003. Prince Philip of Savoy and the marshal of Morea returned from the despotate where they had gone to start the war that then broke out between the despot and the prince of Taranto. It happened at the time they returned, between them, they led a very good life that winter, being the young knights they were. 1004. The despotess and her son Thomas were told that Prince Philip and the marshal would certainly come to the despotate in the spring to make war against the despotate with all their might. Lord Remondas had sent letters and messengers to King Charles and to the prince of Taranto telling them that they should send letters demanding the prince and the marshal come in the spring as forcefully as they could to make war against the despotate. 1005. The despotess was afraid and very worried. They feared these two barons and the men from Morea more than they did the two hundred men from the West, because they were used to fighting in Romania and knew the country and the condition of its people. They discussed what they could do to dissuade them from coming to wage war against them as they intended to do. 1006. They called in a nobleman, the abbot of la Starne abbey, and gave him ten thousand hyperpyra in coin. He was to go to the prince, give him six thousand hyperpyra and the marshal four thousand hyperpyra and negotiate with them so they would not come to their country to make war against them. When the abbot arrived in Morea, he went to the marshal and to the prince and gave them the money as secretly as he could. He let them know on behalf of the despotess and the despot that they must promise him not to go to their country at all, nor to send their men. 1007. After they had received this money and made the abbot this promise, they conferred about how they could get out of the expedition with honor. The marshal told the prince that no better reason could be found than to command that a parliament be held in Corinth in the spring. All the barons and other men would have to come there to settle the affairs of the principality: ‘While we are there, if the king or the prince asks us again to go to the despotate, we will have a just excuse. We will be far from Morea. We could not return to get ready and equip ourselves in time, nor to summon our men and get them ready so quickly.’ When the prince heard the marshal find such a suitable solution to the affair, out of the great joy he felt, he kissed him on the cheek and thanked him very much. A grand parliament is called for the spring in Corinth 1008. The prince sent word to the duke of Athens, the duke of Naxos, the marquis of Vonitza, to the lords of Negroponte and all sorts of other men who held their lands from him, that at the beginning of the month of May all of them should be in Corinth. He would be there in person with all the barons of Morea to hold a general parliament to take care of certain affairs that would profit the country. He also sent word to Count John of Cephalonia and all the other barons and knights of the principality that they should be at this parliament.

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1009. When the month of April was drawing to a close, after Easter, each prepared himself to go to the noble city of Corinth. The marshal was the most powerful man in the principality, had the greatest number of men, and spent the most. He said to the prince that, because he had the funds, he had to go speak to the countess, who was at Akova. He asked the prince not to hold it against him if he did not accompany him in going together straight to Corinth. The marshal took with him two knights and twelve squires, left Morea, and came to Akova. From there, he was supposed to go to Corinth by way of Polyphengo Mountain. He left the rest of his men in Morea to go to Corinth in the company of the prince. 1010a.119 The count of Cephalonia learned that the marshal had gone to Akova on the way to Corinth. He felt shame and dishonor for his sister, the marshaless, whom the marshal had abandoned, as you have heard. Because of this, he arranged for Lord William of Cephalonia, who was then living in la Palessien, to come with his men by night. He took his sister, the marshaless, and led her to the port of Glarentza, where he found the count’s galley waiting for them. They boarded the galley right away, went to Cephalonia, and were not seen or discovered until the next day. 1010b. When the count saw his sister, he was very happy. He hugged her and kissed her and then said to her: ‘Dear Sister, I thank God that I was able to free you from the prison where the marshal, your husband, has been holding you, because we are on our way to Corinth. The prince, the duke of Athens, and all the noblemen from the entire principality will be gathered there. He will argue the wrong you have done him. If you are guilty, you will bear such punishment as these noblemen might decree. If not, it will be known that he wrongly and sinfully kept you in such a base manner. You will be absolved and considered a proud lady, and he will bear the blame.’ 1012. When the people at Rhoviata who worked for the marshal learned that their lady had been spirited away from them at night by her brother, Lord William of Cephalonia, they worried that the marshal would blame them. Nevertheless, they let him know about it at Akova where he had gone. When the marshal learned the news, how his wife, the marshaless, had been taken from him by her brothers, who took her at night from Rhoviata and carried her over to Cephalonia, he was extremely angry and humiliated by it. He said that if he lived, he would avenge himself on her and her brothers.120 1013. He took leave of the lady of Akova, went by way of Polyphengo Mountain, and came to Corinth the same day as the prince and the barons of Morea. He sent word to Thebes to all those holding land from him, that they should come to him 119  Longnon has two paragraphs numbered 1010. We keep his numbering but adjust them as a and b, consistent with our strategy in other places where Longnon repeats or omits paragraph numbers. 120  Longnon surmises (at 396) that Prince Philip persuaded the marshal and his wife to reconcile, as well as the marshal and the count of Cephalonia, but on this matter the Chronicle is silent. Saint-Omer died in 1314, his wife Guillerma somewhat later.

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armed and equipped with everything they needed. His officials would have forage brought to him and everything else he needed for a month. 1014. The prince came to Corinth, and then Count John of Cephalonia by sea with the countess, his wife, the marshaless, his sister, and the wife of the constable too.121 Afterward the duke of Athens arrived with a group of handsome knights. The duke … 122 1015. … the flower of this gathered company, and who wanted very much to win praise and prizes. They promised him to do his wish and to live and die in his honor and service. He thanked very much these men who possessed such grace and good qualities. 1016. The prince sent his messengers throughout all of Romania and all the islands, ordering them to announce that seven pilgrims who had come from the Holy Land were challenging all knights who wanted to come joust and ‘lose a horse or win a horse’. The jousts would last twenty days and would be held at the city of Corinth. Then he had trappings made for the seven knights, with a device of golden shells sewn on green silk. Then he had lists quite nobly made. When the jousts began, those inside jousted with those outside, each in turn. 1017. Then Prince Philip of Savoy came and jousted nobly, as did all the knights of his house. The duke of Athens, the most powerful man after the prince and the best rider, saw how noble the jousts were. He said he would have nothing unless he could joust with Lord William Bouchart, because Lord Bouchart was considered one of the best jousters in the West. He would joust in such a way that he would speed up to him, head-on, horse and body – just to prove himself, even if he should die. 1018. Then he covered himself with good layers of cloth all over his body, and over that, he armored himself with the best pelts he could have. But the duke could not do this so secretly that the marshal did not know about it. When the marshal knew about it, he told Lord William Bouchart that he ought to arm and outfit himself exactly like the duke, lest the duke should strike him. Lord William replied that God would not be pleased if such dishonor were attributed to him. To avoid death, he would not arm himself otherwise than as simply as he had in jousting with the other knights. 1019. It happened like this: the duke came from the outside, nobly accompanied, and Lord William came from the inside. When they were in the row inside the lists, during the first course they made, Lord William intended to spare the duke: first because of the duke’s nobility and rank, and second because the duke was not used to as much jousting as he himself had done. He gave way to him in the list.

121

 She was sister to Count John of Cephalonia and wife of Constable Engilbert of Liedekerke, according to Longnon, p 396. But her name is unknown. 122  The Brussels manuscript has a lacuna here. Longnon believed that the missing information may tell about the seven crusaders who stopped on their way back from the Holy Land, itching to fight with the famous knights of Morea.

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1020. But the duke, who wanted in the worst way to charge him head on, came galloping so audaciously that Lord William could not avoid him. The duke managed to charge his horse straight toward Lord William’s horse with such force that the knights fought man-to-man against each other and their horses too – head to head, so hard that the head of Lord William’s horse was smashed into its body between the two shoulders. It collapsed on the ground together with the knight. 1021. But he, knowing the profession, did not want to leave the lists until the judge ruled whether he was without a horse or not. The duke’s horse crashed into the wooden barriers. And just as he had fallen down with the duke, the knights and other men who were there in a great crowd around the lists, ran there and looked under the duke’s horse, and they forcefully dragged him out by his shoulders and arms … 123 1022. … .to enter the lists like someone who thinks he will die ignobly. When the marshal saw that the knight was apparently not coming toward him, he accomplished his three runs and then went back to his tent, very angry because the count would not come joust with him. He lost his determination and his great desire to do battle with him. 1023. Lord William Bouchart had known for certain that the horse Lord John rode to the jousts was one of the best in the country and that the lord had acted as though the horse was injured because of how much he feared the marshal. When it got toward evening, Lord William managed to get the horse, mounted up completely unarmed, and galloped about, going in and out of the lists, yelling at the top of his voice: ‘Look here at the horse that cannot go to the jousts!’ 1024. This act caused serious accusations to be made against Lord John of Nivelet. And after this joust, everyone who came from outside jousted with all who came from inside, until the jousts were finished, because there were more than a thousand to joust with those from inside. As much as I found, as much I wrote of this conquest of Morea.

123

 The manuscript has a lacuna here. Longnon speculates that the marshal challenged Count John of Cephalonia, who refused to joust with him. It is Lord John of Nivelet, also evading a fight with the marshal, whose claim of an injured horse is so contemptuously disproved by Lord William Bouchart.

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Bibliography Primary Sources Texts and Editions of the ‘Chronicle of Morea’ Chronique de Morée, MS 15702, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Cabinet des manuscrits, la Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne. Brussels, Belgium. Buchon, J. A. C., ed. Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de Morée et ses hautes baronnies. Le livre de la conqueste de la princée de la Morée publié pour la première fois d’après un manuscrit de la Bibliothèque des ducs de Bourgogne à Bruxelles avec notes et éclaircissements. Première époque: Conquête et établissement féodale de l’an 1205 á l’an 1333. Vol. 1. Paris: Imprimerie de Plon Frères, 1845. Hopf, Karl, ed. Chroniques Gréco-Romanes: Inédites ou peu connues, publiées avec notes et tables généalogiques. Berlin: Librairie de Weidmann, 1873. Lurier, Harold E. Crusaders as Conquerors: The Chronicle of Morea. In Records of Civilization, Sources and Studies No. 69, ed. American Council of Learned Societies. New York: Columbia University Press, 1964. Morel-Fatio, Alfred Paul V. Libro de los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea. Geneva: Société de l’Orient Latin, 1885. Schmitt, John, ed. The Chronicle of Morea (To Chronikon tou Moreos): A History in Political Verse, Relating the Establishment of Feudalism in Greece by the Franks in the Thirteenth Century, Edited in Two Parallel Texts from the MSS of Copenhagen and Paris, with Introduction, Critical Notes and Indices. London: Methuen & Co., 1904. Other Primary Texts Froissart, Jean. Chronicles of England, France, Spain, and the Adjoining Countries, from the Latter Part of the Reign of Edward II to the Coronation of Henry IV. Trans. Thomas Johnes. 12 vols. 2nd edn. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1806. Joinville, Jean de and Geoffroi de Villehardouin. Chronicles of the Crusades. Trans. Caroline Smith. London: Penguin, 2008. Longnon, Jean, ed. Livre de la conqueste de la princée de l’Amorée. Chronique de Morée (1204–1305). Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1911. Moncada, Francisco de. The Catalan Chronicle of Francisco de Moncada. Trans. Frances Hernandez. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1975.

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Muntaner, Ramón. The Chronicle of Muntaner. Ed. Anna Goodenough . 2 vols. Hakluyt Society 2nd ser., nos. 47, 50. Repr. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010. Nitti, John J. and Lloyd August Kasten, eds. Concordances and Texts of the Fourteenth-Century Aragonese Manuscripts of Juan Fernández de Heredia. Dialect Series. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1982. Recoura, Georges. Les Assises de Romanie: Édition critique avec une introduction et des notes. Paris: Librairie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1930. Sanudo, Marino. The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross (Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis). Trans. Peter Lock. Crusade Texts in Translation, vol. 21. Farnham, Surrey, UK; Burlington, VT, USA: Ashgate, 2011. Topping, Peter. Feudal Institutions as Revealed in the Assizes of Romania: The Law Code of Frankish Greece. Translation of the Text of the Assizes with a Commentary on Feudal Institutions in Greece and Medieval Europe. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949. Villehardouin, Geoffroy de. Conquête de Constantinople (edition bilingue Français-Français Médiéval). Trans. Jean Dufournet. Garnier Flammarion/ Littérature Bilingue. Paris: Flammarion, 2004. Secondary Sources Airaldi, Gabriella. ‘Roger of Lauria’s Expedition to the Peloponnese’. In Intercultural Contacts in the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of David Jacoby, ed. Benjamin Arbel, 14–23. London: Routledge, 1996. Arbel, Benjamin, ed. Intercultural Contacts in the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of David Jacoby. London: Routledge, 1996. ———Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby, eds. Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204. London: Frank Cass and Company, 1989. Aslanov, Cyril. ‘Aux sources de la chronique en prose française: entre déculturation et acculturation’. In Papers from the Sixth Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Istanbul, Turkey, 25–29 August 2004, 143–165. Ed. Thomas F. Madden. Crusades – Subsidia: 2. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2008. Barber, Malcolm. ‘Western Attitudes to Frankish Greece in the Thirteenth Century’. In Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, ed. Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby. London: Frank Cass and Company, 1989. ———The Crusader States. New Haven; London: Yale University Press, 2012. Barber, Robin. Blue Guide to Greece. London: A&C Black, 1987. Beaton, Roderick. The Medieval Greek Romance. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Blanchard, Paul. Blue Guide to Southern Italy: From Rome to Calabria. 6th edn. London: A&C Black, 1986.

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Bloch, Marc. Feudal Society: The Growth of Ties of Dependence. Trans. L. A. Manyon. Vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961. Bon, Antoine. La Morée Franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques, et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe 1205–1430. 2 vols. Paris: Editions E. de Boccard, 1969. Bouchet, René. Chronique de Morée. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2005. Bratu, Cristian. ‘L’esthétique des chroniqueurs de la IVe Croisade et l’épistème gothico-scolastique’. In The Medieval Chronicle V (2008), 61–76. Cheetham, Nicolas. Medieval Greece. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981. Chrissis, Nikolaos G. Crusading in Frankish Greece: A Study of ByzantineWestern Relations and Attitudes, 1204–1282. Medieval Church Studies. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2012. Duby, Georges. France in the Middle Ages 987–1460. Cambridge, MA: WileyBlackwell, 1992. Evergates, Theodore. The Aristocracy in the County of Champagne, 1100–1300. Middle Ages Series. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. Gaposchkin, M. Cecelia. ‘From Pilgrimage to Crusade: The Liturgy of Departure, 1095–1300’. Speculum 88, no. 1 (2013), 44–91. Gerstel, Sharon E. J., ed. Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese. Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Symposia and Colloquia. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2013. Haines, John. ‘The Songbook for William of Villehardouin, Prince of the Morea (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Fonds français 844): A Crucial Case in the History of Vernacular Song Collections’. In Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese, ed. Sharon E. J. Gerstel. Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Symposia and Colloquia. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2013. Hamilton, Bernard. The Crusades. Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, 1998. Hopf, Karl. Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters bis auf unsere Zeit. Leipzig: Ersch-Gruber Encyclopedie, vols 85 & 86. 1867-1868. Repr. New York: Burt Franklin, 1960. Jacoby, David. ‘Quelques considérations sur les versions de la Chronique de Morée’. Journal des Savants (1968), 133–189. ———La féodalité en Grèce médiévale: Les ‘Assises de Romanie’. École pratique des hautes études. Documents et recherches sur l’économie des pays byzantins, islamiques, et slaves, et leurs relations commerciales au Moyen Age, 10. Paris: Mouton, 1971. ———‘The Encounter of Two Societies: Western Conquerors and Byzantines in the Peloponnesus after the Fourth Crusade’. American Historical Review 78 (1973), 873–906. ———‘Les Assizes de Romanie et le droit Vénitien dans les colonies Vénitiennes’. Recherches sur la Méditerranée orientale du XIIème au XVème siècle: Peuples, sociétés, économies IV (1979), 347–360.

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———‘From Byzantium to Latin Romania: Continuity and Change’. In Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, ed. Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby, 1–44. London: Frank Cass and Company, 1989. ———‘Changing Economic Patterns in Latin Romania: The Impact of the West’. In The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World, ed. Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy Parviz Mottahedeh, 198–234. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2001. ———‘The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Frankish States’. In The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard, 759–778. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Jeffreys, Michael J. ‘The Chronicle of the Morea: Priority of the Greek Version’. Byzantinische Zeitschrift 68 (1975), 304–350. Kennedy, Hugh. Crusader Castles. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Kessler, Herbert L. and Johanna Zacharias. Rome 1300: On the Path of the Pilgrim. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. Lambert, Sarah and Helen J. Nicholson, eds. Languages of Love and Hate: Conflict, Communication, and Identity in the Medieval Mediterranean. International Medieval Research 15. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2012. Llieva, Aneta. Frankish Morea (1205–1262): Socio-Cultural Interaction between the Franks and the Local Population. Athens: S. D. Basilopoulos, 1991. Lock, Peter. The Franks in the Aegean, 1204–1500. London; New York: Longman, 1995. Longnon, Jean. ‘Le prince de Morée chansonnier’. Romania 65 (1939), 95–100. ———L’empire Latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée. Paris: Payot, 1949. ———Actes relatifs à la principauté de Morée 1289–1300. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1967. ———Les compagnons de Villehardouin: Recherches sur les croisés de la Quatrième Croisade. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1978. Madden, Thomas F. ‘The Venetian Version of the Fourth Crusade: Memory and Conquest of Constantinople in Medieval Venice’. Speculum 87, no. 2 (2012), 311–344. Malloy, Alex G, Irene Fraley Preston, and Arthur J. Seltman. Coins of the Crusader States 1098–1291. Vol. 2. Fairfield, CT: Berman Publications, 2004. Metcalf, D. M. ‘The Currency of “Deniers Tournois” in Frankish Greece’. In The Annual of the British School at Athens 55 (1960), 38–59. Miller, William. The Latins in the Levant: A History of Frankish Greece (1204–1566). New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, 1908. Molin, Kristian. Unknown Crusader Castles. New York; London: Hambledon and London, 2001. Moodey, Elizabeth J. Illuminated Crusader Histories for Philip the Good of Burgundy. Ars Nova. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2012.

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Annotated Index of Persons and Places This index lists most persons by first name with family name, the form most often used in the Chronicle: for example, Geoffrey of Bruyères, William of Villehardouin, Boniface of Montferrat. The de la Roche family is the exception because the narrative often confuses its members; please look for individuals under ‘Roche, de la’. We use the form of the name that appears in the Chronicle, with minor adjustments for modern English spelling. In several cases, however, the Chronicle misnames or confuses its characters, and in other cases, more than one version of a name exists. After such entries, we provide the historically accurate name or the alternative name in parentheses. Whenever possible, we also provide each person’s life dates, their regnal title if any, and their dates of rule. Place name entries, similarly, are followed by alternative spellings or appellations in parentheses. Bold numbers refer to the paragraphs in the translation text. ‘CT’ refers to numbers in the chronological table, which precedes the Chronicle narrative. Following the index, we provide a list of those women whom the Chronicle mentions but does not actually name, and whom we have not therefore included in this index. A Achaia (may refer to a town or a region): The town name (usually written with an article, ‘l’Achaia’) appears in the early part of the Chronicle and is described as being near Patras. 90, 95, 105. The region was a Latin principality founded in 1205. Today, it is a small province, whose capital is Patras. Medieval papal records and court documents used ‘Achaia’ as the official name for the Peloponnesus. Though the Chronicle uses ‘Achaia’ occasionally (fewer than 25 instances), it prefers ‘Morea’, which appears about 250 times in the text. grand constable of, 997; prince of, 75, 185, 187, 590; princess of, 546, 553, 586, 592–593, 595; principality of, CT 13, CT 17, 88, 218, 233, 473, 501, 540, 552, 586–587, 590, 593, 595. See also the glossary entry. Adrianople (modern Edirne): A city in northwestern Turkey, very near Istanbul, it was the site of an important battle in April 1205, when Bulgarians defeated the crusader army and captured its leader, Baldwin I. 48, 71, 72, 79, 270, 703 Agnes of Aunoy (d. ca 1344), co-ruler of Arcadia: Daughter of Villain of Aunoy and Elaine of Bruyères, she was the wife of Stephen le Maure, lord of Saint Sauveur. 585

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Agni: the family name of one of the later feudatories in Morea, 87 Akova (OF Mategrifon): A barony in the central Peloponnesus in an area then called Skorta, it was one of the original baronies, with a castle by the same name, given to Walter of Rosières. barony of, 128, 506–531 (dispute over with Marguerite of Neuilly); castle of, CT 19, 219, 503, 531; (Walter of Rosières), lord of, 463–464, 470, 501–503, 518, 584, 868, 955, 971; (Marguerite of Villehardouin), lady of, 868, 955, 971, 1000–1001, 1009, 1013; location mentioned, 736, 1010a, 1012 Albanians: Albania shares a border with the northwestern corner of mainland Greece, though its configuration at the time of the Chronicle varied. As it was at times under Bulgarian control, Albanians are included with those troops. 279, 874 Alexandria, Egypt: 844 Alexios III Angelos (ca 1153–1211), Byzantine emperor (ruled 1195–1203): Elder brother of Isaac II, he overthrew Isaac, had him blinded, and was the Byzantine emperor until July 1203, when the Fourth Crusade began. The crusaders assisted in his downfall, and he sought refuge in various places outside Latin Greece before dying in a monastery in Nicaea. His nephew was Isaac’s son, Alexios IV. 26, 39 Alexios IV Angelos (ca 1182–1204), Byzantine emperor (ruled August 1203 to January 1204): Son of Byzantine emperor Isaac II and brother-in-law of Philip of Swabia, king of the Germans. 27–28, 30–33, 40–55 passim, 61 Alexios V Doukas: See Mourtzouphlos. Alexios Vatatzes (Alexios I Komnenos) (ca 1052–1118), Byzantine emperor during the First Crusade (ruled 1081–1118): 3 Alison: a young girl mentioned in passing in connection with Richard of Cephalonia’s death, 869 Alni: family name of one of the later feudatories in Morea, 87 Alpheios River (OF Charbon): the longest river in the southwestern Peloponnesus (68 miles), flowing through Skorta, 354, 463, 579, 957 Amphissa (OF Salona, also la Sole): a Frankish barony, now the name of a town west of Livadia in south-central mainland Greece, CT 7, 703, 924; Thomas de la Roche, lord of, 234, 238; unnamed lord of, 836, 876, 879, 896, 900, 917 Ancelin of Toucy (fl. 1260): His father, Narjot, and his brother, Philip, were regents of the Latin emperors of Constantinople. His sister (name unknown) was Prince William’s first wife, and another sister, Margaret, married Leonard of Veroli, William’s valued counselor. He fought in and was captured at the battle of Pelagonia. esteemed by and put in charge of Turkish mercenaries, 357–359, 363–377, 386; helps Prince William suppress a rebellion in Skorta, 390–393. See also Leonard, Sir; Sir de Toucy; Philip of Toucy. Ancona: a port in Italy far to the north of Brindisi, on the eastern side of the boot, 844, 848 Andravida (OF Andreville): At the time of the Chronicle, this was the Villehardouin capitol in northwestern Morea because of its strategic location near the coast of

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the Ionian Sea and the port of Glarentza; Geoffrey I, Geoffrey II, and William II of Villehardouin were buried in the Church of Saint James there (since disappeared). 92–95, 105, 128, 146, 150–156, 171, 355–360, 407–408, 450, 459, 498, 510, 535, 593, 603, 610, 614, 621, 686, 816, 826, 837, 871, 889, 934, 952; note at 338 Andritsena (also Andritsaina): a castle and town in central Skorta, 930 Andronikos Asan: nephew and captain of Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II, CT 19 Andronikos Palaiologos (Andronikos II Palaiologos) (ca 1260–1332), Byzantine emperor (ruled 1282–1332): mentioned, CT 4; negotiates with ambassadors from Prince Florent about the Slavs’ takeover of Kalamata Castle in Skorta, ca 1293, 703–734 passim; mentioned, unnamed, 911, note at 911 Androusa (OF Druges): site of a castle, now a village, in Messenia in the Peloponnesus, about 14 miles northwest of Kalamata, 697, 764, 933 Angelos (OF l’Angle): The Chronicle so calls a son of the sebastokrator Theodore, ruler of Thessaly; actually, it is a family name (from Komnenos Angelos Doukas), rather than an individual’s. 265 Angelos of Neopatras (Constantine Angelos Komnenos) (d. 1303), lord of Thessaly and duke of Neopatras (ruled 1289–1303): He was the son of John I of Thessaly and a nephew of William de la Roche of Athens (whose wife, Helen Komnene Doukaina, was Angelos’s sister). The Chronicle refers to his son and successor, John II, only as his son and not by name. 873–879, 917 Angora (modern Ankara, Turkey): emperor of, 601 Anino: cellarer at the castle of Saint George, a relative of Korkondilos, 804–807, 813–814 Anjou, count of (Ramon Berenguer IV of Provence, not of Anjou) (1195–1245): Three of his four daughters (all unnamed) feature in an episode about one’s being slighted by her sisters, 416–425. See also ¶416 entry in the list of unnamed women. Anthony le Flamenc: a knight in the service of Guy II, duke of Athens, who served as his regent in Thessaly, 879–880 Antioch: At the time of the Chronicle, it was a crusader state on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, north of the states of Tripoli and Jerusalem, strategic for travel between Europe and the Middle East. mentioned, 4; princess of (Mary, unnamed) married to Nicholas II of Saint-Omer, 553–554. See also ¶553 entry in the list of unnamed women. Apulia: a region of southeastern Italy making up the heel of the boot; a popular location for sailing to and from Greece, 20, 85, 260, 391, 400–403, 415–419, 426, 436, 440, 450, 458, 474–476, 493–494, 498–499, 545, 549, 551, 558, 561, 588, 707, 754–756, 799, 823–824, 977, note at 475 Aragon, king of: The medieval kings of Aragon, a region in northeast Spain, also ruled the much larger Crown of Aragon, a composite monarchy. 75, 177, 181, 588; James of, 756; Peter of, 775, 787, 792

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Arakhova (OF la grant Arracove): In the Chronicle, the name refers to a castle in Skorta; a more famous town by the same name is on mainland Greece. 495–496, 576, 803–804, 808, 813, 825, 938 Arcadia (modern Kyparissia): a port and castle on the southwestern coast of the Peloponnesus, belonging to the Aunoy family at the time of the Chronicle; castle of, 108, 110, 114, 117, 747, 751, 830; lord of, 585, 702, 740, 747, 968 Archipelago (in Greece): a string of islands in the Aegean Sea, 185 Argos: a town in the northeastern Peloponnesus, six miles from the port of Nauplia, where crusaders built the castle of Larissa on the site of an ancient acropolis, 96, 98, 101–105, 200–201, 223, 468, 870, 917 Arta, castle of: located in the city of Arta, in Epirus, 614, 637, 641, 983, 991 Arta, despot of: See John the grand despot; Nikephoros I; Thomas Komnenos Doukas. Arta, despotess of (Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene, d. 1313, unnamed), wife of Nikephoros I, despot of Arta: disagreement with barons over the marriage of her elder daughter to John of Cephalonia, 617, 653–657; and conflict with the duke of Athens, 881–908, 919, 1004–1007; and conflict with Charles II of Naples (daughter Thamar was married to his son, Philip of Taranto), 973–995 passim; mentioned, CT 8. See list of unnamed women, at CT 8. Arta: A despotate at the time of the Chronicle, historically known as the despotate of Epirus; today, the name ‘Arta’ denotes a city and region in Epirus, on the mainland of northwestern Greece. 546, 553, 601, 607, 619, 621, 627, 629–630, 632, 637, 639, 642–644, 649, 651–652, 919, 975, 980, 983–984, 990. dispute over succession in, 208–216. See also John the grand despot; Nikephoros I; Thomas Komnenos Doukas; Thamar of Arta; Arta, despotess of. Arta, Gulf of (also, Ambracian Gulf): a large inlet on the far western side of mainland Greece, with a very narrow passage to the Ionian Sea, 607, 636, 640 Athens: at the time of the Chronicle, a city and, after 1280, a duchy ruled by the de la Roche family; city or duchy mentioned, 184, 233, 262, 274, 500, 917; Hugh of Brienne as regent of duchy, 549–551; Brienne family inherits duchy, CT 10. See under Roche, de la for lords or dukes of Athens. Aunoy (also Aulnay): family name of the lords of Arcadia and of the fief granted them in 1251 by Prince William. See Geoffrey of Aunoy; Villain of Aunoy. B Baldwin of Aix: a knight in the service of Nicholas of Saint-Omer, 889 Baldwin I, count of Flanders and Hainaut (1172 to ca 1205), first Latin emperor of Constantinople (ruled 1204–1205): He was captured and killed by Bulgarians at the battle of Adrianople and succeeded by his brother Henry of Flanders (called Robert in the Chronicle). plans for the Fourth Crusade, 5, 8, 12, 18–19, 21; elected emperor, 64–68; defeated and killed in battle, 71–74; story of the two emperors Baldwin, 77–79; mentioned, CT 2, 90, 123, 185, 479, 751

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Baldwin II (of Courtenay) (1217–1273), Latin emperor of Constantinople (crowned 1228): Baldwin succeeded his brother Robert of Courtenay (d. 1227), spending part of his reign under the regency of John of Brienne and much of the rest begging money from European courts. in the story of the two emperors named Baldwin, 77–79; seeks help from the West, 82–88; mentioned, CT 12 (incorrectly), 75, 211, 709; notes at 75, 86, and 373 Bari: port town in southeast Italy, 400 Barthomée: a daughter of Jean of Chauderon, from whom she inherited Toporitsa and Valaques in 1294, 527 Bartholomew Ghisi (Bartholomew II Ghisi) (fl. 1311–1341), lord of Tinos and Mykonos; grand constable of Morea; triarch of Euboea (1311–1341): From ca 1326 to ca 1332, Baron Ghisi owned the castle of Saint-Omer in Thebes, where he reportedly kept a copy of the Chronicle. mentioned in the full long title of the Chronicle (the unnumbered introductory paragraph that begins the Chronicle narrative), CT 19, 781. See also George Ghisi. Beaufort: a castle on the coast north of Grand Magne, near the site of ancient Leuktron or Léftro, in Laconia, 207, 218 Beaufort: a fortress built by Prince Florent at the mountain of Condiny to guard the castle of Saint George in Skorta; building the castle, 822, 825; successful defense of the castle during an uprising against Prince Philip, 930–948 Beauvoir (modern Pontikokastro): a castle on the western coast of the Peloponnesus, south of Andravida and an important stronghold in Morea because of its situation on the coast; taken by Ferdinand of Majorca, CT 14; Geoffrey of Villehardouin meets his future wife at, 75, 178; mentioned, 698, 786, 817, 831, 886, 935 Bela of Saint-Omer (1230–1245): head of an important family that ruled part of the duchy of Thebes and the father of John, Nicholas, and Otto of Saint-Omer, 507. See also Saint-Omer. Benedict, archbishop of Patras (fl. 1273): 540–541, 594, 852 Benevento: a town and province toward the lower end of Italy’s boot, about 35 miles inland from Naples; the site of an important battle in 1266, when Charles of Anjou defeated Manfred of Germany and became king of Naples and Sicily, 437, 475 (though not named) Benjamin of Kalamata (fl. 1300), chancellor of Morea: advisor to Princess Isabelle of Villehardouin, 829, 842; accusations of not rendering account of expenses, 857– 867 Biauregart: a place, not found, possibly near Andravida, where Prince William met with Turkish forces, 355, 357, 359 Blaquerne, la: Abbey of Our Lady in Arta, near the castle of Rogous, 989 Blecola, le: a castle in Arta, location uncertain, 658 Boidice, la: a plain in Arta, 993–994 Boniface: a traitorous soldier in charge of guarding the donjon of the castle of Saint George in Skorta, 806–807, 813

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Boniface of Carceri, lord: a knight from one of the leading noble families in Negroponte, whose origin was Lombardy, 896 Boniface of Montferrat, marquis of (1150–1207): leader of the Fourth Crusade, 9, 12, 18, 21, 42; made king of Thessalonica after the crusade, 67–71; goes with Geoffrey of Villehardouin to Corinth to meet up with Champlitte, 99–103; mentioned, 90, 123, 221, 249, 479 Boniface of Veronne: member of the ruling family of the triarchy of Chalkis, in Euboea, 876, 879 Bordeaux: town in southwestern France on the Garonne (OF Gironde) River, 588, 775 Bouillon, Godfrey of: See Godfrey of Bouillon. Brice: family name of one of the later feudatories in Morea, 87 Brindisi (OF Brandys): a port city on the eastern side of the heel on Italy’s boot, in the region of Apulia, and a frequent destination from Greece, 244, 457, 493, 592, 800, 977, 980 Bucelet (Araklovon): a strategic castle in the Peloponnesus, built on the summit of Minthi Mountain, guarding the western entrance to Skorta from the coast, 389, 563–564, 577–578, 585 Bulgaria, also Bulgarians: an empire with a powerful army at the time of the Chronicle, to the northeast and bordering mainland Greece, 874, 898, 910 Burgundy, Louis of: See Louis of Burgundy. C Caconero: a mountain near the castles of Beaufort and Saint George, spelled both Cucouno, 934, and Corcoreno, 939 Caf Celle, plain of: possibly Capsela or Castania, near the castle of Beaufort in Laconia, 942 Calabria: a region on the toe of the boot of Italy, 475, 757, 774; Robert, duke of, 756 Calamy: a valley or plain below Makryplagi Pass, northwest of Kalamata, 367, 736, 743, 830 Calopotamy: a tower outside Glarentza beside the sea, beneath which Princess Isabelle and Roger of Lauria are said to have met, 790–791 Carinthia, duke of (fl. 1260): a noble knight who fought Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, during the battle of Pelagonia; he was from the duchy of Carinthia (German Kärnten, in southeastern Austria), a long-lived part of the Holy Roman Empire, 297 Catalan Company: a band of mercenaries, originally from Catalonia, which in the early fourteenth century became an important organized force in the Mediterranean, CT 11, 500, 527, 548, 554. See the introduction for detail. Catalonia: at the time of the Chronicle, a Mediterranean principality in today’s Spain that was allied with the kingdom of Aragon, 177

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Catherine of Valois (1303–1346): Daughter of Charles of Valois and Catherine of Courtenay, she became titular Latin empress of Constantinople in 1307, when her mother died. In 1313, she married Philip I of Anjou, prince of Taranto, brother of King Robert of Naples; she ruled Achaia on and off either directly or through her heirs for the rest of her life. CT 12, CT 17 Cephalonia: a large, strategically located island off the southwestern coast of mainland Greece, 607. See also Guillerma; John of; Richard of. Ceprano Bridge, Italy: located midway between Rome and Naples in Ceprano, where Charles of Anjou entered Apulia in 1266 to defeat Manfred at Benevento, 436 Chalandritza: a castle and barony near Patras, on the northern coast of the Peloponnesus; unnamed lord of, 526, 936, 968; Guy of Trimolay, lord of, 555; George Ghisi, lord of, 764 Champagne: a county in northern France at the time of the Chronicle and home to many crusaders in several crusades, mentioned in connection with the early days of the principality of Achaia, 8–9, 138–141; as the family home of the barons of Karytaina, 557–558, 567–68; count of (Thibaut III, 1197 to 24 May 1201) and the Fourth Crusade, 5, 6, 7; the count of as Champlitte’s brother, 88–90, 117–123, 136; Geoffrey of Villehardouin, marshal of, 7, 120–123. See also William of Champlitte; Robert of Champagne. Champenois, the: See William of Champlitte. Charles I of Anjou (1227–1285), king of Naples (1266–1285) and Sicily (1262–1282): as brother of king of France (Louis IX, unnamed), 415, 416; marriage to count of Anjou’s (Provence) unnamed daughter (Beatrice of Provence) in 1246, 417; asked by pope to fight Manfred, 419; slighting of his wife (unnamed) by her royal sisters (unnamed), 420–425, see the list of unnamed women, 416–417; defends pope against Manfred’s claims in Italy and in 1266 wins the crown of Naples and Sicily, 426–438, 441; accepts Prince William of Villehardouin as his vassal in 1267 and agrees to betroth his son, Philip, to Isabelle, William’s daughter, 442–455; sends forces to Greece to help Prince William, 461–473; defeats Conradin’s large army in Italy at Tagliacozzo in 1268, 474–493; rules Morea through regents when Prince William dies, 533–543; son Philip dies in 1277, 544–545; appoints duke of Athens as regent of Morea, 547; mentioned, 498, 551, 552, 587, 775 Charles II of Anjou, king of Naples (b. 1254, ruled 1285–1309): son of Charles I, king of Naples and known as Charles the Lame, 544; helps settle claims to a duchy in Morea, 557–560, 567; agrees to the marriage of Florent of Hainaut and Isabelle of Villehardouin, CT 4, 587–592, 598; negotiates agreements with the despot of Arta, 657–660; his envoy Peter of Surie helps two barons of Morea at the Byzantine emperor’s court in Constantinople, 706–732; participates in events concerning Prince Florent, King James of Aragon, and Roger of Lauria, 754–759; war with the despot of Arta, 973–981; mentioned, CT 8, CT 9, 763, 787, 792, 799–800, 920, 1004

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Charles of Valois (1270–1325): Titular Latin emperor of Constantinople by his marriage to Catherine of Courtenay in 1302, he was the fourth son of Philip III of France, the first count of Valois, and later also count of Anjou; mentioned, CT 12, 86, 709–710 Chastelneuf: a castle in Morea built by Princess Isabelle in the Valley of Calamy, 830 Chelmos: a castle near the town and castle of Veligosti, in the barony of the same name, in what was Skorta, 814 Chios: a large island in the Aegean Sea near the coast of modern Turkey famous for its mastic, a plant resin used for several purposes in the Middle Ages, 759–760 Chloumoutzi (OF Clermont): an important, strongly fortified castle near the coast not far from Andravida and Glarentza, near today’s Kyllini, in the northwestern Peloponnesus, 385, 615, 652 Cocomatiano: a Greek nobleman, vassal of the prince of Taranto, 982 Colinet: a protovestiary for Prince William, 526 Condiny: a mountain near the entrance to Skorta and the castle of Saint George, 821, 932, 948 Conradin of Swabia (1252–1268), duke of Swabia, king of Sicily, king of Jerusalem: Opposed in his pretensions in Italy and elsewhere by the pope, he invaded Italy in 1267–1268 with a vast multinational army, met the forces of King Charles I of Anjou at Tagliacozzo, and was defeated on 23 August 1268. He was captured, imprisoned in Naples, and beheaded in October 1268; the Hohenstaufen line ended with him. events described, 474–477, 486–489 Constantinople (modern Istanbul): An important city from ancient times, it was the capital of the Byzantine, Latin, and Ottoman empires. At the time of the Chronicle, a Latin emperor of Constantinople existed, but his power was never strong, and after 1260, actual control of the city was in Byzantine hands. Ancelin of Toucy, regent of, 357–359, 373; Kantakouzenos, noble from, 341–344; Kaballarios, nobleman from, 369; conquest of, CT 2, 77; empire of, 54, 66, 69, 515, 517, 706, 913, note at 373; Byzantine empress of, 911–916; named Byzantine emperors of (Isaac II, and Alexios III and IV), 26, 31–33, (Leo the Philosopher), 58, (Mourtzouphlos), 59, (Andronikos Palaiologos), 703; unnamed emperors of, 106, 444, 456, 597, 605, 608, 616, 657, 801, 909, 976; named Latin emperors of (Baldwin), CT 12, 65–66, 73, (Robert), 177, 186–187, 444, 502; patriarch of, 911; Philip (Narjot) of Toucy, regent of, 87; straits of, 83; mentioned, in descriptive title of the Chronicle, and at CT 3, 3, 25, 29, 33, 36, 46–48, 52, 55–56, 61, 72, 73, 76, 79, 84, 90, 123, 180, 186, 189, 211, 312, 320, 328, 333, 351, 511, 648, 702–703, 707, 721a, 731, 748 Copanitza: unidentified town or castle, probably in the vicinity of Moundra in Skorta, 361 Coprena: a port city in the medieval despotate of Arta, 980–981, 983 Corfu: large, strategic island in the Ionian Sea, forming the edge of the northwestern frontier of Greece, 144–149, 450 Corinth: an important town/castle on the northeastern coast of the Peloponnesus, on the Gulf of Corinth; also the name used then for a fortress, Acrocorinth,

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on a hill above the town; all of Corinth and surrounding area was under the direct control of the prince of Morea. Franks arrive in, 94–102, 104–105; Prince William takes castle of, 191–201; strife between Greeks and Franks in, 662–670, 673–674, 679–682, 690; Gulf of, 924; grand parliament called by Prince Philip of Savoy in, 1007 to end; mentioned, 189, 221, 223, 229, 231, 237, 335, 337, 468, 867 Coron (Koroni): A castle and port in the southwestern Peloponnesus on the tip of Messenia on the Gulf of Messenia, it belonged to Venice during most of this period. castle of, 108, 111, 113, 190, 197, 202; bishop of, 128; diocese of, 698; mentioned as location, 648, 766, 820 Coscolomby: a town in the fief of la Valte, 527 Crete: a large island off the southern coast of Greece, in the Mediterranean Sea, 144 Crievecuer: a castle the Chronicle places in Skorta near the castle of Saint Helen, CT 7, 918, 929, 930 Cumans (also, Kumans): A nomadic, warlike people from the steppes who settled along the Danube, they often served as mercenaries and were known as highly effective light cavalry, whose preferred weapon was the bow and arrow. 69–70, 270, 279, 299, 301–302, 456, 479, 631 D Damala (modern Troizina): a small town in the northeastern Peloponnesus, toward the island of Poros, 98; lord of, 968 Dimatre: a castle in Skorta, possibly at Dimandra, 547, 826, 934 Doge of Venice: See Henry Dandolo. Domestic, Grand: The title of a Greek official just below the emperor. Here, brother of the Byzantine emperor Michael Palaiologos. His name was John (d. ca 1275), but he is not named in the Chronicle and is referred to only by his title. sent to Morea, 336–338, 344–345; abandoned by mercenaries, 346–359, 364; defeated and taken prisoner by Prince William, 375–385, 629, 633–634 Domokos: a town toward Lamia, at the edge of the plains of Thessaly, 894 Durazzo (OF Duras): For some time, the duchy of Durazzo in Albania was under the control of Philip I of Taranto and Catherine of Courtenay, but the particular land swap mentioned here cannot be substantiated historically. CT 17 E Edward, king of England: The Chronicle confuses kings here; Edward I and II were kings of England from 1272–1327, but neither married a daughter of the count of Provence. Historically the king referred to was Henry III (ruled 1216–1272). 416

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Elaine (Helen) of Bruyères (b. ca 1280): daughter of Geoffrey of Bruyères (relative of the famous knight by the same name) and Marguerite of Lisaria; marries Villain of Aunoy, 585 Elassona: a castle and town in the Larissa region of Thessaly, 902 Elos, valley of: a valley in Laconia near Sparta, 388 Engilbert of Liedekerke (fl. 1289–1305): nephew of Prince Florent; husband to the unnamed daughter of Richard of Cephalonia; comes to Morea from Hainaut, 662; named grand constable of the principality, 829 England, king of (unnamed, Henry III): 420–421 Epirus: See Arta. Erars of Aunoy (also Aulnay) (d. ca 1338): son of Villain of Aunoy and Elaine of Bruyères, 585 Escuel: a fief in Akova on the mountain of Movri, 527 Espinas: family name of a later feudatory in Morea, 87 Estransses: a fief of demesne in Elis, 526 Etienne Corbeille: a Burgundian knight appointed vice-marshal in the army of the duke of Athens, 901 F Fanari: a wealthy Slav from Gianitza, who with a friend takes over the castle of Kalamata ca 1293, 693–745 Ferdinand of Majorca (1276 to July 1316): A landless prince, he claimed rights to Morea for James, his son by Isabelle of Sabran, daughter of Marguerite of Villehardouin and Isnard of Sabran. He was killed in 1316 in the battle of Manolada, fighting against Louis of Burgundy, husband of Mahaut of Hainaut, who claimed Morea through her mother, Princess Isabelle. CT 14, CT 15 Flamenc, le, Anthony and John: knights in the service of the duke of Athens, 879–880 Flanders: at the time of the Chronicle and for centuries after, a large county encompassing some of the northern regions of modern France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. See Baldwin of; Robert of. Florent of Hainaut (ca 1255–1297), prince of Achaia (1289–1297): Son of Adelaide of Holland and John I of Avesnes, he was in the service of Charles II of Naples as constable of the kingdom of Naples. marriage to Princess Isabelle of Villehardouin and homage from the barons of Morea in 1289, CT 4, 589–597; as father of Mahaut of Hainaut, 546; initiates peace agreements with the Greeks, 598–607; helps the despot of Arta against the Byzantine emperor, 609–615, 620–651; returns the despot’s son, Thomas, to him, 651–652; affair of his greedy nephew, Walter of Liedekerke, and the Greek nobleman Foty, 661–692; by fighting and negotiation, regains Kalamata from the Slavs who seized it, 693–744; restores the castle of Arcadia to Geoffrey of Aunoy, 747–752; goes to Apulia to see Charles of Naples, 754–756; absent during Roger of Luria’s excursion in Morea, 785–798; returns from Apulia to deal

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with a rebellion in Skorta that ruptures the peace with the Greek emperor, 799–826; as uncle of Engilbert of Liedekerke, 829; death of, CT 5, 827–828 Foty: a Greek nobleman living in Corinth, cousin of James le Chasy of Kalavryta, an ally of the Byzantine emperor; mistreated by Walter of Liedekerke, 664–673; mistakenly kills Guy of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza, 674–681, 685–692 France: country of, mentioned, CT 12, 12, 85, 117, 118, 125–126, 137, 165, 171–172, 262, 313, 441, 545–546; barons, nobles of, 10–11, 15–16, 21, 29, 40, 107, 138–139, 164, 247–250, 314, 429, 580, 850; unnamed kings of, 10–12, 86, 117, 119, 138, 163, 164–165, 239, 552, 706; king of, and Charles, count of Anjou, 415–420, 426–427, 433, 709–710, CT 12, and William de la Roche of Athens, 243–254, 329, 546; kingdom of, 2, 136; 12 peers of, 138; unnamed queens of, 9, 11–12, 420–421, 424–425 Francesco dalle Carceri, the elder: a knight from one of the leading noble families in Negroponte, whose origin was Lombardy, 896 Franciscan: monastery at Andravida, 410; friars, 654, 684 Franks; French: 69, 70, 348, 350, 354 (our), 663, 666, 685; (French) 21–23, 25 (our), 28, 29, 37, 38, 45, 47–51, 110, 321, 332, 466 (our), 641, 668, 850; king, 111; queen, 111–112; language, 207, 336; pride and arrogance of, 315; note at 338. See also Latins. Frederick II, king of Germany (December 1194 to December 1250) (ruled 1220 to December 1250): Powerful ruler from the house of Hohenstaufen, he was king of Sicily (1197–1250), king of Jerusalem (1225–1228), and Holy Roman Emperor (1220–1250), although he was in constant conflict with the pope. 418, notes at 418 and 475 Frederick, king of Sicily (b. 1272, ruled 1296–1337): forcibly took over from his brother, James II of Aragon, as ruler of the island kingdom of Sicily (Trinacria), 756–758 Fylocalo: the castellan of Bucelet, a castle in Skorta, 564–565, 571, 575 G Galata (OF Galatas): From the late thirteenth through the mid-fifteenth centuries, the Genoese colony near Constantinople, 82–83, 654 Galeran of Ivry: seneschal of Sicily to 1278, regent for King Charles I in Morea (1278–1280), 461– 469, 471–473 Gardelevio (also Dragalevos, Cardalevo): an unidentified region in Laconia, in the Peloponnesus, 465 Gardichy: castle in Skorta near Makryplagi Mountain in the south-central Peloponnesus, 375, 830 Gardiki: castle in Thessaly, 879 Gargano: mountain range in northern Apulia, Italy, where the shrine of Saint Michael is located, 400 Garonne (OF Gironde): a river in southwestern France, 588, 775

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Gastoigne, la Petite: a fief of demesne on the plain of Morea, 526 Gaudiano Romano da Scalea: a representative of Catherine of Valois in Morea, CT 17 Gello-Castro: a castle reportedly in Arta in the Acarnania region of southwestern mainland Greece, a location strategic to routes to Morea, 658 Genoa, Italy; and Genoese: a rival to Venice in and around Greece at the time of the Chronicle, 82–83, 607, 637, 639, 640, 644 Geoffrey of Aunoy (also Aulnay), lord of Arcadia (d. after 1297): said in the Chronicle to be married to a relative of the Byzantine emperor, sent by Prince Florent to negotiate with the Byzantine emperor about the castle of Kalamata, 702, 704–753 Geoffrey of Bruyères (also Briel) (1223–1275), lord of Karytaina, lord of Skorta: Son of Hugh of Bruyères, one of the original landed barons of Morea, and Alix of Villehardouin, daughter of Geoffrey I, he married Isabelle de la Roche (1234–1279). erroneously named as one of the original barons in Morea, 128; allies with the duke of Athens against his uncle, Prince William II, 226–231, 238; appears before the prince for judgment, 240–242; fights in the battle of Pelagonia, 287–289, 296–304; taken prisoner by the Greek side, 306, 312; helps negotiate a peace treaty with the Greeks, 317–328; goes to Apulia with the wife of John of Catavas, one of his knights, 391, 398–415, 440; makes an expedition against Greek forces in Laconia, 463–471; death of, 497, 557; mentioned, 219, 395, 494–496, 502, 548; notes at 475, 498, 546 Geoffrey of Bruyères (fl. 1280): nephew of the lord of Karytaina (of the same name); seeks his fortune in Morea, 557–586; marries Marguerite of Lisaria in 1279, 585 Geoffrey of la Botiere: a knight in the service of Nicholas of Saint-Omer, 889 Geoffrey of Tournay (also as Durnay) (d. ca 1283): as the lord of Kalavryta (in error here for Otto of Tournay, d. 1260), 87; lord of Vostitza and a favorite of Charles II of Naples, 587, 774. See also John of, and Otto of Tournay. Geoffrey of Villehardouin (1160 to ca 1214), marshal of Champagne, marshal of Romania, historian: The Chronicle at times confuses the marshal and Prince Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, who was his nephew and namesake. as participant in and chronicler of the Fourth Crusade, 7–10, 14–15, 40, 43, 123 Geoffrey I of Villehardouin (ca 1169 to ca 1228), lord of Kalamata beginning 1205, regent of Morea (1209), prince of Morea (ca 1210 to ca 1228): Nephew of the chronicler and marshal by the same name, with whom he is confused in the Chronicle, he participated in the Fourth Crusade, but bypassed Constantinople. accompanies Boniface of Montferrat to Morea, 99; remains in Morea with William of Champlitte, 103–104; helps in takeover of Morea, 107–109; oversees apportionment of Morea among barons, 120–122; receives Kalamata and becomes Champlitte’s regent, 123–127; verifies fiefs in Morea, 128–131; continues takeover of Morea and agrees to assume control, 134–136; is behind delay of Champlitte’s relative in claiming Morea, 142–171; becomes ruler of

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Morea, 172; makes arrangements for his succession, 173– 176; mentioned, 75, 139, 535, 568, 839 Geoffrey II of Villehardouin (1194–1246), prince of Morea (ca 1228–1246): Son of Geoffrey I and elder brother of Prince William II, he married Agnes of Courtenay (unnamed in the Chronicle), daughter of the Latin emperor of Constantinople, Peter of Courtenay (erroneously called Robert in the Chronicle). is named to succeed his father, 174, 176; intercepts the Latin emperor’s daughter while she is traveling and marries her, 177–181; made prince of Achaia by the Latin emperor and receives a copy of the Customs of the Empire, 182–187; dies without issue, 188; mentioned, 75, 173, 444, 515 George Ghisi (d. 1311): Son of Bartholomew I Ghisi and father of Bartholomew II Ghisi, he was lord of Chalandritza because of his marriage to a daughter of Guy of Trimolay; later, he was lord of Tinos and Mykonos. He died in a battle with the Catalan Company. mentioned, 764, 771, 781, 783, 794. See also Bartholomew Ghisi. George la Vulge (Lianort): an ally of Fanari, a Greek who instigated a takeover of the castle of Kalamata, 737 George Micronades (also Mycronas): He and his brother John were behind a Greek rebellion in Skorta against Prince Philip of Savoy, 922–950 passim George Sgoromaly: said to be the Byzantine emperor’s marshal in Morea in 1293, he helped the Franks regain the castle of Kalamata and lost everything because of it, 721–727, 731–745 Geraki (OF Girachy): John of Nivelet’s castle in the mountainous inland region of Laconia, 128, 219 Gerard of Remy: a Frankish knight living in Skorta whose altercation with the Greek Korkondilos escalated, 803–805 Germany, German(s): mentioned at 268, 270, 437; Conradin of, 474–477, 486–489, note at 475; emperor of (historically, Philip of Swabia, king of the Germans, 1177–1208), 27, 28, 31, 42, note at 27; Emperor Frederick of, 418; Manfred of, 401–404, 419, 426–427, 437–438, 441, 475, 488, 561; king of, 297; (German) troops, 270, 279, 294–301, 431, 477 (savage), 481–482 (mercenaries), 485–486, 630; (Germans), 431 (proud, sinful) Ghisi, Bartholomew: See Bartholomew Ghisi. Gianitza (OF Janisse): town and castle near and to the northeast of Kalamata and site of a rebellion by the Slavs ca 1293, 693–698, 801 Glarentza (OF Clarence): an important castle and port town on the western coast of the Peloponnesus and the location of an early mint for the principality of Morea, CT 7, CT 14, CT 17, 85, 110, 146, 149, 407–408, 451, 457, 470, 493, 516, 538–539, 576, 593–594, 619, 621, 651–652, 759, 779, 782, 784, 785–787, 792, 794, 800, 844, 848–850, 854, 858, 867, 871, 890, 936, 1010, note at 103 Godfrey of Bouillon (1060–1100): leader of the First Crusade and king of Jerusalem, CT 1, 4 Gogonas: a location or town, possibly somewhere in Skorta, 339 Gracien of Boucere: Castellan of Beaufort, 930, 941, 945

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Grand Magne: a castle at the tip of the Mani peninsula on the southern end of the Peloponnesus (exact location disputed today), 207, 218, 317, 326, 502, 762, note at 205 Gravia: a town, now a village, midway between Lamia to the north, and Livadia to the south, on mainland Greece, 274, 891–892 Greek: archontes, 87, 120, 199, 351, 395, 601, 608, 641, 912, 916, 918; (emperor’s) captain, 466, 468, 575, 601, 671, 680, 700–702, 810; church, 359; clergy, 911; despot, 290; emperor, 3, 15, 26, 45, 52–55, 58, 76, 84, 88, 189, 207, 330, 601, 663, 703–744 (and Slavic takeover in Morea); forces, 84, 279, 331, 371, 572, 576, 910; language, 207, 308, 357, 376, 654, 702, 802; noble(s), 94, 106–107, 121, 374, 640, 663–692 (Foty, wronged), 721a–746 (pro-Latin Sgoromaly), 803–805 (upstanding Korkondilos wronged), 898, 982 (Cocomatiano, vassal of Naples); ruler, 80; vessels, 195; war maneuvers, 476, 479, 928, 931–952 (in Skorta) Greek(s): eastern, 77, 456, 631; as enemies, 181–182, 440, 491, 495; ingenious, 938; malicious, 45, 479, 940; rebellious against Rome, 29, 33; traitorous (Korkondilos), 803–826; valiant, 96; wise, 58, 120; mentioned, CT 7, 39, 47–55 (at Constantinople), 91, 110, 116, 132–133 (in Morea), 172, 189, 194, 199, 327, 354, 362–379 (fight at Makryplagi Pass), 387, 466, 574–585 (fight over Bucelet castle), 595, 830, 849, 853, 877, 905 Gueraines: a fief of demesne near Kalavryta, 526 Guibert of Cors: a knight for the duke of Athens, 233. See also Marguerite of Neuilly, his wife. Guillerma (OF Gulielma), daughter of Richard of Cephalonia: mentioned as the widow of John of Chauderon, 997; troubled period in her marriage to Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, her husband later in life, 996–1002, 1010–1014 Guomenice, la: a fief of demesne near Kalavryta, 526 Guy II, lord of Athens: see under Roche, de la Guy of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza (d. 1295): killed in error by an aggrieved Greek named Foty, 674–692, 708, 717, 739, 801 Guy of Monbel: Italian nobleman and master counselor to Philip of Savoy, 848 Guy of Nivelet (fl. 1230): given the fief of Geraki in Laconia, one of the original baronies in Morea, 87; (as Nivele), 128 Guy of Trimolay (also Dramelay) (d. ca 1285): lord of Chalandritza and regent of the principality of Achaia under Charles I for a time, 555–556; his daughter, unnamed, married George Ghisi, 764 H Hainaut: At the time of the Chronicle, a county that overlapped the modern boundaries of France and Belgium. 662; count of, 589. See Florent of; Mahaut of.

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Halmyros (also Almyros): Located in southern Thessaly or Boeotia near the river Kephissos (Cephissus), this was the site of an important and disastrous battle on 15 March 1311, when much of Frankish nobility was killed by the Catalan Company. Walter of Brienne had summoned the Company to help him expand his territory; he subsequently refused to pay them and thus brought on the battle. CT 11, 500, 548. See also Catalan Company; Walter of Brienne. Henry Dandolo (Enrico Dandolo; OF Henri Dadule) (ca 1107 to May 1205), doge of Venice (ruled 1192–1205): shrewd Venetian leader during the Fourth Crusade, 15–18, 23–24, 35, 63–67, 72–74, 142–146, 190, 197 Hospitallers: an important Western Christian military order in the Latin East, 121 Hugh of Brienne, count of Lecce (1240–1296): in 1277, marries Isabelle de la Roche, widow of Geoffrey of Bruyères and sister to the duke of Athens, 498–501; they have a son, Walter, 548; after Isabelle dies, in 1291 marries Helen Komnene Doukaina of Thessaly, widow of Duke William de la Roche of Athens, and they have a daughter named Joan, 550–551; mentioned, 545; his son Walter inherits the duchy of Athens, CT 10 Hugh of Charpigny: son of Guy of Charpigny, lord of Vostitza, 936, 968, 972 Hugh of Lille: one of the original feudatories in Morea, given the barony of Vostitza, 128 Humbert of Miribel: an Italian knight in Prince Philip of Savoy’s retinue, 848, 859 Hungary: 270; king of, 268, 507; queen of Naples from, 587; Hungarians, as paid warriors, 270, 279, 299, 301–302; notes at 507 and 587 I Isaac, Kyr (OF Kyr Saqy) (Isaac II Angelos) (September 1156 to January 1204), Byzantine emperor (ruled 1185–1195 and 1203–1204): Younger brother of Alexios III, who overthrew him in 1195 and had him blinded, Isaac was briefly restored to the throne in 1203 and ruled with his son, Alexios IV. 26–27, 39–43, 49–50, 77; note at 27 Isabelle of Villehardouin (OF Ysabeau) (ca 1263–1311/12), princess of Achaia (Morea) (ruled 1289–1307): daughter of Prince William and Anna Komnene Doukaina, sister to Marguerite of Villehardouin; promised in marriage to Philip of Anjou (called Louis in the Chronicle), son of King Charles I of Naples, and taken to Naples in 1267, 415, 442–455; marriage to Louis, 552; death of Louis (January 1277), 544; marries Florent of Hainaut in 1289 to become princess of Morea, CT 4, 586–589; King Charles imposes stipulations regarding the marriage, 590–591; returns to Morea with Prince Florent, 592–595; meets with Roger of Lauria at Glarentza during Prince Florent’s absence, 785–798; widowed by Prince Florent in 1297, arranges her affairs, 828–830; negotiates marriage of daughter Mahaut of Hainaut to Guy II de la Roche, duke of Athens, 831–840; goes to Rome on pilgrimage in 1300 and meets Philip of Savoy, CT 6, 841–847; marries Philip in 1301 and they return to Morea as prince and

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princess, CT 7, 848–853; intervenes in an altercation in court between Prince Philip and Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, 863–864; mentioned 546, 552, 857, 859, 868, 920, 955, 958, 1000, note at 544 Isova: a Cistercian monastery now in ruins in the western Peloponnesus near the Alpheios River. See notes at incomplete paragraphs 338 and 461 Italy: Not a unified country at the time of the Chronicle, and when mentioned, refers to the general area rather than to the modern country, 418, 434, notes at 418, 475 J James, bishop of Olena: Olena was a see in Morea, including Andravida, 445, 447, 840, 967, CT 19 James le Chasy of Kalavryta: nobleman loyal to the Byzantine emperor and a cousin of Foty, 664, 669, 671 James II of Aragon (1267–1327), king of Aragon (1291–1327), king of Sicily (1285–1296): His sister Yolanda married Robert of Anjou, the future king of Naples in 1297, and his brother Frederick ruled Sicily 1296–1337. James fought with Charles II of Naples for supremacy over holdings in the Mediterranean countries. The Catalan Company emerges from this conflict. 756–757 James of Veligosti: owner of the fief of la Valte in Akova, 527 Janina (OF la Ganine, Jannena, also Ionnina): largest city and capital of Arta (now Epirus), in northwestern mainland Greece, 274, 607, 627–635, 640, 647, 881, 902, 903, 983 Jerusalem: 33, 185; kingdom of (a crusader state from 1099–1291), 2, 4, 5, 29, 52; Holy Land of, 3, 5, 7, 19, 25, 29, 61, 89, 123, 435; holy sepulcher of, CT 1, 435 Joan of Brienne (fl. 1315): Daughter of Helen Komnene Doukaina (widow of William, duke of Athens) and Hugh of Brienne, she married the duke of Naxos. 550 John le Flamenc: a knight in the service of the duke of Athens, 879–880 John Mauterrier: a French knight who was a companion to Lord Remondas, 979 John Micronades: He and his brother George were the Greeks behind the rebellion in Skorta against Prince Philip of Savoy, 922–950 passim John of Catavas: a brave knight in the service of Geoffrey of Bruyères, who became romantically involved with Catavas’s beautiful wife, 399 John (of) Chauderon (d. 1294), grand constable of Achaia (ca 1278–1294): The Chronicle does not distinguish between John and his father Geoffrey (d. ca 1278), both of whom were grand constables of Achaia. John succeeded his father in 1278, but his father’s deeds were recorded under his name, as Geoffrey is not named. Geoffrey was constable during the events surrounding the battle of Pelagonia and up to or shortly after William II’s death, in 1278. John’s sister, unnamed, is sent as a hostage to the Byzantine emperor for Prince William’s release from prison, 328, 502; daughter, Barthomée, is mentioned as

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holder of a fief, 527; sent to negotiate with the Byzantine emperor on behalf of Prince Florent about Kalamata, 702–751; activities as grand constable, 533, 536–537, 587–588, 699–700, 789, 797; death of, 829; as husband of Guillerma of Cephalonia, count Richard’s daughter, 997; mentioned, 502 John of Gravina, count (1294–1336), claimant to the principality of Achaia (1318–1332): Younger son of King Charles II of Naples, he was betrothed to Mahaut of Hainaut in 1318 and declared ruler of Morea the same year, when Mahaut refused to marry him. He lost rights to Morea in 1332. CT 16, CT 17 John of Monpas: dubbed a knight by Philip of Savoy, 943 John of Neuilly (Nully; also called ‘of Passava’) (fl. 1230): marshal of Morea, lord of Passava (in Mani) and one of the original landed barons of Morea, he is mentioned as the father of Marguerite of Neuilly, 128, 219, 328, 501–502. See also Marguerite of Neuilly. John of Nivelet, lord of Geraki (ca 1250–1264): The Nivelets lost their original fief, the barony of Geraki, ca 1264 to the Byzantine Empire, but were compensated with various new lands. as lord of Geraki (ca 1250), 219; helps Prince William, 469; a son or grandson shamed in the famous 1304 joust at Corinth, 1023–1024. John of Nuefchastel, Brother: high commander of the Templars, 972 John of Saint-Omer (d. 1314): alliance with the lord of Athens and defeat by Prince William, 233–234, 238; marriage to Marguerite of Neuilly, lady of Passava and would-be duchess of Akova, ca 1276, 233, 507; dispute with Prince William over Marguerite’s claim to Akova, 508–510, 522, 530; mentioned, 386 John of Tournay (also written Durnay) (fl. 1290): lord of Kalavryta, 742–743; and Roger of Lauria, 764–783, 794–796; reportedly married to a daughter of Richard of Cephalonia, 776. See also Geoffrey of Tournay; Otto of Tournay. John of Vidoigne: a knight in the service of Philip of Savoy, 945 John I Orsini (d. 1317), count of Cephalonia (ruled ca 1304–1317): marries Maria Komnene Doukaina, daughter of the despot of Arta (in 1292), 617–619, 653–654; inherits the island of Cephalonia when his father, the count, is killed (in 1304), 954; backed by Prince Philip in a dispute with his father’s widow, Marguerite of Villehardouin, over her inheritance, 955–972; called to help Charles II of Anjou, 978– 982, 990–995; invited to the famous parliament at Corinth, 1008; defends his sister’s honor in an argument with her husband, Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, 1001, 1010a–1014; note at 1012 John the Grand Despot (Michael II, ruler of Thessaly and despot of Arta) (ruled 1230 to ca 1266): he was the father of Nikephoros, despot of Arta; of an illegitimate son ‘Theodore’ (John I Doukas), ruler of Thessaly; of Anna Komnene Doukaina, wife of William of Villehardouin; and of Helen, wife of Manfred of Hohenstaufen. 209–214 John Vatatzes (John Asan II) (1218–1241), king of Bulgaria: troops of kill Boniface of Montferrat, 69; faces Baldwin of Flanders, 71; kills Baldwin, 79 Jubilee year in Rome (1300): The first official jubilee year in the Roman Catholic Church was called by Pope Boniface VIII in 1300. Pardons were granted to

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those who made a pilgrimage to Rome that year. A jubilee year has been called at different intervals throughout the following centuries. 841 Juliane, la: fief of demesne said to be near Chalandritza, 526 K Kaballarios: a Greek army commander, said to be from Constantinople, 369, 375–380, 385 Kalabaka: a castle and town in the northwestern, Trikala region of Thessaly, 903 Kalamata: an important port, castle, and fief during the time of the Chronicle, located in the southern Peloponnesus on the Gulf of Messenia; as location of Prince William’s birth and death, CT 3; as part of the early conquest of the Peloponnesus, 108, 112–115; given to Geoffrey of Villehardouin by William of Champlitte, 124–125; Champlitte’s relative, Robert, gets runaround at, 155–159; Prince William II dies at, 532; Greeks take through trickery and Franks retake castle of, 693–746; Geoffrey of Aunoy obtains castle of from Prince Florent, 747–753; widowed Princess Isabelle in castellany of 827–829; castellany of given to Guy II of Athens when he marries Mahaut of Hainaut, 839, 870, 933; mentioned, 150, 165, 174, 207, 470, 553, 764, 785, 801, 811, 823, 826, 934 Kalavryta (OF Colovrate, la): One of the original baronies in Morea, given to Otto of Tournay, it was located in east-central Achaia on the river Vouraikos, southeast of Patras. barony of, 128; various men, named as a lord of or knight from, 87; episode involving Foty and le Chasy brothers of, 664–690, 742–743; mentioned as location, 526 Kantakouzenos, John (Michael Kantakouzenos) (d. 1264): a Greek military leader in Morea, 336, 341–344 Karydi (OF Caride): a mountain north of Megara Pass, 232 Karytaina, lord of (also lord of Skorta): See Geoffrey of Bruyères. Karytaina: a town and castle in Skorta, and one of the original baronies in the southern Peloponnesus, on the banks of the Alpheios River, 219, 349, 351, 389; Frankish forces gather in to fight Greeks, 463–465, 470, 498, 561, 567, 927, 937; mentioned, CT 19. See also Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of. Katakalon: a place on the border between Thessaly and Macedonia, 277 Kisterna: A town or fief in or near Skorta, its lord, Spany, figured in Prince Florent’s struggle with the Slavs of Skorta. 823 Kokova: a minor fief said to be near Akova, 526 Korkondilos: a Greek merchant responsible for the takeover of the castle of Saint George in Skorta, 803–816

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L Lacedaemonia (OF la Crémonie, Cremenie): a city in Laconia near Sparta and Mistra, 128, 159, 329, 333, 337, 385–389, 465–467, 924, note at 205 Laconia (OF Chaconie, Chacoignie): a province in the southern Peloponnesus, 219, 332–337, 384, 388, 471, 745, note at 205 Lamia (OF Gripton, also Giton; formerly known as Zeitoun): a castle in central mainland Greece near Neopatras (today’s Ypati) in Thessaly, 275, 877, 879, 917 Lans: a city in Montferrat, Italy, 12 Larissa: today, the largest city in Thessaly; in medieval Greece, it was location of an important castle, 184 Laskaris, Theodore: See Theodore Laskaris. Latins: general name for Western Europeans in the Middle East at the time of the crusades; used alternatively with the term Franks, 77, 199, 387, 466, 595, 721b, 745, 805, 810, 849, 853, 898, 927, 929, 943. See also glossary entry. Lauria, Roger of: See Roger of Lauria. Lecce: a province in Italy in the region of Apulia on the southernmost tip of the boot’s heel, on the eastern side, 498–499, 545, 551. See also Hugh of Brienne, count of. Leo the Philosopher, Byzantine emperor (ruled 886–911): 58 Leon Mavropapas, Kyr: head of an army of mercenaries fighting for the Byzantine emperor during the reign of Prince Florent, 808–810, 814– 815 Leon Sgouros (OF Sgure) (d. 1208): A powerful Greek lord at the time of the Latin conquest of Greece, he resisted the Latin armies many times and in many places before he was finally defeated at the fortress of Acrocorinth, called Corinth in the Chronicle. 96–97, 99, 101–102 Leon, Sir: a knight identified as having killed his lord, Richard of Cephalonia (d. 1304), 619, 869, 890. See also Richard of Cephalonia. Leonard, Sir (Leonard of Veroli) (d. 1281), chancellor of Morea during the reign of Prince William II and one of his chief advisors: One of the few Italians who reached high positions during this period, in ca 1252 he married Margaret, the daughter of Narjot of Toucy, then regent of the Latin Empire. at the ‘Parliament of the Ladies’ in Nikli in 1261, 323; advises Prince William about Galeran of Ivry, 471; made temporary regent by William at trial, 517; consulted by prince on the case of Lady Marguerite, 524, 528; mentioned, 829. See also Sir de Toucy. Lepanto, Gulf of: as the medieval name for the Gulf of Corinth, 610, 651; as the name of a large royal castle in Arta (Epirus), 658 Le Roux (Hugh) of Sully (fl. 1280): A Burgundian knight in the service of King Charles I of Naples, he is erroneously named in the Chronicle as regent in Morea for the king after Prince William died, Galeran of Ivry and Philip of Lagonesse being the actual regents. 538–545, 547 Lessyaire, la: an undetermined place in Arta, 994 Levant, the: the Middle East, 3, 39, 268, 270, 331, 477, 601

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Lianort (George la Vulge): a wealthy Slav living in Gianitza who helped instigate a takeover of Kalamata ca 1293, 693–699 passim Liedekerke: a lordship and town in what is now Belgium. See Walter of; Engilbert of. Linistaena: a castle in Skorta belonging to the Micronades brothers, 922 Lisaria (OF la Lisarée): a fief in the barony of Akova, 527, 584–585 Livadi: the Greek word for a plain or meadow, which the Chronicle says is the name of a meadow near the castle of Vervena, 802 Livadostro: at the time of the Chronicle, the closest port to Thebes, located on the northeast corner of the Gulf of Corinth, 244 Lombardy: a region in north-central Italy, whose borders changed greatly over the centuries, CT 9, 9, 12, 18, 142, 437, 855 Louis of Burgundy (1297–1316): The younger son of Robert duke of Burgundy, he married Mahaut of Hainaut on 31 July 1313. He fought against Ferdinand of Majorca for control of Achaia, both having claims through newly acquired wives. He arrived in Morea early in 1316 and defeated Ferdinand at the battle of Manolada, 5 July 1316, dying four weeks later. A Catalan Chronicle says John of Cephalonia poisoned him. mentioned CT 13–CT 15 Louis, Prince (OF Lauys) (actually Philip of Anjou, son of King Charles I of Naples and brother of Charles II, the Lame) (1256–1277): marriage to Isabelle of Villehardouin arranged, 415, 442–455; premature death of, 544–545; mentioned, 552, 587 Loutro: a town in the Peloponnesus directly north of Kalamata, 736 Lutro: a location in Thessaly on the river Sperchius, 893 M Macedonia: at the time of the Fourth Crusade, a province of the Byzantine Empire near Constantinople in northeastern mainland Greece, 48 Macri: a Greek family from Skorta; William, 924 Macronoros Mountains: probably in Arta, 993 Mahaut of Hainaut (1293–1331), lady of Kalamata, princess of Morea (1313–1318): Daughter of Florent of Hainaut and Isabelle of Villehardouin, she was married to Guy II de la Roche, duke of Athens (1300–1308) and then to Louis of Burgundy (1313–1316). She was betrothed or possibly married to John of Gravina (1318), the union annulled upon revelation of her secret marriage to Hugh de la Palisse (ca 1318–1322). becomes princess of Morea, CT 13; dethroned and disinherited by King Robert of Naples, CT 16; betrothed to Guy II of Athens, 831–840; mentioned, 546, 827, 933, note at 546 Makrynos: The Chronicle identifies him as a cousin of Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. He was indeed one of the leaders (parakimomene) of Greek forces during the 1263 uprising in Skorta. 331–332

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Makryplagi Pass: a strategic mountain pass in Skorta south of Karytaina, site of a battle in 1264, when the Franks defeated the Byzantines, 364–380 passim; mentioned, 466, 736 Malomigny: a mountain said to be near Saint George castle in Skorta, 820– 821 Manfred of Hohenstaufen (1232–1266), king of Sicily (ruled 1258–1266): Illegitimate son of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, he was married to Helena, daughter of Michael II of Epirus. banishes Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, when he learns why the lord is visiting Italy, 401–407, 561; the pope enlists Charles of Anjou to fight him, 419, 426–427; defeated by Charles and killed at Benevento, February 1266, 437–438; mentioned, 441, 475, 488 Mani (OF Maigne): the middle peninsula on the southern end of the Peloponnesus south of Mistra, part of Messenia, known for its rugged terrain, 742 Maniatecor: a manor built by Nicholas I of Saint-Omer, 554 Manolada: a plain near Patras that was the site of the battle between Louis of Burgundy and Ferdinand of Majorca on 5 July 1316, CT 15 Marguerite, lady of Lisaria (OF la Lisarée): Longnon identifies her as Marguerite of Cors, widow of Payen of Stenay, lord of Lisaria, a fief under Passava. The Chronicle states she is a relative of Walter of Rosières. She married Geoffrey of Bruyères, nephew of the more famous knight by the same name ca 1279. Their daughter, Helen, married Villain II of Aunoy. mentioned 527, 584–585 Marguerite of Neuilly, lady of Passava (b. ca 1240): Daughter of John of Neuilly, lord of Passava, marshal of Morea, she was also a niece of Walter of Rosières, lord of Akova, and his heir through her mother, Walter’s sister. married to Guibert of Cors (d. 1258), then (in 1276) to John of Saint-Omer, by whom she had Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, 233; serves as a hostage in Constantinople for Prince William ca 1262 –1275, 328; loses her inheritance of Akova because of it, having to sue to try to regain her property, 501–531 Marguerite of Villehardouin, lady of Akova (1266 to February 1315): Daughter of Prince William of Villehardouin and Anna Komnene Doukaina, in 1294 she married Isnard of Sabran (d. 1297), by whom she had at least one daughter, Isabelle (d. 1315); Isabelle married Ferdinand of Majorca in 1314 and died in childbirth; Ferdinand claimed Morea for their son James II (to whom Mahaut of Hainaut may have later willed the principality); Marguerite died a prisoner of the barons in Morea, because she backed Ferdinand’s claims to the principality. was granted the castle and two-thirds of the barony of Akova, 531; mentioned as the wife of Richard of Cephalonia (marriage was in 1299, a daughter died in infancy; Richard died 1304), 868, 955; has a dispute with Prince Philip of Savoy and stepson John of Cephalonia over her inheritance, 956–972; has an affair with Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, 1000 –1013 Matthew of Mons: one of the original feudatories in Morea; received the town of Veligosti with its four fiefs, 128 Megara Pass: a pass on the isthmus connecting the Peloponnesus with the mainland; on the frontier between the principality of Achaia and the duchy of Athens, 231–232, 234, 262, 334, 541

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Melic: a noble Turkish military leader at the time of Prince William II, 351–359, 392–396 Messina: an important port in Sicily, 759, 798 Michael VIII Palaiologos, Kyr (1223–1282), co-emperor in the Greek imperial dynasty at Nicaea from 1258–1261 with John IV Laskaris; having overthrown John, sole ruler until 1282: 80–83, 88, 209–211, 215; and war against Despot Nikephoros and Prince William, 266–272, 277, 281– 283, 291, 304, 307; takes Prince William and the Franks prisoner after the battle of Pelagonia in 1259, 312–317; makes peace with the prince, 317–328; sends troops to Morea to war on the prince, 330–338; forces engage the Franks in Morea, 338–388, 457–471; mentioned, 502 Micromani: One of several appellations for the region of Mani in the southern Peloponnesus, it also denoted a castle and town. 741 Micronades: family in Skorta, 922, 950. See George Micronades. Mistra: an important castle and town near Sparta, in the southern Peloponnesus, 218, 317, 326, 330, 384–387, 502, 734–736, 743–744, 808, 830, 924–925 Modon (modern Methoni): A strategic port and castle on the southern tip of a peninsula in Messenia, it belonged to Venice during most of the Franks’ rule in Greece. CT 4, 110; bishop of, 128 Monbel: a noble Italian family associated with Prince Philip of Savoy; Guy of, Philip’s master counselor, 848; William of, Philip’s master chamberlain, 855, 859, 865–866 Monemvasia (OF Malevesie): At the time of the Chronicle, the name referred to both a medieval fortress on an imposing, rocky hill on the southeastern coast of the Peloponnesus, and to a small town on an island directly beneath it. This was a strategic location, particularly on the route to Morea from Constantinople. Prince William covets and conquers, 189–223 passim; ceded to Greek emperor, 317–337 passim; as destination from Constantinople for Prince Florent’s men, 723–733 passim; Roger of Lauria at, 761–762; mentioned, 85, 273, 384, 388, 456, 465, 502, 932 Mont Eskovée: One of two fortresses the Franks built on the mountain of Acrocorinth when besieging the Greek stronghold of the same name ca 1205–1210. 192. See also Leon Sgouros; Corinth. Montferrat: A territory in the Piedmont region of Italy around Turin, the Chronicle places it in Lombardy, which meant all of northern Italy at the time. 12, 18 Montferrat, Boniface, marquis of: See Boniface of Montferrat. Moraines: a fief in Skorta given to Geoffrey of Bruyères, nephew of the lord of Karytaina, 584 Morea (OF la Moree; Amoree): In the Chronicle, the preferred name for a Frankish principality encompassing most of the Greek Peloponnesus and known also as Achaia. See also Achaia; entry in glossary; related terms such as prince of, grand marshal of, etc. Mortel: a castle, probably in Piedmont, Italy, 846 Moundra: a castle in southwestern Skorta, 361, 363

Annotated Index of Persons and Places

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Mount Cenis: name both for a mountain and mountain pass in Savoy, now in Italy, 141. See also Savoy. Mourtzouphlos (OF Murzuphlus) (Alexios V Doukas), Greek emperor (5 February 1204 to 13 April 1204): He was the head of an anti-Latin faction at the Byzantine court and was an important Byzantine nobleman; he had Byzantine Emperor Alexios IV killed and reigned briefly. He was executed December 1205 in Constantinople. 53– 57, 59 N Naples: Now a major city in the south of Italy, during much of the Chronicle it was the seat and name of a French kingdom in southern Italy ruled by the house of Anjou. CT 16, 446, 451–452, 455, 460–461, 488, 538, 557, 587, 659, 800, 977. See also Charles I of Anjou; Charles II of Anjou; Robert of Anjou. Nauplia (OF Naples; modern Nafplio): a port town in the central Peloponnesus on the Argolic Gulf, due south of Corinth and near Argos, 96, 189–190, 195–201, 223, 870, 917 Navarino (OF Junch; known in classical and modern times as Pylos): a port in Messenia, on the southwestern coast of the Peloponnesus north of Modon, 110, 554, 763–764, 784, 788, 793, 800, 830 Navpaktos (OF Nepant; also known as Lepanto): a castle and town on the northern shore of the Gulf of Corinth, directly opposite the town of Patras on the other side of the gulf, 256, 258 Naxos: a duchy at the time of the Chronicle and an island in the Aegean, the largest in the Cyclades; duke of, 262, 541, 550, 1008 Negroponte: A crusader state and a city on the island of Euboea; continually fought over and divided up among Latins, Greeks, and Venetians throughout the period covered by the Chronicle, it usually existed as a triarchy. 191, 198, 202, 221, 262, 274, 334–335, 451, 541, 876, 883, 896, 917, 1008 Nemnitza: a town in Skorta near the castle of Vervena, where Gerard of Remy lived, 803 Neopant: a royal castle in Arta, 918, 980–981 Neopant: here, possibly a misspelling for Lepanto, 889 Neopatras (OF la Patre; modern Ypati): an important castle in southern Thessaly associated with a plain by the same name, 214, 274–275, 873, 876–878, 917 Nicholas le Maure (fl. 1297), lord of Saint Sauveur, Angevin regent (1314–1315/16) : a captain in Skorta and castellan of Kalamata during the reign of Prince Philip of Savoy, 933, 939–951 passim. See also Stephen le Maure. Nicholas of Patras: treasonous castellan of the castle of Saint George, CT 18, CT 19 Nicholas II of Saint-Omer, the elder (d. 1294), co-ruler of Thebes (ruled 1258–1294), regent of Morea (1287–1289): One of the richest and most powerful of the Frankish lords, brother of John of Saint-Omer and uncle of

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Nicholas III, he married wealthy Mary of Antioch, who died young, sometime before 1280. allies with de la Roche family in its refusal to pay homage to Prince William, 234–235; advises the prince to marry his daughter Isabelle to King Charles of Anjou’s son, 444–445; in Prince William’s court, defends the rights of his sister-in-law, Marguerite of Neuilly, lady of Passava, to lands in Akova, 507–529; marries Prince William’s widow, Anna Komnene Doukaina (d. 1286), daughter of Michael II the despot of Arta (marriage 1280), 552–554; is regent in Morea, 556, 559–560, 573, 576, 578–580, 584, 593–596; is grand marshal, 622–623, 629, 632, 639, 644 Nicholas III of Saint-Omer (ca 1278–1314), ruler of a third of the barony of Akova, co-ruler of Thebes (ca 1299–1311): The nephew of Nicholas II, he was grand marshal and regent of Morea for Isabelle of Villehardouin (1300–1302) and for Prince Philip of Savoy (1305–1307). He married Guillerma Orsini of Cephalonia, widow of John of Chauderon. as son of John of Saint-Omer and Marguerite of Neuilly, lady of Passava, 233, 501; builds a castle in Akova, 527; recommends the marriage of Mahaut of Hainaut to Guy II, duke of Athens, 832–835, 837–838; appointed regent for Princess Isabelle, 842–843; lends aid to Benjamin of Kalamata in a dispute with Prince Philip, 857–866; goes to help the duke of Athens in Thessaly, CT 7, 884–919 passim; defends Marguerite of Villehardouin, widow of Richard of Cephalonia, in her suit against John of Cephalonia, 956, 958–962, 964–970, 972; involved in King Charles’s move to take over Arta, 980–995; affair with Marguerite of Villehardouin, 996–1013 passim; is with Prince Philip after their expedition to Thessaly in 1303, CT8, 1003; takes money from the despotess of Arta not to resume the war, 1006–1007; advises Prince Philip to call a great parliament at Corinth in the spring of 1304, making an expedition to Arta impossible, 1007 –1008; takes part in the jousts at Corinth, 1018, 1022–1023; acts as regent when Prince Philip leaves Morea in 1305, CT 9; death in 1314, CT 13 Nicholas Sanudo, duke of Naxos (ruled 1323–1341; d. 1341): one of the very few survivors of the battle of Halmyros in 1311; marries Joan of Brienne, 550 Nicholas Zilliamary: a Greek in Skorta involved in a rebellion against Prince Philip of Savoy, 924, 950 Nikephoros I Komnenos Doukas (ca 1240 to ca 1297), despot of Arta (ruled 1268–1297): mentioned as the legitimate son of John the grand despot, 69, 212–214; pledges in marriage his unnamed sister to Prince William II (in reality, his father, Michael II, arranged the marriage), 216, 255; allies with William in a war against his half-brother ‘Theodore’ of Thessaly, 272–285; allies with Prince Florent and Richard of Cephalonia against the Byzantine emperor (1291–1292), 607–651 passim; and Richard of Cephalonia’s marriage trick, 653–657; arranges the marriage of daughter Thamar to Philip of Taranto, son of Charles II of Naples, 657–658, 974; death of, leaving wife as regent for son Thomas, 974–975, 881; mentioned in error, 872. See also despotess of Arta in the list of unnamed women at CT 8; John the grand despot; Thamar of Arta; Thomas Komnenos Doukas; Theodore, ruler of Thessaly.

Annotated Index of Persons and Places

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Nikli (OF Nicles; ancient Tegea): One of the original baronies in Morea, it was also the name of a town and a plain in the east-central Peloponnesus, in southern Arcadia. 128, 158–159, 225, 237–239, 323–324, 335, 345, 349, 464–465, 467–470, 926; bishop of, 128 Nisi (OF l’Ille): a castle the Chronicle places in the castellany of Kalamata, near Coron, 698, 703, 734, 740, 753; Princess Isabelle at, 828–831 Nisse: an unidentified city, probably in one of the crusader states in the Middle East, 73 Nivele (from Nivelle, formerly in Flanders): the place name of Nivelet family, 87 O Olena, bishop of: Olena was a see in Morea, which included Andravida. taken in battle in Skorta, CT 19; sent as emissary to King Charles I, 445; officiates at betrothal of Mahaut of Hainaut, 840; tries to soothe fury of Philip of Savoy, 967 Otto of Saint-Omer (d. ca 1299), co-ruler of Thebes (1294–1299): son of Bela, brother to John and Nicholas II of Saint-Omer, a ruling family in the duchy of Thebes, 234, 507–508 Otto of Tournay, lord of Kalavryta: 87, 128; (his son, Otto) 764, 771, 781, 796. See also Geoffrey, and John of Tournay. P Paleopoli: a village, possibly in the Cyclades, 339 Palessien (la): an unidentified castle in Morea, probably near Glarentza, 1010a Papa Nicolopulli: a Slav in Skorta, 950 Paris, France: 11, 138, 163, 244–245, 252 Passava (OF Passavant): One of the original baronies in Morea, given to John of Neuilly, it is in Mani, on the Gulf of Laconia. 128, 219, 233. See also John of Neuilly. Patras, Gulf of: a branch of the Ionian Sea between the Peloponnesus and mainland Greece, 919. Patras, town and castle of: an important town and castle on the northern coast of the Peloponnesus, on the Gulf of Patras and one of the original baronies, given to William le Aleman, CT 15, CT 18, 90–91, 95, 105, 128, 256–258, 651, 889; archbishop of, 540, 595, 852, 936 Pelagonia: The site of a landmark battle in 1259, it saw many French nobles taken prisoner by the Byzantine emperor and the fortunes of Latin Greece begin to fade. It is probably a plain in northwestern mainland Greece, on the frontier between Macedonia, Greece, and the Republic of Macedonia, but the exact location is disputed. CT 3, 254, 278, 293, 312, 323, 383, 546, 910

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Perachora: a duchy near Corinth at the time of the Chronicle, today a small village overlooking the Gulf of Corinth, 867 Perrin: squire of Ancelin of Toucy, 374–375 Peter of Aragon (Peter III) (1239–1285), king of Aragon and Sicily (ruled 1276–1285): The Chronicle may confuse him at times with his son James. 775, 787, 792; note at 588 Peter of Surie: an ambassador of King Charles II of Naples to the Byzantine emperor’s court in Constantinople, 706; assists two Moreot barons who had been sent by Prince Florent to talk to the Byzantine emperor about his helping return the castle of Kalamata to the Franks, ca 1293, 712–732 passim Peter of Vaux, the elder: important nobleman at the court of Prince William, 323, 445, 447, 449; Peter, his son, made a knight by Prince Philip, 943, 945 Peter the Hermit (c. 1050 to 8 July 1115): a priest from Amiens, France who in ca 1095 helped preach the First Crusade, 2 Phanarion: a castle near Janina in Thessaly, 881–882, 904, 906 Philanthropinos: a Greek nobleman sent ca 1290 by the Byzantine emperor as an emissary to Prince Florent, 602–605 Philip of Savoy (1278 to September 1334), lord of Piedmont (1282–1334), prince of Achaia (1301–1307): marries Princess Isabelle of Villehardouin in Rome (February 1301), CT 6, 846– 848; takes possession of the principality of Morea, CT 7, 848–855; on bad advice, arrests and charges Chancellor Benjamin of Kalamata, 856–867; receives homage from Guy II, duke of Athens, 870– 871; refuses to allow Nicholas of Saint-Omer to go to Thessaly, 886–889, 918; faces problems in the principality over money and taxes, 918–923; faces a rebellion in Skorta, 933–952; judges the legal suit over inheritance claims between John, count of Cephalonia and John’s stepmother Marguerite of Villehardouin, lady of Akova, 954–972; called upon in 1303 to help King Charles II of Naples take over parts of Arta for Charles’s son, Philip of Taranto, CT 8, 978–995; advised not to return in the spring of 1304 to resume the war in Arta, but to call a huge parliament at Corinth, 1003–1009, 1014–1017; loses the principality and leaves (leaves ca 1304/1305, officially dethroned 1307), CT 9; mentioned, 619 Philip of Sicily: son of Charles I, king of Naples. See Louis, Prince. Philip of Swabia (1177–1208), duke of Swabia (1196–1208), king of Germany (1198–1208): Called emperor or king of the Germans, but never named in the Chronicle. He married Irene Angelina (d. 1208), daughter of Byzantine Emperor Isaac II, in 1197. negotiates with leaders of the Fourth Crusade about helping Isaac’s son, Alexios, 27–29, 31, 42; note at 27 Philip of Toucy (fl. 1260), regent of the Latin Empire (1245–1247), admiral of Sicily (1271): Brother of Ancelin, Philip is confused with his father, Narjot, who served twice as regent of Constantinople, both during the minority of Baldwin II of Constantinople (1228–1231) and later (1238–1239), when Emperor Baldwin went to the West seeking help. 87, 357, 373. See also Ancelin of Toucy; Sir de Toucy.

Annotated Index of Persons and Places

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Philip, Prince (also called Sir Philip of Taranto) (Philip I of Anjou) (1278– 1331), prince of Taranto, Latin emperor of Constantinople, prince of Achaia, lord of Durazzo, etc: He was the younger son of Charles II of Naples. marries Thamar of Arta, daughter of despot Nikephoros, in 1294, 657–659; claims Arta through his wife, CT 8, CT 9, 86, 262, 973–976, 980–982, 992, 1003–1004; marries Catherine of Valois in 1313, CT 12; gives Morea to Mahaut of Hainaut and Louis of Burgundy in 1313, CT 13; death mentioned, CT 17 Piedmont: an area of Italy surrounding Turin and the homeland of Philip of Savoy, CT 9, 846, 848, 854–855 Pinerolo: a town near Turin in the Piedmont region of Italy, 846 Planchy: a noble family in Morea, 87 Polyphengo: mountain in the region of Corinth; also the name of a castle in Skorta, CT 19, 1009, 1013 Pope (of Rome), also Holy Father the pope; none are named in the Chronicle. Dates given are years they ruled: Innocent III (1198–1216), 29, 31–34, 41–42, 61; any of numerous popes from Gregory IX to Clement IV who ruled between 1227 and 1268, 418–419, 426– 428, 431–436; Nicholas IV or Celestine V (i.e., the years 1292–1294), 706; Boniface VIII (1294–1303), CT 6, 756 Preveza: a city on the Gulf of Arta in modern Epirus, 636, 649 Prinitza (OF la Brenice): a village below the castle of Karytaina, on the Alpheios River in medieval Skorta, and the location of a conflict between Greeks and Franks in 1263, 347, 368, 380, 383, 466, note at 338 Provence: a large region of southern France, ruled by a count at the time of the Chronicle; concerning the daughters of the count of this region (called the count of Anjou), almost all of whom married kings, 416–417, 429; Lord Remondas of, 979 Q Quello: a place in medieval Arta, 992, 995 R Regnux of Veligosti, lord of Damala (modern Troezen) (fl. 1300): listed as one of Nicholas III of Saint-Omer’s vassals, 968. See also Veligosti. Regranice: a town in the fief of la Valte in the barony of Akova, 527 Remondas: a knight under King Charles II of Anjou, said to be from Provence; head of the prince of Taranto’s army, which invaded Arta, 979–996 passim, 1004 Rhiolo: an unidentified location in the Peloponnesus, 697 Rhoviata (also Roviata): a castle or town probably near Vlisiri, to which Nicholas III of Saint-Omer banished his wife, Guillerma, in 1304 for some time, 1002, 1012

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Richard of Cephalonia, count (1259–1304): He was a member of the Orsini family, which controlled the island until 1325, when it passed to the Angevins of Naples. schemes so the despot of Arta’s daughter marries his son John, 616–620, 653–656; helps the despot fight against the Byzantine emperor, 629, 640–656; serves as regent of Morea for widowed Princess Isabelle and helps arrange her daughter’s marriage, 828, 831– 835; replaced by Nicholas III of Saint-Omer as regent, 842–843; noted as liege lord of Vincent of Marais, who opposes Nicholas III of Saint-Omer in his dispute with Prince Philip, 857–868; killed by one of his own knights, 619, 868, 890; marries Marguerite of Villehardouin in 1299, 868; their daughter dies, probably in infancy, 869; son John does not want to give his widowed stepmother her inheritance, and Nicholas III of Saint-Omer defends her rights, 955 –972; a daughter of his mentioned, as being married to John of Tournay, 776; mentioned, 1000 Rionde, la: a castellany and town the Chronicle places near la Saete in Laconia, whose location is uncertain, promised to Richard of Cephalonia in 1303, 869 Robert (of Flanders), Latin emperor of Constantinople: Two emperors are wrongly called Robert in the Chronicle. Henry of Flanders (ca 1176–1216), second Latin emperor of Constantinople ruled 1206–1216; he was Emperor Baldwin I’s brother. Henry’s successor was his brother-in-law, Peter II of Courtenay (d. 1219). The Chronicle may confuse them both with Peter’s son Robert of Courtenay, Latin emperor from 1221–1228. (Henry of Flanders) becomes Latin emperor, 73–75, 77–79, 82; (Peter II of Courtenay) his daughter’s marriage arrangements overthrown, 177, 180–187 passim; mentioned, 444, 515 Robert, prince of Taranto (ca 1319–1364): Son of Philip of Taranto and Catherine of Valois, he ruled in various capacities (for example, as Latin emperor, 1343–1364) on and off during his lifetime. In 1332, he became prince of Achaia because of an exchange made with him by John of Gravina. CT 17 Robert of Anjou (1277–1343), duke of Calabria (1297–1309), king of Naples and count of Provence (1309–1343): A son of King Charles II of Naples, he was known as Robert the Wise. unsuccessful plans to marry Mahaut of Hainaut to his brother, John of Gravina, CT 16; marriage of, 756 Robert of Champagne, no other identification given (fl. 1210): According to the Chronicle, but unsubstantiated elsewhere, he was a relative of William of Champlitte who was given rule over Morea when Champlitte returned to Champagne in 1208/1209. goes to Greece to claim the territory but misses deadline, thanks to Villehardouin and friends, 140–171 passim, 568 Roche, de la, dukes of Athens: The Chronicle mixes up the names of the early dukes of Athens. Although our translation maintains the names as written in the original, we indicate the correct names and dates here. 1. Otto de la Roche (called William in the Chronicle) was ruler of Athens 1205 to ca 1225, when he is thought to have returned to France, where he may have died sometime before 1234: goes with Geoffrey I of Villehardouin to

Annotated Index of Persons and Places

2.

3.

4.

5.

243

besiege Corinth, Nauplia and Monemvasia (out of place in the Chronicle narrative), 191–220; mentioned, 184. See also 2. below for later Otto. Guy I de la Roche (like his father, also called William in the Chronicle) was ruler, then co-ruler of Thebes (1211–1263) and ruler of Athens (1225/34–1263). refuses to pay homage to Prince William, but finally submits, 220–243; goes to the king of France to make amends for the homage dispute, 243–252; receives the title duke of Athens in 1260 (actually, the title only became official later, in 1280), 253; a brother named Thomas mentioned as lord of Amphissa, 234, 238; brother Otto serves as regent for, 262; negotiates conditions for releasing Prince William from Byzantine emperor’s prison, 320–328; mentioned, 184, 334, 335, 413, 546 John I de la Roche (called Guy in the Chronicle) (ruled 1263–1280) succeeded his father, Guy I. He died without issue. arranges the marriage of an unnamed sister (Isabelle) to Count Hugh of Brienne (in 1277), 497–498, 500. See also Hugh of Brienne. William de la Roche (ruled 1280–1287) succeeded his brother John as duke of Athens. marries the unnamed daughter of a Greek noble (Helen Komnene Doukaina), 546–547; is regent of Morea for King Charles, 547; death of, 549 Guy II de la Roche (ca 1280–1308) succeeded his father, William, as duke of Athens (1287 to October 1308): He was the last of the de la Roche family to rule Athens. as ward of Hugh of Brienne, 551; marries Mahaut of Hainaut (in 1299), 546, 832–840; pays homage to Philip of Savoy, prince of Morea, 870–871; goes to help the ruler of Thessaly and comes into conflict with the despotess of Arta, 873–885, 892, 894, 897–902, 904–909, 912–919; participates in the tournament at Corinth called by Prince Philip in 1304, 1008, 1011, 1014, 1017, 1019; death mentioned, CT 10, 500; mentioned, 933, 952, 956, 968

Roger of Lauria (1245–1305): A famous Sicilian admiral, for some years in the fleet of Aragon, he was important in the struggle between Aragon and France over Sicily (part of the struggle known as the Sicilian Vespers). He figures prominently in the history of Charles II of Anjou, king of Naples. sets out to seek his fortune with a band of followers, 757–763 passim; encounters John of Tournay in Morea, 764–784 passim; meets with Princess Isabelle near Glarentza, 785–800 Rogous: a castle five or more miles from Arta, where the Franks were ambushed, 984 Romagna: an area of northern Italy in the vicinity of Bologna, 418 Romania (OF Romanie), empire of: Romania was the general term for the Byzantine Empire, but after the establishment of the Latin Empire in the East, ‘Romania’ was used in various connotations, sometimes to mean the Peloponnesus or a large undefined area in, and possibly around, Greece. emperor of, 68; empire of, in long title of the work, 68, 80, 185, 382; islands of, 185; seneschal of, 336; as area in Greece, 82, 94, 136, 138, 182, 245, 249, 252, 278, 309, 344, 357,

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399, 405, 444, 476, 497, 554, 624, 631, 654, 656, 731, 758, 787, 792, 800, 832, 836, 879, 898, 974, 979, 1005, 1016. See also entry in glossary. Rome, Italy: CT 6, 400, 403, 418, 429, 430, 432, 436, 706; Princess Isabelle in, 842– 857 passim; Holy Church of, 29, 33, 419, 426, 433, 434; jubilee year (1300) in, CT 6, 841, 845, 857; law of, 29; pope of, 32, 42, 426, 756, 841 S Saete, la: a castellany and town in Laconia promised to Richard of Cephalonia by Philip of Savoy in 1303, 869 Saint Donnat: a castle in Arta, location uncertain, 658 Saint Francis: a church in Glarentza, 516, 594 Saint George: a Christian saint, 368 Saint George, arm of: sea strait near Constantinople, 83 Saint George, castle of: strategically located near the Alpheios River in Skorta, taken over by Greeks, CT 4, CT 18, CT 19, 804–810, 814–827, 932, 938 Saint Helen: a castle in Skorta near the Alpheios River and Karytaina that the Greeks destroyed during an uprising against the Franks, CT 7, 918, 928–929 Saint James, church of: A church in Andravida where the Villehardouin princes were buried. It was built sometime before 1214, and the Teutonic Knights ran it, not the Templars. 535 Saint Mark: a cathedral in Venice, 16; image used on banners as a ruse, 762 Saint Mary, church of: in the Venetian quarter of Constantinople at the time of the Chronicle, 704 Saint Michael, shrine of: a pilgrim site at Monte Gargano in northern Apulia, Italy, 400 Saint Nicholas: a church or other pilgrim spot in Lacedaemonia, 924 Saint Nicholas, straits of (OF Saint Nicholas le Tort): straits leading to the Gulf of Arta, between Preveza and Aktion, 607, 636 Saint Nicholas au Figuier: an unidentified location on the Gulf of Corinth between Corinth and Vostitza, 674, 680 Saint Nicholas of Bari: a basilica in Bari, Italy, where the relics of Saint Nicholas reside, 400 Saint Nicholas of Carmel: a monastery in or near Andravida, 410 Saint Nicholas of Mesicle: a chapel outside a town named Sergenay, probably in Laconia, 339 Saint-Omer, castle of: located in Akova, 527 Saint-Omer: An important family in Frankish Greece; Nicholas I was in the Fourth Crusade and received lands in mainland Greece; his son Bela became co-ruler of Thebes when he married into the de la Roche family of Athens. See also Bela of; Otto of; John of; Nicholas II of; Nicholas III of. Saint Peter: 431; Saint Peter’s treasury, 419, 428 Saint Sauveur: a castle owned by the le Maure family, 585

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Saint Sophia: a church in Constantinople, 58; a cathedral in Andravida, 410, 510, 612 Saint Zacharias: a port city on the northwestern side of the Peloponnesus, renamed Glarentza (OF Clarence), 110, 146, 149, 152 Sainte Maure: a city in Arta (Epirus), 648 Salagora: a port in Arta not far from Coprena, 644, 984 Salic: the co-ruler of a band of Turkish mercenaries, 359 Salicore: a castle in Skorta, 563, 564, 571 Sant’Angelo, Monte: a mountain in the Gargano Mountains, Italy, 400 Saracens: a name used for Muslims in general, 33 Sarakina: a town and castle near Janina in western Thessaly, 903, 905 Savoy: At the time of the Chronicle, a county in the French Alps overlaying sections of what is now modern Switzerland, France, and Italy. When the Chronicle was written, Savoy was an independent region that had gained territory and importance. mentioned, 141, 854–855; Count Thomas of, 846. See also Philipof. Serbia, king of (Stefan Uroš I) (ruled 1243 to 1276): 268, 270 Sergenay: a town, probably in Laconia, where Franks under Prince William II and forces of the Byzantine emperor met in battle, 339–340 Servia: a castle in the Greek region of Macedonia belonging to the Byzantine emperor at the time of events in the Chronicle, ca 1300, 278, 910 Sicily: At the time of the Chronicle, ‘Sicily’ referred to a kingdom that geographically included both the large island southwest of Italy’s toe and part of southern Italy. 415, 418– 419, 437, 475, 588–589, 762, 776, 778, 795; king of, 401, 426, 434, 438, 561, 757, 787. See also Charles I of Anjou; Frederick, king of Sicily; Manfred of Hohenstaufen, king of Sicily. Sideroporta (‘iron gate’): probably modern Sidirokastron, on the road between Athens and Lamia, near present-day Eleftherochorion, 274, 892– 893 Simon of Vidoigne: a military captain for the Franks, stationed in Skorta, 577–579 Sir de Toucy (Narjot of Toucy) (d. 1241), regent of the Latin Empire (1228–1231): father of Ancelin, of an unnamed daughter who became Prince William’s first wife, and of Margaret, who married Leonard of Veroli, William’s valued counselor; becomes a landed Moreot baron, 87. See also Ancelin of; Philip of. Skorta (OF Escorta): A name used by the Franks for a barony originally belonging to the Bruyères family, Skorta was a mountainous region in the southwestcentral Peloponnesus, where numerous Slavs lived, as well as Greeks. The Alpheios River ran through much of it. Karytaina was its main castle and town. barony of, 128, 219, 337–338, 499, 563, 576–579; castle of Saint George in, CT 4, CT 7, CT 17; rebellions in, CT 4, CT 7, CT 17, 379, 389–395, 802–856, 918, 921–953; miscellaneous references to, 106, 384, 468, 495, 584, 826, 856. See also Slavs. Slavonia: a name used in the Chronicle for modern Croatia, 22– 23 Slavs: In the Chronicle, the word refers to an independent Slavic group, the Melings, who lived in the mountainous region of the southern Peloponnesus in

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and near the Taygetus Mountains in Skorta. Pentadaktylos was another name for these mountains, and for the Slavs living there. 207, 218, 330–333, 384, 823–824; capture of the castle of Kalamata, 693–750, 801; notes at 205, 693 Spany: a Slav who was lord of Kisterna in Skorta at the time of Prince Florent, 823 Sperchius (OF la Elade): a river running into Thessaly, 892–893, 917–918 Spoleto: a town, earlier a state, in central Italy, 418 Spurte, le: a mountain said to be near and to the west of the castle of Saint George in Skorta, 819 Starne, la, abbey of: an abbey in Arta, 1006 Stephen le Maure (ruled 1324–1330): lord of the castle of Saint Sauveur; marries Agnes of Aunoy, 585. See also Agnes of Aunoy; Nicholas le Maure. Sully: See Le Roux (Hugh) of Sully. Syria: can mean the country of Syria, next to Turkey, or the Middle East, including the Holy Land, generally, 28, 90 T Taranto, prince of: See under Philip of. Taygetus Mountains, also known as the Pentadaktylos Mountains: a large mountain range running north-south in the southernmost Peloponnesus, generally between Kalamata and the Mani region, where groups of Slavs lived, 330, 332 Templars, Knights: an important Western Christian military order, 121, 535, 972 Teutonic Knights: an important Western Christian military order, 121 Thamar Angelina Komnene of Arta (d. 1311): The daughter of Nikephoros, despot of Arta, and his wife Anna, she married Philip of Taranto, son of Charles II of Naples, in 1294, and was set aside in 1309 for political reasons after bearing him six children. 657–660, 974–976 Thebes (OF Estives): Town, castle, and fief on mainland Greece, Thebes was coruled by the de la Roche and Saint-Omer families during most of the time of the Chronicle. in the long title, 201, 229, 234–235, 238, 243, 320, 323, 501, 508, 527, 553, 834, 836, 840, 842, 875, 877, 880, 884, 1013; castle of SaintOmer at, 554 Theodore Laskaris (Theodore I Laskaris) (ca 1174 to ca 1221), emperor of Nicaea (ruled 1208 to ca 1221): The empire of Nicaea was the eastern part of the Byzantine empire, created after the Fourth Crusade. Theodore I was its first emperor. The Chronicle confuses two Theodore Laskarises (see entry following). 77–78 Theodore II Doukas Laskaris (1221–1258), emperor of Nicaea (1254–1258): His son John IV Laskaris co-ruled with Michael XIII Palaiologos, 1258–1261, when Michael blinded (not killed) John and took the crown. The Chronicle confuses two Theodore Laskarises (see entry above). 80–81, 209–210 Theodore (John I, Angelos Doukas) (ca 1240–1289), ruler of Thessaly (ruled ca 1268–1289): He was the illegitimate son of Michael II of Thessaly and Arta

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and half-brother of Nikephoros I, despot of Arta. inherits part of Thessaly from his father, 212; receives the title sebastokrator from the Byzantine emperor and wages war against his half-brother, Nikephoros, despot of Arta, 214–217; continues to fight the despot, 255–260; allies with the Byzantine emperor to fight Nikephoros, now allied with the Franks of Morea, 263–272; strategy in the battle of Pelagonia, 278–306; victorious, takes Franks prisoner and delivers them to the Byzantine emperor, 306–312; marries his daughter to the duke of Athens, 546 and note 68 Theodore (Theodore Palaiologos) (ca 1263–1310): brother of Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II and youngest son of Emperor Michael VIII; involved in the negotiations over Kalamata castle between emissaries from Morea and his brother, the emperor, 712–715 Thessalonica (OF Salonique; historically known as Salonica; modern Thessaloniki): in the Chronicle, a crusader kingdom in central Greece (Greek Macedonia and Thessaly) that was created after the Fourth Crusade, 1204–1224, and was also an important town, 67, 69, 103, 275, 278, 320, 703, 910–914; Boniface of Montferrat, king of, 67–68, 90, 99, 479; kingdom of, 706, 710, 718 Thessaly (OF la Blaquie): a region in central mainland Greece whose capital is Larissa; after the Fourth Crusade, part of the larger territory of Thessalonica. King John of, 69, 79; early parliament in (at Ravenika in 1209), 184; King John, despot of Arta takes over, 208–213; noble Greek brothers fight over control of, 214–217, 282–283, 310; despot of Arta gets help from Prince William and his knights against the despot’s brother and the Byzantine emperor in, 255–259, 263–277; retreat from Pelagonia through, 305; duke of Athens becomes guardian of lord of’s son and of the country, 873–881; conflict between duke of Athens and despotess of Arta over, 885–919; Nicholas of Saint-Omer’s involvement in the conflict in, 921, 924, 952, 954, 956, 966; mentioned, CT 7, 320, 396, 500, 631, 703, 731; Boniface, king of, 221 Thomas I Komnenos Doukas (ca 1285–1318), despot of Arta (ruled 1297–1318): son of Nikephoros, despot of Arta, brother of Thamar of Arta; sent as hostage to Prince Florent in Morea, 613– 615, 621, 652; used in a bargain with King Charles of Naples, 658; becomes despot and fights against claims to Arta by the prince of Taranto, CT 8, 974–978, 983, 989–994, 1003–1004 Thomas of Savoy (Thomas III of Piedmont) (1246–1282): father of Philip of Savoy, the future prince of Morea by his marriage to Isabelle of Villehardouin, 846 Tolofon: a town, today a village, more or less directly across the Gulf of Corinth from Patras, 891 Toporitsa: a fief of homage in Akova belonging to the Chauderon family for at least a time, 527 Toucy: a town in Burgundy. See also Ancelin of; Philip of; Sir de Toucy. Toulouse, count of (Raymond VI) (d. 1222): one of the counts listed in the Chronicle as leaders in organizing the Fourth Crusade, 5, 8, 20, 67, 123 Trikala: a town, castle, and region in northwestern Thessaly, directly west of the town of Lamia, 903

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Turin: capital of the Piedmont region of Italy, 846 Turkey: 331, 396; Turkish rugs, 791 Turks: in the Chronicle, usually mercenary soldiers fighting for one side or the other in Greece; defect from the Byzantine emperor and fight for Prince William, 346–366, 372–377, 391–397; fight for the Byzantine emperor, 331–337, 456, 467, 631, 808; mentioned, 268, 331, 337, 476, 479, 601, 814 V Vagenetie (also Vegenetie): a region in Arta, 642, 658 Valaques: a fief of homage in Akova belonging to the Chauderon family for a time, 527 Valte, la: a fief of homage in Akova, 527 Vasylopule, Kyr: named protovestiary in Morea by Princess Isabelle, 829 Vatatzes, Alexios: a name used incorrectly for Alexios Komnenos, the Byzantine emperor, 3 Vatatzes, John (John Asan II) (d. 1241), emperor of Bulgaria (1218–1241): attacks Thessalonica, 69 and note Veligosti (OF Veligourt): one of the original fiefs in Morea, given to Matthew of Mons, today a village in Arcadia on a tributary of the river Alpheios, 128, 155, 157, 159, 364, 377–378, 386, 389–390, 395, 469, 736, 814; bishop of, 128 Venetians: CT 4, 21–22, 37–38, 56, 83, 110, 149, 191, 197–198, 202, 704; Venetian ships, 202–203, 844 Venice: a powerful republic at the time of the Chronicle; not as many Franks as anticipated arrive in before the Fourth Crusade, 13–23; and role in the Fourth Crusade and aftermath in Greece, 68, 123, 142, 143, 198, 418, 762; doge of, see Henry Dandolo. Vervena (OF la Varvaine): a castle to the northeast of Karytaina, where fairs were held in a meadow nearby, 802, 804, 825, 937–938, 943, 951 Viane, dauphin of: a relative of the count of Savoy, 846 Villain of Aunoy (also Aulnay), lord of Arcadia: marries Helen, daughter of Geoffrey of Bruyères (a relative of the famous knight by the same name) and Marguerite of Lisaria, 585; mentioned, 751 Villehardouin: a powerful French family in the Fourth Crusade and its aftermath. See Geoffrey of; Geoffrey I of; Geoffrey II of; William of, prince; Isabelle of; Marguerite of, lady of Akova. Vincent of Marais: a Picard knight living in Skorta who gave bad advice to Prince Philip of Savoy. makes false claims against Benjamin of Kalamata, 856–858; advises taxing the people of Skorta, 921–922; takes the side of Prince Philip in a legal dispute over Marguerite of Villehardouin’s inheritance, 960–970 Vitrinitsa: the historical name for the modern village of Tolofon on the northern coast of the Gulf of Corinth, 889

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Vlisiri (OF la Glisiere): a castle and town south of Andravida in the vicinity of Beauvoir, 150, 155, 178, 356, 836–837, 957 Vonitza (OF Bondonnice): a territory and a strategic castle in the despotate of Arta on the southern coast of Arta, 335, 658, 980; marquis of, 221, 262, 335, 541, 1008 Vostitza (also OF la Grite): A barony in Morea and one of the original fiefs, as well as the name of a castle, it is now a town on the coast of the Gulf of Corinth toward Patras, famous for currants. 128, 587, 674, 690, 870–871, 889. See also Guy of Charpigny; Foty; Geoffrey of Tournay. Vucomity: appointed marshal of Thessaly by Guy II of Athens when Guy was its regent, 880 W Walter of Brienne (Walter V of Brienne) (ca 1278–1311), duke of Athens (1308–1311): Son of Hugh of Brienne and Isabelle de la Roche, he hired the Catalan Company to help him take over parts of Thessaly in 1310. When he dismissed them without full pay in 1311, they turned against him. The ensuing battle of Halmyros destroyed the heart of Frankish Greece. CT 10–11, 499–501, 548, 554. See also Catalan Company; Halmyros; Hugh of Brienne; Joan of Brienne. Walter of Liedekerke (fl. 1289): identified as a nephew of Prince Florent, 662–663; conflict with Foty (ca 1295), which escalates interventions by the prince and the Byzantine emperor, 666–692 passim. Walter of Rosières, lord of Akova (d. ca 1273): One of the original landed barons of Morea, his niece was Lady Marguerite of Neuilly. 128, 219, 463; as Marguerite’s uncle, 503–504, 511, 518, 527, 584. See also Marguerite of Neuilly. William Bouchart, lord: A famous jouster according to the Chronicle. He was featured in the lavish tournament in 1304 at Corinth. 1017–1024 passim William de la Roche: See under Roche, where this complex family is listed. William le Aleman, Sir: One of the original feudatories, he received the city and barony of Patras. 128 William Macri: one of the Greeks involved in a rebellion in Skorta against Prince Philip of Savoy, 924, 950 (as part of the Macri family) William of Athens: See under Roche, de la, dukes of Athens. William of Cephalonia: brother of John of Cephalonia, son of Richard of Cephalonia, 1010–1012 William of Champlitte (the Chronicle calls him ‘William of Saluce’), known also as ‘the Champenois’ (ca 1165 to ca 1209), Prince William I of Morea (Achaia) (1205–1209): The Chronicle calls him ‘le Champenois’ because he was from Champagne; however, his lands were in Burgundy, and he was only distantly related to the count of Champagne. He went on the Fourth Crusade, was part

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of the sack of Constantinople, and followed Boniface of Montferrat. In 1205, he joined with Geoffrey of Villehardouin to take over the Peloponnesus. makes conquests in Greece, 88–102; is joined by Geoffrey of Villehardouin in 1205 to help take over the Peloponnesus, 103–116; returns to Champagne in 1208/1209 to claim his inheritance there, leaving Villehardouin as regent and in charge of distributing lands in Morea, 117–139; sends his cousin Robert to rule Morea as his liegeman, 140–144; his claims to Morea through Robert thwarted by Villehardouin and the barons of Morea, 145–160; loses his claim to Morea in a decision against Robert by Villehardouin and the barons of Morea, 161–171; mentioned, 221, 249, 839 William II of Villehardouin (1218–1278), prince of Morea (Achaia) (1246–1278): He was a son of Geoffrey I and the brother of Geoffrey II. receives the castellany of Kalamata from his father, 174; becomes prince and allies with Venice and Athens to take over even more of Morea, 189–201; siege of Monemvasia, 202–205; secures the remainder of Morea, 205–207; helps John (called king), despot of Arta, 211; marries an unnamed (Anna Komnene Doukaina) daughter of Michael II, despot of Arta in 1258, 216; the conquerors settle in, 217–219; tries to make the lord of Athens his vassal, 220–226; the lord of Karytaina defects from and fights alongside Athens, 226–232; wins the battle with Athens, 232–234; makes peace, 235–239; judges Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, 240–241; assembles allies and joins Nikephoros, despot of Arta in his struggle with his brother John of Thessaly (erroneously called Theodore) and Michael Palaiologos, the Byzantine emperor, 256–283; Nikephoros defects with his men during battle, 284–290; in the battle at Pelagonia in 1259, when the Frankish nobility is badly beaten and many knights are captured, CT 3, 291–305; John of Thessaly and the Byzantine emperor demand concessions from and are refused by, William preferring prison, 306–316; forfeits strategic castles in Morea for his freedom in 1262, 317–329; war in Skorta with the Greeks sparked by misunderstanding, 330–345; Turkish mercenaries defect over wages to the side of, 346–360; defeats the Greeks with combined French and Turkish forces, 346–360; responds to more trouble in Skorta, 389–397; judges the lord of Karytaina after the lord’s dalliance in Apulia, 407–414; in 1267, decides to marry his daughter Isabelle to Louis (Philip), son of King Charles I of Naples, and become the king’s vassal, 415, 441–455; returns to Morea to fight against incursions from the Byzantine emperor with help from King Charles’s men, 456–473; returns to Italy in 1267–1268 to help the king against Conradin, 476–493; returns to Morea to find more rebellion from Greeks, 494–496; rules in a dispute over the inheritance of Akova by Marguerite of Neuilly, 501–531; gives his daughter Marguerite two-thirds of Akova, 531; in 1278, dies at Kalamata, CT 3, 532–534; is buried at Andravida with his father and brother, 535 William of Flun: a knight living beside the Alpheios River, who hosted Prince Philip in 1304, 957

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William of Monbel: Italian nobleman and master chamberlain to Philip of Savoy, 855, 859, 865–866 X Xerokarytaina: a location in Skorta near the castle of Karytaina, 927–928 Xeromero: a town on the coast of Arta, 647 Z Zara: a city on the coast of today’s Croatia and from 10–23 November 1202, the site of a siege and sack by crusaders and Venetians before and en route to the Fourth Crusade, 22–23, 31–32, 36 Zilliamary, Nicholas: a Greek noble from Skorta, 924–925, 950

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List of Unnamed Women Many prominent women are never named in the Chronicle, but are only identified as the relative or spouse of a man who is named. Although we identify many of the women in notes throughout the text, this list underscores how many there are in the Chronicle. The women are listed by paragraph number in the order they appear, together with the Chronicle’s sometimes incorrect description of them in italics, followed by a brief sketch of who they were, with dates where known. CT 8. … the despotess of Arta. The despotess was Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene (d. ca 1313), a relative of the Byzantine emperor; she married Nikephoros I Komnenos Doukas (d. 1297), despot of Arta. Their elder daughter, Maria, married John of Cephalonia – see below at 617; another daughter, Thamar, married Philip I of Anjou, prince of Taranto in 1294 (he later set her aside in disgrace, after she had borne him five children): 657–658, 974. As a widow, the despotess was regent of Arta for their son Thomas until he came of age. She is also mentioned at 657, 881–908, 919, 973–995, 1004–1007. CT 17. They made an exchange with the empress, the wife of the said prince of Taranto. Catherine of Valois (1303–1346) married Philip I of Anjou, prince of Taranto in 1313, after he had set aside his first wife, Thamar of Arta, as described above. By this marriage, she became the princess of Achaia and was the titular Latin empress of Constantinople until her death. She is named in CT 12, but only as ‘Madame Catherine, daughter of Lord Charles, to whom Philip of Taranto was married in France’. 9, 11, 12. Queen of France, sister to Boniface of Montferrat. This error appears in several versions of the Chronicle. The king of France at the time, Philip II Augustus (d. 1223), was never married to a relative of Boniface. Although the queen of France is not named, neither is the French king. 27. Emperor Kyr Isaac was married to the sister of the emperor of Germany. This mistake appears in all versions of the Chronicle. Isaac’s first wife, probably named Irene, was the mother of Irene Angelina (d. 1208), queen consort of Philip of Swabia (d. 1208), king of the Germans. It was at this court that their son, Alexios IV, was living with his sister before the Fourth Crusade. 75. Lord Robert [Latin emperor of Constantinople] had a daughter … [whom] Geoffrey II of Villehardouin took as his wife. Agnes of Courtenay (ca 1202–1247) was a daughter of Peter (not Robert) of Courtenay, Latin emperor of Constantinople, and Yolanda of Flanders. Agnes married Geoffrey II of Villehardouin ca 1217, having been intercepted en route to Constantinople to live with her parents. Her brothers were Robert and Baldwin; later, both were

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emperors of Constantinople, ruling respectively 1221–1228 and 1228–1264. The story of her marriage is told at 177–188, and she is mentioned at 444. 77. [Theodore] Laskaris’s wife was the daughter of Kyr Isaac, emperor of them all. According to Longnon’s note at this paragraph, the Chronicle conflates the identities and events of Theodore I (ruled ca 1205 to ca 1221) and Theodore II Laskaris (1221–1258) into one person here. It is therefore difficult to identify the woman in this reference. Perhaps the reference is to Anna Angelina, daughter of the Byzantine emperor Alexios III Angelos and widow of the sebastokrator, Isaac Komnenos, who married Theodore I. 86. He [Baldwin II, Latin emperor of Constantinople] left a daughter who was to become his heir. Catherine of Courtenay (1274–1307) was actually the granddaughter of the emperor. Charles of Valois, brother of the king of France, took her in marriage, a union that produced a lady now called empress. Catherine married Charles as his second wife in 1301. Their daughter Catherine of Valois (1303–1346) was the future princess of Achaia and the titular Latin empress of Constantinople until her death. Catherine of Courtenay is also mentioned at 709, but again, only as Baldwin’s daughter. 87. Lord Ancelin of Toucy who married the mother of Lord Geoffrey of Tournay, lord of Kalavryta. No information has been found on this lady, who was married to Otto of Tournay. 216. … sister of the despot of Arta. Anna Komnene Doukaina (d. 1286), known as Agnes in French, was the daughter (not sister) of Michael II Komnenos Doukas of Arta. She was the third wife of William II of Villehardouin, from 1258 until his death in 1278, and their children were princesses Isabelle and Marguerite of Villehardouin. In 1280, she married Nicholas II of Saint-Omer. Her marriage to William II is mentioned at 255, and that to Nicholas II at 552–553. 226–227. … the noble and brave Sir Geoffrey of Bruyères, lord of Karytaina, whose wife was the sister of the lord of Athens. Isabelle de la Roche (1235–1279) was sister to John (not Guy I) de la Roche of Athens. Around 1250, she married the lord of Karytaina (who died ca 1269, possibly later). In 1277, she married Hugh, count of Brienne and Lecce. Because of her family line, her son Walter of Brienne inherited the duchy of Athens in 1308, when Guy II de la Roche died without issue. She is also mentioned at 413, 497–499, 548. 328. … the daughter of John of Neuilly and the sister of the grand constable, John Chauderon … These two ladies were sent to the Greek emperor as hostages for Prince William in 1262 in exchange for the prince’s release from prison, where he and other leaders of Morea had been held after losing the battle of Pelagonia. Neuilly’s daughter, Marguerite, is mentioned earlier, at 233, and named at 502 (see her entry in the annotated index). The grand constable at the time was actually Geoffrey of Chauderon (who had a son named John); Geoffrey’s daughter was the hostage, and her name has not been found. Bon (p. 147) says that she stayed in Constantinople and married. 399–406. [Geoffrey of Bruyères, the lord of Karytaina] … fell in love with a lady who was married to one of his knights, named John of Catavas. She was the

List of Unnamed Women

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most beautiful lady in all Romania. John of Catavas is not mentioned elsewhere in the French Chronicle, the relevant passages having disappeared. The Greek Chronicle describes John of Catavas as being old and crippled, but also a hero in battle, and notes his exploits (see the note at 338 about this). No information has been found about this woman or her fate after this episode, which in the Chronicle seems to have covered a relatively brief period of time. However, Bon (pp. 130–131) reports that they were gone for two years, beginning in the summer of 1263. 416–417. The count of Anjou … had three daughters. The three daughters of Ramon IV of Provence (not Anjou) were Marguerite, Eleanor, and Beatrice. Marguerite of Provence (1221–1295) married Louis IX of France in 1234. Eleanor of Provence (1223 to June 1291) married Henry III of England in 1236 and was the mother of Edward I. In 1246, Beatrice of Provence (1231–1267) married Charles of Anjou, the future king of Naples; she is also mentioned at 421–425 and 490. Another daughter, Sancha (ca 1228–1261), not mentioned in the Chronicle, married Richard of Cornwall, the brother of Henry III. 507. Bela of Saint-Omer was married to the sister of the king of Hungary. The Chronicle may have confused Bela’s wife (Bonne de la Roche, sister of Guy I, lord of Athens and Thebes) with his mother, Margaret of Hungary (1175 to ca 1223), sister of Emeric, king of Hungary. Margaret was the widow of Byzantine emperor Isaac II Angelos (d. 1204) and of Boniface of Montferrat (d. 1207). She married Nicholas I of Saint-Omer around 1216. Their sons were Bela of Saint-Omer (b. ca 1217, ruled 1240–1258) and William. 546. … William, duke of Athens … married the daughter of Kyr Theodore, the sebastokrator and the illegitimate brother of the despot of Arta. Historically, the sebastokrator was John I Doukas, king of Thessaly, and his daughter was Helen Komnene Doukaina of Arta (no dates found). She was the first wife of William de la Roche, duke of Athens (d. 1287) and was the mother of Guy II de la Roche, who inherited the title. After William died, she married Hugh, count of Brienne and Lecce in ca 1287. She is also mentioned at 549–551 and 873. 553–554. … the princess of Antioch. Mary of Antioch (Marie de Poitiers, d. ca 1280) was the daughter of Bohemund VI of Antioch-Tripoli (ca 1237–1275) and the first wife of Nicholas II of Saint-Omer. She brought an immense fortune to the marriage. 587. Madame Isabelle was in Naples with the queen, the one from Hungary. Isabelle of Villehardouin was with Marie of Hungary (ca. 1257–1323), queen consort of Charles II the Lame, king of Naples, whom she married in 1270 and ruled with until his death in 1309. She was the daughter of Stephen of Hungary. 617. The despot [of Arta] gave Richard [of Cephalonia] his eldest daughter as a hostage … Richard tricked the despot, and his son, John, married the despot’s daughter. Maria Komnene Doukaina was the daughter of Nikephoros I and Anna Palaiologina Kantakouzene of Arta, and the marriage was in 1292. She is unnamed but mentioned at 617–619 and 654–657. Their offspring were Nicholas, John II, Guy, and Margaret of Cephalonia.

256

The Old French ‘Chronicle of Morea’

729. … and your wife is my relative. No information was found on the wife of Geoffrey of Aunoy and kinswoman of the emperor. The relationship is also mentioned at 749. 756. … that King Charles’s elder son marry King James’s daughter. Yolanda of Aragon (1273–1302), sister not daughter, of James of Aragon, married the future King Robert of Naples in 1297. … and Frederick, King James’s brother, marry King Charles’s daughter. King James II of Aragon himself, not his son, married Blanche of Anjou (1280–1310), daughter of King Charles II of Naples, in 1295. 764. [Lord George Ghisi held the barony of Chalandritza] … he was married to Lord Guy of Trimolay’s daughter. No information has been found about this lady other than George Ghisi (d. 1311) did marry Lord Guy of Trimolay’s daughter and that perhaps their daughter married Pietro dalle Carceri (d. 1340). 776. Lord John [of Tournay] answered that he was married to Count Richard of Cephalonia’s daughter. No information has been located about this lady other than that she was indeed married to Lord John. She was possibly Guillerma, daughter of Richard of Cephalonia, who is named at 966 and is mentioned elsewhere. See her entry in the annotated index for details. [Roger of Lauria addressing John of Tournay] If you were not married, I would give you my daughter. No information has been found about this daughter of Roger of Lauria. 804. … one of his [Korkondilos’s] relatives named Anino, who had married his daughter. No information has been located about Korkondilos or his daughter. 873. … The sister of the said Guy of Athens was Constantine’s wife and the child’s mother. Constantine was not married to a relative of the duke of Athens. Please see above at 546 for Helen Komnene Doukaina, Guy’s mother. 911–916. … the marquis of Montferrat’s sister was the wife of the emperor of Constantinople, she was the empress of Constantinople. Yolanda of Montferrat (1274–1317), daughter of William VII of Montferrat, married Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos, a widower, in 1284. She was renamed Irene when she married. She moved to Thessalonica in 1303 and had her own court there. 1000. … and this would be the lady of Akova, Princess Isabelle’s sister. The lady of Akova, and mistress of Lord Nicholas III of Saint-Omer, was Marguerite of Villehardouin (1266–1315). See her entry in the annotated index. 1014. The wife of the constable of Morea. She was sister to Count John of Cephalonia and wife of constable Engilbert of Liedekerke, according to Longnon (p. 396). But her name is unknown.

Topical Index

This index lists topics discussed chiefly in the introduction. It also notes a few individuals who are mentioned in the introduction but not in the annotated index of persons and places. We also cite here some scenes in the Chronicle narrative that illustrate certain topics particularly well. For individuals and locations mentioned in the Chronicle’s narrative, see the annotated index of persons and places. Achaia, see Morea. And see annotated index, glossary Assizes of Romania 22–5; see also feudal law, homage Athens, duchy/ dukes of 22. And see Athens; Roche, de la; Saint–Omer; Thebes; Walter of Brienne in annotated index battles, major conquest of Constantinople 8–9; ¶¶36–46, ¶¶52–7 Halmyros 17, 33, 44; ¶¶500, 548. And see annotated index Pelagonia 9, 13, 14-15, 20, 23, 30; ¶CT 3, ¶¶293–306 against Slavs and Greeks in Skorta 30, 32; ¶¶CT 4, 7, ¶¶923–48 Zara 8, 25; ¶¶22–4. And see annotated index Byzantine Empire (called Greek Empire in Chronicle) 6–9, 13–15, 18. And see Greek(s) in annotated index Catalan Company 16–18, 32, 33, 34. And see annotated index crusade (called pilgrimage in Chronicle) 6–9. And see Pilgrim in glossary Epirus (Arta), despotate of 9, 10, 12, 13–14, 15, 28, 29. And see annotated index

feudal law and customs; see also Assizes of Romania, homage depicted in Chronicle narrative claims to inheritance ¶¶501–31, ¶¶955-72 claim to Karytaina ¶¶557–85 negotiations over castle of Kalamata ¶¶693–754 negotiations about hostages ¶¶785–98 rights of conquest ¶¶306–16 rights of landed barons ¶¶857–68 Henry of Flanders 10, 28. And see Robert (of Flanders) in annotated index homage 22–4 major acts of in Chronicle Prince William to king of Naples ¶¶442–56 Moreot barons to Philip of Savoy ¶¶849–54 major disputes over in Chronicle Prince William and lord of Athens ¶¶221–53 Prince William and lord of Karytaina ¶¶227–42 Moreot nobility and king of Naples’s regent ¶¶537–42 and see Fief, Homage, Invest, Liege Lord, Liegeman, Vassal in glossary John I Doukas 14, 255. And see under John the Grand Despot in annotated index

258

The Old French ‘Chronicle of Morea’

John III Doukas 13, 14 Juan Fernández de Heredia 2 jubilee year (1300) in Rome 32; ¶¶841–47. And see annotated index Latin Empire of Constantinople (called Empire of Constantinople in Chronicle) 12, 15–16 Michael I Komnenos Doukas 13 Michael II Komnenos Doukas 13–14, 15. And see John the Grand Despot in annotated index Morea, Chronicle of 1–6 historical background of 6–22 translators’ notes 25–6 versions of 2–3 Morea, principality of 1, 6, 12–13, 15–16. And see annotated index culture of 22–4 rulers of at time of Chronicle 18–22 Naples (and Sicily), kingdom of 15–16. And see Naples, Sicily in annotated index

Nicaea, empire of 9, 10, 11, 13, 14–15, 28, 29, 30, 31 Parliaments importance in Moreot culture 22–4 of Corinth in 1304 (which featured a joust) 4; ¶1016 to end. And see Joust, Lists, Parliament in glossary Peter of Courtenay 10, 19, 29 Sicilian Vespers, war of 16–17, 31 Theodore Komnenos Doukas 13 Thessaly, despotate of 13–14. And see annotated index Thessalonica, kingdom of 11–12. And see annotated index Viterbo, Treaty of (1267) 15–16, note 20, 21, 30, 31 Yolanda of Flanders 10, 253