The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon: Old English Text with Introduction, Translation and Latin Version 2503609252, 9782503609256

Citation preview

The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon

TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN ÂGE VOLUME 33 Collection dirigée par / General Editor Stephen Morrison, Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Université de Poitiers Comité scientifique / Advisory Board Alexandra Barratt, Université de Waikato, Nouvelle Zélande Daron Burrows, Université d’Oxford, Royaume-Uni Vittoria Corazza, Université de Turin, Italie Irma Taavitsainen, Université de Helsinki, Finlande Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone, Université de Turin, Italie Annette Volfing, Université d’Oxford Founded in 2004, Textes Vernaculaires du Moyen Âge is an editorial enterprise designed to meet the needs of scholars and students alike. Its main focus is on texts which have hitherto failed to benefit from adequate editorial treatment and which, as a consequence, remain unknown or imperfectly known to the academic community. All aspects of medieval vernacular literary activity form part of its brief: literary texts, historical writings, including chronicles, devotional treatises, sermons, scientific treatises, and the like. The series also welcomes editions of better-known texts accompanied by modern translations, designed to meet the needs of scholars and students who may be unfamiliar with the language of the original texts. Each edition comprises a description of the source text or texts, manuscript or early printed book, accompanied by explanatory notes and a comprehensive glossary. All submissions are subject to blind or double blind peer review. The series concentrates on propositions in both medieval English and French. Potential editors are strongly advised to contact the general editor in the first instance before making a submission: [email protected].

The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon British Library MS Cotton Vitellius D. xvii

Edited with translation, notes and Latin version by michèle bussières

© 2024, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2024/0095/28 ISBN 978-2-503-60925-6 eISBN 978-2-503-60926-3 DOI 10.1484/M.TVMA-EB.5.135605 ISSN 1782-6233 eISSN 2566-0225 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Table of Contents

Acknowlegements

7

Introduction History of the cult, early versions of text The cult of Saint Pantaleon The Old English Version Previous editions Saint Pantaleon: from Latin to Old English

9 9 11 27 34 36

Old English Text and Translation Introduction Text and Translation Commentary

47 47 52 76

Latin text Introduction Text

113 113 114

Glossary

125

Latin manuscripts

141

Bibliography

151

Acknowlegements

The present edition owes much to the work of Patricia Margaret Mattews, The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon (unpublished master’s thesis, University College, London, 1966) and subsequent scholars, and to the vigilant rereading and kindly advice of Professor Stephen Morrison, University of Poitiers (France). The Bollandist Library in Brussels granted permission for the addition of the Latin text from one of their manuscripts, which was the closest copy to the Old English version that I could find: many thanks to them, and to the three personal friends (Danièle Castanier, Thérèse Delbac, Martine Vermande) who checked my transcription. I am also very grateful to Ms K. Sutton for amending my translation of the Old English text. More generally, in my search for Latin parent texts in Latin codices and for other documents, I was impressed by the kindliness and readiness to help of all the Librarians who allowed me access to their resources or provided copies of the text from their manuscripts.

Introduction

History of the cult, early versions of text The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon survives in only one manuscript: London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius D XVII (mid-eleventh century)1 Most of the companion texts are Saints’ Lives by Ælfric (± 955 – ±1010). The story, originally composed in Greek, is set in Nicomedia, now Izmit (Turkey), in the province of Bithynia (coastal north-eastern province, east of the Bosphorus) at the time of Emperor Diocletian or soon afterwards. The Bollandists have divided the surviving copies into two main branches:2 Bibliotheca Hagio­ graphica Graeca 1413 is the earlier one, while Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca 1414 is a group containing a spruced-up version by Symeon Metaphrastes (tenth century). The oldest Latin translations listed by the Bollandists are Chartres, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 63 (115/G), 9th century, destroyed during World War II, and Italian National Library MS Farf. 29, late 9th / early 10th century). By the 12th century, the Passio was becoming a standard feature of round-the-year Legendaries. Needless to say, those Latin versions were in turn translated or adapted into vernacular languages: for example, a Provençal version in Carpentras (Bib­ liothèque Municipale MS 469), a French one in Lille (Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 202), both from the 14th century, a Dutch version in the Netherlands (Deventer, SAB MS 101 D 6, fol. 11r–47v) and a German one (Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, Pal.Germ. 144 fol. 227–33), both from the 15th century. Those are but a few examples culled at random from catalogues outside Italy, and leaving aside Golden Legend abbreviations. The English text, then, is by far the earliest vernacular version. This is in keeping with the early tradition of translating into Anglo-Saxon, but is somewhat surprising in the case of what may seem a somewhat exotic saint.

1 Neil Ripley Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), item 221. The first few lines have survived in a Cambrige University manuscript, as noted by Donald G. Scragg in ‘The Corpus of Anonymous Lives’ pp. 209–30, ýHoly Men and Holy Women: Old English Prose Saints’ Lives and their Context, ed. by Paul E. Szarmach (New York: State University of New York Press, 1996). 2 Leaving aside non narrative texts (BHG 1415–18) and BHG 1412 (in Vasilli Vasilevich Latyshev, ‘Hagiographica Inedita’, Zapiski Imperatorskoi akademii nauk, ser. 8, volume 12 Saint-Petersburg, 1914).

10

IntroductIon

Historical background to the story

All the Latin versions copied before 14003 refer to ‘Emperor Maximianus’. Two men bore that name in the late third and early fourth centuries: Maximianus, whom Diocletian appointed as co-ruler4 in 285 to defend the western half of the empire, and in 293 Caius Galerius Valerius Maximianus was chosen by Diocletian to be his Caesar in a further re-organisation of the Empire (‘the Tetrarchy’, with Constantius as the western Caesar). Maximianus Herculius’ capital was Milan and the area under his direct control after the appointment of his Caesar, was Italy and North Africa, while Spain, Gaul and the northern frontier, including England, were left to the care of his Caesar Constantius. Galerius Maximianus was closer to Diocletian, being his Caesar and becoming his son-in-law soon afterwards. His capital was Sirmium (in present-day Serbia, then in the province of Pannonia) and until 305 he was in charge of the Danubian frontier; he also fought in Persia and Armenia. Both Maximianus were involved in the Great Persecution, but at different times and in different areas. According to Lactantius, a contemporary but not exactly an eye witness (he left Nicomedia after 303), Diocletian passed his four anti-Christian edicts (303–304) at Galerius’ instigation: as soon as the fourth and most drastic one was passed, Galerius Maximianus left Nicomedia (in order to eschew responsibility, Lactantius says) and violent persecution started under the personal supervision of Diocletian.5 In the west, the elder Maximianus enforced the edict in the area under his direct control while in the North-west, his caesar Constantius showed little zeal about implementing the first three edicts and did not take any notice of the fourth one. A year later, Galerius Maximianus came back to Nicomedia. He persuaded Diocletian to abdicate and to force his co-ruler Maximianus Herculius to do the same: in May 305, both senior emperors (Augustus) stepped down, to be replaced by their Caesars: Galerius himself, and Constantius, who only lived long enough to see his son Constantine proclaimed Caesar by his troops. Around that time, none of the would-be Caesars and Emperors fighting for preeminence in the west had any time to waste hunting down Christians: the Great Persecution came to an end there in 305. It went on with unabated violence in the east under the new Augustus Galerius Maximianus, until 311, when he issued an edict of tolerance, shortly before his death. The coexistence of two Maximianus is not the result of mere chance: Diocletian called Galerius ‘Maximianus’ after his old and

3 With the single exception of a highly untypical text contained in Würzburg Universitätsbiblio­ thek Würzburg MS M. p. th. f. 124. (12th century), where the emperor is called Diocletian. 4 In an inferior position he was: ‘Iouis’ and Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maximianius was only ‘Herculius’. 5 De Mortibus Persecutorum. Lactance, De la Mort des Persécuteurs ed. by Jacques Moreau, (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1954).The only extant manuscript (BnF 2627, 11th century) was saved from decay by Etienne Baluze, who acquired it in 1678 for his employer.

IntroductIon

(for a while) trusted friend and co-emperor, as a sign of good omen. Galerius did the same with his own caesar, Maximinus Daia.6 A scholar like Ælfric knew about co-emperors but ordinary people did not, and he clearly states that in his Lives of Saints he will only speak about one emperor in the same text.7 Nothing in Saint Pantaleon, apart from the mention of the eastern capital, distinguishes Maximianus Galerius, (reigning 305–311) from his older, western colleague. To many 11th century laymen, the difference between the two Maximianus mattered little: if anything, the name must have evoked the older Maximianus, who looms large in many purely Latin passions, since his field of action was Italy and North Africa.

The cult of Saint Pantaleon The beginning of the cult

From Greece to Italy Some Latin versions add a coda to the account of Pantaleon’s death: its location (Adaman’s Villa, later a cemetery), the existence of a martyrium. None of this is confirmed by archaeological evidence and it must be a later addition, probably connected to some pilgrimage and the acquisition of relics. With the death of Galerius (311) and of his successor Maximinus Daia (313), Nicomedia lost its political and economic status as imperial capital: the new seat of power was to be Constantine’s city, on the other side of the Bosphorus. A few decades later, Nicomedia was devastated by two earthquakes: one in August 358, followed by a fire which destroyed most of the city centre, and another one in December 362.8 Its recovery was slow, hampered by invasions and political upheavals. Nevertheless, the fame of the saint seems to have spread fairly quickly in the Greek-speaking world. Unfortunately, one of the earliest testimonies about the cult of Nicomedian martyrs (British Library Oriental MSS, add MS 12150, a Syriac translation, dated 412, of Greek texts from the second half of 4th century Nicomedia9) cannot be taken as evidence: the month of July is missing from the

6 Chapter XVIII, Lactance, De la Mort des Persécuteurs. 7 Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. and tr. by Walter W. Skeat (EETS 1966 reprint), pp. 2–3, l. 17–21. 8 Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum libri, Book XVII chapter 7 and Book XXII chapter 13. ‘Le raz-de-marée du 21 juillet 365’; François Jacques and Bernard Bousquet, Mélanges de l’Ecole Française de Rome, 1984 volume 96 no. 1, pp. 423–61. ‘Les séismes de l’antiquité tardives d’après les sources’, François Jacques Bulletin de l’Association des Géographes Français, 1984, no. 499, pp. 49–55 9 William Wright, Journal of Sacred Literature VIII, 1896). Louis Duchesne and Giovanni Battista De Rossi Acta Sanctorum November II LII–LXV, François Nau Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syriaques, (Paris: Brepols, 1912 – reprint Turnhout: Brepols, 1993).

11

12

IntroductIon

calendar, the gap being filled up by the names Syrian and Persian saints. On the other hand Pantaleon’s name appears in a fifth century church in Cilicia, present southern Turkey.10 Of course the cult must have passed on to Constantinople, a mere 120 kilometres away from Nicomedia, at an early date. When Justinian and Theodora launched an ambitious rebuilding programme after the 532 fire in Constantinople, they found a tumbled-down church or chapel dedicated to Pantaleon, regrettably close to the prostitutes’ quarter: the church was restored and the place of ill-repute gave way to a convent.11 As Italy foundered under barbarian invasions, it was up to the Second Rome, Constantinople, to run what was still called the Roman Empire. The language of the Exarchate of Ravenna (568–751) was Greek, with native Greek speakers working in the upper ranks of its administration or trading in Adriatic ports. The study and use of that language was revived in southern Italy, except in areas under Lombard control. Byzantine emperors kept a close watch on religious de­ velopment in Rome as well as in Greece (monothelite crisis, followed by the rise of iconoclasm in 731). Between 606 and 752 no fewer than 13 popes were native Greek speakers, mostly from greater Greece. Greek monasteries were founded in Rome and southern Italy. The Byzantines only recovered a fraction of the Roman provinces of Spain and Africa but their hold over the area of (roughly) present-day Tunisia from 533 to709, extended Greek influence, however precariously, and kept communications across the Mediterranean open until the Arab conquest.12 Byzantine power waned when Arab invasions started (674: first siege of Constantinople), but far from weakening Greek influence, they brought more Greek monks to Rome; with them came the cult of many eastern saints. One of the first traces of Pantaleon’s cult is the so-called ‘Naples marble calendar’, dating from the 9th century:13 It combines local saints (mostly bishops) with names from the Latin and Greek sanctorals; some appear twice at two different dates, in most cases because they were celebrated on different days in the western and eastern basin of the Mediterranean; Saint Pantaleon’s natale is inscribed under both February 15 and July 27.

10 Sharon Gerstel ‘Tiles of Nicomedia and the Cult of Saint Pantaleon’ Byzantine Religious Culture: Studies in Honor of Alice-Mary Talbot, ed. by Denis Sullivan et al.(Leyden: Brill, 2011). 11 Procopius, De Aedificiis, Book I Chapter 9: On Buildings, tr. by Henry Bronson Dewing, Robert Emory Glanville Downey, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1940). 12 Charles Diehl, ‘Etudes sur l’administration byzantine dans l’Exarchat de Ravenne’, Bibliothèque des Ecoles d’Athènes et Rome LIII, Paris 1888, L’Afrique Byzantine, histoire de la domination Byzantine en Afrique (533–709) (Paris: E. Leroux, 1896). 13 Hippolyte Delehaye ‘Hagiographie napolitaine’, Analecta Bollandiana 57, 1939, pp. 5–64: I. ‘Le calendrier de marbre’ (pp. 6–44); II. ‘Source et composition du calendrier’ (pp. 44–60); ‘Index sanctorum’ (pp. 60–64).

IntroductIon

Seventh century Spain Perhaps the oldest known mention of Saint Pantaleon in western Europe (exclud­ ing Italy) is associated with a prolific writer, Valerio del Bierzo, who lived in north-western Spain in the seventh century (+ about 695). He probably became a monk in the monastery of Compludo founded by Saint Fructuous (+ 655), then left to live as a hermit, and on one occasion, imitating his master, as an anchorite. Among other writings, he composed three short autobiographical pieces14 describing his sufferings at the hands of his enemies (his fellow priests) and vehemently denouncing the iniquity of all those around him. Towards the end of his life, he founded his own Thebaid in the mountains of Asturias, where he and two companions built a rustic abode and a small church or oratory dedicated to the Holy Rood and Saint Pantaleon. Of course the saint’s name had already reached western Europe; Spain also had direct contacts by sea with Greece and North Africa (until the Arabo-Berber conquest). South-eastern Spain was part of the Exarchate of Carthage. In the late 7th century, 1/3 of the martyr’s names known in Spain came from the Eastern Mediterranean area.15 Egeria, to whom Valerio devotes a few pages, may have mentioned him in the lost pages of her Journey to the Holy Land.16 What is surprising, however, about this occurrence of the saint’s name in connection with Valerio is that he was a fiery admirer and imitator of the Fathers of the Deserts: one wonders what might have endeared a saint like Pantaleon to the Galician misanthropist – it is not even known whether his life had already been translated into Latin. Whatever the case, in 711, about fifteen years after Valerio del Bierzo’s death, the Visigothic Kingdom of Spain collapsed with hardly a fight. The north-west was soon reconquered but the cult of the saint is no longer documented until the tenth century, when his name appears in both calendars and passionaries. The feast day is February 19, not in exact agreement with the first date entered in the Naples Marble Calendar (February 15), but a fairly close approximation. No place name is given in the calendars.17 Martyrologies The second oldest mention also comes from an outpost of the Roman Empire: the Echternach Manuscript was copied by an insular scribe, either in England or

14 Manuel Cecilio Diaz Y Diaz, Valerio del Bierzo, su persona. su obra (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación de San Isidro, 2006). Autobiographical texts: pp. 246–323. 15 Angel Fábrega Grau, Pasionario Hispánico, p. 256. 16 Pierre Maraval, Egérie, Journal de voyage (Paris, Les éditions du Cerf, 2017) introduction pp. 58–59 – Manuel Cecilio. Diaz Y Diaz, Valerio del Bierzo, su vida …: ‘Carta … en alabanza de la Bienaventurada Egeria’, pp. 228–41. 17 A. Fábrega Grau, Pasionario Hispánico p. 222. Marius Férotin, Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l’Eglise wisigothique (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1904), pp. XXX–XXXVII and pp. 307, 311.

13

14

IntroductIon

on the Continent in the early eighth century; it belongs to the ‘Martyrologium Hieronymianum’ family, which draws on three main sources: a calendar from Rome, another from Africa, and an Eastern martyrology – the latter is thought to be based on a Greek martyrologium from Nicomedia, which is also one of the sources of British Library Oriental MSS add MS 12150 mentioned above.18 The Echternach manuscript (Paris, BnF ms latin 10837, dated 700–730) is connected with Saint Willibrord’s mission in Frisia and to the monastery bearing his name in present-day Luxemburg. The entry (fol. 22v) is not much more detailed than the near-contemporary Spanish mention of Pantaleon, since it only adds the name of the city (‘Nicopolis’, for Nicomedia19) to the saint’s name. The date is July 28 (no mention of the saint in the companion calendar). About a century later, Hraban Maur’s entry for Saint Pantaleon is more fully developed: it is 25 lines long; the feast day (February 18) is close to that in Spanish calendars. His martyrology probably comes from the same root as the next group, by a different line of transmission.20 It is close in time (±780–856) to the next group, its author lived in Mayence. The other ninth-century branch includes the Anonymous Lyon Martyrology (based on an original written in Lyons before 806, but represented in only one 10th century manuscript),21 Florus’ martyrology (composed before 860), Ado’s (written before 875)22 and Usuard’s, based on the work of his two immediate predecessors and summing up most notices. The date is July 27 or 28. The preceding entry mentions the priest Hermolaus: both Florus and Ado explain his role in the Pantaleon entry as well. Usuard23 gives a much shorter version ( July 28). Usuard’s work is dated 850–865, with later revisions and preface, Florus died around 860 and Ado around 865, which leaves a very narrow time frame. Florus of Lyon and Ado of Vienne (France) were almost neighbours. If Hraban Maur and the second group of martyrologies are put side by side, it is rather as if we had two complementary versions, forming the germ of the standard Life of Saint Pantaleon: the former is more detailed and closer to the Life, but two major elements, Pantaleon’s conversion and his profession, are missing; it briefly describes his first miracle and only two of the tortures he

18 Jacques Dubois, Les martyrologes du Moyen Age latin (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978), pp. 30–31. Louis Duchesne, ‘Les sources du Martyrologe hiéronymien’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, vol. 5, 1885, pp. 120–60. 19 ‘Entries are limited to names of people and places, but many names have been distorted or mutilated beyond recognition’ Jacques Dubois, Jean-Loup Lemaitre, Sources et méthodes de l’Hagiographie Médiévale (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1993). 20 Henri Quentin, Les martyrologes historique du Moyen Âge (Paris: Librairie V. Lecoffre, Gavalda et Cie, 1908), pp. 31–47. Next paragraph: p. 229. 21 BnF Colbertinus lat. 3879. Date of the original text: no mention of the translation of the Scillitan Martyrs in 806. 22 Manuscripts consulted here for Ado: St Gall MS 454 (copied 880–890) and BnF lat. 12582 (11th century). For Florus: BnF lat. 9085 (copied between 990 and 1020). 23 Jacques Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, Subsidia Hagiographica (Brussels, 1966).

IntroductIon

suffered. The others do state that he studied medicine with Maximianus’ physician and vaguely allude to ‘his many miracles’, with no specific example; but give the complete list of the tortures he was submitted to, according to the full Passio. What is missing from both groups of texts is the tale of later ‘medical’ miracles and of the jealousy they aroused in the profession. All that shows that by the end of the ninth century at the latest, almost all the elements of the narrative were there – piecemeal. It may mean two things: either scattered elements of the life (originally from Greek sources) were circulated in at least two different places, possibly orally, or else at least one complete Latin version translated from the Greek already existed but for reasons of their own Hraban Maur on the one hand, the compilers of the ‘Anonyme Lyonnais’ and similar martyrologies on the other hand, chose to stress this or that aspect of the saint’s life in their summaries. Relics

Greece and southern Italy One may surmise that at first Saint Pantaleon’s cult centred around his supposed grave in Nicomedia. There may have been a martyrium; the church bearing the saint’s name, in the suburb of Adamantios, where his body had supposedly been hidden,24 was rebuilt in 1700 and then again in 1858–1860: according to modern witnesses it did not shelter any relics.25 When the saint’s fame spread to Constantinople, the body (if any) may have been removed to the new capital: if so, certainly whole, since dividing up bodies to provide more relics was officially frowned upon until the sixth century. They may have disappeared in the succes­ sive earthquakes that devastated the city. Whatever the case, Nicomedia remained the one place associated with Pantaleon where no relic of his was to be found. They were later invented – in either sense of the term – elsewhere. The church of Saint Pantaleon mentioned by Procopius did not necessarily house the saint’s relics. Contra imaginum calumniatores orationes tres by John Damascene (±676–749) is traditionally accompanied by a dossier containing extracts from theological and hagiographical texts, among which one fragment (by Theodorus Lector, 6th century) mentions Pantaleon’s relics: one scene of a

24 Pascal Boulhol ‘L’apport de l’hagiographie à la connaissance de la Nicomédie paléochréti­ enne’, in Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité, tome 106, n°2. 1994, pp. 921–92. The church was pulled down in 1986 for the building of a highway. 25 ‘Saint Pantaleon’s tomb is in a very deep vault that has been fashioned underneath [the church]; his body is no longer there and I am told it has been stolen’ Voyages du Sieur Paul Lucas, tome 1, Paris 1712, pp. 67–68. No mention of relics in Timothy Gabashvili, Pilgrimage to Mount Athos, Constantinople and Jerusalem, 1755–59, tr. And ed. By Mzia Ebanoidze, John Wilkinson (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2001).

15

16

IntroductIon

gross comminatory tale26 takes place ‘in the Church called Homonoia (Concord) where some of the relics of the holy men Pantaleon and Marin were believed to have been placed to rest’.27 As that part of Theodorus’s work has disappeared, it is impossible to know if the quotation is genuine, let alone accurate; the Latin version alongside the Greek text in Migne’s edition28 does not translate the word ‘πεπίστευται’ (were believed), thus changing a rumour into a fact, accidentally or deliberately. At some later time, relics bearing the saint’s name travelled to the rest of the Greek-speaking world, particularly southern Italy, often with the monks fleeing Arab invasions and iconoclastic persecutions. Western Europe (ninth-tenth century) The earlier version of the acquisition of Pantaleon’s relics: Lyons and the Rhone Valley The earlier version is told by Florus and by Ado in their martyrologies.29 In Florus, it is just a note added to the Scillitan Martyrs (XVI Kal. Aug.): the relics of three saints, namely Cyprian of Carthago (one of the Scillitan martyrs) and saint Pantaleon, were brought back from Africa to Lyons. Florus also wrote a short poem that includes a similar remark30 and a longer piece (sometimes attributed to Agobard, bishop of Lyons31) with a fuller story: some envoys of Charlemagne, travelling back from the east via North Africa, were dismayed to find the neglect surrounding Cyprian’s remains and they brought them back to Arles, together with the bones of one of the Scillitan martyrs and Saint Pantaleon’s head; those were then sent to Lyons at the request of Leidrad, bishop of that city. Ado has a longer story to tell.32 He leaves out the derelict state of the church in Carthage, but fills up the narrative with many lofty adjectives and details 26 Based on a bawdy joke in a style that is not quite what one expects from a theological debate. 27 My translation, based on the French version by Anne-Lise Darras-Worms, Le visage de l’Invis­ ible (Paris: Migne, 1994). Migne Patrologia Graeca (henceforth: PG) 94 col. 1391–92, whole text by John of Damascus and dossier: Migne PG 94 col. 1231–1420 or the more scholarly Contra imaginum orationses tres, ed. by Bonifatius Kotter, Patristische Texte und Studien, 17 (Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975). A milder echo of this anecdote, set in Carthago, finds its way into Isidore’s Chronicon and hence in Homilies of Ælfric (ed. John C. Pope, p. 403). 28 All the Latin translations mentioned by Migne (PG 94 col. 1232) date from the 16th century, when the question of images and relics was hotly debated: some partisan mistranslation cannot be ruled out. 29 September 14 / xviii Kal. Oct. Henri Quentin, Les martyrologes historiques pp. 465–681. Christian Courtois, ‘Reliques carthaginoise et histoire carolingienne’ Compte-rendu des séances de l’Académie des Inscription et Belles-Lettres 1945 pp. 11–15. 30 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini (II). Longer poem: XIII pp. 544– 45, shorter version: XIV p. 546 (also Migne PL 119 col. 259). 31 In Migne, PL 104 col. 350–52 (poem II). For the cause of the confusion see Corpus Christiano­ rum, Continuatio mediaevalis, Agobardi Lugdunensis I, p. XXIII LVII. Agobard died in 840 and Florus around 860. 32 BNF MS 12582 fol. 135v–136r (early 11th c.), Migne PL 123 col. 355–56. Ado died in 875.

IntroductIon

from the Annals: in his account, Charlemagne sends an embassy to ‘King Aaron’ (Harun Al-Rashid?) in Carthage begging to buy relics of Saint Cyprian, Bishop of Cartago, beheaded in 258. This is generously granted by Aaron / Harun, who adds Saint Speratus (a Scillitan Martyr) and Saint Pantaleon’s remains to their purchase. The rest of the story is as in Florus, but longer. Adrien Baillet,33 accepting that the relics were still in Constantinople at the time of John Damascene, points out that it is ‘hard to believe that (Pantaleon’s) relics should have been brought to Africa at a time when (…) Saracens were masters (of that area).’ He suggests it may have been a different, North-African, Pantaleon, a hypothesis that is sometimes politely echoed by 20th century writers, although no one seems to take it very seriously. Origins and implications Archaeological finds in Tunisia bring some evidence confirming the cult of Panta­ leon in the area. In Haidra,34 close to the Algerian border, a stone slab dating from the fifth or sixth century and bearing the names of Pantaleon and one ‘Iunianus’ (or ‘Iunanus’) was first spotted in 1876; it had originally been placed close to an altar and announced the presence of memoriae (relics or objects that had been in contact with the saint’s body). The find revived the hypothesis of an African Pantaleon for a while. However, when it was re-examined a few years later, archaeologists agreed on the reading Julianus for the second saint, who was then identified as Julianus of Antioch, another victim of Galerius’ persecutions. Another piece of evidence is a tile found in Tunisia, representing the saint healing a child – his first miracle – with his name written above his head.35 Saint Cyprian and the Scillitan Martyrs were martyred in Cartahgo, respec­ tively in the first and second centuries. The bishop of Carthage was well-known both for his writings and for his death. The Scillitans were connected to the Lyons martyrs by the dates and origin of the persecutions (under Marcus Aurelius: 177 for Blandine et al, 180 for the Scillitan Martyrs), which may have prompted the interest of Lyons in their relics. If the known accounts of the acquisition have a basis of truth, then Pantaleon may really have been part of the purchase – or was he added to the tale by accident? The Scillitan martyrs are celebrated on XVI Kal. Aug., Hermolaus (who converted Pantaleon) on VI Kal. Aug, Pantaleon

33 1649–1706, Adrien Baillet, Vies des Saints, vol. V p. 373. 34 Latin Ammaedara: successively Roman, Vandal (± 430–533) then Byzantine. Noël Duval, Recherches archéologiques à Haïdra. I. (Roma: Publications de l’Ecole Française de Rome 18), pp. 251–53. 35 Christian Courtois, ‘Sur un carreau de terre cuite représentant Saint Pantaléon’ (Paris: Karthago III, 1951–1952), pp. 208–13. Those tiles were made locally, not imported from Nicomedia.

17

18

IntroductIon

himself on V Kal. Aug.: Pantaleon may have been attached to the Scillitan relics because of the proximity in dates.36 What is certain is that in all those accounts, Pantaleon’s relics come third. The list given in the longer poem by Florus reads: ‘(Cypriani) corpus … Sperati quoque … nec non Pantaleonis ossa’,37 the double negation making the last item sound like a happy afterthought, while in Ado the general impression is that it is a small gift from a clever tradesman eager to strike a deal with a wealthy customer. Florus’ restraint may have been due to some uncertainty as to the real identity of that Pantaleon, but with Ado, who seems to have had a lively imagination, one may be fairly certain that this perfunctory treatment of saint Pantaleon is evidence that, while shreds of his legend were known, he was not at the time considered particularly important. However, their common cult must have already been known in Gaul since one of the earliest codices containing the Life of Saint Pantaleon confirms his association with Cyprian and their connection with Lyons: both appear as remarkable outsiders in Chartres B.M. MS 63 (115/G), a 9th/10th century codex dealing mostly with local saints from the Loire Valley, Ile-de France and the Saône/Rhone area.38 The cult of the supposed Lyons relics probably declined sharply at the end of the Middle Ages – and with the rise of Protestantism – since nothing much is known about what happened to them afterwards, except for a vague rumour that the head was carried to the Abbey of Saint Denis, near Paris. The later version: Cologne The second, later version comes in two different forms, both involving Bruno (925–965), brother of Otto the Great and bishop of Cologne. According to Hugh of Flavigny39 in his Chronicon Virdunense seu Flaviniacense, when Bruno of Cologne went to Constantinople to arrange the marriage between Theophano and Otto I’s son, he was given the body of Saint Pantaleon40 as a parting present. A relative of his, Lord of Commercy, asked him for an arm from the saint’s body, a relic which, so to speak, changed hands several times: it was given away to a priest who entrusted it to a soldier who sold it to the abbot of Saint-Vanne, who brought it to Verdun.

36 Hermolaus first appeared in the Passio, and was placed in an empty slot close to Pantaleon by the ‘Anonyme Lyonnais’ because he was part of the same story, says Henri Quentin, Les martyrologes historiques, p. 90. 37 Florus, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini (II) Poem XIII l. 30–34. 38 Content only known through catalogues. 39 Born c. 1064, died after 1114. Hugo Flaviniacensis Chronicon ed. Georg Heinrich. Pertz, 1848 (Hanovre: MGH SS 8) pp. 374–75. 40 ‘corpus sancti Pantaleonis’, p. 374. The term might refer to particles of the body, but the giving away of an arm implies that Bruno had at least several fragments. See also The Empress Theophano, ed. by Adelbert Davids. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

IntroductIon

Bruno’s biographer, Ruotger,41 writing around 970 (?), tells a different story: when Bruno became archbishop in 953, he sent the abbot of Fulda to Rome to fetch the pallium, which was duly brought back, together with relics from the body of Saint Pantaleon42 given by Pope Agapetus (905–955). Bruno built Saint Pantaleon’s Church on the outskirts of Cologne and founded a Benedictine monastery next to it. The site of his foundation had first been occupied by a Roman villa, later replaced by a Merovingian chapel; it was probably destroyed by the Normans in the early 880’s.43 Ruotger, who lived close to Bruno both in place and time, is likely to be a more reliable witness than Hugh, who wrote a century after the event and lived in Verdun. All those versions are mutually incompatible but all agree, however fantasti­ cally, on one point: the key role played by royal patronage in the cult of the saint in the North-West of Europe, with a gradation from Charlemagne’s unwitting acquisition of the relic to a prestigious papal or royal gift to the Holy Roman Emperor’s envoy. Saint Pantaleon in England and on the continent in the eleventh century

Comparison between England and France: the calendars The comparison is based on Rebecca Rushford’s 27 calendars collated in Saints in English kalendars before AD 110044 and on the French calendars appearing in Victor Leroquais’ work on sacramentaries:45 as indicated by the title Les sacramen­ taires et les missels manuscrits de Bibliothèques Publiques de France, the criteria for entry are the types of book and their provenance. Most of those manuscripts originate from France as defined by its present borders. Of course in the period considered here, Metz, for instance, was no more ‘French’ (as distinct from ‘Frankish’) than Reichenau was: the area was composed of political entities whose size, status, vernacular language and names varied greatly over the centuries. Places of origin range from the Loire valley to the northern and eastern borders of

41 Dates of birth and death unknown. Ruotgeri Vita Brunonis, ed. by Irene Schmale-Ott (Weimar: Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum, Nova Series X, 1951), pp. 26–27. 42 ‘reliquias de proprio corpore’, as distinct from objects that had been in contact with the body (brandea). 43 Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle vol. 12, Province ecclésiastique de Cologne (Germania Secunda), Nancy Gauthier et al. (Paris: De Boccard, 2002). The present church of Saint Pantaleon in Cologne was built in the late 10th century. 44 Rebecca Rushford, Saints in English Kalendars before A.D. 1100 (London: The Henry Brad­ shaw society, 2008), table VII. In the Echternach manuscript (Paris BnF lat. 10837), Pantaleon’s name is absent from the calendar but is mentioned in another part of the manuscript (fol. 22v l. 1–2). 45 Victor Leroquais, Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits de Bibliothèques Publiques de France, vol. 1 (Paris: no name; Macon: Protat, 1924), pp. 1–185.

19

20

IntroductIon

present-day France, two or three are from the south-west and one from the south, a few are ‘German’ (2 in the first, 3 in the second group). English Calendars held in French libraries are part of Rebecca Rushford’s work. The testimony of English and French calendars

 

Number of English Calendars

… of French sacramentaries

 

total

with Pantaleon’s name

total

with Pantaleon’s name

700–800

2

0

2 or 3

0

800+ – 900

1

0

5

3

900–1000

4

0

5

3

1000–1100

17

14

17

12

The first striking difference is that Pantaleon’s name appears in English calendars later than on the continent (which of course does not mean that it was unknown in England). More importantly, when his name does make an appearance, it does so in an overwhelming majority of calendars, while it is found in a smaller proportion of the French sacramentaries. Again, that reflects objective factors: ‘French’ manuscripts cover a much wider area, with deep polical, cultural and linguistic divisions. A closer look reveals that almost all of the sacramentaries mentioning Pantaleon come from a broad band from the German border to the Channel coast north of Normandy. None of the pre-1000 manuscripts has prayers to Pantaleon in the proper of the saints: in the 11th century they make a timid appearance in 4 French sacramentaries (including a codex from Moissac, BnF ms lat. 2293) whose calendars are missing and in 3 of the English ones.46 The prayers found in the sanctorale are usually based on vague, ready-made formulae that do not reveal much about a particular saint beyond his qualification for sanctity (often martyrdom) but they imply at least a nodding acquaintance with the saint. The two earliest English calendars with Pantaleon’s name are Eadwig’s Psalter (named after the Canterbury monk who copied it in 1012–1023), and the Missal of Robert of Jumièges, copied at about the same date in Canterbury or in Winch­

46 Missal of Robert de Jumièges, CCCC 391 and Cotton Vitellius A XVIII. The other calendars are from comput treatises of mixed content, which do not have a proper of the saints.

IntroductIon

ester, at any rate in the style of the Winchester school:47 the introduction of the saint into the Anglo-Saxon calendar clearly predates the Norman Conquest, and even the reign of Edward the Confessor. If one adds that another copy, also from the early 11th century, might be connected with Canterbury, while four are from Winchester’s New Minster,48 it is clear that the introduction of Saint Pantaleon into the liturgical calendar was sponsored by official church and royal circles. The other codices come from a variety of places in the south and southwest (as far as Wells and Glastonbury), the West Midlands and East-Anglia. Other additions to post-1000 English calendars mentioning Pantaleon are mostly new English saints, two of whom were killed by the Vikings (Edmund King of East Anglia, 869/870, Ælfheah, Archbishop of London 1012),49 and two saints from Northern France: Maur, a disciple of Saint Benedict, and Bathilde, founder of Chelles Abbey near Paris; those are added to older continental adoptions, like Amand and Vaast, Denis or Rémy. None are from Normandy. Tempting as it may be to suspect a Norman influence on the spread of the cult to England, that is not supported by manuscript history: how about political history, in particular Æthelred’s wedding with Emma of Normandy? Links with the continent Political context up to the Conquest English historians agree that Emma only played a minor role during the reign of her first husband.50 In 1013, as Danish attacks intensified, she fled to Normandy with her children; she was soon followed by the King, whose elder sons from a first marriage stayed and fought against the Danes. Æthelred sailed back to England soon after Swein’s death (February 1014) while Swein’s son Cnut was gathering an army in Denmark. In 1015 as Cnut was about to attack London,

47 Eadwig’s psalter: British Library, MS Arundel 155. Missal of Robert de Jumièges: Rouen, B. M. MS Y 6. Robert acquired the book in England. and gave it to his former abbey. Rebecca Rushforth, English Kalendars (p. 31–33). Henry Austin Wilson, The Missal of Robert of Jumièges (London: The Henry Bradshaw Society, The Boydell Press, reprinted 1994). Richard William Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England, Cambridge University Press (pp. 88–91). 48 Cotton Titus D. XXVII and Cambridge Trinity R.15.32, both written around 1025; Cotton Vitellius E XVIII and Arundel 60 (around 1073). 49 Edmund was killed by the Vikings in 869/870 and Ælfheah (Elphege) in 1012. Lanfranc, newly appointed to Canterbury, wanted to ‘demote’ Ælfheah but was dissuaded by Anselm and ordered Osbern to write Elphege’s life. Eadmer, The Life of Saint Anselm, ed. Richard William Southern (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), pp. 50–54. 50 Alistair Campbell, introduction to his edition of Encomium Emmae Reginae (London: Royal Historical Society, 1949), p. xli and Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, Queen­ ship and Women’s Power (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997 and 2001 paperback edition), pp. 182–83 and 220–21.

21

22

IntroductIon

Æthelred fell ill; he died in April 1016. Edmund held out long enough to gain a treaty dividing England between him and Cnut, but he died in November 1016, whereupon Cnut was accepted as king over the whole of England. None of this was very favourable to intense Norman influence. Normandy’s intervention in the conflict seems to have been limited to offering shelter to the royal fugitives from England, unless Olaf Halraldson’s brief involvement on the English side around 1015–1016 can be considered as Normandy’s help by proxy.51 Cnut married Æthelred’s widow in 1018. Emma really came into her own then, signing charters at the top of the witness lists, right after her new husband’s name, and depicted by his side,52 especially on the occasion of their generous donations to the Church but there was no rapprochement with Normandy: Cnut’s journeys took him to his other kingdom, Denmark, to new conquests in northern areas and to Rome (at least once), giving away lavish presents to churches and monasteries (in Poitiers, Chartres, Cologne among others) so that ‘Italy …, Gaul… and Flanders above all’ all blessed his name,53 but not to Normandy. As Frank Stenton notes: ‘it is at least clear that there can have been no friendship between the English and the Norman courts for some years before Cnut’s death.’54 The breach was deep: when Emma had to leave England after Cnut’s death, until the end of Harald Harefoot’s brief reign (1037–1040), she chose to say in Bruges rather than in her native land. Edward, Emma’s eldest son from her first marriage, succeeded his younger half-brother, Harthacnut in 1042 after his brief 2-years’ reign. Edward had left England as a child, he now came back to it as a middle-aged man and it was his accession to the throne that opened England to Norman influence.55 The subsequent Norman Conquest can be seen as both the predictable consequence of England’s links with Normandy under Edward and Harold’s unpredictable death at Hastings.

51 Snorri Sturlusson, La Saga de Saint Olaf (part of the Heimskringla), translated by Régis Boyer (Paris: Payot, 1983), chapters xii–xxviii, pp. 31–41 / Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: Olaf Sagas, translated by Samuel Laing, 2 vol. (London: Dent, 1964). Scandinavian context: Alistair Campbell, Encomium, appendix III. 52 Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, pp. 231–32. 53 Douglas John Vivian Fisher, The Anglo-Saxon Age (Harlow: Longman, 1973), p. 328. George Beech: ‘England and Aquitaine in the Century before the Norman Conquest’, Anglo-Saxon England 19, 2014, pp. 81–101. Michael Hare: ‘Cnut and Lotharingia’, Anglo-Saxon England 49, December 1990, pp. 261–78. Quotation from Encomium p. 37. 54 Frank Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (2nd ed., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 409. 55 For instance is Robert of Jumièges, made bishop of London in 1044, but his ascension was thwarted by all powerful Earl Godwin. Frank Barlow, The Godwins, (Harlow: Longman 2002).

IntroductIon

Cultural context before and after 1040 The severe Viking attacks of the years 1009–1013 did not put an end to the production of books in England, although it slowed it down in places, nor did it result in massive loss of books.56 In spite of the increased risk, England was not cut off from its closest continental neighbours, Flanders and Picardy. The two earliest English calendars mentioning the feast of Saint Pantaleon agree with the traditional pattern of cross-Channel influences: the Missal of Robert of Jumièges (an English piece of work, dated 1014–1037) contains, in addition to a long list of English saints, a high number of ‘names connected with a district including the north of France, the March of Flanders and part of Lower Lotharingia’2 while the second (1012–1023) was copied by Eadwig, whose script may have been influenced by the style of Saint Omer.57 It is questionable whether Normandy would have been able to influence English book production anyway. Post-1050 tremendous achievements must not be back-projected on to earlier times: the prestigious Le Bec Abbey was founded in 1034 (one year before Cnut’s death) by a 40-years-old illiterate Norman knight who learnt his letters as abbot of his foundation.58 Lanfranc, who had started teaching in Avranches in 1040, moved on to Le Bec around 1042. Many Norman cathedrals were still being rebuilt (sometimes for a third time) in the1050’s and later: the cathedral of Coutances was consecrated in 1057, that of Lisieux in 1060, Rouen in 1063 and Bayeux in 1077. Many monastic or cathedral libraries had been destroyed and had to be replaced: Fécamp and Le Mont-Saint-Michel had substantial numbers of books, but other monasteries and cathedrals ‘only acquired similar collections in the fourth quarter of the eleventh century, just as in England’. Normandy in the first half of the 11th century was more likely to borrow and copy books than to lend them out to be copied: it was probably at the receiving end of the same influences that reached England via Flanders at the same period.59

56 Richard Gameson, ‘Books, Culture and the Church in Canterbury around the Millennium’ in Richard Eales and R. Gameson, Vikings, Monks and the Millennium (Canterbury Archaeologi­ cal Society, 2000), pp. 30–35, and H. A. Wilson, The Missal of Robert of Jumièges, (London: The Henry Bradshaw Society, The Boydell Press, 1994), introduction p. xxviii. 57 Richard Gameson, ‘L’Angleterre et la Flandre aux Xe et XIe siècles: le témoignage des manuscrits’, in Les échanges culturels au Moyen Âge, Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 32ᵉ congrès (Dunkerque, 2001), pp. 173–74. 58 Guillaume de Jumièges, Histoire des Normands, tr. by François Guizot, Paris, J. L. Brière, 1826, chapter IX pp. 149–60. His first foundation was a small hermitage rather than an abbey: Jean-Hervé Foulon ‘Le chevalier Herluin et la fondation de l’abbaye du Bec’, Revue Historique 2012/3, pp. 563–607. 59 Richard Gameson, ‘Manuscrits normands à Exeter aux XIe et XIIe siècles’, in Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand, ed. by Pierre Bouet and Monique Dosdat (Cérisy-la-Salle October 1995). Also: R. Gameson, ‘L’Angleterre et la Flandre’, pp. 165–206.

23

24

IntroductIon

Book production rose on both sides of Channel in the second half of the eleventh century, particularly in the last quarter of the century: according to Michael Gullick, from about 1080 onward, and slightly later in England than in Normandy. The demand was great and Theresa Webber speaks of the dearth of exemplars and scribes in England, and occasionally in Normandy, caused by requests from institutions eager to acquire new books.60 Finally, nothing suggests the existence of an early cult of Saint Pantaleon in Normandy. Bayeux has been named as an example of his fame there in the eleventh century, on the ground that its cathedral harboured his relics. Unfortu­ nately, this rests on a misreading of sources: the earliest inventory was drawn up in 1369 and is known indirectly through a 1476 document that was based on it, with updates added.61 One sentence written in 1369 mentions Pantaleon together with saints Raven and Rasiphe. Those two are known from other sources to have been deposited in the cathedral in the eleventh century: taken away for protection during the Norman invasion, they came back right on time for the consecration of the new building (1078).62 That does not mean that Pantaleon’s relics arrived there at that time. A sacramentary from Bayeux (Paris Bibliothèque Mazarine ms 404, formerly 729, copied in the early twelfth century) indicates the feast in its calendar, but not in the proper of the saints. The earliest reliable evidence of a cult to the saint dates from about 1220, when a chapel dedicated to Saint Pantaleon was included in the newly-rebuilt choir of the cathedral: by then, of course, the fourth Crusade (1204) had brought a wealth of relics from Constantinople to western Europe, including a few of Saint Pantaleon.63 The 1476 inventory ranks Saint Pantaleon among the four or five foremost patron saints of the city with special provisions for processions on their feast days.64 In the early stage of the reconstruction (10th and 11th centuries), the search for relics to be deposited in the churches being rebuilt concentrated on retrieving local saints sent further inland for safekeeping at the time of Viking or Breton

60 Michael Gullick ‘Manuscrits et copistes normands en Angleterre (XIe-XIIe siècles)’, Theresa Webber, ‘Les manuscrits de Christ Church (Cantorbéry) et de Salisbury à la fin du XIe siècle’, Manuscrits et enluminures, p. 91 and p. 96. 61 Eucher Deslandes, Le trésor de l’église Notre-Dame de Bayeux d’après les inventaires manuscrits de 1476, 1480, 1498 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1898), pp. 27–67 for the 1476 inventory. 62 Baudoin DE Gaiffier ‘Les saints Raven et Rasiphe vénérés en Normandie’ Analecta Bollandi­ ana 79, pp. 303–19. 14th./15th century account by Bernard, monk, in Bayeux, Bibliothèque du Chapitre, ms 69 fol. 113v sqq. 63 One arm went to Champagne, another to Venice (attested in 1204), unspecified remains to Germany, a head taken away by Henri d’Ulmen ended up in Cologne (attested in 1208). Paul Riant, ‘Des dépouilles religieuses enlevées à Constantinople’, Mémoires de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France, tome XXXVI 1878. 64 The relics disappeared in 1562, when the Protestants stormed the Cathedral. Michel Béziers, Histoire sommaire de la ville de Bayeux (Caen: J. Manoury Père, Libraire, 1773, 236 pp. annexe 73 pp.).

IntroductIon

raids, as shown by the story of Raven and Rasiphe among others.65 In the second half of the 11th century, when the supply became scarce, the search extended much further, towards the Norman kingdom of southern Italy and the Holy Land; no relic of Pantaleon is to be found in existing lists from that period: the new imports were sure values, such as prophets, apostles, holy family, Saint Stephen and some early classic saints,66 with just one exotic newcomer, Saint Nicholas, whose remains were brought from Myra (present-day Turkey) to the Norman town of Bari in southern Italy in 1087.67 On the whole, any relics of Saint Pantaleon reaching England in the early eleventh century would have come from Lotharingia where two cities claimed to own his body and where northern travellers passed on their way to Rome. Cnut may have visited Cologne when going to Italy; he met Conrad on the occasion of his coronation in Rome (1027), when he obtained better travelling conditions for English traders and pilgrims.68 The Latin Life in Normandy and England (eleventh century) The Library of Rouen has one of the oldest extant manuscripts containing Saint Pantaleon’s life: it is dated from the 10th century or slightly later. Its provenance can be traced as far back as 1675, when a pious lady gave some 40 manuscripts (including Rouen BM 1379, formerly U 42) to the local Capuchin convent of Mortagne. The story does not say what church or convent she got them from: possibly they had been hidden from the Protestants in earlier times or she wished to salvage them from the neglect and contempt in which such old codices were held. Her gift was found to be of little use in a small community and it was sent to the provincial head of the Capuchin order in Rouen, where it remained until the Revolution; the collection was then housed in the town library.69 The location of Mortagne (south-east Normandy, in the forests that separated the duchy from its ‘inland’ neighbours) suggests that the origin of those books is not necessarily Norman: The suspicion is confirmed by the contents of some of those manuscripts. MS 1379 (formerly U 42) in particular has names that

65 Rasiphe and Saint Ouen’s relics came back to Rouen as early as 915, as part of the agreement with the Frankish king. Bayeux’s second bishop, Régnobert, came home in the 13th century after an exile of over three centuries and a half, which shows an enduring attachment to local patrons. 66 ‘Les actes de Guillaume le Conquérant et de la reine Mathilde dans les abbayes caennaises’ ed. by Lucien Musset, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie, XXXVII, n°29, 1967. 67 His name appears on two English calendars prior to 1087 (Cotton Nero A ii, Bodley Douce 296). 68 Encomium introduction p. lxii. Michael Hare ‘Cnut and Lotharingia’, pp. 271–75. Frank Sten­ ton, AngloSaxon England, pp. 407–08 (quoting Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, ed. Thorpe, I pp. 185–89). 69 Edouard d’Alençon (François Lecorney), ‘Les capucins de Mortagne’, in Bulletin de la Société historique et archéologique de l’Orne, 9, 1890, pp. 445–46.

25

26

IntroductIon

are associated with Northern France (Quentin), Dijon (Bégnine) the south east (Ferréol) and Auvergne (Projet), but none associated with Normandy or Brittany; neither does any of the Mortagne Lives of Saints manuscripts.70 The other Rouen manuscripts (present location) containing the Life are MS 1395 (formerly U.133), dated 12th century, from Jumièges, and MS 1400 (formerly U. 3), dated 11th century, from Fécamp. The latter (which stops in mid-text, mid-page, mid-line and mid-sentence) is thus roughly contemporary with Cotton Vitellius D XVII but is otherwise unrelated to it. In other terms, the Library of Rouen provides no clue to an early presence of the text in Normandy. To sum up, in continental Europe (excluding Greek-speaking southern Italy), the fame of the saint spread gradually over several centuries, from the first men­ tion of the name in calendars to prayers in the temporale, then translations or adaptations of the Passio into Latin and finally, some 400 or 500 years after the first Latin lives, to translations into the vernacular, whereas in England some 75 years at the utmost seem to have elapsed between the frequent mention of his name in calendars and the copying of the Latin life and its translation: a remarkably short time, even considering that, as a rule, translation into the vernacular started much earlier in Northern Europe than in the south.71 Why then was the life of that exotic, rather unimportant saint translated into English at such an early period? The very newness of the cult may have been precisely what led some unknown cleric to compose a vernacular version of his story. … and Pantaleon’s afterlife The cult of Saint Pantaleon in western Europe reached a peak with the Crusades, particularly the fourth (1202–1204), with its diversion towards Con­ stantinople. Some of the relics stolen or bought there were later divided into smaller pieces and distributed to churches: a few churches and villages then came to be called after him.72 Nevertheless, only in Italy did he become and remain truly popular.73 Many of his relics disappeared in the civil strife between Protestants and Catholics, and then (in France) during the Revolution. Those that

70 Eight from the X–XII centuries in the 1886 Catalogue for Rouen (Henry Omont, Catalogue général des Bibliothèques Publiques de France, volume 1). 71 Michel Banniard, Genèse culturelle de l’Europe, Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1989. 72 Eleven parishes bear his name in France, only 5 in Spain, for obvious reasons all in the north/ north-west. 73 Several cities, town and villages hold yearly festivals for the saint. The latest transfer of relics took place in Crema in 2005 (Giuseppe Degli Agosti, San Pantaleone nelle tradizione storicoreligiosa di Crema, online). In contrast, many French churches south of the Loire have chapels dedicated to home-grown Saint Roch (15th century), and sometimes to Cosmas and Damian (Pantaleon’s contemporaries, martyrized in Cilicia).

IntroductIon

were left were soon forgotten. Eventually, he faded from memory, leaving behind a faintly ridiculous name associated with a Commedia dell’Arte character and its lexical legacy.74

The Old English Version The Cotton collection and manuscript Vitellius D XVII

BL, MS Cotton Vitellius D XVII is one of the many Anglo-Saxon manuscripts acquired by Sir Robert Cotton (1571–1631): moved by both antiquarian and more short-term political interests, he bought up a large number of the medieval codices and loose folios that had been made available by the dissolution of monas­ teries in the 1540s.75 From 1622 onward, this important collection was housed in Cotton House, Westminster. In 1702, following the death of Sir Robert’s grandson, it became national property and was later moved to a place bearing the ominous name of Ashburnham House: on October 23, 1731, a fire broke out, damaging about 200 of the precious 950 volumes.76 The worse damage concerned the two book presses that stood in the middle of a row of six, placed against the inside wall of the library: Otho suffered the greatest loss;77 Vitellius, located next to it, was also badly damaged. When exposed to intense heat, the fat of vellum leaves melted and then congealed, turning codices into distorted, shrunken masses. Most vellum codices were left untouched until the creation of the British Museum in 1753, to which they were transferred four years later. Vitellius D XVII appears in a list of missing or damaged manuscripts written around 1830. In 1826, Josiah Forshall, then Assistant Keeper of Manuscripts and author of the list mentioned above, was allowed to try a new way of treating burnt vellum pages: dividing a codex into portions, soaking each bundle of leaves in a solution of spirit of zinc and water then separating the leaves and allowing them to dry, 74 The character, a rich, libidinous elderly man wore unfashionable breeches and stockings sewn together, hence French pantalon and on a more learned register, English pantaloon or French pantalonnade. 75 A similar thing occurred in France at a slightly later date: the dereliction of many monasteries made ancient codices easily available and Baluze (Colbert’s Librarian) had scouts scouring monasteries for old manuscripts for legal or religious use but also out of genuine scholarly interest. 76 Colin Gerald and Calder Tite, The Manuscript Library of Sir Robert Cotton (London: The Panizzi Lectures, The British Library, 1994). The bust of an Emperor rested on top of each ‘press’ where the books were kept, hence the name. 77 Eight codices were utterly destroyed, Andrew Prescott: ‘Their present miserable state of cremation …’, Sir Robert Cotton as Collector: Essays on an Early Stuart Courtier and His Legacy, ed. by Christopher John Wright (London: British Library Publications, 1997: 391–454) and online article.

27

28

IntroductIon

with one or two slashes from the written part to the end of an outside margin so that the leaves might be flattened without damage. The aim was to ease the tension on the shrivelled edges of the leaf as pressure was applied to flatten it. In the process the outside end of the slashes opened, forming large, wedge-shaped indentations: some can be seen on the folios of Saint Pantaleon. Pages thus treated were readable – except where the slash cut trough a line – but they remained brittle. The leaves were kept in ‘solander cases’,78 like those from other codices in the same condition. J. Forshall’s successor, Frederic Madden (Keeper of Manuscripts 1837–1866) convinced the Trustees that more restoration work was needed: in 1844 Henry Gough, who had worked on similar problems at the Oxford Bodleian Library, was hired. Under his care, the brittle leaves were strengthened by ‘inlaying’, i.e. by inserting them in a semi-transparent paper frame which consisted of two rectangles of paper that were cut out so as to leave the central part of the vellum visible on both sides; the two frames were then glued together, protecting the edge of the vellum leaf. Vitellius D XVII was one of the 67 manuscripts which F. Madden recommended for inlaying and binding. In 1856, F. Madden reported that H. Gough had completed his task. The leaves of Vitellius D XVII may have remained loose for a time;79 what is certain is that the folios of the post-fire codex were bound out of order and their present foliation reflects the haphazard fashion in which they were put together; the loss of text due to the paper frame is quite noticeable in the text of Saint Pantaleon. In his Catalogue, first published in 1957, N. R. Ker states that the codex has a twentieth century binding.80 In 1964, the most fragile leaves were covered with fine steel mesh, which makes the reading of some parts of Saint Pantaleon partic­ ularly difficult. The codex was bound anew, but the leaves were not rearranged. N. R. Ker uses Wanley’s foliation for the beginning of each text and the present foliation for reference to surviving folios. All that makes MS Cotton Vitellius D XVII particularly difficult to read: the leaves are shrunken and darkened, the top and bottom lines are often missing and the letters close to the margins are often unclear, either because the page is damaged or because the covering mesh makes them faint and blurred. In the present study, in order to obviate the problem of the confusing post-fire foliation, a second set of reference has been added in the form of capital letters in alphabetical order, with one letter per page, from A (first page) to R (end of

78 A box shaped like a book, named after a Swedish botanist. ‘Their Present Miserable State’ A. Prescott, note 171. 79 Sixty eight mss: A. Prescott, note 170. Tiberius A. XI, E. IV, Vitellius A XIII and D XVII were ‘inlaid by Gough and three of the number bound by Tuckett’ according to F. Madden (Add. MS. 62026, fol. 80), A. Prescott, note 281. 80 Neil Ripley Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon.

IntroductIon

text,); the. References will be given in the form: [A. 41r], A for the first page of text, 41r for the folio number and side. The missing Old English folio is left out of the count. MS Cotton Vitellius D XVII

Content The manuscript lost 123 leaves in the fire and some of the extant leaves are illegible. The original content is known thanks to the first two catalogues: Thomas Smith’s, 1696, Humfrey Wanley’s, 1705. The Latin texts in MS Cotton Vitellius DXVII and Saints’ Resting Places in England Those three Latin texts are Saint Elphege’s Life and Passio, by Osbern, the trans­ lation of Saint Elphege’s body (written in 1080, now reduced to 3 folios) and Saint Paternus81 (lost, but recorded by both Th. Smith and H. Wanley). Those folios were originally unconnected with the Anglo-Saxon ones: their association came later, but before the 1731 fire, since they appear in Smith’s and Wanley’s lists of texts. Wanley makes a clear distinction between three ‘books’82 of unequal length (‘Codex … ex libris trinis unà compactis constans’). The Latin pages are now thought to have been part of Oxford, Bodley MS 852, a codex copied at Jumièges and for a time owned by Malmesbury Abbey.83 The last item in Wanley’s Catalogue (his ‘third book’, now lost) was a late addition to the codex but the text (Saints’ resting places in England) is known from other manuscripts (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 201 and London, British Library, Stowe 944).84 Anglo-Saxon content Earlier catalogues provide a full list of the Vitellius D XVII texts. N. R. Ker’s work contains a detailed description of what remains of them, with references to

81 Ælfheah: see French and English calendars. Paternus, patron saint of Avranches, said to have converted Brittany. 82 Humfrey Wanley, Antiquae Literaturae Septentrionalis Liber Alter (Oxford, 1705), p. 206. Thomas Smith, Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum bibliothecae Cottonianae (Oxford, 1696), sees only two sections, on the basis of language, pp. 93–94. 83 British Library online catalogue (N. R. Ker does not deal with Latin texts). Oxford, Bodley MS 852 is a composite codex from Jumièges, later owned by Malmesbury Abbey, see Rodney Malcolm Thomson, William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge: the Boydell Press, 2003), Part 1 chap. 4. 84 David William Rollason ‘Lists of saints’ resting-places in Anglo-Saxon England’, Anglo-Saxon England, Vol. 7 (1978), pp. 61–93.

29

30

IntroductIon

H. Wanley, and presented in their original order. Joana Soliva’s thesis has tables presenting primitive and present folio order that are very helpful when one tries to find one’s way in the maze created by the reshuffling of leaves after the fire.85 Johannes Söderlind’s description86 aims at highlighting the way those texts were arranged in separate groups in the original codex: -

-

Group 1 (N. R. Ker’s items 1 to 14): apostles, evangelists, early popes, founders of monastic orders and related text, almost all from Catholic Homi­ lies.87 Two extraneous elements: Saint Sebastian7 and the non-ælfrician Life of Saint Pantaleon (items 13 and 14). Group 2 (15 to 24) and 3 (25 to 34): 10 lives of saints from Catholic Homilies II and 10 from Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, including St Eustace, not by Ælfric but part of Vitellius E VII. Group 4, items 34 to 41, all but one from Catholic Homilies88 and others from Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, plus Group 5, almost entirely lost, with another 9 texts from the same work.

J. Söderlind’s point is that the codex started with an introductory group of 14 texts, followed by two sets of 20 items each, alternating liturgical texts (or at least from Catholic Homilies) and lives of saints in groups of 10. The Lives of Saint Sebastian and Saint Pantaleon stand out because they are placed between a selection of texts from Catholic Homilies I and another from Catholic Homilies II. J. Söderlind suggests two possible reasons: they were added to complete one of the 10-texts sets, or – more likely in his view – they were placed in the head group to underscore their importance. He concludes that the position of the Lives of Sebastian and Pantaleon show that the manuscript comes from an area where the cult of Saint Pantaleon was most firmly rooted and suggests Canterbury as the most likely place, which agrees with the testimony of the calendars. It is true that on the whole, the collection follows a fairly orderly arrangement, but some juggling with text numbers is required to achieve J. Söderlind’s planned regularity. In the absence of any outside evidence, it cannot be proved that the addition of those two texts was part of the original scheme: they may have been thrown in while waiting for an exemplar of Catholic Homilies II. The number of scribal errors in Saint Pantaleon and the unexpected conclusion about Sunday rest suggest a hurried addition to the series.

85 Joana Soliva, ‘A study of Cotton Vitellius D XVII and the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’ (M. Phil. thesis, University of Manchester; 1995). Now Joana Soliva-Proud. 86 Johannes Söderlind, ‘The Old English Homiliary BL Cotton Vitellius D XVII’, Studia Neophilologica 67, pp. 3–10, 1995. 87 Mark and the Four Evangelists are from the Lives of Saints, but are neatly placed here after the apostles. Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. and tr. by Walter William Skeat (EETS 1966 reprint). 88 De Uno Confessore, ed. by Bruno Assmann, Angelsächsische Homilien und Heiligenleben (Kassel: Bibliothek der Angelsächsischen Prosa, 1889), pp. 49–64, fol. 77, 90–91, 79.

IntroductIon

Script Scribes 1, 3 and 4 N. R. Ker states that ‘the central and best-preserved part of the manuscript is in two hands’: items 7 to 16 (Simon and Jude to Benedict) were copied by Scribe 1 and articles 16–31 by scribe 2 (Benedict to Oswald). He adds that ‘the rest may be all in a third hand’. Malcolm Godden thinks that ‘the rest’, i.e. the first and last groups of items,89 was written by two different scribes (1 and 4), and the middle part by scribes 2 and 3. Joana Soliva, following M. Godden’ s distinction of 4 hands, points out that scribe 1 also intervenes in the work of scribe 4. When attempting to identify the different scripts, it is difficult to rely on the general aspect (e.g. spacing between word, letter size etc.) because of the shrinkage and distortion of leaves; the treatment applied to certain folios also changed the look of the script by making the pen strokes look thinner than they originally were. However, scribe 4’s work, regular and widely spaced, does seem different from that of scribe 1. Scribe 3’s work has a well-rounded, solid look but its most distinctive feature is the shape of æ, with oversize e rising high above a. Scribe 2 The Life of Saint Pantaleon belongs to the part copied by N. R. Ker’s Scribe 1, Godden’s and J. Soliva’s Scribe 2. Typical features of his script are: roundish a, æ with each of the component round and generally of equal height or with e very slightly taller (an occasional tall e crops up here and there); short-backed d, in contrast to đ, which very often has a disproportionately long ascender, g with a descender which may occasionally end on an open curve not dissimilar to that traced by Scribe 1, but more frequently forms an almost closed loop, not much exceeding the width of the flat top; finally, y is often written with an almost vertical, very thick short stroke on the left while the right-hand stroke soon thins down to a fine hairline descending in a marked oblique which gives the letter a lopsided appearance. The use of initial ð varies from text to text and from folio to folio, possibly in relation with exemplars (lower rate of initial ða in texts from Catholic Homilies II); it is rare in Saint Pantaleon.

89 Items1 to 6 (Peter and Paul to Bartholomew) and 35 to 46 (Assumption to Maccabees), Malcolm Godden, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, the second series (text) EETS (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. lviii–lix.

31

32

IntroductIon

Scribe 2 Fol. 37v l. 24–27 (Sebastian)

The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon in the context of Scribe 2’s work

Saint Pantaleon starts on line 13 of folio 41r (end of St Sebastian) and ends on folio 50 line 20 (present foliation). It is followed by the Natale and Passio of Saint Matthew, the last items copied by Scribe 2. Textual errors and spelling variations Scribe 2 copied the end of a text + 9 items (as defined by N. R. Ker).90 Enough readable text remains for examination: it has been scrutinized for disruptive er­ rors:

 

Mark

Four evangel.

Stephen1

Stephen2

Inno­ cents

Sebastian

SP

Matthew

ORIGIN

LS

LS

CH2

CH 1

CH 1

LS

 

CH 2

number of lines

95

91

209

259

184

256

 

296

disruptive mistakes

1

1

0

3

5

5

 

4

90 Mark, the Four Evangelists, Stephen (2 items), Innocents, Sebastian, Pantaleon and Matthew (2 items). Plus one disruptive ‘correction’: ‘sæt on’ wrongly altered to ‘sætton’.

IntroductIon

33

Summary of errors: Mark + Four evangelists: ‘mid hī’ for ‘mid þam þe’, omission of main verb. – Stephen 2: wrong form of pronoun, omission of one syllable, inverting tenses between 2 verbs2. – Innocents: ‘dyde’ for ‘cydde’, ‘geneadode’ for ‘genamode’, disrup­ tive addition, main clause omitted. – Sebastian: omission of 2 lines, of a verb and of a subordinating conjunction. four other omissions with correction above the line, ‘romana’ instead of required ‘roma’ – Matthew: 1 disruptive omission, 3 disruptive spelling mistakes. All that suggests that Scribe 2’s work tended to deteriorate, which may account for some of the problematic readings in Saint Pantaleon So far as spelling is concerned, one may also note the occasional omission of initial h (with the mirror mistake of unwanted h, two cases, a point of some interest in one obscure passage of Saint Pantaleon ([L. 44r] l. 26–27).

 

Mark

Four evangel.

Stephen 1

Stephen 2

Inno­ cents

Sebastian

SP

Matthew

number of lines

95

120

207

267

209

256

 

230

omission of initial h

 

1

2

1 cor­ rected

0

1 cor­ rected 1 be­ fore r

 

1 be­ fore r

Those texts show the weakening of grammatical endings that one might expect for the period. For verbs, preterit plural may end in on, but also an (at least 25 cases), occasionally en; subjunctive plural ending may be en, on, or an. The substitution of æ to e before nasal + d / t seems to be linked to the scribe’s exemplar (not found in texts from Catholic Homilies 2) but scribe 2 may have carried the habit over to his next text as he proceeded from Lives of Saints to Saint Pantaleon: the latter has two instances of æ corrected to e. Script and punctuation The brief Latin introduction is written in a slightly different script from the one used for English (especially in the shape of s and r), as usual in Old English manuscripts. As mentioned in the description of Scribe 2’s work, initial ð is rare in this particular text; exceptions mostly concern prepositions or link words followed by a particle or pronoun beginning with þ/ð, in which case the two words are written close to each other or just as one word: groups like þa ðe, se ðe, na ðe ra[ðer], oððæt etc. occur alongside se þe, þa þe etc. Siððan and forðan are always written as

34

IntroductIon

one word. Conversely, medial or final þ occurs in very few cases: in the participle cweþende (5 occurrences), and the verb geþafian (4 times), but as ge is not joined to the verb, it leaves þ in the position of the initial letter. Abbreviations are those usually found in Old English texts. Patricia Margaret Matthews suggests hī is used for hine in [K. 48v] line 26. Cw̃ (cwæð), ⁊ (and) and ꝥ (þæt) are always used in place of the full form, at least in all the legible passages. Punctuation is reduced to the raised dot, according to the custom of Old English scribes, with the single exception of one question mark at the end of a long rhetorical question ([O. 42v]). The dot can separate groups of words as well as sentences. It has disappeared from faint or damaged folios, so it will be missing from certain passages of the printed text. Direct speech often starts with a capital letter highlighted by a touch of lead oxide; the same also occurs in the middle of the rhetorical sentence mentioned above, marking the spot where the interrogative inflection must begin. It is more difficult to understand why ‘⁊’ (and) is repeatedly adumbrated with minium, often in spates. It might be an attempt at distinguishing separation between sentences (minium) and mere groups of words but if so it is not regularly used. Is it also meant to draw attention to important passages? The semi-colon, indicating an omission (and its correction above the line), is used once in [M. 44v], line 14, and possibly also in [N. 42r], line 17.

Previous editions The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon has been edited four times: an M.A. dissertation by Patricia Margaret Matthews (1966) contains both a diplomatic edition and a reconstructed version of the text together with a description of the manuscript, a history of the text and a wealth of other material, including a Latin life based on Florence Bibliotheca Mediceo Laurentiana MS Pluteus 20.3 (fol. 116r–170r), a 13th century manuscript from Lucca: a wise choice, since it mixes several versions.91 Her edition, with corrections by Johannes Söderlind, serves as the basis for the computerized Toronto Corpus of Old English Texts;92 His version has some interesting readings but his work was not intended for a separate publication: it was a contribution to the computerized Toronto Corpus of Old English Texts and the Toronto Dictionary of Old English. In compliance (presumably) with special

91 Patricia Margaret Matthews, ‘The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’ (unpublished master’s thesis, University College, London, 1966). She points out the omission of a folio from Ker’s list and sets it right by adding folio 44 in the correct reading order. Diplomatic and reconstructed versions pp. 34–70 and 92–126 92 Johannes Söderlind, Text of the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon, Toronto Electronic Corpus of Old English Texts.

IntroductIon

guidelines, omissions and undecipherable words are not indicated, resulting in further puzzles. Joanna Soliva’s M. Phil thesis (1995)93 provides a conservative reading, to­ gether with a full paleographical description of the manuscript, a discussion of editorial procedures and of the use of Latin sources, (based on the Bibliotheca Mediceo Laurentiana MS 20. 3 used by P. M. Matthews) as well as a commentary on the text. The most recent edition is to be found in Philip Pulsiano’s contribution to Via Crucis (2002, The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon).94 The Latin version London, MS British Library, Cotton Nero E1, Part 2 (fol. 56v–60r, Athleta group) is printed opposite the Old English text. Ph. Pulsiano’s notes to the text are unfortunately few and very brief: they mostly concern departures from the Latin or his choices for reconstructing certain passages; they seldom deal with readable but difficult passages. In his introduction he says that his aim was ‘to make the texts available in print’5 and that he considered his contribution as a mere ‘preliminary edition’ a term suggesting that he intended to publish a complete separate edition. Sadly, he died before that work could be completed and indeed before his contribution to Via Crucis went to press.95 As those scholars are repeatedly quoted in the following pages, their fore­ names will henceforth be abbreviated to their initial letters. Those researchers have done much to clear up a number of puzzles, establish the text where the script is difficult to make out, fill in gaps of a few letters wherever the meaning is clear enough to give a reliable clue. In her reconstructed version, P. M. Matthews suggests possible readings for illegible or missing phrases or lines; Ph. Pulsiano, who by his own account made use of her dissertation, adopted many of her readings, supplied different ones in places, and put forward his own reconstructions for some of the blanks left by P. M. Matthews, often quotations from the Psalms. J. Soliva is certainly right to point out that ‘it may be more important for editors to ask the right questions than to provide half-answers’.96 P. M. Matthews probably did a little of both: in her copious notes discussing problematic readings or surprising phrases; her explanations are sometimes confused and too often conclude that the translator misunderstood the Latin text, but they are invariably thought-provoking, raise interesting points and deserve full consideration.

93 Joana Soliva, ‘A Study of Cotton Vitellius D xvii and the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’ (unpublished master’s thesis, University of Manchester, 1995). Text of Saint Pantaleon on pp. 130–67. 94 Philip Pulsiano, ‘The Old English Life of St Pantaleon’, in Via Crucis, Essays on Early Medieval Sources and Ideas, ed. by Thomas N. Hall (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 2002), pp. 61–103. 95 The text was revised by Joseph McGowan, but a few errors escaped correction. 96 Joana Soliva, ‘A Study of Cotton Vitellius D xvii and the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’, p. 98.

35

36

IntroductIon

Saint Pantaleon: from Latin to Old English The Cotton Vitellius version: first or second-hand copy?

Is it possible to place the present text in a hypothetical family tree, or more exactly to assess at how many removes it can be from the parent Latin text? Our only available clues are to be found within the text itself, concentrating on glaring mistakes and other oddities. Textual clues

Some strange readings may go back to the original Latin text or the first Old English version: the intriguing ‘holy books’ mentioned in the last lines either come from a spelling mistake in the Latin exemplar or an error by the translator,97 but restoring the correct reading would have been impossible without a reference to the Latin version so it might have been reproduced several times for lack of an obvious alternative. In folio [L. 44r] l. 8–9, the confusion between first and second-person pronouns can only be due to a faulty Latin exemplar or a misreading on the part of the translator (writing down his translation or dictating it to a scribe): nobis and uobis look and sound alike, us and eow do not, so the confusion can only have occurred at the very first stage, i.e. reading and translat­ ing. It may conceivably have escaped the attention of the scribe who copied the original, but,unlike the above-mentioned ‘holy books’, it would certainly have been corrected in a further copy, which suggests a short line of transmission from the first translation to the present Old English text. Other disruptions (omissions of key words, more or less phonetic writing) probably occurred when copying from an Old English version: a scribe writing down his own translation might skip a word here and there and make a few spelling mistakes, but would hardly use the phrase ‘guide of the persecutors’ as an epithet for God, nor would he be likely to separate words in a haphazard fashion and write nonsensical sentences or phrases such as ‘þær wær on mycel symbel werode’ or ‘anseo hrinan of þinum halgum’.98 Those could only occur in a later copy, or if the translator dictated his text: copying (whether from an exemplar or under dictation) is a much more mechanical task than translating and hurry or bad conditions of work might account for a large number of mistakes. Supposing the Cotton Julius text was the original Old English translation, it would be the first

97 us / eow: [N. 42r] l. 2, see Comm. 71 – [‘holy books’R. 50r] l. 2: liberii / libri, see Comm. 94. 98 Disruptive omission: [Q. 43v] l. 9–10, More or less phonetical writing: [B. 46r], l. 27–28. Also: ‘anseo hrinan’ [L. 44r] l. 15.

IntroductIon

and last of its line: it contains too many errors to have served as an exemplar. The survival of a few lines in a Cambridge University manuscript99 confirms that the Cotton Vitellius copy was not unique. Secondary clues and conclusion

The last third of the text contains a number of departures from the Latin that are suggestive of hurried work.100 One surprizing feature is the change in the way biblical quotations are introduced: as far as folio [M. 44v], they are just preceded by ‘þa sang he [or some other verb] ⁊ he cwæð’ followed by the Old English translation; in the remaining 5 folios, the first words are given in Latin and ‘he cwæð’ is repeated to introduce the quotation in English. That may be explained in two ways: either a second translator took over and wanted to make the biblical reference clear to his readers (written translation scenario), or the translator dictated his Old English version and was pressed for time, which, paradoxically, may have led to writing snatches of Latin quotations: whoever has done any translation work must have sometimes caught himself reading a snatch of the original sentence mezza voce before launching into the translation, especially when worried or at a loss for words, so a faithful scribe, writing under dictation, would be likely to copy both the original and its transposition. On the contrary, a translator-cum-scribe would refrain from writing down his own meditative repetition of words from the source text. The repetition Latin / Old English passes almost unnoticed so it may have been reproduced in later copies, if any. The last layer of text, i.e. interlinear corrections, confirms the brief ‘active life’ of the Old English text. N. R. Ker does not indicate a date for their script and P. M. Matthews simply speaks of ‘a later hand’: the letter shapes are more or less those of Old English, their distortion and awkward look and may be attributed to lack of space and later damage, but considering that in the last folios interlinear additions are mostly off the point and confusing rather than enlightening, one may conclude that they were added much later and were not based on a Latin version; a correction in folio [L. 44r], adding nonsensical ongelyfð where the meaning would demand onlysed101 suggests that the corrector may have been using (most ineffectually) an Old English exemplar As stated above, because the us / eow confusion, it is reasonable to assume that the present text is the first or second copy. A newcomer in eleventh-century England, the Latin Life of Saint Pantaleon is unlikely to have been translated more than once and the Old English version cannot have circulated far and wide. The

99 Donald G. Scragg: ‘The Corpus of Anonymous Lives’ p. 222, in ýHoly Men and Holy Women. 100 See Comm. 81 and 89 (omissions), Comm. 91 (stuttering there wæs / ꝥ wearð), 82 (introduction of new character). 101 Probable confusion lyfð /lysed: [L. 44r] l. 8–9, Comm. 65.

37

38

IntroductIon

present copy, at a remove or two from the Latin original, has so many flaws that it is bound to be the last of its line. Even if the first Old English version was copied in a few other monastic libraries, linguistic changes and increasing literacy in Latin would soon make that translation redundant. The translator’s work

Comparing Latin versions and old English text102 Nearly a hundred Latin versions have been examined, and summarily divided into groups from A to F on the basis of the number of variations from BnF MS 5322.103 This classification often rests on details that hardly affect the meaning (e.g. ‘a nullo / nec ab ullo’ or ‘curauerunt / sanauerunt’). While AB groups are made up of distinct nuclei, some of which may be related to other groups, C and F are clearly defined families. E texts have few original readings, but fall into two sub-groups, one of which is closer to F. Except for that sub-branch of E texts, F manuscripts stand clearly apart from the rest. Group D has a core of about a dozen texts that are closely related, and more distant satellites. Henceforth, the phrases ‘D group’, ‘D manuscripts’ will refer to that subgroup. The next step was a word-for-word comparison between the Latin and Old English versions: that stage started with the search for a set of texts related to the Old English translation and continued with an assessment of the translator’s work. A translation is not a cut-and-paste job and a careful examination was required to weigh what might be a legitimitate departure from a (supposed) source text and what probably belonged to a variation within the source text itself. Even without the exact source text it is possible to get a glimpse of the translator’s method: the examination of the Old English translator’s work is based on those passages that are common to all versions (allowing for the use of synonyms or of different sentence structures) but also takes into account those Old English passages that have no close equivalent in any of the Latin versions studied here. Assessing the work of the translator The exact Latin text used by the translator is of course unknown, but Brussels MB, MS 72 is a good contender to the title; the present examination of the translator's work is based on passages that are common to most Latin versions.

102 For Manuscript groups, see Latin manuscripts annex. 103 Although my method of classification differed from that of the Bollandists, both approaches gave the same result so far as this particular group was concerned.

IntroductIon

The ‘prolixity of the Latin tongue’ The first impression on reading the text is that the style is particularly heavy and repetitive. That is partly due to the ubiquitous ‘⁊ þa’ (‘and then’), relentlessly nailing every single sentence on to the page and the reader’s brain. Ælfric’s famous dictum about the prolixity of the Latin tongue104 has a double meaning: it may suggest that Latin writers tended to lengthen their tale by the addition of useless details, or it may allude to the lexical wealth of Latin, to its complex syntax or to its habit of connecting sentences with link words, subordinate clauses, ablative absolutes etc. Faced with a whole range of ‘autem’, ‘nam’, ‘vero’ etc., particularly numerous in this text, the translator of Saint Pantaleon steadily provided the one corresponding English word: þa. This clumsy repetition suggests that the translation was a rather hasty job, quite unlike Ælfric’s adaptations from Latin originals. The rudimentary tense system of Old English may also contribute to that impression: in [M. 44v] only a careful reader will realize that the two clauses ‘pantaleon wæs gelæd to him’ and ‘hine m[on] brohte to þam cafortune’ at an interval of a few lines are not an otiose repetition but two time markers.105 On the other hand, the lesser variety of Old English can sometimes be put to good use: ‘gehælde’ can translate both ‘sanus factus est’ and ‘salvus factus est’, expressing both the symbolical and literal meaning of healing. The translator achieves some modest rhetorical effects by repetition, as in [F. 47r], l. 4–6 ‘ic heom sealde ealle mine æhte ⁊ heo me næs nyt geseald’, (different verb in each clause in all the Latin versions) even though the effect is somewhat spoilt by still another reiteration of the word, which is immediately paraphrased ‘ne he me nænige gode beon ne mihte’. Another interesting example is the verb æteowian which, in a text rich in apparitions often combined with appearances,106 is used several times, with a syntactical variety not found in the source language: intransitive, transitive, reflexive and passive – 2 out of the 3 passive forms refer to appearance; one is a deliberate or accidental departure from the Latin text.107 There is no attempt at etymological translation of the type ‘agenbite of inwit’108 made famous by James Joyce. The one exception is probably deliberate, or at any rate quite apposite: in the earthquake scene (l. 7–8 [O. 42v]), the pagan gods ‘comminuta sunt’ (have been shattered), translated ‘wæron gelytlade’, associating loss of prestige to mere material destruction.109

‘si tanta prolixitas erit in propria lingua quanta est in Latina’ Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, preface p. 4. wæs gelæd here means: was being led. For instance Christ appears ‘on ermolaus anlicnysse’ [K. 48v] l. 28 / ‘in similitudinem Hermolai’. See Commentary section: Comm. 64 on [N. 42r] l. 22:. Literal rendering of the French phrase ‘remords de conscience’, the title of a mid-14th century penitential book translated into English by Michael of Northgate; mentioned in James Joyce’s Ulysses. 109 Gelytlian alludes to breaking into small (minute) pieces but its usual meaning is to humiliate (to belittle). 104 105 106 107 108

39

40

IntroductIon

Minor adjustments, One recurring instance is the change from past to present in quotations from the Psalms, whenever it fits the context (Latin quotations leave the tense unchanged). The translator also proceeds to the small adaptations demanded by the source language. For instance, he rightly translates ‘crediderunt’ by ‘wurdon to god gecerred’ ([H. 49r] l. 22–23), a choice justified by the inchoative meaning of ‘crediderunt’ (as opposed to ‘credebant’). Other adaptations slightly change the point of view: ‘confugiebant ad eum’ is translated ‘eall seo ceasterware wæs ætnexta[n]) [to] him geþeod’, with the result (becoming disciples) replacing the process (going to him); there are several examples of what might be termed ‘mirror translation’ with inversion of subject and complement: for instance, in the Latin text of [F. 47r], the doctors get hold of the blind man’s money, in Old English, he gives it away to them.110 A small development is sometimes added either for emphasis or for the sake of clarity, for example in ‘eallum þissum mannum þe her standað’ ([H. 49r], l. 16) the relative clause translates iste (as distinct from hic). In the passage about the wild beasts ([L. 44r]), no bird dared touch the Christians ‘mid his muðe’,111 stressing that these are not mere sparrows but carrion birds: the verbs tangere and æthrinan in a negative sentence do not necessarily have the same connotations in the two languages (here: to pick at, to rip up). Some additions are just reminders to forgetful readers: for instance, Hermolaus, who plays an important role in the first pages, is re-introduced as ‘þæs mæsse preostes þe hine ærest tydde gefullade’ ([I. 49v] line 22). Some details of the story may require a brief explanation: for example, the cir­ cus beasts are kept ‘mannum to cwalme’ (‘for the killing of men’). The translation of words related to the cultural context varies: man is used for both spiculator and minister (once each), alternating with cwellere (three times), but minister is also translated þegn and gefera (once each). The more specific tortor and custos get their own translation (tintregend and heord, once each in Latin as well as Old English). The Anglo-Saxon text is vague about location: palatium occurs several times in Latin but one of its possible Old English equivalents, sele, only occurs twice in dubious passages3; for the rest, it is just assumed that the palace is where the emperor is. (Amphi)theatrum is cafortun in the Old English text, calling up the image of a palace courtyard, probably too small for the 500 casualties mentioned in the text, but perhaps the closest equivalent to a Roman amphitheatre. Civitas

110 Many other examples throughout the text, for instance forlætan / evadere l. 25 [ J. 48r] etc. 111 In this context: ‘beak’. BT and Arthur S. Napier, Old English Glosses, Oxford, Clarendon Press 1900. A few lines further down, [B. 46r] l. 20, ‘sele’ preceded by ‘uncrum’ (i.e. Eufrosinus’ and Pantaleon’s) may mean house, and ‘helle’ in [P. 43r] l. 3 may have originally been heall.

IntroductIon

regularly translated by ceaster, becomes rice112 when Christians flock to see Panta­ leon’s body. On the other hand, the English version makes a clear distinction between pagan and Christian priests (Latin sacerd v. Greek preost). Choosing the right word The Old English version sometimes goes beyond straightforward translation in a way that suggests some discrimination in the choice of words. In the introduction, the Latin spelunca or ‘petrarum caverna’ where persecuted Christians seek shelter is translated eorð scræf: with its association with animals and death (it also means a grave), it conveys the right connotations even if it is less suitable to a Mediter­ ranean landscape than its alternative stan scræf, well attested in Old English.113 The translator here made a (possibly unconscious) choice between a narrow frame of reference (the text itself) and a wider cultural and geographical context. In the eleventh century, whoever had learnt Latin probably knew the Psalms by heart and was able to provide his own translation if necessary. It is interesting to note that the translator often uses the apposite word, exactly suited to the context, where glossed versions only provide a blanket term: eleven of them translate ‘posuerunt’ in verse 5 of Psalm108 (modern 109,) by ‘hi setton’, while the translator uses the verb forgieldan (to reward, to repay, [F. 47r], l. 28), just like modern versions.114 In verse 2 of the same psalm ‘peccatorum’ is translated ‘synnfulra’ in all the glossed versions: here, the translator opts for the synonym firenful, which also happens to be a homonym of fyrenful (fiery), superimposing the image of flames to that of sin and creating an alliteration115. Another case of clever (over)translation can be found in [Q. 43v] l. 15: when Pantaleon orders the executioners to kill him, ‘þa ondrædan hi heom gif hi hine ofslogan’. In D group manuscripts, the main verb is ‘timebant’: the Old English translation, with its addition of a subordinate clause introduced by gif, gives the exact mix of terror and uncertainty required by the context. This might be in the original however, as three Latin copies (B981 FiCs0 FiCs3) read: ‘timebant percutere (eum)’. In the scene where the executioners prepare a bath of molten lead ([ J. 48r]) most Latin versions speak of melting (conflare), a few others add or substitute

112 Civitas refers to both the city proper and to its territory, hence rice (kingdom), suggesting a great number of people. 113 Regularly used in translations from the Bible and far more frequent than eorð-scræf (DOE Corpus); both words may occur in the same sentence, for example Hebraeos 11:38, which inspired this passage: ‘quibus dignus non erat mundus: in solitudinibus errantes, in montibus, in speluncis, et in cavernis terrae’. 114 But texts did vary: for instance in [ J. 48r], l. 10 all the Psalters but one have the verb eripio (pull away, rescue), translated generian (protect). 115 In the Paris Psalter the same verse has an alliteration in f: ‘(worda) fæcne firenlicu’ (cruel, treacherous words).

41

42

IntroductIon

boiling to melting (with the adjective bulliens or the verb fervere), while the Old English text states that the cauldron is heated (or boiled) until ‘ðæt lead wære eal hluttor geworden’. This is a clear departure from the text but it has to be granted that hluttor, which means bright/clear/pure,116 offers an example of imaginative translation: it perfectly describes the appearance of molten lead, a liquid with a soft sheen, almost white in colour. Departures from the source text: additions, substitutions and adaptations A few additions seem to be aimed at improving the Latin text: for instance, in [B. 46r] the clause ‘⁊ hu gesund se cniht ara[s]’, absent from extant Latin versions, ends the sentence on a triumphant note;117 when the town physicians denounce Pantaleon to the emperor, two added clauses (‘he sceolde þe heran’ and ‘he lufað ealle þa þe urū godum teonan doð’), stress Pantaleon’s ingratitude ([E. 45v] l. 17– 18), and the clause ‘and he hi hæleþ’, pushed back to the end of the sentence (l. 19), provides a better climax than the vaguer ‘he hafað ælce eadmodnysse’ / ‘humanitatem (humilitatem) exhibet’118 which closes the passage in Latin. In l. 16 of [ J. 48r], the molten lead becomes ‘swylce ceald wæter’ a remark absent from all Latin versions (‘frigidum factum est’). That must be the mark of a practical, logical mind: molten lead turns back into a solid when it cools off, which would be just as bad as boiling lead. Many slight departures from the Latin result in a more straightforward ex­ pression: a concrete word or phrase may replace an abstract one (‘stop the sea from drowning you’ rather than the Latin ‘rule/calm down the sea’ [K. 48v]; an impersonal passive voice is turned into an active voice with a first-person subject (‘swiðe oft ic gecigde Aslipius’ for ‘Asclepius qui (…) saepe vocatus est’) or a present tense into an imperative, making the style more lively ([H. 49r], l. 29). Complex sentences are simplified (‘you will see the power of God by which I shall heal this man’ becomes: ‘you will see me heal this man through God’s power’ in [D. 45r], l. 1–2). In one case ([E. 45v], l. 15–19), simplification is achieved by addition, not omission: a particularly long Latin sentence is broken up by the insertion of a new subject and verb: this creates an anacoluthon,119 as P. M. Matthews points out; in spite of its learned Greek name, it results in a sentence that follows the flow of spoken speech and makes for easier reading. Another interesting feature of the translator’s work is his occasional recourse to the ‘art of understatement’: one instance is the tongue in cheek translation ‘næs se lama na ðe ra[ðer] [g]ehæld for heora gecigdnesse’ for the flat Latin statement ‘Fuit autem uana eorum inuocatio’120

116 BT Dictionary: one of the examples comes from Leechdoms and refers to letting a muddy liquid stand so that impurities fall to the bottom and the rest is ‘hluttor’. 117 The Latin sentence ends on ‘serpens crepuit’. 118 See Comm. 31, [G. 47v] l. 13. 119 ‘Se man+ relative clause + hwæt we tealdon þæt he…’: addition in italics. 120 One latin version (2179) does add: quia nec qui audiret fuit. necque infirmum sanaret erat.

IntroductIon

or the ironical addition soðlice to the emperor’s ambiguous speech in fol. [N. 42r] (‘soðlice ic wolde becuman to him’). Obviously, a number of modifications have to remain unexplained. For in­ stance, in [N. 42r], line10, Pantaleon asks the Emperor to let him go and fetch Hermolaus, but in the Old English version he advises him to have someone fetch the priest: is that a deliberate change (Pantaleon is a prisoner: how can he offer to go by himself?), or just a hasty reading of the original text? Rewriting, simplification, mistranslation, omissions Useless details are occasionally left out, but it is hard to know whether this type of omission is deliberate, accidental or corresponds to the exemplar. In folio [C. 46v], has Pantaleon’s mocking remark about pagan gods121 been omitted by accident or because the translator suspected that ordinary church-goers might miss the allusion to pagan statues? Simplification takes the form of reshuffling dialogue parts: in ([F. 47r] l. 7–8), the blind man’s rhetorical question (‘Which is the greater of the two: Asclepius who […] was unable to help me, or Pantaleon, who […] allowed me so see the light?’) is neatly divided into two: the basic structure (which is greater?) is attributed to the Emperor, while the argument (the gods’ impotence, Pantaleon’s power) are left to the blind man. To P. M. Matthews this is due to a misreading of the Latin text, but it might be another example of the translator’s logical mind, and perhaps his little faith in the understanding of his readers. In some places the translator takes a bird’s eye view of a passage, retaining the significant elements and re-arranging them as he sees fit. This summary method could be dubbed ‘opportunistic mistranslation’: wrong compared to the source text, accidental and deliberate to varying degrees, and allowing the translator-author to have his say while paying lip service to the source text. For instance, in the Latin text corresponding to [E. 45v] several physicians ask their colleague Eufrosinus if he is Pantaleon’s tutor and without waiting for his answer they add that Pantaleon is obviously the pupil of a great master. In the Old English Eufrosinus himself says: ‘Ic swerige þurh ura goda hælo þæt he hafað beteran lareow þænne ic seo.’ and the editorial comment is left out. Is that a mistake or did the translator-editor think that the implied reference to ‘a much greater master’ was too oblique? Incidentally, it slightly changes the figure of Eufrosinus, a mere walk-on role in Latin, by hinting that he has a prophetic intuition of who his student really is.122 In [M. 44v] the Emperor’s rhetorical question to Pantaleon (‘usque quo haec omnia facis / facies?’) is followed by two independent clauses summing up his 121 ‘Why are some sitting and others standing, and those who stand never sit…’ It would be placed on [C. 46v], l. 5, after the sentence: ‘he þa wæs abysgad … to soðum geleafan’. 122 In other cases, the re-attribution of spoken words to a different character may be due to a scribal error, as in [N. 42r], l. 25.

43

44

IntroductIon

crimes. The English version does away with the question: usque quo (how long) becomes oð þis (up to now, so far); ‘facis’ is translated by the verb don + þæt-clause, so the sentence is changed from ‘How long will you …’ to ‘up to now, you have caused living men to turn away from the gods’, summing up his first misdeed, and then stating his latest offence (‘and now you have killed others’). That is undoubt­ edly a mistranslation: the English sentence gets off to a bad start (usque does mean oð but usque quo is usually translated hu lange 123) then, thanks to some acrobatics, the translator ends with the two crimes presented in neat chronological order: oð ðis (so far)… nu (now)…, with the verbs in the required tenses.124 Accidental or deliberate change? If the former, the result of hasty work, but maybe the translator just meant to list Pantaleon’s actions in just that neat chronological order and he twisted the meaning of usque and don to achieve his aim. Probable mistakes: at what stage along the line of transmission? Two instances among others come up in the wheel episode ([M. 44v]): a small alteration modifies the way the reader visualises the scene; the text suggests that Pantaleon is tied onto the rim to be crushed when it rolls, a reading confirmed by medieval illustrations of the scene;125 it is so huge that it kills 500 people when it crashes into the crowd. In the Latin versions, the ropes snap; in the Old English text, however, the spokes break, setting him free: this corresponds to the torture on the wheel often shown in medieval paintings, for instance those illustrating Saint George’s martyrdom, with the martyr tied to the spokes. The translator or the scribe must have had that image in mind when he substituted spacan to restes126 (ropes). In most Latin versions the wheel starts rolling before the ropes break, and the sentence reads ‘(eum) demiserunt / precipitauerunt de alto. Apparuit ei statim xrc.’127 Supposing ‘demiserunt’ was omitted from the Latin exemplar, or skipped by the translator, ‘de alto’ became naturally integrated into the next sentence (‘De alto apparuit illi Christus…’) and in Old English it is pushed further back in the sentence: ⁊ þa wæ[s] (L. 20.) him of heanysse crist æteowad. ⁊ þær rihte wurdon þa spaca[n] to b[ro]cene.

123 See for example Ps. 78 (79) v.5 in The Salisbury or Vitellius Psalter, among many others. 124 The Latin versions use the same tense for the 2 verbs: the past in most manuscripts, the present in F group. 125 Janine Wettstein, Sant’Angelo in Formis et la peinture médiévale en Campanie, (Genève: E. Droz 1960). Reproductions of the frescoes in Morisani Ottavio, Gli affreschi di S. Angelo in Formis (Cava de’ Tirreni: Emilio di Mauro, 1962), with a perceptive commentary. 126 One Latin text (H50, mid 14th c.) does haves ‘vectes’ (lever, bar, hence: spoke?). 127 Om. from 9 mss F group).Several omissions or rewriting in Latin versions, none corresponding exactly to the Old English text.

IntroductIon

The result of those changes is just as good as the original, less dramatic but more dignified and the distortion will pass unnoticed unless the translation is compared with the Latin version. Conclusion Translation here is to be understood in its original sense: transfer; the author of the Old English version resorts to what would be termed now a whole range of ‘translation strategies’ (including the wrong ones), from word-for-word equiva­ lence to free rewriting. It is often plodding, occasionally quite good, and more inventive than accurate in a few places. The ups and downs of the Old English version do not spring from ignorance: the Latin text is not particularly difficult and there is no reason to suppose that the translator should fail to understand, say, ‘una cum’ or ‘auxiliabatur ei christus’128 unless one starts from the assumption that the Old English text can only be a literal translation and any departure from the Latin must be due to sheer incompetence. Haste or impatience is a more likely cause. Oral translation, especially in the last pages, might also account for some shortcuts and resulting discrepancies or the re-attribution of spoken words to a different character. The present state of the manuscript can only make things worse: complex problems are dealt with in the Commentary section.

128 una cum: see Comm. 12 – ‘auxiliabatur ei christus’: not translated into Old English. What P. M. Matthews sees as its translation (‘wæs [to him] geþeod’) actually corresponds to an active verb, see above: minor adjustments.

45

Old English Text and Translation

Introduction Previous editions

The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon has been edited four times: an M.A. dissertation by P. M. Matthews (1966) contains both a diplomatic edition and a reconstructed version of the text together with a description of the manuscript, a history of the text and a wealth of other material, including a Latin life based on Florence Bibliotheca Mediceo Laurentiana MS Pluteus 20.3 (fol. 116r–170r), a 13th century manuscript from Lucca: a wise choice, since it mixes several versions. Her edition, with corrections by Johannes Söderlind, serves as the basis for the computerized Toronto Corpus of Old English Texts; His version has some interesting readings but his work was not intended for a separate publication: it was a contribution to the computerized Toronto Corpus of Old English Texts and the Toronto Dictionary of Old English. In compliance (presumably) with special guidelines, omissions and undecipherable words are not indicated, resulting in further puzzles. Joanna Soliva’s M. Phil thesis (1995) provides a conservative reading, together with a full paleographical description of the manuscript, a discussion of editorial procedures and of the use of Latin sources, (based on the Bibliotheca Mediceo Laurentiana MS 20. 3 used by P. M. Matthews) as well as a commentary on the text. The most recent edition is to be found in Philip Pulsiano’s contribution to Via Crucis (2002, The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon). The Latin version London, MS British Library, Cotton Nero E1, Part 2 (fol. 56v–60r, Athleta group) is printed opposite the Old English text. Ph. Pulsiano’s notes to the text are unfortunately few and very brief: they mostly concern departures from the Latin or his choices for reconstructing certain passages; they seldom deal with readable but difficult passages. In his introduction he says that his aim was ‘to make the texts available in print’5 and that he considered his contribution as a mere ‘preliminary edition’ a term suggesting that he intended to publish a complete separate edition. Sadly, he died before that work could be completed and indeed before his contribution to Via Crucis went to press. Those researchers have done much to clear up a number of puzzles, establish the text where the script is difficult to make out, fill in gaps of a few letters

48

old EnglIsh tExt and translatIon

wherever the meaning is clear enough to give a reliable clue. In her reconstructed version, P. M. Matthews suggests possible readings for illegible or missing phrases or lines; Ph. Pulsiano, who by his own account made use of her dissertation, adopted many of her readings, supplied different ones in places, and put forward his own reconstructions for some of the blanks left by P. M. Matthews, often quotations from the Psalms. J. Soliva is certainly right to point out that ‘it may be more important for editors to ask the right questions than to provide half-answers’. P. M. Matthews probably did a little of both: in her copious notes discussing problematic readings or surprising phrases; her explanations are sometimes confused and too often conclude that the translator misunderstood the Latin text, but they are invariably thought-provoking, raise interesting points and deserve full consideration. The manuscript text: Script and punctuation

The brief Latin introduction is written in a slightly different script from the one used for English (especially in the shape of s and r), as is usual in Old English manuscripts. As mentioned in the description of Scribe 2’s work, initial ð is rare in this particular text; exceptions mostly concern prepositions or link words followed by a particle or pronoun beginning with þ/ð, in which case the two words are written close to each other or just as one word: groups like þa ðe, se ðe, na ðe ra[ðer], oððæt etc. occur alongside se þe, þa þe etc. Siððan and forðan are always written as one word. Conversely, medial or final þ occurs in very few cases: in the participle cweþende (5 occurrences), and the verb geþafian (4 times), but as ge is not joined to the verb, it leaves þ in the position of the initial letter. Abbreviations are those usually found in Old English texts. P. M. Matthews suggests hī is used for hine in [K. 48v] line 26. Cw̃ (cwæð), ⁊ (and) and ꝥ (þæt) are always used in place of the full form, at least in all the legible passages. Punctuation is reduced to the raised dot, according to the custom of Old English scribes, with the single exception of one question mark at the end of a long rhetorical question ([O. 42v]). The dot separates groups of words as well as sentences. It has disappeared from faint or damaged folios, so it will be missing from certain passages of the printed text. Direct speech often starts with a capital letter highlighted by a touch of lead oxide; the same also occurs in the middle of the rhetorical sentence mentioned above, marking the spot where the interrogative inflection must begin. It is more difficult to understand why ‘⁊’ (and) is repeatedly adumbrated with minium, often in spates. It might be an attempt at distinguishing separation between sentences (minium) and mere groups of words but if so it is not regularly used. Is it also meant to draw attention to important passages? The semi-colon, indicating an omission (and its correction above the line), is used once in [M. 44v], line 14, and possibly also in [N. 42r], line 17.

old EnglIsh tExt and translatIon

Present edition

The text starts on line 13 of Folio 41r (end of St Sebastian). The reference of each page is placed at the end of the last word of the preceding page. Line numbers in each folio are given between ordinary brackets at the end of the final word of a line, every five lines. The punctuation of the manuscript has been retained (wherever it is visible); the sign ‘⁊’ (and), which practically plays the same role, has also been kept in its original form. Touches of minium and enlarged forms of ‘⁊’are not indicated. Other abbreviations are expanded in italics. When the abbreviation sign is missing, the expanded abbreviation is in italics, between brackets. In recon­ structed words or groups of words, certain endings may be underlined in the rare cases where the dash over the vowel is lost but the available space on the line shows that the ending must have been abbreviated. In the case of a brief omission by the scribe, the missing letter(s) or word(s) is added in italics between ordinary brackets. Letters that seem to have been erased deliberately are represented by dots between slashes, e.g. answe/./rade (erased letter between e and r). When a letter, syllable or whole word is completely illegible or lost, the probable reading is written between square brackets. Two successive syllables may be written between separate sets of square brackets (e.g. [ge][blis]sad) when the first is at the end of a line and the second on the next line. If several readings are possible or if the illegible or missing part is several words long, the corresponding Latin version is given in a footnote and possible reconstructions are discussed in Commentary notes. Interlinear additions or corrections are translated and placed between as they are in the text. A series of crosses (++++) indicates that a part of the folio is missing without loss of text. A word that is clearly readable but does not seem to be consistent with the context, or is simply meaningless, is reproduced just as it is, preceded by *: possible explanations are suggested in the Commentary section, as are all points requiring lengthy discussion. Footnotes briefly point to a few details. Folio references are given between square brackets, with a capital letter indi­ cating the original order in which folios are to be read (from A to R), followed by the present folio number, thus:          [A. 41r] = fol. 41r          [Missing folio] r

         [G. 47v]

         [N. 42r]

[H. 49r]

[O. 42v]

v

         [B. 46 ]

[I. 49 ]

[P. 43r]

         [C. 46v]

[ J. 48r]

[Q. 43v]

49

50

old EnglIsh tExt and translatIon

         [D. 45r]

[K. 48v]

         [E. 45v]

[L. 44r]

          

v

          

r

         [F. 47 ]

[M. 44 ]

[R. 50r]

Modern English translation

The present translation aims at keeping as close as possible to the source text. However, one silent change – the use of modern punctuation – radically alters it: The Old English version is basically one long string of sentences all connected by a succession of ‘⁊ þa’ and ‘⁊ he cwæð’. The former has often been suppressed and replaced by punctuation signs (non-existent in Old English, except for the multi-purpose raised dot). In places, it is translated by ‘(and) then’ or initial ‘Now’ whenever one feels the meaning requires a slightly longer pause or more emphasis on the link words. In cases of heavy minium highlighting and enlarged ⁊, ‘then’ is placed at the beginning of the sentence, even if ‘and’ is discarded. It could also be argued that ‘⁊ he cwæð’ (always written ‘⁊ he cw̃’) plays the role of quotation marks and could be done away with. However, this type of formulaic style is found in all oral literature and in many ‘pre-punctuation’ texts and it is usually kept by translators. Short sentences and frequent repetitions have usually been kept intact: not all Old English writers wrote in this frugal style.1 This particularity is important as it may give some indications about the context in which the text was translated and copied (running translation hurriedly dictated to a scribe? deliberate simplifi­ cations?). In order to maintain the continuity of the text, the reconstructions of lost passages proposed in the Commentary section are translated and integrated into the modern English version, in italics and between square brackets. Nonsensical words are also translated, preceded by *. The choice of standard modern English (with whatever stylistic variations seemed suitable) is deliberate. Biblical quotations are mostly based on ‘Standard English’ translations but the Authorized Version has always been consulted and sometimes used in its modernized form. As usual in translation work, the rule ‘one word in the source language = same translation throughout the text’ is occasionally broken when necessary or (seldom) as a relief from endless repetitions. In some cases however, the shift has been deliberate: hǣlan (referring to both health and salvation) is sometimes

1 Even though early English and Renaissance translators sometimes complained about the lexical poverty and limited syntax of their native language when they had to deal with Hebrew, Greek or Latin texts. , Flora Ross Amos, Early Theories of Translation (Columbia University Press, 1920).

old EnglIsh tExt and translatIon

translated word ‘cure’ for pagan speakers and ‘heal’ for Christians; for the same reason se Hælend is sometimes rendered by the doublet ‘Healer and Saviour’. ‘Andettan’ (to confess, to acknowledge) is also translated by two different ve rbs according to the context.

51

Old English text [A. 41r] V. KALENDAS AUGUSTI PASSIO SANCTI PANTALE[ONIS] incipit passio sancti pantaleonis qui passus est in ciuitate n[ico]m[edia] sub maximiano *impenrtore1 (L. 15. d) Geherað nu men þa leofestan hwæt her segð2 on þysum bo[cum] be þam halgan pantaleone þam cnihte. Segð her þæt he wære þ[ro]wigende in nicomedia þære ceastre under maximian[o] þam casere. se ðe wæs cristera manna ehtend. ⁊ manige [cris]tene (L. 20. e) he ðreade forþan hi gelyfdon on urne drihten h[ælend] crist. ⁊ þa wæron for his ehtnesse manige cristene in[ne]3 dunum 10 behydde. ⁊ inne eorð scræfum.4 ⁊ manige heora lif þ[ær] geendodan. ⁊ sume hi wæron inne ceastrum. ⁊ þær wæro[n] on yfele behydde. ⁊ þa wæs þær an ealdorman on þære [ceas]tre (L. 25. f). ⁊ þæs nama wæs exterius. ⁊ he hæfde ænne sunu [þæs] nama wæs pantaleon. ⁊ se wæs swyðe fægere on boc st[afum] getyd. ⁊ þa sealde he hine sume men. ⁊ þæs nama wæ[s] [eu]frosinus. he bebead him þæt he 15 hine onfenge inne [þa sele] ⁊ het hine þæt he him getæhte ælcne læce cræf[t] ------5

[Missing folio] [B. 46r] (L. 1. a) [-------------------------------------------]5 [fe]an ⁊ he gefeol to þæs mæsse preostes fotan6 ⁊ he cwæð. Ic þe [bi]dde þu gode[s] [þ]eowe þæt þu me selle þa undeadlican fullwihte7 nu ic gelefe of þeossum andweardan dæge þæt 20 nænig oðer (L.5. b) god nis soð butan se þe þurh hine deade arisað. ⁊ he þa ongan him secgan eal hu he þæne cniht gehælde þurh cristes naman. ⁊ hu seo næddre forbærst. ⁊ hu gesund se cniht aras ⁊ þa eode se mæsse preost mid þam cnihte. þæt he wolde8 geseon þæt wundor þæt se cniht him sæde. ⁊ þa mid þy þe ermolau[s] (L. 10. c) þis geseah þa gebæd he hine to drihtene. ⁊ he cwæð. Ðanca[s] [i]c þe do 25 min drihten hælend crist forðam þu wære ge[m]edomigende þæt þu gecydest þeossum cnihte þ[ines] mæ[gn]es wuldor. ⁊ he þa hwerfde eft ham ⁊ gefulla[de

1 Probably meant to be imperatore. See Comm.1. 2 Impersonal or active form with a passive meaning. See Bosworth and Tollers’s Dictionary entry secgan (Bosworth and Toller Dictionary: henceforth abbreviated as BT.) 3 As P. M. Matthews points out, inne is normally an adverb (preposition: in / inn). See also further down. 4 Allusion to Hebrews 11:38 ‘in solitudinibus errantes, in montibus, in speluncis, et in cavernis terrae’. 5 Latin: [Currens / vadens cum gaudo magno]: all manuscripts (+ ‘ad presbiterum’ / ad domum presbiteri’ in 3 mss). 6 Accusative plural (alternative weak declension). 7 As in most Latin versions: baptismum immortalitatis (except Athletes group). 8 P. M Matthews: walde. the vowel (o / a), is uncertain.

Modern English translation [A. 41r] 5th Kalends of August, Passion of Saint Pantaleon Here begins the Passion of saint Pantaleon, who suffered martyrdom in the city of Nicomedia during the reign of Emperor Maximianus (L.5) Hear now, dearest brethren, what is said here in these books about the holy youth Saint Pantaleon. It says here that he suffered martyrdom in the city of Nicomedia under Emperor Maximianus, who was a persecutor of Christians: he tormented many Christians because they believed in Christ our Lord and Saviour. In those days, because of his persecutions, many Christians (L.20) hid in mountains and in caves and many ended their lives there; while others, in the cities, lived out their days in hiding and in misery. Now, in those days, there was a senator in that city, (L.25) who was named Exterius. He had one son, named Pantaleon, who was well versed in Lettersa and he entrusted him to a man named Eufrosinus: he enjoined him to take him in with himb and commanded him to give him a thorough training in medicine [Missing folio] [B. 46r] [He came in great] joy and fell to the priest’s feet, saying: ‘I beg you, O Servant of God, to give me Immortal Baptism: now, from this very day, I do believe that there is no (L.5) other true god than He through whom the dead arise’. He then began to tell him everything: how he had healed the boy in God’s name and how the snake had burst asunder and how the boy had risen hale and sound. Then the priest set off with the young man, in order to see the miracle that the young man had told him about. And when Hermolaus (L.10) saw that, he prayed to the Lord and said: ‘I thank you my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ for deigning to show this young man the splendour of your might’. Then he returned home and

a Bōcstæf meant letter: according to the culture and experience of the writer and reader and to the period in which the text was written, it might refer to the mere ability to read and write, to the first stage of education (grammatica) or the whole cursus of the artes liberales (Riché Pierre: L’enseignement au Moyen Age, (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2016); Roberts J. et al. A Thesaurus of Old English p. 468 and p. 368). b For the translation of sele here and in fol. 46r/B/, see Comm. for this passage.

54

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

TEXT

þæne] [cn]iht. ⁊ he het hine þæt he wunade mid him .vii. da[gas. ⁊ he] (L. 15. d) wæs eft þam æhtaðan dæge hwerfende to [his fæd]er ⁊ þa mid þy þe his fæder hine geseah þa cwæð he to him. hwær wære þu bearn þus feala daga forðan9 þu me dydest myccle unednesse.10 mid þeosse fore. ⁊ þa andswe/./rade11 him pant[ale]on ⁊ he cwæð. Sum man wæs seoc geworden ⁊ þa gehealdo[n] (L. 20. e) wit hine on [unc]rum sele ⁊ wit wæron þa wuniende mid [h]im oð þæt he wæs gehæled. ⁊ þa mid þy þe his fæder þis [ge]herde þa ne andswe/./rade he him nan word. ⁊ þa oðr[e] [d]æge he wæs eft hwerfende to his larewe. ⁊ þa mid þ[y] [þ]e se his larew hine geseah. þa cwæð he to him. Hwær w[ære] (L. 25. f) [þ]u þus feala daga ⁊ þa andswearode him pantaleon [⁊] [h]e cwæð. Min fæder bohte him land þa sende he me þid[er]* ---ðan þær *wær on mycel *symbel werode. ⁊ ic wæs þæ[r] [wun]igende þas seofan dagas ⁊ þis he cwæð be him sylfum. [⁊ ge]mænde12 he þa halgan fulwihte þe he onfange(n) [C. 46v] (L. 1. a) [hæfde ⁊] þa [mi]d þ[y] þe (h)is [la]reow þis geherde þa swugo[de he] ⁊ þa wæs pantaleon swiðe ful geworden cristes gefe[an] ⁊ he hæfde þæs geleafan goldhord on hi[s] heortan ge[set]te. ⁊ he þa wæs abisgad hu he his fæder gelædde to þ[am] (L. 5. b) leohte ⁊ to soðum geleafan. ⁊ þa wæs þær sum blind [man] ⁊ se hæfde swyþe manige lac ⁊ mycel fih geseald wið his egna gesihðe. ⁊ þa geherde he hwylcne læce cræ[ft] se halga pantaleon hæfde. ⁊ hu he gecyd wæs. ⁊ þa g[e]læddon his freond hine to pantaleone. ⁊ þa mid þ[y] (L. 10. c) þe pantaleon hine geseah þa ongan he /../acsian13 ⁊ he cwæð. Hwæne sece ge. ⁊ þa andswe/./rade him se blinde ⁊ he cwæð. Ic þe bidde þæt þu me gemiltsige. ⁊ þæt þu me gehæ[le] [forðan þe] mænige læces wæron wyrcende heora cr[æf][tas] [on m]e. ⁊ hit me næs naht nyt ac hi me benam[an]14 (L. 15. d) […]þa lytlan gesihðe þe ic ær hæfde ⁊ ealle mine æh[te] syndon gedælde wið minre gesihðe. ⁊ þa andswera[de] him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. Gif hi habbað ealle þine [æh]te genumen hwæt selstu me þonne gif ic þe geh[æ]le. ⁊ þa andswerade him se blinda. ⁊ he cwæð. Ic habba (L. 20. e) gyt sum dæl feos ic þe selle eall þæt ⁊ þa cwæð pantale[on] to him. gyf þu gelyfst on þone halgan gast þonn[e] selð he þe leoht. ⁊ dæl þu þearfum þæt feoh þæt þu me g[e]hete ⁊ þa cwæð þæs cnihtes fæder. Far þu bearn f[ram] þeossum men forðan þu hine ne meaht gehæl[an] (L. 25. f) forðan him fylgedon swyðe mænige læces ⁊ he [ne] meahte fram heora nænigum beon gehæled. ⁊ þa [and]swerade pantaleon his fæder ⁊ he cwæð. Ne can nænig oðer læce don þæne læce cræft þe i[s] to don butan se þe hine me tæhte. swa mid þ[y] [D. 45r] (L. 1. a) [15-------------------------------------------------] [b]ear[n ne m]eaht

9 Here, forðan introduces the reason for the question, not a real cause. See B. Mitchell, O. E. Syntax § 3015. 10 No visible cross bar. 11 The middle a of ‘andswearade’ must have been deleted deliberately (see also a few lines further down). 12 [⁊ ge]: Ph. Pulsiano (left blank by other editors). 13 Two letters erased: a twirling stroke under the line suggests the prefix ge (= to find out by asking, to learn). 14 The usual ending for preterit plural in this text. 15 Latin versions: Pater eius […putans quod de magistro suo eufrosino diceret], dicit ei: Fili… (with minor variants).

TRANSLATION

baptized the young man and ordered him to stay with him for seven daysc and (L.15) on the eighth day he went back home to his father. When his father saw him, he said: ‘Where have you been so long, my boy? You have caused me much concern by this absence’. Then Pantaleon then answered him, saying: ‘A man fell ill and we kept (L.20) him with us under our care,d and stayed there until he recovered’, and when the father heard this, he did not say a word. Then, the next day, he returned to his teacher and when the teacher saw him, he said to him: ‘Where have (L.25) you been so long?’ Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘My father bought some land and he sent me there and [as] there [was a great ceremony attended by] *crowds of people, I stayed there for those past seven days’: this he said about himself, in allusion to the holy baptism, which he had just received. [C. 46v] When his teacher heard that, he kept silent and then Pantaleon overflowed with joy in Christ and from then on he held the treasure of faith close to his heart and he busied himself finding how to lead his father to (L.5) the light of true faith. Now, there was a blind man who had given countless offerings and spent much money to recover his eyesight; then he heard how learnede Saint Pantaleon was in medicine and how well-versed he was in that art, and so his friends led him to Pantaleon. When (L.10) Pantaleon saw him he started to question him and said: ‘Who are you looking for?’ Then the blind man answered him saying: ‘I beg you to take pity on me and to heal me, [for] many physicians have been practising their craft on me but it has all been to no avail: they have taken away (L.15) whatever sight I still had and all my wealth has been spent in the hope of recovering my eyesight.’ Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘If they have taken away all your wealth, what will you give me if I cure you?’ Then the blind man answered him and said: ‘I still have (L.20) a little money left and I will give it all to you.’ Then Pantaleon said to him: ‘If you believe in the Holy Ghost, then he will give you light. Give the poor the money that you have promised me.’ Then the young man’s father said: ‘Leave this man alone, my boy: (L.25) you cannot cure him, for a great many physicians have treated him and he could not be cured by any of them.’ Then Pantaleon answered his father and said: ‘The medicine that is needed here can be applied by no physician but by Him who taught me that art.’ As soon as [D. 45r][the father heard him, then he answered him and said: ‘My] boy, you cannot heal him, for the

c Reference to the seven days period of instruction preceding baptism in the primitive church. See Louis Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien (Paris 1920). d The patient is of course Pantaleon’s soul. The verb healdan has a double meaning: to keep, to hold or to watch over. e Latin: eruditus, verb erudio: literally to shape, to teach (from rudis: rough).

55

56

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

TEXT

þ[u hine gehælan] forð[on] he wæs [wis man] [s]e þe lærde. ⁊ se hine ne meahte gehælen.16 ⁊ þa andswerade [h]im pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. Abid [lit]hw[o]n þænne gesihs þu þæt ic ge[h]æle (L. 5. b) þeosne man þurh godes wuldor ⁊ þa æthran he þæs b[lin]dan eagan ⁊ þus cwæð. On drihtenes [naman] h[æ]lend[es] [c]ris]tes se þe þeostra onlihte. ⁊ u[ntr]ume gehælde ⁊ þa [dwol][g]endan he gecigde to þam rihtan wege ⁊ he gesomnað ealle [þa] þe on þeostrum beoð. h[at] þu nu halga fæder þæt þes [man] (L. 10. c) [m]æge geseon eallum his lifes dagum. ⁊ þa wæron [his] eag[an] [ont]ynede ⁊ he m[ea]hte l[eo]ht ge[seon on] þær[e] y[lcan t]ide. [⁊ þa mi]d þy þe [his] f[æder þis ge]seah þa gelefde he [a]na17 [o]n ælmihtigne [g]od. [⁊ s]e [ma]n ænd [hi]m se þ[æ]r ær blind wæs. ⁊ þa ferde pantaleon mid [my]cele gefean [⁊ s]æd[e] (L. 15. d) þam mæsse preoste (*)18 þa þær on god gelyfdan ⁊ þa hw[e]rfd[e] se ef[t] ham to his huse. se þær gehæled wæs ⁊ he wæs gefyl[l]ed mid miccle gefean ⁊ he dyde gode þancas. ⁊ þa wæs þæ[s] [c]nihtes fæder gangende into his huse ⁊ he tobræc ealle [þa]s godes þe þærinne wæron ⁊ he hio bewearp [in] ænne seað (L. 20. e) ⁊ þa mid þy þe pantaleon þis geseah þa wæs he swyðe ge[blis]sad ⁊ he þæs gode georne þancode. ⁊ þa wearð hi[s] fæd[er] [d]ead æfter naht feala daga ⁊ þa feng pantaleon to his [fæ]der æhte.19 ⁊ he hi dælde þearfum. ⁊ þam mannum þam [þ]e wæron þræste fram maximiano þam casere. ⁊ þa forlet (L. 25. f) eall seo ceaster ware ælcne oðerne læce butan [pant]aleon ana ⁊ eall seo ceasterware wæs ætnexta[n] [to him] geþeod ⁊ þa wæs ++++++++ þam oðrum læcum swyðe [mic]el æfest to panta +++++++++ leone ⁊ þa ge[e]ode þæt [sume] [d]æge. þæt ealle þa +++++++++ læces wæron gesom [E. 45v] (L. 1.a) [nade20--------] [⁊ þa] ferde þ[ide]r s[e blind]a se þ[e wæs] gehæled þurh pantaleon. ⁊ þa mid þy þe þa l[æ]ces [hine ge]seagon. þa cwædon hi heom betweonan hwa æfre þeosne m[an] gehælde. ⁊ þa gecigdon hi to him þam þe þær ær blind w[æs] (L. 5. b) ⁊ hi hine acsodon hwa hine gehælde ⁊ þa andswerade [he] heom. ⁊ he cwæð. pantaleon hatte se man se þe me gehæl[de] þæt wæs exterius sune þæs ealdormannes. ⁊ þa cwædon þa [læ]ces to eufrosine. Nis þis se cniht se þe þu lærde[st] ⁊ þa cwæð eufrosinus. Ic swerige þurh ura goda hælo þæt h[e] (L. 10. c) hafað beteran lareow þænne ic seo. ⁊ þa hæfdan þa læc[es] swiðe mycele heto to [p]antaleone. ⁊ hi þa sohtan intin[gan] to him þæt hi hine meahtan [f]or ða[n] [adrif]an ⁊ þa gemetton [h]i sume dæge hwær he wæs hælende [ænne] cristene man ⁊ þa eodan hi sona to maximiano þam [cas]ere. ⁊ hi hine (L. 15. d) wregden swyðe to him ⁊ hi cwædon. se man se þe þu bebude þæt [hine] mon lærde ælcne læce cræft ⁊ ælcne orot cræft21 hwæ[t] we tea[l]don þæt he sceolde þe heran. he þæn[n]e lufað ealle þa þe urum godum teonan doð. ⁊ he hafað ælce eadmodnysse

Perhaps gehælan – the leaf is badly damaged. Next line: gesihs þu, verb ending t left out before þ. An alternative spelling for ǣne: ‘at once’ (BT Supplement, entry ǣne, V). Probable omission of þæt (ꝥ). Uninflected genitive singular of fæder (several occurrences in the text). O. E. Grammar, R. Quirk and C. L. Wrenn. 20 Latin: [in unum] (all mss except F group: Ø). 21 Probably a variant of wyrtcræft (P. M. Matthews, p. 174). 16 17 18 19

TRANSLATION

man who taught you was [a skilled physician]f and even he could not heal him.’ Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘Wait for a while and you shall see me heal (L.5) this man through God’s glory.’ Then he touched the blind man’s eyes and spoke thus: ‘In the name of Christ the Saviour who lit up darkness and healed the sick and recalled to the straight path those who were going astray, and who gathers those who are in darkness,g I pray you Holy Father, restore this man’s eyesight (L.10) now and for the rest of his life.’ Then his eyes were opened and straightaway he could see the light. When his father saw that, then he believed at once in God almighty, and so did the man who had been blind up to that time. Pantaleon then went away, greatly rejoicing, and said (L.15) to the priest [that those men] now believed in God. Then, the man who had been healed returned home to his family, overflowing with joy and giving thanks to God. Then, the young man’s father walked into his house and broke up all the gods that were kept there and threw them away into a pit (L.20) and when Pantaleon saw that, it filled him with bliss and he earnestly thanked God for it. His father died shortly afterwards and Pantaleon inherited his wealth and he distributed it to the poor and to those who were harassed by Emperor Maximianus. And then all the inhabitants of the city stopped seeing (L.25) any other physician, placing their trust in Pantaleon alone, and eventually they all joined the crowd of his followers. That aroused much envy against Pantaleon among the other physicians. And then it so happened that one day, all the physicians were assembled, [E. 45v] and there came the blind man who had been healed by Pantaleon. When the physicians saw him, they said to each other: ‘Now who on earth cured that man?’ and then they called out to the man who had been blind until quite recently (L.5) and they asked him who had cured him and then he answered them saying: ‘Pantaleon is the name of the man who healed me, the son of the late senator Exterius’. Then the physicians said to Eufrosinus: ‘Isn’t that the young man whom you used to teach?’ and then Eufrosinus said: ‘I swear by our gods’ health that he (L.10) has a better teacher than me’. Then the physicians were filled with the most intense hate against Pantaleon and they tried to find an excuse for driving him away. Then they met him one day while he was healing a Christian and thereupon they went to Emperor Maximianus and (L.15) vehemently accused him to him, saying: ‘That man whom you ordered to be given a thorough training in medicine and *herbologyh – why, we had assumed that he would

f If ‘wis’ is the correct interpretation, it implies experience in addition to knowledge – a notch above Pantaleon’s learning. g John 8:12: ‘Jesus spoke unto them, saying, I am the light of the world: he that follows me shall not walk in the darkness, but shall have the light of life’ (among other similar passages). h A recently coined word is used here to translate a hapax legomenon, the meaning of which is somewhat obscure (see relevant Note on the Text).

57

58

100

105

110

115

120

125

130

TEXT

wið þa22 þe þu mid suslum þræstest. ⁊ he hi hæleð. ⁊ gif þu hine nele adrifan (L. 20. e) of þisse ceastre. þænne asyndrað he mænige men fram urum godum. ⁊ þa bædon23 hi maximianus þæne casere þæt he het[e] þæne blindan gelædon24 beforan his gesihðe se þær ær [wæs] gehæled fram pantaleone. ⁊ þa [mi]d þy þe he wæs gelæd beforan þæs c[a]seres gesihðe þa cwæð se casere to him hwylc ma[n] (L. 25. f) gehælde þe. ⁊ þa cwæð se [m]an. pantaleon hatte se læce se þe me gehælde. ⁊ þa cwæð se cas[ere to] him. hwylcere endeb[yrd]nysse gehælde se ma[n] +++++++++ þe ⁊ þa andswe[rade] him se þær ær blind wæs +++++++++ ⁊ he cwæð he cigde dr[ihte]nes naman hælen +++++++++ des cristes. ⁊ æthr[an] [F. 47r] (L. 1. a) [mine eagan25 ---------------------------------------------------] [Ge]hælde he þe þurh ura goda mægn þe þonne þurh hælen[d]26 [se i]s gecweden crist ⁊ þa andswerade him se man ⁊ he cwæð. Ealle þa[s] [læc]es þe þu her gesihst hi wyrcende heora cræftas. on me. ⁊ ic (L. 5. b) heom sealde ealle mine æhte. ⁊ heo [m]e næs naht nyt geseald. ac hi adyden from me þa lytla[n g]esihðe þa þe ic ær hæfde. ⁊ þa acsode hine se casere. ⁊ h[e cwæð h]wæðer is aslipius mara [--]a god þe þænne pantal[eonu]s ⁊ þa cwæð se to him se þær ær blind wæs swyðe oft ic cigde as[li]pius me to fultume. ⁊ me (L. 10. c) [þæt] n[æs na]ht n[y]t. ne he me [n]æ[n]ige gode beon ne mihte on [stæpe] swa pantaleon crist cigde ofer me. þa mihte [i]c leoht [gese]eon ⁊ þa cwæð se casere to him. þe bið wel gif þu nelt sprecan [ide]le word ⁊ þu nelt crist cigen forðan ura goda[s]27 þe sealdan leoht næs na crist. ⁊ þa andswerade he þam casere [⁊] he cwæð (L. 15. d) Đu sprecst idelnesse. ac ic secge to soðe. þæt crist [onli]hte mine eagan þurh pantaleon his þeow. ⁊ hu magan [þi]ne g[odas] [m]annum leoht sellen. forþan hi ne magon na wiht [geseon] [⁊ þ]a wæs se casere. swyðe eorre geworden. ⁊ he cw[æð ic swerige] [þu]rh ura goda hæle. gif þes man leng leofað [þænne cerreð he] (L. 20. e) manige men aweg fram urum godum. ⁊ þa bebead [se casere þæt hine man] [o]n þære [i]lcan tide hæfde beheowe. ⁊ þa sealde [pantaleon] [sw]iðe mycel fih þam cwellerum wið þam licham[an ⁊ pantaleon] [ge]nam þæne licha[ma]n ⁊ hine [be]byrgde b[einnan his fæ][der] byrgene ⁊ þa æfter þeoss[um bebead] maxi[mianus se casere] (L. 25. f) [þæt m]on pantaleonum to him gelæ[dde. ⁊ þa mid þy þe he] [wæs] in gelæd þa sang s[e] ⁊ he cwæð. Drihten ne sw[iga þu mine] [heren]ysse forðan mine [feond] feohta[ð] [wið me. ----------------] [------]gelde [lu]fan forð[an nu] is fyren[fu]lra mu[ð ontyned] [ofer m]e ⁊ mine feond syndan nu sp[r]ecende [wið me mid] [G. 47v] (L. 1. a) [inwit]fulre28 tungan [-------------------------------] wordum fultume me nu drihten. ⁊ gefreolse me æfter [þine] mildheo-

22 Wið can be followed by an accusative, here the accusative plural of the pronoun / article se. 23 P. M. Matthews: ‘bædan’. 24 Final -on is very clear but this must be an infinitive: hatan + object + infinitive (to order to do sth: BT hatan, I – b). 25 Latin text: tetigit [michi oculos. et statim lumen / uisum recepi] (all manuscripts, with minor variants). 26 Either deliberately or by mistake, there is no visible article or possessive accompanying the word hælend. 27 Tall s seems to have been added; only the top is visible. 28 (lingua) [dolosa].

TRANSLATION

serve you well, and yet he loves all those who insult our gods and he befriends those whom you oppress with tortures, and he heals them. If you will not rid (L.20) this city of him, then he will drive many people away from our gods.’ Then they entreated Emperor Maximianus to summon the blind man who had been healed by Pantaleon and have him brought into his presence and when he was led into the Emperor’s presence, the Emperor said to him: ‘Who exactly (L.25) healed you?’ Then the man said: ‘Pantaleon is the name of the man who healed me’, then the Emperor said to him: ‘And by what method did the man heal you?’ Then he who had been blind answered him and said: ‘He invoked the name of Christ, our Lord and Saviour, and touched [F. 47r] [my eyes and at once I could see the light’. and the Emperor said] ‘Did he heal you by the might of our Gods, or else through your healer and saviour,i who is called Christ?’ The man then answered him and said: ‘All those physicians that you see gathered here have been practising their arts on me and I (L.5) have given them all my wealth but it has been given away without any profit to me – indeed, they have taken away from me what little sight I still had.’ The Emperor then questioned him and said: ‘Which is greater: Asclepius, [our] god, or else Pantaleon?’ and he who had been blind said to him: ‘Many a time have I called to Asclepius, begging for his help, but it has been of no use (L.10) and he was of no help to me, but as soon as Pantaleon called out to Christ for me, I could see the light’. Then the Emperor said to him: ‘It would be better for you to refrain from speaking such idle words and refrain from invoking Christ, for your eyesight was restored by our gods, not by Christ.’ Then he answered the Emperor and said: (L.15) ‘You speak idle words, but I tell you truly that our Christ made me see the light by the intercession of his servant Pantaleon. Anyway, how can your gods give men light when they cannot see a thing?’ Then the Emperor became enraged and said: ‘I swear by the health of our gods, if this man lives any longer, he shall lure (L.20) many people away from our Gods.’ and [the emperor] ordered him to be beheaded at once. Then Pantaleon gave the executioners a very large amount of money for the body, then Pantaleon took the body and buried it [inside his father’s] grave. After that, Emperor Maximianus (L.25) [ordered] Pantaleon to be brought to him and while he was being brought in he sang the words: ‘O Lord, do not let [my praise] go unheard, for my enemies fight [against me]. My love [they repay] with hate, for the mouth of the wicked is open against me and they are now speaking [against me with] [G. 47v] deceitful tongues. [and they will surround me with malicious] words. Help me now, O Lord, and set me free, have

i The name Jesus (never used in this text) is generally interpreted as meaning ‘God-Saves’ in Hebrew. For the double translation, here and in the last line of the preceding folio, see introduction to this section.

59

60

135

140

145

150

155

160

165

TEXT

rtenesse. ic þænne eam þin þeow ⁊ on þe ic b[lissige] ⁊ þa æfter þissum wæs pantaleon gelæd in to þam casere. ⁊ [he þa] (L. 5. b) hæfde symble his eagan ⁊ his heortan to driht[ene onhelded] ⁊ þa cwæð se casere to him [Sæge m]e hwæþer þæt seo soð [þæt me mon] be þe sægð ac ne befæst[e ic þe] þinum lareowe þæt [he þe sceolde] læren æl[cne] læce cræf[t] [þæt ic þe] wolde habban [me to læce] ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. Hwæt is þ[æt þe] þ[u be me] (L. 10. c) secg[a]n geherdest ⁊ þa cwæð se [ca]sere to him swa h[wæt swa ic be þe] secgan geherde ne gelefde ic þæs þæt hit swa wære þ[eah
] wæs swyðe yfel [h]lisa þæt ic be þe secgan geherde. þæt þ[u wære ymb] þa ab[ysgad] þe ic þræste. ⁊ þu agifst þam ælce ead[modnysse]29 þe ne [ura] goda nellað bugan. ⁊ þa wæs pantaleo[nus gefylled] (L. 15. d) [mid þam] [h]algum gaste ⁊ he cwæð þa. ne geworhtan þine god[as] [naðer n]e heofan ne eorðan. ac gif we nu cigað [þunor] [þine god vel30 ioui]s þænne geseo we sona gif he geworhte he[ofan] [⁊ eorðan] ⁊ gif hit swa bið þænne mæg he blinde onlih[tan] [⁊ untrume] gehælen. ⁊ gif he þyllic don mæg þænne gel[efe] (L. 20. e) [we on þæne ⁊ þ]a cwæð se casere to [him] mæg eower crist d[on] [þis ⁊ þa] andswerade him pan[taleon]. ⁊ he cwæð þis c[an] [he don ⁊ þa] andswerade him s[e ca]sere. ⁊ he cwæð hu mæ[g] [ic þis geseon] [⁊ þa] cwæð pantaleon [ha]t me bringan to æ[n][ne laman man ⁊ hat ganga]n31 þine s[ac]erdas to him ⁊ g[ecigen] (L.25. f) [hi þinra g]oda [n]aman. ⁊ ic gecige mines [godes] [naman ofer hine]. ⁊ þænne fram swa whæs geciged[nysse] [se lama gehæled] bið þænne gelefe we on þæne. ⁊ þ[a wæs] [se lama] gelæd to middes he[om] ⁊ þa cwæð se cas[ere to] [pant]aleone agif þu weorðmynt uru[m godum ⁊ þa and] [H. 49r] (L. 1. a) [swerade him pantaleon. ⁊ he cwæð.32----------------------------- se lama] beo gehæled. ⁊ þænne gif he ne bið gehæled þænne gecige [ic] minne drihten ofer hine. ⁊ þa andswerade him maximianus se casere. ⁊ he cwæð wel þu hafast þæt word gecweden ⁊ ic gedo þæt hit (L. 5. b) swa bið swa þu cwæde. ⁊ þa ongunnon þa sacerdas cigan ⁊ cwædon to heora godum. gehælað þisne man. ⁊ hi þa ongunnon [c]iegan ealle heora godas ⁊ þær wæs sum genemned. ypochratin ⁊ oðer mercurium. ⁊ se þridda galligenum. ⁊ næs se lama na ðe ra[ðer] [g]ehæld for heora gecigdnesse. ⁊ þa myd þy þe pantaleonus (L. 10. c) [þi]s geseah þa smercade he. ⁊ þa se casere þis geseah þæt his [s]acerdum naht ne speu þa cwæð he to pantaleone. do þu nu [þ]ine cignysse. ⁊ þa locade se halga pantaleon to heofon[an] ⁊ he cwæð. Drihten geher þu min gebed ⁊ mine gecignysse becumen to þe. ⁊ on minum earfoð dæge ne ahwerf þu þinne (L. 15. d) anwlitan fram me. ⁊ onheld þu þine are33 to me ⁊ æteowe eallum þissum mannum þam þe her standað. þæt þu eart [a]na ælmihtig god. ⁊ þu gehælest ealle þa þe on þe gele[fa]ð. ⁊ he þa genam þæs laman hand. ⁊ he cwæð. aris þu on [d]rihtenes naman hæl[en]des cristes ⁊ beo hal ⁊ gesund. (L. 20. e) þa aras he onstæpe hal ⁊ gesund. ⁊ he hwerfde mid mycclan gefean to his huse. ⁊ 29 30 31 32

ead[modnysse]: see Comm. 24. Vel – if this reconstruction is correct – must have been abbreviated ł. Or (be)cuman? Latin: [Modo / Prius sacerdotes tui faciant] (faciant = let them do so) / C group: [ualeant si possunt] (Let them win if they can) – C group mss + many D mss: [deos suos inuocent]. 33 The separation between the words is probably wrong. See Comm. 29.

TRANSLATION

mercy on me, for I am your servant and in you is my bliss.’ And after that, Pantaleon was led in to the Emperor and he (L.5) always kept his eyes and heart set on the Lord. And then the Emperor said to him: ‘Tell me whether there is any truth in what people say about you – but hadn’t I entrusted you to the care of your teacher so that he should give you a thorough training in medicine, so that I might have you as my personal physician? Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘What is it that you (L.10) heard people say about me?’ Then the Emperor answered him and said: ‘Whatever I heard people say about you, I never believed it was true. [Still, that] was a nasty rumour that I heard people spread about you: that you always took care of those I persecute and that you abase yourself by befriending those who refuse to adore our gods.’ Then Pantaleon was filled (L.15) with the Holy Spiritj and he said: ‘Your gods never created either heaven or earth, but if we now call on [Thunder] [your god, i.e. Jove], then we shall soon see if he created heaven and earth, and if it is so, then he can bring light to the blind and heal the sick, and if he can do such things, then let us believe (L.20) in him.’ Then the Emperor said to him: ‘Can your Christ do this?’ Pantaleon then answered him and said: ‘He can.’ The Emperor then answered him and said: ‘How can we see that?’ And Pantaleon said: ‘Order a cripple to be brought to me and order your priests to come to him and let them invoke the names of your gods (L.25) and I will invoke[the name of my God]k [over him] and then, by whoever’s invocation [the cripple] be [healed], we shall believe in him.’ So [the cripple was] brought into their midst and then the Emperor said to Pantaleon ‘Now you honour our gods’. [H 49r] [Pantaleon then answered him and said: ‘You call on your gods first and pray that that cripple may] be healed. Then, if he is not, then I will invoke my Lord over him.’ Then Emperor Maximianus answered him, saying: ‘You have spoken wisely: I will have everything done(L.5) as you have said.’ Then the priests began to call out to their gods, saying: ‘Heal this man!’ and they began to call on all their gods: one was named Hippocrates, another Mercurius, a third Gallienus, but the cripple did not get any better for all their calling. Then, when Pantaleon (L.10) saw that, he smiled, and when the Emperor saw that his priests were not getting anywhere, he said to Pantaleon: ‘Now you make your invocations.’ Then Saint Pantaleon looked up to heaven and said: ‘Hear my prayer, O Lord, and let my call go up to you. In the day of my distress, do not turn your (L.15) face away from me but incline your ear to me and show all these men now standing here that you are God, one and almighty, and that you heal all those who believe in you.’ And he then took the cripple’s hand and said: ‘In the name of Christ, our Lord and Saviour, arise hale and sound!’ (L.20) And there and then he stood up, hale and sound, and went back home greatly rejoicing, and he praised the Lord and from that very moment a great many peo-

j As in Paul, Ephesians, 5.18. k Several occurrences in the Bible, from Genesis 12.8 to to Acts, 2.21: ‘Whosoever calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved’.

61

62

TEXT

170

he wuldrade urne drihten [⁊ þ]a on þære ilcan *tid *34 wurdor þær swyðe manige men [to g]ode gecerred ⁊ þa þa læces geseagon hu se lama wæs [geh]æled. þa gristbi/./todon hi mid heora toðum on hine (L. 25. f) [⁊ hi] cwædon mid þam sacerdum to þam casere. Gif panta[leon] ne bið acweald þænne forwurðað ura goda on[sæged]nysse. ⁊ þa geþafade se casere heora worda [samn]unge. ⁊ he cwæð þa to pantaleone geþafa me [þæt þu onsæ]ge urum godum ⁊ gesih hu manige men syndon [I. 49v] (L. 1. a) [forswoltene for heom]35 ⁊ þa answerade him pantaleon [7 he cwæð] Wite þu þæt þas men þe her for ðinum godum swulton þa syndon lif[igen]de aworold aworold. forðan hi andettan crist. ⁊ þa cwæð maximi[anus] se casere ablin/../ þæt þu ne nemne crist. ac gefreolse þine iugoðe (L. 5. b) forðan þe beoð swiðe miccle tintregan gegearowad. gif þu on þisse andetnyss *se36 forð þurhwunast. ⁊ þa andswerade him pantale[on] ⁊ he cwæð gegearawa. þu þine tintregan forðan ic eam gearo to þr[o]wigenne for cristes naman. ⁊ þa cwæð se casere geher þu pantal[eon] hu mange tintregan se ealde antimus þrowade. ⁊ þa andswerad[e] (L. 10. c) him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. he þrowade swiðe manigfealdlice. ⁊ he næs na þe raðer oferswiðed. gif he þonne wæs eald ⁊ he man[ige] tintregan þrowade for cristes naman. me þænne gedaf[a]nað swa miccle swiðor to þrowigenne. swa ic eam gingra þæt ic gearnige þæt ic wære gewuldad mid him. ⁊ þa mid þy þe se (L. 15. d) casere þis geherde þæt he him (*)37 wolde geþafian his willan þa bebead he þæt hine mon ahenge on þripele. ⁊ þæt hine mon str/./engum38 swunge on his twa sidan. ⁊ þa locade se halga pantaleon to heofonan ⁊ he cwæð. Drihten beo me on fultum on þissum tintregum. ⁊ gehæl me swa swa þu gehældest þa forðgewitenan (L. 20. e) for þines naman gecigdnysse. ⁊ þa æteowd[e] him sona drihten hælend crist. on ermolaus anlicnysse þæs mæsse preostes þe hine ærest tydde39 ⁊ gefullade. ⁊ he cwæð to him ne ondræd þu þe pantaleon forðan ic beo mid þe on swa hwylcum tintregum swa þu þrowian onginnest. (L. 25. f) ⁊ þa onstæpe adeadadon þæra manna handa þe hine þræsten. ⁊ þa mid þy þe se casere þis geseah. þa bebead he þæt hine mon þanan adyde. ⁊ he cwæð to him haf[ast] þu nu þurh þine lybcræftas gedon. þæt ura tintr[egendra] handa. adeadadon. ⁊ þa andswerade him panta[leon] [J. 48r] (L. 1. a) [⁊ he cwæð40---------------------Crist þe þinra þegna handa] [41--------- ⁊ þa cwæð se casere. H]wæt b[42---] þ[-] þonne þe mon [maran tintregan gegeara]wað ⁊ þa [a]ndswerade him [pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð Ne ondræd]e ic me þeh þu do maran (L. 5. b) [tin]tregan o[n me forðan min] crist hafað mara mægn þon [þu] ⁊ þæt he m[e

175

180

185

190

195

200

wurdor: scribal error for wurdon. The bottom part of the line is visible and serves as a basis for P. M. Matthews’ reconstruction. Another scribal error, corrected to andetnysse by all editors. Accidental omission of ne. Probably a erased from original æ. Verb tyn. Latin, most D manuscripts: [Maledicte! qui lampades tuas extinxit xr̃s est]. Other groups: Maleficia, Ars, Articulus, or Artificium, F group: virtus. 41 Latin: [arefecit] – also: sideravit (groups C and E, in defectionem constituit Athletes (F) group. 42 Latin: Quid [facturus es] cum maiora tormenta…

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

TRANSLATION

ple [were] converted to God. When the physicians saw that the cripple had been healed, then they ground their teeth in anger against him (L.25) and, together with the priests, they said to the Emperor: ‘If Pantaleon is not killed, sacrifices to our gods are doomed to die out.’ Then the Emperor, assentingl to their words, said to Pantaleon: ‘Do consent, for my sake, to offer a sacrifice to our gods: see how many people have been [I. 49v] [killed for them.’] Pantaleon then answered him [and said]: ‘This you must know: those men who have died here because of your gods now live for ever and ever, for they have proclaimed their faith in Christ.’ Then Emperor Maximianus said: ‘Refrain from naming Christ and spare your youth, (L.5) for a great many torments will be ready for you if you persist in your faith’. Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘Get your instruments of torture ready, for I am ready to suffer in the name of Christ.’ Then the Emperor said: ‘Hear now, Pantaleon, how many torments old Anthimus endured!’ And then Pantaleon answered (L.10) him and said: ‘He suffered countless torments but was not vanquiquished for all that. Now if he, an old man, suffered many tortures for the name of Christ, then it is fitting that I should suffer all the more as I am younger, so that I may deserve to be glorified with him.’ When the (L.15) Emperor heard that he would not consent to his request, he ordered that he should be hung from a gibbet and that he should be harshly whipped on both sides. Then Saint Pantaleon looked up to heaven and said: ‘Help me, O Lord, in my torments. Save me as you saved the departed (L.20) when they invoked Your name’. And at once, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ appeared to him in the guise of Hermolaus, the priest who had instructed and christened him and he said to him: ‘Have no fear, Pantaleon, for I shall be with you in whatever torment that you may begin to suffer’, (L.25) and the hands of the men who were torturing him were paralyzed straightaway. When the Emperor saw that, he ordered him to be put to death and he said to him: ‘Now by your magic tricks, you have crippled our executioners’ hands’. Then Pantaleon answered him [J. 48r] [and said: ‘My “trickery” is Christ: He it was who crippled the executioners’ hands’. The Emperor then said:] ‘What [will you do]m when [even greater torments are ready for you?’].Then Pantaleon answered him [and said: ‘I shall have no fear], even if you inflict worse (L.5) torments on me, for my Lord

l Perhaps accompanied by at once: see Comm. 32. m Translation based on the Latin versions. See Comm. for this passage.

63

64

205

210

215

220

225

230

TEXT

alef]e ⁊ þa mid þy þe se casere þis geherde. þa bebea[d] [h]e þæt m[on m]ycelne hwer. mid leade afylde ⁊ þæt hine43 mon welde [o]ð ðæt [lead] wære eal hluttor geworden. ⁊ þa locade se halga [pan]taleon to heofonan ⁊ he cwæð. geher þu drihten mine stefne (L. 10. c) [m]id þære þe ic to þe cleopige. ⁊ gefreolse mine sawle fram þæs [f]eondes ege. ⁊ bescild þu me fram yfelra manna word[-]. ⁊ fram þære mænige. þe unriht wyrcað. forðan mæn44 nu scearpað [h]eora tungan wið me swa oðer sweord. ⁊ þa him swa gebidden[d]um æteowde him drihten hælend crist. ⁊ he nam pantaleon (L. 15. d) [b]e his hand ⁊ astah mid him on þæne hwer. ⁊ þa onstæpe wæs [þæt] lead geworden swylce ceald wæter.45 ⁊ þa sang se halga pan[ta]leon on þam hwere. ⁊ he cwæð. ic cigde to drihtene. ⁊ he me ge[he]rde. ⁊ ic nu forðan bodige his wuldor þe me geherde ⁊ þa [hi] þis geseagan ealle þe þær wiðstodon. ⁊ hi wæron wundri[g]ende (L. 20. e) on þis. ⁊ þa cwæð se casere to þam mannum þe þær wiðstodon [h]wæt is eow be þam geworden þæt u[46--------]ead wurde ⁊ [ure] fyr [co]lade. for þan ic gedo þæt he onfehð oðru(m) tintregum ⁊ þa cwæ[do]n þe þær wið[s]todan to maximiane þam casere. bebeod [þu þæt hi]ne mon gebringe [u]t on sæ forðon ne [mæ]g he [þæ]re sæ (L. 25. f) [bebe]odon þæt heo hine forlæte. ⁊ þa |be]bead maximianus [se case]re þæt hine mon wurpe on sæ ⁊ þa genaman hine þa [cwellera]s.47 ⁊ hi hine gelæddon to þære sæ. ⁊ maximianus wæs [gangen]de mid him þæt he wolde his ins--ð geseon. ⁊ þa bebead [se casere þæt] mon gebunde swiðe mycelne stan on his [K. 48v] (L. 1. a) [sweoran] se stan wæs hund [48 talentena wæge-------] ⁊ þa gelæddon hi hine [49---------------wur]pan hine þa on þa sæ [50---------------------]þær on ermolaus anlic[nysse þæs mæsse preostes] (L. 5. b) ⁊ þa wearð se stan sona of[-------] ⁊ he ong[an fleotan] ofer þam wætere swa oðer leaf. ⁊ þa genam drihten hine be þære hand. ⁊ he hine gelædde to þam [ofre ⁊ þa on]gan he singan ⁊ cweþan. Ic þe andetta on ealr[e minre] heortan. ⁊ þa myd þi þe he com to þam ofre þa cwæð maximianus (L. 10.c) to him. hafast þu nu beboden sæ51 mid þinum lybcræftum þæt heo þe ne adrencte. ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð [ne] dyden þæt mine lybcræftas. Ac hit gedyde se þe mid m[e] wæs. Ac þu ne ært þæs wyrðe þæt þu hine geseo.52 ⁊ þa wæs se ca[se]re swiðe eorre geworden. ⁊ he bead þa þæt mon eall þæt deorcyn (L. 15. d) gelædde to him

43 Lead is neuter, so the pronoun refers to the cauldron (hwer, masculine). 44 mæn: the first part of the ligature æ is blotched, possibly in an attempt to erase it. 45 No mention of water in any of the Latin versions. See Introduction, Translation, Departures from the source text. 46 Latin text: ut/quod [plumbum frigidum] factum sit et ignis extinctus esset / extingueretur. 47 Ph. Pulsiano: sacerdas. However, P. M. Matthews’ cwelleras seems better adapted to the context. 48 Latin: [habentem centum talenta) ponderis] in practically all mss (with variants) except for F group. 49 Latin: [in medio/medium maris et proie]cerunt. (in altum instead of medio maris in D group). 50 Latin: [Tunc apparuit illi xr̃c in uisione Ø/ in similitudinem (Ermolai)]; D: [et abierunt. Tunc apparuit ei dñs in similitudinem] …- Next line: Latin: [solutus est] (+ ab eo in E texts, (expressing the same idea as the of- prefix). 51 No article. 52 Reminiscent of Matthew 8.8 ‘Ne eam ic wyrðe þæt þu ingange’, turned into an expression of contempt by the change of pronoun.

TRANSLATION

Christ is more powerful than [you]: may he grant me some of his strength!’ When the Emperor heard this, he ordered a big cauldron to be filled with lead and brought to boiling point until the lead turned into a clear liquid. Then Saint Pantaleon looked up to heaven and said: ‘Hear my voice, O Lord, (L.10) as I call out to you, free my soul from fear of the enemy and shield me from the words of the wicked, from the crowd of workers of iniquity, for they are now sharpening their tongues like swords against me.’ And while he was praying thus, the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ appeared to him and he took Pantaleon’s (L.15) hand and climbed with him into the cauldron and at once the lead was changed into a liquid that looked just like cold water. Then, standing in the cauldron, Saint Pantaleon sang these words: ‘I called on the Lord and he listened to me, and for that I will now proclaim his glory, the glory of the Lord who listened to my prayer.’ And all those who were standing by saw this and they were filled with wonder (L.20) at it. Then the Emperor said to the men who were standing by: ‘What has happened to youn, that lead should have turned [to water] and fire should have cooled off [as well],o for which I will have now him undergo other torments.p’ And the bystanders said to Emperor Maximianus: ‘Order him to be taken out to sea, for he cannot order the sea (L.25) to spare him!’ Then Emperor Maximianus ordered him to be thrown into the sea and the executioners grabbed him and led him to the sea and Maximianus went along with themq so that he would see see him pass away. Then the Emperor ordered them to fasten a huge stone round his [K. 48v] neck. The stone [weighed] one hundred [talents -------]. Then they took him out onto the sea and threw him down into the water [and then the Lord appeared] in the likeness of Hermolaus [the priest]: (L.5) the stone fell away from him and he began to float on the water like a leaf, then the Lord took his hand and led him to the shore, and he began to sing the words: ‘I proclaim and praise you with all my heart, O Lord.’ And when he came on to the shore, Maximianus said (L.10) to him: ‘Have you now, with your magic tricks, ordered the sea not to drown you?’. Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘That was not done by any magic trick of mine but He did that, Who was with me, but you are not worthy to see him’. Then the Emperor became greatly enraged and he ordered his men to bring in all the animals (L.15)

n o p q

‘to you’? ‘according to you?’: the meaning is uncertain. Or: ‘and he should have endured torture by fire’ (if the verb is þolian.) See Comm. for this passage. All Latin versions have a question here: ‘What other torments can we inflict on him?’. Or ‘him’.

65

66

235

240

245

250

255

260

265

TEXT

þa þe he geset hæfde mannum to cwa[lme] ⁊ þa ealla wildeor wæron cumen to pantaleone þa c[wæð] maximianus se casere to him. geþafa me þæt þu on sæg[e] urum godum. ⁊ ara þinre iugoðe. þy læs þu yfele deaðe swelte swa swa manige wif dydon þa ðe for criste þ[ro]wadon. (L. 20. e) ⁊ þa andswerade. him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. gif wif w[æ]ron þrowigende for cristes naman. swa miccle ma sceal ic þrowigan þæt ic þurh þæt wuldorhelm onfo. ⁊ se ðe g[e]dyde þæt þinra þegna handa adeadadon ⁊ þin lead adwæ[scte] ⁊ se ðe forwyrnde þæt heo me ne acwealdon. se mæg bebeo[dan] (L. 25. f) þinum deorum þæt hi me ne scæðian ⁊ þa mid þy þe he wæs þ[is] sprecende þa bebead se case[re þæt] *hi53 mon bescufe [tomid]des þam deorum. ⁊ þa sona swa he wæs to middes þam [deorum] þa æteowde hine drihten on ermolaus anlicn[ysse þæs] mæsse preostes. ⁊ he cwæð to him geþeoh þu goda þ[eow for] [L. 44r] (L. 1. a) [ðan ic] þe getrym[me] on eallum þing[um] ⁊ þ[a] y[mbsealdon þa wil]deor hine utan. ⁊ hi ongunnan liccian his fet. ⁊ næs æ[nig] [þ]ar[a] deora þæt fram him onweg gewite ærþan hí fram him bletsunge onfengen. ⁊ þa mid þy þe he þa deor gebletsad54 hæfde (L. 5. b) [þ]a gewitan hi aweg. ⁊ hi heredan drihten. ⁊ þa mid þy þe eall þæt folc þis geseah þa cleopodan hi mycelre stefne. ⁊ hi cwædon ealle. Mycel is cristenra god. ⁊ hi cwædon ealle [s]eo þes halga *. ⁊ þa se casere þis geherde þa wæs he gefylled mid ealre hatheortnysse. ⁊ he het ofslean an (L. 10. c) þusend manna of þam folce. ⁊ he bebead þæt mon þa wildeor acwealde. ⁊ þa bletsade se halga pantaleon drihten ⁊ he wæs cweþende. Gloria tibi ihesu Christe quia non solum. he cwæð wuldor þe sy drihten hælend crist forðan nis na þæt an þæt þas men for ðe þrowadon. ac þas wildeor. þa þe (L. 15. d) [-]eofiað *me to sweltanne. þonne *æ[n-eo] hrinan of þinum halgum . ⁊ þa /…/ lichaman þe þær acwealde wæron55 hi wurdon forstolene fram cristenum mannum. ⁊ wæron *[b]ehydde mid þam wildeorum. ⁊ þær lægen manega dagas [⁊ n]æs nan fugol þæt mid his muðe heom æthrinan wol[de] (L. 20. e) [f]orðan hi wæron for criste acwealde/../.56 ⁊ þa se caser[e] [þ]is geherde þa bebead he þæt mon mycelne seað adulf[e] ⁊ wurpe þa wildeor þær in. ⁊ þa manige þa þe þis wu[n]dor geseagan þæt þær geworden wæs. þa wurdon hi getrymed on hrihtum geleafan. ⁊ þa cwæð se casere to his (L. 25. f) [g]eferan. hu do we be þyssum cnihte forðan eall þis [fol]c reorað fram urum onsægednysse. ⁊ þa cwæð þæt folc. [beb]eod nu þæt mon mycel hweol arære. ⁊ he sy gebun[den] to þam ilcan hweole. ⁊ sy þænne ahofen on hea[nysse ⁊] sy þænne forlæten þæt his lichama mæge beon [M. 44v] (L. 1. a) [tobrocen]57 ⁊ he swa his sawle for læte. ⁊ þa bebead se case[re] þæt mon beluce pantaleon on carcerne oð þæt hweol wæ[re ge]timbred. þe hine mon on cwellan sceolde. ⁊ þa worhton [hi] þæt hweol þrittig

53 *hi: probably hine. See Comm. for this sentence. 54 An extremely faint stroke across the ascender of d, hence J. Soliva’s bletsað. A past participle is required here. 55 Not the beasts, but Christians: ‘Imperator iussit occidi de populo mille viros’ omitted from the Old English text. 56 Two letters have been erased. Trace of an oblique stroke, as in letter y. 57 [tobrocen]: all editors.

TRANSLATION

that he kept for the executions of prisoners. And when the wild beasts had come to Pantaleon, Emperor Maximianus said to him: ‘Do consent, for my sake, to sacrifice to our gods. Spare your youth, lest you should die a painful death, as have all those women who have suffered for Christ.’ (L.20) Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘If women have suffered in the name of Christ, how much more must I endure if I am to receive the crown of glory. He who caused your attendants’ hands to be paralysed and your lead to be quenchedr and who stopped them from killing me, can order (L.25) your beasts not to hurt me’. And while he was saying this, the Emperor ordered him to be thrown to the beasts and as soon as he was surrounded by the beasts, Christ appeared in the likeness of Hermolaus the priest and he said to him ‘Fare well now, faithful servant, for [L. 44r] I shall comfort you in all things.’ Then the wild beasts surrounded him on all sides and they began to lick his feet and none of those beasts would go away from him until it had received his blessing. Once he had blessed the animals, (L.5) they went away, praising the Lord, and when all the onlookers saw that, they all called cried out in a loud voice, saying: ‘Great is the God of the Christians!’, and they all said: ‘Let the Holy Man be .s’ When the Emperor heard that, he was filled with intense fury and he commanded that one (L.10) thousand men from among the crowd should be put to death and he ordered the wild beasts to be killed. Then Saint Pantaleon praised the Lord, saying: ‘Gloria tibi Ihesu Christe quia non solum etc.’, meaning ‘Glory to you Lord Jesus Christ, for not only have these men suffered for your sake, but also the beasts, which (L.15) [-------] *met die than touch [one of] of God’s saints *u’. And the bodies of those who had been killed were stolen away by Christians and were hidden withv the wild beasts and lay there for many days and no carrion bird would pick at them with their beaks, (L.20) because they had been killed for God. When the Emperor heard about that he ordered his men to dig a big pit and throw the wild beasts into it. Then many who had seen the miracle that had taken place were comforted in the true faith. The Emperor then said to his (L.25) attendants: ‘What is to be done now about this youth who is setting all these people against our cult.’ And people said to him: ‘Order a big wheel to be built and let him be tied to that wheel and then have it released so that his body may be [M. 44v] [shattered] and he may give up the ghost.’ The Emperor then ordered that Pantaleon should be locked up in prison until the wheel on which he was to be killed had been built. The wheel was completed in thirty days

r adwæscte (extinguished) in the text; but another meaning of ‘quench’ is: to cool (hot metal). See relevant Comm. s Garbled text. Probable original reading: (be) . See Comm. t ‘Me’ for ‘ma’ (more): these beast which [prefer to] die (rather) than …? See corresponding Note on the Text. u Probably added by mistake. v ‘With’or ‘by’: mid can introduce the agent of a passive form, but something is missing here: see relevant Comm.

67

68

TEXT

270

daga. ⁊ þa wæs þam casere gesæd þæt þæt weorc w[æs] (L.5. b) geara þæt þær mon wyrcan sceolde. ⁊ þa bebead se casere managum58 þæt hi bodadan þæt eall þæt folc come þider þæt hi mihto[n] his insi-ð59 sceawian ⁊ he cwæð to eallum cristenum folce. gif ge beoð gehwerfde þæt ge urum godum onsæ[c]gan. þænne beo ge forlætene. ⁊ gewitodlice ne beoð acwealde. ⁊ þa eode se ca[se]re (L. 10. c) to his cafortune. ⁊ he bebead þæt mon pantaleon to him gelædde. ⁊ þa mid þy þe pantaleon wæs gelæd to him. þa wæs he [sin]gende ⁊ cweþende. Inclina domine aurem tuam ad me. he cwæð. Drihten onheld þin eara to me. forðan ic eam wædla ⁊ þearfa. ⁊ geheald[.] drihten mine sawle;60 ales þinne ðeowe. forðan min god ic eam hiht[e]nde (L. 15. d) on þe. sele þæ/./re strengðe þinum þewe. ⁊ ales þines *man[---] bearn ⁊ do on gode god tæcen mid me. þæt þa geseon þa ðe m[e] hatodan þæt hi synd gescende. forðan þu god me gefultumedest. ⁊ þu eart min frofor ⁊ þa wæs geworden æfter þam gebede þæt hine m[on] brohte to þam cafortune. ⁊ hine geband to þam hweole. ⁊ þa wæ[s] (L. 20. e) him of heanysse crist æteowad. ⁊ þær rihte wurdon þa spaca[n] to b[ro]cene. ⁊ pantaleon stod ungesceaðad. ⁊ þa wæs þæt hweol witodlice hweorfende. ⁊ hit acwealde fif hund manna ⁊ þa wæs mycel ege geworden on þære ceastre of þære tide. [⁊] se casere wæs mid micclan ege abryd. ⁊ he cleopade to p[an]taleone. (L. 25. f) ⁊ he cwæð oð ðis þu dydest þæt þu lifigende [m]en afly[m]dest fram urum godum. ⁊ þu nu hafast oðre acweald. ⁊ þa a[nd]swerade him pantaleon. ⁊ he cwæð. Infelix et miser fili [dia]boli bene dixit. he cwæð þu ungesæliga ⁊ þu earma deofle[s] bearn. wel se witega cwæð be eow. heora yfel cymeð [on heora] [N. 42r] (L. 1. a) [heafde61------------------------------------ ⁊ þa cwæð] [se] casere soðlice þas word syndon gecweden be eow. ac [sege] me hwa þe þis lærde. ⁊ þa andswerade him se halga pan[ta]leon. ⁊ he cwæð. Min drihten ermolaus se preost me þæt lærde. (L. 5. b) ⁊ þa cwæð maximianus mæg ic hine62 geseon þæt ic seo gelærd fram him. ⁊ he cwæð eft. soðlice63 ic wolde becuman to him. ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon. ⁊ he cwæð gif þu wilt þonne æteowige ic hine þe. ⁊ þa cwæð maximianus þurh mine hæle swa þu me myccle fremsumnysse gegearawast. ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon (L. 10. c) ⁊ he cwæð. Hat nu þæt hine mon gelæde to ðe. ⁊ he þa bebead þæt pantaleon eode sona mid þam heordum to ermolaus. his magistre. ⁊ he þa wæs ingangende to him. into his huse. ⁊ he cwæð hlaford ⁊ fæder se casere þe cigð. ⁊ þa andswerade him se mæsse preost. ⁊ he cwæð to him. Ic cume bearn. Seo tid (L. 15. d) wæs soðlice funden mid me. þæt crist com on þeosse ilcan niht. ⁊ he cwæð to me. Hermolaus

275

280

285

290

295

300

58 59 60 61

The noun (boda: messenger, herald) is omitted from the Old English text, accidentally or deliberately. As in [ J. 48r] line 28. This semicolon introduces an interlinear addition. Latin: [(in) caput (ipsorum). et iniquitas eorum descendet super eos / in uerticem eorum.], omitted from A/B groups. 62 Probably singular, abbreviated like plural him (hĩ). See Comm. 63. 63 Note the sly use and repetition of soðlice here (uero absent from the Latin text).

TRANSLATION

and then the Emperor was told that the machine (L.5) that his men had been told to build was now ready, he then sent many [heralds]w to summon everyone and tell them to come over and see him pass away, and he said to all the Christians: ‘If you abjure Christianity and agree to sacrifice to our gods, then you shall be released and therebyx escape death’. Then the Emperor went out (L.10) to the palace courtyard and ordered Pantaleon to be brought to him and while Pantaleon was being brought in, he sang the words: ‘Inclina domine aurem tuam ad me’, meaning: ‘Incline your ear to me, O Lord, for I am poor and needy. Preserve my soul, O Lord, free your servant, for I put all my hope (L.15) in you, my God. Give youry strength to your servant and free your servant’s sonz and show me a sign for good, O God, so that those who hated me may see and be put to shame, for you, O God, have helped me and are my refuge.’ And so it was that after that he was brought to the palace courtyard and he was tied to wheel and then (L.20) Christ appeared to him from on high and at once the spokes broke up and Pantaleon stood unhurt and truly the wheel was rolling, and it killed five hundred men. And from that moment the whole palace was overcome with terror (L.25) and the Emperor, in his terror, called out to Pantaleon and said: ‘Until now you have caused some living men to flee from our gods, but now you have killed others.’ Pantaleon then answered him and said: ‘Infelix et miser fili [dia]boli bene dixit’, meaning: ‘You miserable, wretched child of the devil, the prophet has rightly said of you: Their evil shall come [back upon their] [N. 42r] [own heads and their iniquity shall descend on top of their heads.’ Then the] Emperor said: ‘Are those words truly said about *you?aa Now tell me who taught you that?’ Then Pantaleon answered him and said: ‘My Master Hermolaus the priest taught me that.’ (L.5) Then Maximianus said: ‘Can I see him, so that I too may be taught by him?’ and again he said: ‘I truly wish to meet him.’ Then Pantaleon andwered him and said: ‘If you wish so, then I will arrange for him to appear here to you.’ Then Maximianus said: ‘By my health, by doing so you will be of great assistance to me.’ Pantaleon then answered him and (L.10) said: ‘Send for him now and have him brought in to you.’ He then ordered Pantaleon to go at once with some guards to Hermolaus his master. Then as he was walking into the house he said to him: ‘Master and Father, the Emperor is calling you’. The priest then andwered him and said: ‘I am coming, my son. In truth, the Time (L.15) was appointed for me when Christ came this very night and said: “Hermolaus, it is now fitting that you should stand up and fight, together with Pantaleon my servant”.’ And then *heab journeyed together, greatly rejoicing, until they came to the place where the Emperor was and then it was

w Omitted from the text. x Witodlice: 1- truly 2- thereby as a secondary meaning (Clark Hall John Richard, A concise AngloSaxon Dictionary, 4th edition Toronto: Toronto University Press 1960). y ‘the strength’ in the text as it now stands. See Comm. for this passage. z ‘Maidservant’ in the words of the Psalms: see Comm. for this passage. aa ‘you’: mistake for ‘us’: see Comm. 61. ab For: ‘they’.

69

70

305

310

315

320

325

330

335

TEXT

þe gedafanað to winnan[n]e;64 swa pantaleon min þeow. ⁊ *he65 þa eodan samod mid myccle gefean oð þæt hi coman þær se casere wæs. ⁊ þa wæs [þ]is gesæd maximiano þam casere. þæt hi wæron cumene. (L. 20. e) [⁊] he þa bebead þæt hi eodan in. ⁊ hi þa wæron ingangende. ⁊ þa cwæð se casere hwylc is þissa mæsse preost gehaten. ⁊ þa cwæð se preost. her ic eam æteowed /../ ermolaus ⁊ min nama is witodlice mara gehaten. þæt is þæt ic eam cristen. ⁊ þa cwæð maximianus se casere to pantaleone. Hafast (L. 25. f) þu mid þe ermolaus. ⁊ þa oðre twegen gebroðra ⁊ þa [c]wæð pantaleon. her is hermippus. ⁊ ypochratis. þa [syn]don cristene. ⁊ þa cwæð se casere to pantaleone. eow (*)66 [wr]egde þæt ge urum godum ne onsægdon. ⁊ þa c[wæd]on hi se is [ana god] se ðe unc cleopað þæt is ure dri[hten] ⁊ þa cwæð67 [O. 42v] (L. 1. a) [Maximianus se casere. Selre inc w]ære þæt gyt gangen ⁊ on[sægan] urum godum. þonne beo gyt me leofe. ⁊ þa cwædan hi to [him]68 wit gebiddað unc to drihtene þæt he unc gehealde. ⁊ sona wit beoð gewuldrade. ⁊ hi þa wæron heom gebi[d]dende (L. 5. b) feower *tid ⁊ þa æteowde hine crist. ⁊ þa befa[de] eal seo stow þær hi wæron heom gebiddende. ⁊ þa feollan eall þæt deofolgyld þe þær wæron. ⁊ hi wurda[n] gelytlade. ⁊ þa wæs se casere swyðe unrot geworden ⁊ þa cwæð he to heom. hwæt ge nu geseagon hu þas godas69 (L. 10. c) syndon to brocene. ⁊ on eorðan geworpen ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð. gif þine godas70 synd on eorðan gesewene ⁊ tohrorene. For hwan gefeollan hi þænne þær on. ⁊ wæren to brocene?71 ⁊ þa on þære ilca[n] tide þe hi wæron þis sprecende þa com þær sum ære[n]draca (L. 15. d) ⁊ sægde *datianus þam casere þæt ealle his godas wæron gefeallana ⁊ eall tobrocene. ⁊ þa maximianus þis geherde. þa cwæð he. Ic swerige þurh mine hæle þæt þas feower men sceolon beon ascofene of þisse ceastr[e] ⁊ hi næfre ma her ne cumað. ⁊ þa bebead se caser[e] (L. 20. e) þæt mon pantaleon on carcerne beluce. ⁊ þa oðre þreo he het macian on mislicum witum. ⁊ hi hæfde beheowe.72 ⁊ þa mid þy þe hi wæron hæfde beheawan. þa w[æ]ron heora lichama genumen mid cristenum ma[n]num. ⁊ hi swiðe eadmodlice bebyrgdon. ⁊ þa æfter þam (L. 25. f) bebead se casere þæt mon pantaleon gecigde to hi[m] ⁊ þa he to him gecigd wæs. þa cwæð se casere to him pantal[eon] hwæt tel[s]tu þæt þu mæge beswican mine handa [gif þu] ne on sæ[cge] urum godum. þa cwæð pantaleon. nis me behe[fe] [þæt] ic andswerige þinum wordum. ⁊ þa cwæð maxim[i]anus s[e ca][sere] [P. 43r] (L. 1. a)73 [ermola]us þin lareow [⁊ he]r[mippus ⁊ ypocratin ge][þa]fodan þæt hi on sæ/./gdan urum godum. ⁊

A second example of a semi-colon? it is misshapen and useless, unlike the one on Fol. 44v line 14. The plural hī is required here. Omission, probably impersonal man. unabbreviated in the manuscript. Very narrow space: him may have been omitted, and if expressed, certainly abbreviated. The Old English text keeps the distinction between idola (deofolgyld) and dii (godas). Tall s; the letter is cramped and must have been added on rereading, most probably by a later corrector. The only question mark in the Old English text. Het is first construed with an infinite, then a subordinate clause: as the conjunction is missing, hæfde might be mistaken for the past of habban.whereas it is part of the phrase: hæfde beheawan, to behead. 73 The first half of line 1 is reconstructed from descenders. Reconstruction adopted by all editors.

64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72

TRANSLATION

announced to the Emperor that they had come. (L.20) He then ordered that they should come in and they walked in and the Emperor said: ‘Which *of these is called priest?’ac and then the priest said: ‘I appear here [as] Hermolaus, but I bear a name that is undoubtedly higher, which is that I am Christian.’ Then Emperor Maximianus said to Pantaleon: ‘Do you have (L.25) with you Hermolausad and the other two brothers?’ Then Pantaleon said: ‘here are Hermippus and Hyppocratis, who are Christian’. Then the Emperor said to Pantaleon: ‘you have allae been accused of not sacrificing to our Gods’. Then they said: ‘There is but one God, who calls us to him, and that is our Lord’. Then [O. 42v] [Emperor Maximianus said: ‘You had better] go and sacrifice to our gods: if you do, you two will be dear to me.’ Then they said to him: ‘We pray the Lord to support us and soon we shall both be glorified.’ And then they prayed (L.5) for four *hour:af then Christ appeared and the whole place where they were praying was shaken by an earthquake and all the idols that were there fell down and were reduced to rubble. Then the Emperor was greatly incensed and he said to them: ‘Why, now you see how all these gods (L.10) have been broken up and thrown down on the ground!’ Then Pantaleon answered him and he said: ‘If your gods are now seen lying on the ground, smashed to pieces, how is it, then, that they fell there and were broken up?’ and just as they were saying that, a messenger arrived (L.15) and told Emperor *Datianusag that all his gods had crashed down and had been reduced to pieces. When Maximianus heard that, he said: ‘By my health, I swear that those four men shall be thrown out of this city and never come back here.’ Then the Emperor ordered (L.20) Pantaleon to be locked up in prison and bade that the other three should be submitted to a variety of tortures and then beheaded. Then, when they had been beheaded, their bodies were taken away by Christians, who buried them most devoutly, and after that (L.25) the Emperor ordered Pantaleon to be summoned to his presence; and when he had been summoned, the Emperor said to him: ‘Pantaleon, what do you imagine? That you can evade punishment at my hands if you do not sacrifice to the gods?’ Then Pantaleon said: ‘Your question does not deserve an answer.’ Then Emperor Maximianus said [P. 43r] ‘[Hermola]us, your teacher, [and He]r[mippus and Ypochratis] consented to sacrifice to our gods and they are now

ac The text is uncertain. What is translated here as these is spelt in two words in the OE version:see Comm. 63 ad Another inconsistency here. See Comm. 66. ae ‘All’ does not appear in the Old English text, but as the subject is neither the singular þe nor the dual unc, it follows that the Emperor is addressing the four men in front of him… which makes the dual unc, in the following sentence, somewhat surprising. af Tid is not declined in the Old English text and is probably misplaced. ag Probable correct reading: ‘and told Emperor Maximianus that…’, or: ‘and said: “Datianus (= Diocletian?) tells Emperor (Maximianus) that …”’, see Comm. 72 Next line: emphatic ‘reduced to pieces’ to translate adverbial eall.

71

72

340

345

350

355

360

365

370

TEXT

hi syndon nu on mi[d][d]an ura goda helle.74 ⁊ þa soðlice ongeat pantaleon þæt hi [w]æron gewuldrade mid criste. ⁊ þa cwæð pantaleon bebeod (L. 5. b) nu þæt ic hi geseo beforan þe.75 ⁊ þa cwæð maximianus. ic hi sende [t]o oðere ceastre þæt hi sceolde þær wyrcan min weorc. ⁊ þa andswerade him pantaleon. ⁊ he cwæð. wel þæt is gecweden þu unmedoma hund þæt ðu ana lyxt. hi syndon on cristes ceastre. ⁊ þa wæs se casere swiðe eorre geworden. ⁊ he (L. 10. c) bebead þæt him mon gegearawade manige tintregan. þæt hi hine mihton oferswiðan. ⁊ nænig hine ne mihte oferswiðan. ⁊ þa bebead se casere þæt mon /..../ mid [s]weorde ofsloge þæne halgan pantaleon. ⁊ he þa [w]æs macigende þæt hine mon hæfde *be eow.76 ⁊ þæt hi his (L. 15. d) [li]chaman on fyre forbærndan. ⁊ þa witodlice eode pantaleon mid miccle gefean þær hine mon cwel[l]an sceolde. ⁊ he ongan singan ⁊ cweþan. Sepe expug[n]auerunt me. he cwæð mine feond fuhton wið me swiðe [ge]lome on minum iugoðhade. ⁊ hi ne mihton wið me. ⁊ þu (L. 20. e) [dr]ihten forbræs/./t mid þinre soðfæstnysse synfulra [sw]eoran. ⁊ hine mon gelædde ut of þære ceastre. ⁊ hi [þ]a coman to þære stowe þær goda77 licade. ⁊ hi hine [þ]a gebundan to anan ele treowe. ⁊ þa eode an of þam [cw]ellerum. ⁊ sloh hine mid his sweorde. ⁊ þærrihte wea[rð] (L. 25. f) [þæt sw]eord forbegid swa oðer wex. ⁊ þa ða cwelleras þis [gese]agan. þa cwædon hi betweonan heom wuta feal[lan to]his fotan þæt he gebidde for us. forðan cristen[ra god] is swyðe mycel. ⁊ hi þa feollan to his fota[n] [⁊ hi cwæd]on to him. we þe biddað þæt þu gebidde for us [Q. 43v] (L. 1. a) [⁊ þænne] us selle forgifnysse crist [⁊ us] [be]scilde. forðan [we ge]lyfað on crist. ⁊ þa ahof se halga pantaleon his handa [t]o [heo]fonan ⁊ he cwæð. Domine deus comple desiderium meum. he cwæð mi[n] dri[hten] god. gefyl mine ben on þisse stowe. sele eallum þissum man[num] (L. 5. b) forgifenysse heora synna. ⁊ sele heom dæl on þinum ric[e] ⁊ þa andswerade him stefn. of heofonan. ⁊ seo wæs cweþe[n]de. þu goda þeow þin geornfulnes bið gefylled. ⁊ heofone þe is ontyned ⁊ þin bi/./dað78 engla þreatas. ⁊ þin setl is gew[ul]drad þæt þe gegearawad is. ⁊ ne bist þu pantaleon gecwede[n] (L. 10. c) ac þu bist mildheortnes gecweden. forðan manige syndon alesed þurh þe. ⁊ beo þu soðlice strang. ⁊ sorgendum ic onfo be þinre bene ⁊ ic beo seocra læce. ⁊ eohtendra lateow79 ⁊ þa se halga pantaleon þis geherde. þa cleopade ⁊ he [cwæð] to þam mannum. Ofsleað me nu forðan nu soðlice is min (L. 15. d) tid cumen. ⁊ þa ondrædan hi heom gif hi hine ofslogan ⁊ þa cwæð pantaleon. gif ge þæt nellað dón ne habbe ge dæl on me. ⁊ þa hi þis geherdan. þa eodan mid miccle gefea[n] to him. ⁊ hi cyston his leoman. ⁊ ofslogan hine þa ⁊ þærrihte wæs his lichaman æteowad swa hwit swa snau. ⁊80 (L. 20. e)

helle: see Comm. 73. There seems to be a thick cross stroke on the upper part of þ, probably accidental. Probably meant to be beheowe: changed to preposition be + pronoun (2dn person plural); h omitted. coman to: a literal but legitimitate translation of inuenio (cf to come upon) – goda: Dative singular (usually gode). 78 Probably originally spelt biddað (they order) and corrected to bidað (they await, they expect). 79 eohtendra lateow: see Comm. 79. 80 J. Soliva indicates lost letters after ⁊ (end of line) but it does not seem to be the case. 74 75 76 77

TRANSLATION

in our gods’ hell.ah Then Pantaleon truly understood that they were glorified in Christ and then Pantaleon said: ‘Give orders (L.5) now that I may see them before you’. Then Maximianus said: ‘I have sent them to another city to carry out a mission for me.’ Then Pantaleon answered him, saying: ‘It is rightly said of you, you despicable dog, that you only speak lies. They are now in the City of Christ.’ Then the Emperor became quite enraged and he (L.10) ordered his servants to prepare many different kinds of torments so as to crush his spirit, but when all failed to crush him, the Emperor ordered them to kill Saint Pantaleon with a sword, instructing them to behead him and to (L.15) burn up his body in a big fire.ai Then verily Pantaleon, greatly rejoicing, walked to the place where he was to be killed, and he started to sing and say: ‘Sepe expug[n]auerunt me’,aj meaning: ‘Many a time have my ennemies attacked me in my youth, yet they could not prevail over me, and You, (L.20) my Lord, in your justice, break up the necks of the wicked.’ They led him out of the city and then came to the place appointed by God and they tied him to an olive tree; then one of the executioners came forward and struck him with his sword and at once (L.25) the sword was bent double as if it were wax. When the executioners saw that, then they said to one another: ‘Let us fall at his feet so that he will pray for us, for the God of the Christians is very great indeed.’ and then they fell down at his f eet and said to him: ‘We beg you to pray for us [Q. 43v] and beg Christ to grant [us] his pardon and protect us, for we believe in Christ’. Then Saint Pantaleon lifted his hands in prayer to heaven and said: ‘Domine deus comple desiderium meum…’,ak meaning: ‘Fulfil my prayer, O Lord, here and now: give all these men (L.5) absolution for their sins and give them a place in in your Kingdom.’ Then a voice from heaven answered him, and it said: ‘O you good servant, your plea is about to be fulfilled: Heaven is open to you and angelic choirs are awaiting you. Your throne is glorious, which has been prepared for you. You shall no longer go by the name Pantaleon (L.10) but by the name Compassion, for many shall be set free by you and you will be truly powerful. Thanks to your prayers, I shall receive those who grieve and be a physician to the sick and guide * of the persecutors.’al When Saint Pantaleon heard that, then he called out to the men, saying: ‘Kill me now, for now truly my (L.15) time has come’ but, filled with fear, they were reluctant to strike him. Then Pantaleon said: ‘If you do not, you will have no part with me’. When they heard that, filled with joy, they walked up to him and kissed his limbs and struck him down, and straightaway his body appeared to be as white as snow and milk flowed from his body instead of

ah Or hall? See Comm. 73. ai The adjective big is not part of the text, but is meant to convey the main idea, which is that the Emperor wants the saint’s body to be entirely destroyed. All Latin versions have comburere (to burn up), not cremare, which is associated with funeral rites. aj See Comm. 74. ak For this and subsequent allusions or semi-quotations (lines 1, 3, 7–9, 16), see Comm. 76–90. al Probably: ‘a guide to travellers and the scourge of persecutors’, see Comm. 79.

73

74

375

380

385

390

TEXT

arn meolc for blod of his lichaman. ⁊ þær *gewearð s[um] treow.81 ⁊ þæt wæs eall ful wæstma. ⁊ þa coman ealles þæs rices ceaster ware ⁊ woldan smyrian his lichaman. ⁊ þa geseagan hi þæt meolc arn blod of his lichaman. ⁊ þær *wea[rð þæt] treow wæstma ful. ⁊ hi sealdon þæs gode wuldor. ⁊ m[ani]ge (L. 25. f) men of þam folce gelyfdon on god. *⁊82 þa hi þas wu[n]do[r] geseagan þe þær geworden wæs be þam halgan pa[nta]leone. ⁊ þa maximianus þis geherde. þa bebead h[e þæt] [m]on þæt treow forcurfe. ⁊ pantaleones licham[an] [for]bærnde. ⁊ þa wæs geworden þæt83 he wæs genume[n] [84---] [R. 50r] (L. 1. a) [---] cy[p]rene.85 ⁊ hi hine ges[etton] [86-------------------on] [ha]lgum lande. ⁊ under halgum bocum. ⁊ þæ[s] [h]algan cweller[as] [w]æron gefreode. þa þe pantaleon ær læddon. ⁊ hi hine [h]æfde beheowan ⁊ wæron heom þa eft hwerfende m[id] (L. 5. b) mycele gefean ⁊ nu ealle þa men87 þa þe hine lufiað þæne halgan pantaleon mid incundan mode. þænne onfoð hi goddre mede beforan gode. Ac lufige we nu men þa leofestan þæne halgan godes martyr. ⁊ him mid eadmodnysse to clypian. ⁊ hine biddan þæt he us þingige. (L. 10. c) to þam drihtene se ðe gesceop heofonas. ⁊ eorðan on syx dagan. ⁊ on þæne seofoðan dæge he hine gehreste fram ælcum weorce. ⁊ he þa bebead þæt mon þa ilcan bysene heolde. ⁊ nu ealle þa þe gelome wyrcað [una]le[f]ed weorc on sunnan dæge oððe on su[---------⁊ þæs] [geswican] (L. 15. d) [n]ellað. Soð is þænne þæt þeos boc sægð. ne besittað þa [n]æfre godes rice [ac] forwurðað on helle mid þam werigdan deoflum. þær bið ælc yfel gemenged. ne þær [n]e bið nænig god æteowad.88 Ac geswican we untid89 weorca. ⁊ tilian þæt we to gode becuman motan. ⁊ þonne mid (L. 20. e) him beon a worulda a worold a butan ende AMEN

81 *gewearð s[um] treow: See Comm. 81. 82 Probably added by mistake by the scribe of Cotton Vitellius. Changes the meaning from when to and then. 83 D group version: ‘(Xr̃iani …) tollentes cineres (eius) diligenter posuerunt in loculo argenteo et collocauerunt eum absconse sub sacro uelamento altaris sancti libri.’ 84 Last word on the line + beginning of [R. 50r] line 1: [in locello argenteo] in all D texts, see Comm. 83. 85 [---] cy[p]rene: See Comm. 86 [absconse / diligenter sub sacro velamento / velamine altaris], D group. 87 End of Saint Pantaleon, beginning of an unrelated addition, see Comm 86. 88 Ph. Pulsiano: æteowað (ð seems to be a misprint). 89 No case ending.

TRANSLATION

blood and there *became a tree and it *was full of fruitam and the inhabitants of the whole city came, wanting to embalm him: they saw that (L.20) milk, not blood, ran from his body and the tree *became full of fruit and they gave thanks to God for that. Many (L.25) of those people were converted *andan when they saw the miracle that had taken place there because of Pantaleon. When Maximianus heard that, then he ordered the tree to be cut down and Pantaleon’s body to be burnt to ashes. And what happened next was that it was taken away [in a copper casket]ao [R. 50r] and they placed it [secretly under the altar veil in] consecrated ground and under holy *books and the men who had killed the saint were freed, those who had led him to martyrdom and beheaded him, and they went away, greatly rejoicing. Now all the men who deeply love this Saint Pantaleon will thereafter receive ample reward before God. So now, dearest brothers, let us love God’s holy martyr, and humbly call to him and pray him to intercede for us with our Lord, who created heaven and earth in six days and on the seventh day he rested and abstained from any labour, and he then ordered man to follow that very same example. Now all those who do forbidden work on Sunday or on s[-----------]ap and will not mend their ways, (L.15) then what this book says is true: those will never possess the kingdom of God,aq but will end up miserably in Hell, with the accursed devils, where all evil will be hurled down togetherar and nothing good will ever appear. So let us abstain from untimely work and strive hard so that we may meet God and live in His presence for ever and ever world without end, amen.

am Probable original reading: ‘there was a tree there, it became full of fruit’.For this and next sentence see Comm. 81. an ‘And’ probably unwittingly added by the scribe. ao This interpretation and the next one are uncertain. For these and the ‘holy books’ l. 2, see Comm. 83. ap Either the accidental repetition of preceding ‘Sunday’ or words meaning: some / certain feast-days. aq Allusion to Paul, Corinthians 6: 10 and similar passages. ar Litterally: mixed.

75

Commentary

Nota Bene: ‘D group’ must be understood as short hand reference to a tightly-knit sub-group of D manuscripts (B341 B442 Bol72 Dü19 Hk K320 Lf M332 M701 + B90 B91), which only differ from the rest by the frequent use of synonyms, offering variations that do not affect the meaning. [A. 41r] l. 14: impenrtore The word might be: impenrtore or impenctore or impenetore, with a narrow blank before the final syllabes tore: it obviously stands for imperatore, but is a puzzling piece of misspelling. P. M. Matthews thinks that the text was copied from an exemplar which had an open-top a rather similar to u, as in some pre-Caroline scripts, early Old English1 and in the Visigothic and Beneventan scripts, which remained in use until the 11th century in Spain and the 14th in southern Italy. Another feature of those two styles is hunch-backed t: its loop round at the back of the letter makes the letter t look like an a. One does spot a partial resemblance between impentore and imperatore in those two scripts, for instance in a) Escorial Codice a.II.9. b) Benevento 1, Fol. 35. c) Vitellius D xvii: ‘imperator(e)’:

a

Visigothic:

b

Beneventan:

cHowever, as the stock formula is either ‘X imperante’ or ‘sub X imperatore’, an unusual letter shape is unlikely to be a problem: a mistake caused by haste or absent-mindedness is more likely. [A. 41r] l. 27: getyd – l. 28: þæt he hine onfenge inn-----L. 27. All other editors: ‘gecyd’ but the bar of t clearly reaches back to the tongue of preceding e. Tyn (to instruct) is also used in [I. 49v]. The Dictionary of Old

1 N. R. Ker, Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon, p. xxviii.

Commentary

English Web Corpus2 (henceforth abbreviated as: DOEC) gives 60 samples for getyd- (active vb/past part.). [A. 41r] l. 27: getyd

[C. 46v]l. 8 gecyd

[I 49v]

l. 20–21 L. 18, missing words: P. M Matthews: ‘þa sele’,Ph. Pulsiano:’inne [sele]’. J. Soliva leaves a blank. The top of an ascender is clearly visible after blurred e, so P. M. Matthews is certainly right. All the Latin versions of this passage mention the palace twice: first to introduce Eufrosinus as the court physician (omitted from the Old English version), then in the present sentence. Sele may well be the missing word here, but not necessarily in reference to the emperor’s court: the word can be used for any sort of dwelling, from the King’s hall (Beowulf) to a prison. It only occurs once, in [B. 46r], where Pantaleon speaks of ure selle, suggesting Eufrosinus’ home and ‘surgery’, where Pantaleon lives and works as an apprentice or medical student, rather than the palace. [B. 46r] l. 1: […] - l. 7: hu seo næddre forbærst – l. 9: se cniht him sæde Line 1 is entirely lost. Fean comes at the very beginning of Line 2. Ph. Pulsiano (part 1) and P. M. Matthews (2): ‘he com þa gangende mid miccle ge(fean)’. J. Soliva leaves a blank. The phrase com gangende occurs a dozen times in DOEC. L. 7: hu seo næddre forbærst: In the first description of the scene (lost folio), the child has been squeezed to death by a serpent, python or boa-like, except in the Athletes group, where he is ‘struck’ (bitten?) by a snake. In the present passage, all Latin texts have crepuit. Crepere means to burst, which agrees with the ‘squeezing’ version (the child is set free), but one may suspect that in later copies it has already taken on the sense of dying (ignominiously) as in modern French crever or Italian crepare. Whatever the case, the verb is translated literally into Old English. L. 9: se cniht him sæde: Ph. Pulsiano: rede. Rædan is (visually) possible, but does not make much sense here. [B. 46r] l. 17: þu me dydest … – l. 22–23: ⁊ þa oðr[e] [d]æge L. 17: þu me dydest …: Ph. Pulsiano: ‘dudest’, probably a misprint. The descender is partly hidden, but the dot over y is quite clear.

2 Dictionary of Old English Web Corpus, compiled by Antonette DiPaolo Healy with John Price Wilkin and Xin Xiang (Toronto: Dictionary of Old English Project 2009).

77

78

Commentary

L. 22–23: ⁊ þa oðr[e] [d]æge P. M. Matthews: ‘þam oðre’. J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano. ‘þa oðr[e]’. J. Söderlind: ‘þam oðrum’ There is no macron above the a, so þa must be the conjunction then, not an article. The phrase oðr[e] dæge is in the instrumental case (temporal), used adverbially.3 [B. 46r] l. 27–28: ----- ðan þær *wær on mycel symbel werode It is difficult to make sense of this sentence: ----- ðan can be the last syllable of an infinitive or of a link word (siððan or forðan, more probably the latter as a small curve before ð suggests an r); wær can be a substantive (several meanings; with a long vowel: a contract) or a misspelling for wæs or wære, and the following word (on), from which it is clearly separated, opens a third possibility: a misspelling for wæron; werode may be the substantive werod / weorod (meaning a throng, a multitude, with -e ending: dative singular), or it could be the past participle of werian (to guard, keep or defend and – rarely – to come to an agreement). DOEC has 5 occurrences of on symbelnesse (in a solemn feast) and 14 of on simbel (continuously). Most Latin manuscripts read: ad introductionem celebrandam (celebrating the arrival of the new owner, i.e. Pantaleon’s conversion), while Athletes texts mention inspecting the limits of the new property. Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek MS M p. th 124 makes the allusion even more explicit: Pantaleon is to visit the land that his father (Father) intends to bequeath to him.4 P. M. Matthews thinks that -ðan is the ending of a verb that she does not identify. In her view, it might correspond to the Latin ad cognoscendum (terminus eius), found in only one Latin version (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Pluteus 20.3 / FIP, P. M. Matthews’s Latin version of reference): in that case, -ðan might be the last syllable of cyðan (make known, proclaim), followed by object: þa wǣre (meaning ‘contract’, feminine noun, accusative, misspelt: þær wær) and on micel symbel (neutral, accusative). The nature (past participle? noun?), role and meaning of werode remain obscure. Both J. Söderlind and Ph. Pulsiano suggest: [for]ðan þær wæron mycel symbel werode. The final e of werode might be a weakened form of werodu (nom. / acc. plural). In that case, symbel refers to a celebration and can be used as an adjective; the association symbel werod is not attested but it may refer to ‘festive crowds’ meeting on that occasion (‘forðan’). Is symbel werode a miscopying of symbel (ge)reord? r and w are not very different in Old English script. The compound is well attested and seven-day feasts are mentioned several times in the Bible, but there is no equivalent in any of the Latin versions.

3 BT, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1898),. entry for oðer, II.1. 4 Metaphrastes and Latyshev versions develop the metaphor, explaining that the new property (the new faith) is quite valuable and well worth being taken care of.

Commentary

[C. 46v] l. 1: (h)is [la]reow … L. 1: (h)is [la]reow: The line is badly blurred, the top of the letters is lost. A tiny tear before is cannot account for the loss of (probable) h, left out by mistake. The minim can be e or i, hence J. Soliva: ‘þe[s la]reow’. [C. 46v] l. 6: swyþe manige lac ⁊ mycel fih – l. 7: geherde L.6: swyþe manige lac ⁊ mycel fih: lac may mean gift, offering, or sacrifice and is well adapted to the context. Fih (feoh), like pecunia (in all the Latin versions) originally referred to cattle, hence money. All the Latin texts specifically mention the doctors as the recipients of those fees. L.7: geherde: a small tear separates part of the curve of h from the ascender, hence J. Soliva’s reading: ‘gelærde’. [C. 46v] l. 15: […] þa lytlan … – L. 22–23: g[e]hete – L. 25–26: he [ne] meahte L. 15: […] þa lytlan …: Missing letters: Ph. Pulsiano: [eac]. P. M. Matthews, M. Soliva: no blank. There is an empty space, possibly a short word that has been deliberately erased. L. 22–23: g[e]hete: ‘Promise’ is only a secondary meaning of gehatan (to call), usually: behatan. L. 25–26: he [ne] meahte: Other editions: ‘he meahte’. He is the last readable word of line 25: as all preceding and following lines lose their final syllable there must have been a negative word (ne) between subject and verb (Old English often combines two negative words in one negation.) [D. 45r] l. 1 is entirely lost. P. M. Matthews: [þe his fæder þis geherde þa andswerade he him and he cwæð min], retained by Ph. Pulsiano and J. Soliva. Latin ‘putans quod de magistro suo eufrosino diceret’ is left out: it is one of many other cases of omission (henceforth passed over in silence). [D. 45r] l. 2: forð[an he] wæs [wis man] [s]e þe lærde Forðan is transcribed forġðon in Ph. Pulsiano, no doubt a typing mistake. wæs [------] [s]e þe: P. M. Matthews J. Soliva. Ph. Pulsiano: ‘wæs [mid þe] þe lærde’, in which the first þe is probably the pronoun second person singular, i.e. Pantaleon. This is not a literal translation of the Latin (‘Ipse magister tuus adhibuit ei curam’) but a rewriting: ipse (your master himself) is probably replaced by an adjective extolling Eufrosinus’ talent or knowledge (prudens / doctus, hence the suggested reading: wis man). Magister tuum is translated by the relative clause se þe lærde; adhibuit curam is left out. [D. 45r] l. 7–8: [c]ris]tes se þe þeostra onlihte…gesomna[ð] The last verb is given as gesomnad[e] in all previous editions but the cross bar of ð, though faint, is visible (the bottom part of the letter is missing); the following

79

80

Commentary

letter, if any, is lost but it seems obvious that the main verb gesomnian should be in the same tense as ‘beoð’ in the relative clause: present or future. This is the fourth and last verb describing Christ’s action: about 30 Latin texts use the past for the first verb (illuminavit: onlihte), about half that number stick to the past tense in the next clause (sanavit: gehælde), in the third only 3 have the past (revocavit: gecigde) and all but one agree about the present in the fourth clause.5 The first two verbs refer to Christ’s historical miracles as told in the Gospels, hence the past (e.g. healing of the blind man, John 9.1–8) and the third to his mission on earth, but the fourth, a rephrasing of ‘I am the light of the world: he that follows me shall not walk in the darkness’ ( John 8.12),6 only makes sense in the present / future tense. [D. 45r] l. 12–13: ⁊ [s]e [ma]n ænd [hi]m se þ[æ]r ær blind wæs. Although this part is badly damaged, ⁊ is practically certain; the following ænd is a preposition governing an accusative or dative (Bosworth and Toller Dictionary,7 entry: and, preposition). It is written in full, unlike the conjunction, which is always abbreviated in this text. (Latin: una cum) ‘Se man’ is the blind man who has been miraculously cured: the noun is separated from the relative clause that goes with it: ‘se man … se þ[æ]r ær blind wæs’; him points back to the subject of the main verb (‘gelefde he’: Pantaleon’s father): ‘he believed in God, and the man with him’. Although absent from dictionaries, the phrase þær ær is a formation similar to þæron, þærinnan etc.; it occurs several times in this text, always in the same context, and corresponds to a pluperfect in modern English (the operative word is ær, indicating anteriority). [D. 45r] l. 15: (sæde) þam mæsse preoste þa þær on god gelyfdan P. M. Matthews points to a probable omission. The subject of gelyfdan was either hi or þa (i.e. the father and the man who has just recovered his sight). The sentence must have been ‘(Pantaleon sæde) þam mæsse preoste þæt þa þær on god gelyfdan’: the scribe omitted the conjunction þæt (ꝥ). The succession of monosyllables with initial þ may have caused the omission, but it also coincides with the loss of another three lines about the baptism of Eufrosinus and the blind man. the clause þa þær on god gelyfdan is probably part of the lost passage (inquirens si ex toto corde crederent)

5 Past tense, 1st verb:mostly groups E and F, 2nd verb: mostly group E, 3rd verb: 3 MSS from group E; 4th verb: 3789 (congregauit). In the 3rd person sing., present and past of colligo differ only by the vowel i /e in the second syllable. 6 ‘Se þe me fyliþ ne gæð he na on þeostru ac he hæfð lifes leoht’ The Old English Version of the Gospels, ed. by R. M. Liuzza, vol. 1 (EETS 1994). 7 BT Dictionary, entry ænd

Commentary

[E. 45v] l. 1: the first letters are lost, the next words are blurred and the top part missing. All authors agree about the verb ending (gesom)nade, Ph. Pulsiano suggests: ætgædere for the missing letters. The rest of the line can be guessed at on the basis of minims and descenders. l. 9: þurh ura goda hælo: see Comm. 19 [F. 47r] l. 1: […] - l. 2: [Ge]hælde he þe … þe þonne þurh hælen[d] Line 1 is entirely lost. ‘Mine eagan’ is practically certain (Latin versions). P. M. Matthews adds: ‘þa mihte ic onstæpe leoht geseon ⁊ se casere cwæð’, adopted by J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano. L. 2: [Ge]hælde he þe þurh ura goda mægn þe þonne þurh hælen[d]: The first þe is necessarily the object of the verb (pronoun 2nd person singular): hælan is in the past tense so this cannot be a general statement, in which the verb might be used without a direct object.8 Usually the alternative is expressed by þe … þe, but the first þe can be omitted, as is the case here. [F. 47r] l. 5: (ic) sealde ealle mine æhte. ⁊ heo [m]e næs… naht nyt geseald Heo must refer back to æht, feminine singular even though the word is plural in the preceding sentence (as it is in most cases). Me can be accusative or dative – here, a dative. It is not a complement of the verb sellan9 but of nyt: ‘It was given away without any advantage to me’. It is the same construction as in l. 10: ‘⁊ me [þæt] n[æs na]ht nyt’. [F. 47r] l. 7–8: h[e cwæð h]wæðer is aslipius mara [--]a god þe þænne pantal[eonu]s P. M. Matthews; ‘h[e cwæð]’, left out by Ph. Pulsiano. A hole in the middle of the page has caused the loss of a few letters: there is space enough for two very short words: cwæð is always written in abbreviated form (cw̃) in this text. [--]a: There are at least two letters before final a, possibly three (the edge of the page is lost). The letter right before a is party visible. Ph. Pulsiano transcribes it as þa but its nature and function are unclear. The vertical stroke of (supposed) thorn does not seem to stretch above the minims: the descender points to a -ra ending: it might belong to selra, reinforcing mara (greater and better) or ura god, in a postponed apposition to Asclepius. In the Latin versions those words are spoken by the miraculously cured blind man: here, the witness’s piece of rhetoric is replaced by a sharp question spoken by the judge.

8 For intransitive use of this verb: first example under the entry hælan in BT. 9 The sentence is ambiguous: compare with ‘… þonne biþ eow nyt geseald’, that is: ‘then great benefits shall be given to you’, in The Blickling Homilies, ed. and tr. by Richard Morris, EETS 1880. (Dominica Tertia in Quadragesima, allusion to Matthew 19.21 (‘Give to the poor and you shall have a treasure in heaven’).

81

82

Commentary

At the end of the sentence, the -[u]s ending, suggested by P. M. Matthews, is somewhat strange for a Greek name but there is a clear -um accusative ending further down the page (line 25) and again a nominative in -us in [H. 49r]. [F. 47r] l. 14: næs na crist P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano: ‘nu’. J. Söderlind: ‘na’. The rounded shape of the first stroke neatly attached to the second, vertical minim, leaves little doubt that the word is na. The use of a second negative word is coherent with Old English usage. [F. 47r] l. 19: [þu]rh ura goda hæle – l. 18–20: [ic swerige] – [þænne cerreð he] – [se casere þæt hine man] L. 19: [þu]rh ura goda hæle: this strange expression10 is used here for the second time (see [E. 45v] l. 9, spoken by Eufrosinus) corresponding to per salutem deorum in Latin versions.11 It is ambiguous: does it refer to the safety / health enjoyed by the gods, or that given by the gods? It occurs in a handful of other medieval hagiographical texts, particularly in a Life of Saint Taurin of Evreux:12 the scene with the judge has so many sentences and phrases in common with Saint Pantaleon that it must have been copied from it (Pantaleon is the older text). The phrase is not found in Metaphrastes or Latyshev’s versions. The expression has a variant: (Ic swerige) þurh mine hæle ([N. 42r] l. 8, [O. 42v] l. 17), spoken by Maximianus to emphasize his determination. [F. 47r] – l. 18–20: [ic swerige] – [þænne cerreð he] – [se casere þæt hine man]: P. M. Matthews’ reconstruction, retained by J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano. Part of the page (on the right hand side) is lost but the passage is fairly straightforward. [F. 47r] l. 23–24: beinnan his fæder byrgene l. 23–24: ‘beinnan his fæder byrgene’: P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘fæder’ (genitive) is uninflected, here and in D. 45r (as usual for nouns in r denoting relationship) but it is corrected by Ph. Pulsiano: ‘be his fæderes byrgene’. [F. 47r] l. 26–29: Drihten ne sw[iga]… G. 47v, l. 2 … wordum. The whole passage is a free quotation (present tense replacing past) from Psalm 108 (modern editions 109), ending on the verso side of the folio, line 1, which is very faint and blurred. The partial reconstruction by P. M. Matthews, is followed by J. Soliva and completed by Ph. Pulsiano (underlined) on the basis of Psalm 108. The extracts from Psalm 108 are given here in the order in which they are quoted:

10 With a parallel Genesis 42.15: Joseph, pretending not to recognize his brothers, swears per salutem Pharaonis. 11 [E. 45v]: not in C, E, and F groups (Per deos). [F. 47r]: practically all Latin mss. 12 Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 989, 11th century (from Evreux), fol. 18v.

Commentary

(47r, l. 26–29) Verse 1: Drihten ne sw[iga þu mine] [heren]ysse13 – V. 3, part 2: forðan mine feond feohtað wið me14 – V. 5: [Hi agieldaþ hate þæt þæt ic] [for]gelde lufan – V. 2 part 1: forð[an nu] is fyren[fu]lra mu[ð ontyned] [ofer me] – V. 2 part 2: mine feond syndan nu sp[r]ecende [wið me mid] – (47v l. 1–2) [inwit]fulre tungan – V. 3 part 1: [⁊ hi me willað ymbsellan mid hefefullum] wordum. In the reconstruction of the last extract, hefeful (grievous) departs from the text of Psalm 108 (‘words of hatred’): in Old English glosses ‘wordum (or spræcum) hatunge (or læððu)’. Hetelic (inspired by hate) would be closer to the original text of the Psalms.15 [G. 47v] l. 2–3: Fultume me … b[lissige] Also a patchwork from Psalm 108, in the order of the quotation: V. 26 part 1: fultume me nu drihten – V. 21 (middle): gefreolse me (a recurring phrase in the Psalms) – V. 26 (middle): æfter þ[ine]/ mildheortenesse – V. 28 (final part, adapted): ic þænne eam þin þe[ow] ⁊ on þe ic b[lissige] [G. 47v] l. 11: ne gelefde ic þæs þæt hit swa wære [-----] P. M. Matthews sees þæs as an unusual spelling of þus and thinks it is a convoluted attempt at translating the Latin adverb penitus (entirely) but this adverb occurs in only one Latin manuscript (FIP). Actually, þæs must be the neuter form of pronoun se in the genitive case, one of the possible constructions governed by the verb gelyfan. It is developed in the next clause (þæt it swa wære). The rest of the line is badly damaged. P. M. Matthews and Ph. Pulsiano read it as ‘þæt þæt’, adding a semicolon between the two. There is one major objection to this: þæt (both conjunction and article or pronoun) is always written ꝥ in this text:16 either this is the single exception to the scribe’s habit, or the line is 4 or 5 letters short. The first letter after wære may be þ, followed by two or three unreadable letters and another þ or h and perhaps one or two minims, suggesting the reading þeah; followed by hit or ꝥ. Proposed reading for lines 11–12: ‘ne gelefde ic þæs þæt hit swa wære. þ[eah ꝥ] wæs swyðe yfel [h]lisa þæt ic be þe secgan geherde’ i.e. ‘I did not believe that it was so (that it was so: development of þæs), but the rumour that I heard was really bad (understood: so bad that I cannot ignore it)’.

13 Corresponding to Latin texts in use at the time. Modern editions read: ‘do not keep silent, O God of my praise’. 14 Omitted from the reconstruction: ‘orceapungum / bi ungewyrhtum / butan gewyrhtum’ (Glossed Psalters). 15 Only one occurrence for hefeful in DOEC, and many for hetelic. Glossed Psalms: as quoted above (one ms: læððu). 16 Except once, when the article is placed after the preposition oð and is assimilated to the conjunction ‘oððæt’.

83

84

Commentary

[G. 47v] l. 13: þu agifst þam ælce ead[modnysse]… All the Latin versions examined here speak of humanitas, not humilitas. As the two words look and sound alike in Latin, the change may be due to a Latin scribe, or to a misreading by the translator himself. On the other hand, it may be a case of deliberate rewriting: with Christianity, a new meaning is added to the usual definition of humilitas; besides its traditional, almost always pejorative definition (lowliness, baseness, lack of dignity), it takes on the laudatory sense of voluntary self-abasement, a deliberate shedding of the self, hence the translation ‘gentleness, kindness’ given by dictionaries for later texts17. Humanitas, besides referring to mankind, means kindness or courtesy; if extended to the poor, that is bad enough from the Emperor’s point of view, but humilitas is much worse: a virtue in the eyes of the Christians only, it is fitting in the poor and lowly but a disgrace in a member of the higher class.18 [G. 47v] l. 15–17: ne geworhtan þine god[as] (…) [þine god] [----] þænne geseo … l. 15–16: ne geworhtan þine god[as] [naðer ne] heofan ne eorðan. The word naðer is lost. In P. M. Matthews’ typewritten thesis, the first letter is unclear: it is either r or n. J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano opt for ra ðer. However, naðer seems more suitable here. l. 16–17: All editors: ‘ac gif we nu cigað [þunor] [þine god] [----] þænne geseo …’ The words between cigað and þænne are very badly blurred, the end of a line and beginning of the next are lost. Latin versions do not help: in this passage, pagan gods are only alluded to, not named. The Old English version also opts for a methodical (but somewhat illogical) approach: first, let us see if Jove created the world; if he did, he can heal the sick and the blind; if so, we must believe in him. As Pantaleon wants to make the point that God created the world, he opposes him to the most powerful pagan god: P. M. Matthews’ þunor (or Iovis) may well be right, although for the wrong reason. She thinks that the mention of that god at this point is caused by a misreading of iubeas – not a very likely type of error: the introduction of that name here is probably deliberate (see Comm. 28, lines 7–8 [H. 49r]). The reconstruction ‘þine god’ is possible, but uncertain. It is followed by a small interval left blank by P. M. Matthews and J. Soliva, but signalled by Ph. Pulsiano as if it was a tear without loss of text: this blank, however, is visible, just before

17 See Saint Benedict’s chapter on Humilitas, in La règle de Saint Benoît, ed. and tr. by Adalbert de Vogüe and Jean Neufville (2 vol.) (Paris: Sources Chrétiennes, Les Editions du Cerf, 1972). For the translation: Thomas NorthcoteToller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Supplement, and John Richard Clark-Hall, A concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. 18 It has its limits, even in a Christian: in the Rule of Saint Benedict humilitas (eadmodnys) is the all-important virtue (a full chapter is devoted to it), but the abbot is only required to show humanitas (fremfulnes, mæþ) to his guests. (Benedictine Rule in Latin. Old English version: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 178, fol. 287–457).

Commentary

þænne, and it bears faint traces of letters, the last one looking like f or s: perhaps vel Iouis (/ iobes / iofes), with uel abbreviated ł (L with cross bar). Suggested reading for this clause: ‘gif we nu cigað [þunor] [þine god] [vel iouis]…’ [G. 47v] l. 19–20 and 27: gelefe we on þæne – l. 29: agif þu The words at the end of line 19 and beginning of line 20 are illegible, but can be completed thanks to line 27. One might expect the subject to be ‘you’, but all Latin versions confirm the first person plural. The subjunctive plural may end with n or may not, according to date and place of writing (Mossé, § 114). In line 29, ‘agif þe’ in Ph. Pulsiano’s edition is probably a misprint for ‘þu’ – u is quite clear. [H. 49r] l. 1: (and)[swerade him pantaleon. ⁊ he cwæð ----------- se lama] Partial reconstruction by P. M. Matthews. Ph. Pulsiano adds after he cwæð: ‘Nu gecide þinra goda ⁊ we geseon gif’. It adds up to 57 letters (with him and cwæð abbre­ viated) while long lines very seldom exceed 50 letters. The original is probably shorter, for example: [Now pray your gods that] the cripple… [H. 49r] l. 7–8: hi þa ongunnon [c]iegan ......... ⁊ se þridda galligenum. Wæs genemned is ambiguous. Nemnan means to name or to call someone in order to attract attention and, for gods, to invoke.19 However, a search through DOEC shows that out of over 120 samples with the phrase: is / wæs genemned, only one refers to an invocation, all the others are synonymous with: þæs nama is / wæs X. It seems clear then that the translator uses the phrase in order to introduce the names of ‘medical’ gods, which might be unknown to some of his readers or listeners. The Old English text keeps the same words as in Latin (nominabant in most texts, repetition of inuocabant in D group) but the change to the passive alters the meaning. After wæs genemned, the name is normally given in the nominative case: here the accusative, probably kept from the Latin even though both the meaning and construction have changed. ⁊ þær wæs sum genemned. ypochratin ⁊ oðer mercurium. ⁊ se þridda galligenum: all Latin versions of the corresponding passage mention Asclepius, Iovis ( Jupiter), Hippocrates and Mercurius (the latter is sometimes omitted), usually in that order. It confirms þunor / Iovis in lines16–7 [G. 47v], probably deliberately removed from the list to be placed opposite God, while the ‘medical’ gods remain in their original place, to be challenged by Pantaleon.

19 ‘priorem asclepium vocabant’. One example of nemnian in the active form (in the sense: allude to, mention the name of) is found in [I. 49v] l. 4. See Comm. 33.

85

86

Commentary

[H. 49r] l. 11: do þu nu… - l. 13–15: Drihten geher þu min gebed … l. 11: do þu nu …: Ph. Pulsiano: ‘do þin nu’: probably a misprint, as the manuscript is clear and the next word is þine l. 13–15: Drihten geher þu … : Ph. Pulsiano gives the references in his commen­ tary on lines 202–07 (p. 85): Drihten geher þu … becumen to þe. … ⁊ onheld þu þin eare to me: Psalm 101 (102 modern editions), verses 1–2. þine are: silently (and correctly) amended to ‘þin eare’ by J. Söderlind The spelling þine are (your kindness, your favours) makes sense but does not belong to the first lines of Ps. 101. [H. 49r] l. 15–18: æt[e]owe eallum þissum mannum þam þe her standað. þæt þu eart [a]na ælmihtig god. ⁊ þu gehælest ealle þa þe on þe gele[fa]ð These lines combine two sources: ‘þu eart [a]na ælmihtig god.⁊ þu gehælest…’ is reminiscent of Psalm 85, for instance ‘micyl eart þu ⁊ donde wundrum. þu eart god ana’ in the Winchcombe Psalter), the rest: ‘þa þe on þe gele[fa]ð’ echoes John 3.16: ‘se þe on me leofyfð’.20 [H. 49r] l. 21: on þære ilcan tid *wurdor þær swyðe manige men [to g]ode gecerred ‘Tid’ is amended to ‘tide’, in agreement with the article þære (feminine dative) by P. M. Matthews. The r at the end of ‘wurdor’ is very clear and is (rightly) amended to ‘wurdon’ by P. M. Matthews, Ph. Pulsiano and J. J Söderlind: that is undoubtedly the intended meaning. [H. 49r] l. 27–28: þa geþafade se casere heora worda [----]unge Ph. Pulsiano: ‘[samn]unge’ (Ge)samnung(e) may be an adverb (at once) or a noun (assembly). The reading gesamnunga/e (at once) fits the context; in that case, worda (genitive plural) would be the complement of geþafade (to consent to), which usually governs the accusative or the dative and very rarely rarely the genitive.21 Statim, the Latin equivalent of gesamnunga/e is not found in any of the Latin texts (tunc in D group). On the other hand, genitive Worda may be attached to the next word, forming a rare compound: worda samnunge22 (the complement of þafian) for Latin dictis / verbis (eorum), found in all Latin texts except one E subgroup: the compound worda gesamnunge is probably the correct reading.

20 Psalm 85: C.U.L. MS Ff.1.23, folio 149r. John 3.16: Liuzza: Old English Gospels p. 161. 21 One example in B. Michell, O.E. Syntax § 1092. 22 Wordsamnung, translated as collatio appears in Thomas Wright, A Volume of Vocabularies (privately printed, 1857), see BT: word-mittung. Collatio means meeting or confrontation – hence conversation or speech?

Commentary

[I. 49v] l. 4: ablin/../ þæt þu ne nemne crist At least one letter has been erased at the end of ablinnan: part of a descender is still visible (s, for the ending st, 2nd person singular: indicative corrected to an imperative?). It is followed by a subordinate clause introduced by þæt, and after it: ‘þune’, written as one word and looking exactly like ‘þime’. It is transcribed ‘þu ne’ by all editors, except Ph. Pulsiano, who substitutes ‘þu me’ for it (‘Refrain from naming Christ to me’). A similar case (with the verb forwyrnan) on line 24 of [K. 48v] shows that the reading ne is correct: ablinnan (verb with a negative meaning) is followed by a negative clause (þæt þu ne …), one of the many examples of the combination of negative words in Old English. [I. 49v] l. 8–9: geher þu pantal[eon] hu manige tintregan se ealde antimus þrowade. The Latin audisti / cognovisti (past tense) is translated here by the imperative geher. Anthimus, bishop of Nicomedia, mentioned by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History VI-6), appears on April 24 in an early Syriac manuscript and on V Kal. Mai. (April 27) in a number of medieval martyrologies.23 A dozen Latin versions of Saint Pantaleon add the detail ‘60 days ago’: it tallies with the calendar of Saints’ days … but not with emperor’s reigns. [I. 49v] l. 15: he him wolde geþafian his willan P. M. Matthews:’he [ne] wolde geþafian his willan’. Ph. Pulsiano leaves the passage unchanged. J. Soliva does not add ne to the main text but mentions it in a note. A negative word is needed here but has been left out by the scribe. Geþafian may be construed with both a dative of person and a direct object (noun, pronoun or clause). One may understand P. M. Matthews’ reluctance to keep the pronoun him (the Emperor) as its use alongside his willan it is something of a tautology, but it is probably meant to stress the Emperor’s personal involvement. [I. 49v] l. 18: þæt hine mon str/./engum swunge on his twa sidan Originally strengum was spelt with the ligature æ but a seems to have been erased; all editors keep æ. BT gives two examples of adverbial use of strengum. The form of torture mentioned here is a clear departure from almost Latin texts: in all but two, the saint is placed on a gibbet and his sides are burnt with torches (lampadas). Fire is mentioned three times in all the Latin versions: here and in the Latin original of lines 15 and 22 [ J. 48r] but only once in Old English ([ J. 48r] l. 21), where it might be interpreted as an allusion to preparations for the next torture (heating the lead). In group F, the saint is hung in eculeo ex ungulari (on a gibbet, from a hook). In two Spanish manuscripts (2179, Esc) the emperor orders his flesh to be torn with iron claws (attached to a whip, knout-like?). It is impossible to know whether 23 Syriac MS: British Library Add. 12150, F.Nau Un martyrologe. Latin martyrologies:for instance Usuard (Paris BnF Lat. 13745), Florus (BnF Lat. 9085) or Echternach Martyrology (BnF 10158).

87

88

Commentary

there is a connection between those two readings, whether one or both are the source of the Old English version here (common points between F and Old English text are scarce) or if they severally echo Lactantius ‘nihil ungulae, nihil ignis, nihil ferrum, nihil varia tormentorum genera valuerunt’.24 [I. 49v] l. 18–20: Drihten beo me on ........ for þines naman gecigdnysse This invocation is reminiscent of passages from Psalms and prayers, rewritten and combined freely: Ps 26 (27) v. 9 (among others): Drihten beo me on fultum – Ps 68, v. 1 (among others): gehæl me (a recurring prayer: salvum me fac, sometimes translated halne me do) – Ps.21 (22), v. 5 swa swa þu gehældest þa forðgewitenan for þines naman gecigdnysse. The Old English sentence is slightly different from that of the Latin versions: the latter alludes to Pantaleon’s first miracles (the child, the blind man) whereas the former has an oblique quotation from Psalm 21: ‘fæderas ure clypodon to ðe and hi wurdon for ði gehælde’;25 the translator’s choice of forðgewitenan instead of fæderas is certainly deliberate (allusion to earlier Christian martyrs). [I. 49v] l. 20–21: æteowd[e] hī P. M. Matthews, J. Söderlind: ‘(æteowd[e]) hine’ (P. M. Matthews argues that hī must be an unusual abbreviation of the accusative singular). J. Soliva, Ph. Pul­ siano: ‘him’. There are instances of æteowian + reflexive pronoun (hine) in the text,26 but there is no reason to alter the text here: Christ appears to him or to them, to Pantaleon or to all. Latin versions have a dative singular (ei / illi) but the distinction is lost in Old English as him can be singular or plural. [ J. 48r] l. 1–2: [⁊ he cwæð -------------------------------------] P. M. Matthews: ‘[⁊ he cwæð se is gecweden crist þe þinra þegna handa] [adeadadon]’ She argues that a literal translation of artificium meum xr̃s est… must be ruled out because artificium meum cannot be equated with Christ.27 The ending of adeadadon is problematic: if the verb is transitive, it should be singular; if it is not, what is the role of þe? Ph. Pulsiano: ‘[⁊ he cwæð. Crist is min miht se þe gedyde þæt þinra þegna handa] [adeadadon]’ The addition ‘se þe gedyde þæt’ introduces a clause with adeadadon as an intransitive verb (subject: ‘handa’). Miht is probably based on virtus (strength), found in about 20 manuscripts (F group).

24 ‘Neither claws nor fire nor iron nor any other sort of torment could prevail’ De mortibus chap XVI. 25 Paris BnF Lat 8824, ‘hale gewordene synd’ in most other Old English versions. 26 [K. 48v] l. 28, [O. 42v] l. 5. 27 most Latin versions have a word evoking magical art: maleficia, articulus or artificium. Same word in the Greek text of Metaphrastes (Migne PG XXXVIII Vita S. Pantaleonis col. 465).

Commentary

P. M. Matthews may be right about Christ being the subject of the verb: if the Latin original was close to D manuscripts (Maledicte! Qui lampades tuas extinxit xr̃c est’), the Old English version may have been something like: [⁊ he cwæð. þu deofles bearn. crist is se þe heora handa] [adeadade]. [ J. 48r] l. 1–4. l. 2: [--------------------]--b--- þ- þonne þe mon The left-hand side corner has been torn off so 4 half-lines are lost. All editors: (1)’[adeadon ⁊ þa cwæð se casere. H]wæt’ …(2) ‘[…H]wæt b[ist] þu (þonne þe mon…)’ (3)’[maran tintregan gegeara]wað’ (4) ‘[pantaleon ⁊ he cwæð Ne ondræd]e ic me þeh þu do maran …’ In line 2, the verb bist is uncertain, and so is the vowel after þ and the meaning (‘What will you be’) is unclear. This half line corresponds to Latin ‘quid facturus es’ (all manuscripts): the original text may have been: ‘hwæt bið þe (or þu) to donne þonne …’, and to donne omitted from the present copy because of its proximity and similarity with þonne.

The abbreviation þonñ for þonne is most unusual; the macron over second n may have been added by a corrector. [ J. 48r] l. 6: ⁊ þæt he m[-----]e Left blank in P. M. Matthews and J. Soliva. Ph. Pulsiano and J. Söderlind: ‘m[e ale]se.’ That reconstruction is not quite satisfactory: as the verb al(i)esan28 does not re­ quire any other complement than me, what is the role of þæt / ꝥ in an independent clause? The passage is very faint and distorted: the general shape of Anglo-Saxon s and f is very similar, the two letters are only distinguished by a thin horizontal stroke on line level; the last syllable may well be fe, not se. Alefan (ali/yfan, to grant), can be construed with a direct object (þæt / ꝥ, neuter accusative, for ‘mægen’ in the preceding sentence) and a dative for the recipient of the grant (me). Proposed reading: þæt he m[e alef]e: May God grant me that. (Latin texts: praestat / prestabit). [ J. 48r] l. 8: ‘[o]ð ðæt This may be the conjunction oð followed by the article, for once unabbreviated and written with eth (by attraction from the preceding letter?), or the conjunction oððæt with omission of the article þæt (lead is neuter). [ J. 48r] l. 9–13: geher þu drihten mine stefne [m]id þære þe… wið me swa oðer sweord Those lines are an almost literal rendering of verses 1–3 of Psalm 63 (modern 64): 28 alesan: short e, to choose. alēsan /aliesan: to redeem, to set free.

89

90

Commentary

V. 1 part 1: geher þu drihten mine stefne [m]id þære þe ic to þe cleopige In one group of Psalms the subordinate clause is: cum deprecor, in another: cum tribulor. All Latin versions of this text agree with the first group29 except D copies, which change it to: (uocem meam) qua clamaui ad te so the old English [m]id þære þe is not a miscopying of mid þy þe but the translation of a sentence close to that found in D texts. (Gefreolse) mine sawle conforms to the Latin animam meam in all Old English glossed versions. V. 1 part 2: bescild þu me fram yfelra manna word[-] ⁊ fram þære mænige. þe unriht wyrcað The ending of word is uncertain: a in P. M Matthews and other editors. The top seems to be open but the first minim is slightly rounded and the abbrevia­ tion sign for um, if any, is lost. The sentence requires a dative plural. worda / u: – Vowels a.a.e.u in [K. 48v]: All Latin texts have either conventus (meeting) or conversatio (close association, familiar intercourse). If the correct reading is wordu(m) (dash over u missing), it is a direct reference to the physicians’ denunciation and coherent with the rest of the Psalm (see next verse). V. 3 part 1: forðan30 mæn nu scearpað [h]eora tungan wið me swa oðer sweord The perfect of all the Latin versions is translated here by a present, better adapted to the context. [ J. 48r] l. 17–18: ic cigde to drihtene … þe me geherde – l. 19–20: þis geseagan ealle þe þær wiðstodon. ⁊ hi wæron wundri[g]ende l. 17–18: ic cigde to drihtene … þe me geherde: Quotation from Psalm 117 (modern editions 118), from verse 5: ic cigde to drihtene. ⁊ he me ge[he]rde and from verse 21: ⁊ ic nu forðan bodige his wuldor þe me geherde. l. 19–20: Wiðstandan usually expresses opposition or resistance and in some rare cases it means to stand off. However, the preposition wið also means with / by/ near: the clause obviously refers to bystanders (circumstantibus or adstantibus in Latin texts), a meaning not recorded in BT. Ph. Pulsiano: hi wæs onwundri[g]ende, probably a typing mistake. [ J. 48r] l. 21–22: [h]wæt is eow be þam geworden þ[---------]ead wurde ┐ ure fyr [--]lade Some words are lost, remaining letters are blotted, blurred or distorted.

29 þonne ic bidde in Tiberius, Stoe, Vitellius, Lambeth (others: cum tribulor, old English: þonne ic swenced eom). 30 Translated by a relative pronoun in modern version, but quia / forðan in the glossed versions.

Commentary

The question expresses surprise, doubt, anger31 or even dismay.32 It only differs from most Latin versions on one point: it involves the bystanders (‘eow’). The pronoun þam (developped in two subordinate clauses) can be masculine (þam: Pantaleon?) or neuter (pronoun þæt, developed in a þæt-clause): all the Latin versions (quid est hoc ut / quod …) suggest the latter. First subordinate clause: (þ)[-------]ea(d) w(ur)de L. 21

– Two samples of ꝥ

(l. 25 and 26): P. M. Matthews and later editors agree on the reconstruction: ‘þe ure lead wurde’, which is too short for the available space; besides, as P. M. Matthews herself admits, the clause is incomplete: an adjective or a complement is missing. The first letter may be ꝥ (cross bar hidden by a blot), the next one looks like u. Following up on P. M. Matthews’ suggestion, one could suggest: (be þam…) ꝥ u[re lead c]ea[l]d wurde. [subject: lead, neuter]. That is close to the Latin: ‘frigidum fieret’ but the l of ceald is lost (joined to final d?). On the other hand, the distorted letters of supposed ‘[c]eald wurde’ bear an uncanny resemblance to ‘[.]e adwæ[scte]’as in [K. 48v], l. 23–24 (for colian and adwæscan see also Comm. 52). Second subordinate clause: ⁊ [---] fyr [--]lade Three letters are lost: the first might have an ascender, the other two seem to be composed of minims or descenders only. P. M Matthews, J. Soliva: [þo]lade (demanding an animate being as a subject) Ph. Pulsiano: [co]lade: the association fyr – (a)colian is attested once in the DOE Corpus (in a figurative sense). It does not exactly corresponds to the Latin extinctus est but it makes sense in this context: if the English text originally had the passages about torture by fire (Comm. 36), it means that the Saint does not feel the burn. If that is omitted, it simply refers to the fire on which lead is being melted. Colian is intransitive, keeping up the parallelism with the preceding clause. ‘Cooling fire’is an oxymoron, an unexpected stylistic device in this text, but one Latin manuscript has a similar association in a later passage.33 Suggested reading: ‘[h]wæt is eow be þam geworden ꝥ u[re lead c]ea[l]d wurde ⁊ ure fyr colade.]’ [ J. 48r] l. 24: [þæ]re sæ P. M. Matthews and J. Soliva: [h]ure sæ, Ph. Pulsiano: hure sæ.

31 Several examples of the phrase hwæt is geworden + þæt-clause in DOE, expressing surprise: for instance from John 14.22 (‘What is come to pass that / How is it that …’). 32 ‘Quod uultis si’ in 8 manuscripts (F group) suggests helplessness. 33 M546: ‘qui ignem refrigeravit’, l. 23 [K. 48v].

91

92

Commentary

One meaning of huru (= even) certainly fits the context; endings in a or u are often weakened to e. However, the first letter is legible and does look like þ, followed by a round-shaped, blurred vowel and the ending re, so this must be the article (dative feminine) þære. [F. 47r], l. 16: þur-

– [M. 44v], l. 23: þære

– [M. 44v], l. 22:

hun – [ J. 48r] l. 24 A quick look at the entry sæ on DOEC shows that the use of the definite article is very similar to modern usage: no article in a set phrase with a preposition (e. g. ‘at sea’) or in an enumeration of generic terms (e.g. ‘Heaven and earth, and sea and air’), definite article the rest of the time (except in K.48v line 10). [ J. 48r] l. 28: his ins--ð – [M. 44v] l. 7: his ins-The word is blurred. It occurs again on [M. 44v] l. 7: something has been erased, right before ð. What remains is the first stroke of e, looking like i; the next letter (o?) is almost lost.

(1) [ J. 48r], l. 28:

(2) [M. 44v], l. 7:

The words in (1) [ J. 48r] and (2) [M. 44v] are transcribed thus: P. M. Matthews: (1) ins[--]ð (2) ins[--]ð

J. Soliva: (1) ins[i-]ð (2) insi[h]ð

Ph. Pulsiano: (1) insi[h]ð (2) insið

J. Söderling: (1) ins[..]ð (2) ins[i]ð

A compound of sihð (sight) would make sense in both passages (‘seeing the show / the sight’), but would not not be preceded by possessive his, absent from the first occurrence in the Latin version, but followed by genitive eius / martyris the second time. Hinsīð (or hindsið), meaning journey, departure, by extension death, fits the context. The Latin phrase, cut off from the context, is ambiguous: rei may be the genitive of res (thing) or of reus (the accused); practically all Latin texts have (ut videret) exitum rei corresponding to the first occurrence in Old English and exitum mar­ tyris for the second one (in a handful of F texts: perditionem martyris), so exitus might refer, first, to the end of the incident (res) and next to Pantaleon’s death; in Old English the use of possessive his in both sentences shows that the translator understood it to refer to the prisoner’s metaphorical journey: his hinsīð. The original spelling seems to have been hinseoð: it looks as though eo was partially erased, leaving the back of e to get i. Omission of initial h occurs

Commentary

occasionnally34 in the work of Scribe 2 and there is at least one example of eo spelling instead of i (Comm. 52 [K. 48v] l. 26). In this particular case, the omis­ sion of initial h may have been caused by the similarity with unsīð (misfortune), which also fits the context. As practically all Latin manuscripts stick to the same word or phrase in both passages, it is not necessary to suppose that the Old English version has two different words. [K. 48v] l. 1: se stan wæs hund [talentena wæge-------] The top right-hand corner (5 half-lines) has been torn off. What remains of the first line is partly hidden: the descenders and some shadowy minims are still visible. The Old English text seems to follow the reading found in a majority of Latin manuscripts: pondo talenta centum. One Greek talent was equal to 50 Roman pounds (about 350 grams). The word occurs in Old English (talente), for instance in the Old English Orosius,35 where the translator gives an equivalent in 10th century English pounds, not in Roman Libra. The exact meaning does not matter much anyway, as readers naturally assume that it must be an enormous weight. Part of the lost passage must be: ‘(hund) talentena wæge’ but another 5–7 letters are lost; Latin manuscripts bring no light as to what the lost words may be. [K. 48v] l. 2–3: gelæddon hi hine [--------------wur]pan hine þa on þa sæ [-------------------] All editors agree on the reconstruction: ‘[on heanysse ⁊ hi gewur]pan’ – l. 3: ‘[⁊ þa hine æteowde drihten]’. In line 3, J. Soliva inserts sona before the verb. Heanes primarily means height but may also depth: the same thing from a differ­ ent point of view. D group Latin texts have altitudo / altum (cf ‘high sea’). [K. 48v] l. 5–6: ⁊ þa wearð se stan sona of[aworpen] ⁊ he ong[an fleotan] P. M. Matthews and J. Soliva leave a blank. J. Söderlind: (of)numen. Ph. Pulsiano ofaworpen, translated ‘to cast aside, to throw off’ in A Thesaurus of Old English.36 [ongan fleotan]: reconstructed from faint partial traces of a few letters visible just under a tear. Who or what is floating? In some Latin versions the subject is not expressed: one has to assume that the stone is floating. The sentence is omitted from C and from most E group texts. Athletes (F) versions repeat lapis. Only D group copies expressly give Pantaleon as the subject of the verb. One manuscript (Paris BnF MS NAL 2180) has the best of both worlds: the stone is floating and carrying

34 See introduction, The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon in the context of Scribe 2’s work. 35 ‘On ælcre talenta wæs lxxx punda’ IV. vi, The Old English Orosius, ed. Janet Bately EETS Oxford 1980. 36 Section 05.10.04.04.20 in Jane Roberts and Christian Kay, with Lynne Grundy, A Thesaurus of Old English (King’s College London, 1995).

93

94

Commentary

Pantaleon… In Old English, stan is masculine but the next sentence (genam drihten hine be þære hand) makes it clear that Pantaleon is meant in the preceding clause. [K. 48v] l. 5: Ic þe andetta … – l. 10–11: þæt heo þe ne adrencte Ic þe andetta …on ealr[e minre] heortan: as P. M. Matthews remarks, this sentence appears in several psalms: 9, 110 (111), 137 (138); she adds that one manuscript has a longer quotation pointing to Psalm 8 (modern 9). Indeed, most Latin versions add narrabo omnia mirabilia tua, or an even longer passage.37 Ic andetta is the straightforward translation of confiteor (most modern versions: ‘praise’ or ‘give thanks’38). l. 10–11: Ph. Pulsiano: ‘þæt he[o ne] þe ne adrencte’, a copying or typing mistake. [K. 48v] l. 23–24: se ðe … þin lead adwæ[scte] …ne acwealdon – l. 26: [þæt] hi … L. 23–24: þin lead adwæ[scte]: this is either a use of adwæscan (to extinguish, here: to cool?) that is not recorded in any other text, or the result of an omission. All Latin versions have: ‘lampades tuas / ignem extinguit et plumbum tuum infrigidavit / frigidum fecit’,39 which may have been conflated by a double omission: ‘lampades tuas extinguit et plumbum tuum frigidum fecit’ (et = and even). The mistake may have occurred in the translator’s Latin exemplar, the translation or a subsequent copy. This has a bearing on the point discussed in Comm. 45 (first subordinate clause): if one assumes that adwæscan does mean infrigido, the correct reading of lines [ J. 48r] l. 21–22 must be: ꝥ u[re lead h]e adwæscde. If one agrees that it is a mistake, then the sentence in [ J. 48r] l. 21–22 is: ꝥ u[re lead c]ea[l]d wurde. L. 26: heo me ne acwealdon: either the scribe absent-mindedly repeats the feminine pronoun for sea (ten lines above) or he adopts the unusual spelling heo for the plural hi / hie.40 l. 26: [þæt] hi mon bescufe …: J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano: hi. P. M. Matthews, J. Söderlind: hi silently corrected to hine. Bescufan governs the accusative: hine is the correct reading, but not the one written down by the scribe. [K. 48v] l. 29 – [L. 44r], l. 1: ⁊ he cwæð to him geþeoh þu god[a þeow for] [ðan ic] þe getrym[me] on eallum þing[um] A few minims and descenders of [L. 44r] l. 1 are still visible and help with the reconstruction. The sentence alludes to Matthew 25.21 (also Luke 19.17), in the Old English Gospel: ‘Beo bliþe / Geblissa þu goda þeow and getrywa forþam ðe þu wære

37 38 39 40

23 Latin manuscripts omit the whole quotation. Except for Young’s Literal Translation Versions consulted on biblehub.com. Except one (M546, D group): ‘qui lampades tuas extinxit and ignem refrigeravit’. Alister Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford: Oxford University Press1997) § 704.

Commentary

getrywe ofer lytle þing ic gette þe ofer myccle.41’: The verb ‘beo bliþe / geblissa’ is the straightforward translation of ‘Gaude’ found in all Latin versions of Saint Pantaleon (‘Euge’ in most Latin Gospels). In our text, þeon (to thrive) may have been chosen for the sake of alliteration with (probable) þeow. [L. 44r] l. 8–9: ⁊ hi cwædon ealle. Mycel is cristenra god. ⁊ hi cwædon ealle [s]eo þes halga The repetition of ‘he cwæð / hi cwædon’ at a close interval and for the same speaker occurs several times in the last pages of the text but only for quotations from the Bible (‘he cwæð’ + first 3 or 4 Latin words, then:’he cwæð’ + full sentence in Old English). The present instance is probably the result of a mistake. The last words are unclear. The letter before eo is practically lost but the end of a stroke extending toward e suggests an s. All editors: ‘hi cwædon ealle [s]eo þes halga’ Interlinear addition P. M. Matthews: addition given in a note and a comment suggesting that the ‘corrected’ sentence is ‘Let this holy man on belief ’ meaning ‘Let this holy man be believed’42. J. Soliva: . Ph. Pulsiano: . J. Söderlind: (final d). In the manuscript, interlinear ‘on’ is separated from ‘gelyfð’ by an ascender of halga, so ‘on + gelyfð’ may be seen as one or two words. The original text must have been: ‘Seo þes halga onlysed’ corresponding to the version of all Latin manuscripts: ‘Dimittatur / Dimitte sanctus dei.’ Shapes of f and s: syllable -fast (from [H. 49r]): The present text and insertion are the result of a double mistake: first the omission of onlysed (set free) and then the ‘correction’, in which the addition of a tongue changes s into f, producing the redundant clause: ‘(cristenra god.) se þe þes halga on gelyfð’ (‘Great is the God of the Christians, whom the Saint believes in’). This mistake proves that the corrector was working from another Old English copy of the text (confusion between two written letters), even though he was not quite sure about the meaning. [L. 44r] l. 15: (þas wildeor þa þe) -eofiað me to sweltanne. þonne *a[n-eo] hrinan of þinum halgum P. M. Matthews: ‘[h]eofiað’ (to lament) – Ph. Pulsiano: ‘[b]eofiað’ (to tremble) – both verbs express a negative attitude or reaction to something. The resulting sentence is obviously incomplete: the beasts ‘lament (or fear) me dying then / when touch one of your (= Christ’s) saints’, to which a corrector added: ‘do not dare’ (subject missing). P. M. Matthews thinks that the translator

41 Roy Michael Liuzza, Old English Gospels, p. 52. 42 P. M. Matthews, The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon, pp. 202–03.

95

96

Commentary

misunderstood the verb elegerunt, reading lugerunt instead,43 which is not very likely as eligo is far more frequent than lugeo. A consultation of DOEC shows that heofian may occasionally be followed by an object (5 cases out of 57 occurrences for the entry heof-),44 while the results for the entries bif- and beof- (for beofian) suggest that the verb is always used absolutely (in 158 occurrences), so P. M. Matthews’ choice of verb seems to be correct … but the resulting sentence (‘they lament my dying then / therefore o[ne ---?] touch me.’) does not make much sense. An alternative explanation might be a double mistake, occurring simultaneously or in two successive copies: dropped h in behofian45 and misspelling of mǣ /mā (= more), changed to the pronoun me as a result of its proximity to the gerund.46 DOEC has 2 instances of behofian + gerund (both with impersonal ‘behofað’). The sentence with behofian ma means that the beasts feel the need or moral obligation to sacrifice themselves rather than touch (hurt) the Saint. The last difficult group of words (‘a/æn (s?)eo hrinan’: tops of n and s unclear) occurs in a spot where the folio has been slightly damaged and repaired, leaving two faint oblique lines that cut through the first word(s):

J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano: ‘an seo hrinan’ P. M. Matthews: ‘(ænne) hrinan’. She states (rightly) that æn hrinan does not make sense and changes æn to ænne, which undoubtedly gives the general meaning (touch one …). The present text must be a garbled copy of pronoun æn(n)e/ænes + verb hrinan/ onhrinan/oþhrinan. The first governs the dative, more rarely the genitive, the other two are more frequently construed with the genitive.47 The original text may have been: æn(n)e/ænes onhrinan/oþrinan: touch one (of your saints), translating: famulum tuum tangere (practically all Latin versions). The interlinear addition() is an attempt to make sense of the text as it stands now, perhaps along these lines: (the beasts) that tremble at (beofian) / lament (heofian) my death (me to sweltanne [‘ma/me’ understood as a personal pronoun] when/then (þonne) they touch one of your saints. Probable original reading: ‘(þas wildeor þa þe) behofiað ma to sweltanne. þonne æne onhrinan of þinum halgum ’ 43 ‘elegerunt mori’: they chose to die. ‘lugerunt’: they grieved. 44 After eliminating unwanted entries corresponding to unrelated words (e.g. heofon); same re­ mark for beofian. 45 Two other omissions of h in the text. The rest of Scribe 2’s work has a ratio of one omission of h / 200 lines. 46 ‘Me’ cannot be the complement of behofian, as this verb commands the genitive (several instances of ‘min’ in the behof- sample from DOEC). The construction pronoun complement + to + gerund is very frequent. 47 BT Anglo-Saxon Dictionary and its Supplement.

Commentary

[L. 44r] l. 17–18: wæron [b]ehydde mid þam wildeorum. ⁊ þær lægen The sentence as it now stands means that the bodies were hidden with or by the wild beasts. P. M. Matthews thinks that this strange statement results from the conflation of two sentences of the Latin version: a) the bodies of the men were taken away and buried b) the dead beasts were left on the spot. One may suppose that Cristiani furati sunt et sepelierunt was originally translated: hi wurdon forstolene fram cristenum mannum. ⁊ wæron bebyrigde, and that the second verb was changed to [b]ehydde in a second copy. The rest of the sentence may have been: mid þam þe þa wildeor þær lægen,48 which was changed to present mid þam wildeorum by an omission. There is at least one other example of a similar mistake, caused by a succession of þ- þ- þIn the present state of the text, mid may mean ‘with’ or ‘by’ (the latter introducing the agent). [L. 44r] l. 26–27: eall þis [fol]c reorað fram urum onsægednysse P. M. Matthews suggests that the verb originally read cerreð (cierran: to turn, to be converted). Alternately, reorað might be an unusal spelling of the transitive verb hrēran (to shake, to move – to fall). It would imply the omission of h (not rare before r) and the addition of o before retroflex r + back vowel. DOEC does not mention any combination of either verb with the preposition fram. Whatever the case, the general meaning of the sentence is made clear by the preposition fram. [M. 44v] l. 7–9: gif ge beoð gehwerfde … ⁊ gewitodlice ne beoð acwealde The Latin equivalent is found exclusively in A-B and D manuscripts as well as in BnF MSS Lat. 5301 and 5365. The Old English text has the optimistic version only (being spared in case of conversion), which it shares with 5301 and 2 D manuscripts. The others have a stark ‘Qui nollent, occiderentur’. The sentence is reminiscent of Lactantius (De Mortibus Persecutorum, X): ‘Then Diocletian, in a furious passion, ordered all those residing within the palace, to sacrifice to the gods, and, if they refused, to be scourged’ – a lenient treatment, in the early stage of the persecutions. [M. 44v] l. 12–19: Inclina Domine … do on gode god tæcen mid me This is a quotation from Psalm 85 (86 in modern editions), verses 1–2 and 16–17 (L. 12–13) V.1: Drihten onheld þin eara to me. forðan ic eam wædla ⁊ þearfa. (‘anwer me’ omitted) (l. 12–14) V. 2, part 1: ⁊ geheald[.] drihten mine sawle: (‘For I am godly’ omitted) Trace of a letter (e?) barely visible at the end of geheald. (l. 14–15) V. 2, part 2: ales þinne ðeowe. forðan min god ic eam hiht[e]nde on þe

48 While the wild beasts lay there Lat.: Ferarum quoque cadavera multis diebus iacuerunt.

97

98

Commentary

Here and in verse 16, ales translates libera me found in all Latin versions of Saint Pantaleon (in glossed Psalms: salvum (me) fac = halne gedo and once: gehæl). (l. 15) V. 16, part 2: sele þæ/./re strengðe þinum þewe. þæ/./re: P. M. Matthews: þ(in)e. Ph. Pulsiano and J. Soliva: þære The first syllable is separated from re by a blank, possibly an erased letter; r is continental (Caroline) r. The original reading was or should have been þine, as in all Old English Psalms. The translator probably wrote þænne (then) and left out the possessive adjective; it was later changed into the feminine article þære (genitive or dative instead of accusative). Old English Psalms have imperium / anweald, or potestatem/ miht, but the Old English text has strengðe, as in Latin Saint Pantaleon (fortitudinem) and in modern editions of the Psalms. (l. 15–16) V. 16, end: ales þines *man[---] bearn – Latin text: filium ancillae tuae The beginning (man) is very clear; the following letters, if any, must be few (2 at most?): the letter right after man may be n or e, hence the different readings: J. Soliva: mane[s], J. Söderlind: mannes, P. M. Matthews: [-----], Ph. Pulsiano: manen[es]. The latter is closer to the intended meaning, but not necessarily to the manuscript as manen[es] seems to be too long for the end of the line. Old English Psalms: sunu mennenes þinre (6 times, þinnen(r)e twice). The change to mannes may be due to an unconscious reminiscence of mannes sunu, often used in the Gospels. (l. 16–17) V. 17 part 1: do on gode god tæcen: The meaning is obviously tācen (token, sign). P. M. Matthews, Ph. Pulsiano and J. Söderlind: tacen. However, the vowel æ is quite clear: it probably suggested the addition of d by a later corrector, changing the meaning to ‘transferring’ (short æ) or ‘instructing’, none of which makes much sense here. (l. 16–17) V. 17, middle part: þæt þa geseon þa ðe m[e] hatodan þæt hi synd gescende. Ph. Pulsiano’s gesunde for gescende corresponds neither to the manuscript text nor to the Psalm. (l. 18) V. 17, end: forðan þu god me gefultumedest ⁊ þu eart min frofor The prefix ge(fultumedest) is omitted by P. M. Matthews and Ph. Pulsiano but is very clear. P. M. Matthews points out that consolor is a deponent verb, so consolatus es means: (you) have comforted, as in most glossed versions of the Psalms (frefredest). However the Old English version adapts Psalm quotations to the context; here, it omits the clause quomodo adiuuasti me, so the present tense is perfectly valid, and it adds an echo of Psalm 45 (46 in mod. ed.): God ure frofrer in the words of the Vitellius Psalter. [M. 44v] l. 27: þu ungesæliga … – [N. 42r] l. 2: … on heora hnollas [M. 44 ] l. 27–29: þu ungesæliga ⁊ þu earma deofle[s] bearn. wel se witega cwæð be eow. The corresponding Latin passage is made up of stock phrases: Infelix et miser occurs in complaints when speaking about oneself but expresses contempt when v

Commentary

applied to someone else. Fili diaboli is found in Acts 13.10, and no doubt in numberless imprecations afterwards. Dixit propheta may introduce any of the psalms attributed to David, e.g. Psalm 7 in the next line. [M. 44v] l. 29 – [N. 42r] l. 2: cymeð [-------] [---------------------------------------------] [se] suggested reading: ‘… yfel cymeð [on heora] [heafda ⁊ heora unriht afylð49 on heora hnollas ⁊ þa cw̃] [se] casere…’ The last legible words on [M. 44v] show that the Old English text, like its Latin sources, quotes verse 16 of Psalm 7, as identified by Ph. Pulsiano. A few letters at the end of the line are lost; descenders are still visible in the first half of line 1, [N. 42r], but the rest is missing. The reconstruction suggested above is based on Ph. Pulsiano for Psalm and verse number (verses 16–17), on the Royal, Tiberius, Stowe, Vitellius50 and Salisbury versions for the text and it takes into account the positions of the descenders (Anglo-Saxon f, r, s, ⁊ and the oblique descender of y) that are still visible in the first line. The possessive his has to be changed to heora in agreement with the first words of the Old English text, some nouns are turned into the plural where required. ‘Afylð’ is substituted for the verb astigan because it fits in better into the available space. P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: [.......⁊ þa cwæð se]. Ph. Pulsiano: (heora yfel cymeð) [eft ⁊ on] [his hnolle astigeþ his unrihtwisnes. ⁊ þa cwæð se] [N. 42r] l. 2: þas word syndon gecweden be eow – l. 3: lærde – l. 5: hī Latin texts: ‘de nobis’: as P. M. Matthews points out, one would expect us rather than eow. One D manuscript, M701 (14th), reads ‘de uobis’ instead of ‘de nobis’: u and n look very much alike in certain scripts and might sound alike to a scribe writing under dictation. In two other versions (M546 and Co356, 10/11th and 12th centuries), Pantaleon replies ‘de uobis (dicta sunt)’, which might be another source of confusion. It does not mean that those manuscripts are directly connected with the Old English text, it only shows that the mistake is more likely to have occurred in Latin than in the copying of the Old English version since us and eow are both visually and phonetically different: the translator must have been working from a faulty manuscript, or simply misread his Latin text. l. 3: lærde: P. M. Matthews’ transcription ‘þærde’ must be a typing mistake. l. 5: hī: although this is the usual abbreviation for him, here it stands for hine. Transcription: hine by P. M. Matthews, him by J. Soliva, Ph. Pulsiano.

49 ‘Unriht’ in Vitellius (for ‘unrihtnes’). ‘A┘y◜ð’ is borrowed from the ‘●•ð┌✕✓┘y◜ð’ in Winch­ combe. 50 Vitellius has ‘unriht’ instead of ‘unrihtnes’.

99

100

Commentary

[N. 42r] l. 14–15: Ic cume bearn. Seo tid …wæs soðlice funden mid me. þæt crist com on þeosse ilcan niht The Latin version (venit tempus meum, in practically all the manuscripts) is reminiscent of John 7.6: ‘dicit ergo eis Iesus tempus meum nondum advenit tempus autem vestrum semper est paratum’. Findan is probably used here in the sense of ‘arrange, determine, set(tle)’.51 Mid me seems to be an oblique translation of meum (tempus meum) in the Latin text. [N. 42r] l. 21: hwylc is þissa mæsse preost gehaten P. M. Matthews: ‘þis sa’ in two separate words, sa being considered a variant spelling of se. þis is neuter, se masculine: is þis a variation for þes? þis sa mæsse preost might mean something like ‘this here priest’. Normally, þissa is a genitive plural and must refer to the people standing there. If it refers to Hermolaus’s companions and if (as in all the Latin versions) the question is about the priest’s name, then nama has been omitted: What is [the name of] those people’s priest? = ‘hwylc [nama] is þissa mæsse preost gehaten’. On the other hand, þissa my mean the three of them: in that case, the intended meaning is ‘Which of these is called priest?’, even though one might expect þissa to be placed right after hwylc. Whatever the case, there is one clear departure from the Latin: the second person is changed to the third person in the Old English version, either accidentally or deliberately (the Emperor does not address such lowly people?). [N. 42r] l. 22: her ic eam æteowed /../ ermolaus All but four Latin versions of this passage contain the phrase a parentibus. P. M. Matthews thinks that the translator or scribe mistook this for appareo, hence the verb æteowian. That turns out to have been quite a good guess: two manuscripts (Reims, BM, MS 1409 and BnF lat. 5301) do spell the phrase: apparentibus, and as BnF lat. 5301 is an early source and a distant relative of group D, the Old English translator may well have found the word in his Latin exemplar. If so, he must have had some juggling to do in order to integrate the phrase into his translation and he did so quite skilfully, as his version continues the theme of apparitions / appearances that runs through the text: Christ first appeared ‘on ermolaus anlicnysse’.52 The erasure after æteowed may stand for a preposition ‘her ic eam æteowed be / mid [naman] ermolaus’ with naman accidentally left out: later, the purposeless preposition was erased.

51 BT supplement. 52 [I. 19v] l. 20–25, [K. 48v] l. 1–5 and l. 25–29.

Commentary

[N. 42r] l. 22–23: min nama is witodlice mara gehaten þæt is þæt ic eam cristen There are several instances of (min / his) nama is / wæs X gehaten / gecigen / genemned, alongside sentences with nama in the dative (He is naman/ be naman X gehaten). The type ‘his nama is gehaten’ may be a conscious or unconscious imitation of Latin translations of the Bible.53 Expressing the name as a whole subordinate clause is unusual but it agrees with D group texts: ‘Maius autem mihi nomen est quod xr̃ianus sum’.54 [N. 42r] l. 24–25: ⁊ þa cwæð maximianus se casere to pantaleone. Hafast þu mid þe ermolaus. *⁊ þa oðre twegen gebroðra The corresponding Latin passage is an obvious attempt at padding out the tale with useless repetitions and questions; the translator probably summed it up along the lines: ‘The Emperor said: Do you have with you, Hermolaus, other brothers55 of yours? Hermolaus answered: I have these two other brothers: Here is Hermippus, and Ypochratis.’ In all Latin versions it is obvious that the Emperor goes on speaking to Hermolaus (‘dixit’ + Ø / ei). The scribe accidentally added ‘to pantaleone’ after the verb ‘said’: as a result, the pronouns þu and þe refer back to Pantaleon instead of Hermolaus and in the absence of punctuation and declension the vocative ‘Hermolaus’ becomes the object of ‘hafast’. Then, the repetition of ‘brothers’ at a short interval leads to an omission (homeoteleuton), thus changing the text to: ‘do you have with you (= Pantaleon) Hermolaus and these two other brothers’. Then the scribe realized his mistake and as a result brought in Pantaleon again in the next sentence (‘þa cwæð pantaleon’) so that he may give the names of the two brothers. Theresis no equivalent in any of the Latin versions). In this case, a fit of absent-mindedness was compounded by the rudimentary system of punctuation. [N. 42r] l. 27–28: eow * [---]egde þæt ge urum godum ne onsægdon Part of left-hand corner of the folio is missing and the first letters of lines 28 and 29 are lost. P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: [-----]. Ph. Pulsiano: ‘[sæ]gde’ (no subject). J. Söderlind: ‘[man] wregde.’ Wregan (to denounce) agrees with the context: the tone of the Latin sentence ‘Vos estis qui pantaleonem separastis a sacrificiis?’ is clearly accusatory but wregan, unlike its cognate forwregan, is not normally followed by a subordinate clause:56 the missing letters may either correspond to the prefix for(wregan), in which case

53 Genesis 11. 9 ‘Et idcirco vocatum est nomen ejus Babel’, Matthew 1.22 ‘Et vocabunt nomen ejus Emmanuel’ 54 Eight D texts: B100 Dü19 H31 Hk K320 Lf M332 M701, with variants. 55 aliquos / alios + Ø / cristianos / homines in the Latin versions. 56 Wregan, DOEC: some examples in which the accusation is expressed in a second sentence (‘and he cwÞ …’). Forwregan + subordinate clause: Peter and Paul, p. 183, The Blickling Homilies, ed. and tr. by Richard Morris (EETS 1880).

101

102

Commentary

the subject has been omitted, or to the subject mon ( J. Söderlind’s suggestion) with an unusual association wregan + þæt clause. [N. 42r] l. 29: se is [---] god se ðe unc cleopað þæt is ure dri[hten] P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva and Ph. Pulsiano:’[ure] god’ However, ana (one), opposed to the plethora of pagan gods, is more likely than ure. Ana god is a recurrent formula, e.g. ‘þu eart / he is ana god’, found in [I. 49v] line 16–17 and in many other Old English texts57. D is the only group with both unus and dominus noster,58 the latter in apposition or, in a subgroup, appearing in a relative clause: Deus unus uocat nos ad se. qui est dominus noster, a similarity with the Old English version which confirms the probability of ana. Incidentally the phrase þæt is ure dri[hten] is one of the details proving a connec­ tion between the Old English text and the D group, at least in the last folios. [N. 42r] l. 27–29: ge… unc… - [O. 42v] l. 1–4: gyt… gyt … wit. The plural ge suddenly gives way to a series of dual pronouns, which could only occur in the Old English translation or a later copy. On a hasty reading, one may get the impression that Maximianus addresses the two characters that have just been named (Hermippus et Ypochratis) but the dual actually refers to the two main characters, Pantaleon and Hermolaus. The latter appears in his own right in a number of martyrologies (for example Ado’s, BnF lat. 5248 fol. 73) on the day before Saint Pantaleon’s feast while the other two are not usually recorded in similar lists. [O. 42v] l. 1: [Maximianus se casere. Selre inc w]ære þæt gyt gangen … beo gyt me leofe P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva, J. Söderlind: [Maximianus se casere ---------]. Ph. Pul­ siano: [Maximianus se casere. hit betre w]ære. Selre + dative + wære seems to be more frequent; impersonal subject hit is not required;59 inc is the dative of 1st person dual pronoun. ‘Leofe’ (l. 2) is transcribed ‘leofre’ by Ph. Pulsiano, but the word is quite clear (no r). ‘Wit gebiddað unc to drihtene þæt he unc gehealde’: allusion among others to Psalm 21 (mod. 22). [O. 42v] l. 4–5: gebiddende feower tid This surprising piece of information (with tid uninflected) is probably the result of an omission: all Latin manuscripts but 2 have ‘orantes / cum orarent omnes

57 For instance ‘He soðlice is ana soð God þe þurh swilce tacna gecigeð to him þa þe on hine gelyfað’ in Saint Eustace, l. 77–80, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. Walter W. Skeat (EETS Oxford 1966). 58 C, E and F groups all have noster in association with the subject (Deus noster). Unus appears in D group only. 59 Doec, entries: selre + wære and betre + wære. Example:’Micele selre him wære þæt he …’, CH I, XXXII l. 122.

Commentary

quatuor’, which accounts for the presence of feower; it was probably followed by: ‘⁊ on þære ilcan tide’, part of which was left out and so was the case ending of tid. That could only occur if the translator was dictating his text or in the second copy of a written Old English version. Several other mistakes seem to be due to hurry (running translation jotted down by the scribe or hasty copying from a written Old English version). [O. 42v] l. 15: ⁊ sægde datianus þam casere None of the Latin versions mentions that new character. One Datianus is the arch-villain in several Saint’s Lives from Spain and south-western France (Vincent and Eulalia are the most famous), and of Saint George, on the other side of the Mediterranean:60 his martyrdom has common points with that of Pantaleon,61 which may have prompted the name Datianus to the translator or scribe. Why should a messenger come and announce that there has been an earthquake in Nicomedia to someone actually living there? The first mention of the earth­ quake only concerns the very spot where the four Christians prayed.62 In three Latin groups (C, E and F texts) this first statement leaves out the fall of the idols: then Pantaleon alludes to it, and it is later confirmed by a messenger. In all the other versions, the pagan statues fall while they are praying; Pantaleon comments on it and then a messenger comes and informs the emperor that the whole city has been hit by the earthquake. The Old English translation (and Latin MS 5301) stress the extent of the damage: ‘ealle his godas (5301: omnes)… eall tobrocene’, thus further justifying the messenger’s coming. The introduction of a new character (Datianus) in the Old English version may have been prompted by that awkward double announcement. The most likely explanation, however, is that the scribe of Cotton Vitellius D XVII swapped one wicked emperor for another in a fit of absent-mindedness. If so, ‘Datianus’ is the person being spoken to and the name should be in the dative case, but not all Latin names are declined.63 [P. 43r] l. 1: [ermola]us þin lareow … ypocratin – l. 2–3: hi syndon nu on mi[d][d]an ura goda helle – l. 5–6: ic hi sende [t]o oðere ceastre P. M. Matthews’ reconstruction is adopted by all editors. For the first half of line 1, it is based on the context and a few visible descenders. The lost second half obviously continues the list of gods.

60 Later Latin versions state he was the king of Persia. In Ælfric’s version of Saint George, he is called Datianus, vaguely defined as ‘the cruel Emperor (…) in the province of Cappadocia’. 61 Hung on a gibbet and racked with iron claws, burnt with torches, bound on a wheel, plunged in boiling lead, executed. 62 ‘contremuit locus ille ubi orationem fecerunt’ in most Latin texts, OE: ‘eal seo stow þær hi wæron heom gebiddende’. 63 For instance: an accusative in -us in folio [E. 45v] line 21.

103

104

Commentary

In all the Latin versions, the emperor says that Hermolaus and his companions are now ‘nobiles in palatio meo’, then claims that he has sent them on a mission to another city. In the Old English version as it now stands, the word hell almost sounds like a pun, since the palace of pagan gods might be both heall and hell. The context demands heall: the Emperors cannot announce their death now (ura goda hell = Hades), and follow it up by ic hi sende to oðere ceastre (l. 5–6), so one may assume that the original translation was – as in Latin – on minre healle. A misspelling helle may have brought ura goda into the present copy. Alternately, the translator or a later scribe may have introduced ura goda helle deliberately, in order to make the equivocation palace / afterlife clear to simple-minded readers (a hypothesis suggested by P. M. Matthews). [P. 43r] l. 17–21: Saepe expugnaverunt … synfulra [sw]eoran This passage is a quotation from Psalm 128, verses 2 and 4: V. 2: (l. 17–19) mine feond fuhton wið me … ⁊ hi ne mihton wið me. V. 4: (l. 19–20) þu [dr]ihten forbræs/./t mid þinre soðfæstnysse… synfulra [sw]eoran. forbræs/./t- Ph. Pulsiano, J. Söderling: ‘forbræst’. P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘forbræcst’. The latter is probably the intended reading. The scribe may have inverted s and c, writing ‘forbræsct’, later partially corrected by erasing misplaced c. þu [dr]ihten … mid þinre soðfæstnysse: dominus iustus [Q. 43v] l. 1: [⁊ þænne] us selle forgifnysse crist [⁊ us][be]scilde At the beginning of the line, P. M. Matthews and J Soliva indicate a loss of 4–6 letters: ‘[…] us selle …’. Ph. Pulsiano and J. Söderlind neither indicate nor fill in the lacuna. The reconstruction suggested above is based on the descenders that are still visible. As ‘us selle’ is the continuation of the sentence in [P. 43r], it necessarily expresses the content of the prayer, its consequence or its purpose: [⁊ þænne] (or [ꝥ þænne]) us selle forgifnysse crist. A few words are lost after crist (second half of the line) but the lower part of descenders and minims can be seen and are clear enough for the reconstruction us bescilde. The end of the line is legible except for a few letters: P. M. Matthews and J. Soliva leave a blank but Ph. Pulsiano suggests: ‘[⁊ eac us]’, which is slightly too long for the available space. [⁊ us] is likely. [Q. 43v] l. 3–5: Domine deus comple … on þinum ric[e] Comple desiderium meum is a stock phrase, a summary of all prayers and a variation on exaudi orationem meam (Psalms). Implevit desiderium suum occurs in Psalm 126 (127) in a different context and tense. The next sentence (sele eallum þissum mannum forgifenysse…) is a free quotation from the Lord’s Prayer, as found in

Commentary

Matthew 6.12 or Luke 11.4.64 The third clause (sele heom dæl on þinum ric[e]) alludes to several passages in the Old and New Testaments, for instance the (negative) promise in Paul, Ephesians 5.5, that the sinner ‘non habet haereditatem in regno Christi et Dei’. [Q. 43v] l. 7–9: heofone þe is ontyned ⁊ þin bi/./dað engla þreatas. ⁊ þin setl is gew[ul]drad þæt þe gegearawad is P. M. Matthews, Ph. Pulsiano: ‘heofona[n]’. J. Soliva: ‘heofona’ The ending of heofon is faint: it could be e or a. In this text, heofon (l. 8) is feminine. (weak declension). BT Supplement indicates that the feminine is found in late texts; BT gives a feminine form heofone: it agrees with the general shape of the letter and with the verb is, singular, but differs from the nominative heofon in earlier passages. This description of Pantaleon’s glorification is made up of set phrases that appear in the Bible and in numerous later texts:65 ‘Heofon is ontyned’ is from Ezekiel 1.1 (also in Matthew 3.16, with a different context and meaning). The ‘throne of glory’ is mentioned in Jeremiah 17.12 (‘A glorious throne, set on high from the beginning, is the place of our sanctuary.’) and in Matthew 25.31, where it is surrounded by angels. Those are divided into twelve legions (Matthew 26.53): þreat in our text, eored in the Old English Gospels. It should be noted that all those passages are about God: these borrowings turn Pantaleon’s glorification into – literally – an apotheosis. The last clause makes sense but seems to be be the result of an omission: all the Latin versions that have both thronus and preparat(a) read: thronus tuus{adest. corona tua} (pre)parata est. [Q. 43v] l. 9–10: ne bist þu pantaleon gecwede[n] ac þu bist mildheortnes gecweden In Greek the addition of two letters changes the meaning of ‘Pantaleon’ from ‘all-lion’ (All-Brave, Lionheart) to ‘All-Merciful’. The Old English version omits the Greek name, translating it by a noun rather than an adjective. The passage ‘þu bist … gecweden’ is vaguely reminiscent of Matthew 1.23 ‘they shall call his name Emmanuel, which being interpreted …’, reinforcing the resemblance with Christ. E and F groups add a clause along the line multis eris misericordiam prestans et sanans eos while D group manuscripts, as well as BnF MSS 5301, 5365, 2179 and 2180, prefer the interpretation: quia multos liberaturus es / you shall free many (understood: from evil), echoed by the Old English text: forðan manige syndon alesed þurh þe.

64 R. M. Liuzza, Old English Gospels, p. 12 and p. 125. 65 For samples of these, see the Gregorian Chant Repertory database.

105

106

Commentary

[Q. 43v] l. 11–12: sorgendum ic onfo … ic beo seocra læce. ⁊ eohtendra lateow In all Latin versions, this series of epithets, litany-style, is spoken by God about Pantaleon: in the Old English text, it is spoken by God about himself. The change may be deliberate: the translator or a later Latin scribe may have found Pantaleon’s glorification excessive. One of the epithets has gone wrong: ‘guide of persecutors’ (‘eohtendra lateow’) is a most unusual sort of praise. Most Latin manuscripts have ‘portus nauigantium’ and ‘persecutor demonum’; the latter becomes ‘demonum effugator’ in three D manuscripts (M332, B90, B91), which may have been changed to ‘persecutorum effugator’ in the scribe’s exemplar: an omission from the present copy would result in the conflation of two separate epithets, thus:

Latin

persecutorum

effugator

navigantium / itin­ erantium

spes /portus / dux66

OE

eohtendra

út-drǽfere (?)67

scipfarendra

lateow

Vitellius

eohtendra

Ø

Ø

lateow

AB manuscripts end here after a brief closing formula of the type: Post haec pantaleon a spiculatoribus gladio peremptus consummauit martirium suum regante domino nostro ih̃u xr̃o etc. [Q. 43v] l. 14–15: nu soðlice is min tid cumen… - l. 16: gif ge þæt nellað dón ne habbe ge dæl on me Nu soðlice is min tid cumen is reminiscent of John 12.23 (‘Venit hora’: ‘Iam venit hora mea’ in all the Latin versions of Saint Pantaleon) and line 16 (ne habbe ge dæl on me) comes from John 13.8 (‘non habebitis partem mecum’:’næfst þu nanne dæl myd me’68). It is also present in the Greek text printed by V. V. Latyshev but not in Metaphrastes (Migne). P. M. Matthews: ‘habbað’. Ph. Pulsiano: ‘habba[ð]’. J. Soliva: ‘habba’. The last letter is faint but looks like e rather than a. The interval with the next word is normal and does not suggest that any letter has been lost: this must be a subjunctive, a form sometimes used in a negative imperative without final n in the

66 No mention of ‘dux’ in any of the Latin versions of this passage, but appears in other litanies. 67 or persecutorum persecutor? Ut-drǽfere borrowed from A Volume of Vocabularies, ed. by Thomas Wright. 68 Roy Malcom Liuzza, Old English Gospels, p. 186.

Commentary

plural (subjunctive plural similar to the singular69). All the Latin versions use the future, which of course has no direct equivalent in Old English, hence the change to a subjunctive expressing a wish or (here) a curse. [Q. 43v] l. 20–21: ⁊ þær gewearð s[-] treow ⁊ þæt wæs eall ful wæstma – l. 23–24 ⁊ þær wea[rð þæt] treow wæstma ful s[um]: all editors. Sum is probably the correct reading, but the result of a mistake on the part of the translator or scribe: that tree has already been mentioned in the death scene (illa in most Latin manuscripts). The sentence does not make sense: as P. M. Matthews points out, ‘gewearð’ should be followed by a complement. It seems obvious that there has been an inversion between the verbs’gewearð’ and ‘wæs’. The original sentence must have been:(A) þær wæs s[um] treow ⁊ (B) þgewearð eall ful wæstma’, the present version mixes up the two, inverting A and B. Line 23–24 repeats ‘þær wea[rð þæt] treow wæstma ful’ as if it was a new event: þær wea[rð] at the end of line 23 seems to have been carried over from the end of line 20. [Q. 43v] l. 22: þa coman ealles þæs rices ceaster ware ⁊ woldan smyrian his lichaman ealles þæs rices ceaster ware: Latin ciuitas may refer to the city proper or to the town and surrounding territory, hence the addition of rices to the translation of ceaster ware (citizens), stressing the quick spread of the saint’s fame. In Latin manuscripts, venerunt is followed by a phrase expressing purpose: con­ dere: in most D manuscripts (recondere in MS 5301), half a dozen from E group and atypical Co356 (ad sepeliendum in C group and 2 from D). Condere means ‘to set (aside)’ hence ‘to hide’ or (less frequently) ‘to bury’. It looks and sounds very much like condire (to season, to flavour, by extension: to embalm),70 a spelling found in one D manuscript (Frk4). Its Old English equivalent (gewyrtian) is associated with herbs (wyrt) and cooking recipes and is out of place here;71 on the other hand, smyrian (or smirwan, to anoint) evokes perfumed oil, ceremonies and funeral rites: the Latin ungere is fairly common in texts about religious rites. At least one hagiographical text (Saint Cucufat) uses the phrase conditus aromatibus about the bishop of Barcelona’s burial (Brussels KBR Lat. Ms 9290, fol. 150v). The change from condere to condire / smyrian, whether accidental or deliberate, occurring in a Latin copy, or in translation, emphasizes the respect felt by the people of Nicomedia towards the saint: the English translation ‘⁊ þa coman … ⁊

69 Fernand Mossé: Manuel de l’Anglais du Moyen Age I, vol. 1 (Paris: Aubier, 1950) § 114: examples from Northumbrian texts. Campbell Alistair, Old English Grammar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959), § 730. 70 The past participle (conditus) is the same for both verbs, except for the length of the vowel i. 71 But wines and herbs are mentioned for the hasty embalming of Charles le Chauve (9th century), which might conceivably be described as condire. Janet L Nelson, ‘La mort de Charles le Chauve’ (Médiévales, n°31, 1996).

107

108

Commentary

woldan smyrian his lichaman’ might be a conscious or unconscious reminiscence of Mark 14.8: ‘heo com to smyrianne minne lichaman on byrgene’. [Q. 43v] l. 29: he wæs genume[n] [---] – [R. 50r] l. 1 … cy[-]rene This sentence belongs to the longest version of the conclusion. It is part of the Greek texts printed in Migne and by Latyshev and is found in about 15 Latin manuscripts (D group, predominantly from Germany / Northern Europe, and in BnF MS Lat. 5301, late 10th century, from Limoges). Part of the Old English sentence is lost but the tell-tale sign (‘halgum bocum’, line 2) is clear evidence of a filiation with D manuscripts. Cy[-]rene- P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva, Ph. Pulsiano: ‘cyþrene’. J. Söderlind: ‘cynrene’. If the third letter is þ, the top of the vertical stroke is invisible and the bottom part is joined to the letter l in the line underneath; it might just as well be the letter p, or n: J. Soliva points out that the second stroke of the letter is too rounded to belong to n but of course there are many cases of distorted letters in this manuscript. More importantly, cynren (kindred, generation) has no obvious link to the passage. The reading cyprene (made of copper / brass / bronze, as in the ‘gatu cyper­ enu’ /’portas aereas’ of Psalm 106) is compatible with the faint outline of the word and may apply to the container in which Pantaleon’s ashes were placed: the word loculus (Latin versions), originally meaning a small place, refers to the cavity in or under the altar, where relics were kept, but may also be used for a casket or a coffin: cist is given as the equivalent of ‘loculus’ in two quotations found in BT Supplement. The -e ending of cy[-]rene, accusative feminine singular, agrees with cist (feminine) Suggested reading: he wæs genume[n] [on] [R. 50r] [cyste] cy[p]rene. If that is correct, the change from silver to copper is just an example of cultural adaptation: copper reliquaries with or without enamel ornaments were quite frequent in western Europe; the position of the adjective is unusual, but does occasionally occur.72 [R. 50r] l. 1–2: hi hine ges[etton] [----------------- on] [ha]lgum …under halgum bocum This corresponds to a sentence only found in D texts and BnF MS Lat. 5301. The first words are partly legible but the top of some letters is missing. hi hine ges[etton]: P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘ges[etton]’. Ph. Pulsiano: ‘ge[byrigdon]’. A descender is clearly visible after ge-, so the letter s is probable. On the basis of the Latin version (posuerunt and collocaverunt) the verb must be gesetton. [-----------------on] [ha]lgum lande: all editors: ‘[on] [ha]lgum lande’ If the translation is close to the Latin text (collocauerunt eum absconse / diligenter sub sacro uelamine altaris sancti liberi), one lost word might be the adverb digollice

72 Bruce Mitchell, Old English Syntax (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), § 126.

Commentary

or eadmodlice, possibly followed by on weofode or under pælle (weofod: altar, pæll: pall, hanging, curtain). On halgum lande probably refers to the Christian cemetery that later developed round Pantaleon’s tomb, mentioned two sentences further down in the Latin text. ⁊ under halgum bocum: None of the extant Latin versions has any mention of holy books, and their strange use as a hiding place. As mentioned above, the shrine is hidden ‘sub velamine altaris sancti liberii’, i.e. under the cloth of an altar dedicated to Saint Liberius.73 Two possibilities: uelamen was mispelt as uolumen by a Latin copyist or misread by the translator, or else ‘liberii’ was misread as libri. In Ms BnF 5365 the syllable ber is transcribed as a crossed b so a hasty reading might well result in ‘libri’: the change may be due to a misreading on the part of the translator or to a mistake in his Latin exemplar. [R. 50r] L. 1–4: þæ[s] [h]algan cweller[as] … ⁊ wæron heom þa eft hwerfende þæ[s] [h]algan cweller[as]: P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘þæ[s]’ Ph. Pulsiano: ‘þa’. þ and the rounded stroke of a are visible, the rest is blurred. The traces of the next letters suggest þæs, genitive singular, rather than þa, nominative plural. Halgan can be singular (oblique cases) or nominative / accusative plural. The reading þa halgan cwelleras is grammatically correct, but none of the Latin texts mentions the martyrdom of the executioners (they simply run away and go back home), so it seems probable that þæs halgan is a genitive singular referring to Pantaleon. l. 4: (cweller[as]) [w]æron gefreode ⁊ wæron heom þa eft hwerfende [w]æron gefreode: there does not seem to be any exact equivalent in any of the Latin texts: it may have been added to the Latin copy or to the Old English version; the meaning is uncertain, but it seems to suggest that they broke free from the service of the emperor. wæron heom þa eft hwerfende: BT Supplement has one example of hwirfan / hwerfan with reflexive dative him / heom; in that case it means sunt reuersi and it contradicts both the preceding sentence and the Latin text: non sunt reuersi (BnF MS 5301 and C D groups, with the addition: ad imperatorem in other groups). A miscopying of adverb heon (= hence), translating the prefix ab of the latin verb abierunt might be considered, but what would be the role of eft? The most frequent collocation for the verb is hwerfan + ham, the latter possibly miscopied as pronoun heom; ham is compatible with eft hwerfende. It has no equivalent in Latin, but it does give the sense of recovered freedom. [R. 50r] l. 5: ⁊ nu ealle þa men þa þe hine lufiað … Latin texts with the longer ending add that the executioners took Pantaleon’s ashes away and that his death took place ‘in villa Adamantis’ outside Nicomedia, 73 Two saints bear the name: a Bishop of Ravenna, who died in 200, and Pope Liberius, who died about 60 years after the supposed date of Pantaleon’s death and is not considered a saint by the Roman Catholic Church. A few centuries later and in another country the distinction between the two would probably be lost to all readers.

109

110

Commentary

which is followed by a closing formula, but the Old English text goes on with an addition that is totally unrelated with Pantaleon’s martyrdom. The reason for this coda is unknown, and the transition from the main text is totally unconvincing. [R. 50r] l. 13: [---]le[-]ed P. M. Matthews, Ph. Pulsiano: ‘[una]le[f]ed’. J. Soliva: ‘unalesed’ (from alesan: not chosen? from alȳsan: not redeemed?). The page is torn and the tops of Anglo-Saxon r and f are very much alike. ‘Unalefed’ (unālifed: forbidden) seems better adapted to the context. [R. 50r] l. 14: oððe on su[----------] Part of the line was lost in one the slashes that enabled restorers to flatten the crumpled pages. A number of descenders and parts of minims are still visible. P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘(on) sunnan’. Ph. Pulsiano: ‘(on) sunnan [uhte]’ (twi­ light, dawn). Sunnan uhta refers to daybreak or matin prayers on Sunday morning, but Sunday rest was supposed to last from Saturday at sunset to sunrise on Monday:74 if so Ph. Pulsiano’s reading is not satisfactory. The first two letters (su-) are quite clear; the next one may be m, perhaps followed by a vowel. Oððe (or) must be followed by a mention of some other ‘days of rest’: as no descender is visible, one may suggest sumũ heahtidũ, impossible to confirm as ascenders (if any) are lost. [R. 50r] l. 14–15: [-----] [geswican] [n]ellað P. M. Matthews, J. Soliva: ‘[-----] [--------] [-]ellað’. Ph. Pusiano: ‘[-----] [geswican] [n]ellað’. Ph. Pulsiano’s reconstruction (geswican) is based on what is left of descenders and minims and it agrees with the context. Using the same clues, one may suggest the reading [⁊ þæs] for the words preceding the verb geswican, which governs the genitive. The capital letter of the next word (Soð) does not indicate the beginning of a new sentence but is here for emphasis, signalling an anacoluthon: þa þe gelome wyrcað … ⁊ geswican nellað is the subject of the main verbs (ne besittað, forwurðað), from which it is separated by the independent clause Soð … sægð. [R. 50r] l. 17: gemenged ‘Gemenged’ (mixed) may seem a strange choice for a description of hell: it proba­ bly rests on the association of evil with disorder. Medieval art offers many visual representations of this idea, and perhaps the best illustration is to be found in the tympanum sculptures of romanesque churches, for instance in Conques (12th

74 BT Dictionary, entry ‘sunnan-uhta’. Dorothy Haines, ‘Sunday Observance and the Sunday Letter in Anglo-Saxon England’ (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2010).

Commentary

century, in Aveyron, France): the elect are shown in orderly groups forming two series of regular vertical lines on two levels, while on Christ’s left-hand side, the devils and the damned (also on two levels) form a mass of jagged lines and curves depicting a variety of torments, each for a different sin.75

75 The link between hell and disorder does not end with the Middles Ages: see Milton, Paradise Lost, Book ii, Line 112: ‘With ruin upon ruin, rout on rout, Confusion worse confounded’.

111

Latin text

Introduction The old English Life of Saint Pantaleon does not correspond word for word with any of the Latin versions examined for the present edition, but on the whole it seems to be closer to group D, especially in its most straightforward version: Brussels, MB (Museum Bollandianum), MS 72, copied in the 12th century and referred to as Bol72 in the present work. In the transcription presented here, the punctuation of the manuscript has been retained wherever it is visible. Abreviations for Jesus Christ (ih̃u xr̃e) have been left unchanged but others are silently expanded. In the case of a brief omission by the scribe, the missing letters or word is added in italics between square brackets. When a letter, syllable or whole word is completely illegible or lost, the probable reading is written between square brackets. A brief accidental omission is signalled by X + a footnote with the missing word(s). In this manuscript, the name Pantaleon is written with a sort of reduced capital letter, reproduced here in normal size. The name Ermolaus seems to start with the same sort of reduced capital letter, but as it is not always clear, it is transcribed in lower case letter all the time. Interlinear additions or corrections are copied in smaller characters above the line. A word that is clearly readable but does not seem to be consistent with the context, or is simply meaningless, is reproduced just as it is, preceded by *: Footnotes point to a few details. There are two types of folio references: those of the Latin manuscript, indi­ cated in bold type between square brackets and those of the corresponding Old English text, also between square bracket, but in italics, and with the folio number preceded by the letter indicating its place in the correct order of the text (see introduction to Old English text). The reference of each page of the Latin version is placed at the end of the last word of the preceding page.

114

Latin text

Text Brussels, MB, MS 72, text: [Bol72, Fol. 203v] [A. 41r]1 Tempore illo in civitate nicomedia sub maximiano imperatore multi cristiani persecutionem paciebantur propter regnum et fidem domini nostri ih̃u xr̃i. Multi in montibus se abscondebant et in speluncis et multi2 penis vitam suam consummabant; alii uero in civitatibus absconse morabantur. Senator quidam nomine eustorgius morabatur in eadem civitate habens filium nomine Pantaleonem, eruditum liberalibus litteris, quem tradidit archimedico eufrosino qui omne palatium habebat susceptum. Acceptumque discipulum Pan­ taleonem, omni arte medicinae erudiebat et frequenter ad palacium eum secum ducebat. [OE: missing folio] Cumque omnes qui fuerant in palatio eum uidissent, dicebant ad magistrum: Cuius est filius iste infans? Per salutem deorum, quia magnum et speciosum discipulum habes. Fuit igitur speciosus ualde, quo nul­ lus poterat esse pulchrior. Et ait eufrosinus magister eius: Filius est eustorgii senatoris cuius mater est defuncta, et dedit eum mihi pater eius ut artem eum doceam medicinae. Et ait imperator et omnes qui cum eo erant: Per salutem deorum quia dignus est iste infans in palatio obseruari. Commendauit autem X3 imperator magistro suo ut omnem ipsum artem doceat medicinae, volens eum in palatio habere post magistri doctrinam. Fuit itaque quidam presbiter nomine ermolaus absconsus in domo sua cum aliis cristianis, et transiebat Pantaleon per domum ipsius. Cumque ab eodem videretur quod de eo omnis disciplina et prudentia transiret, spiritu sancto reuelante intellexit quod esset vas electionis futurus. Quadam vero die cum ingrederetur Pantaleon ad eum, dicit presbiter: Gaudeas fili. Ille respondit: Et tu pater [Fol. 204r] sanctissime omni honore digne. Et tenens eius manum presbyter fecit eum sedere, et dicit illi: Fili quis es tu uel quid agis? Pantaleon respondit: Filius sum eustorgii senatoris; mater autem mea eubola dicta multo iam tempore cristiana defuncta est; pater uero meus usque nunc paganus est. Dicit ei presbiter: Tu autem fili quam legem sectaris, patris aut matris? Pantaleon respondit: Dum adhuc uiueret mater mea uoluit me secum habere, pater autem meus in palatio me esse delegauit, sed ego cupiebam cum matre mea esse. Post cuius decessum commendauit me pater meus ut arte docear medicinae. Dicit ei presbiter: Fili doceo te quia nichil sunt asclepius neque ypocras, neque galienus, neque alii quos colit imperator. Sed veni fili consenti verbis meis et crede in xr̃m per cuius inuocationem languores hominum possis curare. Ipse mortuos suscitauit, cecis uisum restituit, languores sanauit, mulierem a fluxu sanguinis liberauit et daemonia eiecit, de aqua uinum fecit, et multa mirabilia cottidie ostendit, quorum non est numerus. Nunquam derelinquit seruos suos, sed liberat eos de omni tribulatione. Pantaleon autem sicut arbor fructifera capiens fructum, ita suscepit uerba presbyteri et dixit ei: 1 Folio 41r in the present binding: in the original codex, the text started on the verso side. 2 Multis in other MSS. 3 X eum: absent from Bol72, added above line in M332.

Latin text

Ista omnia uerba que narrasti mihi, sepius a matre mea audivi, et uidi eam xr̃m adorantem quem praedicas. Ermolaus presbyter dixit: Si credideris in eum eris dignus medicus hominum, quia non derelinquet sperantes in se. Accipe ergo baptismum salutis. Cottidianis ergo diebus frequentabat Pantaleon presbiteri do­ mum et melius confirmabatur in fide. Quadam enim die dimissus a magistro suo, transiens uidit puerum obligatum a serpente, et timore ductus tulit se in partem, et recogitans dixit: Nunc uidebo si uera sint quae dicuntur ab ermolao presbytero. Et respiciens in caelum dixit: Domine ih̃u xr̃e si dignus sum seruus tuus esse, in tuo nomine crepet hic serpens et puer liberetur. Et statim crepuit serpens, et puer liberatus est. Et uidens pantaleon, gratias agebat deo4 dicens: Gratias tibi ago domine ih̃u xr̃e, quia me dignatus es seruum tuum esse. Et currens [B. 46r] cum gaudio magno procidens ad pedes presbyteri dixit: Obsecro te famule dei, da mihi sanctum baptismum. Credo enim quia non est alius deus praeter dominum nostrum ih̃m xr̃m per quem mortui resurgunt. Et retulit ei omnia que contigerant, quomodo per inuocationem xr̃i, puer saluus factus est, et serpens crepuit. Et dixit ei prebyter: Ueni fili, ostende mihi ruinam serpentis. Et pergentes simul ostendit illi. Et uidens presbiter [Fol. 204v] hoc miraculum, glorificabat dominum dicens: Gratias ago tibi domine ih̃u x̃re quoniam per gloriam uirtutis tuae ostendisti mirabilia tua pantaleoni. Et reuersus baptizauit eum, fuitque5 cum eo septem diebus.6 Octauo uero die reuersus est ad patrem suum et dicit ei pater eius: Fili, ubi fuisti tot diebus? Fecisti enim mihi magnam tribulationem. Pantaleon respondit: Homo quidam in palatio infirmabatur, ipsum curauimus ego et magister meus. Et quia cognitus erat imperatori, obseruauimus eum septem diebus usque --7 reciperet sanitatem. Et audiens pater eius tacuit. Alia die uenit ad magistrum suum. et dicit ei magister eius. Pantaleon ubi fuisti his8 diebus? Sanctus Pantaleon respondit. Pater meus agrum comparauit, et misit me ad intro­ ductionem celebrandam, et fui ibi diebus septem, usque quo celebraretur omnis introductio. Haec autem omnia de se ipso dicebat propter baptismi gratiam. [C. 46v] Haec audiens magister eius tacuit. Fuit autem Pantaleon plenus gratiam xr̃i et thesauros fidei poenes se habens.et cogitabat quomodo patrem suum ad fidem perduceret ueritatis. Cottidianis autem diebus loquebatur patri suo ------------9 de uirtute cristi et de idolorum uanitate dicens: Quare dii qui stant numquam sedent sed semper stant, et qui sedent numquam stant? Dicit ei pater eius: Fili per meam salutem quia grauem sermonem dixisti et non possum tibi respondere. Et audiens Pantaleon gauisus est gaudio magno, deditque gloriam deo, quia de uno sermone patrem suum ad fidem xr̃i perduxit. Fuit enim ex illa hora pater eius dubius et iam non sacrificabat ydolis. Habebat enim ydola in domo sua,

4 5 6 7 8 9

Or domino, as in M332 and others. Fecit erased and corrected to fuit Bol72 (fecit M332). dies changed to diebus (later corrector) Bol72, (dies in M332). quo M32, one or two letter erased from Bol72. Second i added to or erased from Bol72. in parabolis: M332 and others, erased from Bol72.

115

116

Latin text

et uoluit Pantaleon confringere ea, et dicebat intra se: Non contristabo patrem meum, sed prius credat in domino. et tunc simul confringemus ea. Fuit autem quidam cecus qui omnem substantiam suam medicis erogauerat nec quicquam profecerat, sed magis deterius habebat Audiens de sancto pantaleone quod arte medicinae eruditus esset et multos10 curaret, uenit ad eum et procidens ad pedes eius dixit ei: Rogo te pantaleon ut adhibeas curam oculis meis. Omnes enim medici qui in me operati sunt, nichil michi prodesse potuerunt, sed ipsum mod­ icum lumen quod habebam abstulerunt a me, et omnem substanstiam meam. Sanctus Pantaleon dixit: Omnibus medicis substantiam tuam erogasti et nichil profecisti? Michi autem quid daturus es si te curauero? Cecus respondit: Reman­ sit michi [Fol. 205r] modicum de substantia mea, hoc ipsum dabo tibi. Sanctus Pantaleon dixit: Lumen dabit tibi dominus ih̃e xr̃c, et hoc quod mihi promittis. da pauperibus. Dicit ei pater eius: Recede ab homine isto fili. Non enim potes esse doctior aliis medicis. Sanctus Pantaleon dixit: Medicinam quam dabo homini isti, nullus medicorum scit. [D. 45r] Magnus est enim magister meus. Pater autem eius putans quod de magistro suo diceret, dixit ei: Fili audi me, quia et ipse magister tuus adhibuit ei curam et non potuit eum curare. Pantaleon dixit: Sustine pater, et uidebis gloriam dei, per quam curabitur homo iste. Et tetigit oculos eius in nomine domini nostri ih̃u xr̃i qui illuminat tenebras et sanat infirmos et reuocat errantes et colligit omnes qui in tenebris sunt, et dixit: Per uirtutem tuam domine iube pater sancte ut iste uideat omnibus diebus uitae suae. Et statim aperti sunt oculi eius, et uisum recepit. Eadem hora credidit pater eius una cum illo qui illuminatus est, et pergens cum gaudio magno retulit omnia quae facta sunt presbytero. Audiens uero ermolaus presbiter, repletus gaudio gratias agens deo qui talem gratiam dedit seruo suo pantaleoni dixit: Benedictus es domine ih̃u xr̃e, qui tantam gratiam dedisti credentibus in te. Et inquirens si ex toto corde crederent, baptizauit eos in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti.Tunc ille qui curatus est regressus est in domum suam gaudio plenus gratias agens deo. Pater autem Pantaleonis ingressus domum idola confregit, et proiecit in foueam. Quod uidens Pantaleon dedit gloriam deo. Post modicum uero temporis, defunctus est eustorgius pater Pantaleonis Et accepta potestate manumisit seruos suos dans eis pecuniam et dimisit eos. Reliquum uero quod ei remansit pauperibus erogauit, et his qui in carceribus erant, quos maximianus imperator pro nomine domini nostri ih̃u xr̃i diversis suppliciis macerabat, alimenta praebebat et eis medicinam ueram diligentius exhibebat. Omnis quoque ciuitas spretis omnibus medicis, ad solum pantaleonem confugiebat, et auxiliabatur ei xr̃c. Multam inuidiam sustinuit Pantaleon ab omnibus medicis. Quadam uero die collecti sunt omnes medici in unum, [E. 45v] et transiebat ille cecus qui a pantaleone fuerat curatus. Quem cum uidissent dixerunt ad inuicem: Nonne iste est cecus quem nos non potuimus curare? Et quis eum curauit? Et uocantes eum ad se, interrogabant eum dicentes: Quis te curauit? Dixit illis qui fuerat cecus: Pantaleon filius eustorgii senatoris,

10 Multo: final s missing or perhaps written very faintly above the last syllable; s in other D texts.

Latin text

ipse me curauit. Et medici dixerunt eufrosino magistro eius: Nonne discipulus tuus est? Eufrosinus dixit: De se ipso hoc dicit. [Fol. 205v] Et medici dixerunt: Per salutem deorum quia magnus es et magnum discipulum habes.11 ignorantibus nobis12 quia in nomine xr̃i eum curauit. Ex illa uero hora magnam inuidiam habuit Pantaleon a medicis, et querebant X13 eum perdere -------- de ciuitate, quia omnis ciuitas ad eum effluebat. Post paucos uero dies inuenerunt Pantaleonem unum xr̃ianum curantem. Et exeuntes ad maximianum imperatorem accusauerunt eum dicentes: Domine imperator, Pantaleonem iussisti ut artem disceret medicinae uolens eum tecum in palacio habere, ipse ---14 qui diis iniuriam faciunt medicinam prebet et humanitatem exhibet. Si non eum de hac ciuitate perdideris, multos a sacrificiis deorum separabit, et doctrinam asclepii adnichilabit. Tunc rogauerunt imperatorem ut ille adduceretur qui a sancto Pantaleone fuerat illuminatus. Qui cum adductus fuisset, dixit ei imperator: Dic modo quis te curauit? Ille respondit: Pantaleon filius eustorgii senatoris me curauit Imperator dixit: Quo curationis ordine? Ille respondit: Xr̃m inuocauit [F. 47r] et lumen mihi donauit. Imperator dixit: Erras, homo. Per uirtutem deorum te curauit, non per uirtutem ih̃̃u qui dicitur xr̃e. Ille respondit: Errabam quando demones adorabam, at ubi deum cognoui, iam non erraui. Imperator dixit: Dic tu ueritatem, quomodo curatus es. Ille respondit: Omnes medici quos uides circa te esse, multum in me operati sunt et omnem substantiam meam tulerunt mihi, et nichil15 mihi profuerunt, sed ipsum modicum lumen quod uidebam abstulerunt mihi. Quis autem maior est, imperator, asclepius qui a multis inuocatus est et nichil potuit, aut xr̃c qui a Pantaleone inuocatus est, et statim mihi lumen donauit? Imperator dixit: Bene tibi sit, et noli uana loqui xrm̃ nominans. Nam dii tibi lumen dederunt. At ille dixit: Imperator, tu loqueris uana. Nam mihi xr̃c lumen donauit per seruum suum Pantaleonem. Nam dii tui qui non uident, quomodo possent16 aliis lumen donare? Tunc furore plenus imperator dixit: Per salutem deorum quia putaui falsa esse quae a medicis dicta sunt? Et iussit eum decollari dicens: Si uixerit iste, multos seducet a diis nostris. Et ueniens Pantaleon pecuniam copiosam dedit spiculatoribus, et extulit corpus eius, et sepeleuit iuxta patrem suum. Post haec iussit imperator adduci sanctum Pantaleonem. Cumque adduceretur, psallebat dicens: Deus laudem meam ne tacueris, quia os peccatoris et os dolosi super me apertum est. Locuti sunt aduersum me [G. 47v] lingua dolosa, et sermonibus odii circumdederunt me [Fol. 206r] gratis, ego autem te rogabam quia proposuerunt

11 quia magnus es … habes: several versions of this sentence in D and other groups, e.g.: discipulus tuus magister mag-us est: M332 (n of magnus erased). 12 Nobis: Bol72 and M332 only,obviously by mistake; all MSS with present participle + pronoun: ignorantibus eis. 13 X qualiter: missing from Bol72, then erased words before de ciuitate. Originally: qualiter, displaced? In M332: querebant qualiter eum perderent de ciuitate. 14 Bol72: erased word, his: M332. 15 nichil: final l added in a thick stroke and darker ink. 16 End of line: abbreviation -ent or -unt.

117

118

Latin text

adversum me mala pro bonis, et odium pro dilectione mea. Adiuua me domine deus meus, et libera me secundum misericordiam tuam. Induantur confusione qui querunt mala michi, seruus autem tuus letabitur in te. Et introductus est Pantaleon ad imper[atorem], habens oculos suos et cor suum ad xr̃m. Et dicit illi imperator: Pantaleon nonne ego te commendaui magistro tuo, ut cum omni dili­ gentia artem disceres medicinae, uolens te esse in palatio meo? Sanctus Pantaleon respondit: Et nunc sum in palatio tuo. Maximianus imperator dixit: Dic mihi si uerum X17 quod audiui de te? Sanctus Pantaleon respondit: Quid est quod audisti de me? Maximianus imperator dixit: Quod audiui de te non credidi, potest enim mala fama et falsa18 esse. Audiui enim quia xr̃m colis et diis iniuriam facis, et eos curas quos ego torqueo, insuper humanitatem eis impendis. Pantaleon respondit: Dii qui caelum et terram non fecerunt pereant. Imperator dixit: Uideo quia uerum est quod audiui. Pantaleon repletus spiritu sancto dixit: Si iubes requiramus et uideamus si dii tui caelum fecerunt aut terram fundauerunt aut caelos inlu­ minauerunt, et credamus. Si autem nichil horum fecerunt, quid iubes? Imperator dixit: Quare? Xr̃c quem colis potest ista facere? Pantaleon respondit: Xr̃c quem xr̃iani colimus, non solum haec omnia sed etiam multa his maiora mirabilia facit. Imperator dixit: Quomodo hoc possumus credere? pantaleon respondit: Iube unum paraliticum de platea adduci, et ueniant sacerdotes tui et inuocent deos tuos, et ego deum meum, et per cuius inuocationem sanatus fuerit, in ipsum credamus. Et iussit imperator adduci paraliticum de platea et poni in medium. Et dixit imperator Pantaleoni: Prius redde honorem diis. [H. 48r] Pantaleon respon­ dit: Prius sacerdotes tui faciant et audiantur. Si uero auditi non fuerint, inuocabo deum meum ih̃m xr̃m. Imperator dixit: Bene dixisti, ita fiat. Et accedentes sacer­ dotes coeperunt inuocare deos suos, alii asclepium, alii iouem, alii ypocratem, alii mercurium, alii galienum et caeteros deos inuocabant. Fuit enim eis uana inuocatio. Sanctus autem pantaleon irridens eos dicebat: Dii uestri in itinere sunt, aut forsitan dormiunt et non audiunt, clamate fortiter ut excitentur. At illi credentes clamabant uoce magna, [Fol. 206v] nec fuit qui audiret eos. Et uidens imperator quia nihil proficerent sacerdotes dixit: Faciat Pantaleon inuocationem suam. Tunc Pantaleon aspiciens in caelum dixit: Domine exaudi orationem meam et clamor meus ad te ueniat. Neque auertis faciem tuam a me in die tribulationis meae, inclina aurem tuam mihi in quacumque die inuocauero te uelociter exaudi me et ostende omnibus istis quia tu es solus deus, et tu curas omnes qui in te credunt. Et tenens manum paralitici eleuauit eum dicens: In nomine ih̃u xr̃i esto sanus ab ista hora. Et statim surrexit et abiit in domum suam gaudens et dans gloriam deo. Multi autem ex illa die crediderunt in xr̃m. Et exclamantes medici cum sacerdotibus dixerunt imperatori: Sacrificia deorum peribunt, et si istum non exterminaueris, omnes incipient credere in xr̃m. Tu autem noli credere, quia

17 est omitted from Bol72. 18 mala et falsa fama (esse) in M332. 4 or 5 different versions (same words, different order) in different groups.

Latin text

-is19 qui curatus est, per uirtutem deorum curatus est. Nos enim audiuimus eum prius deos nominare. Pantaleon respondit: Si ergo dii uestri aliquid probarent, uobis puplice20 inuocantibus subuenirent. Tunc imperator consentiens eorum dictis, dixit Pantaleoni: Consenti mihi et sacrifica diis. Uides enim quanti [I. 49v] mortui sunt? Pantaleon respondit: Quos dicis mortuos esse propter deos tuos, illi uiuunt in secula quoniam xr̃m confessi sunt. Maximianus imperator dixit: Audi me et cessa nominare xr̃m ut liberes iuuentutem tuam. Preparata sunt enim tibi si permanseris in ea confessione, multa tormenta. Pantaleon respondit: Quae dicis esse tormenta celerius adhibe, quia non cessabo de hoc nomine usque ad mortem. Imperator dixit: Audisti ante hos dies, quanta passus est tormenta antimus senex? Pantaleon respondit: Multa, sed non est uictus. Si uero senex pro xr̃i nomine multa passus est, quanto magis puer quae illata fuerint omnia debet sustinere? Antimus senex secundum aetatem mihi pater esse poterat, et ideo non potest filius facere quicquam a se, nisi quod uiderit patrem facientem. Uidens autem imperator quia ei non consensit, iussit eum in eculeum suspendi, et eius latere21 lampades applicari. Cumque omnia membra torqueretur, respiciens in caelum dixit: Domine ih̃u xr̃e quomodo in hora praeterita per inuocationem tui nominis exaudisti me, nunc cito esto mihi adiutor, et libera me. Et haec illo orante, apparuit ei dominus in similitudine ermolai presbiteri, dixitque ei: X22 Ego enim tecum sum in omnibus quae incipies pati. Et statim eculeus comminutus estet manus eorum qui eum torquebant [Fol. 207r] aruerunt et candele extinctae sunt. Et uidens imperator quae facta sunt, iussit eum deponi, et dixit ei: Quid maleficii uel artis nosti Pantaleon ut eculeum comminueres et lampades extingueres, et manus spiculatorum arefaceres? Pantaleon [J. 48r] respondit: Maledicte! Qui eculeum comminuit, lampades extinxit et manus ministrorum arefecit, xr̃c est. Imperator dixit: Dum maiora tormenta tibi adhibuero, quid facturus es? Pantaleon respon­ dit: Si maiora tormenta mihi adhibueris, non timebo quia qui modo mecum fuit, semper mihi in omnibus aderit, et maiores uirtutes mihi praestat dominus meus ih̃c xr̃c. Et haec audiens imperator, iussit fieri sartaginem ferream et conflari in ea plumbum, et sanctum pantaleonem mitti in eam iussit. Cumque uenisset sanctus pantaleon ad sartaginem, aspiciens in caelum, dixit: Exaudi deus orationem meam quia23 clamaui ad te, a timore inimici eripe animam meam. Protege me a conuentu malignantium, a multitudine operantium iniquitatem, quia exacuerunt ut gladium linguas suas aduersum me. Et haec eo orante, apparuit ei dominus, et tenens manum eius ascendit cum eo in sartaginem bullientem, et statim ignis extinctus est et plumbum refrigerauit. Sanctus autem pantaleon psallebat domino dicens:

19 h erased in Bol72, is in M332 and in 8 D texts and another half dozen manuscripts. 20 publice: all the other 9 D texts with the sentences: Nos enim audiuimus … subvenirent (absent from other groups). 21 latere: last letters written over erasure: lateribus in M332. 22 Pantaleon noli timere: omitted from Bol72 only. 23 Quia (in abbreviated form, qia): Bol72 only; qua in all other D MSS. For qua in this passage, see OE text, Comm. 51.

119

120

Latin text

Ego ad dominum clamaui, et dominus exaudiuit me. Vespere et mane et meridie annuntiabo mirabilia eius, quomodo exaudiuit uocem meam. Omnes uero cir­ cumstantes qui uiderunt, mirati sunt. Imperator uero circumstantibus dixit: Quid est hoc quod plumbum bulliens frigidum factus est et ignis extinctus est? Quae tormenta alia possumus adhibere? Et circumstantes dixerunt: Si iubes imperator in profundum maris mittatur. Numquid mari potest imperare? Tunc iussit eum in mare proici.Tulerunt eum ministri et ad litus trahebant. Imperator uero seque­ batur ut uideret exitum rei. Duxeruntque illum in altum et ligauerunt lapidem ad [K. 48v] collum eius habentem centum talenta ponderis, et iactauerunt eum in mare et abierunt. Tunc apparuit illi dominus in similitudine ermolai presbiteri, et statim solutus est ille lapis et Pantaleon sicut folium cepit natare super aquas, et tenens manum eius xr̃c perduxit eum ad litus. Et cepit psallere dicens: Confitebor tibi domine in toto corde meo, narrabo omnia mirabilia tua. Et uenienti ad litus dicit imperator: Pantaleon iterum magice artes tuae imperauerunt? Pantaleon respondit: [Fol. 207v] Non ego, sed qui mecum est quem tu non es dignus uidere. O imperator uide quanta dominus mecum24 facit. Alligato ad collum magno lapide in medium mare iussisti me dimergi, statim mihi dominus affuit dicens: Presto sum tibi. Si placet mitte unum de astantibus tibi, et uide si subueniant ei dii tui. Imperator dixit: Iterum et mari articulus tuus preualuit. Pantaleon ait: Quae cogitas adimple, quae minaris *adexerce, non me territas, non timebo minas tuas25 Tunc iussit imperator Pantaleonem oneratum uinculis catenarum mitti in carcerem et prohibuit bestiis cibum, ut sanctum dei martyrem deuorarent. Alia itaque die iussit maximianus amphitheatrum parari, et impleri populo. Ueniens imperator sedens pro tribunali, iussit sanctum pantaleonem adduci. Et cum adductus fuisset, stans in medio amphiteatro, dixit imperatori: Dominus ih̃e xr̃c extinxit lampades tuas, ministros suos tuos sedauit,26 plumbum refrigerauit et mari imperauit, ipse feras tuas man­ suescere faciat. Imperator dixit: Consenti mihi et sacrifica diis, ut non pereas tu quomodo ille mulieres quae xr̃m fatebantur. Pantaleon dixit: Omni confessione27 plenus sum et mihi putas timorem incutere? Firmiorem me magis fecisti. Si mulieres in fragili sexu tormenta pro xro sustinuerunt, quanto magis ego firmiori sexu pro xr̃o martyrium sustinere debeo ut talem coronam merear accipere? Dum haec loqueretur, ecce unus qui super feras erat accessit ad imperatorem dicens: Domine, sicut iussisti, omnes ferae paratae sunt. Tunc iussit imperator ad­ duci sanctum Pantaleonem, et omnis populus ciuitatis cucurrit ut eius interitum uideret.Tunc imperator introduci iussit sanctum Pantaleonem, et statim apparuit ei xr̃c in similitudine ermolai presbiteri dicens: Serue bone et fidelis gaude, [L. 44r] multum te confortabo. Et iussit imperator omnes feras ad eum dimitti. Et cum

24 mecum: perhaps copied from line above, (dominus) meus in other D MSS. 25 The passage in italics (O imperator uide quanta … minas tuas) is found in D MS only and is absent from the Old English version – (astantibus) tibi: all D MSS – adexerce: Bol72 only. 26 Sedauit: D MSS only, siderauit in others. 27 confessione in several AB MSS and some C, confusione in others – Next lines: fragili sexu: in a few D MSS only.

Latin text

dimisse fuissent, circumdederunt Pantaleonem. Leones autem omne corpus eius lambebant, leopardi uero et leene atque omnes fere inuicem prouocantes atque errantes currebant prior ad priorem ad manus inpositionens28 eius accesserent, nec inde aliqua discedebat, nisi omnibus manus imposuisset. Imponens itaque eis manus recedebant benedicentes dominum. Cumque haec omnis populus uidisset, exclamauerunt uoce magna dicentes: Magnus est deus xr̃ianorum, dimittatur sanctus iste. Tunc maximianus furore repletus occidit de populo mille uiros et feras iussit interfici. Sanctus autem Pantaleon benedicebat dominum dicens: Gloria tibi domine [Fol. 208r] ih̃u xr̃c, quia non solum homines pro nomine tuo tormenta patiuntur, sed etiam fere quae magis elegerunt mori quam unum de sanctis tuis tangere. Tunc corpora eorum qui occisi sunt, cristiani furati sunt et sepelierunt. Ferarum quoque cadavera multis diebus iacuerunt et nulla ea auis tetigit, quoniam et ipse mortificate sunt pro xr̃o. Audiens hoc imperator iussit fodi foueam. et feras mitti in eam. Multi enim uidebant mirabilia quae facta sunt, et magis confortabantur in fide. Tunc imperator dicebat domesticis suis: Quid faciemus puero huic quia omnem populum separauit a sacrificiis deorum? At illi dixerunt: Domine, iube fieri rotam magnam, et alliga eum ad eam et tollatur in altum et exinde dimittatur, ut possint carnes eius per partes29 [M. 44v] dissipari, et animam suam amittat. Iussit itaque imperator pantaleonem in carcerem includi, usque quo fabricaretur rota. Cumque per triginta dies fabricaretur rota, suggestum est imperatori paratum esse opus. Tunc iussit imperator mitti preconem ut omnis populus ad spectaculum uenirent et exitum eius uiderent. Et precepit omnes xr̃i­ anos si conuersi fuissent ad sacrificandum, dimitterentur; si autem non, occider­ entur. Pergens uero imperator ad theatrum, iussit adduci sanctum pantaleonem. Et cum adductus fuisset, psallebat domino dicens: Inclina domine aurem tuam et exaudi me, quia pauper et egenus ego sum. Custodi domine animam meam, et libera seruum tuum deus meus sperantem in te. Da fortitudinem seruo tuo et libera filium ancillae tuae. Fac mecum deus signum in bono. ut uideant qui me oderunt et confundantur, quoniam tu domine adiuuisti me et consolatus es me. Et facta oratione, tulerunt eum et ligauerunt eum in rota et demiserunt eum de alto. Apparuit ei statim xr̃c et disrumptae sunt restes, stante Pantaleone sine lesione. Rota autem uoluebatur, et occidit de populo animas nonaginta. Et factus est timor magnus in ciuitate ex illa hora. Imperator uero timore territus, uocauit eum ad se et ait: Pantaleon usque quo facis haec omnia? Alios uiuos separasti, alios occidisti. Pantaleon dixit maximiano: Infelix et miser fili diaboli, bene de uobis dixit propheta: Mala eorum intrent in [N. 42r] capite ipsorum et iniquitates eorum descendant super eos. Maximianus imperator dixit: Ergo de nobis sunt uerba ista dicta, uel quis est qui *it30 hoc docuit. Pantaleon respondit: Ermolaus presbiter dominus meus. Maximianus dixit: Possumus eum uidere, ut et ego docear ab eo? Hoc enim dicebat uolens peruenire ad eum. Pantaleon respondit: Si 28 in positionens: Bol72 only, impositionem in all other versions with this passage. 29 Second syllable blurred, probably originally spelt patres. 30 Te M332 and others.

121

122

Latin text

uis apparebit tibi. [Fol. 208v] Maximianus dixit: Per meam salutem, quia magnum beneficium mihi prestas. Pantaleon respondit: Si iusseris, adducam illum. Et iussit eum ire una cum custodibus. Et ingressus domum presbiteri dixit: Domine pater, vocat te imperator. Et presbiter dixit: Vado, fili, uenit enim tempus meum. In hac nocte, uenit mihi xr̃c dicens: Ermolae, debetur tibi certamen, sicut et seruo meo Pantaleoni. Et abierunt simul gaudentes. Cum uenissent autem nunciatum est imperatori, et iussit eos ingredi. Quibus ingressis, dixit imperator: Quid uocaris? Presbiter dixit: Quod a parentibus accepi, ermolaus dicor. Maius autem mihi nomen est, quia christianus sum. Maximianus dixit: Habes tecum alios? Presbyter dixit: Sunt alii serui dei. Maximianus imperator dixit: Qui dicuntur? Presbiter dixit: Ermippus et ypocrates. Imperator dixit: Uocentur et ipsi. Cumque ingressi essent, dixit ad eos imperator: Vos estis qui separastis Pantaleonem a sacrificiis deorum? At illi dixerunt: Deus unus uocat nos ad se, dominus noster. Maximianus dixit: [O. 42v] Ite persuadete illi ut sacrificet diis, et eritis mihi cari. Ad31 illi dixerunt ad eum: Oramus dominum ut et nos ipsi in eo in quem credimus simul coronemur. Orantes autem homines unae contremuit locus ille ubi orationem fecerunt, et ceciderunt idola in terra et comminuta sunt. Et imperator tristis dixit eis: Videtis quomodo irati sunt dii, et contremuit terra? Pantaleon respondit: Si diis tuis precipientibus terra mota est, quare ergo dii tui ceciderunt et confracti sunt X32 qui usque nunc fuerunt?33 Tunc Pantaleonem iussit in carcerem includi et alios tres diuersis penis affligi et decollari. Qui cum decollarentur, corpora eorum xr̃iani tulerunt et diligenter sepelierunt. Postea uero iussit maximianus imperator Pantaleonem ad se uocari, et dixit ei: Pantaleon quid putas quia non poteris34 euadere de manibus meis si non sacrificareuis diis? Pantaleon respondit: Non est necessarium tibi respondere ullum sermonem. Maximianus dixit: [P. 43r] Magistri tui ermolaus, ermippus et ypocras iam consenserunt mihi et sunt nobiles in 31 Ad: obviously meant for at. 32 Omission. Other groups, with variants: (et confracti sunt) X Adhuc eo loquente uenit quidam nuncians maximiano imperatori quia ceciderunt omnes dii et confracti sunt. Audiens hec imperator dixit: Per salutem meam istos quattuor de hac ciuitate separabo + another clause, now appearing in D MSS as: qui usque nunc fuerunt, appended to the wrong sentence as the result ot that omission. 33 The simplest (correct) version of this clause is: qui usque nunc adorare contemnunt (several AB MSS) but the original wording of the sample used for the copying of D texts probably was something similar to: qui usque nunc diis non paruerunt (‘who so far have never worshiped the gods’), found in a dozen AB texts. However, the ambiguity of pareo (1- to appear – 2- to obey, to submit to) must have led to the nonsensical D reading. The Old English translator was working from an older version in which pareo was used used in the sense of ‘to appear, to make an appearance’, hence ‘to come’: ⁊ hi næfre ma her ne cumað. That seems to be quite close to 5301 quousque nunquam pareant, in which quousque, an interrogative word in classical Latin (How long?), introduces a clause of purpose (so that they never come back). 34 No punctuation after putas, but this sounds like spoken speech: What do you think? [forget it] because you won’t be able to escape … The negation is found in only a dozen MSS, half from AB groups, half from D.

Latin text

palatio meo. Pantaleo uero cognouit per spiritum sanctum quia iam coronati erant pro xp̃o et dixit: Iube ergo ut uideam eos ante te. Imperator dixit: Ad alias ciuitates eos direxi, causas exacturos.35 Pantaleon dixit: Bene dicis canis cum soles mentiri, modo uerum dixisti. Sunt enim in ciuitate xr̃i. Tunc iratus imperator multa ei tormenta adhibuit. Et cum uincere eum non potuisset, iussit eum gladio percuti, admonens spiculatores ut decollarent eum et carnes eius igni consumerent. Panta­ leon autem ibat gaudens et psallebat dicens: Sepe expugnauerunt me a iuuentute mea, et enim non potuerunt aduersum animam meam. Dominus autem iusticitiae confregit ceruices peccatorum. Et duxerunt eum extra [Fol. 209r] ciuitatem ad modum miliarii et ligauerunt eum in nouella oliuarum. Et acessit unus de spicu­ latoribus et percussit eum, et statim gladius ille tamquam cera complicatus est. Uidentes uero illi dicebant ad inuicem: Cadamus ad pedes eius ut oret pro nobis quia magnus est deus cristianorum. Et cadentes ad pedes eius dicebant: Rogamus te ora pro nobis, [Q. 43v] ut indulgeat nobis dominus omnia quae gessimus in te, et nos credemus in xr̃m. Tunc eleuans sanctus Pantaleon manus suas ad caelum dicebat: Domine deus comple desiderium meum in loco isto, et hominibus36 istis da indulgentiam et dimitte peccata eorum, et da eis partem in regno tuo. Et uox de caelo respondit: Serue bone et fidelis, impleta sunt desideria tua. Aperti sunt tibi caeli et expectat te chorus angelorum. Thronus tuus adest, corona tua preparata est tibi. Non diceris pantaleon sed pantaeleymon, id est multum misericors, quia multos liberasti.37 Tu eris portus nauigantium, susceptor tribulantium, medicus egrotantium, daemonum persecutor.38 Haec audiens pantaleon uocauit homines illos ad se et dixit eis: Uenite percucite me, iam uenit ora mea. Illi autem timebant. Et dixit eis: Si hoc non feceritis, non habebitis partem mecum. Hec audientes, accesserunt audaciter ad eum, et osculatis omnibus membris eius percusserunt eum. Et statim bcorpus aapparuit39 eius sicut nix, et pro sanguine lac currebat, et arbor illa ubi ligatus erat, repleta est fructu. Et omnis populus40 ciuitatis uenerunt condere corpus eius et uidentes lac pro sanguine fluere et arboris fructum do­ nantem41 dederunt gloriam deo. Multus autem populus credidit in deum in illa die. Audiens hec impius maximianus iussit ut succideretur arbor illa. et exinde corpus eius combureretur. et factum est sicut iussit. [D group only:] Xr̃iani uero tollentes [R. 50r] cineres eius posuerunt in locello argenteo, et collocauerunt

causas meas in most MSS, meas omitted from D texts. Hominibus: C–D groups, uiris in E and F, omnibus in all others. liberasti Bol72 and + 7 other D MSS only, all others: liberaturus / another form of future. This is the end of the shorter versions of the text, after a brief closing formula. Superscript a and b added by the main scribe to indicate the correct word order. M332: apparuit sicut nix corpus eius. 40 {et pro sanguine lac currebat …uenerunt condere corpus eius} omitted from M332, which resumes: et uidentes corpus eius … 41 Dü19 K320: subito floruisse this perfect infinitive seems to place the verb further back in time than preceding fluere, which makes it somewhat similar to OE þær *wea[rð þæt] treow wæstma ful; both may be the result of a similar type of mistake (mixing up lines).

35 36 37 38 39

123

124

Latin text

absconse sub sacro uelamine42 altari sancti liberii. Spiculatores uero qui duxerant uel quibus iussum erat sanctum pantaleonem decollare43 non sunt reuersi sed cum reliquiis corporis eius abierunt simul cum cineribus quas tulerunt. Locus autem ubi decollatus est sanctus Pantaleon in nicomedia ciuitate foris murum in uilla cuiusdam conanti scolastici,44 illic cimiterium a xr̃ianis factum est. Consummauit autem beatus Pantaleon martyrium v kl augusti in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti per omnia secula seculorum. AMEN.

42 Uelamen: veil, (altar) cloth; either this word or the name Liberius is the source of the ‘holy books’ in the OE version. 43 uel quibus iussum erat sanctum pantaleonem decollare: Bol72 only. 44 The main verb, est, is missing from Bol72 – {in uilla cuiusdam nomine conanti scolastici. Illic} absent from M332; Several versions for the owner’s name, mostly amantis or adamanti (genitive case); conanti in a few D versions only.

Glossary

References are given by folio page and sub-section in abbreviated form: A stands for [A. 41r], B for [B. 46r] etc. Lower-case letters refer to sections of the folio pages: a = line 1, b = line 5, c = line 10, d = line l. 15, e = line.20, f = line 25. Example: B/a: [B. 46r] lines 1 to 4. Each reference is followed by the number of occurrences of the word within the corresponding section. Ubiquitous ⁊, articles, personal pronouns, possessive adjectives, demonstratives, relative pronouns other than þe have been omitted. Prefix ge has been ignored. For other verbal prefixes, they conform to dictionary usage (attached to the verb) in the glossary, except one not found in dictionaries. Complete reconstructions are left out. The abbreviation and quasi-punctuation signe cw̃ is counted separately from other forms of the verb. Partially legible words are silently included whenever the beginning of the word is intact, so are severely shortened words (e.g. [æh]te) if they appear in their full form in the same passage, but not those that are reduced to their grammatical endings, however likely they may be. A badly curtailed word appearing on its own is printed with missing letters between square bracket. Unusual, contested or garbled forms are written in full; if very uncertain or obviously wrong they are preceded by *. ab. abbreviated / abbreviation acc. accusative an. anomalous verb. conj.: conjunction adj.: adjective adv. adverb contr. contracted verb ind. indeclinable int. interrogative neg.: negative nom.: nominative num.: numeral part.: participle pres.: present tense pret.: preterit pf.-pr. perfecto-present. pr. pronoun rel. relative vb. verb. No other mention: weak verb. vb. + figure strong verb, group number

ā adv., always. I/a a(worold) a(worold) 1. 2 R/e 3. ābīdan vb. 1, to abide, to wait. D/a 1. ābisgian (y) vb, to busy, to occupy. C/a 1. G/c 1. ablinnan vb. 3, to cease. I/a 1. ābryrdan (on-) vb., to inspire, to excite. M/e 1. ac conj., but (several shades of meaning). C/c 1. F/b 1. F/d 1. G/b 1. G/d 1. I/a 1. K/c 2. L/c 1. N/a 1. Q/c 1. R/b 1. R/d 1. ācwellan vb., to kill. H/f 1. K/e 1. L/c 1. L/d 1. L/e 1. M/b 1. M/e. M/f 1. ādēadian vb., to fail, to decay. I/f 2. K/e 1. ādelfan vb. 3, to dig. L/e 1.

126

GLossary

ādōn vb., an., to take away. F/b 1. I/f 1. ādrencan: vb., to submerge, to drown. K/c 1. ādrīfan: vb. 1, to drive away. E/d 1. ādwæscan vb., to extinguish. J/e *w--de: wurde (?). K/e 1. æfest noun, masc./fem., envy. D/f 1. ǣfre adv., ever, at any time – question or neg.: intensifier. E/a 1. æfter prep., after. D/e 1. F/e 1. G/a 2. M/d 1. O/e 1. æht: noun, fem. Usually pl. æhte, possessions, goods, lands. C/d 2. D/e 1. F/b 1. ǣlc adj., each. A/f 1. D/f 1. E/d 3. G/b 1. G/c 1. R/c 1. R/d 1. ælmihtig adj., almighty. D/c 1. H/d 1. ǣne adv., once, at once. D/c 1. ænig adj. / pr., any. L/a 1. ǣr adv., formerly, previously, C/d 1. Dc 1. F/b 1. R/a 1. þær + ǣr + preterit = pluperfect: E/a 1. E/e 1. F/b 1. (see þær) ǣrendraca noun, masc., messenger. O/c 1 ǣrest adv., (at) first: I/e 1 ǣrþan conj., before. L/a 1. ætīewan vb., to show, to reveal. H/d 1. I/e 1. J/c 1. K/f 1. M/e 1. N/b 1. N/e 1. O/b 1. Q/d 1. R/d 1. æthrīnan: vb.1 (+ acc. / gen. / dat.), to touch. D/b 1. E/f 1. L/d 1. ætnēhstan adv., at last. D/f 1 (x = hs). āflīeman (-y-): vb., to put to flight. M/f 1. āfyllan: vb., to fill. J/b 1. āgiefan vb. 5, to give (up / away). G/c 1. G/f 1. āhebban vb. 6, to lift up. L/f 1 – Q/a 1. āhōn: vb. 7, to hang, to suspend. I/d 1. āhweorfan: vb. 6, to turn (away). H/c 1. aliefan vb,,to allow, to grant. J/b [ale]fe 1 ālīesan vb, to free. M/c 1. M/d 1. Q/c 1. ān (æ-) adj. /pr. one, a(n). A/e 1. A/f 1. D/d 1. G/e 1. H/d 1. L/b 1. L/d 1. P/e 2.

ān / āna adj. /adv., alone, only. D/f 1. L/c 1. and: conj. and. Always written ⁊ and / ænd prep., unabbreviated, (+ acc./ dat.), with. D/c 1. andettan vb, to confess, to acknowledge. I/a 1. K/b 1. andetnes noun, fem., confession (of faith), acknowlegement. I/b *andetnyss se 1 andswerian vb., to answer. B/d 1. B/e 1. B/f 1. C/c 1. C/d 2. C/f 1. D/a 1. E/b 1. E/f 1. F/a 1. F/c 1. G/b. 1. G/e 2. H/a 1. I/a 1. I/b 3. I/f 1. J/a 1. K/c 1. K/e 1.M/f 1. N/a 1. N/b 2 – N/c 1. O/c 1. O/f 1. P/b 1. Q/b 1. andweard adj., present. B/a 1. andwlita noun, masc., face. H/d 1. anlīcnes noun, fem., image. I/e 1. K/a 1. K/f 1. ārǣran vb., to raise, to build. L/f 1. ārian vb., to honour, to be merciful to. K/d 1. ārīsan vb., 3, to arise. B/b 2. H/d 1. H/e 1. āscian (acs-) vb., to ask, to enquire. C/c 1. E/b 1. F/b 1. āscūfan vb. 2, to drive out. O/d 1. āstīgan vb. 1, to proceed, to go (up or down). J/d 1. āsyndran (/ian) vb., to separate. E/e 1. āweg adv., away [see onweg]. F/e 1. L/b 1. aworold: see woruld. be prep., about, by. A/d 1. B/f 1. F/e 1 (or beinnan?). G/b 1. G/c 1. J/d 1. J/e 1. K/b 1. L/f 1. M/f 1. N/a 1. Q/c 1. Q/f 1. bearn noun, neut., child, son. B/d 1. C/e 1. D/a 1. M/d 1. M/f 1. N/c 1. becuman vb.4, to come, to meet with. H/c 1. N/b 1. R/d 1. bēd noun, neut., prayer. H/c 1. M/d 1. bebēodan vb. 2, to enjoin, to command. A/f 1. E/d 1. F/e 1. I/d 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/e 1. J/f 3. K/c 1. K/e 1. K/f 1. L/c

GLossary

1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/a 1. M/c 1. N/c 1. N/e 1. O/d 1. O/f 1. P/a 1. P/c 2. Q/f 1. R/c 1. bebyrgan: vb, to bury. F/e 1. O/e 1. befæstan: vb., to fasten, to entrust. G/b 1. beforan: prep., before. E/e 2. P/b 1. R/b 1. behēawan vb. 7, to cut (off) [see heafod]. F/e 1. O/e 1. P/c * be eow 1. R/a 1. behēfe adj., proper, necessary. O/f behe[fe] 1. behōfian vb., to require. L/c *-eofiað 1. (Difficult passage, possible confusion with beofian (to tremble) or heofian (to lament) see relevant comm. behȳdan. vb. conceal, shelter. A/e 2. L/d 1. belūcan vb. 2, to lock, to shut up. M/a 1. O/e 1. bēn: noun, fem., prayer, request. Q/a 1. Q/c 1. beniman: vb. 4, to take. C/c 1. bēodan vb. 2, to command. K/c1. bēon vb., to be. [includes negative nis, næs]. A/d 2. A/e 4. A/f 4. B/b 1. B/c 1. B/d 3. B/e 4. B/f 1, *wæron 1. C/a 2. C/b 3. C/c 2. C/d 1. C/f 1, i[s] 1. D/a 1. D/b 1. D/c 2. D/d 4. D/e 2. D/f 3. E/a. 1. E/b 2. E/c 2. E/e 1. E/f 1. F/a 1, 1. F/b 3. F/c 4. F/d 1. F/f 2. G/a 2. G/b 2. G/c 3. G/d 1. G/f 1. H/a 2. H/b 3. H/d 2. H/e 1. H/f 2. I/a 1. I/b 2. I/c 4. I/d 1. I/e 1. J/a b[ist] 1. J/b 1. J/d 2. J/e 1. J/f 1. K/a 1. K/c 3. K/d 1. K/e 1. K/f 2. L/a 1. L/b 2. L/c 3. L/d 3. L/e 2. L/f 4. M/a 3. M/b 3. M/c 4. M/d 4. M/e 3. N/a 1. N/b 1. N/c 1. N/d 4. N/e 6. N/f 4. O/a 4. O/b 3. O/c 4. O/d beon 2. O/e 2. O/f 2. P/a 2. P/b 3. P/c 1. P/f 1. Q/b 6. Q/c 5. Q/d 1. Q/e 1. Q/f 3. R/a 2 – R/d 3. R/e 1. bescũfan vb. 3, to shove. K/f 1. bescyldian vb, to shield, to protect. J/c 1. Q/a 1.

besittan vb., 5, to possess. R/d 1. beswīcan vb. 1, to deceive, to elude. O/f 1. betera adj. comp. better. E/c 1. betwēonan prep., between, among. E/a 1. P/f 1. beweorpan vb. 3, to cast, to throw. D/d 1. bīdan vb. 1, to stay, to wait for (+ gen.). Q/b 1. biddan vb. 5, to order, to beg, to pray. B/a bi]dde 1. C/c 1. E/e 1. J/c 1. O/a 1. O/b 1. P/f 3. R/b 1 – Reflexive: B/c 1. O/a 1. bifian vb., to tremble, to shake. O/b 1. bindan vb. 3, to tie, to bind. J/f 1. L/f 1. M/d 1. P/e 1. bisen noun, fem. / neut., example, model. R/c 1 blētsian vb., to give thanks, to adore, to bless. L/a 1. L/c 1. blētsung noun, fem., blessing. L/a 1. blind adj./noun, blind. C/b 1. C/c 1. C/d 1. D/b 1.D/c 1. E/a 1. E/e 1. E/f 1. F/b 1. G/d 1. blissian vb., to rejoice, to gladden. D/e ge[blis]sad 1. blōd noun, neut., blood. Q/e 2. bōc noun, fem., book. A/d 1. R/a 1. R/d 1. bōcstafas: noun (compound), masc. pl., ‘Letters’, liberal arts. A/f 1. bodian vb., tell, proclaim. J/d 1. M/b 1. bringan vb. 3, to bring. G/e 1. J/e 1. M/d 1. broðor: noun, masc. brother (in Christ). N/f 1. būgan: vb. 2, to bow. G/c 1. būtan prep., except. B/b 1. C/f 1. D/f 1. R/d 1. bycgan vb., to buy. B/f 1. byrgen noun, fem., burying-place, grave. F/e 1. cafortūn: noun, masc., court, courtyard, palace. M/c 1. M/d 1. carcern noun, neut., prison. M/a 1. O/e 1. cāsere noun, masc. emperor. A/d 1 – D/e 1. E/c 1. E/e 3. E/f 1. F/b 1. F/c 2. F/d 1. G/a 1. G/b 1. G/e 2. G/f 1.

127

128

GLossary

H/a 1. H/c 1. H/f 2. I/a 1. I/b 1. I/d 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/e 2. J/f 1. K/c 1. K/d 1. K/f 1. L/b 1. L/e 2. M/a 2. M/b 1, ca[se]re 1. M/e 1. N/a 1. N/c 1. N/d 2. N/e 2. N/f 1. O/b 1. O/d 2. O/f 2. P/b 1. P/c 1. ceald adj., cold. J/d 1. ceaster noun, fem., town, city. A/d 1. A/e 1, [ceas]tre 1. E/e 1. M/e 1. O/d 1. P/b 2. P/e 1. ceasterware (u): noun, fem., (collective) burghers, citizens. D/f 2. Q/e 1 cīegan (ī) vb., to call someone / to call out (to). D/b 1. E/a 1. E/f 1. F/b 1. F/c 2. G/d 1. G/e g[ecigen] 1. G/f 1. H/a 1. H/b 2. J/d 1. N/c 1. O/f 2. cīgedcnes noun, fem., calling, summons. G/f 1. H/b 1. H/c 2. I/e 1. cierran vb., to turn, to be converted. H/e 1. clipian vb, to cry out, to call. J/c 1. L/b 1. M/e 1. N/f 1. Q/c 1. R/b 1. cniht noun, masc., young man. A/d 1. B/b 4. B/c 2. C/e 1. D/d 1. E/b 1. L/f 1. cōlian vb., to cool, to grow cold. J/e [co]lade 1 (uncertain). cræft noun, masc., skill. C/c cr[æftas] 1. F/a 1. crīsten adj./noun, Christian. A/d cristera 1, [cris]tene 1. A/e 1. E/c 1. L/b 1. L/d 1. M/b 1. N/e 1. N/f 1. O/e 1. P/f 1 cuman vb. 4, to come. K/b 1. K/d 1. M/b 1. M/f 1. N/c 1. N/d 3. O/c 1. O/d 1. P/e 1. Q/d 1. Q/e 1. cunnan; vb., an. (pf.-pr.), can / modal verb, to know about, to be able to, can. C/f 1. G/e 1. cwealm noun, masc / neut, death, murder. K/d 1. cwellan vb., to kill. M/a 1.P/d 1. cwellere noun, masc., executioner. F/e 1. P/e 1. P/f 1. R/a 1. cweðan vb. 5, say. Abbreviation cw̃: B/a 1. B/c 1. B/d 2. B/e 1. B/f 2. C/c 2. C/d 2. C/e 2. C/f 1. D/a 1. D/b 1.

E/b 1. E/e 1. E/f 3. F/a 1. F/b 1. F/c 2. F/f 1. G/b 2. G/c 1. G/d1. G/e 4. G/f 1. H/a 1. H/c 2. H/d 1. H/f 1. I/a 1. I/b 2. I/c 1. I/d 1. I/e 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. J/e 1. K/b 1. K/c 1. K/e 1. K/f1. L/c 1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/b 1. M/c 1. M/f 4. N/a 1. N/b 4. N/c 3. N/d 1. N/e 3. N/f 2. O/b 1. O/c 1. O/d 1. O/f 3. P/a 1. P/b 2. P/d 1. P/f 2.Q/a 2. Q/d 1. Unabbreviated: N/f 1. Uncertain (loss of ab. sign and letters): F/d 1. K/d 1. Plural and other tenses: E/a 1. E/b 1. E/d 1. F/a 1. H/a 1. H/b 2. H/f 1. J/e 1. K/b (þ) 1. L/b 2. L/c (þ) 1. M/c (þ) 1. N/a 1. N/f 1. O/a 1. P/b 1. – 1 P/d (þ) 1. Q/b 1. Q/c 1. Q/b (þ) 1. cypren adj., made of copper / brass / bronze. R/a 1. cyssan vb., to kiss. Q/d 1. cȳðan vb., to make known. B/c 1. C/b 1. dæg noun, masc., day. See sunnan dæg. B/a 1. B/c 1. B/d 2 – B/e 1. B/f 1. D/c 1. D/e 1. D/f 1. E/c 1. H/c 1. L/d 1. M/a 1. R/c 3. dǣl noun, masc. part, portion. C/e 1. Q/b 1. Q/d 1. dǣlan: vb., to divide, to share. C/d 1. C/e 1. D/e 1. dafenian: vb., to befit, to be right. I/c 1 – N/d 1. dēad: adj. / noun, dead. B/b 1.D/e [d]ead 1. dēað noun, masc., death. K/d 1. dēofol noun, masc. / neut., devil. M/f 1 – R/d 1. dēofolgield: noun, neut., devilworship, idolatry / idols. O/b 1. dēor noun, neut., animal. K/f 1. L/a 2. dēorcynn noun, neut., race of animals. K/c 1. dōn vb., an., to do. B/c 1. B/d 1. C/f 2. D/d 1. E/d 1. G/d 1. G/e 1. H/c 1. J/a 1. K/c 2. K/d 1. L/f 1. M/d 1. M/f 1. Q/d 1. gedo + þæt + sub. clause H/a 1. I/f 1. J/e 1. K/e 1. drihten noun

GLossary

(m), Lord. Nom. usually ab. driht.̃ A/e 1. B/c 2. D/b 1. E/f 1. F/f 1. G/a1. H/a 1. H/c 1. H/d 1. H/e 1. I/d 1. I/e 1. J/b 1. J/c 1. J/d 1. K/b 1. K/f 1. L/b 1. L/c 2. M/c 2. N/a 1. N/f 1. O/a 1. P/e 1. Q/a 1. R/c 1. dūn noun, fem., hill, mountain. A/e 1. durran vb., an. (pf.-pr.), to dare. L/d * 1. dwoliend: adj/noun, erring, in error (from vb. dwolian). D/b [dwolg]endan 1. ēadmōdnes noun, fem., humility, selflessness, kindness. E/d 1. G/c 1. R/b 1. ēadmōlice adv., humbly, kindly, diligently. O/e 1. ēage: noun, neut., eye. C/b egna 1 (gen. pl.). D/b 1. D/c 1. F/d 1. G/b 1. eahtoða (æ-) adj., eighth. B/d 1. eald adj., old. I/b 1. I/c 1. ealdorman noun, masc., senator. A/e 1. E/b 1. eall adj. / pr., all / adv., entirely. B/b 1. C/d 2. C/e 1. D/c 1. D/d 1. D/f 3. E/d 1.F/a 1. F/b 1. H/b 1. H/d 2. I/b. 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. K/b 1. K/c 1. K/d 1. L/a 1. L/b 4. L/f 1. M/b 2. O/b 2. O/d 2. Q/a 1. Q/e 2. R/b 1. R/c 1. ēare: noun, neut., ear. H/d *þine are. M/c 1. earfoðe: noun, neut., trouble, suffering. earfoðdæg: noun, masc., day of tribulation. H/c 1. earm adj., poor, wretched. M/f 1. earnian vb., to earn. I/c 1. eft adv. again. B/c 1. B/d 1. B/e 1. D/d 1. N/b 1. R/a 1. ege noun, masc., awe, fear. J/c 1. M/e 2. ēhtend noun (present part.), persecutor. A/d 1. Q/c 1. ēhtnes noun, fem., persecution. A/e 1. ele noun, masc. / neut., oil. eletrēow: noun, neut., olive (tree). P/e 1. ende noun, masc., end. R/e 1.

endian vb., to end. A/e 1. endebyrdnes noun, fem., order, method. E/f en[debyrd]nysse 1. engel noun, masc., angel. Q/b 1. eorre: adj., angry, furious. F/d 1. K/c 1. P/b 1. eorð noun, fem., earth. G/d 1. O/c 2. R/c 1. eorðscræf: noun (compound), neut., ‘earth-cave’. A/e 1. fægre adv., fairly, beautifully. A/f 1. fæder noun, masc., father. (Gen. -der). B/d 2. B/e 1. B/f 1. C/a 1. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/b 1. D/c 1. D/d 1. D/e 2. N/c 1. faran vb. 6, to go, to travel. C/e 1. D/c 1. E/a 1. fēa: noun, masc., joy. B/a [fe]an 1. C/a (ge[fean] 1).D/c 1. D/d 1. H/e 1. N/d 1. P/d 1.- Q/d 1. R/b 1. feallan vb. 7, to fall. B/a 1. O/b 1. O/c 1.O/d 1. P/f 2. fela noun, neut. / adj., much, many.(+ gen. pl.). B/d 1. B/f 1. D/e 1. feoh (-i-, gen. feos) noun, neut., movable goods, money. C/b 1. C/e 2. F/e 1. feohtan vb. 3, to fight. F/f 1. P/d 1. fēond noun, masc., enemy. F/f 1. J/c 1. P/d 1. fēower num., four. O/b 1. O/d 1. fēra noun, masc., comrade, servant. L/f 1. fīf num., five. M/e 1. findan vb. 3, to find, to arrange. N/d 1. folc noun, neut, people. L/b 1. L/c 1. L/f 1, [fol]c 1. M/b 2. Q/f 1. fōt noun, masc., foot. L/a 1. fōn vb. 7, to take, + to: to accede to, to inherit. D/e 1. for prep., for. A/e 1. E/c 1. H/b 1. I/a 1. I/b 1. I/c 1. I/e 1. K/d 1. K/e 1. L/c 1. L/e 1. O/c 1. P/f 2. Q/e 2. for whon int. word, why (for what). O/c 1. fōr noun, fem., going, journey. B/d 1. forbærnan vb., to (cause to) burn, to (be) burn(t) up. P/d 1. Q/f 1. forbīgan vb., to bend. P/f 1.

129

130

GLossary

forberstan vb. 3, to burst, to break asunder. B/b 1. forbrecan vb. 5, to break in pieces, to crush. P/e *forbræs/./t (forbræcst?) 1. forceorfan vb. 3, to cut down. Q/f 1. forgiefnes noun, fem., pardon, forgiveness. Q/a 1. Q/b 1. forgieldan vb. 3, pay for, pay back. F/f [for]gelde 1. forlǣtan: vb. 7, to abandon, to let go, to release. D/e 1. J/f 1. L/f 1. – M/a 1. M/b 1. forstelan vb. 4, to steal. L/d 1. forð adv., forth, continually. I/b 1. forþan conj., because, for that reason. A/e 1. B/c 1. B/d 1. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/a 1. F/c 1. F/d 1. F/f 2. I/a 1. I/b 2. I/e 1. J/c 1. J/d 1. J/e 2. L/c 1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/c 2. M/d 1. P/f 1. Q/a 1. Q/c 2. forðgewītan vb. 1, to go forth, to die. forðgewiten: past part. / adj. / noun, departed, dead. I/d 1. forweorðan: vb. 3, to perish. H/f 1. R/d 1. forwiernan vb, to hinder, to prevent. K/e 1. fōt noun, masc., foot. B/a 1. P/f 1. fram prep., from. in most cases ab. frã. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/e 1. E/e 2. F/b 1. F/e 1. G/f 1 – H/d 1. J/c 3. L/a 2. L/d 1. L/f 1. M/f 1. N/b 1. R/c 1. fremsumnes noun, fem., benefit, kindness. N/b 1. frēogan vb., to free. R/a 1. frēond noun, masc., friend. C/b 1. frēolsian vb., to deliver, to liberate. G/a 1. I/a 1. J/c 1. frōfor noun, fem. / masc.), consolation, refuge. M/d 1. fugel noun, masc., bird. L/d1. full adj., full – C/a ful 1 – Q/e 2. fultum: noun, masc., help. F/b 1. I/d 1. fultuman: vb., to help. G/a 1. M/d 1.

fulwian (-llian) vb., to baptise. B/c 1. I/e 1. fulwiht: noun, masc. / fem. / neut., baptism. B/a 1. B/f 1. fylgan vb., + dat. / acc., to follow. C/f 1. fyllan: vb., to fill. D/d 1. L/b 1. Q/a 1. Q/b 1. fȳr noun, neut., fire. J/e 1. P/d 1. fȳrenful adj., fiery. F/f 1. gan vb., an., to go, to happen. B/b 1. D/f 1. E/c 1. M/b 1. N/c 1. N/d 1. N/e 1. P/d 1. P/e 1. Q/d 1. gangan vb. 7, to go. D/d 1. J/f 1. O/a 1. gāst noun, masc., spirit, (holy) ghost. C/e 1. G/d 1. gearo: adj., prepared, ready. I/b 1. M/b 1. gearwian: vb., to prepare. I/b 2. J/a [gegeara]wað1. N/b 1. P/c 1. Q/b 1. georne adv., earnestly. D/e 1. geornfulnes noun, fem., eagerness, desire. Q/b 1. geong adj., young. Comp. gingra. I/c 1. gīet adv., yet, besides. C/e 1. gif conj., if. C/d 2. C/e 1. E/d 1. F/c 1. F/d 1. G/d 4. H/a 1. H/f 1. I/b 1. I/c 1. K/e 1. M/b 1. N/b 1. O/c 1. Q/d 2. god noun, masc., God. B/a 1. B/b 1. D/b 1. D/c [go]d 1. D/d 3. D/e 1. E/b 1. E/d 1. E/e 1. F/a 1. F/b 1. F/c 1. F/d 2. F/e 1. G/c 1. G/f 2. H/b 2. H/d 1. H/e 1. H/f 2. I/a 1. K/d 1. K/f 1. L/b 1. M/b 1. M/c 1. M/d 1. M/f 1. N/f 2. O/a 1. O/b 1. O/c 1. O/d 1. O/f 1. P/a 2. P/e 1. Q/a 1. Q/e 1. Q/f 1. R/b 2. R/d 2. gōd adj. / noun, good. F/c 1. M/d 2. Q/b 1. R/b 1. R/d (noun) 1. goldhord noun, compound, masc., treasure. C/a 1. gristbitian: vb., to grind (one’s teeth: dat. / mid + dat.). H/e 1. habban vb., past: hæfde have. A/f 1. C/a 1. C/b 2. C/d 2. E/c 2. E/d 1. F/b 1.

GLossary

G/b 2. H/a 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. K/c 1. K/d. L/a 1. M/f 1. N/e 1. Q/d 1. hǣlan vb., to heal, to save. B/b 1. B/e 1. C/c 1. C/d 1. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/a 2. D/b 1. D/d 1. E/a 3. E/b 2. E/c 1. E/d 1. E/e 1. E/f 3. F/a 1. G/d 1. H/a 2. H/b 2. H/d 1. H/e 1. I/d 1. hǣlend noun, masc, Saviour. A/e h[ælend] 1. B/c 1. D/b 1. E/f 1. F/a 1. H/d 1. I/e 1. J/c 1. L/c 1. hǣlu (-e) noun, fem., health. E/b 1. F/d 1. N/b 1. O/d 1. hāl adj., whole, uninjured, sound, safe. H/d 1. H/e 1. hālga: adj. (weak) / noun, saint. A/d 1. B/f 1. C/b 1. C/e 1. D/b 1. G/d 1. H/c 1. I/d 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. L/b 1. L/c 1. L/d 1. N/a 1. P/c 1. Q/a 1. Q/c 1. Q/f 1. R/a 2. R/a 1. R/b 2. hām noun, masc. (adv.), home. B/c 1. D/d 1. hand noun, fem., hand. H/d 1. I/f 2. J/d 1. K/b 1. K/e 1. O/f 1. Q/a 1. hātan vb. 7, 1) to command, to promise. A/f 1. B/c 1. C/e. D/b 1. E/b 1. E/e 1. E/f 1. G/e [ha]t 1. L/b 1. N/c 1. O/e 1. 2) to call / to be called. N/e 2. hātheortnes: noun, fem., rage. L/b 1. hatian: vb., to hate. M/d 1. hēafod noun, neut., head. (dat. / instr. + beheawan: to behead). F/e 1. O/e 2. P/c 1. R/a 1. healdan vb. 7, to keep, to take care of (secondary meaning). B/d 1. M/c 1. O/a 1. R/c 1. hēanes noun, fem., height. L/f 1. M/e 1. hell noun, fem., Hades, hell. P/a 1. R/d 1. heofon noun, masc. / fem. (here, fem., -an declension), sky, heaven. G/d 2. H/c 1. I/d 1. J/b 1. Q/a 1. Q/b 2. R/c 1. heord noun, fem., herd, guard. N/c 1. heorte noun, fem. heart. C/a 1. G/b 1. K/b 1.

hēr adv., here. A/d 2. F/a 1. H/d 1. I/a 1. N/e 1. N/f 1. N/f 1. O/d 1. herenes noun, fem., praise. F/f [hereny]sse 1. herian: vb., (-ode /ede), to extol, to praise. L/b 1. hete: noun, masc., hate. E/c 1. hīeran / gehēran vb., hear, to listen to. A/d 1. B/e 1. C/a 1. C/b 1. E/d 1. G/c 3. H/c 1. I/b 1. I/d 1. J/b 2. J/d 1. L/b 1. L/e 1. O/d 1. Q/c 1. Q/d 1. Q/f 1. hinsīð noun, masc., departure, death. J/f *ins..ð 1. M/b *ins..ð 1. hlāford noun, masc., lord, master. N/c 1. hlīsa noun, masc., rumour. G/c 1. hlut(t)or adj., clear, pure, bright. J/b 1. hraðe adv., quickly, readily. þe hraðor: all the more: I/c 1. hreran vb. 2, to fall (rare). L/f *reorað 1. hrīnan vb. 1 (+ acc. / gen. / dat.), to touch. L/d 1. *hriht see riht. (L/e) hū adv., how. B/b 3. C/a 1. C/b 1. F/d 1. G/e 1. H/e 1. H/f 1. I/b 1. L/f 1. O/b 1. hund num., ind., a hundred. K/a 1. M/e 1. P/b 1. huru: adv., at least, even. J/e [hu]re (uncertain). hūs: noun, neut., house. D/d 2. H/e 1. N/c 1. hwā pr, masc / fem., who. C/c 1. E/a 1. E/b 1. N/a 1. hwǣr: adv. / conj., where. B/d 1. B/e 1. E/c 1. hwæt: pr., neut., what. A/d 1. C/d 1. E/d 1. G/b 1. J/a 1. J/e 1. O/b 1. O/c instr., see for hwan. O/f 1. hwæðer adj./ pr. / conj, whether, either, which of the two. F/b (conj. + direct question) 1. G/b 1. hwēol noun, neut., wheel. L/f 2. M/a 2. M/d 1. M/e 1. hwer noun, masc., cauldron. J/b 1. J/d 2. hwilc int. adj. / pr., which. C/b 1. E/e 1. E/f 1. I/e 1. N/e 1.

131

132

GLossary

hwierfan vb., to turn, to return. B/c 1. B/d 1. B/e 1. D/d 1. H/e 1. M/b 1. M/e 1. R/a 1. hwīt adj., white. Q/d 1. hyhtan / hyhtan vb., to hope, to rejoice. M/c 1. īdel adj., worthless. F/c [ide]le 1. īdelnes noun, fem., foolishness. F/d 1. ilca (y): adj./pr. the same. D/c y[lcan] 1. F/e 1. H/e 1. L/f 1. N/d 1. O/c. 1. R/c 1. iernan vb. 3, to run, to flow. Q/e 2. in prep. / adv., in. in: prep. / adv., in. A/d 1, F/f 1. G/a 1. M/e 1. N/e 1. (See þær) incund adj., interior, secret, sincere. R/b 1. ingān vb., an., to go in, to enter. N/e 1. inne prep., in, inside. A/e 1, 2. A/f 1. intinga: noun masc., matter, business, cause, opportunity. E/c 1. intō prep., into. D/d 1. N/c 1. *ins..ð J/f 1. M/b 1.see hinsīð iūgoð / geōguð noun, fem., youth. I/a 1. K/d 1. iūgoðhād (geō-) noun, masc., youth. P/d 1. lāc noun, fem., gift, present. C/b 1. lǣce noun, masc., physician. C/c 1. C/f 2. D/f 3. E/a 1. E/b [læ]ces 1. E/c 1. E/f 1. F/a [læc]es 1. H/e 1. Q/c 1. lǣcecræ t noun (compound), masc., medicine; remedy. A/f 1. C/b 1. C/f 1. E/d 1. G/b 1. lǣdan vb., to lead, to guide. C/a 1. C/b 1. E/e 2. F/f 2. G/a 1. G/f 1. J/f 1. K/a 1. K/b 1. K/d 1. M/c 2. N/c 1. P/e 1. R/a 1. lǣran vb., to teach, to instruct. D/a 1. E/b 1. E/d 1. G/b 1. N/a 2. N/b 1. lama noun, masc., cripple. H/b 1. H/d 1. H/e 1. land noun, neut., land. B/f 1. R/a 1. lange adv., long, for a long time. leng: comp. F/d 1. lārēow: noun, masc.,

teacher. B/e 2. C/a [la]reow 1. E/c 1. G/b 1. P/a 1. lāttēow noun, masc., leader, guide. Q/c 1. lēad noun, neut., lead. J/b 1. J/d 1. J/e 1 (uncertain). K/e 1. lēaf noun, neut., leaf. K/b 1. lēafa noun, masc., faith. C/a 1. C/b 1. L/e 1. lēof adj, dear. A/d 1. O/a 1. R/b 1. lēogan vb.2, to lie. P/b lyxt 1. leoht noun, neut., light. C/b 1. C/e 1. D/ c l.[eoh]t 1. F/c 2. F/d 1. liccian vb., to lick. L/a 1. licgan vb. 5, to lie. L/d 1. līchama noun, masc., body. F/e 2. L/d 1. L/f 1. O/e 1. P/d 1. Q/d 1. Q/e 3. Q/f 1. līcian vb., to please. P/e 1. līf noun, neut., life. A/e 1. D/c 1. līfan (īe/y) vb., to believe – A/e 1. B/a1. C/e 1.- D/c 1. D/d 1. G/c 1. G/d 1. G/f 1. H/d 1. L/b 1 – Q/a 1. Q/f 1. lifian (eo) vb., to live. F/d 1. I/a 1. lifiend (-igend) pres. part. / adj. living, alive. M/f 1. lim: noun, neut., nom., acc. pl.: leomu, limb. Q/d 1. lȳtlian: vb., to lessen, to belittle. O/b 1. lōcian vb., to see, to look. H/c 1. I/d 1. J/b 1. lōme adj. / adv. frequent/ly. P/d 1. R/c 1. lufian vb., to love. E/d 1. R/b 2. lufu noun, fem., love. F/f [lu]fan 1. lybcræft noun, masc., knowledge of drugs, magic. I/f 1. K/c 2. lȳtel adj., little. C/d 1. F/b 1. lȳthwon adv./noun, little. D/a [lit]hw[on]n. 1. mā adv., more. K/e 1. O/d 1. L/d *me 1. macian vb., to make, to arrange, to use. O/e 1. P/c 1. mægen noun, neut., power. B/c 1. F/a 1. J/b 1. mǣnan vb., to mean. B/f 1.

GLossary

mæsseprēost noun (compound), masc., priest. B/a 1. B/b 1. D/d 1. I/e 1. K/f 1. N/c 1. N/e 1. magan vb., an. (pf.-pr.), may. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/a 2. D/c 2. D/c 1. E/c 1. F/c 2 – F/d 2. G/d 2. G/e 2. J/e [mæ]g 1. K/e 1. – L/f 1. M/b 1. N/b 1. O/f 1. P/c 3.P/d 1. magister noun, masc., teacher. N/c 1. man: noun masc., man. A/d 2. A/f 1. B/d 1. C/e 1. D/b 1. D/c 1. D/e 1. E/a 1. E/b 1. E/c 1. E/d 2. E/e 2. E/f 2. F/a 1. F/d 2. F/e 1. F/f 1. H/b 1. H/d 1. H/e 1. H/f 1. I/a 1. I/d 2. I/f 2. J/a 1. J/b 2. J /c 2. J/e 2. J/f 2. K/c 1. K/d 1. K/f 1. L/c 3. L/d 1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/a 2. M/b 1. M/c 1. M/d 1, (*manes: see menen). M/e 1. M/f 1. N/c 1. O/d 1. O/e 2. O/f 1. P/c 3. P/d 1. P/e 1. Q/a 1. Q/c 1. Q/f 2. R/b 2. R/c 1. manig adj. / pr., many. A/d 1. A/e 2. C/b 1. C/c 1.C/f 1. E/e 1. F/e 2. H/f 1. I/b 1. I/c 1. J/c 1. K/d 1. L/d 1. L/e 1. M/b 1. P/c 1. Q/c 1. Q/e 1. manigfealdlic adj., manyfold. manigfealdlīce:advb., in many ways. I/c 1. māra comparative of micel, greater, stronger. F/b 1. J/a 1. J/b 1. N/e 1. martyr noun, masc., martyr. R/b 1. mēd: noun, fem., reward. R/b 1. medemian: vb., to condescend. B/c 1. menen noun, fem., handmaiden. M/d *manes (originally menenes?). mengan vb., to mix. R/d 1. menigu (mæ-) noun, often indecl., fem., multitude. J/c 1. meolc noun, fem., milk. Q/e 2. mētan vb., to meet, to find. E/c 1. micel (y) adj., much / many. B/d 1. B/f 1. C/b 1. D/c 1. D/d 1. E/c 1. F/e 1. H/e 1. I/b 1. J/b 1. J/f 1. L/b 2. L/e

1. L/f 1. M/e 2. N/b 1. N/d 1. P/d 1. P/f 1.Q/d 1. R/b 1. micle adv., much. I/c 1. K/e 1. mid prep., with, (by with passive). B/b 1. B/c 1. B/d 1. B/e 1. D/c 1. D/d 1. D/e 1. E/d 1. H/e 2. H/f 1. I/c 1. I/e 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. J/f 1. K/c 2. L/b 1. L/d 2. M/d 1. M/e 1. N/c 1. N/d 2. N/f 1. O/e 1. P/a 1. P/c 1. P/d 1. P/e 2. Q/d 1. R/a 1. R/b 2. R/d 2. *[m]id þære þe J/c 1. See Comm. 51 mid þy þe conj., while, when. B/b 1. B/d 1. B/e 2. C/a 1. C/b 1. C/f mid þ[y þe] 1. D/c [mid] þy þe 1. E/a 1. E/e 1. H/b 1. I/c 1. I/f 1. K/b 1. K/f 1. L/a 1. L/b 1. M/c 1. O/e 1. middan see onmiddan. mildheortnes noun, fem., kindness, mercy. G/a 1. Q/c 1. miltsian vb., to pity. C/c 1. mislic adj., various. O/e 1. mōd noun, neut., mind, spirit, pride, courage. R/b 1. mōtan: vb., an. (pf.pr.), to be allowed to. R/d 1. mūð: noun, masc. F/f 1. L/d 1. nā adv., not, by no means. F/c 1. F/d 1. H/b 1. I/c 1. L/c 1. nǣdre noun, fem., adder, snake. B/b 1. nǣfre adv., never. O/d 1. R/d [n]ǣfre1. nǣnig adj. / pr., neg. no … / none. B/a 1. C/f 2. F/c [n]æ[n]ige 1. P/c 1. R/d 1. nāht pr. / adv., nothing, not at all. C/c 1. D/e 1. F/b 1. F/c [na]ht 1. H/c 1. nama noun, masc., name. A/f 3. B/b 1. E/f 1. G/f 1. H/d 1. I/b 1. I/c 1. I/e 1. K/e 1. N/e 1. nān adj. / pr., not one. B/e 1. L/d 1. ne adv., not. B/e 1. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/a 1. F/c 2. F/d 1. F/f 1. G/b 1. G/c 2. G/d 2, [n]e 1. H/a 1. H/c 2. H/f. [n]e 1. I/a 1. I/e 1. J/e 1. K/c 2. K/e 1. K/f 1. L/d

133

134

GLossary

1. M/b 1. N/f 1. O/d 1. O/f 1. P/c 1. P/d 1. Q/b 1. Q/d 1. R/d [n]e 1 1. ne + beon nis, næs: see beon, ne + willan = nel(l)e: see willan. nemnan vb., to name, to call. H/b 1. I/a 1. niht noun, fem, night. N/d 1. niman vb. 4, to take. C/d 1. F/e 1. H/d 1. J/c 1. J/f 1. K/b 1. O/e 1. Q/f 1. nytt noun, fem. / adj., use, advantage / useful, beneficial. C/c 1. F/b 1. F/c 1. nū adv., now. A/d 1. B/a 1. D/b 1. F/f 1. G/a 1. G/d 1. H/c 1. I/f 1. J/c 1. J/d 1. K/c 1. L/f 1. M/f 1. N/c 1. O/b 1. P/a 1. P /b 1. Q/c 2. R/b 2. R/c 1. of prep., from. B/a 1. E/e 1. L/c 1. L/d 1. M/e 2. O/d 1. P/e 1, (ut) of 1. Q/b 1. Q/e 2. Q/f 1. of adv., away, combined with verb. ofāweorpan vb. 3, to cast aside, to throw off. K/b of[aworpen] 1. ofer prep., over. F/c 1. H/a 1. K/b 1. ōfer noun, masc., margin, shore. K/b 1. ofslēan vb. 6, to strike off / down, to kill. L/b 1. P/c 1. Q/c 1. Q/d 2. oferswīðan vb., to overcome. I/c 1. P/c 2. oft adv., often. F/b 1. on prep., in, on. A/d 1. A/e 3. A/f 1. B/e 1. C/a 1. C/e 1. D/b 2. D/c [o]n. 1. D/d 1. F/a 1. F/c (see onstæpe). F/e [o]n. 1. G/a 1. G/f 1. H/c 1. H/d 2. H/e 2. I/b 1. I/d 4. I/e 2. J/b 1. J/d 2. J/e 2. J/f 2. K/a 2. K/b 1. K/f 1. L/a 1. L/b 1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/a 2. M/d 2. M/e 1. N/d 1. O/c 3 (see þæron) – O/e 2. P/b 1. P/d 2. Q/a 2. Q/b 1. Q/d 1. Q/f 1. R/c 4. R/d 1. ondrǣdan vb. 7, to fear, + reflexive pr.: to be afraid. I/e 1. Q/d 1. onfōn vb. 7, + dat./ gen. / acc., to receive. A/f 1. B/f 1. J/e 1. K/e 1. L/a 1. Q/c 1. R/b 1. ongietan vb. 5, to understand. P/a 1.

onginnan vb. 3, to begin. B/b1. C/c 1. H/b 2. I/e 1. K/b [on]gan 1, 1. L/a 1. P/d 1. onhieldan vb., to bend. H/d 1. M/c 1. onlīhtan vb., to illuminate. D/b 1. F/d [onli]hte 1. G/d 1. onmiddan prep., in the middle of. P/a 1. onsægednes: noun, fem. sacrifice, offering. H/f on[sæged]nysse 1. L/f 1. onsecgan vb., to sacrifice, to offer a sacrifice. H/f [onsæ]ge 1. K/d 1. M/b 1. N/f 1. O/a on[sæcgan] 1. O/f 1. P/a on sæ/./gdan 1. onstæpe adverbial phrase, instantly. F/c on [stæpe] 1. H/e 1. I/f 1. J/d 1. ontȳnan vb., to open, to reveal. D/c [ont]ynede 1. Q/b 1. onweg adv., away. L/a 1. orotcræft noun, masc., (hapax); knowledge of medecine (of plants:wyrtcræft?). E/d 1. oð prep., up to. M/a 1. M/f 1. oð þæt conj., until. B/e 1. J/b 1. N/d 1. ōðer adj. / pr., second, other. B/a 1. B/e 1. C/f 1. D/f 2. H/b 1. J/e 1. M/f 1. N/f 1. O/e 1. P/b 1. (See swa oðer: J/c 1. K/b 1. 1P/f 1). oððe conj., or. R/c 1. preost noun, masc., priest (usually in compound: mæsse preost). N/a 1. N/e 1. *reoran see hreran (L/f reorað) restan vb., to rest. R/c gehreste 1. rice noun, neut., power, kingdom. Q/b 1. Q/e 1. R/d 1. riht adj., straight, right (see þærrihte). D/b1. L/e hrihtũ 1. sācerd noun, masc. / fem., priest(ess). G/e 1. H/b 1. H/c 1. H/f 1. sǣ noun, masc. / fem, often ind., sea. J/e 2. J/f 2. K/a 1. K/c 1. samnian vb., to assemble, to gather. D/b 1. D/f 1. samnung: noun, fem., meeting, assembly. H/f [samn]unge 1.

GLossary

samod adv., at the same time, togetherl. N/d 1. sawl noun, fem., soul. J/c 1. M/a 1. M/c 1. scieppan: vb. 6, to create. R/c 1. sceaðian: vb., to hurt, to harm. K/f 1. scēawian: vb., to look, to see. M/b 1. scendan vb., to put to shame, to confound. M/d 1. scerpan vb., to sharpen. J/c 1. sculan vb., an. (pf.-pr.), must / modal vb. E/d 1. K/e 1. M/a 1. M/b 1. O/d 1. P/b 1. P/d 1. sēað noun, masc., hole, pit. D/d 1. L/e 1. sēcan vb., to look for, to seek. C/c 1. E/c 1. secgan vb., to say. A/d segð (impersonal) 2. B/b 2. D/c 1. F/d 1. G/b 1. G/c 3. M/a 1. N/d1. O/d 1. R/d 1. sele: noun, masc., hall, house, dwelling. B/e 1. self: pr. self. B/f 1. sellan vb. (imp.: sele), to give, to entrust. A/f 1. B/a 1. C/b 1. C/d selstu (vb. + þu) 1. C/e 2. F/b 2. F/c 1. F/d 1. F/e 1. M/d 1. Q/a 1. Q/b 1. Q/e 1. sendan vb., to send. B/f 1. P/b 1. sēoc: adj., sick. B/d 1. Q/c 1. seofon: numeral, seven. B/f 1. seofoða: adj., seventh. R/c 1 sēon vb. 5, to see, to look. B/b 1. B/c 1. B/d 1. B/e 1. C/c 1. D/a 1. D/c 3. D/e 1. E/a 1. F/a 1. F/c [gese]on 1. G/d 1. H/c 2. H/e g 1. H/f 1. I/f 1. J/d 1. J/f 1. K/c 1. L/b 1. L/e 1. M/d 1. N/b 1. O/b 1. O/c 1. P/b 1. P/f [gese]agan 1. Q/e 1. Q/f 1. setl noun, neut., seat, place. Q/b 1. settan vb., to place, to set. C/a ge[set]te 1. K/d 1. R/a 1. sīde noun, fem., side. I/d 1. siex num., six. R/c 1. siht (-ð) noun, fem. sight, vision. C/b 1. C/d 2. E/e 2. F/b 1. simble adv., for ever, continuously. G/b 1.

singan vb. 3, to sing. F/f 1. J/d 1. K/b 1. M/c [sin]gende 1. P/d 1. slēan vb. 6, to strike. P/e 1. smearcian vb., to smile. H/c 1. smierwan (smirian) vb., to anoint, to salve. Q/e 1. snāw noun, masc., snow. Q/d 1. sōna adv., soon. E/c 1. G/d 1. I/e 1. K/b 1. K/f 1. N/c 1. O/a 1. sorgian vb., to grieve – sorgende: grieving, afflicted. Q/c 1. sōð adj., true. B/b 1. C/b 1. G/b 1. R/d 1. sōð: noun, neut., truth. to soðe: truly. F/d 1. sōðfæstnes: noun, fem., truth, justice. P/e 1. sōðlice adv., truly. N/a 1. N/b 1. N/d 1. P/a 1. Q/c 2. spāca noun, mask., spoke (of a wheel). M/e 1. spōwan: vb. 7, to succeed, to profit (to someone). H/c speu 1. sprecan vb. 1, to speak. F/c 1. F/d 1. F/f 1. K/f 1. O/c 1. stæpe noun, masc., step. See onstæpe. stān: noun, masc., stone. J/f 1. K/a 1. K/b 1. standan: vb. 6, to stand. H/d 1. M/e 1. stefn noun, fem., voice. J/b 1. L/b 1. Q/b 1. stōw noun, fem., spot, place. O/b 1. P/e 1. Q/a 1. strang adj., strong. Q/c 1. streng noun, masc., cord, rope. I/d 1. strengð noun, fem., strength. M/d 1. sum adj., pr. a certain / one, some. A/d 1. A/f 1. B/d 1. C/b 1. C/e 1. E/c 1. H/b 1. O/c 1. Q/e1. R/c 1. sund: adj., safe, uninjured. B/b1. H/d 1. H/e 1. sunnandæg: noun, masc., Sunday. R/c 1. sunu noun, masc, son. A/f 1. E/b 1. sūsl noun, neut./fem.,misery, torment,torture. E/d 1. swā: adv. / conj., so, as, thus. C/f 1. F/c 1. G/c 1. J/c 1. K/f 1. M/a 1. N/b 1. N/d 1.

135

136

GLossary

swa oðer just like… J/c 1 – K/b 1. P/f 1. swa swa. H/b 1. I /c 1. K/d 1. Q/d 1. indicating proportion: I/c swa (miccle swiðor) swa 1. K/e swa (miccle ma) swa 1. swā hwæt/hw… swa pr., whatever. G/c swa h[wæt swa] 1. G/f swa whæs 1. I/e swa hwilcum swa 1. sweltan: vb. 3, to die. I/a 1. K/d 1. L/d 1. swēora noun, masc., neck. P/e 1. sweord noun, neut., sword. J/c 1. P/c 1. P/e 1. P/f 1. swerian: vb. 6 / weak pret, to swear. E/b 1. O/d 1. swīcan: vb., to cease from. R/c 1. R/d 1. swīgian (swu-) vb., to be / to become silent. C/a 1. F/f 1. swilce adv. / conj., like, as. J/d 1. swingan vb. 3, to flog, to beat, to strike. I/d 1. swīðe adv., very much. A/f 1. C/a 1. C/b 1. C/f 1. D/e 1. D/f 1 – E/c 1. E/d 1. F/b 1. F/d 1. F/e 1. G/c 1. H/e 1. I/b 1. I/c 2. J/f 1. K/c 1. O/b 1. O/e 1. P/b 1. P/d 1. P/f 1. symbel noun, neut., festivity, feast. B/f 1 (uncertain). synn noun, fem., sin. Q/b. synnful adj. / noun, sinful, wicked. P/e 1. tācen noun, neut., sign. M/d tæcen 1. tǣcan vb., to teach, to train. A /f 1. C/f 1. tellan vb., to count, to consider, to think. E/d 1. O/f tel[s]tu (vb. + þu) 1. tēona noun, masc., injury, wrong. E/d 1. tīd noun, fem., time. D/c 1. F/e 1. H/e 1. M/e 1. N/c 1. O/b 1. O/c 1. Q/d 1. tilian vb., to exert oneself, to strive. R/d 1. timbran (-ian) vb, to build, to erect. M/a 1. tintreg noun, neut., torture. I/b 3. I/c 1. I/d 1. I/e 1. J/b 1. J/e 1. P/c 1. tintregend noun, masc., torturer. I/f 1. tō prep., to. B/a 1. B/c 1. B/d 2. B/e 2. C/a 1. C/b 2. C/e 1. D/b 1. D/d 1. D/e 1. D/f 1. E/a 1. E/b 1. E/c 3.

E/d 1. E/e 1. F/b 2. F/c 1. F/d 1. F/f 1. G/a 1. G/b 2. G/c 1. G/e 3. H/b 1. H/c 3. H/d 1. H/e 1. H/f 2. I/d 1. I/e 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/c 1. J/d 1. J/e 2. J/f 1. K/b 1. K/c 1. K/d 4. K/f 1. L/e 1. L/f 1. M/b 1. M/c 4. M/d 2. M/e 1. N/b 1. N/c 4. N/d 1. N/e 1. N/f 1. O/a 2. O/b 1.- O/f 3. P/e 2. P/f 2. Q/a [t]o 1. Q/c 1. Q/d 1. R/c 1. R/d 1. tōbrecan vb. 4, to break up. D/d 1. M/e 1. O/c 2. O/d 1. tōclypian vb., to invoke. R/b 1. tōhreōsan vb. 2, to fall to pieces. O/c 1. tōmiddes: prep., among. G/f 1. K/f 2. tōð: noun, masc., tooth. H/e 1. trēow noun, neut., tree. P/e 1. Q/e 2. Q/f 1. trymian / trymman vb., to strengthen, to comfort. L/a 1. L/e 1. tunge noun, fem., tongue. J/c 1. twā num., two. I/d 1. N/f 1. tȳn vb., to instruct, to teach. A/f 1 (past part.). I/e 1. þā conj. (and) then. A/e 2. A/f 1. B/b 3. B/c 2. B/d 4. B/e 6. B/f 2. C/a 4. C/b 4. etc. þā … þā conj. when…then. H/c 1. H/e 1. K/d 1. L/b 1. L/e 1. O/d 1. O/f 1. P/f 1. Q/c 1. Q/d 1. Q/f 1. þā mid þe … þā conj. B/b 1. B/d1. B/c 2. B/e 1. C/a 1. C/c 1. D/c 1. D/e 1. E/a 1. E/e 1. H/b 1. I/b 1. I/e 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. K/b 1. K/f 1. L/a 1. L/b 1. M/c 1. O/e 1. þǣr adv, there, where. A/e 3. B/f 2. C/b 1. D/d 2. H/b 1. H/e 1. J/d 1. J/e 2. K/a 1. L/d 2. L/e 1. M/b 1. N/d 1. O/b 2. O/c 1. P/b 1. P/d 1. P/e 1. Q/e 2. Q/f 1. R/d 2. þǣr ǣr adv., + pret. = pluperfect. D/C 1. E/a 1. E/e 1. E/f 1. F/b 1. þǣrinne adv., therein. D/d 1. L/e 1. þær on adv., thereon. K/a 1. O/c 1.

GLossary

þǣr rihte adv., thereupon, immediately. M/e 1. P/e 1. Q/d 1. þæs adv. (from se, gen.), that / so (to that point). K/c 1. þæt conj.+ noun clause or clause of purpose, that, so that. (Always abbreviated ꝥ). A/d 1. A/f 2. B/a 2. B/b 1. B/c 2. C/c 2. D/a 1. D/b 1. D/f 1. E/b 1. E/c 1. E/d 2. E/e 1. G/b 1. G/c 2. H/a 1. H/c 1. H/d 1. I/a 2. I/c 2. I/d 3. I/f 2. J/b 2. J/e 2. J/f 3. K/c 3. K/d 1. K/e 3. K/f 1. L/c 2. L/e 1. L/f 2. M/a 2. M/b 4. M/c 1. M/d 3. M/f 1. N/b 1. N/c 2. N/d 2. N/e 2. N/f 1. O/a 2. O/d 2. O/e 1. O/f 2. P/a 2. P/b 3. P/c 5. P/f 2. Q/e 1. Q/f 1. R/b 1. R/c 1. R/d 2. þafian vb., to allow, to consent to. H/f 2. I/d 1. K/d 1. P/a 1 [geþa]fodan 1. þanc noun, masc., thank(s). B/c 1. D/d 1. þancian (+ gen.: thing, dat.: person) vb., to thank. D/e 1. þanon adv., from this/ that place or time. I/f 1. þe / þe … þe… conj., or, whether (…) or (…). F/a 1. F/b 1. þe rel. pr., Correlation definite article / dem. adj./ pronoun … þe + relative clause. C/d1. C/f 1. D/d 1. D/e 1. D/f 1. E/a 2. E/b 2. E/d 2. E/d 1. E/f 1. F/b 1. G/c 2. H/d 2. I/a 1. I/e 1. I/f. J/c 1. J/d 1. J/e 1. K/c 1. K/d 1. K/e 2. L/c 1. L/d 1. L/e 1. M/a 1. M/d 1. N/f 1. O/b 1. Q/f 1. R/a 1. R/b 1. R/c 2. þearfa noun (masc.) / adj., poor man, beggar. C/e 1. D/e 1.M/c 1. þeah conj., although, even if. J/a 1. þegn noun, masc., servant, attendant. K/e 1. þēodan: vb., to join, to attach oneself to. D/f 1. þēon: vb. 1 (contr.), to thrive. K/f 1.

þeow noun, masc., servant, slave. B/a [þ]eowe. F/d 1. G/a þe[ow] 1 – M/c 1. M/d 1. N/d 1. Q/b 1. þēostru (tre): noun, fem., darkness. D/b 2. þēs dem. adj. / pr., this. A/d 1. B/a 1. B/c 1. B/c 1. B/d 1. B/e 1. B/f 1. B/f 1. C/a 1. C/e 1. D/b 2. D/c 1. D/d 1. D/e 1. E/a 1. E/b 1. E/e: 1. F/a 1. F/d 1. F/e 1. G/a 1. G/e 1. H/b 1. H/c 2. H/d 1. I/a 1. I/b 1. I/d 2. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. J/e 1. K/f 1. L/b 3. L/c 2. L/e 1. L/e 1. L/f 2. M/f 1. N/a 2. N/d 2. N/e 1. O/b 1. O/c 1. O/d 3. P/f 1. Q/a 2. Q/c 1 Q/d 1 Q/f 2. R/a 1. R/d 1. þing noun, neut., thing, creature. L/a 1. þingian vb., to intercede. R/b 1. þider adv., to that place, there (with verb of motion). B/f 1. E/a 1. M/b 1. þonne (-æ-) conj./ adv., therefore, then, than. C/d 1. C/e 1. D/a 1. E/d 1. E/e 1. G/a 1. G/d 3. G/f 2. H/a 2. H/f 1. I/c 2. J/b 1. L/f 2. M/b 1. N/b 1. O/a 1. O/c 1. R/b 1. R/d 2. þonne (-æ-) (after comparative/hraðer) than. E/c 1. F/a 1. F/b 1. L/d 1. þonne þe conj., since / after + temporal clause. J/a 1. þrǣstan vb., to crush, to oppress. D/e 1. E/d 1. G/c 1. I/f 1. þrēagan vb., to oppress, to torture. A/e 1. þrēat: noun, masc., crowd, troop. Q/b 1. þridda: adj., third. H/b 1. þriē num., three. O/e 1. þrīpel noun, masc., gibbet, rack, forkshaped cross. I/d 1. þrītig (-itt-) num., thirty. M/a 1. þrōwian vb., to suffer. A/d 1. I/b 2. I/c 3. I/e 1. K/d 1. K/e 2. L/c 1. þurh prep., through. B/b 2. D/b 1. E/a 1. E/b 1. F/a 2. F/d 2. I/f 1. K/e 1. N/b 1. O/d 1. Q/c 1. þurhwunian verb., to remain. I/b 1.

137

138

GLossary

þus adv., thus, to this extent + adj. B/d 1. B/f 1. D/b 1. þūsend num., thousand. L/c 1. þyllic adj. / pr., such (a person/ thing). G/d 1. þȳ lǣs conj., lest. K/d 1. unālyfed (-i-, -e-) adj., not allowed. R/c 1. undēadlic adj., immortal. B/a 1. under prep., under. A/d 1. R/a 1. unēaðnes noun, fem., trouble, worry. B/d 1. ungesǣlig: adj., unhappy. M/f 1. ungesceððed adj., unhurt. M/e 1. unmedome adj., unworthy. P/b 1. unriht noun, neut., evil, sin. J/c 1. unrōt adj., sad, displeased. O/b 1. untīd- prefix, untimely. R/d untidweorca 1. untrum adj./ noun, infirm, sick. D/b 1. ūt adv., out. J/e 1. P/e 1. ūtan adv., from / on the outside. L/a 1. wǣdla adj., poor, destitute. M/c 1. wæstm noun, masc. / neut., growth, fruit. Q/e 2. wæter noun, neut., water. J/d 1. K/b 1. weax / wex noun, neut., wax. P/f 1. weg noun, masc., way. D/b 1. wel adv., well. F/c 1. H/a 1. M/f 1. P/b 1. weorc noun, neut., work. M/a 1. P/b 1. R/c 2. R/d untid- 1. weorpan vb. 3, to throw. J/f 1. K/a [gewur]pan 1. L/e 1. O/c 1. weorð (-y-) noun, neut., worth. K/c 1. weorðan vb 3, to happen- frequently: (passive) + adj/ past part.: to become. B/d 1. C/a 2. D/e 1. F/d 1.H/e *wurdor 1. J/b 1. J/d 1. J/e *[wur]de 1 (uncertain: [ad]wæscde?). K/b 1. K/c 1. L/d 1. L/e 2. M/d 1. M/e 2. O/b 2. P/b 1. P/e 1. Q/e 2. Q/f 2. weorðmynd (/t): noun, masc./fem., honour. G/f 1. werod: noun, neut., throng, band. B/f werode 1.

wiergan / -e- / -y- vb., to curse. past part. accursed. a. R/d 1. wīf noun, neut., woman. K/d 1. K/e 1. wiht noun, fem./neut., person or thing. na wiht: not at all. F/d 1. wilddēor noun, neut., wild beast. K/d wildeor 1. L/a [wil]deor 1. L/c 2. L/d 1. L/e 1. willan vb., an., to wish / modal vb (neg. pr.: nel--). B/b 1. E/d 1. F/c 2. G/b 1. G/c 1. I/d 1. J/f 1. L/d 1. N/b 2. Q/d 1. Q/e 1. R/d 1. wyllan (-æ- / -e-) 5 vb. (weak), to boil transitive). J/b 1. winnan vb. 3, to labour, to struggle, to fight. N/d 1. witan vb., pf.-pr., to be aware of, to know. I/a 1. wītan vb. 1, to depart, to go. L/a 1. L/b 1. wīte noun, neut., punishment, torture. O/e 1. wītega: noun, masc., prophet. M/f 1. witodlīce adv., truly, therefore. M/b 1. M/e 1. N/e 1. P/d 1. wið prep., against, in exchange for, with gen.: towards. C/b 1. C/d 1. E/d 1. F/e 1. J/c 1. P/d 2. wiðstandan vb. 6, to withstand – here: to stand some distance away / in front. J/d 1. J/e 2. word noun, neut., word. B/e 1. F/c 1. G/a 1. H/a 1. H/f 1. J/c 1. N/a 1. O/f 1. woruld noun, fem., world. (see ā). I/a 2. R/e 2. wrēgan: vb., to accuse. E/d 1. N/f [wre]gde. wuldor: noun, neut., glory. B/c 1. D/b 1. J/d 1. L/c 1. Q/e 1. wuldorhelm noun, masc., crown of glory. K/e 1. wuldrian: vb., to glorify (one of the Elect). H/e 1. I/c 1. O/a 1. P/a 1. Q/b 1. wundor noun, neut., wonder, miracle. B/b 1. L/e 1. Q/f 1.

GLossary

wundrian vb., to wonder. J/d 1. wunian vb., to inhabit, to stay. B/c 1. B/e 1. B/f1. wuton: (from wītan), introduces an imperative: let us. P/f 1. wyrcan (eo) vb., to perform, to work. C/c 1. F/a 1. G/d 2. J/c 1. M/a 1. M/b 1. P/b 1. R/c 1. yfel noun, neut. evil. A/e 1. M/f 1. R/d 1. yfel: adj., bad, evil. G/c 1. J/c 1. K/d 1. ymbsellan: vb., to surround. L/a 1. Names Antimus I/b 1. Aslipius Asclepius (Esculape). F/b 2. Crīst Christ. A/e 1. B/b 1. B/c 1. C/a 1. D/b 1. E/f 1. F/a 1. F/c 3. F/d 1. G/e 1. H/d 1. I/a 2. I/b 1. I/c 1. I/e 1. J/b 1. J/c 1. K/d 1. K/e 1. L/c 1. L/e 1. M/e 1. N/d 1. O/b 1. P/a 1. P/b 1. Q/a 2. Datianus. O/d 1. Ermolaus. B/b 1. I/e 1. K/a1. K/f 1. N/a 1. N/c 1. N/d 1. N/e 1. N/f 1. P/a [ermola]us 1. Eufrosinus. A/f 1. E/b 2. Exterius. A/f 1. E/b 1.

Galligenum Gallienus. H/b 1. Hermippus N/f 1. P/a [he]rm[ippus] 1.Iovis: G/d *[ioui]s 1 (uncertain). Maximianus A/d 1. D/e 1. E/c 1. E/e 1. F/e 1. H/a 1. I/a 1. J/e 1. J/f 2. K/b 1. K/d 1. N/b 2. N/d 1. N/e 1. O/d 1. O/f 1. P/b 1. Q/f 1. Mercurius H/b 1. Nicomedia A/d 1. Pantaleon A/d 1. A/f 1. B/d 1. B/f 1. C/a 1. C/b 2. C/c 1. C/d 1. C/e 1. C/f 1. D/a 1. D/c 1. D/e 2. D/f 2. E/a 1. E/b 1. E/c 1. E/e 1. E/f 1. F/b 1. F/c 1. F/d 1. F/f 1. G/a 1. G/b 1. G/c 1. G/e 2. G/f 1. H/b 1. H/c 2. H/f 2. I/a 1. I/b 2. I/c 1. I/e 1. I/f 1. J/b 1. J/c 1. J/d 1. K/c 1. K/d 1. K/e 1. L/c 1. M/a 1. M/c 2. M/e 2. M/f 1. N/a 1. N/b 2. N/c 1. N/d 1. N/e 1. N/f 2. O/c 1. O/e 1. O/f 3. P/a 2. P/b 1. P/c 1. P/d 1. Q/a 1. Q/b 1. Q/c 1. Q/d 1. Q/f 2. R/a 1. R/b 1. Ypocratis Hippocrates (God). H/b 1. Ypocratis a disciple of Ermolaus’. N/f 1. P/a 1.

139

Latin manuscripts

Selection The oldest Latin version collated by the Bollandists was Chartres, Bibliothèque Municipale, Ms 63 (now 115G) dating from the end of the ninth century, but it was destroyed in the bombing of the library during the second World War, together with later Chartres manuscripts also containing the Passio: all were either burnt to ashes or reduced to illegible scraps.1 Most of the manuscripts containing the text have already been examined by the Bollandists, whose work provides an invaluable basis for study. A few manuscripts can be added to their list, either from the smaller libraries in the countries where they have worked, such as Valenciennes in France, or from countries to which their research has not extended (notably Britain and Spain). A number of Italian manuscripts (from smaller libraries) have had to be left aside for practical reasons. Three from two major libraries2 turned out to be out of reach (high price of reproduction by private photgraphers, restrictions on travelling due to the COVID epidemic). Altogether, from (approximately) year 900 to 1400, some 120 copies surviving in the libraries of Western Europe are fairly easily accessible. Later compilations and abridged versions have not been taken into account here, apart from an occasional mention or two. It is enough to note that Jacobus de Voragine did not include Saint Pantaleon in his ‘Golden Legend’ (composed in the 1260’s) but it is often added to it in later copies. It is part of another abbreviated legendary, Bernard Gui’s Speculum Sanctorale (completed around 1330). All variants have been noted down, but for reasons of time, the division into groups is based on only two pages of text (out 17). The AB family is composed of small groups of texts, with few variants from the base text and and a few (varied) common readings with the other groups. C, D and F (Athletes group) are clearly defined, each with its own clear-cut set of variants. E texts are more varied and further study of it would probably lead to the identification of at least two connected strands.

1 Chartres, Bibliothèque Municipale, Ms 193 (507 5/B), Ms 190, (500 5/A), Ms 473 (511 5/B). Another 209 manuscripts underwent the same fate; fragments are being slowly and painstakingly resurrected. 2 One from Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana and two from Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.

142

Latin manusCripts

That loose classification leaves out a few outsiders: mixed versions and a few odd copies; Newcastle University Libray MS 1 is the closest to the mainstream version but steadily resorts to its own set of synonyms (in one page: prostratus, cursim, in crastinum, consumo, desino etc, not found in any other Latin copy); Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek MS M p. th 124, differs from all other versions: for instance, it mentions two emperors, states that Diocletian’s father was a scribe;3 it states that Pantaleon was introduced to Diocletian by his father (by his teacher in all other Latin versions). None of these outsiders gives a clue as to a possible source for the Old English text. Practically all BnF manuscripts manuscripts and a good many kept in other French libraries or archives are accessible on online. By far the easiest access is via Ccfr4 (Ccfr> Manuscrits et Archives> sélectionner les catalogues: Tous, then select: langue (Latin), ville, institution and côte (shelf number). For Paris the institution concerned here is: Paris-BnF – Manuscrits (towards the end of the list) and when indicating the shelf mark, type ‘latin’ (no abbreviation) followed by number and for Nouvelle Acquisitions Latines type: NAL (no full form, no other form of abbreviation) followed by number. If the electronic page for the manuscript is accessible online, it is indicated by an icon next to the title.

List of Latin manuscripts Sigla: all sigla with numbers only, refer to manuscripts held in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale (including two from BnF Nouvelles acquisitions Latines). For any other manuscript, the first letter is the initial of the city where it is held; it may be followed by one or two letters from the name and/or letter(s) from the fund it belongs to. It may also be followed by number(s), the first or the last in the shelf number. AB manuscripts can be divided into small groups of 2 or 3. B1 and B2 are groups of 4 manuscripts each. The only common points of AB manuscripts is the small number of variations from one mini-group to another. F1 refers to a subgroup of F with a number of omitted passages, but otherwise quite close to the other F manuscripts. In many cases, lectionaries or otherwise incomplete texts have been left out of the classification into groups.

3 probably from Jordanes’ De Regnorum ac Temporum Successione. 4 Except for Clermont-Fd, where the list of manuscripts is incomplete: manuscript 148 is missing (among others).

13th c.

Lilienfeld, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60

12th – 13th c. 14th c. 15th c. 14th c. 12th – 13th c. 15th 12th c. (early) 13th c.

Brussels, KBR, MS 98–100

Brussels, KBR, MS 329–41

Brussels, KBR, MS 428–42

Brussels, KBR, MS 981 (Shared variants with MS 9290 and 9291)

Brussels, KBR, MS 9290

Brussels, KBR, MS 9291

Brussels, KBR, MS 18108

Mons, BU, MS 26.210 (vol. 1)

12th C. 13th c. 11th c.

Angers, BM, MS 806

Arras, BM (Patrimoine), MS 512 (600) (Last ff missing)

Cambrai, BM, Ms 0683 (767.I)

France (BM = Bibliothèque Municipale)

Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS Thott 133 (from Paris)

13th c.

12th c.

Brussels, MB, MS 72

Denmark

12th c.

Brussels, MB (Museum Bollandianum), MS 5

Belgium

12th c.

date

Heiligenkeuz, Stifsbibliothek, MS 13

Austria

Country

C863

F

A600 1

A806

Cth

B18

B91

B90

B981

B442

B341

B100

Bol72

Bol5

Lf

Hk

siglum

AB

AB

F1

F

D

D

D

D

D

D

F

D

D

group

Latin manusCripts 143

12th c. 13th c. 12th c. 13th – 14th c.

Charleville-Mézières, BM, Ms 254 (vol. 1)

Clermont-Ferrand, BM (Patrimoine), MS 148

Colmar, BM, MS 356 (Carefully rewritten, individual variants)

Dijon, formerly BM, now Archives, MS 646

11th – 12th c. 12th c. 10th-11th c. 13th c. 12th c. 13th c. 13th c. 13th c.

Le Mans, BM, MS 227

Montpellier, BU lettres, MS H1 (from Clairvaux)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 3789 (Orleans) (2nd half missing)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5271

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5274 (from Toul/ North-eastern France)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5276

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5278 (from Toul / North-eastern France)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5296 (N-E France / Flanders) (SP: one folio)

14th c. 10th c.

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5306

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5310

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5301 (from Saint-Martial de Limoges)

950–1000

12th c.

Douai, BM, MS 842

2

12th c.

Douai, BM (Patrimoine), MS 837

Dijon, formerly BM, now Archives, MS 654

12th c.

13th c.

Charleville-Mézières, BM, MS 174

1

date

Country

C

AB

AB

5310

5306

5301

5296

5278

5276

Close to E? AB

5274

5271 AB

C

F

3789

MoH1 1

LM227 B1

D842

D837

Di54 p.

Di46

Co356

Cl14

CM254

CM174

siglum

AB

AB

AB

E

E

C

F

C

group

144 Latin manusCripts

11th c. 14th c. 12th + 13th c. 13th c. 12–13th c. 11th c. 12th c. (end) 1150–1175 11th c. 1175–1200 1050–1100

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5324

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5360

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5365 (Saint-Martial de Limoges) (First folios missing)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 11758

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 14364 (from St Victor Abbey, Paris)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 15437 (Northern France)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 16734 (Paris / North, Cistercian Legendary)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 16821 (Paris area)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 17002

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 17005 (Paris area, Cistercian Legendary)

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 17627 (Paris Northern France)

10th c. 15th c. (early) 12th c. 12th c. 10th-11th c. 11th c.

Paris, BnF, MS NAL 2180 (from Silos, Spain)

Paris, BnF, MS NAL 22894 (from Remiremont, NE France)

Reims, BM, MS 1408

Reims, BM, MS 1409

Rouen BM, MS U 042

Rouen, BM, MS U 003 (from Fécamp) (1 ½ ff, the rest is lost)

11th c.

13th c.

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5323

Paris, BnF, MS NAL 2179 (from Silos, Spain)

12th c.

Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 5322

3

date

Country

16734 16826 17002 17005 17627

F1 2 1

F1

R42 R3

1

F

Re9 B2

Re8

2289

2180

C

C

AB

E

F

B

B

2179

15437 1

B

14364 F1

11758

5365 C

B

1

5360

F

5324

1

5323

5322

siglum

C

AB

AB

group

Latin manusCripts 145

12th c. 12/13th c. 10th c.

Rouen BM, MS U 133 (Stops in mid text and mid page)

Saint-Omer, BM, MS 716

Saint-Omer, BM, MS 311 12–3th c.

Verdun, BM., MS 1 (Lectionary, SP f 49v–50v et ff 178v)

12th c. 12th c. (end) 15th c. 14th c. (mid) 12th c. (2nd half) 12th c. 14th c. 11th c. 12th / 13th c. 12th c. (2nd half)

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Phill.1839 (from Metz)

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Phill.1874 (from Metz)

Düsseldorf, Universitäts-und-Landes Bibliothek, MS C19

Frankfurt am Main, Stadt /Universitäts bibliothek MS Bart. 3.4

Köln, Stadtarchiv, MS W.320

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 332

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 701

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 18546

Trier, Stadtbibliothek, MS 1151/455

Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, MS p. m p. th 124 (atypical text)

1076–1125 1076–1125

Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare, Codex I

Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare, Codex II

Italy

12th c.

Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek Bibliothek, MS sc.Hist.139

Germany

10th c.

Valenciennes, BM, MS 501

5

date

Country

F

F

F

F

D

D

D

D

AB

AB

F

D

AB

Be2

Be1

Tr

M546

M701

M332

K320

Frk3.4

Dü19

Bln74

Bln39

Ba139

Ve

V

SO311

SO716

C

R133

B2

siglum

AB

group

146 Latin manusCripts

12th c. 12th c. 12th c. 12th c. 14th c. 12th (mid)13th 12th / 13th 12th / 13th 12th / 13th c. 12th c. 13th c. 12th c. 9th / 10th c. 12th c. 11th c. 11th c.

Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Conv. soppr. 300

Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Conv. soppr. 303

Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Aed. 133

Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Pluteus 20.3 (Lucca)

Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 22

Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare, codex A

Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare, codex B

Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare, codex D

Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare, codex G

Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS B55 inf.

Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS XV.AA.13

Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 719

Roma, BN Vittorio Emanuele, Farfense, MS Farf. 29

Roma / Vaticano, Archivio S. Giovanni in Laterano, MS A 78

Roma / Vaticano, Archivio S. Giovanni in Laterano, MS A.80

Roma / Vaticano, Archivio S. Giovanni in Laterano, MS A 81

14th c (1350 +) 14th c. (1350 +)

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 70H50

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 78 A 31

Netherland

date

Country

D

AB

E

F

F

F

E

F

E

E

E

E

E

F

E

E

E

E

group

H31

H50

Rm81

Rm80

Rm78

Rm29

RmCa

Np

Mi55

LucG

LucD

LucB

LucA

Ivr

FiP

Fi33

FiCs3

FiCs0

siglum

Latin manusCripts 147

12th c. 12th c. 12th c. 13th c. 11th c. 14th c.

Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS vat. lat. 1191

Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. Lat. 539

Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. Lat. 541

Roma, Bib. Apost. Vat., Arch. Cap. S. Pietro, MS A 3 (Lectionary,1 ½ ff))

Roma, Bib. Apost. Vat., Arch. Cap. S. Pietro, MS A 4

Roma, Bib. Apost. Vat., Arch. Cap. S. Pietro, MS A 7 (Lectionary,1 ½ ff)

F

F

AB

F

E

F

F

F

F

group

VatA4

VR41

VR39

VL91

VL53

VL74

Sals

Nero

Esc

siglum

1 An elusive ms: it is missing from some online catalogues. Part of it is from the 13th c., but the rest, including St Pantaleon, is from the 12th. 2 St Martial de Limoges, 2005, pp. 337–44 + planches VI–XXIII, Marianne Besseyre and Marie-Thérèse Gousset, ‘le scriptorium de Saint-Martial de Limoges, de l’héritage carolingien au roman aquitain’. 3 NAL: Nouvelles Acquisitions Latines.

Roma, Bib. Apost. Vat., Arch. Cap. S. Pietro, MS A 9 (Lectionary, 1 f)

14th c.

1100–1150)

Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS vat. lat. 6453 (Lost ff)

Roma, Bib. Apost. Vat., Arch. Cap. S. Pietro, MS A 8 (Lectionary, 2 ff)

1051–1150

11th c.

11th c. (late)

11th c.

date

Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS vat. lat. 6074

Vatican

Salisbury, Cathedral Library, MS 222

Newcastle, University Library, MS 1 (many individual variants)

London, British Library, Cotton Nero E.1, Part 2

United Kingdom

Biblioteca del Escorial, MS b I 4

Spain

Country

148 Latin manusCripts

4 Around 1425: Monique Goullet, ‘Les saints du diocèse de Toul (SHG I)’, L’hagiographie du haut Moyen Age en Gaule du Nord. (Series: Manuscrits et Centres de Production, dir. byM. Heinzelmann, Stuttgart, J. Thorbecke Verlag, 2001), pp. 11–89. 5 With later corrections: the reference may be V1 or V2 in case of some obvious correction from the earlier to the learlier version.

Bibliography

Language Secondary sources Bosworth Joseph and Thomas Northcote Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1898). Bourcier Georges, Les propositions relatives en Vieil-Anglais (Paris: Publications de l’Uni­ versité Paris X Nanterre, 1977). Cameron Angus, Ashley Crandell Amos, Antonette DiPaolo Healy , Dictionary of Old English A to I online (Toronto: Dictionary of old English project, 2018) and Dictionary of Old English Corpus, online: [last accessed 2 July 2020]. Campbell Alistair, Old English Grammar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959). Clark Hall John Richard, A concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1894, 4th edition Toronto: Toronto University Press 1960). Mitchell Bruce, Old English Syntax, 3 vol. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985). Mossé Ferdinand, Manuel de l’anglais du Moyen Âge I, vol. 1 (Paris: Aubier, 1950). Ogawa Hiroshi, Old English Modal Verbs (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1989). Quirk Randolph and Charles Leslie Wrenn, An Old English Grammar, 2nd edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957). Roberts Jane, Christian Kay, Lynne Grundy, A Thesaurus of old English (2 vol.) (Lon­ don: King’s College, Centre for Late Antique and medieval Studies, 1995). Toller Thomas Northcote, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921). Texts of reference Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. and tr. by Walter William Skeat (EETS 1966 reprint).1 A Volume of Vocabularies, ed. by Thomas Wright (Privately printed, 1857). Old English Glosses, ed. by Arthur Sampson Napier (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1900). The Blickling Homilies, ed. and tr. by William Morris (EETS 1880). The Old English Orosius, ed. by Janet Bately (EETS Oxford 1980). The Old English version of the Gospels, ed. by Roy Michael Liuzza, vol. 1 (EETS 1994).

1 EETS: Early English Text Society.

152

BiBLioGraphy

Psalters BL Add MS 37517 (‘The Bosworth Psalter’), accessible on British Library website. BL Arundel MS 60, accessible on British Library website. In book form: Der Atenglische Arundel-Psalter des Britischen Museum, Der Altenglische Arundel-Psalter: Eine Interlin­ earversion in der Handschrift Arundel 60 des Britischen Museums, Anglistiche ed. by Guido Oess, Forschungen, 30 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1910; repr. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger N. V., 1968). BL Cotton MS Tiberius C VI, accessible on British Library website. BL Cotton MS Vespasian A I, accessible on British Library website. BL Cotton MS Vitellius E XVIII, accessible on British Library website. Also: The Vitellius Psalter ed. by James L. Rosier (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1962). BL Harley MS 863 (‘The Leofric Psalter’), accessible on British Library website. BL Royal MS 2.B V, accessible on British Library website. Also: Der altenglische RegiusPsalter. HS. Royal 2. B. 5 des Brit. Museum, ed. by Fritz Roeder, (Halle: Max Nemeyer, 1904). BL Stowe MS 2, accessible on British Library website. Cambridge University Library MS Ff.1.23 (‘Winchcombe Psalter’), accessible on University of Cambridge Digital Library. Der Lambeth-Psalter. HS. 427 der erzbischöflichen Lambeth Palace Library, ed. by Uno Lindelöf (Helsingfors: Druckerei der Finnischen Litteraturgesellschaft, 1909). Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter (Trinity College Cambridge) Part II, ed. by Fred Harsley (EETS, OS 92, 1889). Paris, BnF MS Latin 8824 (‘The Paris Psalter’), accessible on Bnf Gallica website. Also: Old English Psalms, ed. and tr. by Patrick P. O’Neill, Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 42 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2016). The Salisbury Psalter (Salisbury Cathedral MS. 150), ed. by Celia Sisam and Kenneth Sisam, (EETS 1959).

Historical background: Antiquity Primary sources Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum libri, ed. by John C. Rolfe (Cambridge: Har­ vard University Press, 1935). ‘An Ancient Syrian Martyrology’, ed. by William Wright, Journal of Sacred Literature vol. VIII (1866), pp. 423–32 . [Last accessed 2 July 2020]. Lactantius, De la mort des persécuteurs (Liber de Mortibus Persecutorum), ed. J. Moreau (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1954).

BiBLioGraphy

Procopius, On Buildings, tr. By Henry Bronson Dewing, Robert Emory Glanville Downey, Vol. VII (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press 1940). Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syriaques, François Nau, (Turnhout: Brepols, 1912 – reprint Tunhout: Brepols, 1993). Accessible on BnF Gallica website [Last accessed 2 July 2020]. Secondary Literature Boulhol Pascal, ‘L’apport de l’hagiographie à la connaissance de la Nicomédie paléochrétienne’, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité, tome 106, n°2. (1994), pp. 921–92. [Accessible on www.persee.fr/doc]. Courtois Christian, ‘Sur un carreau de terre cuite représentant Saint Pantaléon’ Karthago III, 1951–1952, pp. 208–13. ———, ‘Reliques carthaginoise et histoire carolingienne’, Compte-rendu des séances de l’Académie des Inscription et Belles-Lettres 1945 pp. 11–15. Darras-Worms Anne-Lise, Le visage de l’Invisible (Paris: Migne, 1994). Delehaye Hypolite, ‘Hagiographie napolitaine’, Analecta Bollandiana, 57 (1939), pp. 5– 64. Diehl Charles, L’Afrique Byzantine, histoire de la domination Byzantine en Afrique (533– 709) (Paris: E. Leroux, 1896). ———, ‘Etudes sur l’administration byzantine dans l’Exarchat de Ravenne’, Bibliothèque des Ecoles d’Athènes et Rome 53 (1888). Duchesne Louis and Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Acta Sanctorum November, II, pp. LII– LXV and p. 97. Duval Noël, ‘Recherches archéologiques à Haïdra. I.’ Coll. de l’Ecole Française de Rome 18, 1975, pp. 251–53. Gerstel Sharon, ‘Tiles of Nicomedia and the Cult of Saint Pantaleon’ in Byzantine Reli­ gious Culture: Studies in Honor of Alice-Mary Talbot, ed. by Denis Sullivan, Elizabeth Fisher, Stratis Papaioannou (Leyden: Brill, 2011). Jacques François and Bernard Bousquet, ‘Le raz-de-marée du 21 juillet 365’, Mélanges de l’école française de Rome, 96(1) (1984), pp. 423–61. (Online on www.persee.fr/doc). ———, ‘Les séismes de l’antiquité tardives d’après les sources. Problèmes méthodologiques’, Bulletin de l’Association des Géographes Français, no. 499, 1984, pp. 49–55. (Online on www.persee.fr/doc).

Historical background: early Middle Ages Manuscripts

[All accessible online except for the Rouen manuscript]. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library MS 9.

153

154

BiBLioGraphy

British Library, MS Arundel 155 (Eadwig’s Psalter). Paris BnF MS latin 2293. Paris BnF MS Latin 2627 (De Mortibus Persecutorum). Paris BnF MS latin 9085(Florus’ martyrology). Paris BnF MS latin 10837 (Echternach calendar). Paris BnF MS latin 12582 (Ado’s martyrology). Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS Y 6. Saint-Gall (St Gallen), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. Sang. 458 (a martyrology by Hraban Maur)… Saint-Gall (St Gallen), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. Sang. 45 (Bede’s Martyrology). Saint-Gall (St Gallen), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. Sang. 454 (Ado’s Martyrology). Primary sources, known author Ado: see Manuscripts (above), also in Migne PL 123. Agobardi Lugdunensis Carmina, Agobard de Lyon,, ed. by Lieven Van Acker (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio mediaevalis, 52, Turnhout: Brepols, 1981). [and the not-so reliable Patrologia Latina 104, ed. by Migne, col. 359–42]. Florus, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini (II), ed. by Ernst Dümmler (Berlin: MGH 1884). John of Damascus, Contra imaginum calumniatores orationes tres, Migne Patrologia Graeca 94 col. 1231–1420 or, in a scholarly edition: ed. by Bonifatius Kotter, Patristische Texte und Studien, 17 (Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975). Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, ed. by G. H. Perz (Hanover: MGH SS VIII, 1848). Ruotgeri Vita Brunonis (Lebensbeschreibung des Erzbischofs Bruno von Köln), ed. by Irene Ott (Weimar: Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum Nova Series X, 1951). Usuard, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, ed. by Jacques Dubois (Brussels: Subsidia Hagiograph­ ica, 1966). Valerio del Bierzo, ‘Valerii Narraciones …’ and ‘Item replicatio sermonum …’ in Diaz Y Diaz Manuel Cecilio, Valerio del Bierzo, su persona. su obra (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones de San Isidro, 2006), pp. 246–77 and 280–323. Anonymous Catalogues des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Chapitre de Bayeux, ed. by Deslandes Eucher (chanoine) (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1898). Pasionario Hispánico (Siglos VII–XI) Tomo I, ed. by Fábrega Grau Angel (MadridBarcelona: Monumenta Hispaniae Sacra, 1953). Le Liber ordinum en usage dans l’Eglise wisigothique et mozarabe d’Espagne, ed. by Ferotin Marius (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904).

BiBLioGraphy

Paintings Wettstein Janine, Sant’Angelo in Formis et la peinture médiévale en Campanie, (Genève: E. Droz 1960). Morisani Ottavio, Gli affreschi di S. Angelo in Formis (Cava de’ Tirreni: Emilio di Mauro, 1962). Evseeva Lilia  , Les icônes russes (Saint-Petersburg: Editions d’art ‘P-2’, 2006). Trubetskoy Evegenii, Peintures d’icomes russe / Русская иконопись (Moscow: Editions Belii Gorod, 2006). Secondary sources Baillet Adrien, Les Vies des Saints, volume 5 (Paris 1739), online on BnF website Gallica. Du Cange Charles du Fresne, Historia Byzantina duplici commentario 2, (Brussels: 1680), on line on BnF website Gallica. Courtois Christian, ‘Reliques carthaginoise et histoire carolingienne’ in Compte-rendu des séances de l’Académie des Inscription et Belles-Lettres (1945), pp. 11–15. The Empress Theophano, ed. by Adelbert Davids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Degli Agosti Giuseppe, San Pantaleone nelle tradizione storico-religiosa di Crema, accessi­ ble online. [last accessed 5 July 2020]. Dubois Jacques, Les martyrologes du Moyen Age latin (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978). ———, Lemaitre Jean-Loup, Sources et méthodes de l’Hagiographie Médiévale (Paris: Editions du Cerf,1993). Duchesne Louis, ‘Les sources du Martyrologe hiéronymien’, in Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, tome 5, 1885. Duval Noël, Recherches archéologiques à Haïdra. I: Les inscriptions chrétiennes (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1975). Gabashvili Timothy, Pilgrimage to mount Athos, Constantinople and Jerusalem 1755–59, tr. and ed. by Mzia Ebanoidze, John Wilkinson (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2001). Fábrega Grau Angel, Pasionario Hispánico (Siglos VII–XI) Tomo I, (Madrid-Barcelona: Monumenta Hispaniae Sacra, 1953). Gauthier Nancy , Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle vol. 12, Province ecclésiastique de Cologne (Paris: De Boccard, 2002). González Rodríguez Rafael, ‘Los relieves altomedievales de la ermita de la Santa cruz de Montes de Valdueza’, Estudios Bercianos, 32–33 (2008), pp. 53–78. Lenain De Tillemont Louis-Sébastien, Livres pour servir à l’histoire écclésiastique, tome 9 (Venice, 1731). Lemaître Jean-Loup, Saint Pantaléon et son culte en Limousin, (Musée du pays d’Ussel, 2004). Lucas Paul, Voyages du Sieur Paul Lucas … tome 1, published by Charles-César Baudelot de Dairval, Paris 1712, p. 67–68 [accessible on BnF’s website ‘Gallica’]. Levison Wilhelm, ‘Conspectus Codicum Hagiographicorum’, Monumenta Germanica His­ torica: Script. Rer. Merov., VII part II (Hanover 1920).

155

156

BiBLioGraphy

Nelson Janet Laughlan, ‘La mort de Charles le Chauve’ in Médiévales 31 (1996), pp. 53– 66. Quentin Henri, Les martyrologes historiques du Moyen-Age (Paris: Gabalda, 1908).

Normandy and England Manuscripts Paris Bibliothèque Mazarine MS 404, formerly 729. Primary sources Encomium Emmae Reginae ed. By Alistair Campbell (London: Royal Historical Society, 1949). Guillaume de Jumièges, Histoire des Normands, translated by François Guizot (Paris: J. L. Brière, 1826). chapt. IX pp. 149–60. [Accessible online on BnF website]. The Missal of Robert of Jumièges, ed. by Henry Austin Wilson (London: The Henry Bradshaw Society, The Boydell Press, 1994). The Life of King Eward, ed. and tr. by Frank Barlow (London: Thomas Nelson, 1962). Sturlusson Snorri, Heimskringla: Olaf Sagas, translated by Samuel Laing, 2 vol. (Lon­ don: Dent, 1964) / La Saga de Saint Olaf (part of the Heimskringla), translated by Régis Boyer, (Paris: Payot, 1983). Secondary sources Barlow Frank, The Godwins, (Harlow: Longman, 2002). Bates, David Richard, ‘Notes sur l’aristocracie normande’, in Annales de Normandie 23, no. 1, 1973, pp. 7–38. Beech George: ‘England and Aquitaine in the Century before the Norman Conquest’, Anglo-Saxon England 19 (1990), pp. 81–101. Beziers Michel, Histoire sommaire de la ville de Bayeux (Caen: J. Manoury Père, Libraire, 1773). Les saints dans la Normandie médiévale, ed. by Bouet Pierre and François Neveux (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2017), in particular: - Musset Lucien, ‘Les translations de reliques en Normandie (IXe-XIIe siècles)’, pp. 97– 108. - Neveux François, ‘Les reliques de la cathédrale de Bayeux’, pp. 109–34. [available in open edition online, last accessed 2 July 2020]. De Gaiffier Baudoin ‘Les saint Raven et Rasiphe vénérés en Normandie’ Analecta Bollandiana 79 (1961), pp. 303–19.

BiBLioGraphy

Deslandes Eucher, Le trésor de l’église Notre-Dame de Bayeux d’après les inventaires manuscrits de 1476, 1480, 1498 extr. du Bulletin Archéologique 1896 (Paris: Im­ primerie Nationale, 1898). Dufour Jean, La Bibliothèque et le Scriptorium de Moissac (Paris: Droz, 1972). Eales Richard and Richard Gameson, Vikings, Monks and the Millennium (Canterbury: Canterbury Archaeological Trust, 2000). Fisher Douglas John Vivian, The Anglo-Saxon Age (Harlow: Longman, 1973). Foulon Jean-Hervé, ‘Le chevalier Herluin et la fondation de l’abbaye du Bec…’, in Revue Historique, 663 (2012), pp. 563–607. Gameson Richard, ‘L’Angleterre et la Flandre aux Xe et XIe siècles: le témoignage des manuscrits’. Les échanges culturels au Moyen Âge, Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 32ᵉ congrès, (Dunkerque: 2001), pp. 165–206. [accessible on the website Persée]. Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (Xe-XVe siècles), Colloque de Cérisy-la-Salle Octobre 1995, ed. by Pierre Bouet and Monique Dosdat (Caen: Presses Universi­ taires de Caen, 2005), in particular: - Gameson Richard, ‘Books, Culture and the Church in Canterbury around the Millen­ nium’. - Gullick Michael, ‘Manuscrits et copistes normands en Angleterre (XIe-XIIe siècles)’. Hare Michael, ‘Cnut and Lotharingia: two notes’, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 261–78, no. 29 ( January 2000). La première Normandie (Xe-XIe siècles), ed. by Pierre Baudoin (Caen: Presses Universi­ taires de Caen, 2004). Lecorney François (= Rev.Father Edouard d’Alençon), ‘Les Capucins de Mortagne’, in Bulletin de la Société historique et archéologique de l’Orne, 9 (1890). ‘Les Actes de Guillaume le Conquérant et de la reine Mathilde dans les abbayes caen­ naises’, ed. Lucien Musset, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie XXXVII, n° 29 (1967). Leroquais Victor, Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits de Bibliothèques Publiques de France, vol. 1 (Macon: Protat, 1924), pp. 1–185. Loyn Henry Royston, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest of England (Harlow: Longman, 1962). Musset Lucien, ‘Recherches sur les pélerins et pélerinages en Normandie jusqu’à la Première Croisade’, in Annales de Normandie, 12 (1962), accessible online. James Montague Rhodes, A Descriptive catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912). Omont Henry, Catalogue général des Bibliothèques Publiques de France, volume 1 Rouen, (1886). Pfaff Richard William, The Liturgy in Medieval England, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, 2009, pp. 88–91. Riant Paul, ‘Des dépouilles religieuses enlevées à Constantinople’, in Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 39 (1875). Rushforth Rebecca, Saints in English Kalendars before A.D. 1100 (London: The Bradshaw society, 2008).

157

158

BiBLioGraphy

Stafford Pauline, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, Queenship and Women’s Power (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997). Stenton Frank, Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, (entry by Sean Millar, ed. by Michael Lapidge, with John Blair, Simon Douglas Keynes and Donald George Scragg (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001) Webber Theresa, ‘Les manuscrits de Christ Church (Cantorbéry) et de Salisbury à la fin du Xie siècle’ in Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (Xe-Xve siècles), Col­ loque de Cérisy-la-Salle October 1995, ed. by Pierre Bouet and Monique Dosdat, (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2005). Wortley John,  ‘The earliest relic-importations to Constantinople’, in Studies on the Cult of Relics in Byzantium up to 1204, (Farnham: Ahgate 2009).

The Manuscript Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, the second series, ed. by Malcolm Godden (vol. I) EETS (Ox­ ford: Oxford University Press, 1979). ‘De Uno Confessore’, ed. by Bruno Assman in Angelsächsische Homilien und Heiligenleben (Kassel: Bibliothek der Angelsächsischen Prosa, 1889). Eadmer, The Life of Saint Anselm, ed. by Richard W. Southern (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962). James Montague Rhodes, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912). Keynes Simon ‘The Reconstruction of a Burnt Cottonian Manuscript: The Case of Cotton MS. Otho A. I’, Electronic British Library Journal (1996). Ker Neil Ripley, Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957). Sir Robert Cotton as Collector: Essays on an Early Stuart Courtier and His Legacy, ed. by C. J. Wright (London: British Library, 1997) (accessible online). In particular: Prescott Andrew: ‘“Their Present Miserable State of Cremation”: The Restoration of the Cotton Library’ pp. 391–454. Rollason David William ‘Lists of saints’ resting-places in Anglo-Saxon England’, AngloSaxon England, Vol. 7 (1978), pp. 61–93. Smith Thomas, Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae (Oxford, 1696). Smith Tomas, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library 1696 (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 1984). Söderlind Johannes, ‘The Old English Homiliary BL Cotton Vitellius D xvii’, Studia Neophilologica, 67 (1995), pp. 3–10. Skeat Walter William, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, 2 vols (Oxford: EETS, Oxford University Press repr. 1966). Thomson Rodney Malcolm, William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge: the Boydell Press, 2003), Part 1 chap. 4.

BiBLioGraphy

Tite Colin, The Manuscript Library of Sir Robert Cotton (London: The Panizzi Lectures, The British Library, 1994). Wanley Humphrey, Antiquae Literaturae Septentrionalis Liber Alter (Oxford: 1705) [Ac­ cessible on Internet Archives]. Zettel Patrick, ‘Ælfric’s Hagiographic Sources and the Latin Legendary preserved in B.L. MS Cotton Nero i, CCCC MS 9 and other manuscripts’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Cambridge Corpus Chisti College, 1979).

The text The Old English version Amos Flora Ross, Early Theories of Translation (Columbia University Press, 1920). Matthews Patricia Margaret, ‘The Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’ (unpublished master’s thesis, University College, London, 1966). Pulsiano Philip, ‘The Old English Life of St Pantaleon’, in Via Crucis, Essays on Early Medieval Sources and Ideas, ed. by Thomas N. Hall (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 2002), pp. 61–103. Söderlind Johannes, Text of the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon, Toronto Electronic Corpus of Old English Texts. Soliva Joana, ‘A Study of Cotton Vitellius D. xvii and the Old English Life of Saint Pantaleon’ (unpublished M. Phil. thesis, University of Manchester, 1995). Scragg Donald, ‘The Corpus of Anonymous Lives and their Manuscript Context’, in Holy Men and Women, ed. by Paul Szarmach (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp. 209–30. Latin sources See: Annex, List of Latin manuscripts. La règle de Saint Benoît, ed. and tr. by Adalbert de Vogüe and Jean Neufville (Paris: Sources Chrétiennes, Les Editions du Cerf, 1972). The Rule of Saint Benedict, (Latin and OE versions): Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 178, f. Greek sources ‘Passio S. Panteleemonis’ (attributed to Simeon Metaphraste), Greek Patrology 115, ed. By J. P. Migne (Paris, 1864), col. 447–79. ‘Passio S. Panteleemonis’ ed. by Latyshev Vasilli Vasilevich in ‘Hagiographica inedita’ (Zapiski Imperatorskoi akademii nauk, ser. 8, tom 12 Saint-Persburg, 1914).

159

160

BiBLioGraphy

Addition to Saint Pantaleon Haines Dorothy, ‘Sunday Observance and the Sunday Letter in Anglo-Saxon England’ (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2010).