The Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1) at Asyut 3447114312, 9783447114318

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The Asyut Project 13

Mohamed Abdelrahiem

The Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1) at Asyut

Harrassowitz Verlag

© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

The Asyut Project Edited by Jochem Kahl, Ursula Verhoeven and Mahmoud El-Khadragy Volume 13

2020 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

Mohamed Abdelrahiem

The Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1) at Asyut

2020

Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

Illustration on the cover: Gebel Asyut al-gharbi, Northern Soldiers-Tomb, view from above looking east (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014, © The Asyut Project).

Support for this volume has been provided by Ägyptologisches Seminar, Freie Universität Berlin

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

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© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

Contents Preface and Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Location of the Tomb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Research History of the Tomb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Architectural Features. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Tomb Façade.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Inner Hall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Walls. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 The Niches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5 The Floor.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 The Shafts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.7 The Poorly Executed Graves. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Representations and Inscriptions.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Representations and Inscriptions of the Southern Wall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Representations and Inscriptions of the Northern Wall.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Finds.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Blue Glazed Son of Hours Object. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Fragment of a Wooden Coffin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Scarabs.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Calcite-Alabaster Round-Bottomed Bowl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Wooden Models. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.1 Human Models.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.2 Model Boats. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.3 Head of a Model Goose or Duck. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6 Limestone Blocks.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7 Inlaid Udjat-eye of a Coffin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8 Offering Trays and Offering Tables. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.9 Fragment of Cartonnage.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.10 Magical Tablet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.11 Ram Bones. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Dating the Tomb and Identifying the Tomb Owner. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1. Dating the Tomb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2. Identifying the Tomb Owner. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Re-use of the Tomb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Indices. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Plates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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vii 1 3 11 11 11 12 12 12 12 16 17 17 22 27 27 28 29 30 30 31 32 32 33 35 36 36 37 37 39 39 46 49 51 69 71

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Preface and Acknowledgements The concession to excavate at Gebel Asyut al-gharbi has been given to the Egyptian-German joint mission of Sohag University (Egypt), Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz (Germany), the Fachbereich 9 Philologie of the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster (Germany) and Freie Universität Berlin (Germany) since September 2003. The Asyut Project has conducted fourteen successive seasons of fieldwork1 and surveying in the cemetery at Asyut “Gebel Asyut al-gharbi” (Western Mountain of Asyut). The goals of this fieldwork are, on the one hand, the documentation of the architectural features and decorations of the First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom tombs. During these seasons, the cliffs bordering the Western Desert were mapped and the geological features were studied, providing the clearest picture of the mountain to date. The fieldwork, on the other hand, aiming at determining the various phases and functions concerning the use of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi from the Old Kingdom to the Islamic Period, yielded a better understanding of the history of Asyut as a city of culture and as a border town. Our present knowledge of the development of the history, culture, and other aspects, such as the administration and religion of Asyut prior to the end of the Middle Kingdom, contains many lacunae. Some of the extant records and monuments from landmarks are well known to scholars, particularly the tombs of the First Intermediate Period and the Twelfth Dynasty, but there is a large corpus of excavated material which has been extensively neglected.2 From 2009 to 2014, intensive cleaning work was carried out for six seasons in order to rediscover the tomb that is now called “Northern Soldiers-Tomb”. The tomb was buried under a layer several meters high of limestone debris of the collapsed ceiling, containing huge limestone blocks and limestone chips in different sizes. Only a part of the southern (i.e. geographically eastern) wall of the chapel was still standing in situ; the northern (i.e. geographically western) wall was broken down and only some of its remains were visible. The heavy roof, weighing perhaps several tons, had collapsed and buried the rest of the tomb. The term “Northern Soldiers-Tomb” was adopted by our mission for this tomb in reference to its location in relation to the well-known Soldiers-Tomb of the First Intermediate Period nomarch Khety II (Tomb IV/ N12.2).3 Adopting the number system of the Asyut Project, the tomb bears the number H11.1.4 During the course of our work, we were assisted by a dedicated team on site and it is a pleasure to acknowledge their individual roles and contribution. Dr. Hesham Faheed, Mr. Mohamed Farag, Mr. Mohamed Helmi, Mr. Adel Refat (Sohag University) and Mr. Yasser Mahmoued (SCA) assisted in the painstaking cleaning, tracing of the scenes and inscriptions and recording of the finds. Dr. Sameh Shafik (EGOTH Institute, Luxor) took charge of drawings and facsimiles, and Mrs. Cornelia Lehrle (former Goerlich) was responsible for the architectural drawings. Mr. Fritz Barthel was responsible for the photography, and it should be mentioned here that the present state of the wall scenes made his task particularly difficult.

1 Fieldwork in 2013 and 2015 did not take place. 2 For the publications of the Asyut Project, see the website: https://www.aegyptologie.uni-mainz.de/ the-asyut-project-feldarbeiten-in-mittelaegyptenfieldwork-in-middle-egypt/ 3 Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 33, 2005, 164; El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 148, n. 7. 4 For the new numbering system adopted for mapping the Asyut cemetery, according to which the “Northern Soldiers-Tomb” is numbered, see Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 34, 2006, 241–242.

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We are most appreciative of the competent and unsparing assistance received from our accompanying inspectors, who greatly facilitated our fieldwork. Our most sincere appreciation is extended to our accompanying restorers, who made full documentation of all work undertaken. My sincere appreciation is extended to all those who participated in the work of the excavation and genuinely supported the fieldwork, the local ghafirs, the police, the military, reis Ahmed Atitou and reis Zekry, as well as the expedition driver, Mr. Sobey, who kindly helped to make living conditions at Asyut more comfortable. The excavations were sponsored by The German Research Foundation. I would like to express my indebtedness for the generosity of our sponsors, without which the realization of this project would have been practically impossible. 5 I have received a great deal of encouragement and advice throughout the different stages of this work from the Directors of the Project, Professors Ursula Verhoeven (Johannes GutenbergUniversität Mainz) and Jochem Kahl (Freie Universität Berlin), and I would like to express my sincere appreciation to them, as well as to Dr. Monika Zöller-Engelhardt (Johannes GutenbergUniversität Mainz), who provided me with a number of valuable suggestions on the wooden models, to Ms. Chiori Kitagawa for examining the animal bones, and to Dr. Andrea Kilian for examining the pottery and for her very valuable formatting assistance. The staff of the Ministry of State for Archaeology have helped us in various ways. Special thanks go to the Former State Minister of Archaeology, Prof. Dr. Mamdouh Eldamatay, to the former Chairman, Dr. Mostafa Amin, to the Head of the Archaeology Sector, Dr. Yousef Kahlefa, to the Director General of Antiquities for Middle Egypt, Mr. Mohamed Abdel-hamid Kajlaf, to the former Director General of Asyut, Mr. Abdel-Satar Ahmed Mohamed, and to the Former Heads of the Foreign and Egyptian Mission Affairs and Permanent Committee, Dr. Hany Abo El-Azam, and Dr. Mohamed Ismail. I wish to express my appreciation to Professors Ursula Verhoeven, Jochem Kahl and Mahmoud El-Khadragy for reading over the manuscript and suggesting some improvements, to Ms. Chiori Kitagawa and Mr. Douglas Fear for the English correction, and to Dr. Andrea Kilian for editing the manuscript so accurately. For permission to reproduce photographs, I am grateful to Museo Egizio di Torino. Finally, I would like to express my deep appreciation to all who were involved in the preparation of this book and I am especially indebted to the Verlag Otto Harrassowitz for publishing this manuscript.

Sohag, September 2018

Mohamed Abdelrahiem

5 This study was funded in part by the German Research Foundation (DFG) and Freie Universität Berlin during my two-month-stay (February/March 2015) in the Ägyptologisches Seminar, Freie Universität Berlin, to whom warm thanks are due.

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1. Location of the Tomb Note: The geographical orientation in this study will be normally used, though mentions of the orientations of the tomb architecture follow those of the ancient Egyptian funerary concept, i.e. the architectural structures related to the tomb which face to the right side of the Nile, looking downstream the river, is “east”, and the other side is “west”, which is not necessarily in accordance with the cardinal points. The ancient city of Asyut, which played a significant role in Egyptian history and religious life, is covered by the modern city. No important antiquities of the ancient city are visible except the blocks of the New Kingdom temple that were revealed by Samy Gabra in 1931, eight meters below the modern surface.6 It is impossible at the moment to carry out any kind of archaeological investigation within the modern city, therefore archaeological work focuses on the ancient necropolis. It is unfortunate that so little seems to remain. A vast looted cemetery, some texts and ancillary evidence survive to provide us with a limited yet intriguing glimpse of this fascinating ancient site.7 The ancient necropolis, as well as the modern cemetery, are situated on the west bank of the Nile in the western mountains. The necropolis extends over several kilometers along the cultivated land, but in the cliffs some distance from the town and thus it has escaped the encroachment, if not the depredations of modern civilization. The mountain “Gebel Asyut al-gharbi” peaks at c. two hundred meters above sea level and includes thousands of tombs, only for a few of which is there any record of decoration, quarries, ruins of monasteries, hermitages of Christian anchorites, praying-places for Muslims, and also modern military camps. These constructions have rendered the mountain into a landscape with an eventful history over a period of at least 5000 years (3000 BC to present).8 Mapping and geological observations have made our picture of the mountain more concrete than ever before. In the south and the north, the mountain is cut by small wadis and consists of eleven steps of limestone. Steps start with a more massive limestone of 5–15 m thickness.9 Rock tombs were hewn into each step of the mountain, but some chronological preferences became obvious: the nomarchs of the First Intermediate Period and the early Middle Kingdom chose the sixth step (about two thirds of the way up the mountain), where the mountain has the best quality of stone and was therefore ideal for constructing their tombs, while the nomarchs of the Twelfth Dynasty preferred the second step, nearly at the foot of the Gebel.10 The owner of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (Tomb H11.1) also chose the sixth step for constructing his tomb, in the same terrace containing the three First Intermediate Period tombs of Iti-ibi (Tomb III/ N12.1), Khety II (Tomb IV/N12.2) and Khety I (Tomb V/M11.1), about two-thirds of the way up the mountain, some 330 m to the northwest of Tomb V (fig. 1). 6 Gabra, CdE 6, 1931, 237–243. 7 See Kahl & Engel & Sanhueza-Pino, in: Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom II, 261. 8 The mountain is also called “Stabl Antar” (Antar’s Stable), “Gebel al-Koffra” (Mountain of the Gravediggers) and “Gebel el-Kafrin” (Hill of the Unbelievers), see Norden, Reisebeschreibungen, 304, St. John, Village Life in Egypt, 131–132, Griffith, BOR 3, 1888–1889, 245 in Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 59. 9 For the geological division of the mountain by Dietrich Klemm and Rosemarie Klemm, see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 59–61, fig. 33, cf. Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 34, 2006, 242. 10 El-Khadragy, BACE 17, 2006, 79; Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 59–62.

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1. Location of the Tomb

Fig. 1: Map of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi (U. Fauerbach 2006, M. Maschke 2007–2008, C. Goerlich 2009–2012, Ph. Jansen 2017, © The Asyut Project).

© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

2. Research History of the Tomb It is not possible to determine an exact date for the first discovery of the Northern SoldiersTomb (H11.1), however the tomb was mentioned several times in the reports of Western travellers, visitors and excavators of the 18th to 20th centuries.11 After Napoleon’s army was defeated in Egypt by the British in 1801 and the French retreated, the French savants produced a magnificent multi-volume work entitled “Description de l’Égypte”. Here one finds the first detailed descriptions of the major Asyut tombs as compiled by Rene Devilliers, Edme Jomard and others. In 1818, Devilliers and Jean Jollois stated that two colleagues (Balzac and Jomard) reported the presence of more than one tomb decorated with marching soldiers at Asyut, but after discussing the report of their colleagues, they came to the conclusion that Tomb IV of Khety II was the only tomb decorated with a scene showing marching soldiers.12 Noteworthy is that the report of Balzac and Jomard refers to some other tombs besides that of Khety II being decorated with seven or eight rows of marching soldiers in bas-relief. The facts that Tomb H11.1 has only four rows of soldiers executed in paint, and that Tomb IV has three rows of such soldiers in sunk relief, and the tomb of the Eleventh Dynasty nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N13.1) has only four rows of soldiers also in paint,13 suggest that they were either referring to some unknown fourth tomb decorated with such a motif, or to Tomb H11.1, despite being inaccurately described. If the scene of Tomb H11.1 was meant here, then their number of seven or eight rows was probably the result of confusing the number of soldiers in each row with that of the rows of marching soldiers, and so their notice concerning the technique used in decoration was not correct. However, the artist who produced the drawings of Tomb IV in “Description de l’Égypte” confirmed the presence of the second tomb decorated with marching soldiers.14 In 1850, some tombs with hieroglyphs and representations of soldiers were mentioned by Maxime DuCamp:15 Les hypogées de Syout sont pour la plupart de vastes chambres carrées dont les parois sont chargées d’hiéroglyphes et de représentations qui se rapportent à l’art militaire. Dans ces sculptures, nous ne verrions que des soldats roides et maigres, marchant les uns derrière les autres…

In 1878, Henry Windsor Villiers Stuart also reported the presence of two tombs decorated with soldiers in Asyut. He assigned one to Khety II (Tomb IV), but mentioned no details of the second tomb. According to him, both tombs had already decayed by his time owing to quarrying activities:16 Two of the tombs contain bas-reliefs of army corps, showing their dress and accoutrements, and the missing hieroglyphics would no doubt have recorded their achievements.

11 For the history of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb during the 18th–19th centuries in the light of the reports of Western travelers, see Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 116–118. 12 Devilliers & Jollois, Description de Syout, 146–148; Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 116–117. 13 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 110, 124, fig. 4. 14 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 147, n. 1. 15 DuCamp, Le Nil, 110; Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 117. 16 Stuart, Nile Gleanings concerning the Ethnology, 93; Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 117, cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 148, n. 3.

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2. Research History of the Tomb

The tombs which represent soldiers are mentioned also by Ferdinand Graf von Harrach in 1897/1898. After his visit to the tomb with the name of King Merikare (Tomb IV), he reported his arrival at another soldier’s tomb after 15 minutes’ walking. It seems more likely that he referred here to the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1), which took c. 15 minutes to reach from Tomb IV on foot:17 From here we reached, through stony paths, the beautiful tomb of King Merika-ra from the XIII. Dynasty with well-preserved wall paintings, and in a quarter of an hour we came to the so-called Soldiers-Tomb, called Kaf el Assakir by the Arabs. It consists of three halls, the walls of which are covered with representations of Egyptian warriors.

Referring to a ruined painted tomb cut in the uppermost terrace of the mountain, Francis Ll. Griffith alluded to the aforementioned second tomb in his 1889 report, dealing with the inscriptions of Siût and Dêr Rîfeh:18 The simple Heracleopolite type is the most numerous. At the end of the embankment, turn a few paces to the right and you reach the N. E. corner of the hill. Here are the ruins of an immense tomb-chamber, showing Khaker ornament beneath the ceiling. Proceeding up the shoulder you pass several tombs of the same type on the left. In the uppermost terrace is one that has been partly cleared in recent times and shows some traces of painting, and another is in the plateau above.

A number of systematic excavations took place in the necropolis of Asyut at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. These activities were brought to an end by the outbreak of World War I and larger excavations were not resumed until recently. Two large excavations by Ernesto Schiaparelli (1906–1913) and David George Hogarth (1906–1907) had been carried out in Gebel Asyut.19 The Italian archaeologist Schiaparelli worked in Asyut over the course of seven campaigns (1906, 1907, 1908, 1910, 1911, 1912, 1913), firstly having worked in the southeastern half of the necropolis and later moving fieldwork location to the northwestern half.20 He had to share the concession in 1906–1907 with the English archaeologist David George Hogarth. The northern half of the necropolis became the domain of Hogarth from December 1906 to March 1907. Hogarth excavated sixty-one tombs on behalf of the British Museum, searching “virgin tombs” to provide impressive objects to the museum. It seems more likely that the Northern Soldiers-Tomb did not draw his attention, and thus it was not recorded in his hand-sketched map (fig. 2),21 which was recently supplemented by Diana Magee and later by Marcel Zitman who both assigned number 13/XIII for the Northern Soldiers-Tomb.22 Schiaparelli returned to the northwestern half of the necropolis in his excavations of 1910–1913, which were described in a few letters, documentary papers, and nine plans, now stored amongst the documents in Turin Museum. These sources, which have been recently studied by Jochem Kahl and Alice Sbriglio, include particular plans and sections of four tombs. The owner of one

17 Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 117–118. 18 Griffith, BOR 3, 1888–1889, 126, cf. Magee, Asyût II, 36. 19 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 28. 20 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 28; Leospo, in: Museo Egizio di Torino, 188–194; Marro, Rivista di Antropologia. Atti della Società Romana di Antropologia 18, 1913, 63–109; ; Kahl & Sbriglio & Del Vesco & Trapani, Asyut. 21 Ryan, Archaeological Excavations of Hogarth, 56 (unumbered map before pl. 1). 22 Magee, Asyût II, 36–38; III, pl. 1; Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut II, map. 3 on p. 6.

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2. Research History of the Tomb

Fig. 2a: Hogarth’s hand-sketched map of Asyut necropolis in the British Museum, part 1. (After: Ryan, Archaeological Excavations of Hogarth, unnumbered map before pl. 1).

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Fig. 2b: Hogarth’s hand-sketched map of Asyut necropolis in the British Museum, part 2. (After: Ryan, Archaeological Excavations of Hogarth, unnumbered map before pl. 1).

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2. Research History of the Tomb

of these four tombs was once one of the most important princes of Asyuti Nome, as Schiaparelli described him in his letter to the ministry: 23 Our work also brought to light the remains of a Grand tomb belonging to one of the princes of the Nome of Asyut, which must be one of the greatest and most beautiful of the entire necropolis. Unfortunately, it had been opened and sacked in ancient times; it was then used as a quarry, and ruined to the extent that little now remains of the paintings and inscriptions that covered its walls.

There is no doubt that the “Tomb of the Prince”, which belongs to one of the most important princes of Asyuti Nome as described in the above-quoted letter, corresponds to the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (Tomb H11.1). As appears in Schiaparelli’s photograph C01079 (pl. 1), it is clear that he worked in the area of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb. Comparing the situation visible in his photograph C01087 (pl. 2) with the plan drawn by Piero Molli (fig. 3), we can conclude that he partly cleaned the tomb so that he could see more parts of the tomb and its architecture. The plan of his excavation, which was documented as early as 1913 by Piero Molli, who labelled the tomb as the “Tomba del Principe” (Tomb of the Prince), was drawn when one shaft was visible (fig. 3), today called Shaft 4 (cf. fig. 4). It shows the entry of the tomb, the south wall with the niche, and also the remains of what seems to be a pillar on the right hand side. Nevertheless, in 1913, Schiaparelli decided to give up the Asyut concession, because the Turin Museum already held a „substantial quantity“ of archaeological material from Asyut.24 A fragmentary payroll of workmen (S10/st56) was found in the debris of the inner hall of Tomb H11.1, c. 3 m from the rear wall (pl. 3a). It is written in Arabic and records the names of c. 78 workmen and their average wages. Headed by eight headmen, the workmen are divided into eight groups with an average of between seven and ten persons to each group. Table 1: Payroll (pl. 3b) Group 1: Names

P.T.

Group 2: Names

P.T.

Ahmed Hussen Ateia

60

Mohamed Ali Mohamed

80

Mohamed Kerisha

56

Salem Ali Mahmoued

80

Abdelrahiem Eltahan

64

Mahmoued Gouda

80

Mohamed Athman Shahtour

56

Othman Shahtout

70

Hamed Hamad Elkoum

80

Sabat Mohamed Ali

56

Mohamed Abdelresk

48

Mahmoued Atala

60

Abdelsamiea Abdelkader

24

Mohamed Abdelgaied Alsaka

75

Kaliefa Abdelsatar

64

Bahloul Hamdan Elsaka

75

Kaliefa Morsy

60

Abdelmaksoud Salman Elsaka

75

Morsy Hamad Elkom

64

Bakeat Mostafa Elsaka

75

Deliver: Hamed Elkom

P.T. 576

Deliver: Salem? Mohamed.....?

P.T. 726

Group 3: Names

P.T.

Group 4: Names

P.T.

Imbaby Kadawey

60

Abdelmagied Elmankabady

64

Ahmed Hasham

60

Hamed Mostafa

64

23 Kahl & Sbriglio & Del Vesco & Trapani, Asyut, 92. 24 Kahl & Sbriglio & Del Vesco & Trapani, Asyut, 135.

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2. Research History of the Tomb

Mohamed Ahmed Sidi? Ahmed

60

...............

55

Ali Hekouo

64

Ali Ahmed Abou Elaiel

56

Said Rahiem

60

Abdelrahiem Kalaf

6..

Mohamed Elakras

60

Fargaly Rashwan

60

Abdelrahman Hemdan

64

Mohamed Mostafa ..... ?

60

Ratab Helal

64

Hasan Mohamed

68

Abdelgany Ahmed Refahi

60

Mohamed Mohamed Souify

..5

Abdelgany Abdelrahman Elkatieb

64

Hosni? Agman

64

Deliver: Abdelraman Hemdan

P.T. 616

Deliver: Hamed Mostafa Souiefy

P.T. 616

Table 2: Payroll (pl. 3c) Group 5: Names

P.T.

Group 6: Names

P.T.

Mohamed Abdelkader Hussen

60

Abdelsabour Said

60

Abdehla ...... ?

56

Mohamed Abdelrahman Mabaly

56

At..? ...... ? Bekieat

..4

Asry Ahmed Ahmed

56

Abdelhafiez Abdelgaliel

56

Fargaly Abdelsalam

60

Abdelahal? Roman

52

Ahmed Mahmoued Refay

60

...... ? Abdelrahman

64

Ahmed Hamad Elkom

60

Mohamed ............?

28

Mohamed Bakiet Badry

60

Sadiek .... ? Ali

64

Abouelharas Bakiet

64

Deliver:Ali Abdelrahman

P.T. 324?

Abdelraouf Ahmed Koliea

64

Mohamed Ali Abdahla

60 P.T. 600

Otman Bekiet

52

Deliver: Abdelsabour Said

PT. 652

Group 7: Names

P.T.

Group 8: Names

P.T.

Fargaly Abdelrahiem

60

Ibrahim Ahmed Tabiek

..0

Hana Gaid

60

Mohamed Goniem

56

Zakry Mousa

…

Abdelhalem Masoud

60

Gaber Dauod

…

Mohamed Ahmed Gafer

60

Gaber Mohamed Hassanien

28

Hashem Kaliel

52

Mahmoued ....? Taha

28

Ahmed Bakiet Abied

28

Abas ...... ? (the digger)

60

Mahran Ali

64

Abdelhafiez Abdelsalam

56

Alakras Mahmoued

52

Fargaly Said Badran ?

44

Mohamed Ahmed Rafaey

60

……………….

60

Ahmed Othman ……

....

……………….

5...

……………….

....

The payroll belongs probably either to Schiaparelli’s or to Hogarth’s excavations, as both of them used around 70 to 80 workmen, and some more boys worked in the field. In order to fulfil

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2. Research History of the Tomb

9

Fig. 3: Molli’s plan of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb in Turin Museum, 1913. (© Archivio di Stato, Torino, MAE, 2° vers., M3 n12Plan 4b).

the aim of finding intact burials in large tombs, Hogarth expended an extraordinary effort in the excavation, in addition to the large scale of his expedition. His notebooks inform us that the size of his expedition’s labour force increased greatly during the first 3 weeks. The numbers of workmen were recorded as 13 on December 15th and by December 24th it had increased to 54 employees. Up to 63 local workmen were employed, although some left and others worked part-time. Pay-day was on Saturdays and the next day (Sunday) was normally a holiday, with an exception on January 27th, when eight tombs were in progress. As to the wage, workmen received between 3.5 and 6 piasters per day, with an average wage of 5 piasters per day with some occasional bonus/tips (bakshish). If one offered additional service, such as having provided a donkey, 10 piasters were paid per day. Weekly bonuses were also paid in addition, which could exceed as much as 20 piasters, as well as occasional bonuses being provided on occasion if workmen found extra objects.25 However, if the payroll belongs to Hogarth’s excavation, it must have been from the busy January 1907, when Hogarth excavated 8 different locations in the gebel at the same time, so 25 Ryan, BHA 5.2, 1995, 6.

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2. Research History of the Tomb

that he needed 8 groups of workmen. It seems that the salaries and bonuses were first delivered to the headmen of each group, who then paid the workmen in turn. The payroll recorded the names of 4 workmen who seemed to have been the most successful workmen, having received 80 piasters per week. A person called Abas...... ? in group 7 has been distinguished by writing his occupation “the digger” in addition to his name. We do not know the reason for this extra writing and can only speculate whether he was a workman whom Hogarth dismissed, so that he was marked with an extra note. In Accidents of an Antiquary’s Life, Hogarth wrote:26 Had I been an annual digger in Egypt, able to call a trained and trusted crew to Siut, and had the scene not lain so near a large town notorious for its illicit traffic .... Dealers waited for my men at sunset below the hill and beset them all the way to the town, and one digger, a youth of brighter wit and face than most – he was half a Bedawi – gained so much in the few weeks before I turned him off that he bought him a camel, a donkey and a wife. The order of his purchases was always stated thus, whoever told the tale.

It is also possible that the payroll belongs to Schiaparelli’s fieldwork in 1912 or 1913. Be that as it may, Schiaparelli was the one who mentioned the Northern Soldiers-Tomb for the first time. After World War I, however, interest in fieldwork in Asyut stopped and information on the exact location of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb was never published. Its location, even its existence, vanished in the collective mind of Egyptology. Magee rediscovered the remains of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb during her short visit to Asyut in 1986, though she could neither reconstruct the ground plan nor assign the tomb to a specific owner. Having given No. 13 to Tomb H11.1, she briefly described the fragmentarily visible wall decoration.27 It seems most likely that no fieldwork has been carried out in the Northern Soldiers-Tomb since Schiaparelli’s excavations in 1913, considering the fact that a photo from his archive (cf. pl. 2) shows the tomb while it was buried under huge limestone blocks, limestone chips in different sizes and a layer several meters high of limestone debris of the collapsed ceiling. This was exactly the state of the tomb during our first visit in 2003 (pl. 4) and at the beginning of our cleaning work in 2009. In 2009, the tomb-chapel was cleaned from the rear wall onwards from huge blocks and a high layer of limestone debris from the collapsed ceiling (pl. 5). The architectural features, including the shafts, inscriptions and decorations of the northern wall, became more recognizable. The decoration of the southern wall was in a fragile condition, endangered by direct sunlight, rain and wind. Thus, the thick layer of plaster was fixed by Egyptian restorers with the use of a chemical solution before any further damage should affect its scene. After the restoration, the scenes and inscriptions recovered on the northern wall are in a good state of preservation and have exceeded all expectations. While cleaning the tomb, a considerable number of objects with great artistic and historic significance were uncovered. The majority of these finds was isolated, without proper context. However, much of this material is not as well-known as it deserves to be, and its variety and its range provide of themselves important evidence for the history of the tomb. Studying the content of the biographical inscription of the tomb owner in view of the recent discoveries at the site has led to some significant historical conclusions, especially with regard to dating the tomb and identifying its owner. 26 Hogarth, Accidents of an Antiquary’s Life, 155; Ryan, BHA 5.2, 1995, 7–8, cf. Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 30. 27 Magee, Asyût II, 36–38, III, pl. 1.

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3. Architectural Features Like other tombs at Gebel Asyut al-gharbi, the Northern Soldiers-Tomb has been plundered and re-used in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman times and suffered greatly from environmental influences and stone quarrying in modern times. The tomb is for the most part destroyed; the façade is completely broken away as well as the rear wall of its inner hall, the western wall has collapsed and been moved either by earthquake or quarrying activities, the roof, weighing several tonnes, has also disintegrated, burying the rest of the tomb (pls. 6–7). The ground plan of the tomb seems to belong to the simple design of the Asyuti tombs dating earlier than the Twelfth Dynasty, with a chapel having a single room supported by one or two rows of pillars with burial apartments reached by vertical shafts. The layout is more similar to those of the First Intermediate Period tombs of Iti-ibi (Tomb III)28 and of Khety II (Tomb IV),29 as the still visible characteristic projection on the southern wall indicates (pl. 4, fig. 4). 3.1 The Tomb Façade The tomb façade, which was facing east, is now missing, and the tomb’s ceiling has collapsed. Three blocks of the collapsed ceiling were found in the most eastern part of the tomb’s chapel, in the place which is supposed to be the entrance of the rectangular hall (pl. 8). A fine detail of one of them (S11/st13) is the three stepped bands towards the ceiling, which are covered with a layer of plaster and decorated with geometrical motifs representing squares, each one divided into two triangles painted in yellow and red (pl. 9, fig. 5). These stepped bands30 towards the ceiling are also a characteristic feature of Tomb N13.1, where the bands are decorated with alternating dark brown, blue and yellow horizontal lines.31 Geometrical patterns in the decoration of the ceiling were used afterwards in the tomb of the Twelfth Dynasty nomarch Djefai-Hapi I (Tomb I/P10.1).32 3.2 The Inner Hall The axis leading to the tomb entrance was disturbed by later activities. In the front part, taking up a third of the hall, the inner hall is broader than in the middle and the rear part (fig. 4). This configuration is also a characteristic feature of Tombs III and IV. The inner hall itself is more or less rectangular (max. 15.20 m long × max. 10.10 m wide × max. 3.40 m high). The ceiling of the tomb may have been supported by pillars,33 but it is not clear whether there were two pillars as seen in Tombs V and N13.1, or four as in Tombs III, IV, and II, since none was found in situ. However, Schiaparelli’s ground plan of the tomb shows the remains of what seems to be a 28 For a recent ground plan of Tomb III, see El-Khadragy & Kahl, SAK 32, 2004, 238, fig. 2. 29 For the ground plan of Tomb IV, see El-Khadragy & Kahl, SAK 32, 2004, 240, fig. 2; Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 77, fig. 54; El-Khadragy, BACE 17, 2006, 80, fig. 2; Brunner, Felsgräber, fig. 43. 30 For the “block pattern”, see Aldred, in: Lexikon der Ägyptologie II, Sp. 856. 31 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 106, pl. 1b. 32 The ceiling of the tomb of Djefai-Hapi I has been cleaned, restored and already published by Kahl, Ornamente. It represents the earliest decoration of spiral form motifs, cf. Shaw, AA 74, 1970, 25–30, pl. 5. 33 In 2006, it was assumed that the tomb might not have been supported by pillars, due to the smaller ground plan of the tomb that made the pillars unnecessary, El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 149.

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3. Architectural Features

pillar on the right-hand side (cf. fig. 3). During our work, a part of a square rock-cut pillar (S14/ st198) was found in the debris to the north of Shaft 8 (pl. 10). It measures 0.79 m square and was surmounted by a Xkr-frieze which was observed also in the decoration of the pillars, as well as that of the walls in Tomb IV.34 3.3 The Walls Fragments of the rear wall are still preserved in situ, though the whole wall has already collapsed (pl. 11).35 A gap is observed between the standing rock and the huge block of the northern wall, which may indicate that this wall might have been moved one meter to the east. The partially preserved part of the northern wall is about 13.50 m long. Due to the collapse of this wall, a large part of the wall decoration was lost (pl. 12). In terms of the southern wall, it is partially preserved about 14.00 m long with two projections; one near the front and the other near the rear (pl. 13). 3.4 The Niches Two horizontal unfinished niches of 1.50 m length were cut in the southernmost part of the rear wall (pl. 14). Another two horizontal niches were cut in the upper part of the northern wall, the lower one measuring 1.10 × 0.45 m, while the upper one measures 0.90 × 0.35 m (pl. 15). The last large niche was cut in the central lower part of the southern wall and measures 1.40 x 0.90 m (pl. 16). Judging from their regularity and their execution above the decoration of the walls, they could not have been part of the original plan and may have been cut in later periods. 3.5 The Floor The floor space of c. 153.50 m2 has been largely destroyed; the surface of the ground floor is often completely lost. Traces of the original floor can still be recognized at the southern wall, showing a horizontal line, above which the wall was smoothed. The remaining parts of the original floor indicate that at least 1.30 m of its rock was cut by quarrying activities.36 The numerous squares on the floor are a result of cutting the stone (cf. pls. 6–7). 3.6 The Shafts In the large rectangular hall of the tomb, fourteen shafts cut into the rock have been detected (cf. pls. 6–7). All of them are simply executed and have suffered from plundering and destruction since antiquity. The architectural features of Shafts 1–4 and the amount of well-preserved early Middle Kingdom pottery found inside Shafts 2 and 3 point to their original character. From Shaft 5, the orientation of the side burial chambers changes, as now they are no longer in 34 El-Khadragy, BACE 17, 2006, 80, pl. 2, cf. El-Khadragy & Kahl, SAK 32, 2004, 237, 239. 35 Zitman (The Necropolis of Assiut II, 20) erroneously inferred that the rear wall bears traces of a painted offering list which no longer exists. 36 Most tombs of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi were damaged and destroyed by stone quarrying and occasionally by forces of the nature, i.e. rainfall and earthquakes, along with tomb robbery, graffiti, the excreta of bats and pigeons, and unprofessionally performed excavations, which sometimes involved using dynamite, see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 3–5; Kahl, Die Zeit selbst, 79–95.

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3. Architectural Features

damaged wall

shaft 14

GO/LE 10-14

H11.1 (Northern Soldiers-Tomb), ground plan shafts The Asyut Project - 2014

Fig. 4: Ground plan of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1) (C. Lehrle 2014, © The Asyut Project).

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3. Architectural Features  

Fig. 5: Block of the collapsed ceiling with geometric decoration (S11/st13) (photograph: Fritz Barthel 2010; © The Asyut Project).

the north or south, but in the west. Nevertheless, there is still no noticeable change in the pottery; the vessels from Shaft 5 have parallels in Shaft 2 and in the tomb of the Eleventh Dynasty nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N13.1), but also provide new, unusual shapes. In Shaft 6, the flat bread molds appear for the first time, which are otherwise found only in Tomb I of the Twelfth Dynasty nomarch Djefai-Hapi I. Shaft 7 provided rich pottery findings and introduced new forms with the globular beer vessels, but otherwise contained the already known medium sized plates, carinated bowls or hemispherical bowls and cylindrical stands. Among the latter is a large number of stands with a double rim. Other shafts cannot be evaluated on the basis of the pottery alone. Their location in the area which is supposed to be the entrance of the rectangular hall, in addition to their very rough execution, suggests that they do not belong to the original layout of the tomb and seem to have been executed in a later time.37 Shaft 1 is situated in the central axis, about 2.50 m in front of the rear wall and an estimated 1.50 m in front of the northern wall. The shaft is 3.10 m deep, with a mouth measuring 3.06 m N-S × 1.25 m E-W (pl. 17). It leads to a small rectangular burial chamber in the south, measuring 3.01 m W-E × 2.29 m N-S. Shaft 2 locates to the east of Shaft 1 with a maximum depth of 2.91 m and a mouth measuring 2.80 m N-S × 1.25 m E-W. Two burial chambers were cut in the northern and southern sides of the shaft. A step of about 0.32 m in height was cut in front of the northern chamber (pl. 18); this architectural feature has not been used in the hitherto known shafts of the necropolis. 37 The pottery which was found in the shafts and their side burial chambers, as well as the one picked up from the debris on the surface of the tomb, has already been studied and published by Andrea Kilian, see Kilian, Keramik Mittelägyptens, 90–113.

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3. Architectural Features  

15

The southern chamber measures 2.67 m N-S × 3.01 m E-W, while the northern chamber which measures 3.36 m N-S × 3.08 m E-W, gives access through two gaps in its eastern wall to the western burial chamber of Shaft 5. Shaft 3 is cut underneath the southern wall with a mouth measures 1.42 m N-S × 0.94 m E-W (pl. 19). The shaft is 4.10 m deep, and leads to two burial chambers; the first one extends to the south and measures 2.14 m N-S × 1.05 m E-W, while the second chamber stretches to the north and measures 2.19 m N-S × 2.45 m E-W. Directly to the right of the mouth of Shaft 3, two small superimposed chambers were cut. The lower chamber measures 2.45 m N-S × 1.27 m E-W. The upper one measures 2.43 m N-S × 1.26 m E-W, and gives access to a third small chamber measuring 2.19 m N-S × 2.45 m E-W (pl. 20). The Late Period pottery retrieved from the debris in front of these chambers indicates later use during this period. According to the pottery analysis, the lower chamber seems of a much earlier date than the upper one. Shaft 4 is situated in a row with Shafts 1 and 2, about 1.50 m to the east of Shaft 2. It is about 2.30 m deep with its mouth measuring 2.80 m N-S × 1.31 m E-W. The hole which was cut in the northern part of the floor (pl. 21) might be part of the unfinished northern burial chamber. The shaft leads to a small rectangular burial chamber in the east, measuring 2.77 m N-S × 2.45 m E-W. Its western half was used as a grave, which seems to have been covered by wooden planks, since small fragments of wooden planks were found in the holes which probably used to fix them (pl. 22). Shaft 5 is located close to the north of Shaft 4, but in a different axis E-W. It is about 3.10 m deep, with a mouth measuring 2.15 m E-W × 0.87 m N-S. The eastern side of this shaft takes the form of a “sloping” with a small niche cut at the middle of its lower part (pl. 23). 38 The western side of the shaft ends with a rectangular burial chamber measuring 2.48 m E-W × 2.10 m N-S. The two holes which were cut in its western wall give access to the northern burial chamber of Shaft 2 (pl. 24), were cut most probably in modern times by tomb robbers who left their joss-stick in the chamber. Shaft 6 is situated to the east of Shaft 4 in the same axis and measures 2.25 m N-S × 0.82 m E-W. It is 3.10 m in depth (pl. 25), and leads to a rectangular burial chamber in the west measuring 2.27 m N-S × 2.81 m E-W. Shaft 7 is located about 2.30 m to the south of Shaft 6 and measures 2.20 m N-S × 0.83 m E-W and is 4.90 m in depth (pl. 26). Two superimposed burial chambers were cut at the western side of the shaft. The rectangular chamber which lies above is smaller than the main burial chamber, which lies beneath. Through a hole made in later times, the main burial chamber gives access to an unfinished small chamber with many holes in its walls. In an area of about 28 m2 at the front third of the tomb, seven more shafts (8–14) were cut. Each shaft gives access to other shaft(s) through many gaps and tunnels made in modern times (pl. 27). It is not possible to determine the original size of the side chambers because of the later destruction. The first shaft in this group is Shaft 8, which is situated to the north of Shaft 6, measuring 0.81 m N-S × 0.80 m E-W and is 3.20 m in depth (pl. 28).

38 The sloping passage occurred in a more elaborated form in the Twelfth Dynasty tombs; in the eastern wall of Tomb II/O13.1 (Becker, in: Seven Seasons, 72, fig. 9), and in the southern wall of Tomb I/P10.1, where the sloping passage leads to a subterranean corridor system branching out widely (El-Khadragy, GM 212, 2007, 42, fig. 1; Kahl & El-Khadragy &Verhoeven, SAK 37, 2008, 200–201, cf. Devilliers & Jollois, Description de Syout, 139–141, pl. 44).

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Shaft 9 is situated about 0.75 m to the east of Shaft 7 and measures 0.80 m N-S × 0.80 m E-W. It is 3.90 m in depth (pl. 29), and leads to a small burial chamber in the west, which still has a few fragments of carinated bowls and a model bag. Shaft 10 is located at a distance of 1.40 m to the north of Shaft 9 between Shafts 12 and 14. It measures 0.80 m N-S × 0.80 m E-W and is 2.75 m in depth (pl. 30). A modern gap on its western side leads to a small burial chamber housing 6 fragments of a wooden coffin, remains of human bones and bandages. Shaft 11 differs significantly in construction and location from all other shafts, as it was cut at the most eastern part of the hall. It measures 0.70 m N-S × 0.70 m E-W and is 3.80 m in depth (cf. pl. 27). The shaft cuts an older corridor and leads to a small burial chamber in the east and two superimposed additional chambers in the western wall of that chamber (pl. 31). Shaft 12 is located close to the west of Shaft 11. It measures 0.80 m N-S × 0.80 m E-W and is 2.20 m in depth (pl. 32). A modern hole in its eastern side gives access to Shaft 11. Shaft 13 is located to the north of Shaft 11. It measures 0.77 m N-S × 0.76 m E-W, and is 2.80 m in depth (pl. 33). A modern hole in its western side leads to a small burial chamber still housing a fragmentary coffin (pl. 34). Shaft 14 is situated to the south of Shafts 10 and 11. It measures 0.90 m N-S × 0.90 m E-W and is 2.50 m in depth (pl. 35). It leads to a small burial chamber in the east. 3.7 The Poorly Executed Graves The floor of the inner hall includes several small graves. They consist of a small shaft leading to a rectangular burial chamber (pls. 36–37). Due to their disturbed condition, the dating must remain open.

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4. Representations and Inscriptions The tomb still has some of its decoration on the southern and northern walls, which was shortly described by Diana Magee during her short visit to Asyut in 1986.39 Re-examining the tomb in 2003, the only visible decorated part was its southern wall, which was already published by our colleague Mahmoud El-Khadragy in 2006,40 and will be represented here in addition to the hitherto unpublished decoration of the northern wall. 4.1 Representations and Inscriptions of the Southern Wall The surface of the southern wall has suffered considerably, since it is exposed to rain, daily sunlight, and graffiti that threaten its existence. The wall decoration is painted on a thin layer of plaster; however, parts of this have flaked off in some areas, and the wall decorations are hardly visible. The local restorers cleaned the wall paintings and consolidated the plaster, which revealed, according to El-Khadragy, a standing woman, four rows of marching soldiers, unusual representations of a canid-headed god and the goddess Hathor, and three rows of wrestling men could be seen (pls. 38–39).41 The broken eastern end of the wall still preserves much damaged remnants in outline, which El-Khadragy recognized as a small portion of a figure’s upper part, part of the arm, necklace, breast and dress. Thus, he reconstructed the figure which, according to him, shows a standing woman facing outwards. The woman wears a yellow garment adorned with green dots, and with yellow shoulder straps. Around her neck are parts of a broad collar of green tubular beads. On her right wrist is a bracelet with green circular beads. The attitude of her extended right arm is probably that of one who holds a staff.42 In front of the woman are some traces of damaged hieroglyphic signs, which were part of three separated columns identifying the woman (fig. 6):43 No. 1, col. 1: No. 1, col. 1: [...] No. 1, col. 1: [...] No. 2, col. 2: No. 2, col. 2: Hzjjt n [...] No. 2, col. 2: favoured of [...]

39 Magee, Asyût II, 36–38, III, pls.1, 44–46. 40 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 147–164, Taf. 12. 41 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150–154, cf. Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 33, 2005, 164. 42 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150, n. 20. For the women holding papyri-form or loti-form staffs from the reign of Pepy II onwards, see Hassan, Stöcke und Stäbe, 199–200; Harpur, Decoration, 134–135; Fischer, Tomb of Ip, 34. 43 See El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150, fig. 5 and cf. Magee, Asyût II, 37–38 who did not identify either the scene of the woman, or the accompanying inscription during her visit of the tomb in 1986.

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Fig. 6: Woman’s figure on the eastern end of the southern wall (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, fig. 5; © The Asyut Project).

No. 3, col. 3: No. 3, col. 3: [...] j [...] No. 3, col. 3: [...] To the right of the woman’s figure is a fragmentary scene depicting remnants of marching soldiers. According to El-Khadragy,44 the soldiers proceed towards the left in four rows, each row including at least seven men (fig. 7). The figures of the soldiers still have remnants of brown paint on their bodies and heads. Details of their clothes cannot be identified, as the larger area of their bodies is covered behind the large body-sized shields with pointed tops made of wood covered by cow-hide,45 cheetah skin and antelope skin, which they hold with their left hands. In their right hands, the soldiers carry semicircular or half-moon bladed battle-axes painted brown.46 El-Khadragy also mentioned a figure of whom only some traces of his brown foot can be detected, heading the scene of the soldiers and labeled

[jmj]-r pr [...] “stew-

44 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150–152, fig. 6. 45 The body-sized shields appear in two Middle Kingdom tombs of Tehuti-Hetep at El-Bersha (Newberry, El Bersheh I, pls. 13, 29) and Senbi, the son of Ukh-Hetep at Meir (Blackman, Rock Tombs of Meir I, pl. 3). They differ from the Asyut examples in having rounded tops instead of the pointed tops; the latter seems to have been the preferred design at Asyut, see Magee, Asyût I, 22. 46 For the difference in composition of troops during the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom, see El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150–151, n. 22.

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Fig. 7: Marching soldiers on the southern wall (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, fig. 6; © The Asyut Project).

ard [...]”.47 Unfortunately, the matter of this figure and the accompanied inscription are now unidentifiable on site.48 To the right of the marching soldier’s scene, after a space where no traces of decoration are preserved, is a very fragmentary scene which represents, according to El-Khadragy,49 a canidheaded god, either Wepwawet,50 or less likely Anubis,51 facing left. 47 See El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150. 48 Magee did not refer to this figure or the accompanying inscription either. Furthermore, she identified only three rows of soldiers instead of four, and only four figures instead of seven in the middle row, see Magee, Asyût II, 37, pls. 44–45. 49 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 152–153, fig. 7. 50 Wepwawet was the chief deity of Asyut, represented most often as a middle-sized canid standing on a standard, but he was also depicted without a standard or as a canid-headed man (Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 39). Apart from the Fifth Dynasty disputable example of the vizier Nfr-Mnw, the earliest attested evidence of Wp-wAwt nb ZAwtj dates to the First Intermediate Period (El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 152, n. 27). 51 Anubis, the principal funerary god of Egypt, had also been associated with the necropolis of Asyut since the late Old Kingdom, and the evidence of his local priesthood is attested as early as the First Intermediate Period (Gomaa, Die Besiedlung Ägyptens I, 269–273). Unlike Wepwawet, Anubis was rarely depicted as a man with a canid’s head (Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 49); therefore, El-Khadragy (SAK 35, 2006, 152, n. 28) identified the jackal-headed god associated with Hathor here as being Wepwawet rather than Anubis, depending on a statue of Ramsses II from Tanis, representing Hathor, lady of Medjeden associated with

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Fig. 8: The canid-headed god and the goddess Hathor on the southern wall (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, fig. 7; © The Asyut Project).

Behind him is a standing figure of the goddess Hathor52 facing a woman standing in a kiosk (fig. 8).53 Above the woman, a fragmentary inscription of one horizontal line and two short vertical columns of hieroglyphs oriented towards the left are represented as follows:54

Wepwawet, lord of Asyut. This relationship reflects some older tradition associating both deities together, cf. Petrie, Tanis II, pl. 9. 52 Hathor was the main female deity in Asyut and was venerated there at the latest from the Old Kingdom (Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 51). Many coffins from the First Intermediate Period refer to Hathor, lady of Medjeden (El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 153–154, n. 31 with further literature). In the recently discovered Tomb N13.1, several visitors’ graffiti from the early New Kingdom refer to the “temple of Hathor, lady of Medjeden” (Verhoeven, ZÄS 136, 2009, 87–98). Noteworthy, however, is that in the season 2012, during a one-day survey on the mountain plateau of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi (Kôm el-Shuqafa), our mission found several stone blocks, parts of which seem to be architectural remains of a larger building, possibly a temple. The elements of decoration and the fragmentary inscriptions provide information about the date of Ramesses II and refer to the local deities Hathor and Wepwawet. Therefore, this area on top of the mountain seems to be a place where not too far away sacral architecture from that period must have been built, see Kahl et al., SAK 42, 2013, 126–138, figs. 5–18. 53 The two large figures of the gods have been identified by Magee as a woman and a man standing in a kiosk, or perhaps deity in the light of the head-dress of the woman and the presence of the winged disk, see Magee, Asyût I, 23; II, 37–38. 54 See El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 153, fig. 7, cf. Magee, Asyût II, 37–38 who did not refer to any kind of inscription accompanying this scene.

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No. 1, col.1: No. 1, col.1: mz n [...] snw mn.jt No. 1, col.1: Bringing [...], snw-bread and mnjt-necklace No. 2, col.2: No. 2, col.2: n kA n Hm(t)-nTr No. 2, col.2: for the priestess of No. 3, col.3: No. 3, col.3: 1wt-1r [...] No. 3, col.3: Hathor [...] On the right-hand side, one can see a vertical band of alternating blue and red colour. Next to the band there are three registers with depictions of wrestlers, of which it is presumed that three pairs of wrestlers might have been present per register,55 in the upper part of the space. Since the most of the plaster is damaged or lost, identifiable traces are very few; one can still recognize a small figure of a standing person near the lower right corner, who is engaged in an undeterminable activity (fig. 9).56

Fig. 9: Wrestlers on the southern wall (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, fig. 8; © The Asyut Project). 55 See El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 154, fig. 8, cf. Magee (Asyût II, 38, III, pl. 46) who sees only the remains of two rows of wrestling. For the wrestling scene, see Decker & Herb, Bildatlas zum Sport I, 533ff, cf. Schulman, JSSEA 12.1, 1982, 168, n. 18. 56 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 154, fig. 8.

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4.2 Representations and Inscriptions of the Northern Wall Most of the decoration of the northern wall, which was painted on a thin layer of plaster, has been lost due to a partial collapse of the wall. From the west, despite the loss of its upper part, the wall is decorated, with the tomb owner and probably his wife standing in front of him with nearly equal height.57 Behind him is his fragmentary biographical text, from which they turn away and face inward (left) (pls. 40, 51–53; figs. 10–11).58 A coloured column with alternating yellow, red and blue squares is represented in front of the tomb owner and may have belonged to the kiosk in which he is standing.59

Fig. 10: The tomb owner standing in a kiosk behind a woman on the northern wall (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2013; © The Asyut Project).

57 Magee, Asyût I, 19. 58 In the First Intermediate Period Tombs III (N12.1) and IV (N12.2), the biographical texts are represented in a corresponding position on the northern wall of the inner hall at the east end. In Tomb IV, the owner is also accompanied by a lady, probably his wife. In Tomb IV, the owner and the lady are standing next to the biographical text, but facing it, cf. Magee, Asyût I, 19; El-Khadragy, SAK 37, 2008, fig. 2. 59 For an example from the Middle Kingdom with such a kiosk supported by similar columns, see Newberry, El Bersheh I, pl. 19, cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 153.

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Fig. 11: Biographical inscription of the tomb owner on the northern wall (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2013; © The Asyut Project).

The tomb owner is represented in the so called “supporting leg and free leg” posture, in which he leans on a staff with his right leg bent and his foot raised on to its toes, while his left foot is flat on the ground and bears most of his body weight, his forward arm is loosely curved round the staff and a sceptre which are at an angle.60 The remaining lower part of the tomb owner’s figure shows him wearing a wide red, yellow, and blue coloured bracelet, a short white kilt with a projecting panel, the borders of which are coloured, with a waistband painted in yellow, red and blue. The woman in front of him wears a long, close-fitting dress with a red and blue diamond pattern and a bracelet with red, blue and yellow colour on her left wrist.61 She holds with her left hand three lotus stems whose buds droop downward.62 60 In such a pose, his other arm, which is unfortunately missing here, would cross his chest with the hand resting against the knob of the staff, see Harpur, Decoration, 127–128, and cf. figs. 22–23 (here). 61 During her visit to the tomb in 1986, Magee added some more details to the scene, which seems to have been still preserved and visible at that time. According to her, only the head of the woman was lost and she wore a broad blue collar and her long close-fitting garment had a V-shaped neckline. She also mentioned the traces of some scenes in front of the woman, the matter of which is, unfortunately, unidentifiable on site, as well as on photographs of the western wall, which were documented by her, see Magee, Asyût II, 36–37; III, pls. 42–43. 62 The wife of Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N13.1) also wears a long, tight dress, and holds a long-stemmed lotus flower, but close to her nose, in her left hand, see El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 109, fig. 3. For this motif, see Brovarski, Naga-ed-Dêr, 236–237.

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Two vertical columns of a damaged inscription reading from right to left can be recognized between these two figures. A few traces of the signs painted red and two separating lines painted blue are still visible. The only legible hieroglyphic signs are those in the middle of the first and second lines, which read: 1, col. No. No. 1, col. 1: 1:

No. 1, col. 1: [...] jmAx[jj] [x]r [...]

No. No. 1, col. 1: 1: [...] honoured by [...] 1, col. No. 2, col. 2:

2, col. No. No. 2, col. 2: 2: No.col. 2, col. No.1, x+1:2: [zA]wt63 jmAxjj64 [x]r [Wsjr m swt.f nbt …]65

No. 2, col. 2: [Asy]ut, honoured by [Osiris in all his places...]

No.1, col. x+1: No.2, No.Behind 1,col. col.x+2: 1: tomb owner is a long biographical inscription, of which only 15 fragmentary cothe lumns can be seen. The hieroglyphs are in sunk relief, mostly reaching no deeper than the depth

No.2, col. x+2: No.of1, col. 1: and being filled with blue paint, the lines between the columns being filled with the plaster No. 2, col. 2: 66 Oriented towards the right, the text reads: No.3, redcol. (fig.x+3: 11). No. 2, col. 2: No.3, col. x+3: No. col. 1, col. x+1: No.1, x+1: No.4, x+4: No.col. 1, col. x+1: […] xnt67 [...] n [...] nb [...] mrw? 68 n [...]

No.col. 1, col. x+1: [...] in front of? [...] every? [...] the desert? of [...] No.1, x+1: No.4, No.2,col. col.x+4: x+2: No.5, col. x+5: No.col. 2, col. x+2: No.2, x+2: No.5, col. No. 2, x+5: col. x+2: […] (stroke) r [...] r [...] n [...] No.3, col. x+3: No. 2, col. x+2: [...]

No.3, col. x+3: 63 The Ancient name of Asyut is zAwtj or (WB IV, 420.2), which means “guardiNo.4,an”. col.It x+4: could very well be a reflection of the town’s strategic and naturally protected location. The Arabic name of Asyut

, meaning “watcher”, provides the same root word, see Gardiner, Onomastica II, 74;

No.4,Griffith, col. x+4:BOR 3, 1888–1889, 123–124. For different writings of the name Asyut from the Old Kingdom the Roman No.5,tocol. x+5: Period, see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 112–113, figs. 95–96; Gomaa, Die Besiedlung Ägyptens I,

262–264; Clére, MDAIK 24, 1969, 93seq; Fecht, MDAIK 16, 1958, 114. 64 Writing of jmAxjj the “honoured one” or the “revered one” instead of jmAxw does not occur until the period No.5,ofcol. x+5: the Eleventh Dynasty, pre-unification. It is also a trend that continues into the post-unification phase of the Eleventh Dynasty and thereafter. According to Schenkel, Frümittelägyptische Studien, 51, 59, it first appears in Tomb IV of Khety II, cf. Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 42. 65 This reconstruction depends on the similar expression in line x+15 of the biography, cf. Jansen-Winkeln, BSEG 20, 1996, 29–36. 66 Magee, Asyût II, 36, pl. 42. The biographical inscription of Khety II (Tomb IV) is also incised and filled with blue paint. It is bordered by a Xkr-frieze, which is used also for the pillars, see El-Khadragy, SAK 37, 2008, 221, figs. 1–5. The Xkr-frieze decoration is used in the Northern Soldiers-Tomb to decorate the pillars (cf. pl. 7), but it is not possible to know whether it was also used as upper border of the wall, owing to the poor state of preservation. 67 The xnt-sign (Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Sign-list D20) has been repeated in lines x+8 and x+11, only the front part without the eye and nose is still visible. 68 Reading probably

mrw “desert”, cf. WB II, 109.

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No. 2, col. 2: No.1, col. x+1: No.1, col. x+1: 4. Representations and Inscriptions   No.2, col. x+2: No. 1, col. 1: No.col. 3, col. x+3: No.2, x+2: No. 3, col. x+3: […] nb […] No.3, col. x+3: No. 2,3,col. No. col.2:x+3: […] every? […] No.3, col. x+3:

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No.4, x+4: No. col. 4, col. x+4: No.1, col. x+1:

No. 4, col. x+4: […] r […] j […]

No.4, x+4: No.col. 4, col. x+4: […] No.2, col. col. x+5: x+2: No.5, No.col. 5, col. x+5: No.5, x+5:

No. 5, col. x+5: […] w [...] mr[w] n [...] r [...] No. 5, col. x+5: […] beloved of ? […]

No.4, col. x+4:

No. 6, col. x+6:

No. 6, col.x+5: x+6: […] w […] x […] mAa n […] No.5, col. No. 6, col. x+6: […] right for69 […]

No.7, col. No. 7, col.x+7: x+7:

No. 7, col. x+7: [...] Hr Dd n=f [ar...?] Dam70 […] No. 7, col. x+7: [...] telling him: [...?] sceptre? […] No. 8, col. x+8: No. 8, col. x+8: [...] j […] HAtj-aw […] xnt Hms[jw]71 […] No. 8, col. x+8: [...] the count,72 […] in front of those who are sitting73 […]

No. 9, col. x+9: No. 9, col. x+9: […] Ax? […] x […] snD[w]74 tr […] No. 9, col. x+9: […] being in fear? […]

69 mAa means also “devotee” (WB II, 22), “traveller” or “guide” (WB II. 23.2). 70 Cf. WB V, 537.4. has a slight extention upwards from its curved bottom, resembling thereby the female genita71 The sign lia, and thus showing deviation from Hm-sign (Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Sign-list N41), which is used usually for Hmt. The sign was found also in Tombs V, III, IV, N13.1 and on the coffin S2C of Mesehti, see Spanel, OR 58, 1989, 310–311; El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 117. 72 The title HAtj-aw can be translated as “mayor” or directly as “nomarch”, the real nomarchs of the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty always bore the combination of the titels HAtj-aw jmj-rA Hm.w-nTr Hrj-dp aA of nome XY, see the contribution of Verhoeven, in: Kahl et al., SAK 40, 2011, 190, note (i) and cf. Franke, in: Middle Kingdom Studies 52; Favry, Le nomarque, 90, cf. also Willems, Aspects of funerary culture, 57, who translates HAtj-aw as “Lord”. 73 The suggested reading is supported by a parallel from the idealistic autobiography of Khety II (Tomb IV), in which we read after his titles: “You will be among those who are sitting [in the beautiful west/in the pure places which are in the heaven], the best of what was made for you [...]”, cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 37, 2008, 226, line 25. 74 The remaining stroke under the trussed goose or duck suggests snDw, cf. WB IV, 183.

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No. 10, col. x+10: No. 10, col. x+10: […] A […] f […] hrw[…] No. 10, col. x+10: […] day […] No. 11, col. x+11: No. 11, col. x+11: […] [h]rw xpp pAwt n njwt xnt mtwt […] No. 11, col. x+11: […] the day of the first walking75 to the city? in front of the sperm76 No. 12, col. x+12: No. 12, col. x+12: […] (det. sun-disk) […] Abwt m prw-Sna 77 Tnt […] No. 12, col. x+12: […] the family members are in the different places of production [...] No. 13, col. x+13: No. 13, col. x+13: […] SAw (j)smr xAswt txbw wn mAa(t) n78 grg js pw […] No. 13, col. x+13: […] coriander79 and Nubian mineral80 of the deserts? placed in the water. It is truth and there is no lying81 […] No. 14, col. x+14: No. 14, col. x+14: […] wrw?=f Tst=f [t.. aw …?] xnt […] tAw […] No. 14, col. x+14:[…] his great/old ones and his troops […] in front of […] the lands […] No. 15, col. x+15: No. 15, col. x+15: [...] jmAxjj xr Wsjr nb jmntt m swt nb[...] (det. three strokes + sun-disk) No. 15, col. x+15: […] honoured by Osiris, lord of the west in all places […]

75 pAt has been translated here “first” as it means principally “primeval time”, cf. WB I. 496. 76 may also be read bAHjjwt “in front of the men wearing kilts”, cf. WB I. 422. 77 For pr-Sna “place of production/labour establishment”, see Andrássy, SAK 20, 1993, 17–35. 78 Arms in gesture of negation (Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Sign-list D35A) with downward thumbs, is attested here and in Tombs IV and I. 79 Reading SAwt “coriander”, cf. WB IV. 400.15–19. 80 For (j)smr “Nubian mineral”, cf. WB I. 132.18–19. 81 wn mAa(t) n grg js pw is supported by parallels from the idealistic autobiographies since the Old Kingdom, cf. Fischer, GM 210, 2006, 35–36.

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5. Finds The debris of the tomb contained human and animal bones, wooden coffin fragments, fragments of wooden models, a few complete vessels and a lot of diagnostic pottery fragments, green and yellow glazed Islamic pottery, ostraca with hieratic inscription, limestone blocks, bandages, and other small objects such as faience beads and scarabs. The finds date to different periods, which range from artifacts possibly belonging to the original inventory to remnants of later burials. For the most part, the objects presented here are fragmentary and often in a poor state of preservation. Attempts at each following reconstruction are based on the extensive study of comparative material not only from Asyut itself, but also from other archaeological sites. 5.1 Blue-Glazed Son of Horus Object During the seventh season in 2009, a blue glazed object, which measures x+4 cm × 2 cm (S09/ st14, pl. 41a, fig. 12), was found in the debris, about 2 m from the western wall. It seems to be an amulet depicting the baboon-headed god Hapi, who is one of the four sons of Horus. The lower part of his legs is damaged, while the head is preserved and pierced in order to hang the amulet. Faience amulets of the four sons of Horus were stitched to the mummy bandages or sewn onto an elaborate bed net which was placed over the mummy.82 They perhaps served, as they did with canopic jars, to protect various organs of the body. In charge of caring for the lungs, Hapi was one of the four guardians of the canopic jars.83 This figurine of Hapi would have been part of a set of four figurines, depicting the four sons of Horus.84

Fig. 12: Object depicting Hapi, the son of Horus (S09/st14) (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2009; © The Asyut Project). 82 Ikram & Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, 14, 143–144, 186–187. 83 Pinch, Egyptian Mythology, 204; Petrie, Amulets, 89–90 (182). 84 During the Third Intermediate Period, a change in mummification practices caused the canopic packages to be returned to the body cavity, each with an amulet of the applicable deity adjoined, indicated full length and mummiform. Even when the packages were placed in canopic jars, an amuletic set containing the four sons of Hours would even now be provided for stitching to the mummy wrappings or for incorporation into the bead netting that enveloped contemporary mummies, see Andrews, Amulets, 45–46; Andrews, in: Oxford Encyclopedia I, 81–82.

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5.2 Fragment of a Wooden Coffin A wooden fragment of a coffin lid (S10/st12), measuring 15.5 cm long and 3.9 cm wide and displaying a diagonal star clock, was found in Shaft 1 (pl. 41b, fig. 13). The surface of the fragment was painted in reddish brown, while the decan names are executed in black paint and are outlined with black vertical and horizontal lines. Each name is followed by a black coloured star with a center coloured in red. Sufficient details are observed to enable identification of two decans: , , nTr jmj pt “The God who is in the Sky” and jp-Ds. Notably, the name of the decan nTr jmj pt has no direct connection to the already known diagonal star tables of Asyut, the most attributed name being nTr DA pt.85 The name jp-Ds or jp-st86 is known from the Greek Period ἁφοσο.87

,

Fig. 13: A fragment of wooden coffin lid displaying a diagonal star clock (S10/st12) (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2010; © The Asyut Project).

During the fieldwork (season 2004), the Asyut Project discovered another coffin fragment (S04/st195) in the inner hall of Tomb III of Iti-ibi. It also displays a part of a diagonal star clock. The preserved star is painted in a light blue colour, which is typical for Asyut. The vertical strokes are reddish brown, whilst the hieroglyphs are black, except for traces of light blue colour. The decans mentioned are Hr.j-jb-wDA and mDd/Ssm.w.88 About twenty coffins with representations of diagonal star clocks are known. Most of them are from Asyut and seem to have been made there.89 Diagonal star clocks or diagonal star calendars that were painted on the inner side of the Middle Kingdom coffin lids form a special tradition in the textual history of the decan lists.90 85 For recent lists of the diagonal star clocks, see Symons, in: Calendars and Years, table 5. 86 WB I, 69.15, 70.11. 87 Cf. Quack, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 38, 1995, 117. 88 Cf. Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 33, 2005, 163, pl. 12.2. 89 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 152; Kahl, SAK 20, 1993, 95–107. 90 For the study of the “diagonal star clocks“, “diagonal star tables” or “diagonal star calendars”, see Neugebauer & Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts I, 1–21; Neugebauer & Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts III, 8–10; Locher, JHA, 14.2, 1983, 141–144; Locher, JHA, 23.3, 1992, 201–207; Kahl, SAK 20, 1993, 95–107; Leitz, Sternuhren, 1995, 58–116; Kahl, Siut–Theben, 201–205; Locher, in: Proceedings of the 7th International Congress of Egyptologists, 697–702; Symons, JHA 33.3, 2002, 257–260, 141–144; Symons & Cockcroft, JHA 44.4, 2013, 457–463; Cockcroft & Symons, JAE 10.3, 2013, 1–10; Cockcroft & Symons, JHA 45.2, 2014, 197–208; Schramm, in: Die ägyptische Sammlung der Universität Tübingen, 219–220.

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5.3 Scarabs Two scarabs were found in the debris and seem to have been used as seals; one of them (S14/st3) was pierced for hanging the seal.91 The first scarab (S10/st5) was found 2.5 m from the western wall. It is of green faience and measures 15 mm in length (pl. 42a, fig. 14). The scarab is inscribed with a pair of anx-signs environing what looks like Axt-sign above the g-letter. According to Tufnell’s classification, this symmetrically designed scarab belongs to the Design Class 3A3, in which the hieroglyphic signs are arranged in pairs on either side of a central theme or group.92 The scarab represents the primary types of the design, which is linear and has geometric patterns, Egyptian signs and symbols, and, to a lesser extent, simple scrolls and spirals.93 Concerning its length, Ward stated as a general rule that small sizes like S10/st5 decrease and large sizes increase in a regular chronological procession from the Old to the Middle Kingdom.94 The second scarab (S14/st03) is made of blue faience and was found to the west of Shaft 6. It measures 16 mm in length and is inscribed with the name of Jmn (pl. 42b, fig. 15). It is noted that the majority of seals with private names dates from the late Middle Kingdom, the period of their greatest use in Egypt.95 It is of significance that the name of Amun is quite unexpected in Asyut for the period before the New Kingdom.96 It was applied to the titles “chantress of AmunRa” at the beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty,97 and “chantress of Amun” on Ramesside stelae from the Salakhana trove.98 The offering-litany of Min-Amun, recorded in the forecourt of the Temple of Amun at Luxor, mentions Amun-Ra in Asyut during the reign of Ramesses II.99

Fig. 14 (left): Green faience scarab inscribed with anx-signs (S10/st5). Fig. 15 (right): Blue faience scarab inscribed with the name of Jmn (S14/st03). (Drawing: Sameh Shafik 2010 (S10/st5), 2014 (S14/st3); © The Asyut Project.) 91 Amuletic scarabs were the earliest and smallest and display the simplest designs and side types, it was during the Middle Kingdom that they were used as seals, see Andrews, Amulets, 50–51; Wiese, Stempelsiegel-Amulette, 1seq; Newberry, Scarabs, 1seq. 92 Tufnell classified the scarabs according to their design and decoration into 11 classes, from which many other groups were split up further, see Tufnell, Scarab Seals II, 118, pl. VIII A–B. 93 Tufnell, Scarab Seals II, 28. 94 Ward produced a division of classification of scarabs based on the length. He divided the scarabs into four periods. Period One is basically the late Old Kingdom and Seventh/Eighth Dynasty, and Period Two covers the early Herakleopolitan age (early Ninth/Tenth Dynasty) and the first half of the contemporary local Eleventh Dynasty. Period Three is the later Herakleopolitan age and the contemporary Eleventh Dynasty up to about the time of reunification under Mentuhotep II. Period Four is the Eleventh Dynasty proper, after the reunification, and the first two decades, and it extends into the reign of Amenemhat I, cf. Ward, Scarab Seals I, 21 and see Tufnell, Scarab Seals II, 28. For other classification systems, cf. Ward, Scarab Seals I, 15–22, 77seq; Brunton, Qau and Badari I, 55; also see the system explained by Dubiel, Amulette, 91seq, depending on the classification system of Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 185seq. 195 Martin, Seals, 12; Tufnell, Scarab Seals II, 28, 147, n. 176. 196 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 55. 197 Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions I, 244, 248. 98 Clère, MDAIK 24, 1969, 93–95, pl. 14. 99 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 55.

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5.4 Calcite-Alabaster Round-Bottomed Bowl This bowl was found broken into two pieces. The first piece (S10/st46) was found in the debris, 3 m from the western wall, while the second (S10/st136) was discovered also in the debris, c. 4.5 m from the western wall. After the two pieces were rejoined by the local restorer of SCA, the number (S10/30) was given to this bowl. It is a round-bottomed bowl with a spout and a part of the rim is damaged, measuring 2.7 cm in height and 5.4–5.5 cm in diameter (pl. 42c). The calcite-alabaster of which the bowl is made is opaque white with red-brown veins of impurities. It was used for vessels from Predynastic to the early Old Kingdom (the peak period of its use is during the First to Third Dynasties) and has a limited occurrence in the New Kingdom, and again from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty through the Ptolemaic Period.100 Stylistic criteria suggest a Fifth–Sixth Dynasty date for the bowl. Comparable objects to this bowl (fig. 16) were found at Naga ed-Der (Fifth–Sixth Dynasties),101 Saqqara (Sixth Dynasty),102 and Balat (Sixth Dynasty).103 The bowl seems to have been made for a high ranking person, because calcite-alabaster is not found in Asyut and must have been imported from elsewhere, some quarry as yet unknown at the time of writing.104

Fig. 16: S10/30, calcite-alabaster round-bottomed bowl with tube spout, scale 1:1 (drawing: L. Sanhueza Pino, digital drawing: A. Kilian; © The Asyut Project).

5.5 Wooden Models In the First Intermediate Period, as well as in the Middle Kingdom, high quality wooden models were made in Asyut, which was one of the major centers of wooden model production in ancient Egypt, and they formed the characteristic element among grave goods.105 Unfortunately, most of the tombs were already robbed or disturbed in the Pharaonic and Byzantine Periods and suffered greatly from stone quarrying and environmental influences in modern times. One 100 101 102 103 104

Aston, Stone Vessels, 51. Reisner, Naga ed-Dêr III, 57, fig. 23. Jéquier, ASAE 34, 1934, 109, fig. 16. Valloggia, Le mastaba de Medou-Nefer, 1986, pl. 85. The only known ancient quarry was in Umm-es-Sawan on the northern edge of the Fayum depression, approximately 20 km north of Kom Aushim (Caton-Thompson & Gardiner, The Desert Fayum I, 113–123), but this place was restricted to Dynasties 3–4 (Aston, Stone Vessels, 50). The Roman naturalist Pliny the Elder, who lived in the first century CE, stated in his “Natural History” treatise that the stone for “Alabastra” came from quarries in the “Alabastron” region in Egypt bounded by El-Minya on the north and Asyut on the south. This quarry should be Hatnub, the nearest source for this stone, about 18 km southeast of El-Amarna, see Harrell, GM 119, 1990, 37. 105 Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Seven Seasons, 91.

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of the major tasks of the Asyut Project is, therefore, not only to document and describe the artifacts discovered, but also to identify them in time and place.106 The attempts to reconstruct the following model fragments are based on the extensive study of the comparative materials from Asyut, which can easily be found in nearly every Egyptian collection around the world,107 and also the model material which has been newly discovered by the Asyut Project, especially in Tombs V and III of the local nomarchs Khety I and Iti-ibi. The model objects discovered in the Northern Soldiers-Tomb are few and fragmented. Due to contact with water, the timber has become porous and very fragile. Nevertheless, they include, at least, parts of human and animal models and models of boats. In comparison to the model tools from Tomb III, they show a cross-section of models among the grave goods at the end of the First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom in Asyut.108 5.5.1 Human Models The head of a male model figure (S10/st49) was found in the debris, 2.5 m from western wall (pl. 43a) and measures 4 cm high and 4 cm wide. It displays a short, black wig and red skin colour. The eyes are painted in black and white, the nose and mouth are carved from wood. The shape and design strongly resemble the partly preserved male figures which were discovered in the side chamber of Shaft 3 in Tomb III,109 and probably belong to an oarsman (h. 17.3 cm).110 This would suggest a date in the late First Intermediate Period or the early Middle Kingdom. A seated male model figure with red skin and white apron (S14/st1764) was found in the lower western burial chamber of Shaft 11 (pl. 43b). The head was covered with a short black wig. Facial features are depicted in black and white paint, the nose was carved out of wood. The arms and legs are broken away, but the manufacturing proves that it was originally in a squatting position. The legs and body were carved out of one piece of wood, the arms originally attached separately by dowels. The size is typical for seated wooden model figures. Its original purpose cannot be deduced without the arms. One could assume that the figure may have been a part of a model boat as an oarsman.111 The foot of a wooden model figure or small statuette (S10/st7) was found in the debris c. 5 m from the western wall. The design clearly indicates that it belonged to a figure of fine quality. The toes are individually worked out and the side is shaped into a dowel, which fitted the item to the legs of the figure/statuette (pl. 43c). Three arms of wooden model figures with the average length were found (pl. 44a). The first arm of a larger statuette (S14/st2344) was found in Shaft 14. The fingers are individually carved out and the elaboration attempts to reflect a natural and lifelike design. The length of the arm, at more than 20 cm, as well as the different wood (different from the timber used in the average small wooden model figures from Asyut), and the fixation technique with large rectangular dowel, all support the reconstruction of a small wooden statue of at least 40–50 cm in height.

106 For the wooden models found in Asyut, see Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Seven Seasons, 91–104; ZöllerEngelhardt, in: Ägyptens Schätze, 150–151, cf. Leospo, in: Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, 667–676. 107 Cf. Petrie, Tools and Weapons, 1seq; Landström, Die Schiffe, 1seq; Jones, Boats, 1seq. 108 The material found in Tomb III has been studied by Zöller-Engelhardt, Wooden Models, 1–171. 109 Cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 36, 2007, 88. 110 Cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Seven Seasons, 96, fig. 8; Breasted, Servant Statues, pls. 69b, 72b, 96a–b. 111 For comparative example, cf. Breasted, Servant Statues, pls. 69b, 72b; Reisner, Ships and Boats, pl. 2.

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Arms of this design, albeit shorter in length, were found in Shaft 2 of Tomb III. The side and front parts are rounded without any details, showing the natural shape.112 The other two arms are stretched out straight. The hands form fists with a hole in the middle, where equipment (such as oars or vessels) could have been attached. Since both show traces of red colour, the wooden model figure was most probably of a male. Due to the different shade of colours and the elaboration, the two arms did not belong to the same figure. One of them (S14/st188) is a right arm, while the other (S14/st1741) is a left arm, recognizable because of the protruding thumb. 5.5.2 Model Boats (Pl. 44b) The stern post of a small model boat (S10/st133.1) was found in the debris, 3 m from the western wall. Its octagonal shaft and the sharpened lower end support the assumption that it is a stern post. A model oar (S10/st133.2) was found beside the stern post. Its size and form fit well to the stern post. Model oars were found also in the burial chamber of Shaft 4 in Tomb III among boat equipment, e.g. canopy posts, a canopy roof, stern posts.113 From the typological viewpoint, the shape of the oar matches the Middle Kingdom model boats from the Asyut necropolis, e.g. Cairo CG 4918 (Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre),114 London BM EA 45087 (Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre).115 Two handles of a larger rudder or oar from a model boat were found in the debris c. 7.5 m from the western wall (S12/st1177). They are broken at one end and their blades are lost. In Tomb V, some parts of a handle and blades of a model rudder belonging together were found in the large burial chamber of Shaft 2.116 5.5.3 Head of a Model Goose or Duck The head (S14/st175) was found 13.5 m from the western wall. It is worked out elaborately, but unfortunately broken at the neck. Details are added in paint; the eyes and the beak being depicted in different colours (pl. 45a). The size of the head could indicate that it originally belonged to a large bird carried by a female offering bearer. The head of this bird is similar to those carried by the female offering bearers from Asyut during the late First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom, e.g. Boston MFA 04.1774 (Tenth/Eleventh Dynasty),117 Paris, Louvre E11990 (Eleventh/Twelfth Dynasty),118 London, BM EA 45055 (Eleventh/Twelfth Dynasty),119 Paris, Louvre E12029 (Eleventh Dynasty),120 CPA Tomb 7 (Late First Intermediate Period),121 112 Cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 36, 2007, 87. 113 Cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, SAK 36, 2007, 87–88; ZöllerEngelhardt, in: Seven Seasons, 94, fig. 3. 114 Reisner, Ships and Boats, 74–80, figs. 277–300; Göttlicher & Werner, Schiffsmodelle, pls. 13, 24. 115 Glanville & Faulkner, Model Boats, 33–35, figs. 33–34. 116 The wooden elements of Tomb V prove that at least three wooden model boats must have originally existed, see Zöller-Engelhardt, in: Kahl et al., SAK 41, 2012, 192. For boat models, see Belger, ZÄS 33, 1895, 24–32; Vandier, Manuel V, 659–1014; Boreux, Études de nautique égyptienne, 1seq; Winlock, Models of Daily life, 1seq; Landström, Ships of the Pharaohs, 1seq. 117 Chassinat & Palanque, Fouilles dans la nécropole d‘Assiout, 5–6. 118 Chassinat & Palanque, Fouilles dans la nécropole d‘Assiout, 164, pl. 35.1; Breasted, Servant Statues, 64, pl. 57; Vandier, Manuel III, 147, 149, L.4. 119 Tooley, Burial Customs, 198–199. 120 Chassinat & Palanque, Fouilles dans la nécropole d‘Assiout, 30–31, fig. 2; Breasted, Servant Statues, 64, pl. 59a; Vandier, Manuel III, 147–148, L.1. 121 Chassinat & Palanque, Fouilles dans la nécropole d‘Assiout, 135.

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London, BM EA 45075 (Eleventh Dynasty),122 Paris, Louvre E11991 (Amenemhat II),123 Paris, Louvre E12001 (Amenemhat II).124 5.6 Limestone Blocks The following three blocks were found in the debris. The first one (S11/3, pl. 45b, fig. 17) was found underneath the northern wall, immediately under the scene of the tomb owner and his probable wife (cf. pl. 40). It measures x+75 cm +y × x+38 cm +y and is coated with a thin layer of gypsum-plaster, on which a fattened bovine is painted. One of the bovine’s two horns is damaged, as are the tail and the lower part of the legs. The bovine is painted orange-red, with spots also in orange-red. In front of the bovine is a fragmentary decoration representing the tail of another bovine. The block might be part of a scene showing the inspection of cattle by the tomb owner, as also represented on the western wall of the newly discovered tomb of Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N13.1), a nomarch of Asyut during the reign of the king Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre.125 Fattened cattle in the pasture are depicted also on the north wall of the great transverse hall of Tomb I of Djefai-Hapi I.126 The second block (S14/st2345, pl. 46a, fig. 18) was found in the eastern part of the tomb, where the entrance might be located. It measures x+39 cm +y × x+34 cm +y and still bears some parts of the thin layer of gypsum-plaster. The block shows the waist and the kilt of probably the tomb owner in raised relief. He wears a short kilt with a projecting panel and a waistband with yellow, red and blue colours. The same kilt is worn by the tomb owner on the northern wall, where it is painted in white with a waistband in the same colours. The third block (S11/st1061, pl. 46b, fig. 19) is of great significance. It measures x+34 cm +y × x+77 cm +y and was found in 2011 in the debris of the upper southern burial chamber of Shaft 2. It seems to belong to the original decoration of the inner hall. The block is covered with a thick layer of plaster painted yellow, while the hieroglyphic signs are painted blue, which is typical for this time and region. The horizontal line of the fragmentary inscription is oriented towards the right, and reads: […]”.127

[…] zA 9fAj-1apj […] “[NN’s] son Djefai-Hapi

122 Tooley, Burial Customs, 200. 123 Chassinat & Palanque, Fouilles dans la nécropole d‘Assiout, 189; Breasted, Servant Statues, 64, pl. 57. 124 Tooley, Burial Customs, 201. 125 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 115. 126 There is a great variety in the representation of the cattle in Tomb I; some are hornless, others longhorned. The colours used for the animals are unrealistic, some are painted white or black with or without white spots, or orange-red with or without black spots, brown or brown-and-white, see El-Khadragy, BACE 18, 2007, 131. For a discussion of reasons for the unrealistic use of colour and other examples dating to the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see Smith, Sculpture and Paintings, 257–258. 127 For the different writing of Djefaj-Hapi’s name, which has the meaning “My nourishment is the Nile”, see Becker, GM 210, 2006, 10–11, she further cites examples from the New Kingdom and in Demotic sources.

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Fig. 17: Limestone block representing fattened bovine (S11/3) (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2011; © The Asyut Project).

Fig. 18: Limestone block showing the waist and the kilt of the tomb owner in raised relief (S14/st2345) (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Fig. 19: The name of Djefai-Hapi on the limestone block S11/st1061 (drawing: Sameh Shafik 2011; © The Asyut Project).

5.7 Inlaid Udjat-eye of a Coffin In the plundered northern burial chamber of Shaft 2, an udjat-eye was found (S11/st231). It measures 8 cm and belongs most probably to the coffin of the person buried here (pl. 47a). The sclera is made of crystalline limestone, while the pupil is of obsidian.128 The object seems to be one of the pair of inlaid udjat-eyes used to decorate the eastern sides of a number of First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom coffins.129 Similar udjat-eyes were found by the Asyut Project in the tomb of the local nomarch Iti-ibi (Tomb III), dating to the late First Intermediate Period.130 The painted udjat-eyes were usually used to decorate the coffins in the course of the Sixth Dynasty to the Middle Kingdom,131 while inlaid udjat-eyes were very common during the Middle Kingdom. They were used on the inner and outer coffins of higher-ranking people, e.g. the inner and outer coffins of Mesehti (S1C and S2C) from Asyut,132 the outer coffins of Amenemhat from Dayr al-Barshā (B9C and B10C),133 and the coffins of Senebtisi from Lisht 128 The obsidian pupil had fallen out and was broken into two pieces, it was restored by the local restorer Mr. Khaled Gomaa Sayed. 129 Such objects have been wrongly identified in the past as model grooming implements or amulets. Misinterpretations may have simply resulted because one does not expect inlaid eyes in Middle Kingdom coffins, in addition, the individual elements of inlaid udjat-eyes can be difficult to recognize when not found in their original context, see De Meyer, JEA 97, 2011, 201–203. 130 Kahl & El-Khadragy & Verhoeven, Sokar 11, 2005, 43–47, fig. on p. 46. 131 Lapp, Typologie, 32, cf. De Meyer, JEA 97, 2011, 202–203, fig. 1 with further references. 132 Hannig, Särge aus Assiut, 439, 442. 133 Lapp, Typologie, pl. 13b (B1b=B9C); Ikram & Dodson, Royal Mummies, fig. 264.

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(L4 and L5).134 The appearance of the inlaid udjat-eyes is very similar, being made up of six elements (or eight, if eyebrows are present) in a dark grey stone (greywacke, slate, serpentinite), two white sclerae (limestone or alabaster), and two black pupils (obsidian).135 5.8 Offering Trays and Offering Tables Two fragments of pottery offering tables formed by hand out of very rough Nile clay C, were found in the debris.136 The first object (S14/st184), which shows part of a rounded rim and is coloured red, was found close to the east of Shaft 3, while the second (S14/st2399), which shows a rectangular rim, was found close to the east of Shaft 14. Another object, a limestone offering table, showing basins (S14/st2232), was found in the burial chamber of Shaft 11 (pl. 47b). During the field campaigns in 2004–2014, a considerable amount of fragmented pottery offering trays and offering tables was discovered.137 Most of the tray fragments were found in Shaft 1 of Tomb III,138 Tomb IV/Hogarth’s Depot, Tomb of the Dogs (O11.13), step 7, N12.3, and on the surface close to Tomb II.139 The stone offering tables are utilized all through Egyptian history, yet none of the tomb’s offering tray fragments were found in contexts that permit any conclusion regarding chronology.140 5.9 Fragment of Cartonnage A piece of cartonnage (S14/st671) was found in the debris to the north of Shaft 13. It seems to be a part of a broad collar, which protects the chest and the heart of the mummy (pl. 48a, fig. 20). The piece is distinguished by its remarkable craftsmanship. It is made with several layers of linen of various weaves held together by unidentified glue. Pigments used were blue, red, white, black and a pale yellow. This smooth medium was well suited to detailed painting, including strands of lotus-petal pendants and lotus-flower pendants, which are symbols of a new life. The shape matches Late Period and Ptolemaic/Roman cartonnages. A similar example is the collar of cartonnage discovered in an undisturbed tomb of Ptolemaic date (304–30 BC) at Abydos and housed in Yale University Art Gallery.141 134 Mace & Winlock, Tomb of Senebtisi, 23, figs. 9, 10 (outer coffin), 30, pl. 17 (inner coffin). 135 See De Meyer, JEA 97, 2011, 203 and cf. Lucas, Materials and Industries, 107–108 (Class II). 136 The fabric of the fragments found in Asyut is Nile clay C according to the Vienna System, cf. Nordström & Bourriau, in: An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery, 143–190. 137 The “Offering Tray” and “Offering Table” are comparative in structure; however, they vary in the material and decoration. While offering tables are constantly made of stone and bear some inscriptions, offering trays are formed out of clay, and never bear any kind of inscription. Pottery offering trays for the most part include a rim and may contain diverse applications showing canals, basins, and various offerings, for example, oxen, bread, vegetables and more. Offering tables and offering trays may have served different functions, see Kilian, in: Seven Seasons, 113; cf. Kilian, Tönerne Opferteller der 1. Zwischenzeit und des Mittleren Reiches 1seq; Niwinski, ET 8, 1975, 93; Niwinski, LÄ V, 806–807. 138 Objects were put into this shaft which had been left behind by the early French and Italian excavators, cf. Kahl, in: Zöller-Engelhardt, Wooden Models, 20–21. 139 Cf. Kilian, in: Kahl et al., SAK 41, 2012, 196–201; Kilian, in: Seven Seasons, 105–118. 140 Kilian, in: Seven Seasons, 110. 141 Scott & Dodd & Furihata & Tanimoto & Keeney & Schilling, Studies in Conservation 49, 2004, 177–192. Cartonnage, the human-shaped covering, was modeled to conform to the outline of the embalmed body from the First Intermediate Period onward. It was made of layers of linen or papyrus covered with plaster. It was commonly found that a conventionalized and idealized “portrait” mask of the

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5 cm

Fig. 20 (left): Fragment of a cartonnage (S14/st671). Fig. 21 (right): Magical Tablet (S14/st84). (Drawing: Sameh Shafik 2014, photograph: Fritz Barthel 2014, © The Asyut Project.)

5.10 Magical Tablet A fragment of a hard burnt clay tablet (S14/st84) was found in Shaft 6. It measures 6.8 cm in height, 4.0 cm in width, and 1.2 cm in thickness. An incised rectangular framing line encompasses an incised representation of a hippopotamus-lion. This hybrid creature is known from the so-called late Middle Kingdom birth tusks.142 Together with other animal motifs, a hippopotamus-lion is often depicted on these birth tusks. Characteristic for the hippopotamuslion are the hippopotamus body and head, a protruding tongue, the lion legs, the lion mane and the posture standing on hind legs. Contrary to the use of the hippopotamus-lion icon on birth tusks (made of ivory or bone), the tablet consists of hard burnt clay and has a small size. 5.11 Ram Bones The two superimposed chambers cut underneath the southern wall, to the west of Shaft 3 (cf. pl. 20), were filled with osteofaunal remains of rams (pl. 49a–b). Nearly all skeletal parts of rams were found, including the skull, mandibular, atlas, axis, sacrum, scapula and humerus (S12/ st133b). The zooarchaeological study of the bones refers to their relatively good preservation, although they were mostly weathered and bleached on the bone surface, and were partially brittle. Having observed the state of epiphytical fusion of long bones, it seems that a number of deceased covered the head portion, while the portion covering the body was frequently decorated with scenes of deities and the netherworld. By the Ptolemaic Period, the use of cartonnage was generally confined to certain portions of the linen-wrapped mummy such as the head, chest, stomach and feet. See Taylor, Egyptian Coffins, 23–24, 47–53; Capart, BroMQ 24, 1937, 20–25; Schmidt, RevEg 9, 1900, 130; Peterson, Ethnos 33, 1968, 134–140. 142 Quirke, Birth Tusks, 327–334; Vink, in: The World of Middle Kingdom Egypt, 257–284.

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young individuals, infant and juvenile, were included in the assemblage. Neither traces of soft tissue nor bitumen/resin for embalming were observed on the bone surfaces of the materials we found, as of this writing.143 Owing to the lack of any traces of mummification on these plentiful bones it is still equivocal as to whether the bones may have been from the remains of the food of the Coptic anchorites, who used the numerous tombs of Gebel Asyut al-Gharbi as cells or dwellings, especially those who lived in the vicinity of the tomb, or whether they were deposited as offerings. The latter hypothesis could be more feasible, given the find contexts: most of the body parts were found together, the skull and long bones had been deposited without signs of being cut off, and what were deposited there were mostly the bones of sheep, with some exceptions from other animal species.144 It is noteworthy that Hogarth also found the skulls and bones of three animals which he identified as sheep in his Tomb XXXIII, which is located near the Northern Soldiers-Tomb.145

143 In undertaking a study of this scope, one is greatly indebted to our colleague Chiori Kitagawa for her preliminary examination of the bones and for providing me with the following references: Boessneck, in: Science in Archaeology, 331–358; Halstead & Collins & Isaakidou, Journal of Archaeological Science 29.5, 2002, 545–553; Osborn & Osbornová, The Mammals of Ancient Egypt; Prummel & Frisch, Journal of Archaeological Science 13, 1986, 567–577. Surveying Gebel Asyut al-Gharbi for animal remains helped the Asyut Project to determine some places where animals were buried, see Kitagawa, Tomb of the Dogs, 1–20; Kahl & Kitagawa, Sokar 20, 2010, 77–81; Kitagawa, in: Archaeozoology of the Near East X, 343–356. 144 Deir El-Azzam (The Monastery of Bones) is located higher up the mountain, c. 100 m to the south of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb, see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 99–102; Kahl, in: Seven Seasons, 19–20. 145 Ryan, Archaeological Excavations of Hogarth, 56, n. 4.

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6. Dating the Tomb and Identifying the Tomb Owner

6.1 Dating the Tomb The Northern Soldiers-Tomb (Tomb H11.1) is located in the geological step (stage) 6 of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi, in which the First Intermediate Period tombs were cut (Tombs III, IV and V). Its layout is similar to those of Tombs III and IV, especially the projection on the southern wall, which is a characteristic feature of those tombs. The scene of the soldiers in Tomb H11.1 follows the same pattern of that in Tomb IV.146 However, these arguments might not be precise criteria for dating the tomb to the First Intermediate Period as some scholars have suggested,147 for the following reasons: 1. Step 6, in which Tomb H.11.1 is located, includes not only the Herakleopolitan tombs, but also three Middle Kingdom tombs; Tomb II of Djefai-Hapi II, which is located further east of the Herakleopolitan tombs and dates to the early Twelfth Dynasty,148 Tomb M10.1, which is situated to the west of the Herakleopolitan tombs and dates to the Middle Kingdom,149 and Tomb I10.1 neighbors Tomb H11.1 and dates between the Eleventh and the early Twelfth Dynasty.150 2. The layout of Tomb H11.1 follows the simple design of the tombs known in Asyut before the Twelfth dynasty and not only during the Herakleopolitan Period,151 keeping in mind that the owner of Tomb H11.1 possibly having had some kind of connection with the Herakleopolitan nomarchs, as Magee has suggested.152 3. The representation of marching soldiers in Tomb H11.1 might not necessarily indicate that the owner was involved in the civil war between Herakleopolis and Thebes or even witnessed it. The scenes of the Egyptian army in formation would not always reflect actual historical events.153 Evidences of such scenes, which have been perhaps dated to the Old Kingdom, 146 Apart from some different detail, the scene of the soldiers in Tomb H11.1 follows the same pattern as that in Tomb IV. In each case the scene is in the same position, on the west end of the wall in the inner hall, cf. Magee, Asyût I, 21. 147 Zitman (The Necropolis of Assiut I, 20–21, his Tomb XIII) dated Tomb H11.1 to the First Intermediate Period, but he did not rule out the early Middle Kingdom (late Eleventh Dynasty–Amenemhat I) as a reasonable date. 148 Becker, in: Seven Seasons, 69–90. 149 Verhoeven, in: Studies on the Middle Kingdom in Memory of Detlef Franke, 221–228, cf. Palanque, BIFAO 3, 1903, 119–128; Magee, Asyût II, 30–31. 150 Verhoeven, in: Asyut – The Capital That Never Was, in press, cf. Griffith, BOR 3, 1888–1889, 246– 247; Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 96–97. 151 Two important innovations were introduced in the large complex tombs of the Twelfth Dynasty: shrine/ shrines situated at the rear of the tomb on a direct axis from the entrance, and burial chambers approached through a system of passages with access at the rear of the tomb. These innovations contrast with the plans of tombs of the Herakleopolitan period (Tombs III–V) and the Eleventh Dynasty (Tomb N13.1). None of these had separate shrines at the rear of the tomb and they probably all consist of a single rectangular chamber divided into separate areas by means of pillars, see Magee, Asyût II, 12–13. 152 The resemblance between Tomb H11.1 and the Herakleopolitan Tombs III–IV is striking. A similar pattern could have been adapted to the layout of the decoration. All the tombs have the biographical texts in corresponding positions, on the northern wall of the inner hall, see Magee, Asyût I, 16–17, 27. 153 Gaballa, Narrative, 138–141; Schulman, JSSEA 12.1, 1982, 180–183.

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6. Dating the Tomb and Identifying the Tomb Owner

have been reported,154 yet it is only during the First Intermediate Period (Tomb IV,155 Tomb of Ankhtifi at Mocalla156) and the Eleventh Dynasty (Tomb N13.1)157 that the scenes appear consistently.158 In addition, the references to the military activities would not always indicate that the owner was a contemporary of the civil war. Khety I (Tomb V) for example, ruled Asyut before the turbulent times, and there is no evidence that he took part in any campaigns, although he recorded that he had a troop.159 Mesehti (Hogarth Tomb III), who was a nomarch after the end of the military conflict of the First Intermediate Period, 160 kept in his tomb two groups of model soldiers (CG 257, CG 258),161 that may prove the importance troops still had at that time.162 Discussing the development of tomb architecture, the epigraphic and iconographic features, Magee suggested the early Middle Kingdom as the most reasonably secure date of Tomb H11.1 (her tomb no. 13).163 In his publication of the southern wall of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb, ElKhadragy suggested the Eleventh Dynasty, probably the reign of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre, after the reunification of Egypt, as the most probable date for the tomb.164 He has confirmed his previous date more precisely in a recent study, in which he confirmed the chronological order of Asyut nomarchs up to Mesehti, and suggested that the owner of Tomb H11.1 governed Asyut after Mesehti.165 In fact, dating the tomb to the Eleventh Dynasty after the reunification of Egypt is more correct, only requiring modification to the end of the Eleventh Dynasty on the basis of the following discovered finds:

154 The Old Kingdom example is an unpublished fragment dating possibly to the Fifth or Sixth Dynasty. It represents two rows of archers, each holding their arrows in their right hand and advancing towards the left, see McDermott, Warfare in Ancient Egypt, 25 fig. 19. 155 El-Khadragy, SAK 37, 2008, figs. 4–5; Wreszinski, Atlas II, pl. 15; Spanel, Or 58, 1989, 308–309, pl. 9, figs. 10–15. 156 Vandier, Mocalla, 96–100. For the date of this tomb between the Eighth and Tenth Dynasties, see ElKhadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 154–155, n. 47 with further references. 157 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 110, fig. 4. For the soldiers’ formation, see Fischer, Kush 9, 1961, 63. 158 Cf. Heagren, The Art of War, 19. Two distinctive types of military scene can be recognized from the extant pictorial material in the private tombs during the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. The first type represents rows of marching soldiers equipped with different kinds of weapons, while the second type represents soldiers engaged in combat, see El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 150, n. 21. 159 Griffith, Siût and Dêr Rîfeh, 17, cf. Magee, Asyût I, 137–138. 160 Schenkel, Frümittelägyptische Studien, 117–118 dates the tomb of Mesehti to the very end of the Eleventh Dynasty or the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty, while Brovarski, Naga-ed-Dêr, 1062–1065 dates it to the reign of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre. For the dating after Iti-ibi(-iqer), the owner of Tomb N13.1, and after the reunification of Egypt, see Kahl, Die Statue Assiut S10/16: ein Regionalstil und seine Bewertung (in print). 161 PM IV, 265; CG 257, 258; Bietak, in: Mélanges Mokhtar I, 87–97. 162 Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 83. 163 Magee, Asyût I, 27; II, 36. 164 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 154–157. 165 According to El-Khadragy, Seven Seasons, 31–39, Khety II (Tomb IV) served under the Tenth Dynasty king Merikare (Griffith, Siût and Dêr Rîfeh [3, 9, 22]). He was followed by his son and his direct successor Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N13.1), who ruled Asyut during the reign of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre before the reunification of Egypt. Iti-ibi(-iqer) was followed by his son Mesehti-iqer, whom El-Khadragy identified with the well-known nomarch Mesehti (Hogarth Tomb III), who was the last known descendant of this powerful family of Khety which governed Asyut during the Tenth Herakleopolitan Dynasty.

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1. The limestone block (S11/st1061, pl. 46b, fig. 19), which was found in the southern burial chamber of Shaft 2, records the name Djefai-Hapi, a name which is quite unexpected in Asyut for the period before the Twelfth Dynasty. 2. The presumably original pottery found in the tomb could be identified as being from the time between the reign of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre and the reign of Senwosret I.166 It shows close parallels to specimens found in the Middle Kingdom tomb of Heny from the reign of Senwosret I, located in the first hall of Tomb I of Djefai-Hapi I.167 In addition, the changes in colour, surface treatment and in relation of height and diameter of the hemispherical bowls are obvious and help to determine a chronological development of this group. The manufacture of the hemispherical bowls found in Tomb H11.1 differs from those of the Herakleopolitan period found in Tombs III, IV and Tomb N13.1, dating to the time of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre. They do not show red or even red polish colour. The index of the bowls from Tomb III ranges between 250–270,168 and between 250–226 from Tomb N13.1, while the bowl from the tomb of Heny shows a lower index (208.3).169 This figure fits well with the index of the completely preserved hemispherical bowl (S14/9, pl. 50) found close to Shaft 3 (212: diameter 13.2 cm × height 6.2 cm). These dimensions correspond to the observation that the index number is higher in earlier periods and lower in later periods, i.e. it decreased from the latter part of the First Intermediate Period to the Middle Kingdom. Whatever, the following epigraphic, palaeographic and iconographic evidence may help in assigning the tomb to the suggested date. Epigraphic and Paleographic Evidence: 1. The most indicative title for nomarchs during the Middle Kingdom was HAtj-aw (northern wall, col. x+8) after the title Hrj-tp aA “great overlord” was suppressed during the Eleventh Dynasty, probably by Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre.170 2. The book-roll shows no ties (northern wall, col. x+14), which is a feature characterizing the inscriptions dated up to the end of the Eleventh Dynasty.171

166 The pottery found in Tomb H11.1 has already been examined and published by our colleague Andrea Kilian, see Kilian, Keramik Mittelägyptens, 90–113. 167 The tomb of Heny is situated in the first hall of Tomb I/P10.1 of Djefai-Hapi I, and was discovered in 1922 by Gerald Wainwright while cleaning the area at Tomb I. Due to its location, it is also dated to the reign of Senwosret I, see Wainwright, ASAE 26, 1926, 160–166 (erroneously dating into the Eleventh Dynasty); Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 350–351. 168 The burial chamber of shaft 3 in Tomb III housed the fragments of at least 77 hemispherical bowls (El-Khadragy, BACE 17, 2006, 84). Five of these fragments preserved a complete profile, so that the relation of their height and diameter could be determined by the formula: Index = (100× max. diameter) : height, see Arnold, MDAIK 38, 1982, 60–62; Bietak, AJA 88, 1984, 471–485; Czerny, Tell elDab‘a IX, 69–70; Bietak, in: Lebendige Altertumswissenschaft, 5–9; Seidlmayer, in: Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep, 279. 169 Kahl & Engel & Sanhueza-Pino, in: Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom II, 261–271. 170 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 156, cf. Helck, Verwaltung, 208–209; Brovarski, Naga-ed-Dêr, 1065; Fischer, JAOS 76.2, 1956, 99. 171 Schenkel, Frümittelägyptische Studien, 27–28 [§2]; Spanel, Or 58, 1989, 309; Spanel, in: Studies Simpson II, 767.

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3. Writing jmAxjj rather than jmAxw “honoured one” (northern wall, col. x+15) supports a Middle Kingdom date. It was the normal form of the epithet in the course of the Twelfth Dynasty.172 4. Using the phrase n kA n (southern wall, col. 2) is rarely attested for the Old Kingdom, attested at Asyut for the inscriptions dated to the First Intermediate Period/Eleventh Dynasty, and commonly found in those dated to the Twelfth Dynasty.173 5. The lack of honorific transposition for Hathor attested in the title Hm(t)-nTr 1wt-Hr (southern wall, col. 2–3) is attested once in the late Old Kingdom,174 twice in the First Intermediate Period,175 more frequently in the Eleventh Dynasty,176 and once again in the first part of the Twelfth Dynasty.177 Iconographic Evidence: 1. Wrestling scenes are attested widely in the tombs dating from the latter half of the Eleventh Dynasty to the early Twelfth Dynasty reign of Senwosret I, e.g. in Qubbet el-Hawa,178 Thebes,179 Meir,180 El-Bersheh.181 Various representations of soldiers in nomarchal tombs at Beni Hasan, e.g. the tombs of Amenemhat, Baket III, and Khety, provide three rare parallels for the wrestling boys associated with the military scenes.182 2. Representations of the local gods in private tombs are attested on the southern wall of the Eleventh Dynasty Tomb N13.1, where the goddess Sekhet is dominating a fowling scene,183 and in the tomb of Sarenput I at Qubbet el-Hawa that dates to the reign of Senwosret I, where Khnum and either Satet or Anuket are represented on pillar faces.184 3. The resemblance between the stance of the owner of Tomb H11.1 (fig. 22) and the owner of Tomb N13.1 (fig. 23) is striking. The latter is depicted on the north wall of his chapel leaning also on his staff with his left hand resting against the knob of the staff, while his right arm is loosely curved round the staff with the hand holding a scepter diagonally. He is also wearing a short, projecting kilt, but covered with a leopard’s skin.185 This “supporting

172 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 117, cf. Magee, Asyût I, 27; Brovarski, in: Ancient Egyptian and Mediterranean Studies, 49. 173 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 117, cf. Lapp, Die Opferformel, 208 [& 355]; Spanel, in: Studies Simpson II, n. 9, 15; Bennett, JEA 27, 1941, 79, 81. 174 British Museum 46637 = Magee, Asyût II, 46–47 [C6], pl. 58. 175 Dunham, Naga-ed-Dêr Stelae, 76, pl. 21 [2]. 176 Brovarski, Naga-ed-Dêr, 111–116, 788, fig. 75. 177 Newberry, Beni Hasan I, pl. 35, cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 155. 178 De Morgan et al., Catalogue des monuments I, 193. 179 PM I,1, 429 [pillar D]. Jaroš-Deckert, Das Grab des Jnj-jtj.f, 44–47, fig. 16 dated the tomb of Antef (TT 386) back to the early years of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre, before the political reunification, while Willems, BiOr 46 (5/6), 1989, 598 dated it to the second half of Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre’s reign. 180 Blackman, Rock Tombs of Meir I, pl. 3; II, pl. 2. 181 Newberry, El Bersheh II, pl. 11 [7], cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 155. 182 Newberry, Beni Hasan I, 85, pls. 14–16; Newberry, Beni Hasan II, 38, pls. 5, 15, cf. Schulman, JSSEA 12.1, 1982, 166, n. 18; Magee, Asyût I, 22, 27, cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 155. 183 Cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 112–113, fig. 6. 184 El-Khadragy, SAK 35, 2006, 155. The presence of deities in the Middle Kingdom tombs is unusual, see Müller, Felsengräber, 45–46, figs. 21–22; Magee, Asyût I, 23, 27. 185 Cf. El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 109, fig. 3.

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leg and free leg” pose is uncommon, and is rarely used for the deceased; it is known as early as the Old Kingdom.186 4. The axes of the soldiers in Tomb H11.1 may have either a semicircular blade or a semicircular lugged perforated blade (fig. 24). These differ from the type in Tomb IV, with a slashing blade or “edged baton” form (fig. 25).187 The semicircular axe with lugs, perforated for attaching the blade to the wooden shaft, may indicate a date not earlier than the Middle Kingdom.188 Notably, a change in weaponry from types used in the Herakleopolitan Period may have taken place at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty.189

Fig. 22: Owner of Tomb H11.1 (detail of fig. 10; © The Asyut Project). 186 The “supporting leg and free leg” posture seems to have started very early, perhaps in the Third or early Fourth Dynasty. At that time, the posture was only used for the minor figure (Tomb of Nfrw at Maidum, Mastaba of Kawab). Yet in the Sixth Dynasty, the posture is occasionally altered by replacing the relaxed hand with one that grasps the staff and a baton and was used for major figures, especially in provincial tombs. The posture is rarely used for the deceased and is hardly ever used more than once in a chapel, see Harpur, Decoration, 127–129, n. 81, fig. 39. 187 Davies, Tools and Weapons I, 38–39. 188 The semicircular axes were particularly common in the Middle Kingdom. Two types of this kind were known, see Fields, Soldier of the Pharaoh, 18–19, fig. on p. 19; Shaw, Egyptian Warfare, 34–35, figs. 23–24; Morkot, Ancient Egyptian Warfare, 41. For the different kinds of ancient Egyptian weapons and their changes through periods, see Partridge, Fighting Pharaohs, 21–74. 189 Cf. Magee, Asyût I, 21–22, 27. For the different kinds of ancient Egyptian weapons and their changes through periods, see Partridge, Fighting Pharaohs, 21–47.

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Fig. 23: Iti-ibi(-iqer), north wall of his chapel (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, detail of fig. 3; © The Asyut Project).

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6. Dating the Tomb and Identifying the Tomb Owner 

Fig. 24: Soldiers with semicircular blade axes (Tomb H11.1) (detail of fig. 7; © The Asyut Project).

Fig. 25: Soldiers with slashing blade axes (Tomb IV/N12.2) (after: El-Khadragy, SAK 37, 2008, detail of fig. 4; © The Asyut Project).

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6.2 Identifying the Tomb Owner The size and inscription of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb leaves no doubt about the status of its owner; he was a nomarch of Asyut who held the title HAtj-aw “the mayor/the lord”.190 This title was that of the provincial administrator of Asyut, also held for example by Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Tomb N31.1),191 Mesehti (Coffin CG 28118, CG 28119),192 Anu193 and Djefai-Hapi II (Tomb II).194 The representation of a local canid-headed god in his tomb might indicate that he was a high priest of that god and overseer of the priests of either Wepwawet or Anubis. His probable wife, represented on a relatively large scale in his tomb, seems to have been a priestess of Hathor.195 Until now, five different important persons with the name Djefai-Hapi having tombs from the Middle Kingdom in Asyut could be identified.196 Two of them were definitely nomarchs (Djefai-Hapi I, II). That the other three persons Djefai-Hapi III (Salakhana-Tomb),197 DjefaiHapi IV (Tomb VI)198 and Djefai-Hapi V (Tomb P13.1)199 were also nomarchs seems to be plausible according to their titles and their large tombs. If the name Djefai-Hapi on the block S11/st1061 (fig. 19, pl. 46b) refers to the owner of Tomb H11.1 and not to a possible member of his family, he might in this case be a further nomarch called Djefai-Hapi. The architecture of his tomb shows that he still used the layout of the Asyuti tombs from the late First Intermediate Period with its simple design. This layout indicates that the tomb was built before the large complex tombs of Djefai-Hapi II (Tomb II),200 who governed Asyut at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty,201 and Djefai-Hapi V (Tomb P13.1)202 who lived before or during the nomarchs Djefai-Hapi II and I.203 Therefore, the 190 For the interpretation and translation of this title cf. Willems, Aspects of funerary culture, 57; Willems, in: Ancient Egyptian Administration, 341–392; Quirke, Administration, 161. 191 El-Khadragy, SAK 36, 2007, 114. 192 Lacau, Sarcophages, 101–133. 193 Roccati, OrAnt 11, 1972, 42–44. 194 Becker, in: Seven Seasons, 82–83. 195 The title was a privilege of the royal court and the elite at that time, cf. Gillam, JARCE 32, 1995, 211–237. 196 Beside the tomb owners, Meike Becker identified five coffins (Turin Museum Sup. 8925; Chicago Oriental Institute inv. 11459; Port Said Museum inv. 21; Louvre, E12031; Cairo, temp. Nr. 26.4.17.3), five statues (Turin Museum Sup. 8650; Baltimore, Walters Art gallery inv. 22.142; Worcester Art Museum (Mass.) inv. 1938.9; Meroe Museum 39, Khartoum Nr.1854), and two offering tables (BM 990; CG 23042) from the Middle Kingdom in Asyut belonging to persons called Djefai-Hapi, see Becker, GM 210, 2006, 7–8, n. 7–9. 197 See Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 92–93. 198 See Becker, GM 210, 2006, 7–8; Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 28, 93. 199 See Verhoeven, in: Kahl et al., SAK 40, 2011, 186–191. 200 For the ground plan of the relatively later group of tombs of the Twelfth Dynasty, see Becker, in: Seven Seasons, 88, fig. 21 (Tomb II); cf. alsoGriffith, BOR 3, 1888–1889, pls. 10, 20; Montet, Kêmi 3, 1930–35, 86–89; Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 85–93, figs. 67, 75, El-Khadragy, GM 212, 2007, 42–43, fig. 1; Engel & Kahl, in: Proceedings of the Third Central European Conference of Young Egyptologists, 56, fig. 18; Magee, Asyût II, 12–13. 201 Due to the location and architecture of Djefai-Hapi II’s tomb, he might in fact have lived at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty, earlier than his namesake Djefai-Hapi I, to whom the largest tomb at Asyut (Tomb I/P10.1) belongs, see Becker, in: Seven Seasons, 69–90, Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 85. 202 The location of the tomb and its epigraphic evidence confirms this date. Its architecture, with originally three rooms, is not attested before the Twelfth Dynasty, see Verhoeven, in: Kahl et al., SAK 40, 2011, 191. 203 Verhoeven, in: Kahl et al., SAK 40, 2011, 191. Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut I, 28, 33–34, n. 191; II, 5, 206, map 2, 5 has numbered Tomb P13.1 as “Hogarth Tomb XVI” and the owner as 9fA=i-1apy [24] assuming that he could be the son of Djefai-Hapi I.

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owner of Tomb H11.1 might be the earliest known nomarch of Djefai-Hapi’s family, governed Asyut at the very end of the Eleventh and the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty. Therefore, the chronological order of the Djefai-Hapi-family might be re-established as follows: 204 Name

Tomb

Dating

Djefai-Hapi (related to the owner of the Northern Soldiers’ Tomb or even the owner himself)

Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1)

End of Eleventh Dynasty

Djefai-Hapi V

P13.1

End of Eleventh/beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty

Djefai-Hapi II

Tomb II (O13.1)

Beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty Senwosret I

Djefai-Hapi I

Tomb I (P10.1)

Djefai-Hapi III

Tomb VII (Salakhana Tomb)

Amenemhat II

Djefai-Hapi IV

Tomb VI

Amenemhat II or later

However, the history of the Asyuti rulers who reigned after the reunification of Egypt to the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty is still in need of more consideration.205 From this period, we know the nomarch Anu.206 We know also more relevant tombs, whose roofs were supported by pillars and which show the projecting side walls characteristic of the First Intermediate Period and the early Middle Kingdom tombs,207 which might be attributed to nomarchs of this group. One of these tombs (O14.2) with an anonymous owner is situated near Deir el-Meitin, and is decorated with wrestlers and some pastoral scenes. Another undecorated tomb (M12.1) is situated in geological step 8 of the mountain.208 The owner of Tomb M10.1, too, was probably a nomarch.209 This might fill some of the still existing gaps in our knowledge concerning the administration of Asyut during the end of the Eleventh and the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty.

204 Kahl has given a relative and absolute chronology for three of them (Djefai-Hapi II, I, III), see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 17. 205 For the chronology of nomarchs during the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kigdom, see Kahl, in: Kahl & Sbriglio & Del Vesco & Trapani, Asyut, 22; cf. also Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut I, 28–37. 206 Anu is known from wall fragments kept in the Turin Museum. He was a “Count, Overseer of priests of Wepwawet, Lord of Asyut”, cf. Roccati, OrAnt 11, 1972, 41–52. 207 Cf. Magee, Asyût I, 9–13. 208 See El-Khadragy, in: Seven Seasons, 43. 209 Verhoeven, in: Studies on the Middle Kingdom, 221–228.

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7. Re-use of the Tomb The Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1) does not seem to have been used extensively after the Middle Kingdom until Greek and Roman times, when it once again was in use, as evidenced by many pottery sherds of this period mixed up with the original Middle Kingdom pottery.210 The subsequent amendments to the tomb, i.e. the non-original shafts (6–14), the poorly executed graves, and also some finds (S14/st84, S14/st671, see above 5.9, 5.10) give evidence of the re-use of the tomb during Graeco-Roman Period.211 So far, there is no evidence for the tomb being used during the Second Intermediate Period, as no ceramics of the tomb have been identified with this period.212 The New Kingdom, in turn, is represented by a fragment of the lower part of a beer jar (S14/st60) found in Shaft 5 (fig. 26).213 The finding of some fragments of Islamic pottery among the assemblage in Shaft 6 shows some human activity around the tomb during this epoch.214

Fig. 26: New Kingdom beer jar (S14/st60) (drawing: Andrea Kilian 2014; © the Asyut Project).

210 It was possible to reconstruct and subsequently identify pottery representative of periods from the late First Intermediate Period to the Roman-Byzantine Periods. For mor studies on pottery of the First Intermediate Period/the Middle Kingdom, see Kilian, Keramik Mittelägyptens, 90–112. 333–361. 211 During the Ptolemaic Period, Asyut or Lycopolis was a thriving city. Its frequent mention in Greek documents of the time indicates its relative importance, see Calderini, Aegyptus. Rivista italiana di egittologia e di papirologia 3, 1922, 255–274; Kees, Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 26, 1927, 2310–2312. During Christian times, Asyut figured as a significant center of the Coptic faith, see Kahl, Ancient Asyut, 71; Kahl, in: Seven Seasons, 18–20. 212 It has been suggested that the region where Asyut lay, i.e. between Abydos and Cusae, maintained for a time a certain degree of independence, see Beckerath, Zweite Zwischenzeit, 291, cf. Kahl, in: Seven Seasons, 15. 213 It is possible that when the most suitable rock in the cemetery was exhausted, another location was chosen for burials of the New Kingdom and later periods. 214 See Kahl, in: Seven Seasons, 20–21. For the Islamic pottery found by the Asyut Project, see Yasin, in: Seven Seasons, 119–127, pl. 10; Yasin, Annales Islamologiques 44, 2010, 126–168.

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Internet References (15/12/2017) https://www.aegyptologie.uni-mainz.de/the-asyut-project-feldarbeiten-in-mittelaegypten fieldwork-in-middle-egypt/

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9. Indices 9.1 Index of buildings CPA Tomb 7  33 Hogarth Tomb III  40 Hogarth Tomb XXXIII  38 Magee Tomb 13  4, 9 Salakhana-Tomb  29, 46, 47 Temple of Amun, Luxor  29 Tomb I10.1  39 Tomb I  1, 14, 15, 33, 41 – cf. Tomb P10.1  46, 47 Tomb II  15, 36, 39, 46, 47 Tomb III  vii, 9, 26, 29, 30, 33, 34, 38, 9 Tomb IV  vii, 1, 3, 4, 11, 12, 12, 22, 24, 25, 36, 39, 40, 43, 45 Tomb M10.1  39, 47 Tomb M12.1  47 Tomb N13.1  3, 11, 14, 20, 23, 25, 33, 39, 40, 41, 42

Tomb O11.13  36 – cf. Tomb of the Dogs Tomb O14.2  47 Tomb of Amenemhat  42 Tomb of Ankhtifi  40 Tomb of Baket III  42 Tomb of Heny  41 Tomb of Khety  42 Tomb of Sarenput I  42 Tomb of the Dogs,  36 – cf. Tomb O11.13 Tomb P10.1  11, 15, 41, 46, 47 – cf. Tomb I Tomb P13.1  46, 47 Tomb V  1, 32, 40 Tomb VI  46, 47 Tomb VII,   47 – cf. Salakhana-Tomb

9.2 Index of deities Amun 29 Amun-Ra 29 Anubis  19, 46 Anuket 42 Hapi 27 Hathor  17, 19, 20, 21, 42, 46

Horus 27 Khnum 42 Min-Amun 29 Osiris  24, 26 Satet 42 Sekhet 42

9.3 Index of kings Amenemhat I  29, 39 Amenemhat II  33, 47 Mentuhotep II-Nebhepetre  32, 33, 40, 41, 42

Merikare  3, 40 Ramesses  20, 29 Senwosret I  42

9.4 Index of objects B9C 35 B10C 35 Boston MFA 04.1774  32 Cairo CG 257  40 Cairo CG 258  40

Cairo CG 4918  32 Cairo CG 28118  46 Cairo CG 28119  46 L4 36 L5 36

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London BM EA 45055  33 London BM EA 45075  33 London BM EA 45087  32 Paris Louvre E11990  32 Paris Louvre E11991  33 Paris Louvre E12001  33 Paris Louvre E12029  33 S1C  35, 53 – cf. CG 28118 S2C  25, 35 – cf. CG 2819 S04/st195 28 S09/st14  27, 98 S10/30   30, 92 S10/st5  29, 30, 92 S10/st7 31 S10/st12  28, 92 S10/st46 30 S10/st49  31, 94 S10/st133.1 32 S10/st133.2 32 S10/st136 30 S11/3  33, 34

S11/st13  11, 14 S11/st231  35, 104 S11/st1061  33, 35, 41, 46, 103 S12/st133b  37, 106 S12/st1177 32 S14/9  41, 107 S14/st3 30 S14/st60  15, 49 S14/st62 15 S14/st84  37, 49, 105 S14/st175 32 S14/st184  36, 104 S14/st188  32, 94 S14/st198 12 S14/st671  36, 37, 49, 105 S14/st1741 32 S14/st1764  31, 94 S14/st2232 36 S14/st2344 32 S14/st2345  33, 34, 103 S14/st2399 36 Salakhana, trove  29

9.5 Index of private names Abas...  8, 9 Amenemhat  35, 42 Ankhtifi  40, 65 Anu  46, 47 Devilliers, Rene  3, 15 Djefai-Hapi  11, 14, 33, 35, 39, 41, 46, 47, 103 Djefai-Hapi I  11, 14, 33, 41, 46, 47 Djefai-Hapi II  39, 46, 47 Djefai-Hapi III  46, 47 Djefai-Hapi IV  46, 47 Djefai-Hapi V  46, 47 DuCamp, Maxime  3 El-Khadragy  viii, 17, 18, 19, 40 Gabra, Samy  1 Graf von Harrach, Ferdinand  3 Griffith, Francis Llewellyn  1, 4, 24, 39, 40, 46

Hogarth, David George  4, 5, 8, 9, 36, 38, 40, 46, 49 Iti-ibi  1, 3, 11, 14, 23, 28, 31, 33, 35, 40, 44 Iti-ibi(-iqer)  3, 14, 23, 33, 40, 44, 46 Jollois, Jean  3, 15, 53 Jomard, Edme  3 Kahl, Jochem  viii, 6, 47 Khety I  1, 31, 40 Khety II  vii, 1, 3, 11, 24, 25, 40 Magee, Diana  4, 9, 17, 23, 39, 40 Mesehti  25, 35, 40, 46 Molli, Piero  6 Sbriglio, Alice  6 Schiaparelli, Ernesto  4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11 Senebtisi  35, 36 Stuart, Henry Windsor Villiers  3 Tufnell, Olga  29 Ward, William  29 Zitman, Marcel  4, 12, 39, 46, 47

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Pl. 1: Northern Soldiers-Tomb, southern wall in 1913 (© Archivio Museo Egizio C 1085).

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Pl. 2: Northern Soldiers-Tomb before cleaning in 1913 (© Archivio Museo Egizio C 1087).

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Pl. 3a: Payroll found in the debris of the inner hall of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (Photos: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2010; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 3b: Payroll (verso). Pl. 3c: Payroll (recto).

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Pl. 4: The Northern Soldiers-Tomb in 2003 (Photo: Jochem Kahl 2003; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 5: The Northern Soldiers-Tomb in 2014 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 6: Northern Soldiers-Tomb (front view) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 7: Northern Soldiers-Tomb, view from the (geographical) west (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 8: Blocks of the collapsed ceiling found in the entrance of the inner hall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 9: A block shows stepped bands towards the ceiling (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 10: Part of a square pillar surmounted by Xkr-frieze (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 11: Fragments of the rear wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 12: Partly preserved northern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 13: Partly preserved southern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 14: Horizontal niches in the southernmost part of the rear wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 15: Two niches in the upper part of the northern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 16: Niche cut in the central lower part of the southern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 17: Construction of Shaft 1 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 18: Construction of Shaft 2 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 19: Construction of Shaft 3 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 20: Two superimposed burial chambers to the right of the mouth of Shaft 3 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 21: Construction of Shaft 4 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 22: The burial chamber of Shaft 4 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 23: Construction of Shaft 5 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 24: The western burial chamber of Shaft 5 with two holes in its western wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 25: Construction of Shaft 6 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 26: Construction of Shaft 7 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 27: Group of shafts 8–14 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 28: Construction of Shaft 8 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 29: Construction of Shaft 9 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 30: Construction of Shaft 10 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 31: Two superimposed burial chambers of Shaft 11 (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2013; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 32: Construction of Shaft 12 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 33: Construction of Shaft 13 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 34: The western burial chamber of Shaft 13 (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 35: Construction of Shaft 14 (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 36: Poorly executed graves (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 37: Poorly executed burial with a forecourt and small chamber decorated with Egyptian Cornice (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 38: Decoration of the southern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 39: Marching soldiers on the southern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 40: Decoration of the northern wall (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2012; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 41a: Blue glazed composition of Hapi, son of Horus (S09/st14) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2009; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 41b: A fragment of a wooden coffin showing a fragment of a diagonal star clock (S10/st12) (Photo: Jochem Kahl 2010; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 42a: Green faience scarab (S10/st5) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2011; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 42b: Blue faience scarab (S14/st3) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 42c: Calcite-alabaster round-bottomed bowl with tube spout (S10/30) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2011; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 43a: A head of a male model figure (S10/st49). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2011; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 43b: A seated male model figure (S14/st1764). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 43c: A foot of a wooden model figure or small statuette (S10/st07). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2011; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 44a: Three arms of wooden model figures (S14/st188-1741-2344). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 44b: Model of Boats (S10/st133.1–133.2; S12/st1177). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 45a: Head of a model goose or duck (S14/st175). (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 45b: Limestone block represents fattened cattle (S11/03). (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2011; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 46a: Limestone block showing the waist and the kilt of the tomb owner in raised relief (S14/st2345) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 46b: Limestone block records the name of Djefai-Hapi (S11/st1061) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2011; © The Asyut Project).

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© 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

Pl. 47b: Offering table (S14/st2232) and offering trays (S14/st184-2232-2399) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2011; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 48a: Fragment of cartonnage (S14/st671) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 48b: Magical Tablet (S14/st84) (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 49a: Relics of rams (S12/st133b) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2012; © The Asyut Project).

Pl. 49b: Relics of rams (S12/st133b) (Photo: Mohamed Abdelrahiem 2012; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 50: Hemispherical bowl (S14/9) ( Photo: Fritz Barthel 2014; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 51: Decoration of the northern wall, detail (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2012; © The Asyut Project).

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Pl. 52: Decoration of the northern wall, detail (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2012; © The Asyut Project). © 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8

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Pl. 53: Decoration of the northern wall, detail (Photo: Fritz Barthel 2012; © The Asyut Project). © 2020, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11431-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19998-8