The New Colored People: The Mixed-Race Movement in America 9780814771006

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THE NE W C O L O R E D PEOPL

E

Jon Michae l Spence r with a Foreword by Richard E . va n de r Ros s

THE NE W C O L O R E D PEOPL E The Mixed-Race Movement in America

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S

New Yor k an d Londo n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n ©1997 b y Jon Michae l Spence r All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Spencer, Jon Michael . The ne w colore d people : the mixed-rac e movemen t i n Americ a / Jon Michael Spencer ; with a forewor d b y Richar d E . van de r Ross . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-8071- 7 (alk . paper ) 1. Racially mixe d people—Unite d States . I . Title. E184.A1S7 199 7 96-4579 973'.04— dc21 CI

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New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e United State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

TO NICOLE WALIGOR A

[CONTENTS]

Foreword b y Richard E . van de r Ros s i Preface x

x

i

Introduction i ONE

The Rainbo w Peopl e o f Go d 1

5

TWO

The Blessing s o f the One-Dro p Rul e 5

1

THREE

The Curse s o f the Amorphou s Middl e Statu s 9 FOUR

Thou Shal t Not Raciall y Classif y 13 Postscript 16

5

Notes 17 1 Bibliography 19 5 Index 20 9

1

1

[FOREWORD]

Over thirt y year s ag o ( I believ e i t wa s th e yea r 1962) , I had th e honor o f sharin g a platfor m wit h Dr . Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. I n the cours e o f m y remarks , I tol d th e audienc e tha t we , th e oppressed i n Sout h Africa , wer e watchin g th e America n civi l rights movemen t closely . I stated rathe r dramatically : I f yo u suc ceed, w e ca n succeed ; i f yo u fail , w e wil l fail . Littl e di d I thin k that ove r thirt y year s late r a blac k America n woul d b e sayin g t o the peopl e o f Sout h Africa : W e in th e Unite d State s nee d t o lear n from you , fo r w e wan t t o replicat e you r successe s an d no t you r mistakes o f history . In thi s book , th e resul t o f th e author' s inquirie s int o Sout h African history , bold , fronta l attentio n i s given t o a highl y sensi tive an d ver y comple x issue—th e mixed-rac e o r "multiracial " movement i n th e Unite d States . This i s a movement le d b y inter racial parent s an d mixed-rac e peopl e wh o ar e dissatisfie d wit h the current racia l classifications an d see k to have a new racial cat egory adde d t o th e existing four. The y argu e that mixed-rac e peo ple ar e "multiracial, " an d the y hav e petitione d th e Unite d State s government t o ad d "multiracial " t o th e federa l census . I n devel oping hi s positio n agains t legislatin g a ne w racia l classification , the autho r draw s parallel s betwee n th e would-b e multiracia l group i n America an d th e Coloure d peopl e o f Sout h Africa . But mos t o f all , Professo r Spence r argue s tha t American s ar e uninformed abou t th e tragi c consequence s o f th e forme r whit e South African governmen t legall y classifying al l mixed-race peopl e as "Coloureds. " Oddl y enough , th e America n multiracial s ar e requesting t o b e legall y classified , wherea s Sout h Africa' s mixed race peopl e hav e neve r mad e suc h a request. W e just sli d int o th e position o f a n intermediar y category , havin g th e classificatio n o f [ix]

Foreword

"Coloured" semilegislate d afte r th e emancipatio n o f slave s i n 1834, and havin g i t further legislate d t o ou r disadvantag e i n 1948 . Where d o I stand wit h regar d t o th e ide a o f th e Unite d State s government establishin g a categor y o f "multiracial" ? Havin g weighed th e author' s argument s fo r an d against , an d havin g con sidered th e historica l situatio n o f th e Coloure d peopl e o f Sout h Africa, I concu r wit h th e author' s position : Whil e I hav e grea t respect fo r th e multiracial s strivin g t o strengthe n thei r mixed-rac e identity an d t o obliterat e thei r societa l invisibility , i t i s a n inescapable fac t tha t th e lega l classificatio n o f "Coloured " pro vided th e leve r fo r th e whit e Sout h Africa n governmen t t o intro duce al l manne r o f discriminatio n agains t th e grou p onc e i t wa s legally identified . It is true that a sense of mixed-race identit y coul d b e a powerfu l factor i n raisin g th e awarenes s o f al l mixed-rac e people ; bu t i t i s also tru e tha t i f raised t o th e statu s o f a legal category, tha t whic h is well intentione d coul d becom e a tragedy . Thi s ma y appea r t o leave th e America n peopl e a t a n impasse , bu t fro m thi s boo k Americans ca n wal k awa y wit h a n informe d resolutio n o f thi s quandary. — R I C H A R D E . VA N DE R ROS S

Cape Town, Sout h Afric a

[x]

[PREFACE]

Most American s ar e rathe r obliviou s t o th e fac t tha t ther e i s a new racia l movemen t silentl y shiftin g th e eart h beneat h thei r fee t as they walk confidentl y towar d th e twenty-firs t century . We ma y have see n som e mentio n o f thi s movemen t i n th e media , particu larly th e struggl e o f interracia l parent s i n loca l schoo l system s that hav e refuse d t o permi t thei r childre n t o clai m a mixe d racia l background o n schoo l forms . However , mos t o f u s ar e hardl y aware tha t a goo d numbe r o f thes e sam e parents , ou t o f frustra tions regardin g th e identit y an d treatmen t o f thei r mixed-rac e children, hav e begu n a movement t o se e a classificatio n o f "mul tiracial" adde d t o th e United State s census . Legislating a ne w classificatio n an d thereb y establishin g a ne w race could hav e a profound effec t o n race relations i n this countr y and therefor e affec t th e live s o f u s all . Bu t whethe r o r no t m y alarm i s accurate , an d whethe r o r no t th e ne w classificatio n i s adopted fo r th e censu s o f 200 0 o r 2010 , I want t o confron t th e multiracialists (th e staunc h advocate s o f th e multiracia l identity ) on thei r racia l logic . Chie f amon g thes e multiracialist s I hope t o challenge ar e the interracial parent s o f mixed-race children . Thes e multiracialists are , for reason s I will explai n i n chapter s 1 and 2 , the real backbon e behin d th e multiracial movement . The issu e I will discus s i n thi s boo k ma y als o b e o f interes t t o whites (no t just those in interracial marriages) , for i t will confron t them with som e of the issues they may think abou t whe n the y ru n across interracia l families : th e ethicalit y o f suc h relationships , th e status o f th e offsprin g o f interracia l unions , th e questio n o f wh o is an d i s no t blac k o r white , an d th e uncertaint y o f whethe r o r not t o allo w peopl e wit h partia l whit e ancestr y t o increas e thei r proximity t o white s throug h a mixed-race classification . [xi]

Preface So this boo k addresse s American s o f mixed-rac e parentag e an d the multiracialist s wh o wis h fo r mixed-rac e peopl e t o joi n rank s under th e racial rubri c o f multiracial . Bu t my central target fo r thi s book i s the grou p o f peopl e I sometimes refe r t o i n shorthan d a s "mixed-race blacks"—fo r instance , peopl e o f immediat e black white, black-Asian, an d black-Nativ e America n parentage. Some of what I have to sa y is particularly relevan t t o th e larges t segmen t o f mixed-race blacks—thos e o f blac k an d whit e parentage. Regardin g this group , I address wha t on e woma n o f suc h parentag e call s th e "always painful contradictions " o f being black mixed with white. 1 In addition , thi s boo k i s written fo r al l blac k Americans , thos e 29.9 millio n wh o compris e 1 2 percent o f th e 25 0 millio n citizen s in thi s country . Thi s boo k shoul d interes t th e nation' s blac k citi zenry (o f whic h I a m a member ) becaus e official s o f th e Unite d States Burea u o f th e Censu s estimat e tha t a t leas t 7 5 percen t o f the blac k populatio n ar e ancestrall y multiracial. 2 A t present, onl y a smal l percentag e o f th e blac k population , thos e o f immediat e mixed-race parentage , woul d b e considere d mixe d rac e b y th e multiracialists headin g th e multiracia l movement . Bu t i n th e future, i n the census o f 201 0 o r 2020 , that coul d change . Finally, in this boo k I am pushing fo r a n answe r t o the questio n historian Joe l Williamso n raise s i n th e closin g page s o f New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (1980) . Williamson say s tha t America n blacks , a t tha t tim e numberin g around 2 2 million , constitut e on e o f th e larges t communitie s o f blacks outsid e o f Afric a an d ar e th e richest , probabl y th e mos t powerful i n th e world , an d ar e her e t o stay . "Th e onl y questio n is," h e asks , "i n wha t manne r shal l the y stay?" 3 Williamso n con tinues with hi s prophecy o f th e year 2000 : No on e can sa y what th e Negro childre n o f 197 5 will be as men and women. Nevertheless, it seems probable that they will be much more a t eas e with bot h thei r whitenes s an d thei r blacknes s tha n their parents have been with theirs. Indeed, the next generation . . . might well be a cultural mutation, a new stage in a long and significant lin e that ha s struggled t o join blac k an d white comfortabl y together i n America. H e and sh e might wel l be , in fact, th e firs t [xii]

Preface fully evolved , smoothly functionin g mode l o f a people who hav e transcended bot h a n exclusive whiteness an d a n exclusive black ness and moved into a world in which they accept and value themselves for themselves alone—as new and unique, as, indeed, a new people in the human universe. 4 These "ne w people" ar e the so-called interracial , biracial , multira cial, or mixed-rac e peopl e I am writing about . Bu t will they b e th e first full y evolve d an d smoothl y functionin g mode l o f a people t o transcend a n exclusiv e whitenes s an d blacknes s an d mov e int o a twenty-first centur y i n which the y accep t an d valu e themselve s a s "new people" ? To answe r thi s questio n I take a Sout h Africa n panoram a o n the multiracial movement : I draw o n th e experienc e o f th e hetero geneous communit y o f mixed-rac e peopl e i n Sout h Africa , th e coloured people . I n orde r t o understan d th e coloure d experienc e in South Africa, fo r th e sake of anticipating th e potential result s of a multiracia l rac e i n th e Unite d States , I made researc h trip s t o Cape Tow n i n 199 4 an d 1995 . I spent som e tim e a t th e Institut e for Historica l Researc h a t th e Universit y o f th e Wester n Cap e looking a t th e paper s o f coloure d schola r Richar d Ernes t va n de r Ross an d o f coloure d theologia n an d clergyma n Alla n Boesak , both o f who m I interviewed. A t th e universit y I also interviewe d students, staff , an d faculty , bot h coloure d an d black , abou t thei r views o n th e multiracia l movemen t i n th e Unite d States . Amon g these interviewee s wer e peopl e involve d i n monoracia l an d inter racial relationships . I also interviewe d thre e me n who m I identif y throughout th e boo k a s "coloure d nationalists, " peopl e wh o advocate for no t onl y the continued existenc e o f the coloured peo ple a s a communit y bu t fo r a separat e coloure d natio n o r home land i n th e Cape . I als o benefite d greatl y fro m m y length y tal k with th e Reverend Davi d Botha , a white Afrikaans ministe r o f th e Dutch Reforme d Missio n Church , whose congregatio n Alla n Boe sak co-pastore d fro m 197 6 t o 1985 . Thu s I interviewed a wid e variety o f people fro m th e coloured community . I have drawn a fair amoun t fro m th e thought o f Richard va n de r Ross. Born in Cape Town i n 1921 , van de r Ros s is one of the mos t [xiii]

Freface

important intellectual s t o have written o n the coloured experience . From 197 5 t o 198 6 h e serve d a s the firs t coloure d recto r (presi dent) o f a South Africa n university—th e Universit y o f the Wester n Cape, which wa s create d fo r coloured s unde r aparthei d legislatio n in i960 . It was under his presidency that Allan Boesak serve d fro m 1976 to 198 5 a s the student chaplain a t the University. In addition , from 195 8 t o 196 5 va n de r Ros s serve d a s th e firs t coloure d columnist fo r th e white-owne d Cape Times an d fro m 196 5 t o 1966 a s editor o f th e coloure d newspape r calle d th e Cape Herald, Van de r Ross' s though t especiall y assist s m e i n thi s boo k becaus e he ha s visite d th e Unite d State s abou t a doze n time s sinc e hi s firs t four-month tri p i n January 1957 , on which occasio n h e met Ralp h Bunche (th e first "colored " America n nobe l laureate) . Similarly, coloure d sociologis t Jame s (Jimmy ) Ellis , wh o ha s been a professor a t the University o f the Western Cap e since 1973 , proved t o b e a great hel p i n m y comparison s o f Sout h Afric a an d the Unite d States . Ellis' s frequen t visit s t o th e Unite d State s an d knowledge o f America n rac e relation s mean t tha t he , like van de r Ross, woul d b e abl e t o spea k knowledgeabl y abou t th e parallel s between th e coloured experienc e i n South Africa an d possible rac e relations i n th e twenty-first-centur y Unite d State s i f th e multira cial movement succeeds . Given m y gratitud e t o th e coloure d intellectual s I admire an d the coloure d acquaintance s I made an d m y respec t fo r them , i t should b e understoo d tha t i t i s no t ou t o f disrespec t tha t I use a lower-cased spellin g fo r "coloured " (whic h I spel l lik e Sout h Africans spel l it) . I simply concu r wit h coloure d historia n Ro y d u Pre tha t a lower-case d spellin g o f "coloured " permit s u s t o avoi d the racis t implication s o f th e designatio n a s capitalize d unde r apartheid legislation. 5 Fo r tha t matter , I als o us e lower-case d spelling fo r th e word s "black, " "white, " an d "multiracial " (espe cially "multiracial, " sinc e capitalizatio n woul d sugges t tha t th e group i s alread y a legislate d classification) . O n th e othe r hand , I follow protoco l b y capitalizin g ethni c designations , suc h a s "Xhosa," "Zulu, " "Khoi, " "Afrikaner, " an d "English. " I n fact , I use "Afrikaans"—th e Afrikaan s people—instea d o f "Afrikaner, " [xiv]

Preface

since the latter i s associated wit h aparthei d an d th e debat e contin ues about th e usag e o f thi s word i n this post-apartheid era . There i s anothe r matte r I should clea r u p a s wel l befor e pro ceeding t o th e busines s o f challengin g th e multiracia l movement . That is , although th e wor d "multiracial " i s acknowledge d b y th e multiracialists a s the "politicall y correct " ter m fo r peopl e who ar e biracial o r interracial , I us e tha t particula r ter m mostl y whe n articulating th e view s o f th e multiracialists . I n orde r t o avoi d th e suggestion tha t I am a multiracialis t myself , I have chose n t o us e the ter m "mixe d race. " Th e ter m i s i n th e titl e o f severa l recen t books authore d b y mixed-rac e people—Naom i Zack' s Race and Mixed Race (1993 ) an d Caro l Camper' s Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (1994) , t o nam e jus t two . On e o f the mixed-rac e contributor s t o th e latte r boo k eve n suggest s tha t "mixed race " i s "trendy." 6 I mus t sa y on e fina l wor d o f a qualifyin g nature , thi s tim e about racia l designations . I agree tha t th e designation s "white, " "black," "coloured, " an d s o fort h ar e inaccurat e o r inconsisten t when w e spea k o f th e amorphou s concep t o f race. 7 Bu t I do no t go a s fa r a s sociologis t Yehud i Webste r i n hi s insistenc e tha t peo ple shoul d no t eve n tal k abou t racis m unti l the y clarif y wha t i s meant b y "blac k people " o r "whit e people." 8 M y immediat e response t o Webster , whe n I hear d hi m sa y thi s o n a radi o tal k show o n which bot h o f us appeared, wa s intended t o indicate tha t I would no t b e sidetracke d b y suc h so-calle d logica l thinking . I gave Webste r a definitio n o f blac k tha t wa s goo d enoug h fo r m e to ge t o n wit h th e poin t o f th e discussion—th e multiracia l move ment—and whic h i s good enoug h fo r m e to ge t o n wit h th e poin t of thi s book . A s I defined i t that da y t o Webster, " a blac k person , to paraphras e D u Bois , is a person wh o i s viewed wit h jaundice d eye by a white ma n i n a truck wit h a confederate flag. " D u Bois' s exact words, equally adequat e fo r thi s project, wer e that th e blac k person i s " a perso n wh o mus t ride ' J i m Crow ' i n Georgia." 9 I also concur wit h Richar d va n de r Ross' s definitio n o f a whit e person , which, althoug h give n i n i960 , make s th e point o f identit y jus t a s clearly today . Van de r Ros s wrote, " A fai r definition , I would say , [XV]

Preface

is that a White perso n i s a person wh o ca n bu y a cu p o f te a i n a Cape Tow n departmen t stor e withou t gettin g hi s pictur e i n th e newspaper fo r it." 10 Thus, let me b e as clear a s I can b e about wh o I am speakin g o f when I spea k o f a mixed-rac e people . I n Sout h Afric a the y ar e people who i n i96 0 wer e not blac k bu t stil l could no t ge t a cup of tea i n a Cap e Tow n departmen t stor e withou t gettin g thei r pic tures i n th e newspape r fo r doin g so . In th e Unite d States , mixed race peopl e are , t o giv e th e principa l exampl e tha t concern s thi s book, peopl e wh o hav e a blac k paren t who , i n the Georgi a o f D u Bois's day , would hav e ha d t o rid e Jim Crow , an d a white paren t who woul d no t hav e had t o rid e Jim Crow . Having mad e thes e clarifications , I would lik e t o than k Nicol e Waligora, a young , up-and-comin g geniu s o f blac k an d whit e parentage, fo r readin g thi s boo k an d makin g invaluabl e improve ments. After he r correction s were made, I returned t o Cap e Town , where th e manuscrip t wa s rea d b y Richar d va n de r Ross , Jimm y Ellis, Hendrik W . va n de r Merwe , tw o o f th e coloure d wome n I interviewed, an d b y the young mixed-race America n woma n fro m the Unite d State s whom I had als o interviewe d i n Sout h Africa . I am solel y responsible fo r whateve r inaccuracie s remain .

[xvi]

THE NE W C O L O R E D PEOPL

E

[INTRODUCTION]

Black peopl e an d whit e peopl e ha d intermixe d i n Afric a an d Europe lon g befor e th e New World—"America"—was eve r "dis covered." Thus , blac k wa s neve r purel y black , an d whit e wa s never purel y white , an d ou r use s o f thes e racia l designation s ha s been merel y relative . While rac e ha s som e relationshi p t o biologi cal makeup, it is primarily a sociopolitical construct , on e that wa s created an d ha s bee n maintained an d modifie d b y the powerful t o sustain thei r grou p a s a privileged caste . I n th e Unite d State s th e powerful hav e don e suc h a thoroug h jo b a t sewin g th e ide a o f race int o th e socia l fabri c o f th e nation , tha t American s hav e always treate d rac e a s though i t wer e somethin g tha t define d th e very natur e o f people . American s hav e especiall y treate d rac e a s though i t defined th e essence of blac k an d whit e people, who gen erally hav e bee n viewe d a s opposite s durin g th e cours e o f thei r shared histor y i n the New World . Because blac k an d whit e peopl e hav e bee n viewe d a s pur e opposites, American s hav e bee n confuse d abou t th e consequenc e of blac k an d whit e intermixin g (miscegenation) . Fo r par t o f American history , o n an d of f betwee n 187 0 an d 1920 , th e ter m "mulatto" wa s use d t o describ e peopl e o f thi s particula r interra cial mixture . I n 192 0 th e categor y "mulatto " wa s droppe d an d "black" wa s used to cover everyon e with an y known blac k ances try. B y including mulattoe s unde r th e categor y o f black , i t wa s clear (an d ha s bee n clea r eve r since ) tha t "black " an d it s earlie r synonyms n o longe r denote d a peopl e wh o wer e "pure. " Rather , it referre d t o a peopl e wh o wer e no t whit e an d wh o ha d a t leas t "one drop " o f blac k "blood. " The acceptance o f the "on e dro p rule " b y black people (th e rul e that say s "on e drop " o f blac k bloo d make s on e black ) wa s mor e [1]

Introduction

than merel y a passiv e internalizin g o f th e syste m o f oppressio n fashioned b y th e powerful . Certainl y rac e i s a tool o f oppressio n in th e han d o f th e powerful . But , unabl e t o escap e fro m racia l labeling, black s chos e t o wiel d rac e fo r thei r liberatio n b y nurtur ing a sens e o f commo n identit y an d the n fashionin g unifie d socia l and politica l action . Thus , th e idea s o f "blac k pride " an d "blac k power" o f th e 1960s , logica l successor s t o th e Ne w Negr o move ment tha t cam e t o wid e publi c attentio n i n th e 1920s , brough t lighter- an d darker-skinne d black s int o eve n close r alliance . Thus , in i960 , when th e United State s Bureau o f the Censu s commence d the practic e o f th e hea d o f th e househol d definin g th e rac e o f it s members, ther e wa s n o significan t chang e i n th e number s o f blacks reported . Eve n wit h th e comin g o f th e biracia l bab y boo m that starte d afte r th e las t antimiscegenatio n law s were repeale d i n 1967, th e resul t wa s a n increas e i n th e numbe r o f black s i n th e United States . When th e 1970 s came , rathe r tha n th e countr y movin g awa y from racia l categorization , wher e peopl e ar e judge d b y th e con tent o f thei r characte r rathe r tha n b y th e colo r o f thei r skin , th e sociopolitical construc t o f race becam e even more interwoven int o the societa l fabric . Som e scholar s blam e thi s o n th e establishmen t of a federa l documen t calle d Statistica l Directiv e No . 15 . Issue d by th e Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budge t ( O M B ) , Directiv e No . 15 provide s standar d classification s fo r recording , collecting , an d presenting dat a o n rac e an d ethnicit y a t th e federa l level , s o tha t data acquire d b y on e agenc y ca n b e use d b y othe r agencie s fo r their particula r purposes . Th e curren t consequenc e o f Directiv e No. 1 5 i s that ther e exist s a tensio n betwee n racia l identificatio n as requisite fo r th e legal protection o f minorities and , o n the othe r hand, racia l identificatio n a s a traditiona l too l tha t white s hav e used t o maintai n powe r b y relegatin g certai n race s t o particula r levels of th e socia l ladder . The histor y o f Directiv e No . 1 5 bega n i n 197 3 whe n Caspa r Weinberger, the n th e Secretar y o f Health, Education , an d Welfare , asked th e Federa l Interagenc y Committe e o n Educatio n (FICE ) t o develop standard s fo r classifyin g rac e an d ethnicity . Th e a d ho c

W

Introduction

committee starte d it s work i n 1974 , and i n 197 7 the OM B adopte d the F I C E recommendation s almos t verbatim . Fro m tha t poin t o n there woul d be , accordin g t o Statistica l Directiv e No . 15 , fou r racial group s recognize d b y th e Unite d State s government — White, Black , Asia n an d Pacifi c Islander , an d America n India n and Alaska n Native . Th e instruction s o f Directiv e No . 1 5 t o th e parents o f thos e biracia l bab y boomer s o f th e lat e 1960 s an d beyond i s tha t the y ar e t o selec t th e racia l categor y tha t mos t closely reflects th e way their communit y see s them: "Th e categor y which mos t closel y reflects th e individual's recognitio n i n his com munity shoul d b e use d fo r purpose s o f reportin g o n person s wh o are o f mixed racia l and/o r ethni c origins. " The censu s dat a gathere d i n complianc e wit h Directiv e No . 1 5 are for th e purposes o f tracking demographi c shift s i n the country . For instance , w e ca n se e tha t betwee n 198 0 an d 199 0 th e blac k population increase d 1 3 percent, fro m 26. 5 millio n people to 29. 9 million. Th e whit e populatio n increase d 6 percent, u p t o 199. 7 million people , makin g u p 80. 3 percen t o f th e entir e population . In addition t o trackin g demographi c shift s o f this kind, th e censu s permits th e governmen t t o b e abl e t o measur e th e racia l makeu p of th e countr y i n orde r t o develo p th e appropriat e publi c policie s and federa l services . Fo r instance , th e dat a hav e bee n use d t o address th e requirement s o f th e civi l right s laws—establishin g and evaluatin g federa l affirmativ e actio n plan s an d desegregatio n plans i n schools, and evaluatin g workforc e participatio n an d stat e redistricting plan s fo r th e protectio n o f minorit y votin g rights . Even th e Cente r fo r Contro l o f Disease s use s th e categorie s o f Directive No . 1 5 t o d o researc h o n whethe r certai n segment s o f the populatio n ar e susceptibl e t o certai n diseases . Indeed, a grea t many program s intende d t o counte r historica l an d systemi c dis crimination requir e demographi c informatio n abou t racia l an d ethnic groups . Thus , a carefu l countin g o f th e populatio n ha s become increasingl y importan t ove r th e las t severa l decades , especially du e to th e demand s o n dwindlin g governmen t resources . As a result o f the racia l classification syste m o f Directiv e No. 1 5 and societa l custom that labeled mixed-race black s as monoraciall y [3]

Introduction

black, Africa n American s becam e th e larges t minorit y grou p i n the Unite d States . Because o f th e law s tha t mor e o r les s protecte d those tha t th e classificatio n syste m identifie d a s black , Africa n Americans increasingl y becam e a politica l presenc e t o b e reck oned with . Muc h o f tha t politica l clou t wa s harnesse d an d orga nized b y th e blac k church , whic h wa s th e spiritua l backbon e t o the cohesivenes s o f th e blac k community . Notwithstanding thi s blac k cohesivenes s an d despit e th e seem ingly importan t lega l an d programmati c use s o f th e dat a o n rac e and ethnicit y collecte d b y th e Censu s Bureau , ther e i s som e ten sion betwee n havin g racia l categorie s that serv e the legislative an d programmatic need s o f th e federa l governmen t an d havin g cate gories tha t reflec t th e self-perceptio n o f America n citizens. 1 Ther e is a growin g populatio n o f American s wh o fee l Directiv e No . 1 5 props u p traditiona l notion s o f bigotr y wit h regar d t o "rac e mix ing" an d tha t thi s i s detrimenta l t o th e offsprin g o f suc h interra cial unions. 2 Thes e peopl e believ e th e fou r racia l group s established b y th e federa l governmen t d o no t permi t mixed-rac e people t o hav e a nam e tha t recognize s thei r mixe d racia l parent age. The census instructions directin g them t o selec t the racial cat egory mos t closel y reflectin g th e wa y thei r "community " see s them ma y see m rathe r liberal , bu t th e "community"—whethe r black o r white , segregate d o r integrated—ha s traditionall y see n mixed-race black s a s monoracially black . Many o f the complainant s wh o wan t a change i n Directive No . 15 are the people o f the biracial bab y boo m tha t resulte d fro m th e doubling o f interracia l marriage s (fro m 1 percent t o 2 percent ) and th e triplin g o f interracia l birth s (fro m 1 percent t o 3 percent ) between 197 0 an d 1990 . I n 1990 , the yea r th e multiracia l move ment especiall y picke d u p momentum , th e Censu s Burea u received a substantial numbe r o f inquirie s fro m person s o f mixed race backgroun d an d fro m parent s i n interracia l marriages , wh o did not want t o identif y themselve s o r their childre n monoracially . Whereas i n 197 0 only 720,000 peopl e (les s than one-hal f o f 1 percent o f th e population ) indicate d som e othe r categor y o n th e cen sus, i n 199 0 te n millio n peopl e (abou t 4 percen t o f th e entir e [4]

Introduction

population) checke d th e officia l "other " category , whic h firs t appeared tha t year . O f th e 8 million write-in s unde r th e "other " category, 253,00 0 peopl e gav e suc h identification s a s "multira cial" o r "interracial " o r specificall y a s "black-white " o r "Asian white," an d s o forth. 3 I n mos t case s th e Censu s Burea u simpl y reassigned thes e individual s (thos e wh o ha d specifie d thei r bira cial makeup ) unde r monoracia l categories . Fo r instance , whil e people wh o wrot e "multiracial " o r "biracial " wer e lef t i n th e "other" rac e classification , thos e wh o wrot e "white-black " wer e classified a s white an d thos e wh o wrot e "black-white " wer e clas sified a s black. 4 Thos e wh o wrot e "creole " o n th e 199 0 censu s were als o classified a s black . Since 199 0 th e growt h i n th e numbe r o f interracia l marriage s and birth s ha s continue d t o increase , a s ha s th e growt h i n th e number o f advocac y group s fo r interracia l couple s an d mixed race people . Today , mos t state s hav e suppor t group s fo r interra cial familie s an d mixed-rac e individuals , an d ther e ar e tw o national magazine s tha t addres s th e blessing s an d curse s o f inter racial living . Thes e advocac y group s an d magazine s hav e helpe d organize th e frustration s o f interracia l parent s an d mixed-rac e people int o the multiracial movement , whic h seek s an appropriat e and recognize d racia l identit y fo r mixed-rac e people . We shoul d understan d tha t mixed-rac e peopl e ar e no t th e onl y ones wh o vie w themselve s differen t fro m wha t th e governmen t calls them, an d tha t the multiracialists ar e not the onl y ones tryin g to convinc e th e OM B t o modif y th e racia l categorie s o n Directiv e No. 15 . Fo r instance , th e Censu s Burea u an d th e OM B hav e received suggestion s tha t th e ter m "Africa n American " b e substi tuted fo r "Black, " tha t "Nativ e American " b e substitute d fo r "American Indian," 5 an d tha t "Europea n American" 6 b e substi tuted fo r "White. " A number o f organization s representin g Ara b Americans wis h t o se e thei r constituenc y remove d fro m th e "white" category . Louis Massery , a n Ara b America n attorne y fro m Bosto n wh o testified befor e th e OM B a s a representativ e o f th e Ara b Anti-Dis crimination Committee , sai d Arab s an d othe r Middl e Easterner s [5]

Introduction

who ar e America n citizen s ar e th e onl y group s fro m th e Thir d World wh o d o no t hol d protecte d statu s a s minorities . Masser y also argue d tha t classifyin g Ara b American s a s i f the y wer e a white Europea n ethni c grou p i s absurd, sinc e the Ara b worl d nei ther lie s i n Europ e no r trace s it s ancestr y t o Europe. 7 Hamz i Moghrabi, representin g th e Colorad o branc h o f th e Ara b Anti Discrimination Committee , told th e OM B tha t b y identifying Ara b Americans a s whit e the y ar e denie d th e benefit s o f a minorit y group. H e sai d Arab s ar e a peopl e whos e histor y an d cultur e ar e ridiculed b y white s i n th e nation' s classroom s an d whos e well being is threatened b y the bigotr y an d hat e crime s o f whites. 8 A result o f the effort o f som e Arabs no t to b e classified a s white is that ther e ar e no w som e whit e group s tha t woul d lik e t o elimi nate th e "white " classification . The y see k thi s chang e becaus e th e category o f whit e has , sinc e th e 197 0 census , include d Nort h Africans an d Southwes t Asian s alon g wit h Europea n Americans . Perhaps thi s suggests a possible change for th e bette r i n white self perception, suc h a s we see among som e white Sout h Africans wh o went b y th e nam e "Afrikaner " durin g th e er a o f whit e minorit y rule bu t wh o no w prefe r t o b e calle d "Afrikaan s people. " Thi s was a n appellatio n coine d onl y afte r th e downfal l o f apartheid , like th e ter m "Europea n American " wa s coine d afte r th e officia l end o f segregation . However , white s ma y als o prefe r "European American" t o furthe r protec t whit e "purity " an d privilege . The attemp t t o protec t whit e purit y an d privileg e seem s t o b e favored b y thos e white s wh o fee l tha t th e ter m "white " i s n o longer synonymou s wit h "Europea n American." 9 Fo r instance , Dale Warner , representin g Irish , Scottish , an d Wels h group s before th e O M B , sai d hi s constituenc y doe s no t wan t t o b e classi fied a s whit e becaus e i t include s people s originatin g fro m Nort h Africa an d Southwes t Asi a (th e Middl e East). 10 Josep h Fallon , who testifie d similarl y befor e th e OM B a s a representativ e o f th e National Europea n America n Societ y and th e Society for German American Studies , sai d tha t "Europea n American " woul d refe r specifically t o American s whos e ethni c origin s deriv e fro m peo ples o f Europe , suc h a s th e English , Germans , Irish , Italians , an d [6]

Introduction

Polish. 11 Fallo n i s als o concerne d tha t Europea n American s ar e being labele d b y fals e portrayals . Fo r instance , h e tol d th e OM B that whe n Hispanic s ar e victims o f hat e crime s the Federa l Burea u of Investigation (FBI ) list s them a s Hispanic, but when the y are th e perpetrators o f hat e crime s th e FB I list s the m a s white. H e com plains tha t thi s classificatio n hide s th e "tru e identities " o f th e per petrators o f hat e crime s an d inflate s th e crimina l statistic s agains t European American s i n a way tha t i s "libelous " t o their race. 12 Gerhard Holford , co-moderato r o f th e Conferenc e o f Ameri cans of Germani c Heritage , also wants th e category o f white elim inated becaus e o f th e politica l an d socia l ideolog y th e ter m carries. First , Holfor d argue s tha t fe w o f th e peopl e categorize d by th e governmen t a s whit e reall y conside r thei r culture , lan guage, o r histor y t o b e "whit e culture, " "whit e language, " o r "white history. " "I f anything, " h e remarks , "th e notio n o f white ness i s a politica l ide a o r a stat e o f mind. " T o this Holfor d add s that fro m tim e t o tim e th e ide a o f whitenes s ha s bee n a facto r i n both pro-whit e an d anti-whit e politica l movements , bu t du e t o changes i n political idea s an d state s o f mind th e number o f peopl e identifying themselve s a s whit e ha s decreased. 13 Amon g thes e changed politica l idea s an d state s o f mind , accordin g t o Holford , is the ide a o f whit e supremacy . Man y Europea n American s rejec t the ter m "white, " h e argues , becaus e o f th e stereotyp e tha t sug gests tha t an y peopl e callin g themselve s b y tha t nam e ar e whit e supremacists. Fo r simila r reasons , Holfor d suggest s tha t th e Con ference o f American s o f Germani c Heritag e advocate s omittin g references t o a "majorit y race " i n Directive No. 15 , in that suc h a term suggest s tha t th e white rac e i s more dominant , superior , an d more powerfu l tha n th e othe r race s that ar e not white. 14 Another representativ e o f thi s view , Donal d Freiberg , a Sa n Jose attorney , submitte d a writte n testimon y t o th e O M B , whic h said o f th e ter m "Europea n American " wha t black s hav e lon g said abou t th e ter m "Africa n American" : "I t enriche s u s wit h a history, culture , an d continen t o f origin . Othe r group s choos e a continental labe l becaus e the y wis h t o embod y mor e tha n a mer e color. Europea n American s wis h t o d o th e same , ye t w e ar e con [7]

Introduction

stantly slappe d wit h a bland , lifeles s colo r 'white ' tha t w e di d no t choose." Freiber g als o sai d tha t th e ter m "Europea n American " would permi t white s t o distanc e themselve s fro m th e like s o f David Duke , th e Louisian a politicia n wh o use s th e ter m "white " in a way tha t implie s white supremacy. 15 These effort s a t racia l nam e change s ar e par t o f th e contex t i n which th e multiracia l movemen t i s situated. Whil e certai n group s feel the y wan t a n identit y mor e fittin g tha n th e "white " label , th e multiracialists no w fee l tha t peopl e o f mixe d racia l ancestr y deserve a fittin g appellatio n sinc e the y ar e th e country' s leas t rec ognized peopl e i n a period whe n racia l an d ethni c prid e an d cul tural awarenes s ar e a t a n all-tim e high. 16 Aware o f th e complaint s o f th e variou s group s o f American s who wis h t o hav e a federa l nam e change , Thoma s Sawyer , chai r of th e Hous e subcommitte e tha t addresse d th e census , sai d tha t the proble m wit h th e categorie s o f Directiv e No . 1 5 i s that the y have remaine d constan t a t a time when th e country i s changing i n significant ways. 17 Indeed , today' s realit y o f greate r interactio n between th e existin g racia l categorie s suggest s t o man y peopl e a need fo r modification , no t t o mentio n tha t thos e interactin g across racia l line s an d thos e offsprin g wh o ar e the product o f tha t interaction ar e developin g a new self-perception . The increase d interactio n acros s racia l line s an d th e ne w self perception tha t mixed-rac e peopl e hav e o f themselve s descende d on mos t American s s o quickly tha t w e have not ha d muc h tim e t o think abou t th e possibl e consequences . Indeed , view s hav e changed s o rapidly tha t i t was jus t a few year s ago , in 1991 , that sociologist F . James Davis concluded tha t th e "one-dro p rule " wa s here t o sta y fo r th e foreseeabl e future . Davi s raise d a questio n about whethe r o r no t a change i n th e "one-dro p rule " migh t no t result i n th e adoptio n o f on e o f th e world' s othe r statu s rule s fo r mixed-race peopl e (suc h as in South Africa). H e answere d tha t th e potential fo r th e establishmen t o f a "middle-minorit y position " that ha s occurred i n other part s o f the world, eve n in the early history o f thi s country , "seem s t o b e nil." 18 Davi s summarizes , "W e can onl y conclud e tha t non e o f th e world' s know n alternative s t o [8]

Introduction

the American definitio n o f wh o i s black no w seem s a t al l likel y t o be given seriou s consideratio n i n th e Unite d States." 19 Perhap s i n 1991 most Americans woul d hav e come to the sam e conclusion a s Davis, bu t toda y a movement i s spreading amon g th e communit y of interracial parent s an d thei r mixed-rac e offsprin g whos e goa l is to se e "multiracial " establishe d a s a ne w racia l classificatio n o n the Unite d State s censu s fo r th e yea r 2000 . I f thi s doe s no t hap pen, then effort s wil l likely b e made t o reac h thi s goal i n 2010 . Some may be surprised b y the rapid ris e of the multiracial move ment. Afte r all , the Censu s Burea u ha s bee n tryin g t o accommo date thos e wh o wis h t o identif y themselve s i n myria d way s b y allowing the m t o chec k th e categor y "other " an d writ e i n a racia l identification no t include d i n th e standar d classifications . Further more, many o f u s know mixed-rac e peopl e who prefe r th e "other " category—people lik e Ro y Harrison , founde r o f a Californi a sup port an d advocac y grou p calle d Mixe d Rac e People o f Color . Har rison testifie d a t the OM B hearing s tha t h e prefers "other " becaus e it allow s hi m t o b e more specific. 20 Nonetheless , fo r th e multira cialists th e "other " categor y i s unsatisfactory i n tha t i t signifie s a nonidentity tha t relegate s mixed-race peopl e to nonpersonhood. I n addition, som e o f th e multiracialist s d o no t lik e th e fac t tha t th e Bureau recategorize s thos e "others " int o th e fou r principa l mono racial categories . Thi s reclassificatio n become s necessar y becaus e "other" i s use d i n th e censu s bu t no t i n thos e administrativ e records tha t nee d t o kno w wh o thos e "others " are . Sinc e th e fig ures gathere d b y the censu s ar e use d t o enforc e certai n legislatio n that depend s o n precis e numbers , th e Burea u canno t leav e nearl y 10 million "others " outsid e the standar d racia l categories . The multiracialist s wh o ar e challengin g th e one-dro p rul e pre fer th e word "multiracial " ove r "biracial " becaus e there ar e man y instances wher e a person's ancestr y include s mor e tha n tw o racia l or ethni c groups . Som e prefe r "colored, " a nam e tha t fo r a tim e referred onl y t o mulattoe s (especiall y lighte r ones ) bu t late r wa s used t o identif y al l blacks . A s I wil l discus s i n chapte r 1 , som e South Africa n coloured s woul d lik e mixed-race American s t o joi n them i n usin g th e nam e "coloured " becaus e o f th e similarit y the y [9]

Introduction

see betwee n mixed-rac e American s an d themselve s a s mixed-rac e South Africans . The coloure d peopl e o f Sout h Africa , whos e experienc e form s an importan t par t o f thi s book , ar e principall y o f blac k (African ) and whit e ancestry , bu t als o o f black-Asian , white-Asian , an d black-coloured ancestry . Unti l 1950 , birt h certificate s referre d t o coloureds a s "mixed, " whil e afte r 195 0 th e ter m "coloured " wa s required b y law, thus groupin g togethe r peopl e wh o ar e heteroge neous i n term s o f ethnicity , culture , color , class , an d s o forth. 21 Most o f th e coloure d peopl e ca n trac e som e ancestr y t o th e indigenous people s o f th e Cap e calle d th e Khoikho i (herdsme n whom white s calle d Hottentots ) an d th e Khoisa n (hunter s who m whites calle d Bushmen) . Th e Kho i people s settle d i n th e Cap e hundreds o f year s befor e th e Dutc h cam e i n 1652 , a t whic h tim e the Kho i wer e partl y wipe d ou t an d th e remainin g people s wer e subordinated. T o solv e thei r labo r problems , Dutc h settler s brought i n Mala y an d India n slave s fro m Asia , an d som e slave s from othe r parts o f Africa. Becaus e of a shortage o f white women , the settler s intermixe d an d sometime s intermarrie d wit h subordi nate groups . Fro m th e intermixtur e o f thes e groups—Dutch , French, British , Khoi , Malay , an d Indian—cam e th e coloure d people. Durin g th e earl y nineteent h century , man y amon g thi s group fle d th e Cap e t o escap e th e intensifyin g racis m o f th e whites, an d the y me t u p an d intermixe d wit h Khoikho i an d Khoisan tribe s tha t ha d als o fled . Thi s grou p becam e th e Griqu a nation, whic h settle d beyon d th e northwes t an d late r th e north east border s o f th e Cap e colony . Whe n white s discovere d dia monds i n Griqu a territor y i n 1867 , the Griqu a wer e dispossesse d of thei r lan d an d late r becam e par t o f th e coloure d grou p unde r apartheid. Al l o f th e coloure d subculture s bega n t o intermingl e and intermarr y afte r 1949 , sinc e th e Prohibitio n o f Mixe d Mar riages Act of 194 9 forbad e interracia l marriag e betwee n th e racia l groups (whites , blacks, coloureds, and Asians ) an d th e Immoralit y Act o f 195 0 forbad e se x across racia l lines . Because th e mixed-rac e peopl e o f th e Unite d State s shar e som e history wit h th e coloured s o f Sout h Africa , a s th e multiracialist s [10]

Introduction themselves hav e argue d i n orde r t o legitimiz e thei r m o v e m e n t , Richard va n de r Ros s suggest s a definitio n fo r " c o l o u r e d " t h a t sounds fittin g a s a definitio n fo r th e America n multiracia l a s well : There exist s in South Africa a number o f persons who vary in num ber accordin g t o [the ] basi s b y which the y ar e calculated . The y ar e the produc t o f intermixtur e betwee n peopl e fro m variou s racia l groups fro m Europe , Afric a an d th e East , i n proportion s varyin g from perso n t o person . A s a resul t o f thi s varyin g mixture , thes e people als o var y fro m on e anothe r jus t a s th e racia l group s fro m which the y originate , vary . A t th e sam e tim e a sectio n o f thi s tota l group ha s emerge d havin g wha t appea r t o b e commo n physica l characteristics. Thes e peopl e . . . have fo r man y year s bee n sub jected t o a proces s o f economi c an d politica l discrimination , an d have suffere d economicall y an d politicall y a s a minorit y grou p which wa s als o a sociall y margina l group . Th e resul t o f thi s mar ginality wa s tha t ther e wa s o n th e on e han d a strivin g toward s th e rights an d privilege s o f th e mor e privilege d sectio n o f society , an d on th e othe r hand—wher e th e number s wer e overwhelming — these peopl e hav e bee n influence d b y th e les s privilege d sectio n o f society. . . . I n th e cours e o f time , too , the y hav e acquire d a lega l identity insofa r a s it was possible fo r th e law to identif y the m usin g vague an d ofte n subjectiv e criteri a o f descent , appearanc e an d association. Insofa r a s the la w succeed s i n definin g an d identifyin g them, i t deal s wit h the m a s member s o f a group . Thes e peopl e ar e known a s "th e Coloure d people." 22 The premis e o f thi s b o o k i s t h a t th e coloure d peopl e o f Sout h Africa an d th e propose d categor y o f "multiracial " peopl e o f th e United State s ar e paralle l g r o u p s t h a t allo w fo r a cross-cultura l analysis. Historia n Georg e Fredrickson , w h o ha s don e c o m p a r a tive studie s o f rac e i n th e Unite d State s an d Sout h Africa , say s tha t w h a t make s a c o m p a r i s o n betwee n thes e t w o countrie s possibl e are th e " b r o a d similarities " i n whit e attitudes , ideologies , a n d policies, an d th e fac t tha t bot h countrie s wer e colonize d b y north west Europea n Protestants. 2 3 I n othe r w o r d s , th e Unite d State s i s also a "pigmentocracy, " t o us e a Sout h Africa n ter m lon g favore d by Alla n Boesak. 2 4 Thi s "pigmentocracy, " accordin g t o Boesak , [n]

Introduction

reached a n all-tim e lo w durin g th e Reaga n era , whe n racis m received presidentia l validatio n throug h a denia l o f it s existence . Like th e Afrikaner-dominate d Nationalis t Part y tha t too k contro l of th e Sout h Africa n governmen t i n 1948 , having ru n o n th e plat form o f "apartheid " o r "separat e development, " th e United State s has als o ha d a long histor y o f politica l segregationism . On th e othe r hand , ther e i s als o a majo r historica l differenc e between th e United State s an d Sout h Africa . Sout h Afric a wa s no t involved i n a civi l right s movement , becaus e ther e wa s n o Bil l of Rights t o appea l t o an d n o Suprem e Cour t t o underwrit e th e cal l for freedom , justice , an d equality . Unlik e th e Unite d States , then , South Afric a wen t throug h a tru e struggl e fo r liberation. 25 Th e result wa s tha t o n Novembe r 17 , 1993 , President F . W. d e Kler k and Africa n Nationa l Congres s (ANC ) leade r Nelso n Mandel a rat ified a n interi m constitutio n tha t mad e blacks , wh o compris e three-fourths o f the Sout h African population , citizen s for th e firs t time. Thi s wa s certifie d i n th e fina l versio n o f th e constitution , which wa s complete d i n Ma y 1996 . Eve n thoug h ther e ar e som e differences betwee n th e historie s o f th e Unite d State s an d Sout h Africa, wit h regar d t o th e multiracia l movemen t th e phenomeno n of miscegenation an d th e problem o f the status o f mixed-race peo ple len d themselve s t o compariso n becaus e rac e mixtur e i n th e United State s an d Sout h Afric a firs t occurre d unde r simila r socia l and politica l conditions . Moreover , i n bot h societie s a genera l strategy fo r managin g racia l mixtur e develope d earl y i n thei r his tory an d becam e deepl y roote d i n th e for m o f th e colo r lin e tha t separated white s fro m thos e o f mixe d origin. 2-6 Several scholars , o n th e othe r hand , hav e preferre d t o compar e the coloure d peopl e t o blac k Americans , a s Georg e Fredrickso n has done. 27 Thoug h Fredrickso n doe s no t addres s th e multiracia l movement becaus e it comes after hi s research ha d bee n conducted , he coul d defen d hi s position b y makin g th e simpl e poin t tha t th e coloured people , like black Americans, are a product o f the mixin g of differen t racia l type s ove r hundred s o f years , whil e th e mul tiracial i n th e Unite d State s ar e peopl e o f a n immediat e mixtur e of th e differen t racia l group s enumerate d o n Directiv e No . 15 . [12]

Introduction

Sociologist Everet t Stonequis t als o prefer s thi s compariso n because he believes blac k Americans , like coloured Sout h African s (as describe d abov e b y van de r Ross) , have n o traditiona l cultur e of thei r ow n making . H e claim s tha t America n slaver y completel y uprooted black s fro m thei r antecedan t Africa n cultures. 28 Bu t I disagree. Blac k American s ma y b e somewha t culturall y margina l in th e sens e tha t Stonequis t suggests , tha t is , they ma y b e caugh t between devotio n t o whit e cultura l form s an d blac k cultura l sub stance. Bu t blac k American s ar e no t raciall y margina l lik e th e coloured people , who, becaus e o f aparthei d legislation , ar e caugh t between th e opposin g whit e an d blac k racia l groups . Thus ther e i s a paralle l betwee n th e mixed-rac e peopl e i n th e United State s an d th e coloure d peopl e i n Sout h Africa . I f som e o f the multiracialist s ge t thei r way , the multiracia l classificatio n the y seek coul d b e th e beginnin g o f a globa l pan-colouredism , wher e "brown" (mixed-race ) people s tak e thei r plac e alon g whit e an d black people s o f th e world . Becaus e th e multiracia l movemen t may hav e nationa l an d globa l significance , i t may surpris e u s tha t we di d no t se e i t comin g lon g befor e now . Bu t som e movement s seem t o wor k tha t way : w e d o no t se e the m coming , bu t whe n they ar e her e w e ca n se e tha t the y wer e comin g al l along . Thi s multiracial movement , then , wa s n o sudde n development , eve n though sociologis t F . James Davi s ha d no t ye t see n i t comin g onl y a fe w year s earlie r i n 1991 . At an y rate , i t i s here, an d w e shoul d understan d i t a s full y a s possible. I will presen t i n chapte r 1 , a s sympatheticall y a s I can , the multiracialists ' argumen t fo r a ne w multiracia l classification . This then become s th e dat a agains t whic h w e will weigh th e chal lenges to th e movemen t i n chapters 2 and 3 . Chapter 2 provides a direct challeng e t o th e idea s o f chapte r 1 , mostly usin g th e voice s of peopl e insid e an d outsid e th e multiracia l movemen t wh o ar e familiar wit h th e debate . I n chapte r 3 , I addres s th e socia l an d political experienc e o f marginalit y tha t th e coloure d peopl e i n South Afric a kno w well , i n orde r t o poin t ou t th e potentia l nega tive socia l an d politica l consequence s o f th e Unite d State s pursu ing suc h a syste m o f racia l classification . I n chapte r 4 , I presen t [13]

Introduction

my conclusion , base d o n th e informatio n o f th e previou s thre e chapters. I sugges t ho w mixed-rac e peopl e shoul d identif y i n a way tha t i s best for themselves , best for blac k people , and bes t fo r the country .

[14]

[ONE]

The Rainbo w Peopl e of Go d

In 199 3 Richar d va n de r Ross , th e Sout h Africa n coloure d scholar, raise d th e questio n o f whethe r o r no t coloure d peopl e exist, an d i f they d o exist , then ho w tha t existenc e ca n b e known . His answe r wa s tha t the y d o exis t an d tha t thi s ca n b e know n because the y ca n b e seen. 1 Whe n I me t va n de r Ros s i n Cap e Town th e followin g year , h e sai d somethin g similar : tha t whethe r or no t peopl e identif y individual s suc h a s himself a s coloured, th e existence o f coloure d peopl e canno t b e denied . "The y ar e recog nizable," h e added , "i f no t al l tha t definable. " Coloure d peopl e are a community , conclude d va n de r Ross , fo r everyon e know s them whe n the y se e them, an d the y kno w s o themselves. A youn g coloured woma n o f Xhosa , German , an d Englis h ancestr y con curred wit h va n de r Ros s whe n sh e tol d m e tha t i t wa s eviden t that sh e wa s coloure d becaus e sh e looke d coloured . " I jus t loo k that way, " sh e stated . Becaus e coloured s exis t a s readily "recog nizable" an d "seen " people , va n de r Ros s als o sai d tha t the y should asser t themselve s an d clai m thei r rights , no t becaus e the y are allie s o f som e bi g brothe r bu t becaus e the y ar e full-fledge d South Africans. 2* I hav e pointe d thi s ou t becaus e w e ca n as k th e sam e questio n about mixed-rac e peopl e i n America : D o the y exist ? Th e answe r is yes—no t s o muc h becaus e the y ca n b e see n (a s o f yet ) bu t because the y ca n b e defined . Sometime s the y loo k monoracial , taking afte r onl y on e o f thei r interracia l parents . Bu t a t othe r [15]

The Rainbow People of God

times they can b e seen as well, as told b y Teja Arboled a i n a poe m he submitted fo r th e records when h e testified befor e th e Offic e o f Management an d Budge t ( O M B ) . Arboled a tell s u s tha t hi s mother's fathe r i s Danis h an d hi s mother' s mothe r i s German , while hi s father' s fathe r i s Filipin o an d Chines e an d hi s father' s mother i s African America n an d Native American. This is why he , born i n New Yor k an d raise d i n German y an d Japan , i s called b y so man y peopl e "Ethni c Man. " Bein g "no t quit e blac k a s black " and "no t quit e white a s white," h e writes, he can "lea p fro m rac e to rac e i n a singl e bound. " H e say s jokingly, " I a m no t mixe d up , just mixed." 3 Arboled a finishe s hi s poe m wit h a postscrip t tha t tells u s t o loo k a t hi s face , an d h e ask s i f w e ca n honestl y sa y "without disgrace " tha t h e i s o f "pur e race. " H e conclude s wit h the cadence , " I rest m y case." 4 A s the coloure d woma n o f Xhosa , German, an d Englis h ancestr y sai d o f hersel f i n term s o f he r coloured look , s o Arboled a essentiall y say s o f himsel f i n term s o f his mixed-race look : " I just loo k tha t way. " Mixed-race peopl e therefor e exis t i n th e Unite d States , and th e multiracialists ma y res t their case ! But how di d the y come to exis t so prominentl y an d t o th e degre e tha t the y coul d def y sociologis t F. James Davis' s decre e onl y a fe w year s earlie r tha t th e one-dro p rule woul d no t b e seriousl y challenge d i n the nea r future? 5 I n thi s chapter I will answe r tha t question . I will detai l th e emergenc e o f the multiracia l movemen t fro m th e lat e 1970 s t o now , when i t i s lobbying fo r a multiracial classificatio n t o b e adde d t o th e Unite d States census . I will als o detai l th e divers e concern s an d goal s o f those involved i n the movement, firs t articulate d i n the late 1970s . During thi s time interracial couple s bega n expressin g thei r disma y about schoo l form s tha t impose d th e one-dro p rul e o n thei r chil dren b y disallowin g complet e recognitio n o f thei r multiracia l background. The y als o wanted t o mak e sur e thei r childre n woul d not b e hur t becaus e th e parent s chos e t o marr y interracially. 6 I t was durin g thi s perio d an d wit h thes e concern s tha t numerou s local an d nationa l multiracialis t advocac y group s wer e founded . Before I introduce som e o f th e multiracialis t advocac y group s that bega n emergin g i n th e lat e 1970s , th e reade r shoul d kno w [16]

The Rainbow People of God

that thei r precursor s predate d the m b y a s muc h a s three-quarter s of a century . Th e earlies t suppor t grou p fo r black s i n interracia l marriages, som e o f who m wer e soldier s returnin g t o th e Unite d States with foreig n wive s o r "wa r brides, " wa s th e Manass a Soci ety. Thi s grou p wa s organize d i n Milwauke e i n 189 0 an d late r spread t o Chicago . In Ne w Yor k a group calle d th e Pengui n Clu b was organize d i n 1936 . Mor e group s emerge d followin g Worl d War Two , includin g a clu b starte d i n Washington , D.C. , i n 194 7 called th e Clu b Internationale . B y 195 0 th e membershi p o f thi s latter clu b include d fourtee n couples—te n blac k ex-serviceme n with wa r brides , tw o whit e me n wit h blac k wives , on e Filipin o with a blac k wife , an d a n India n Hind u wit h a Mosle m wife . I n subsequent year s a simila r clu b wa s starte d i n Lo s Angeles, calle d Club Miscegenation . I n 195 0 thi s clu b ha d a membershi p o f twenty-three couples , thirtee n o f who m ha d marrie d durin g th e war year s an d mor e tha n hal f o f who m ha d children . Detroi t ha d a clu b calle d th e Clu b o f Tomorrow , whic h i n 195 0 ha d a half dozen interraciall y marrie d members. 7 Club Miscegenatio n an d th e Clu b o f Tomorro w existe d t o hel p interracial parent s dea l wit h concern s ove r raisin g biracia l chil dren. On e membe r ( a blac k ma n marrie d t o a whit e woman) , speaking a t a clu b meetin g i n Novembe r 1950 , articulate d th e very concern s tha t ar e fuelin g multiracialis t advocac y group s today: "We'v e go t t o teac h ou r childre n Negr o histor y an d whit e history an d Mexica n history . They'v e go t t o b e prou d o f ever y part o f thei r background. " Anothe r blac k ma n (marrie d t o a Mexican woman ) mad e a remar k i n tha t sam e meetin g whic h i s just a s likely to b e heard toda y fro m multiracialists . H e said , "W e teach ou r childre n the y ar e members o f the human race . We try t o make the m realiz e al l people ar e one—white , blac k o r brown." 8 As we will see, these ar e the very sam e concerns interracia l par ents express today i n their advocac y groups . What ha s change d i s that severa l o f today' s group s ar e nationa l i n scop e an d th e num ber an d diversit y o f th e organization s ha s increased . Th e mos t prominent o f these contemporary advocac y group s ar e the Ameri can Associatio n o f Multi-Ethni c American s (AMEA ) an d Projec t [17]

The Rainbow People of God RACE (Reclassif y Al l Childre n Equally) . Both o f these ar e pressin g the federa l governmen t t o ad d a multiracia l classificatio n t o th e United State s census through a modification o f Directiv e No . 15 . The AMEA , th e onl y nationa l confederatio n o f loca l multiracia l and multiethni c groups , wa s founde d i n Novembe r 198 8 b y rep resentatives o f loca l multiracia l an d multiethni c advocac y groups . These group s bega n formin g i n th e lat e 1970 s an d earl y 1980 s t o address th e identificatio n o f thei r multiracia l childre n i n th e pub lic schools. The founding presiden t o f the organization wa s Carlo s Fernandez, a Sa n Francisc o attorne y wh o i s himself hal f Mexica n and hal f white . Projec t RACE , founde d i n th e fal l o f 1991 , advocates nationwid e fo r multiracia l childre n an d adult s throug h edu cation, communit y awareness , an d legislation . Th e organizatio n attempts t o brin g abou t th e da y whe n a multiracia l classificatio n is required o n al l state and federa l form s tha t reques t racial identi fication. Th e founde r an d executiv e directo r o f Projec t RAC E i s Susan Graham , a white woma n marrie d t o Gordo n Graham , th e black televisio n anchorma n fo r Headlin e New s o n th e Cabl e News Networ k (CNN ) station. 9 There ar e uncountabl e othe r organization s wit h th e sam e goal s as th e AME A an d Projec t RAC E whic h wor k a t th e loca l an d national level , a fe w o f whic h I will mentio n a s a mean s o f illus trating th e diversit y an d tenacit y o f th e multiracia l movement . One o f thes e organization s i s I-Prid e (Interracial/Internationa l Pride) o f Berkeley , California , a foundin g chapte r o f th e AMEA . The organizatio n bega n i n Berkele y i n Februar y 197 9 whe n par ents, teachers, and socia l workers me t to discus s and challeng e th e monoracial classificatio n syste m i n th e city' s publi c schools , which hav e a hig h proportio n o f multiracia l an d multiethni c stu dents. Today th e organization' s goa l i s to educat e bot h th e imme diate communit y an d th e entir e America n citizenr y abou t multiracial identit y an d interculturalis m an d to fight racis m aime d at multiracials . Th e organizatio n sponsor s forums , suppor t groups, a biracia l adult s group , an d a n interracia l couple s group . It als o publishe s a newslette r t o infor m it s member s o f curren t matters relate d t o th e multiracial an d multiethni c community . [18]

The Rainbow People of God A Place Fo r U s i s a nationa l advocac y grou p founde d b y inter racial coupl e Stev e (wh o i s white) an d Rut h (wh o i s black) White . The White s founde d th e grou p afte r Steve' s ministe r refuse d t o marry them . Disguste d b y suc h blatan t racism , th e Whites , afte r they wer e marrie d elsewhere , decide d t o becom e certifie d Christ ian counselors. In 198 8 they were ordained a s nondenominationa l ministers, an d sinc e the n thei r ministeria l missio n ha s bee n t o break dow n th e barrier s o f racis m s o tha t peopl e ma y b e judge d by their characte r rathe r tha n color . When thei r missio n i s accom plished, the y say , interracial couple s an d thei r multiracia l childre n will b e accepted unconditionall y b y society. Until then , thei r task s include sponsorin g workshops , socia l events , an d ra p sessions , counseling, an d networkin g wit h othe r multicultura l ministrie s and suppor t organization s acros s the country. Their goal is to hel p monoracial familie s understan d an d accep t peopl e o f al l national ities, cultures , an d ethnicities . Thei r mott o i s "Unit y Withou t Compromise," an d the y sel l T-shirt s an d button s proclaimin g "We're Colo r Blind. " Another grou p wit h a Christia n cor e t o it s missio n i s the Bric k by Bric k Church , le d b y pasto r Kennet h Simpso n i n Lexington , Kentucky. Simpson , o f mixed blac k an d whit e parentage, founde d the churc h i n orde r t o mee t th e spiritua l an d socia l need s o f mul tiracial people. The membership comprise s interracia l couple s an d their children , whit e parent s o f adopte d blac k an d biracia l chil dren, an d othe r blac k an d whit e familie s an d individual s wh o wish t o shar e i n th e church' s interracia l ministry . On e o f th e church's activitie s i s it s sponsorshi p o f a socia l grou p calle d Shades, a grou p tha t seek s t o transcen d society' s colo r line s b y bringing peopl e o f al l "shades " together. 10 Th e Bric k b y Bric k ministry i s simila r t o th e Interracia l Famil y Allianc e o f August a (Georgia), a social outreac h grou p starte d a t St . Alban's Episcopa l Church i n May 1988 . Unlike an y o f the abov e organization s i s the Interracial Lifestyl e Connection, locate d i n For t Smith , Arizona . Thi s grou p i s a cor respondence clu b fo r interracia l familie s an d peopl e wh o wis h t o write t o on e anothe r acros s racia l boundaries . Th e goa l i s fo r [19]

The Rainbow People of God

people to develo p friendships an d mee t on e another fo r interracia l dating. Political activis m i s the majo r facto r tha t distinguishe s th e con temporary multiracialis t group s fro m th e group s tha t existe d i n the earlie r par t o f th e century . Bot h th e AME A an d Projec t RAC E have don e wha t th e member s o f th e Manass a Society , Pengui n Club, Clu b Internationale , Clu b Miscegenation , an d th e Clu b o f Tomorrow woul d neve r hav e dreame d o f doing : i n 199 3 an d 1994 the y testifie d befor e federa l legislativ e bodie s i n th e hop e o f having mixed-rac e peopl e recognize d i n th e Unite d State s census . In 199 3 the y testifie d befor e th e subcommitte e o n th e censu s i n the Hous e o f Representatives , whic h eventuall y mad e a recom mendation t o th e OM B o n th e neede d modification s i n Directiv e No. 15 . I n 199 4 the y testifie d befor e th e OM B itself , sinc e i t i s responsible fo r an y modification s i n th e racia l categorie s o f th e directive. The ai m o f th e "censu s movement " o f th e multiracialist s i s t o convince th e federa l governmen t t o identif y mixed-rac e peopl e correctly a s "multiracial " rathe r tha n forcin g the m int o choosin g monoracial categories . B y counting multiracia l people , th e mul tiracialists say , th e governmen t wil l pu t a n en d t o th e historica l invisibility o f multiracia l peopl e i n thi s country . Specifically , th e AMEA an d Projec t RAC E wan t th e racia l classification s o f Direc tive No. 1 5 to ad d th e category "multiracial, " whic h Projec t RAC E wants define d a s " a perso n whos e parent s hav e origin s i n tw o o r more o f th e abov e [existent ] racia l an d ethni c categories." 11 Carlos Fernande z tol d th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e censu s that failur e t o recogniz e an d coun t multiracia l peopl e (preferabl y in th e wa y tha t th e multiracialist s outlined ) prevent s th e govern ment an d othe r agencie s fro m discoverin g an d assessin g th e need s of thi s populatio n o f people , need s tha t ma y requir e legislativ e o r judicial action "i f congres s deems such to be appropriate." 12 How ever, that legislativ e o r programmati c action s ma y b e required o f the federa l governmen t specificall y t o protec t multiracia l peopl e does no t preclud e th e multiracia l classificatio n fro m bein g decom pounded an d disperse d int o th e fou r traditiona l racia l categorie s [20]

The Rainbow People of God

around whic h curren t law s ar e built . Accordin g t o th e AME A an d Project RACE , followin g th e multiracia l categor y o n th e censu s form coul d b e a list of the existing categories o n which multiracia l people coul d chec k of f thei r particula r racia l combination . Thus , for th e opponent s o f th e censu s movemen t wh o worr y tha t th e multiracial categor y woul d dilut e th e coun t o f minorit y group s and diminis h th e benefit s goin g t o thes e groups , Fernande z gav e the Hous e subcommitte e o n th e censu s a read y response : "Sinc e many multiracia l peopl e hav e traditionall y bee n discriminate d against a s if they wer e monoracial , thei r continue d inclusio n i n a t least som e o f thes e program s woul d see m justifiable." 13 Sociolo gist Reginal d Daniel , a multiracialis t o f blac k an d whit e parent age, als o feel s tha t a breakdow n o f th e multiracia l classificatio n into th e traditiona l racia l categorie s woul d no t onl y b e justifiabl e but necessary : "W e must devis e a means o f statisticall y enumerat ing individuals who identif y themselve s a s multiracial i n a manne r that doe s not negativel y affec t th e measuring o f African America n demographics, potentiall y underminin g alread y besiege d policie s designed t o redres s th e continuin g effect s o f pas t racia l inequities . Otherwise, w e ma y ver y wel l revers e eve n furthe r thos e gain s achieved b y the civi l right s movemen t tha t no w make s th e recog nition o f multiracia l identit y a possibility." 14 Sall y Katzen , th e administrator o f th e O M B , responde d tha t a breakdow n o f a mul tiracial classificatio n wa s a possibility , s o tha t "multiracial " would b e a basi c categor y wit h subcategorie s tha t coul d b e dis persed int o the monoracial categories. 15 Besides these attempt s b y the AME A an d Projec t RAC E t o wor k out th e practica l matter s o f a multiracial classificatio n s o the gov ernment's statistica l need s can b e met, the directors o f these organi zations have spoken ferventl y abou t th e needs of their constituency . Carlos Fernandez tol d the House subcommitte e o n the census tha t the governmen t ha d n o busines s forcin g multiracia l peopl e t o select a monoracial classificatio n an d thereb y t o favo r on e paren t over th e othe r whe n multiracia l peopl e shoul d hav e th e righ t t o respect eac h o f thei r parent s equally . Wit h particula r regar d t o multiracial youth , Fernande z said : "Suc h a requiremen t offend s [21]

The Rainbow People of God personal dignit y an d interfere s i n a negativ e wa y wit h th e devel opment o f self-estee m o f multiracial/ethni c students." 1 6 Susa n Graham mad e a simila r commen t whe n sh e took he r Hous e testi mony befor e th e America n publi c o n a radio tal k sho w i n Augus t 1994. "Self-estee m i s really th e basi s fo r thi s entir e movement, " she remarked . "I f a multiracia l chil d ha s t o wal k ou t o f th e doo r in th e mornin g an d den y tha t hi s mothe r i s hi s mothe r o r hi s father i s his father , the n that' s obviousl y goin g t o affec t thei r self esteem. An d w e don' t thin k that' s a goo d choic e fo r a chil d t o have t o make." 1 7 Graha m ha s als o pointe d ou t tha t th e nam e changes tha t blac k American s hav e gon e throug h ove r th e cen turies ar e evidenc e o f th e importanc e o f a n appropriat e identifica tion fo r estee m purposes—eve n fo r multiracia l children. 18 This basi c tene t o f th e multiracia l movement , faithfull y hel d t o by interracia l parent s suc h a s Graham , ha s bee n confirme d a t th e grassroots leve l b y mixed-race peopl e themselves . A biracial ma n named Phi l Vernon believe s tha t havin g t o choos e on e racia l her itage ove r anothe r i s no t a goo d choic e fo r a n adult , le t alon e a child, i n tha t i t evoke s feeling s o f incongruit y an d disloyalty . H e cannot loo k to Norway fo r hi s complete ancestr y without rejectin g his black father , Vernon holds, and h e cannot loo k to Africa fo r hi s complete ancestry without rejectin g hi s white mother. 19 Ro y Harri son, founde r o f th e Californi a suppor t an d advocac y grou p calle d Mixed Rac e Peopl e o f Color , sai d th e sam e thin g i n hi s testimon y before th e O M B . Harriso n commente d tha t i n th e 1960 s hi s mother fel t rebuffe d whe n h e define d himsel f a s blac k rathe r tha n as bot h blac k an d white , an d tha t h e personall y fel t tha t h e ha d betrayed he r afte r al l th e year s o f lov e sh e ha d give n him . Bu t i n the 1960s , Harrison concluded , h e di d no t fee l h e ha d an y choic e about definin g himsel f a s black. 20 Thes e feeling s expresse d b y Vernon an d Harriso n ar e quit e legitimat e an d mus t b e expected . A s sociologist F . James Davi s point s out , i t i s ofte n a n affron t t o th e personal dignit y o f th e white paren t fo r multiracia l offsprin g t o b e forced automaticall y int o a black identit y b y the one-dro p rule . "I t is as if the chil d ha s onl y Africa n ancestors, " say s Davis, "a s i f th e white parent's famil y an d whit e ancestr y d o not exist." 21 [22]

The Rainbow People of God

Some multiracialist s hav e als o see n fi t t o poin t ou t instance s o f hypocrisy i n th e one-dro p rule . Fo r instance , Lor a Pierc e com plained tha t o n the television sho w A Different World, the charac ter o f Dwayn e Wayn e (playe d b y blac k acto r Kadee m Hardison ) dated th e characte r name d Whitle y (playe d b y mixed-race/black identified Jasmin e Guy) , bu t thei r relationshi p wa s no t portraye d as interracial . Th e hypocrisy , Pierc e point s out , i s that i f a whit e male were to dat e Whitley o n the show i t would hav e bee n treate d as a n interracia l relationship , eve n thoug h th e sam e actres s i s no t only part blac k bu t par t white. 22 Susan Graha m decide d tha t sh e would succum b neithe r t o th e insult nor t o the hypocrisy o f the one-drop rul e and doe s not wan t her multiracia l childre n t o adher e t o it . When sh e testifie d befor e the Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census , sh e tol d a stor y abou t receiving the 199 0 census form an d feelin g confuse d abou t ho w t o identify he r children . Sh e calle d th e Censu s Bureau , sh e said , which instructe d he r t o chec k th e rac e o f th e mother , sinc e th e mother o f a chil d (an d no t alway s th e father ) i s alway s known . Around th e sam e time , whe n enrollin g he r so n i n a Georgi a kindergarten, sh e lef t th e rac e selectio n bo x blan k becaus e ther e were onl y monoracia l categories . I n thi s instanc e a teache r "eye balled" he r chil d an d officiall y labele d hi m black . "Ironically, " Graham concluded , "m y chil d ha s bee n whit e o n th e Unite d States Census , blac k a t school , an d multiracia l a t home , al l a t th e same time." 23 Graha m als o pointe d ou t th e fac t tha t som e state s identify multiracia l childre n b y the race o f the mother (a s the Cen sus Bureau instructe d he r t o do) , while othe r state s g o b y the rac e of th e father , s o tha t withou t th e guidanc e o f th e federa l govern ment ther e would continu e t o b e confusion a t the state level abou t the procedure fo r identifyin g multiracia l children . It wa s Graham' s objectio n t o thi s confusio n an d th e negativ e impact sh e fel t i t ha d o n he r ow n childre n a s wel l a s o n other s that le d her t o foun d Projec t RAC E an d eventuall y t o testif y befor e the Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census : "Whethe r I like it o r not , I realize tha t self-estee m i s directly tie d t o accurat e racia l identity . More an d mor e parent s al l ove r ou r countr y ar e instillin g ne w [23]

The Rainbow People of God pride in our multiracia l children . Ca n we say we have succeeded if our childre n leav e hom e onl y t o b e denie d a n equa l plac e i n ou r society?" 24 Senato r William Keatin g supporte d thi s position i n hi s brief remark s befor e th e O M B , H e sai d tha t b y havin g a multira cial categor y peopl e ca n fee l tha t thei r famil y i s a uni t an d recog nized a s suc h b y society. 25 Withi n th e educationa l arena , th e Massachusetts Paren t Teache r Studen t Associatio n (Massachu setts PTA) , whic h ha s a membership o f 15,000 , told th e OM B tha t they endors e th e us e o f a multiracial categor y s o that student s d o not hav e to den y on e parent. 26 Mark Mathabane , a blac k Sout h Africa n novelist , an d hi s white America n wif e ar e amon g th e interracia l parent s wh o ar e instilling ne w prid e i n thei r multiracia l children . Mathaban e sai d to hi s firstbor n daughter : "You r fathe r i s black . . . . And you r mother i s white. Yo u unit e th e bes t i n bot h o f us . You're a testa ment to ou r belie f i n the oneness of humankind. Neve r allo w soci ety to forc e yo u t o choos e betwee n on e o r th e other . You'r e both , you're beautifu l an d b e proud." 27 Bein g proud o f bein g "both " i s also wha t Graha m ha s taugh t he r children , wh o ar e no w legall y "multiracial" i n Georgi a du e t o th e legislatio n Projec t RAC E helped sponso r i n that state . In fact, Graha m ha d he r proud eight year-old so n Rya n tel l the Hous e subcommitte e o n th e censu s jus t how happ y h e wa s t o b e multiracia l an d ho w sorr y h e wa s fo r children whos e state s d o no t ye t permi t the m t o b e identifie d a s such. Rya n said , " I fee l grea t becaus e I am multiracial . . . . I like being multiracia l an d I fee l goo d abou t it . . . . I thin k w e nee d multiracial o n form s fo r al l kid s lik e m e an d m y littl e siste r no w because I think it' s the righ t thin g to do." 2 8 The ol d schoo l for m tha t Susa n Graha m ha d t o fil l ou t fo r he r son Ryan di d not eve n have an "other " category . But even if it had , most sympathizer s o f th e multiracia l movemen t understan d wh y that particular categor y is offensive t o many mixed-race people. Jan Haley, president o f the Colorad o Congres s o f Parents an d Teacher s (Colorado PTA) , sai d tha t thei r membershi p o f 40,00 0 feel s tha t "other" implie s "no t identifiable." 29 Georg e Dailey, former coordi nator o f th e elementar y an d secondar y educatio n progra m fo r th e [Ml

The Rainbow People of God Census Bureau , argue d i n hi s testimon y befor e th e OM B tha t "other" fail s t o b e a celebration o f th e diversit y o f America' s citi zenry becaus e i t make s peopl e fee l the y ar e "secon d class." 30 H e remarked o f th e category , "It' s no t abou t includin g someone , it' s about excludin g someone." 31 With the arguments mad e b y Susan Graha m an d he r so n Ryan, b y Jan Haley , Georg e Dailey , an d othe r previousl y mentione d mul tiracialists, Project RAC E wa s abl e t o hel p legislator s i n Ohio , Illinois, an d Georgi a pas s law s mandatin g tha t al l form s i n th e primary an d secondar y school s carr y th e categor y "multiracial. " For instance , i n Georgia , a s o f Jul y i , 1994 , ever y schoo l for m and employmen t applicatio n i n ever y stat e agenc y mus t carr y th e multiracial category . Th e Georgi a legislation , accordin g t o Senat e Bill 149 , stil l allow s fo r som e dispersa l o f th e state' s multiracia l population int o th e existin g racia l categorie s whe n thos e dat a ar e needed. The bil l reads a s follows : In any instance in which it is required that racial data collected by a state agency be reported to a federal agency , the computation o f all persons designated o n state forms o r other document s a s multiracial shall be reported b y such state agency as multiracial. However, if any such federal agenc y deems the multiracial designatio n unacceptable, then the reporting state agency shall, upon resubmissio n of such data, redesignate the multiracial population b y allocating a percentage of the number of persons comprising such population to each federally acceptabl e racial or ethnic classification. 32 Similar legislation sponsore d b y Project RAC E ha s been introduce d in Michigan an d Ne w York , an d withou t th e assistanc e o f Projec t RACE a simila r la w ha s alread y bee n passe d i n Wyoming . B y whatever means , th e goa l o f Projec t RAC E i s t o se e ever y stat e enact legislatio n mandatin g a multiracia l categor y an d t o se e "multiracial" becom e a n accepte d classificatio n o n th e 200 0 cen sus. I n addition , Projec t RAC E announce d i n th e fal l o f 199 4 tha t they ar e considerin g filin g class-actio n complaint s wit h th e Offic e of Civi l Rights for peopl e who fee l tha t the y or thei r childre n hav e [25]

The Rainbow People of God

been hur t b y pas t o r presen t method s o f racia l classification. 33 With thi s kin d o f momentu m an d suppor t behin d them , specifi cally wit h parents , educators , legislators , an d th e myria d multira cialist group s workin g t o mak e th e ter m "multiracial " a positiv e identification, increasin g number s o f interracia l parent s through out th e country hav e bee n instilling in their children prid e in bein g multiracial. Thus , th e ide a o f havin g multiracia l peopl e chec k th e appropriate combinatio n o f monoracia l boxe s o n th e Unite d States censu s withou t bein g abl e t o identif y themselve s firs t a s multiracial i s not satisfactor y t o Graham. 34 " I objec t t o an y for mat tha t doe s no t includ e th e ter m 'multiracial,' " Graha m sai d adamantly t o th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census. 35 "Parents , school districts , stat e legislature s an d organization s ar e showin g us wha t the y want . The y wan t a n accurat e categor y fo r multira cial children , no t 'mixed, ' no t 'other, ' bu t 'multiracial.'" 3 6 Gra ham als o wrote a poem t o thi s effect, whic h sh e published i n New People magazine . Title d "I' m No t a n 'Other,' " Graha m end s th e last stanz a wit h th e couplet : "An d i f yo u canno t chec k on e box/don't chec k two." 3 7 Graham als o argue d befor e th e Hous e subcommitte e tha t th e multiracial categor y i s n o les s vali d tha n th e othe r censu s cate gories, i n par t becaus e al l multiracia l peopl e fee l a kinshi p an d historical bond . Sh e pointed t o th e suppor t group s fo r multiracia l people an d interracia l familie s tha t hav e emerge d i n mos t states , in majo r cities , an d o n colleg e campuses , group s sh e sai d wer e formed becaus e multiracia l peopl e shar e simila r historical , cul tural, an d socia l characteristics. 38 Fernande z similarl y argue d before th e censu s subcommitte e tha t h e consider s multiracia l an d multiethnic peopl e to b e a "community " tha t deserve s recognitio n and respec t lik e an y othe r community. 39 Cynthi a Chamble , o f Brooklyn, concur s an d endearingl y refer s t o th e multiracia l com munity a s the "Interrac e Nation." 40 Many black s frow n upo n th e entir e multiracia l movemen t an d feel tha t i t is simply a lack o f self-estee m o n th e part o f white par ents t o wan t thei r mixed-rac e childre n t o clai m a part-white iden tity alongsid e thei r blac k identity . Blacks feel thi s way particularl y [26]

The Rainbow People of God

in light o f the fact tha t thi s racist societ y will still view mixed-rac e children a s black . Bu t th e feeling s Graha m displays , feeling s tha t prompted he r political activism , ar e natural huma n responses . We can see this in an instance where the tides are turned. I n Novembe r 1993, televisio n tal k sho w hos t Sall y Jessy Raphae l interviewe d several biracia l girl s wh o ha d rejecte d hal f o f thei r racia l back ground. Tw o o f th e girl s ha d rejecte d bein g par t blac k an d on e rejected bein g par t white . On e o f th e girls , Latoya , wh o rejecte d being par t black , prompte d th e sam e kin d o f respons e fro m he r black mothe r tha t ofte n come s fro m whit e parent s whos e biracia l children choos e o r ar e force d int o th e monoracia l blac k identity . Latoya's mother sai d i t is hard t o accep t the fact tha t he r daughte r has decide d tha t sh e want s t o tur n he r bac k o n th e blac k rac e because i t makes he r fee l tha t Latoy a ha s als o turne d he r bac k o n her a s a blac k woman . Latoya' s mothe r continued , "I' m Mom , first an d foremost . . . . Just becaus e you'r e biracia l doesn' t mea n that yo u ca n just automaticall y divorc e me , you know?" 4 1 Just a s there ar e many black s who hav e no t considere d th e nat ural feeling s o f whit e parent s wh o fee l lef t ou t o f th e racia l iden tity o f thei r children , s o ar e ther e man y black s wh o wil l fee l appalled a t Latoya's behavior . Bu t another thin g we should under stand abou t multiracia l identit y i s that Latoy a i s just a s likel y t o fluctuate i n he r identit y durin g th e cours e o f he r lifetime . Le t u s take twenty-two-year-ol d Daniell e William s a s a n example . Danielle's whit e mothe r an d blac k fathe r wer e divorce d whe n sh e was young , an d Daniell e wa s raise d b y he r mother . Eve n thoug h her mother' s whit e famil y ha d disowne d he r mothe r fo r marryin g a blac k man , th e irresponsibilit y o f Danielle' s fathe r i n payin g child suppor t an d hi s overal l disinteres t i n the famil y lef t Daniell e with a negativ e impressio n o f blacks . O n th e othe r hand , Danielle's mothe r neve r disappointe d her , not t o mentio n tha t sh e (like s o many othe r youn g daughters ) wante d t o b e lik e an d loo k like he r mother . Du e t o thes e factors , an d especiall y becaus e sh e was raise d b y her mothe r i n a white neighborhood , whit e identit y became Danielle' s orientation. 42 Moreover , Danielle' s mothe r wa s able t o shiel d he r fro m th e racis m o f white s wh o recognize d tha t [27]

The Rainbow People of God

Danielle wa s no t whit e (o r completel y so) . Fo r instance , o n a n occasion whe n Daniell e wa s i n secon d grad e o r so , he r teache r had eac h studen t i n th e clas s stan d an d discus s thei r family' s reli gion, culture , an d ethnicity . Daniell e stoo d an d sai d sh e was (lik e her mother ) Irish-Catholic . Th e teache r responde d b y sayin g i n front o f th e clas s tha t Daniell e obviousl y di d no t kno w wha t sh e was talkin g abou t an d neede d t o g o home an d as k he r mothe r fo r the truth. 43 Despit e suc h experience s o f racia l insensitivity , i f no t outright racism , Danielle coul d stil l be raised a s white becaus e sh e was unde r th e carefu l protectio n o f he r mother . Bu t late r i n he r life outsid e th e home , t o sho w ho w identitie s ma y fluctuat e fo r mixed-race people , Daniell e mad e a complet e tur n an d becam e oriented t o a blac k identity . I t happene d a t a women' s colleg e where sh e was treate d badl y b y white female s bu t nicel y b y blac k females. A s a resul t o f thes e dynamics , Daniell e starte d learnin g more abou t blac k histor y an d culture , whic h ha d th e surprisin g effect o f buildin g som e distanc e betwee n he r an d he r whit e mother an d white friends. I n fact, Daniell e becam e frustrated wit h her mothe r becaus e sh e could no t understan d wha t i t meant t o b e the objec t o f racism . A t th e sam e time , however , ther e wer e som e blacks wh o stil l fel t tha t Daniell e wa s no t blac k enough , perhap s partly becaus e sh e ha d difficult y acceptin g th e blac k separatis t ideology an d th e ide a tha t al l white s b e loathed . I n th e end , because o f thes e cross-pressures , Daniell e starte d movin g towar d a media n identit y b y calling herself a "black/biracial " woman. 44 There ar e stil l man y black s wh o woul d fee l somewha t disap pointed b y Danielle' s watered-dow n blac k identit y an d appalle d by th e kin d o f behavio r displaye d b y Latoy a bu t wh o woul d no t feel a t al l concerne d i f eithe r o f the m ha d rejecte d thei r whit e ancestry. Suc h black s evidentl y fee l tha t mixed-rac e peopl e wit h one blac k paren t shoul d automaticall y an d unconditionall y rejec t the whit e sid e o f thei r lineag e becaus e white s hav e bee n th e tradi tional oppressor s o f blacks . But i t is this ver y attitude— a narro w black nationalis m tha t place s limitation s o n wha t i t mean s t o b e black—which i s partly responsibl e fo r th e multiracia l movement . The multiracialists especiall y detes t this kind o f attitud e becaus e i t [28]

The Rainbow People of God

overlooks th e fac t tha t mixed-rac e peopl e sometime s hav e uniqu e experiences tha t resul t i n thei r takin g a n identit y othe r tha n o r i n addition t o black . The narro w blac k nationalis t attitud e overlook s the fac t tha t whil e som e mixed-rac e peopl e settl e o n a monoracia l identity, others , a s a result o f bein g raise d i n a n interracia l home , have flui d identitie s tha t adjus t t o th e immediat e context . Suc h a person ma y fee l biracia l a t home , whit e amon g acceptin g whit e grandparents, an d blac k amon g blac k relative s o r i n a n all-whit e classroom. Psychologist Christin e Iijim a Hall , herself o f blac k an d Japanes e parentage, confirmed , throug h he r intervie w o f thirt y mixed-rac e people o f blac k an d Japanes e parentage , tha t mixed-rac e peopl e have differen t experience s tha t g o int o determinin g whic h par t o f their ancestr y the y identif y with . Sh e points ou t tha t man y black Japanese intermarriage s too k plac e amon g blac k serviceme n located i n Japan , an d tha t wit h th e blac k fathe r awa y o n dut y sometimes fo r si x t o nin e month s a year , som e o f th e childre n o f these marriage s gro w u p culturall y Japanes e an d almos t com pletely unfamilia r wit h th e Africa n America n heritage. 45 Fo r instance, on e o f Hall' s interviewee s chos e t o identif y solel y a s Japanese becaus e sh e had live d i n Japan mos t o f he r life. 46 I n gen eral, Hall foun d tha t black-Japanes e biracial s wh o wer e older , les s knowledgeable o f blac k culture , ha d fewe r blac k friends , an d fel t accepted b y Japanese Americans tended t o choose a category othe r than black . O n th e other hand , those who were young, had knowl edge o f blac k culture , ha d predominantl y blac k friends , an d fel t unaccepted b y Japanese American s tende d t o identif y a s black. 47 There ar e thu s ver y legitimat e factor s tha t ca n explai n wh y a mixed-race perso n wit h partia l blac k ancestr y migh t choos e a n identity othe r tha n o r i n addition t o black . On e o f these reasons i s the post-19 60s surge in black nationalism, which has continued t o this da y t o defin e blac k ver y narrowl y an d sometime s eve n arro gantly. While we can understan d ho w this black nationalis m aros e and eve n wh y i t ha s bee n necessar y i n orde r t o pus h thos e o n th e political righ t towar d mor e compromisin g positions , w e ca n stil l see ho w narro w definition s o f blac k hav e isolate d thos e mixed [29]

The Rainbow People of God

race peopl e whos e experience s hav e no t bee n s o narrow . W e ca n also se e wher e insistin g tha t mixed-rac e peopl e spur n th e whit e half o f their famil y an d identit y coul d b e difficult. Jus t a s it is said by som e coloure d Sout h African s tha t the y coul d neve r full y shu n the white Afrikaan s peopl e who ar e part o f themselves an d whos e white "blood " flow s i n thei r veins , s o i s it tha t man y mixed-rac e people o f blac k an d whit e parentag e canno t shu n white s becaus e they would b e condemning hal f o f themselves . The difficult y peopl e o f mixe d rac e hav e i n disownin g thei r partial whit e ancestr y an d th e peopl e whos e whit e lineag e the y share i s evidenced i n Sout h Africa n history . During th e blac k con sciousness movemen t i n South Africa, man y coloure d peopl e wer e choosing t o becom e black , bu t i n doin g s o wer e reall y cuttin g against th e grai n o f kinshi p the y ha d historicall y share d wit h whites, particularl y th e whit e Afrikaan s people . Nonetheless , u p until 199 0 black s an d coloured s wer e somewha t unifie d (a s uni fied a s they ha d eve r been) . But o n Februar y 2 , 1990 , President F. W. d e Kler k deplete d som e o f th e impetu s behin d th e blac k con sciousness movemen t wit h hi s famou s speec h tha t unbanne d th e political organization s (includin g th e Africa n Nationa l Congress) , announced th e releas e o f Nelso n Mandel a fro m prison , an d tha t in genera l bega n th e proces s tha t le d u p t o th e Apri l 199 4 elec tions. Thi s speec h too k th e win d ou t o f th e sail s o f th e blac k con sciousness movemen t becaus e i t suggested t o coloure d peopl e tha t South Africa' s racia l climat e wa s changin g an d tha t i t wa s th e white Afrikaan s peopl e (o f th e Nationa l Party ) wh o ha d begu n that proces s o f change . Bu t th e Reveren d Davi d Botha , a whit e Afrikaans ministe r o f th e then-coloure d Dutc h Reforme d Missio n Church who lon g advocated th e integration o f white an d coloure d Afrikaans people , insiste d tha t th e coloure d peopl e wer e no t sim ply manipulate d politicall y int o rekindlin g thei r fait h i n whites a s governmental leaders . H e tol d m e tha t thei r mov e awa y fro m black consciousnes s followin g d e Klerk' s 199 0 speec h wa s th e result o f th e feelin g o f mos t coloure d peopl e tha t the y ar e ver y close t o th e whit e Afrikaan s peopl e an d culture , s o clos e tha t given th e righ t condition s (suc h a s those se t b y d e Klerk's speech ) [30]

The Rainbow People of God

the coloure d peopl e woul d alway s choos e t o sid e with thei r whit e Afrikaans kindre d ove r th e blacks . Both a sai d tha t h e kne w al l along tha t whe n th e whit e Afrikaan s peopl e apologize d an d wel comed the m back , th e coloure d peopl e woul d rus h t o thos e ope n arms n o matte r ho w intens e wa s th e histor y o f their pain . Coloured historia n Ro y d u Pr e verifies Botha' s view s abou t th e way coloure d peopl e fee l towar d thei r whit e kindred . D u Pr e call s coloureds th e "bloo d brothers " o f th e whit e Afrikaan s people , blood brother s wh o wer e reall y a par t o f th e "Europea n nation " in Sout h Afric a an d differen t fro m white s onl y i n ski n colo r an d so-called mixe d blood. 48 Lik e Botha , d u Pr e als o say s that despit e the way whites have treated th e coloured people , "bloo d i s thicker than water. " H e explains , "N o matte r ho w the y figh t an d squab ble, a famil y stand s togethe r i n th e fac e o f dange r o r destructio n and white s an d coloured s are , an d hav e alway s been , family." 49 The coloure d nationalist s I spok e wit h i n Cap e Tow n als o sai d that whil e blac k Sout h African s hav e bee n tryin g t o ge t coloure d people awa y fro m th e whites an d hav e accuse d coloure d peopl e of wanting t o "pla y white," th e fac t i s that ther e i s an ancestral , his torical, an d cultura l linkag e betwee n th e whit e an d coloure d Afrikaans communities . The Apri l 199 4 electio n seem s t o prov e Both a an d d u Pr e right . The backlas h o f d e Klerk's speec h wa s tha t man y coloure d peopl e felt tha t perhap s the y wer e n o longe r bein g rejecte d b y the whit e Afrikaans communit y an d therefor e n o longe r ha d t o joi n force s with blacks . One significant resul t is that the coloured vot e went t o the Nationa l Party , thu s makin g th e Wester n Cap e th e onl y province t o hav e a white premie r (governor) . Hence , the politica l identity o f blacknes s champione d b y th e black-consciousnes s movement (politica l becaus e blacknes s embrace d al l o f th e politi cally disenfranchise d people ) wa s no t sufficien t t o sustai n unit y between black s an d a mixed peopl e wh o di d no t trul y identif y a s black. Th e politica l identit y o f blac k wa s thu s a thin venee r tha t could b e easily scrape d awa y whe n th e politica l climat e changed . With thi s exampl e perhap s w e ca n se e tha t th e insistenc e tha t mixed-race black s have a particular politica l orientation (Democra t [31]

The Rainbow People of God

rather tha n Republican) , a particular cultura l proclivit y (celebrat e Kwanzaa instea d o f th e "white " Christmas) , o r a certain religiou s affiliation (Baptis t rathe r tha n Episcopalian ) ha s mad e "black " rather repressive , if not repulsive , to som e mixed-race people . This selectiv e definin g o f blac k ha s bee n occurrin g fo r a goo d part o f blac k America n history , s o there i s much fo r u s to rethin k in term s o f ou r behavior . Fo r instance , becaus e som e black s per sisted i n remainin g member s o f historicall y whit e denominations , such a s th e Episcopa l church , earl y scholar s o f th e blac k churc h tended t o questio n thei r blac k identity . E. Franklin Frazie r claime d that member s o f th e ne w blac k middl e clas s sough t t o separat e themselves fro m thei r blac k root s b y severin g relationship s wit h the blac k Baptis t an d Methodis t churche s an d joinin g th e white dominated Episcopal , Presbyterian , an d Congregationa l churche s whose culture d worshi p permitte d escap e fro m lower-clas s blac k status. 50 Booke r T . Washington claime d tha t i f black s wer e any thing bu t Baptis t o r Methodist , the n whit e Christian s ha d bee n tampering wit h thei r minds. 51 Naturally , black s i n non-blac k denominations resente d bein g viewe d a s elite s who wer e attempt ing to elud e the blac k communit y an d th e Souther n idiosyncrasie s of blac k religion . W e ca n imagin e tha t mixed-rac e people , too , with thei r mor e varie d cultura l experience s resultin g fro m th e transgressing o f tw o racia l worlds , ar e equall y resentfu l whe n asked t o b e black i n a certain prescribe d way . Some of th e pressure o n mixed-rac e black s to den y part o f wh o they ar e i n favo r o f acceptin g onl y th e blac k sid e o f thei r ancestr y comes fro m certai n Afrocentrists . I n a n articl e entitle d "Racin g t o Leave th e Race, " Afrocentris t Molef i Asant e say s tha t suc h mul tiracialist magazine s a s Interrace an d New People giv e hi m th e impression tha t self-hatre d amon g som e black s i s a t a n all-tim e high, insofa r a s bot h magazine s advocat e fo r th e creatio n o f a third rac e in addition t o blac k an d white . In the context o f a racis t society, continues Asante , white parent s wan t thei r mixe d childre n to hav e th e sam e privilege s the y enjoy , bu t thes e childre n ar e b y tradition considere d black . Becaus e i n this racist societ y blacknes s is viewed as negative, concludes Asante, the multiracialists attemp t [3*1

The Rainbow People of God

to minimiz e th e effect s o f thi s negativit y b y claimin g the y ar e nei ther blac k no r white , bu t multiracial. 52 Thi s kin d o f Afrocentri c criticism i s bothersome t o th e multiracialists . Edwin Darden , a n Africa n America n wit h tw o multiracia l chil dren, als o founde r o f th e Interracia l Famil y Circl e i n Washington , D.C., feels tha t on e of the problems o f Afrocentrism i s its assump tion tha t mixed-rac e black s ar e solel y black. 53 Similarly , Reginal d Daniel contend s tha t i f w e ar e t o mov e awa y fro m Eurocentris m then w e shoul d als o mov e completel y awa y fro m th e Europea n "either-or" worldvie w tha t ha s dominate d Wester n though t fo r centuries. Thi s "either-or " perspectiv e shoul d b e replace d wit h a worldview tha t incorporate s th e concep t o f "both/and, " say s Daniel, s o tha t someon e suc h a s himsel f ca n b e bot h blac k an d white. Th e erro r o f Afrocentrism , h e concludes , i s tha t i t ofte n wishes t o replac e Eurocentri c half-truth s wit h Afrocentri c half truths. 5 4 Th e replacemen t o f blac k truth s fo r whit e truth s i s exactly what mixed-rac e peopl e sometime s ge t when the y hear th e public rhetori c o f blac k nationalis t figures . Thus , Franci s Wardle , a white psychologist marrie d t o a black woman wh o i s the mothe r of their biracia l child , expresses th e sentimen t o f many multiracia l people whe n h e criticize s th e anti-whit e speeche s o f th e radica l black Muslim , Khalid Muhammad . Wardl e say s that b y definitio n an anti-whit e speec h i s anti-multiracia l whe n par t o f th e geneti c and cultura l ancestr y o f the multiracia l perso n i s white. 55 In a n articl e entitle d "Th e Melani n Myth, " Rainie r Spencer , a young ma n o f blac k an d whit e parentage , similarl y criticize s Pro fessor Leonar d Jeffrie s fo r hi s Afrocentri c claim s abou t melani n making black s (th e so-calle d su n people ) mor e friendly , coopera tive, an d superio r tha n th e melanin-deficien t white s (th e so-calle d ice people) . "Wha t the n doe s thi s wa y o f thinkin g impl y abou t those o f u s with mixe d heritages? " Spence r asks . What i t implies , he answers , i s tha t mixed-rac e peopl e ar e inherentl y defective . How unfortunat e an d ironi c it is to fin d a black professor claimin g that race-mixin g lead s t o mongrelization , Spence r chides , sinc e most blac k American s hav e som e degre e o f Europea n ancestry . Even i f the theor y wer e true , Spence r says , what Jeffrie s espouse s [33]

The Rainbow People of God would resul t i n a syste m o f judgin g peopl e no t b y th e conten t o f their characte r bu t solel y b y the color o f their skin. 56 After severa l centuries o f racist whites telling blacks they are inferior becaus e of their darkness , Spence r concludes , th e las t thin g w e nee d i s a group o f racis t black s perpetuatin g theorie s tha t sugges t mixed race black s ar e inferior becaus e the y ar e not dar k enough. 57 A lo t o f thi s blac k nationalis t rhetori c an d blac k supremacis t ideology trickle s dow n int o th e consciousnes s o f blac k youth s a t colleges an d universities , th e formativ e year s durin g whic h suc h literature i s being rea d (i n an d ou t o f class ) an d wher e ideologue s on th e lectur e circui t propagat e thei r beliefs . Th e acceptanc e o f these belief s b y blac k student s result s i n mixed-rac e black s bein g criticized whe n the y rejec t th e racia l separatis m tha t i s bein g taught. A college-aged multiracia l name d Nomathomb i Martin i said tha t suc h blac k nationalis t tal k o f separatis m i s bothersom e to hi m becaus e h e doe s no t wis h t o den y eithe r sid e o f hi s ances try. Martin i feel s thi s wa y mainl y becaus e h e doe s no t wan t t o have t o choos e betwee n hi s blac k fathe r an d hi s whit e mothe r o r between hi s blac k an d whit e friends. 58 However, Martin i i s no t alon e i n hi s anxieties . Othe r mixed race people , age s twenty-somethin g an d up , fee l likewise . Lis a Feldstein recall s tha t sh e wa s bothere d b y th e separatis t rhetori c of blac k nationalist s i n colleg e wh o insiste d sh e ha d to o man y white friend s an d neede d t o choos e side s betwee n black s an d whites. Bu t ski n colo r an d rac e wer e neve r th e ultimat e tes t fo r Lisa i n term s o f wh o wa s o r wa s no t faithfu l t o th e goal s o f th e black struggle . Fo r afte r al l i t wa s he r whit e (Jewish ) fathe r wh o was involve d i n the civi l rights movemen t whil e he r blac k mothe r was no t involve d an d neve r ha d an y stron g feeling s abou t black s being unified. 59 Similarly , a multiracia l name d Joh n Blak e con fessed tha t h e could no t vie w al l whites a s evil because hi s mothe r is white . Furthermore , a s a Christia n h e coul d no t accep t th e notion tha t th e white rac e is inherently evil. 6° Zenobia Kujichagu lia sai d o f th e stereotype s abou t white s bein g evil , that i t woul d have bee n muc h easie r i f her whit e mothe r an d relative s ha d bee n racists. But sinc e they treate d he r well , she could no t simpl y rejec t [34]

The Rainbow People of God her whit e ancestr y a s undeservin g o f inclusio n i n he r identity. 61 Anne Vespry , a Canadia n o f blac k an d whit e parentage , say s tha t what anger s he r i s when peopl e ridicul e he r fo r identifyin g hersel f as mixed an d whe n the y affron t hal f o f who sh e is by belittling al l that i s white. 62 Ny a Patrino s pu t th e latte r complain t succinctl y when sh e explaine d tha t sh e coul d no t b e militan t an d loath e whites becaus e sh e would b e abhorring hal f o f herself. 63 It i s suc h ideolog y comin g fro m black s an d comparabl e ideol ogy coming fro m white s tha t le d on e anonymou s mixed-rac e ma n from Kansa s t o mov e toward a median identity , a n identit y tha t i s free o f suc h troublin g aspect s o f blac k an d white . H e say s tha t a s a mixed-rac e perso n h e is too prou d t o succum b t o white o r blac k supremacist ideologie s an d thereb y suffocat e himsel f i n eithe r group. 64 Indeed , th e blac k communit y canno t hol d certai n peopl e in limbo—uneas y wit h thei r interracia l marriage s o r thei r bira cialness — and expec t the m t o wai t aroun d fo r acceptance , a n acceptance tha t i s often tenuous . Moreover, mixed-rac e peopl e d o not nee d t o g o throug h lif e feelin g tha t the y ar e a t wa r wit h hal f of themselve s o r maintainin g a double-consciousnes s tha t i s con stantly i n a due l wit h itself . Fo r mixed-rac e peopl e t o embrac e their whit e lineag e ma y b e th e onl y wa y fo r the m t o mak e peac e within themselves , an d fo r blac k peopl e t o permi t the m t o d o s o may b e the only way they will ever make peace with th e blac k sid e of thei r ancestry . The rea l challeng e fo r th e blac k communit y comes , however, wit h the fac t tha t man y multiracialist s ar e no t simpl y askin g black s t o accept mixed-rac e peopl e a s bot h blac k an d white . Wha t man y multiracialists ar e reall y askin g for , i f no t demanding , i s fo r mixed-race peopl e t o b e accepte d a s a rac e apar t fro m bot h th e parent races— a rac e tha t woul d b e calle d "multiracial. " I n thi s regard, Susa n Graha m tol d th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e cen sus tha t he r childre n hav e thre e histories : "The y hav e thei r father's history , their mother' s history , an d the y hav e a multiracia l history, too, and the y d o identify wit h othe r multiracial people." 65 About he r children' s multiracia l history , Graha m sai d that , lik e [35]

The Rainbow People of God

other group s o f people , thei r grou p i s no differen t i n sharin g his torical characteristics : "Th e Mestizo s o f Brazi l an d Coloured s o f South Afric a hav e ver y specifi c multiracia l histories . . . . Durin g the plantatio n era , th e union s o f Whit e plantatio n owner s an d Black slav e women produce d 'mulatto ' childre n i n great numbers . Yes, w e hav e share d history. " Sh e continued : "Unfortunately , oppression i s sometimes the common denominato r i n shared iden tity. Historically , oppresse d peopl e shar e clos e bonds . Th e realit y that multiracia l peopl e o f numerou s racia l combination s hav e been unabl e t o embrac e thei r entir e heritag e has , indeed, strongl y banded the m togethe r a s a very distinc t category." 66 Some black s migh t argu e tha t th e oppressio n tha t mixed-rac e people fac e i s no t s o muc h du e t o thei r bein g multiracia l bu t because the y ar e no t white , an d specificall y becaus e on e o f thei r parents i s blac k an d dare d t o lur e someon e whit e int o marriag e and miscegenation . Perhap s thi s coul d accoun t fo r harassmen t b y racist whites , bu t par t o f th e histor y o f oppressio n tha t mixed race black s suffe r come s fro m th e hand s o f black s themselves . This is an experienc e tha t ca n b e especially painful fo r mixed-rac e people wh o identif y a s blac k bu t wh o loo k whit e an d ar e denie d recognition an d equa l treatmen t i n th e blac k community . Tha t such mistreatment come s a t the hands o f children doe s not chang e the fac t tha t thi s harrassmen t i s black-on-black . I n fact , i t seem s likely that bein g of mixed-race i s more difficult a s a child, becaus e children, wh o hav e a unidimensiona l rathe r tha n multidimen sional vie w o f race , engag e i n name-callin g an d othe r suc h crue l behaviors. 67 Bu t th e fac t tha t adult s ma y ten d t o b e bette r tha n children i n th e treatmen t o f mixed-rac e peopl e doe s no t necessar ily erase the memory o f racia l abus e a s a child. In fact, suc h mem ories probabl y creat e a sensitivit y t o th e mor e subtl e form s o f abuse o r bia s that mixed-rac e peopl e fac e fro m som e black s whe n they ar e adults . Numerous example s ca n b e provided o f mixed-rac e adult s wh o have no t forgotte n thei r racia l brutalizatio n b y blac k childre n when the y wer e young . On e mixed-rac e man , wh o goe s b y th e pen nam e o f Jamoo, say s that base d o n hi s experience , black s ar e [36]

The Rainbow People of God

usually mor e crue l t o biracia l kid s tha n white s are . H e recalle d having bee n called "whit e boy " b y black kids , and h e remembere d several mixed-rac e girl s wh o wer e harasse d an d bea t up . On e o f these girl s wa s victimize d b y a blac k gir l wh o trie d t o cu t of f he r long hai r becaus e sh e was jealou s o f her. 68 Emm a Baker , a senio r mixed-race woman , ha s neve r forgotte n tha t a s a chil d black s called her "half-whit e bitch " an d "half-whit e monkey." 69 Sh e says, "In m y world , you'r e no t quit e whit e an d you'r e no t quit e black." 70 A young mixed-rac e woma n name d Omatte e Carrasc o similarly recall s bein g tol d b y blac k childre n tha t sh e talk s lik e a white gir l an d eve n think s sh e i s white. When sh e was i n college , the adult s wer e mor e subtl e b y accusin g he r o f no t bein g blac k enough. 71 Ros a Emili a Warder , a young woma n als o o f blac k an d white parentage , recall s tha t a s a chil d blac k childre n calle d he r "honkey nigger " an d tied her long braided hair to a railing. On th e other hand , whil e he r father' s blac k famil y accepte d he r whit e mother, he r mother' s famil y neve r accepte d he r blac k fathe r an d she has neve r me t an y o f he r whit e relatives . It i s probably du e t o the experienc e o f marginalizatio n b y black s an d white s tha t Warder see s herself no t a s black o r white, but a s both. 72 Countless book s an d theorie s hav e explaine d th e basi s fo r an d the natur e o f whit e discriminatio n agains t blacks , bu t fa r fewe r attempts hav e bee n mad e t o explai n th e kin d o f discriminatio n blacks practic e o n thei r mixed-rac e kindred . On e o f th e bes t explanations fo r thi s black-on-blac k harassmen t i s given b y Nil a Gupta, a mixed-rac e Canadia n o f Eas t India n an d Frenc h Cana dian parentage. Gupt a say s that blac k women ofte n accus e mixed race wome n o f wantin g t o b e whit e bu t tha t suc h internalize d racism, commo n t o al l peopl e o f color , i s merely bein g projecte d onto them . Tha t i s to say , mixed-race peopl e fac e th e sam e strug gles as black women. 73 In additio n t o th e discriminatio n tha t mixed-rac e black s suffe r from th e internalize d racis m commo n t o al l peopl e o f color , mixed-race peopl e hav e suffere d fro m a histor y o f discriminatio n resulting fro m th e deepl y roote d fea r o f miscegenatio n i n Ameri can society . Thi s fea r embrace s belie f i n th e degenerac y o f mixe d [37]

The Rainbow People of God

offspring an d therefor e th e possibilit y tha t societ y a s a whol e could becom e "mongrelized. " Indeed , i t wa s onl y i n 1967 , o n June 12 , in th e cas e o f Loving v. Virginia, tha t th e Unite d State s Supreme Cour t struc k dow n th e las t antimiscegenatio n law s tha t had banne d interracia l marriage . Thes e law s wer e stil l o n th e books i n almos t one-thir d o f th e states—Virginia , Alabama , Arkansas, Delaware , Florida , Georgia , Kentucky , Louisiana , Mis sissippi, Missouri , Nort h Carolina , Oklahoma , Sout h Carolina , Tennessee, Texas , an d Wes t Virginia . Befor e thi s Suprem e Cour t decision, mixed-rac e peopl e bor n i n thes e sixtee n state s wer e essentially illegitimate . I f w e loo k a t th e racia l categorie s i n th e U.S. censu s a s a documentatio n o f th e socia l an d lega l relation ships that differen t group s o f citizen s represent t o th e federa l gov ernment an d th e nation, 74 the n a multiracial classificatio n make s perfect sense , sinc e th e federa l governmen t di d no t strik e dow n these antimiscegenatio n law s earlier . According t o Carlo s Fernandez , on e of the goals of the AME A i s to eradicat e the old fea r o f miscegenation tha t prevent s American s from viewin g themselve s a s on e people. 75 Indeed , man y white s still hol d th e ol d views , a s a n even t i n Alabam a illustrates . A t Randolph Count y Hig h School , i n th e cit y o f Wedowee , a t a school assembl y o n Februar y 24 , 1994 , a white principa l name d Hulond Humphrie s tol d student s tha t th e annua l pro m woul d b e canceled i f interracia l couple s attended . Whe n studen t ReVond a Bowen aske d wha t thi s mean t fo r her , sinc e he r mothe r i s blac k and he r fathe r white , Humphrie s sai d hi s rul e wa s intende d t o prevent suc h "mistakes " fro m recurring . Whe n th e schoo l boar d learned o f th e remark , i t simpl y suspende d th e principal wit h pay , but eventuall y reinstate d him . Accordin g t o Fernandez , thi s cas e proves tha t th e racia l classificatio n pursue d b y the multiracialist s is not simpl y abou t a ne w for m o f racia l prid e o r abou t baseles s social reform , bu t tha t multiracia l peopl e ar e discriminate d against—in thi s instance , no t becaus e ReVond a Bowe n wa s believed t o b e black bu t becaus e sh e was know n t o b e "mixed." 76 The principal o f this far-south Alabam a hig h schoo l seem s to b e cut fro m th e sam e ol d mol d a s Elro y Stock , wh o live s halfwa y [38]

The Rainbow People of God across the country i n the far nort h o f Woodbury, Minnesota. Stoc k has responde d t o th e multiracia l movemen t b y arguin g tha t Go d placed th e differen t huma n race s o n differen t part s o f th e eart h s o that th e races would b e preserved a s they were created—unmixed . He concluded , "Interracia l se x relations produc e mix-rac e peopl e and ar e a form o f racial genocide—today' s holocaust." 77 It i s likely tha t Stoc k woul d no t onl y b e oppose d t o interracia l relationships an d th e birt h o f mixed-rac e peopl e bu t als o t o th e creation o f a multiracia l category . Al l historica l attempt s b y mulattoes t o gai n specia l clas s o r cast e statu s hav e me t wit h th e disapproval o f white s an d hav e mad e whit e prejudic e mor e acut e and white s mor e consciou s o f protectin g thei r socia l statu s an d racial "purity." 78 Betwee n 185 0 an d 1915 , mulattoes wen t fro m trying t o assimilat e int o th e whit e worl d t o buildin g thei r ow n world withi n th e blac k community , becaus e beginnin g i n th e 1850s fre e mulattoe s wen t fro m bein g partl y accepte d b y white s to bein g outrigh t rejecte d b y them. 79 Thi s chang e i n whit e atti tudes accelerate d durin g th e Civi l War, Reconstruction , an d post Reconstruction, an d o n int o th e twentiet h century . Concurren t with thi s changin g attitud e wa s thei r adherenc e t o th e one-dro p rule, whic h keep s black s an d everyon e mixe d wit h blac k i n th e caste tha t stand s i n starkes t contras t t o white . Perhap s th e fea r o f allowing a middl e grou p betwee n th e blac k an d whit e races , fo r someone lik e Elro y Stock , i s that thi s socia l arrangemen t woul d result i n a greate r degre e o f miscegenatio n an d th e eventua l browning o f America. That i s to sa y that whites, who hav e alway s managed t o intermi x voluntaril y wit h blacks , migh t b e mor e likely to intermi x wit h multiracials . These examples provide multiracialist s wit h a way ou t fro m th e accusations o f black s tha t mixed-rac e peopl e wit h onl y on e blac k parent hav e internalize d whit e racis m an d ar e trying t o escap e th e stigma an d oppressio n tha t result s fro m bein g black . Thes e exam ples provide a way ou t becaus e we can se e that mixed-rac e peopl e face thei r ow n peculia r bran d o f racia l discrimination . Another wa y ou t fro m th e accusation s tha t mixed-rac e peopl e just wan t t o den y blacknes s i s th e clai m o f man y multiracialist s [39]

The Rainbow People of God that bein g o f mixe d rac e carries wit h i t the responsibility o f bein g in solidarit y wit h th e peopl e o f thei r minorit y side . Thi s poin t was articulate d b y Davi d Kaufman , a mixed-rac e ma n o f blac k and whit e (Jewish ) background . Kaufma n say s tha t alon g wit h the experienc e an d pai n o f bein g multiracial , whic h hav e sensi tized hi m to oppression , come s a knowledge tha t h e can neve r se e racial discriminatio n perpetrate d agains t black s withou t identify ing wit h i t firsthan d an d havin g a veste d interes t i n it s eradica tion. 80 Franci s Wardle , a white psychologis t wh o i s married t o a black woma n an d ha s a biracia l child , concur s becaus e o f hi s belief tha t multiracia l childre n experienc e man y o f th e obstacle s and insult s tha t blac k childre n encounter. 81 Wardl e say s multira cial peopl e an d thei r multiracialis t advocate s ar e natura l allie s o f the blac k struggl e becaus e the y kno w bette r tha n an y non-blac k person wha t th e realit y o f bein g blac k is . Wardle goe s o n t o sa y that th e multiracialists , awar e o f th e nee d t o improv e condition s for blacks , ar e puzzle d tha t black s oppos e the m whe n the y ar e not th e enemy . "Ar e w e a threa t t o Black s an d thei r continua l struggle?" h e asks . "W e don' t believ e w e are . We believ e w e ar e strong supporter s an d advocates . . . . We belong on the same side . We mus t unit e ou r energ y an d commitmen t t o attac k ou r com mon enemies." 82 The point s o f Kaufma n an d Wardl e ar e illustrate d i n a stor y told b y an eight-year-ol d gir l o f blac k an d whit e parentag e name d Gabriela. Gabriel a wa s friends wit h a black girl and a white girl a t school. The whit e gir l calle d th e blac k gir l a mea n nam e an d sai d she di d no t wan t t o pla y wit h he r becaus e sh e wa s black . Whe n Gabriela tol d th e whit e gir l tha t sh e was par t blac k an d th e blac k girl wa s he r friend , th e whit e gir l tol d Gabriel a sh e di d no t wan t to play with her anymor e either . Gabriela concludes , " I didn't car e because Jackie wa s prejudice d an d I only lik e to pla y wit h peopl e who ar e nice . Maybe i f every ki d wa s Biracia l lik e me they woul d be nice , too." 8 3 Gabriel a too k sides—th e sid e o f th e oppresse d over th e prejudiced , whic h i s furthe r evidenc e t o th e multiracial ists that thei r ques t fo r racia l statu s i s justifiable. Tha t is , it is fur ther evidenc e to them that thei r attempt s a t a new status ar e by n o [40]

The Rainbow People of God

means merel y t o fin d a n escap e hatc h throug h whic h mixed-rac e people ca n b e liberated fro m th e stigm a o f bein g black . As I suggested earlier , th e multiracialist s ca n als o poin t t o th e coloureds o f Sout h Afric a a s a n exampl e o f mixed-rac e peopl e who, i n no t wantin g t o b e black , ar e no t necessaril y bein g racist . Even thoug h ther e i s coloure d racis m agains t blacks , man y coloured peopl e sa y they ar e what the y are—whic h i s coloured o r "brown." Man y als o spea k o f a specifi c coloure d culture , o r a t least a subcultur e withi n th e Western-oriente d Afrikaan s culture . For instance , som e coloured s poin t ou t thei r "jazz " dancing , which I wa s tol d wa s no t foun d amon g blac k o r whit e Sout h Africans. I n thi s regard , Richar d va n de r Ros s tol d m e tha t i n hi s view th e ter m "coloured " gaine d it s greates t degre e o f negativit y during th e aparthei d era , an d tha t onc e th e stigm a o f aparthei d i s removed th e da y wil l com e whe n hi s peopl e wil l agai n pridefull y call themselves coloured . I got th e sam e respons e fro m a coloure d man o f som e Kho i an d Middl e Easter n backgroun d wh o i s a pro fessor o f socia l wor k a t th e Universit y o f th e Wester n Cape . H e commented tha t h e onc e rejecte d th e wor d "coloured " bu t n o longer doe s so , given tha t i t i s no longe r a legislate d category . H e said tha t ther e i s obviously a complexity abou t bot h th e coloure d situation i n Sout h Afric a an d th e multiracia l situatio n i n th e United States , bu t i f ther e ar e dee p root s connectin g mixed-rac e people the n h e would b e in favo r o f th e Unite d State s implement ing a federal classificatio n fo r thi s group o f Americans . Thus mixed-race American s have in coloured Sout h Africans a n example o f a people wh o b y not wantin g t o b e blac k ar e no t nec essarily racist . Fo r the y ar e no t black—the y ar e "brown. " The y are, I wa s tol d b y thre e coloure d nationalist s i n Cap e Town , "coloured people"—no t "so-calle d coloure d people " bu t jus t plain "coloure d people. " Additionally , no t anyon e ca n b e coloured, th e coloure d nationalist s explained , eve n thoug h i t i s difficult t o dra w boundarie s whe n i t come s t o th e coloure d race . For instance, a Zulu an d Xhos a offsprin g ma y b e ethnically mixe d but not coloured , they said, for the y are more purely "black " tha n not black . Thi s means , fo r example , tha t "black " canno t b e use d [41]

The Rainbow People of God to refe r t o oppresse d peopl e i n Sout h Afric a o r th e thir d worl d a s a whole, sinc e brow n peopl e ar e als o oppressed . Rather , on e mus t speak o f "oppresse d communities " o r "disadvantage d communi ties." Similarly , a s state d earlier , mos t coloure d peopl e ar e par t o f the large r Afrikaan s communit y (an d als o o f th e English-speakin g community), no t becaus e the y wan t t o b e white bu t becaus e his torically coloure d an d whit e Afrikaan s peopl e ar e related . Th e point bein g mad e wit h regar d t o mixed-rac e American s i s tha t those wh o ar e par t blac k wh o sa y the y ar e no t wholl y blac k ar e not necessaril y denyin g thei r blac k ancestry . Historically , the y ar e mixed and , a s it were, "brown. " Moreover, bein g brown , coloured , o r multiracia l ha s bee n viewed b y som e i n the Unite d State s an d Sout h Afric a a s bein g o f special importanc e i n rac e relations . Carlo s Fernande z tol d th e House subcommitte e o n th e censu s tha t th e Unite d States , havin g drawn o n th e people s o f th e worl d fo r it s community , shoul d especially se t a n exemplar y standar d fo r multiracia l living . "Cer tainly thi s i s a t leas t th e idea l t o whic h w e shoul d aspire, " h e said. 84 H e als o sai d tha t recognizin g multiracia l an d multiethni c people i s as American a s the natio n ca n get , given tha t th e ide a o f the "meltin g pot " i s a s ol d a s th e nation , althoug h th e ter m wa s initially intende d t o describ e th e "melting " o f people s o f Euro pean descent. 85 Thi s i s als o wha t Franci s Wardl e i s gettin g a t when h e say s interracia l marriag e i s "th e puris t for m o f tru e inte gration betwee n th e races." 86 Similarly, Sandy Cirillo , the multira cial hos t an d produce r o f th e acces s cabl e televisio n sho w i n Atlanta, Interracial Relationships: Crossing the Color Line, hold s the opinio n tha t th e word s "American " an d "multiracial " ar e sometimes interchangeable . Speakin g o f he r ow n multiracia l chil dren, Cirill o comments , "The y ar e th e livin g exampl e o f th e 'American Meltin g Pot ' an d i t i s time fo r ou r societ y t o acknowl edge an d accep t thei r biracia l and/o r multiracia l heritage!" 87 Phi l Vernon, a multiracia l himself , remarked : "We'r e sayin g tha t w e are th e rea l produc t o f America—w e ar e th e essenc e o f th e melt ing pot." 8 8 Similarly , a coloure d professo r o f socia l wor k a t th e University o f th e Wester n Cap e insist s tha t h e woul d hav e n o [42]

The Rainbow People of God

problem wit h a chil d o f hi s bein g classifie d a s coloure d i n th e absence o f aparthei d legislation . Fo r h e believe s tha t Sout h Africa's citizenr y shoul d ideall y "colourize"—tha t is , blacks an d whites shoul d reconcil e an d intermi x s o that th e countr y increas ingly become s coloured . Perhaps this , then , answer s historia n Arthu r Schlesinger , Jr.' s complaint i n The Disuniting of America (1992,) tha t a "cul t o f ethnicity" ha s emerge d amon g non-whit e minoritie s an d non Anglo whites . Schlesinge r protest s that , whil e th e "meltin g pot " or "on e people " ide a ha s thu s fa r kep t America n societ y intact , this "cul t o f ethnicity " ha s arise n t o denounc e th e ide a du e t o their preferenc e fo r protectin g an d promotin g thei r separat e racia l and ethni c heritages. 89 On e coul d perhap s argu e tha t th e multira cial movemen t i s a n answe r t o Schlesinger' s worr y becaus e th e multiracialists see m t o b e th e onl y grou p pursuin g th e "meltin g pot" o r "on e people " ideal . The mos t humanisti c argumen t th e multiracialist s mak e i n favo r of the multiracial categor y o n the United State s census is that thei r movement ma y b e the answe r t o the questio n o f how t o overcom e racism. The y clai m tha t multiracia l childre n expose d t o contrast ing cultura l tradition s fro m birt h ar e mor e likel y t o develo p a respect for huma n diversity . To this effect, Franci s Wardle say s tha t transcending racial boundaries , in a way that fulfills th e promise of the civil rights movement, begin s inside the interracial hom e wher e the famil y learn s t o respec t an d b e enriched b y the component s o f its interracia l histor y an d culture. 90 Kathly n Ga y conclude s i n he r book The Rainbow Effect (1987 ) tha t interracia l familie s als o enhance th e communitie s i n which the y liv e an d serv e a s a mode l of harmon y fo r th e America n family. 91 Gregor y Stephens , a whit e man marrie d t o a black woma n an d fathe r o f a biracial child, says: "People wit h thei r fee t i n more tha n on e group ar e see n a s natura l bridge-builders i n achieving what Nelso n Mandel a call s a 'spirit of reconciliation' i n th e proces s o f multiracia l 'nation-building.'" 92 Likewise, Carlo s Fernande z espouse d thes e ver y point s whe n h e testified befor e th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census . H e state d [43]

The Rainbow People of God

that hi s organizatio n believe s that a positive awarenes s o f interra cial identit y comprise s a n importan t firs t ste p towar d resolvin g the proble m o f rac e relation s i n the Unite d State s an d throughou t the world. "W e ar e convinced tha t ou r communit y i s uniquely sit uated t o confront thes e issues," he continued, "becaus e o f the special experience s an d understandin g w e acquir e i n th e intimac y o f our familie s an d ou r personalities." 93 Grey Wolly, a young man o f blac k an d whit e ancestr y wh o wa s raised b y a n adoptiv e blac k family , reflect s tha t bein g abl e t o move i n bot h blac k an d whit e world s ha s bee n beneficial . I t ha s allowed hi m t o se e th e difference s an d division s betwee n thos e worlds, which h e believe s ar e aggravate d b y the distanc e betwee n and isolatio n o f th e tw o groups. 94 Conversely , havin g whit e an d black parent s ca n hel p biracia l childre n recogniz e th e similaritie s between th e tw o races , give n tha t i n som e societie s keepin g th e races separate d i s par t o f a "divid e an d rule " strategy . Her e w e can dra w a parallel betwee n th e United State s and Sout h Africa b y looking a t th e experienc e o f Sout h Africa n novelis t Mar k Matha bane, whos e fathe r an d mothe r are , respectively , o f Vend a an d Tsonga ethnicity . Mathaban e say s tha t th e ol d aparthei d govern ment, i n followin g it s "divid e an d rule " strategy , wante d hi m t o believe tha t hi s parents' ethni c group s wer e no t onl y enemie s bu t that i t was no t beneficia l fo r hi m to clai m bot h identities . This, he continued, i s aki n t o th e Unite d States , wher e th e purveyor s o f racism want biracia l children t o believ e that black s an d white s ar e antagonistic an d unreconcilable. 95 In thi s regard , Reginal d Daniel , th e mixed-rac e sociologist , believes multiracialism ha s th e potentia l t o undermin e racia l cate gories, which h e sees as the very basi s of racis m insofa r a s the cat egories creat e th e delusio n tha t ther e ar e boundarie s betwee n population groups. 96 H e believe s addin g th e classificatio n o f mul tiracial t o society' s rostru m o f race s coul d therefor e hel p peopl e see th e connection s w e al l hav e t o on e anothe r bu t hav e neve r acknowledged o r bee n permitte d t o acknowledge . So , though th e multiracial categor y woul d no t b e a solutio n t o racism , i t woul d at leas t ope n u p discussio n abou t blac k an d Nativ e America n [44]

The Rainbow People of God

ancestry i n th e whit e community , whit e an d Nativ e America n ancestry i n th e blac k community , an d s o forth . "That' s wha t th e new multiracia l identit y i s about, " Danie l concludes . "It' s no t about explodin g racia l identity , bu t expandin g th e definitio n o f identity t o somethin g mor e inclusive." 97 Danie l als o insist s tha t dealing wit h racis m mus t paralle l an y change s tha t ar e made , because neithe r abolishin g no r addin g racia l categorie s wil l alon e cause the demise o f racism. 98 Carlos Fernande z sai d befor e th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census tha t b y recognizing th e existenc e o f multiracia l peopl e an d the concept o f peopl e whos e identitie s transcen d traditiona l racia l boundaries, th e ide a o f socia l unit y become s easie r t o imagine. 99 "I would mak e th e argument, " h e stated, "tha t i n fact recognizin g multiracial peopl e o r peopl e wh o transcen d th e boundarie s between communitie s tha t mak e u p ou r countr y i n fact i n practic e represents th e unit y o r th e unifyin g forc e i n society , tha t ancho r that we'r e al l lookin g fo r i n thes e ver y difficul t questions. " H e continued, "An d so , I would mak e th e argumen t tha t wha t we'r e talking abou t her e i s really perhap s on e o f thes e hidde n keystone s that we'v e bee n looking fo r i n the race question , precisely becaus e we've overlooke d i t a s a taboo." 1 0 0 Philosophe r Naom i Zack , whose mothe r wa s th e daughte r o f Russia n Jewis h immigrant s and whos e blac k an d Nativ e America n fathe r sh e di d no t know , explains Fernandez' s poin t i n saying : "A n America n wh o identi fies hersel f a s mixe d blac k an d whit e i s a ne w perso n racially , because ol d racia l categorie s d o no t allo w he r t o identif y hersel f this way . I t i s such a person's ver y newnes s raciall y tha t give s he r the optio n o f racelessness . T o b e raceles s i n contemporar y racia l and racis t societ y is , in effect, t o b e anti-race." 101 A white Afrikaan s woman , wh o gre w u p i n Cap e Tow n durin g the aparthei d er a an d late r marrie d a well-to-d o coloure d man , told m e tha t sh e agree s wit h th e foregoin g sentiments . Sh e illus trated he r agreemen t wit h a story . Sh e sai d tha t whe n sh e wa s pregnant wit h he r mixed-rac e child , he r whit e daughte r (fro m a previous relationship ) aske d wha t colo r th e ne w bab y woul d be : "Mommy I' m white , you'r e white , Daddy' s brown ; wha t wil l th e [45]

The Rainbow People of God baby be? " Th e woma n tol d m e tha t neithe r sh e no r he r husban d had a n answe r t o tha t question , bu t sinc e th e birt h o f thei r chil d they ha d begu n t o fee l tha t th e child' s mixe d racia l heritag e allowed the m t o mee t i n th e middle . Thi s meetin g i n th e middl e was suc h tha t sh e doe s no t fee l singularl y whit e anymore , no r h e singularly coloured . Furthermore , sh e believes that he r ow n mixe d daughter an d al l mixed-race childre n i n general ar e riche r becaus e they com e fro m tw o cultures . The y ca n b e th e peacemaker s o f tomorrow, sh e added, becaus e they can se e two point s o f view du e to thei r backgroun d an d experience . In this regard, sh e concluded , she viewed th e American multiracia l movemen t favorably . The ide a o f thes e whit e an d coloure d parent s o f a mixed-rac e child bein g abl e t o mee t i n the middl e ma y b e on e o f th e ideal s t o emerge fro m th e multiracia l movement . I n a sense, this meeting i n the middl e consummate s th e marriag e vow s statin g tha t th e woman an d th e man ar e to becom e "one"—whic h suggest s "mul tiracial." Therefore , a n interracia l coupl e is , together, th e sam e a s their offspring . Thi s indeed surface s a s a theological argumen t no t unlike th e theologica l argument s som e multiracialists ar e making . For instance , i n hi s testimon y befor e th e Hous e subcommitte e o n the census, Carlos Fernande z posite d a n argumen t fo r establishin g the multiracia l classificatio n b y pointin g t o th e principa l tene t o f the Baha' i Faith . Th e "onenes s o f humanity " i s suc h a principa l tenet o f th e fait h i n thi s religiou s group , h e explained , tha t th e group's member s ar e encourage d t o marr y acros s racia l lines . Therefore, h e concluded, forcin g th e offsprin g o f Baha'i marriage s to identif y themselve s i n monoracia l categorie s affront s no t onl y their persona l integrit y bu t thei r religiou s belief. 102 Fernandez probabl y draw s hi s informatio n fro m a n articl e o n the Baha' i Fait h tha t appeare d i n Interrace magazin e abou t a yea r earlier. I n th e article , author s Pau l an d Marci a Lampl e giv e a history o f th e religion , whic h wa s founde d i n Persi a (present-da y Iran) i n 184 4 b y a Persia n name d Baha'u'llah . Baha'u'llah' s writ ings, whic h provid e th e scriptura l basi s fo r th e faith , teac h tha t only on e Go d exists , tha t al l religion s ar e one , an d tha t al l o f humanity comprise s on e family . Sinc e al l humanit y i s on e famil y [46]

The Rainbow People of God

and peopl e ar e to clos e thei r eye s to racia l differences , al l peopl e are fre e t o intermingle . Whe n Baha'u'llah' s son , Abdu'1-Baha , came t o the United State s i n 1912 , he taught th e Baha'i commu nity that th e races, even blac k an d white, should intermarry. 103 A 199 1 statement b y the Nationa l Spiritua l Assembl y o f th e Baha'is o f the United State s commente d similarl y tha t diversit y of color, culture , an d nationality shoul d neve r b e barriers t o harmo nious relationships , includin g intermarriage. 104 Th e documen t also showed th e religious belief i n the oneness of humankind t o be in concert with the patriotic theme of the oneness of America's cit izens. It says tha t th e United States , a s the home t o man y divers e peoples o f th e world , migh t b e th e onl y countr y wher e th e promise o f societal unit y can come to fruition. Moreover , th e document admonishe s th e nation t o bewar e o f thing s t o com e i f the ideals o f thi s fait h ar e no t pu t int o practice : " A natio n whos e ancestry include s every people on earth, whose motto i s E pluribus unum, whos e ideal s o f freedo m unde r la w have inspire d million s throughout th e world, cannot continu e to harbor prejudic e agains t any racial or ethnic group without betrayin g itself." 105 Toda y ther e are a n estimate d 110,00 0 American s o f thi s faith , an d the Lamples, a n interracia l coupl e themselves , ar e amon g them , raisin g their mixed-rac e childre n to be a "ne w race" that wil l shun racis m and racia l segregation. 106 Despite thes e foregoin g argument s o f a patriotic, moral , an d religious nature , opponent s o f the multiracial movemen t suspec t that the movement's rea l aim is to dismantle the black community . But Sall y Katze n o f the OM B suggeste d th e opposite , comparin g these fear s t o thos e expresse d whe n th e "other " categor y wa s added t o th e 199 0 census . O n Januar y 20 , 1988 , th e O MB solicited comments on a plan to include the category o f "other " t o the existin g categorie s o f Directive No . 15 , and many o f the sam e arguments mad e regardin g th e propose d multiracia l categor y were discussed . Th e proposed categor y wa s supported b y man y groups representin g multiracia l an d multiethni c people , bu t opposed b y members o f minority groups who viewed the proposal as an attempt t o provoke interna l dissension . I t was also oppose d [47]

The Rainbow People of God

by group s wh o wer e concerne d tha t th e officia l lowe r coun t o f their group s woul d b e to thei r detriment. 107 Some opponent s o f th e multiracia l movemen t ma y als o suspec t that th e rea l ai m o f th e multiracialists , particularl y thos e wh o have traditionall y bee n viewe d a s blac k du e t o th e one-dro p rule , is for mixed-rac e black s to b e able to disassociate themselve s fro m that despise d caste . This was my initial response to Susa n Graha m when i n August 199 4 we debated th e issue with othe r round-tabl e participants o n a radi o tal k show . I remarked tha t perhap s Gra ham doe s no t wan t he r childre n t o b e black . I als o spok e admirably o f a Jewish woma n (Jewis h lik e Graham ) name d Vern a Arvey wh o seeme d t o tak e th e opposit e vie w o f Graham . I recalled tha t on e day , sometime aroun d th e year 1950 , the daugh ter o f Arve y an d he r famou s husband , blac k compose r Willia m Grant Still , cam e hom e fro m grad e schoo l an d inquire d a s t o whether thei r famil y wa s white o r colored . He r mothe r responde d that the y were "colore d people, " a "colore d family." 108 But the positio n tha t I originally hel d ha s bee n widel y dispute d by th e multiracialists . I n a writte n statemen t t o th e Hous e sub committee o n th e census , Ramon a Douglass , the n vic e presiden t of the Centra l Regio n o f the AMEA , conteste d thi s notion base d o n her ow n feeling s abou t bein g o f blac k an d whit e parentage . Sh e said tha t sh e understoo d thi s suspicio n fro m outsider s tha t th e motivation o f multiracial s t o hav e thei r ow n identit y coul d b e masking a desir e t o disassociat e themselve s fro m blacks . Thoug h she coul d no t spea k fo r everyon e i n th e multiracia l community , she continued , findin g a n escap e hatc h fro m blacknes s i s not th e intent o f th e A M E A , fo r thei r organizatio n i s deepl y concerne d with bot h multiracia l an d monoracia l group s tha t hav e suffere d discrimination. 109 Kendr a Wallace , a multiracia l woma n o f blac k and whit e ancestry , offere d simila r testimon y t o th e O M B . Servin g as the West Coas t representativ e o f Projec t RACE , Wallac e admit ted tha t thoug h sh e i s identified a s "colored " o n he r birt h certifi cate, she grew up identifying a s both blac k an d whit e an d i n doin g so was no t tryin g t o den y he r minorit y statu s o r achiev e a mor e privileged positio n i n society. 110 [48]

The Rainbow People of God

I accept thes e argument s now , particularl y sinc e I have viewe d them fro m a Sout h Africa n perspective . However , ther e ar e othe r fears an d counterargument s t o th e man y position s i n favo r o f th e multiracial movemen t tha t w e hav e hear d i n thi s chapter . Th e other sid e o f th e story , the challeng e t o th e multiracia l movement , is the subjec t o f th e nex t chapter .

[49]

[TWO]

The Blessing s o f th e One-Drop Rul e

In additio n t o m y initia l belie f tha t interracia l parent s wer e par ticipating i n the multiracia l movemen t becaus e the y di d no t wan t their biracia l childre n t o b e black , I , probabl y lik e mos t blac k people, ha d take n th e "one-dro p rule " fo r granted . I ha d lon g presumed tha t th e mixed-race blac k peopl e I knew, and th e other s I had see n i n passin g (wit h a white parent) , were lik e thirty-four year-old Pamel a Austin . O f blac k an d whit e parentage , Pamel a was raised b y black relative s o n he r father' s sid e of the famil y an d always considere d hersel f black. 1 O r I presumed tha t al l mixed race black s wer e lik e twenty-eight-year-ol d Michae l Mayson , who wa s raise d b y a n adoptiv e blac k family . Thoug h Michae l does no t den y tha t h e i s hal f white , h e feel s n o connectio n wit h the whit e sid e o f hi s ancestry. 2 Similarly , twenty-six-year-ol d Jacqueline Djanikia n consider s hersel f t o b e black , i n par t because sh e an d he r blac k mothe r hav e a close r bon d tha n sh e and he r whit e father. 3 Bernett e Ford , forty-tw o year s old , alway s identified a s blac k becaus e he r Jewis h fathe r an d blac k mothe r taught he r t o identif y tha t way , s o muc h s o tha t sh e naturall y married a black man. 4 Camill e Hernandez-Ramdwar , a Canadia n of blac k (Trinidadian ) an d whit e (Ukrainian-Canadian ) parentag e said tha t he r whit e mothe r love d he r an d raise d her , bu t upo n reaching adulthoo d sh e realize d ther e wa s somethin g importan t that he r mothe r coul d no t giv e her— a cultur e tha t matche d he r color. Sinc e sh e coul d neithe r identif y wit h he r mother' s whit e [51]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

culture no r acquir e he r whit e color , Camill e adopte d he r father' s black culture. 5 Jean a Woolley , fort y year s old , wa s no t awar e o f her blac k ancestr y unti l sh e was twenty , becaus e sh e was raise d a s white b y her whit e mothe r an d he r whit e stepfather . Bu t when sh e did lear n sh e wa s partl y black , Woolle y vowe d neve r t o forsak e the blac k identity. 6 Woolley evidentl y fel t o n tha t da y o f reckonin g th e wa y I fel t when firs t comin g int o contac t wit h th e view s o f multiracialists — that al l blac k peopl e (o f "race " an d "mixe d race" ) hav e com e thi s far togethe r an d absolutel y mus t sta y together unti l we are all free . Now tha t I understand th e views of the multiracialists a s presente d in chapte r i , I no longe r fee l a s unyieldin g abou t thi s position . I n terms o f mixed-rac e peopl e wh o ar e o f Jeana Woolley' s ligh t com plexion bu t wh o seeme d t o prefe r disappearin g int o a multiracia l race, I initially felt a s Nannie Burrough s di d in 195 0 when sh e said of "whit e Negroes " wh o disappeare d int o th e whit e race : "Negroes lik e tha t shoul d pitc h i n an d mak e th e rac e wort h belonging to instead o f escaping into a race that i s already made." 7 Now, o f course , I conced e tha t th e multiracia l "race, " wit h it s unique historical struggles , is far fro m bein g "alread y made. " Nonetheless, I must admi t havin g alway s foun d racia l behavio r to b e a t it s bes t whe n someon e ha d a choice t o identif y o r associ ate wit h a mor e privilege d grou p bu t instea d opte d t o identif y o r associate wit h th e les s privileged group . This was ofte n th e choic e whites made when the y married black s an d whe n the y raised thei r children a s black , n o matte r ho w whit e the y appeared . Fo r instance, when I first cam e into contact wit h th e views of the mul tiracialists, I admired autho r an d poe t Hetti e Jones, the Jewish ex wife o f write r LeRo i Jones (Amir i Baraka ) an d mothe r o f cultura l critic Lisa Jones. Hettie Jones wrot e i n Essence magazin e tha t sh e thought a blac k identity , becaus e o f it s cultura l vibranc y an d it s historical traditio n o f overcomin g hardships , could onl y brin g he r daughters happiness. 8 Sh e alway s taugh t he r daughter s tha t th e black communit y wa s " a stead y home " an d tha t t o abando n thi s home woul d mea n "t o swi m wit h sharks." 9 T o b e sure , say s Het tie Jones , he r daughter s ar e blac k an d strong . "An d I' m stil l [5*1

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

White—but no t quite," 1 0 sh e sai d o f herself . "I f whit e remain s how I' m seen , what' s changed , wha t I mean b y 'no t quit e White, ' is how I see." 11 This sens e of bein g white "bu t no t quite " le d Het tie Jone s t o identif y hersel f o n th e Unite d State s censu s no t a s white bu t a s "other, " wit h th e self-description : "Semiti c America n mother o f blac k children." 12 Hettie Jone s i s no t th e onl y whit e perso n t o fee l no t quit e white. Nya Patrinos' s half-Gree k an d half-Jewis h fathe r (marrie d to he r blac k mother ) tol d hi s daughte r tha t h e doe s no t reall y liv e as a white ma n anymore . The twenty-two-year-ol d Ny a aske d he r father ho w tha t wa s so . He sai d i t was becaus e h e had thre e blac k children (tw o mixed ) an d a blac k wife. 13 Similarly , th e whit e mother o f Kimani Fowlin, a mixed-race twenty-four-year-old , als o fits thi s mold o f "whit e bu t no t quite. " While he r Jamaican fathe r emulated whit e culture , he r mothe r wa s pro-blac k t o th e poin t o f disowning he r whitenes s an d eve n wearin g black-style d dread locks. He r mothe r hate d bein g white , Kiman i explained , becaus e of th e injustice s white s ha d lon g heape d o n blacks . Consequently , Kimani neve r sa w he r mothe r a s white , whic h permitte d he r mother t o b e the primar y blac k influenc e i n her life , indee d t o th e extent tha t Kiman i becam e a black feminist. 14 I had alway s foun d racia l behavio r t o b e at it s best when white s like Hetti e Jones , Ny a Patrinos' s father , an d Kiman i Fowler' s mother chos e not to b e white, for I had neve r forgotten th e inquir y of black theologian James Cone: "Where is your identity ? Where is your being ? Doe s it lie with th e oppresse d black s o r with th e whit e oppressors?" 15 O f course , havin g no w com e t o appreciat e th e views gathere d i n chapte r i , I understand tha t th e questio n Con e raises canno t b e so easily reduced t o blac k an d white . So , I do no t feel a t al l adaman t abou t mixed-rac e peopl e havin g t o choos e a black identit y ove r a whit e one , o r tha t i t i s eve n necessar y fo r them t o choose . O n th e othe r hand , ther e ar e man y mixed-rac e people like Pamela Austin, Michael May son, Jacqueline Djanikian , Bernette Ford , Camill e Hernandez-Ramdwar , an d Jean a Woolle y who, fo r th e reason s Con e implies , choos e a monoracia l blac k identity. Bu t thi s inclinatio n t o identif y a s blac k i s disparaged b y [53]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule many multiracialists , whose flawe d view s evidentl y hav e no t bee n adequately challenge d b y opposin g positions , a s my flawe d view s initially ha d no t bee n challenge d b y thei r opposin g views . Th e adamant vie w o f man y multiracialist s tha t a blac k identit y i s unsupportable fo r mixed-rac e black s i s one o f man y challenge s t o be brough t t o th e multiracialist s i n thi s chapter . Thi s i s an impor tant issu e t o conten d wit h becaus e i t wil l persis t whethe r o r no t the 200 0 censu s adopt s th e multiracia l category . There ar e man y multiracialist s wh o perceiv e an y continue d adherance t o th e one-dro p rul e o n th e par t o f mixed-rac e peopl e as a threat t o th e multiracia l movement . Candac e Mills , the blac k editor o f Interrace magazin e (wh o i s marrie d t o a whit e man) , reveals thi s discomfor t wit h a sarcasti c remark . Sh e say s tha t i t i s far mor e gratifyin g fo r mixed-rac e black s t o identif y wit h th e oppressed grou p sinc e championin g th e cause s o f th e underdo g allows the m t o fee l tha t the y ar e "blac k an d proud " revolutionar ies. 16 T o the contrary , th e gratifyin g feelin g o f bein g a revolution ary i s no t necessaril y th e mai n reaso n fo r mixed-rac e peopl e choosing t o identif y wit h th e minorit y sid e o f thei r ancestry . Tha t decision mos t likel y ha s t o d o wit h th e typica l opennes s o f th e black communit y i n contrast t o th e white community . This i s a s tru e i n th e Unite d State s wit h regar d t o th e blac k community a s i t i s i n Sout h Afric a wit h regar d t o th e coloure d community. Fo r instance , i n Cap e Tow n I was tol d b y a youn g interracial coupl e tha t th e parent s an d entir e extende d famil y o f the youn g coloure d woma n accepte d he r whit e (English ) mate , even thoug h he r fathe r harbore d lot s o f animosit y towar d whites . On th e othe r hand , hi s parents (wh o wer e les s wealthy tha n hers ) viewed thei r whit e so n a s steppin g dow n th e socia l ladde r b y wanting t o marr y someon e coloured . I n fact , i t was onl y afte r th e couple ha d announce d thei r marriag e plan s tha t hi s parent s sud denly mad e a turn t o accep t hi s coloured fiancee . But suc h storie s d o no t alway s hav e a happy ending . Fo r exam ple, a white Afrikaan s woma n marrie d t o a coloured ma n tol d a n unhappy stor y abou t he r struggl e to get her "ver y right-wing" fam ily to accep t he r coloure d husband . Bu t becaus e o f he r marriag e t o [54]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

this man , eve n thoug h hi s famil y wa s well-to-do , he r biologica l father completel y disowne d he r befor e h e died , tellin g he r h e never wanted t o se e her again . He disowne d her , as it were, just a s the whit e Afrikaan s peopl e ha d disowne d thei r coloure d kindre d when th e Nationa l Part y too k powe r i n 194 8 an d institute d apartheid. He r mothe r onl y starte d t o com e aroun d t o acceptin g the marriag e whe n he r newlywe d daughte r becam e pregnant , bu t her stepfathe r remain s a n "enemy, " sh e said , wh o hate s he r mar riage "wit h hi s whole being. " Thus , th e woma n an d he r coloure d husband hav e onl y bee n t o he r mother' s hom e o n a few occasion s and onl y fo r brie f stays—alway s i n th e kitchen . Becaus e o f this , she concluded : " I don' t reall y hav e a famil y anymore. " Suc h ha s been th e genera l tren d o f rac e relation s i n th e Unite d State s a s well: th e extende d blac k famil y typicall y accept s th e interracia l marriage an d th e mixed-race offspring , whil e the white famil y fre quently reject s th e interracia l family . Whe n thi s occurs , the whit e parent constitute s th e onl y whit e famil y th e mixed-rac e childre n ever know. 17 So, although th e consequenc e o f bein g mixed-rac e ofte n result s in th e mixed-rac e perso n bein g th e targe t fo r hostilitie s existin g between th e parent races, 18 black s hav e bee n less likely than othe r groups t o tak e fata l aim . Despit e th e fac t tha t blac k childre n ar e sometimes crue l t o mixed-rac e blac k childre n an d th e blac k com munity i s sometimes tentativ e abou t mixed-rac e adult s an d inter racial marriages , ther e i s a measur e o f acceptanc e i n th e blac k community tha t i s rarely matche d b y the whites. As put b y Omat tee Carrasco , a mixed-rac e black : "Eve n thoug h I did ge t a lo t o f rejection fro m Blacks , the y wer e als o th e onl y peopl e tha t accepted me." 19 Thi s ver y poin t explain s Lis a Jones speakin g sar castically o f whites who fai l t o understan d tha t mixed-rac e peopl e such a s hersel f woul d choos e t o b e blac k rathe r tha n white , o r even part-white: "Wha t coul d the y possibl y thin k i s in it fo r u s t o be whit e people ? Woul d i t exten d refug e o r protection , provid e moral directive ? I f i t helpe d u s get bette r job s an d highe r salaries , would i t offe r spiritua l community ? Woul d i t brin g u s family?" 20 In othe r words , wh o woul d prefe r t o swi m wit h sharks ? If , fo r l55]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

instance, a mixed-rac e yout h o f blac k an d Japanes e parentag e i s told b y whit e America n kid s "remembe r Pear l Harbor " an d b y Japanese kid s "Hiroshim a i s your fault," 21 the n wha t othe r com munity i s there t o accep t hi m bu t th e blac k community ? Certainl y if white s wer e a s welcoming o f interracia l familie s a s black s gen erally ar e i n comparison , the n gleanin g a sens e o f th e insignifi cance o f racia l boundarie s an d achievin g a multiracia l identit y would probabl y b e easie r fo r mixed-rac e people . Bu t thi s i s fa r from bein g the case . As I have jus t alluded , I als o presum e tha t mixed-rac e black s who hav e an Asian paren t ar e likewise more accepte d b y the blac k community tha n b y th e Asia n America n community . A s Angel o Ragaza write s i n A. Magazine fo r Asia n Americans : "Biracia l Asian Americans who ar e half Africa n America n . . . represent tw o minority communities . Becaus e th e hierarch y o f rac e i n Americ a posits Asians , a s the 'mode l minority, ' slightl y 'below ' white s bu t 'above' othe r peopl e o f color , man y monoracia l Asian s ar e eve n less prepared t o accept half blac k Asian Americans than they are to accept hal f whit e Asia n Americans. " Ragaz a continues : "Par t o f the exten t t o whic h thi s hierarch y ha s bee n internalize d b y th e Asian America n communit y stem s fro m negativ e stereotype s hel d about peopl e o f Africa n descen t i n Asia . . . . I n Vietna m an d th e Philippines, a s i n man y Asia n countries , dar k ski n i s associate d with lowe r socioeconomi c clas s an d wit h ethni c minorities . Suc h attitudes ar e carried ove r int o Asian communitie s i n America." 22 Likewise, Cynthi a Nakashima , a sociologis t o f Japanes e an d white parentage, confirms Ragaza' s point. According to Nakashima , mixed-race Asia n American s hav e ver y limite d entr y int o Asia n American communities , especiall y i f the y ar e par t black. 23 Chris tine Iijim a Hall , a mixed-race psychologis t o f blac k an d Japanes e ancestry, agrees . Havin g interviewe d thirt y mixed-rac e peopl e o f black an d Japanes e parentage , Hal l conclude s tha t mixed-rac e Japanese with a black parent tend to b e less acceptable to Japanese Americans than mixed-rac e Japanese with a white parent. Sh e says this ma y b e a facto r i n mixed-rac e Japanes e wit h a blac k paren t choosing to identify wit h blacks. 24 [56]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

Teresa Ka y William s foun d i n he r researc h tha t th e negativ e views o f Africa an d blac k Americ a share d b y Japanese an d white s have prevente d a positiv e Afro-Asia n imag e fro m developin g i n both Japan an d th e Unite d States. 25 Fo r instance , Williams foun d that white-Asia n biracial s tende d t o se e their racia l mi x a s a mor e glamorous blen d tha n tha t o f black-Asia n biracials , whil e black Asian biracial s tende d t o fin d tha t al l mixed-race Asian s displa y a glamorous blend. 26 Williams writes o f on e black-Japanese biracia l who spok e o f th e thre e year s he had live d i n North Carolin a afte r being raised i n Japan: "I t wa s awful . W e were 'niggers. ' Then, w e were 'Japs. ' Then , w e wer e 'Chinks. ' I finally go t s o ma d tha t I went, 'Mak e u p you r minds. ' S o the y settle d wit h 'nigger.'" 27 Thus, we are faced agai n with thi s inescapable reality : black i s the bottom lin e with regar d t o socia l caste . S o mixed-race blacks , n o matter wha t thei r mix , ar e alway s niggers . N o wonde r man y mixed-race peopl e choos e t o identif y wit h blacks—revolutionar y attitude o r not , "blac k an d proud " o r not . With th e racis m mixed-rac e black s fac e fro m th e whit e an d Asian communitie s i n th e Unite d State s (an d elsewher e i n th e world), i t makes sens e that th e one-dro p rul e would b e viewed b y blacks an d man y mixed-rac e black s a s a necessity. I t make s sens e not simpl y fo r th e sak e o f mixed-rac e black s havin g a "stead y home" bu t fo r th e sak e o f th e blac k communit y bein g abl e t o maintain a health y cohesiveness . Afte r all , that cohesivenes s ha s allowed u s t o fen d of f th e racis m tha t al l o f us—"race " an d "mixed race"—mus t endure . I n othe r words , I concur wit h th e point o f sociologis t E Jame s Davi s wh o write s i n hi s book , Who Is Black? (1991) , tha t an y suggestio n o f changin g th e one-dro p rule a t thi s poin t woul d impai r rathe r tha n enhanc e blac k unit y and racia l progress: 28 The commo n experience s share d i n thi s blac k communit y provid e the basis for ethni c unity an d pride and fo r politica l an d othe r orga nized effort s t o protec t an d hel p it s members. The suggestio n toda y that th e one-dro p rul e i s an arbitrar y socia l constructio n tha t coul d be changed sound s to the black communit y lik e a dangerous idea . If one result o f suc h a change woul d b e to caus e som e lighter-colore d [57]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule persons to leave the black communit y fo r th e white community, th e former woul d los e some o f it s hard-won politica l strength , perhap s some o f it s bes t leaders , som e member s o f it s churche s an d othe r community institutions , som e busines s an d professiona l people , and som e customer s an d clients . America n black s no w fee l the y have a n importan t veste d interes t i n a rul e tha t ha s fo r centurie s been a key instrument i n their oppression. 29 Because I s o sympathiz e w i t h Davis' s p o i n t , I initiall y believe d that th e attemp t o f th e multiracialist s t o undermin e th e one-dro p rule w a s p a r t o f a conspirac y t h a t earlie r h a d t a k e n ai m t o explode blac k racia l identit y t h r o u g h farfetche d rhetori c a b o u t achieving a raceles s o r color-blin d society . Thi s conspiracy , a s I saw it , w a s th e equivalen t o f th e earlie r "meltin g p o t " theory , which postulate d tha t al l American s shoul d mel t int o a singl e cul tural identity . W h a t mad e th e m o d e r n notio n o f achievin g a race less o r color-blin d societ y jus t a s disturbin g t o m e a s it s "meltin g p o t " precurso r wa s tha t i t to o seeme d t o sugges t tha t blac k peo ple an d othe r people s o f colo r hav e n o alternativ e b u t t o fulfil l Frantz F a n o n ' s p r o p h e c y i n Black Skin, White Masks (1952) . " H o w e v e r painfu l i t m a y b e fo r m e t o accep t thi s c o n c l u s i o n , " prophesies F a n o n , " I a m oblige d t o stat e it . Fo r th e blac k m a n there i s onl y on e destiny . A n d i t i s w h i t e . " 3 0 Africa n America n religion professo r Alto n Pollar d seeme d t o c o r r o b o r a t e m y assessment, particularl y th e notio n tha t ther e ar e blacks , som e o f t h e m mixe d rac e a n d som e o f t h e m interraciall y m a r r i e d , w h o seem eage r t o rus h th e blac k masse s t o w a r d thi s singula r destiny . Pollard says : The belie f i n "color-blindness " i s largely a post-Du Boi s conditio n among Africa n Americans , a qualit y o r approac h t o establishin g a sense of self or identity that implies certain rites (an d rights) o f socia l entry withou t regar d t o race . Fo r man y i f no t al l adherent s t o thi s position, rainbo w declaration s o f a "color-full " societ y (th e post modern recognitio n o f otherness , socia l heterogeneity , cultura l dif ference, distinctiv e gende r views , and s o on ) ar e highl y suspect , a n odious an d irrationa l deception . . . . The new bree d o f "color-blind " African America n sing s a refrain tha t i s distressingly a s simple a s i t [58]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule is symptomatic: "Rather than cast our lot with the race, we race to leave the caste."31 I still have i n mind, a s I think Pollar d does , such black s a s Yehud i Webster an d Kwam e Anthon y Appiah . Anthony Appiah , a philosophe r o f Ghanaia n an d Englis h parentage, contend s tha t th e tim e ha s passe d fo r blac k racial ism—that is , black identit y base d o n th e concep t o f rac e (an d th e one-drop rule)—t o b e a n intelligen t reactio n t o whit e racism . H e simply doe s no t believ e tha t peopl e o f Africa n ancestr y ca n o r even should creat e alliance s base d o n the concept o f the blac k per son o r tha t racis m ca n b e countered b y accepting th e categories o f race. 32 Suc h discours e ma y soun d ver y humanistic , lik e muc h o f the discours e o f th e multiracialists . However , thi s discours e beg s to b e weighe d agains t th e racia l realitie s o f thi s society , whic h have mad e blac k peopl e — both "race " an d "mixe d race"—fee l that the y hav e a vested interes t i n th e one-dro p rule . As Housto n Baker, Jr., point s ou t wit h regar d t o Appiah' s suggestio n tha t th e gross feature s o f hair , bone , an d ski n hav e nothin g t o d o wit h th e illegitimate concep t o f race : "I n a world dramaticall y conditione d both b y th e visibl e an d b y a perdurin g discursiv e formatio n o f 'old' (an d doubtles s mistaken ) racia l enunciativ e statements , suc h gross feature s alway s mak e a painfull y significan t differenc e — perhaps, the only significan t differenc e wher e lif e an d lim b ar e concerned i n a perilous world." 33 So, when radi o tal k sho w hos t Warre n Olne y aske d m e durin g his round-tabl e discussio n o n th e censu s movemen t ho w i t wa s that allowin g Susa n Graham' s childre n t o choos e a multiracia l identity woul d explod e blac k racia l identity, 34 I should hav e sai d that th e multiracialists , man y o f who m ar e interraciall y marrie d whites, do not understan d th e points that I have presented thu s far . They d o no t understan d tha t th e blac k communit y ha s bee n a "steady home" an d tha t bein g able to maintain a healthy cohesive ness with whic h t o fen d of f racis m ha s bee n a blessin g o f th e one drop rule. In answer to Olney' s question, I also could hav e referre d to a remark mad e b y Beverly Smythe of Oakland , California : "I t is [59]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

not coincidenta l tha t th e woma n spearheadin g a movemen t fo r a 'multiracial' categor y i s white. White peopl e hav e historicall y ha d a nee d t o labe l peopl e o f color . I a m 'biracial ' bu t I conside r myself t o b e Black . A 'multiracial ' categor y wil l onl y serv e to ele vate mixe d rac e peopl e t o a non-Blac k status . What' s s o ba d about bein g jus t Black? " Smyth e concludes , "I f societ y ha d defined Susa n Graham' s childre n a s White sh e would no t b e fight ing fo r a 'multiracial ' category . Projec t RACE ? Mor e lik e Projec t RACIST!"35

In term s o f whit e peopl e havin g th e historica l tendenc y t o labe l peoples o f color , whe n Olne y use d th e ter m "mixe d race " o n hi s radio talkshow , Graha m tol d hi m th e ter m wa s "offensive." 36 Bu t for numerou s peopl e wh o ar e themselve s multiracial , th e ter m "mixed race " i s not onl y fittin g bu t "trendy " o r stylish. 37 More over, in terms o f Graham' s objectio n t o an y modification o f Direc tive No . 1 5 fo r mixed-rac e peopl e whic h doe s no t includ e th e specific nam e "multiracial, " w e get the impression that i t is a name rather tha n a principl e tha t i s important. So , once agai n a whit e person i s trying t o tel l people wh o ar e no t whit e wha t nam e t o g o by. I understand Beverl y Smythe' s point . Just becaus e Graha m ha s biracial childre n doe s no t mea n sh e hold s th e righ t t o pus h fo r a legislated categor y tha t woul d nam e al l mixed-rac e people . Sh e may nam e he r ow n children , i f sh e wishes, bu t no t th e mixed-rac e children o f everyon e else . Moreover , sinc e Graha m refer s t o th e coloureds o f South Africa i n order t o legitimize the mixed-race cat egory tha t sh e wants t o nam e "multiracial, " i t shoul d b e interest ing t o kno w tha t a fe w coloured s I spok e t o fin d th e nam e "multiracial" unfitting . The y woul d lik e mixed-race American s t o use th e nam e "coloured"—th e ver y ter m Graha m rejects. 38 Th e term "coloured, " i t wa s argue d b y thre e coloure d nationalist s I spoke with, preceded aparthei d legislatio n i n South Afric a an d i s a name onc e widely use d i n the Unite d State s fo r mixed-rac e blacks . Moreover, the y pointed out , i t is still a name use d b y the Nationa l Association fo r th e Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) . Furthermore, no t onl y doe s Graha m wis h t o determin e th e name b y whic h peopl e o f colo r wil l b e known , sh e want s t o [60]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

determine wh o ca n an d canno t b e "multiracial. " Sh e seek s t o determine this by narrowly definin g th e term to include onl y thos e persons havin g parent s fro m tw o o f th e existen t monoracia l cate gories. Th e fac t is , however, black s ar e an d hav e alway s bee n a multiracial people , a fact tha t ha s lon g led scholar s to dra w paral lels between blac k American s an d th e mixed-race coloure d peopl e of Sout h Africans . Amon g thes e scholar s ar e sociologis t Willia m Brown i n Race Relations in the American South and in South Africa (1959) , H . F . Dickie-Clar k i n The Marginal Situation (1966), an d historia n Georg e Fredrickso n i n White Supremacy (1981), to nam e onl y a few. 39 Al l three o f thes e author s recogniz e that black s an d coloured s ar e people s generall y comprise d o f racial mixture tha t especiall y date s bac k t o the nineteenth century . The experienc e o f segregatio n tha t black s endure d afte r slavery , beginning betwee n 189 0 an d 191 0 an d extendin g throug h th e firs t half o f the twentieth century , was also experienced b y coloureds b y law an d b y custo m lon g befor e th e Nationa l Part y too k offic e i n 1948. Soo n thereafter , th e aparthei d regim e i n Sout h Afric a initi ated the Population Registratio n Ac t that segregate d coloured s an d the Immoralit y Ac t tha t outlawe d interracia l marriag e an d sex , s o that th e mixed-rac e coloured s marrie d an d mate d amon g them selves jus t lik e blac k American s di d du e t o segregatio n an d anti miscegenation laws . Additionally , u p unti l 1991 , whe n racia l classification wa s repeale d i n Sout h Africa , an y offsprin g o f clan destine relationship s betwee n white s an d coloured s woul d b e coloured children , jus t a s i n th e Unite d State s an y offsprin g between black s and whites have traditionally bee n black. This par allel betwee n coloure d Sout h African s an d blac k American s a s people o f mixe d racia l ancestr y raise s seriou s question s abou t Susan Graham' s inclinatio n no t onl y t o nam e mixed-rac e peopl e but then t o defin e narrowl y th e name sh e is lobbying for . In term s o f th e narrownes s wit h whic h "multiracial " i s bein g defined b y the multiracialists , coloure d scholar s Richar d va n de r Ross an d Jimm y Elli s tak e th e opposin g view . Elli s sai d h e wa s always under th e impression that , with a few exceptions , the situa tion o f coloure d Sout h African s wa s paralle l wit h tha t o f blac k [61]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

Americans. He sai d that bot h group s evolve d ou t o f slaver y durin g which the y mixed with whites, that bot h spea k th e language o f th e white settlers , that bot h adopte d th e Christia n religio n brough t b y whites, an d bot h ha d a subcultur e tha t existe d withi n th e large r Western culture . Whil e blac k American s ar e o f mixe d race , Elli s added, i t i s blacks withi n th e Africa n enclave s i n the Unite d State s (those isolated area s such as the Sea Islands) an d Native American s on th e reservation s wh o h e believe s paralle l th e indigenou s black s of Sout h Africa . Similarly , van de r Ros s told m e that unlik e black s in Sout h Africa , blac k American s d o no t spea k a nativ e tongue , have triba l affiliations , o r liv e in thei r nativ e land . Fo r essentiall y the sam e reasons Elli s pointed out , van de r Ros s has always recog nized commonalitie s betwee n blac k American s (a s a mixe d race ) and coloure d Sout h Africans (a s a mixed race) . He ha s alway s recognized commonalitie s betwee n himsel f an d Ralp h Bunch e (who m he met upo n hi s first tri p to th e United State s in 1957) . Therefore, Africa n American s shoul d b e include d amon g th e "coloured" o r multiracia l people s o f th e world , becaus e the y ar e ancestrally a people o f mixe d racia l background . Th e multiracial ists, accordin g t o th e thre e coloure d nationalist s I spoke to , hav e too narro w a n approac h t o multiracialis m o r colouredism , because determinin g multiracialit y mus t b e base d o n one' s ances tral lineag e an d no t simpl y o n one' s parentage . I f Africa n Ameri cans wer e t o com e t o Sout h Africa , th e coloure d nationalist s agreed, the y woul d se e that the y ar e coloured , no t jus t i n appear ance bu t i n bein g o f mixe d racia l lineage . Jimmy Elli s (wh o i s no t a coloure d nationalist ) concurre d tha t fo r peopl e no w t o insis t that th e racia l categorie s o f th e Unite d State s b e "refined " s o tha t all biracial peopl e ar e "multiracial " i s to ignor e African America n history. Likewise , a man o f Englis h an d Afrikaan s parentag e mar ried t o a n India n woma n ( a Muslim ) who m h e me t durin g th e anti-apartheid struggl e sai d tha t limitin g multiracia l identit y t o one generatio n freeze s racia l identit y an d create s a ne w race — which h e opposes . America n journalis t Hann a Rosi n similarl y remarks tha t "Graham' s definitio n water s dow n th e definitio n o f race an d make s i t a one-generatio n phenomenon , mor e lik e a n [62]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

interest group." 4 0 I n thi s respect , fo r th e multiracialist s t o com pare mixed-rac e American s t o th e Sout h Africa n coloured s an d yet exclud e blac k American s i s furthe r suggestio n tha t ther e ar e stark problem s behin d som e (i f not many ) o f their positions . In addition t o attemptin g t o name mixed-race people an d t o define "multiracial" narrowl y whil e simultaneousl y drawin g parallel s with coloure d Sout h Africans , th e multiracialist s hav e criticize d those people o f mixed-rac e backgroun d wh o ar e comfortable wit h a monoracia l identit y (th e identit y the y hav e selecte d fo r them selves). Carlo s Fernande z o f th e AME A contend s tha t countin g multiracial peopl e i n th e monoracia l categorie s mean s tha t th e monoracial group s ar e bein g mischaracterize d o r misrepresented , especially th e blac k America n group . H e say s that ther e ar e man y mixed-race peopl e wh o choos e t o identif y a s blac k whe n the y ar e really indicatin g th e communit y wit h whic h the y mos t closel y interact o r th e communit y whos e politica l interest s the y wis h t o support. 41 Bu t th e notio n tha t th e government' s failur e t o coun t mixed-race peopl e result s i n monoracia l group s bein g mischarac terized i s base d o n questionabl e premises . Fo r i f coloure d peopl e (the multiracial s o f Sout h Africa ) wer e classifie d monoraciall y a s white (du e t o thei r kinshi p wit h whit e Afrikaan s people) , woul d white b e mischaracterized? Whit e woul d onl y b e mischaracterize d if white actuall y ha s somethin g t o d o wit h a white colo r o r whit e genetic purity . Neithe r i s tru e i n Sout h Afric a o r th e Unite d States—or i n Brazil , fo r tha t matter . I n Sout h Afric a man y wh o were classifie d a s whit e unde r aparthei d wer e neithe r whit e i n color no r pur e i n race, since the white Afrikaan s peopl e were gen erally know n t o hav e 6 percen t t o 8 percen t mixe d ancestry , which sometime s mad e the m eve n darke r i n complexio n tha n some coloureds. In the United States , Arabs ar e classified a s whit e when eve n the y themselve s sa y the y ar e not—no t whit e i n ances try (European) , color , o r treatment . I n Brazil , whit e "purity " i s not th e issu e either; white appearanc e i s the issue . Susan Graha m fail s t o se e this and make s a similar point t o tha t of Fernandez . Sh e says tha t th e questio n i s not ho w man y peopl e [63]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

of Africa n descen t ar e purel y blac k bu t rathe r ho w man y peopl e who identif y a s blac k woul d rathe r identif y a s multiracial . "Tha t is a ver y ver y smal l number, " sh e concludes. 42 Th e poin t i s no t simply ho w man y black s woul d rathe r identif y a s multiracial, bu t that multiracialist s suc h a s Graha m an d Fernandez , wh o ar e no t black, ar e tamperin g wit h th e namin g an d characterizatio n o f black people. That i s the primary principa l an d th e tricky proble m involved. The secondar y principl e an d proble m i s tha t th e number s o f blacks wishin g t o becom e multiracia l ma y no t b e " a ver y ver y small number " i f mixed-rac e peopl e d o no t hav e a choic e i n th e matter o f thei r self-identification . Currentl y mixed-rac e peopl e d o have a choic e i n th e matte r o f self-identification , fo r th e federa l government doe s no t itsel f uphol d th e one-dro p rule . The instruc tions o f Directiv e No . 1 5 ar e that mixed-rac e peopl e shoul d selec t the racial category that mos t closely reflects th e way their commu nity see s them: "Th e categor y whic h mos t closel y reflects th e indi vidual's recognition i n his community shoul d b e used for purpose s of reporting o n persons who ar e of mixed racia l and/o r ethni c ori gins." Thes e direction s provid e enoug h spac e fo r eas y defianc e o f social custom—th e "one-dro p rule"—fo r th e "individual' s com munity" i s a concep t tha t i s indefinite enoug h fo r broa d interpre tation. Furthermore , if , a s we hear d Graha m sa y in chapter 1 , th e United State s Burea u o f th e Censu s advise d Graha m t o identif y her childre n afte r th e rac e o f th e mothe r (wh o i s whit e i n thi s instance), the n thi s to o i s contrary t o th e one-dro p rule . Thus, i n removing th e possibilit y o f choic e fro m mixed-rac e peopl e who prefe r t o identif y a s black , removin g tha t choic e becaus e monoracial group s ar e allegedl y otherwis e "mischaracterized, " the multiracialist s ar e establishin g a muc h stricte r (indee d a n apartheid-like) standar d fo r racia l identification . While Graha m say s sh e doe s no t thin k mixed-rac e peopl e mus t choose th e ne w multiracia l identit y ove r a monoracia l identity, 43 there ar e multiracialist s wh o argu e tha t bein g multiracia l i s not a matter o f choice . Candac e Mills , edito r o f Interrace magazine , says tha t race , lik e se x (mal e an d female) , canno t b e selected . [64]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

"When a Blac k perso n an d a Whit e perso n mate , th e resultin g child i s a 'blended ' product, " sh e argues . "Th e Blac k canno t b e separated fro m th e White." 44 So , even thoug h actres s Hall e Berr y identifies a s black , Mill s insist s sh e i s biracial. 45 Similarly , i n a n article entitle d "Wher e Ar e Al l the Dark-skinne d Blac k Women, " a multiracia l goin g b y th e pen-nam e Jamo o write s tha t th e ne w black woma n fo r th e 1990 s i s anythin g bu t black . H e say s tha t anyone lookin g throug h suc h blac k magazine s a s Essence, Ebony, and Jet, a s wel l a s throug h correspondin g blac k teenag e maga zines, wil l se e tha t ther e ar e onl y a fe w wome n wh o ar e trul y black, sinc e mos t o f th e wome n i n th e magazine s ar e "light , bright, an d damn-nea r white. " H e insist s tha t "rea l sisters, " lik e Anita Bake r an d Cicel y Tyson , shoul d b e th e model s o f blac k beauty tha t ar e showcase d i n magazine s rathe r tha n mixed-rac e women lik e Jasmine Gu y an d Hall e Berry. 46 The sam e vie w i s held b y Franci s Wardle , th e whit e chil d psy chologist an d famil y therapis t wh o i s th e husban d o f a blac k woman an d th e fathe r o f a biracia l child . Wardl e illustrate s thi s stricter vie w o f racia l identit y i n hi s criticis m o f Hall e Berry , whose comment s abou t he r monoracia l blac k identit y h e ha d encountered i n a n Essence magazin e intervie w b y Lis a Jones . Jones aske d Berr y wh y certai n medi a ha d identifie d he r a s mul tiracial, an d Berr y responde d (t o Wardle's dismay ) tha t sh e neve r once announce d tha t sh e i s biracia l bu t rathe r alway s sai d sh e i s black. Berr y went o n t o sa y that i f someon e els e wants t o identif y as multiracial the n tha t i s their righ t t o d o so , but sh e identifies a s black an d feel s ver y comfortabl e a s a membe r o f th e blac k com munity. 47 A s though Berr y doe s no t hav e a choice i n the matter o f her identity, Wardle comments sarcasticall y tha t Berr y has made i t quite clea r i n thi s particula r intervie w tha t sh e doe s no t wan t t o be a role model fo r multiracia l kids. 48 Wardle ha s simila r criticism s fo r la w professo r Lan i Guinier , the mixed-race blac k woman who m Presiden t Bil l Clinton droppe d as hi s firs t nomine e fo r Assistan t Attorne y Genera l i n charg e o f civil rights . Wardl e eve n mad e ligh t o f th e blac k leader s wh o protested Clinton' s decision , give n tha t Guinie r i s really biracia l [65]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

(with a Jewis h mother) , h e argued , an d no t black. 49 Thes e instances o f Berr y an d Guinie r choosin g t o identif y a s blac k dis turb Wardle , becaus e i n hi s opinio n the y conve y th e messag e t o mixed-race childre n tha t the y must choos e a black identit y t o suc ceed. 50 Thus , i n respons e t o peopl e wh o sa y i t i s wrong t o rais e biracial childre n a s whit e whe n the y ar e als o par t black , an d t o people wh o fee l i t is comfortable fo r a n interracia l coupl e t o rais e their mixe d childre n a s black , Wardl e say s bot h view s impos e a n identity o n mixe d childre n tha t i s inaccurate sinc e the children ar e inescapably biracial. 51 So far I have criticized th e fact tha t som e multiracialists want t o determine th e nam e b y which peopl e o f colo r wil l b e known an d determine wh o ca n an d canno t b e multiracial . No w w e hav e before u s th e clai m tha t havin g a whit e paren t automaticall y removes offsprin g fro m th e categor y o f black , eve n i f thes e indi viduals selec t blac k a s thei r racia l identity . Overlookin g fo r th e moment th e obviou s implication s o f apartheid , thi s sound s remi niscient o f th e racia l situatio n i n Brazil , wher e peopl e o f an y degree o f mixtur e wh o displa y som e whit e feature s ceas e t o b e classified a s black . Give n Brazilia n rac e relations , thi s woul d sug gest tha t racia l blendin g (miscegenation ) doe s no t necessaril y mean ther e i s a n absenc e o f racism , sinc e i n Brazi l ther e is , as I will explai n later , a n intentiona l proces s o f obliteratin g blackness . Additionally, fo r Candac e Mills , Franci s Wardle , an d othe r mul tiracialists to sa y that rac e cannot b e a choice for peopl e like Hall e Berry an d Lan i Guinier , i s for thes e multiracialist s t o essentializ e race. That is , it is to sa y that rac e is a real thing o f nature, when i t is really bu t a sociopolitica l construct . Moreover , fo r th e multira cialists to say Berry and Guinie r canno t choos e their race is for th e multiracialists t o essentializ e racia l mixtur e a s though i t is held b y a fe w bu t no t b y all . So , the mor e th e multiracialist s defen d thei r proposition, th e mor e w e ar e plunge d deepe r int o racialization , layer b y layer . Fortunately ther e ar e a fe w amon g th e multiracialist s wh o rebuff thi s submergence. For instance , Ramona Douglass , the successor o f Carlo s Fernande z a s presiden t o f th e AMEA , ha d word s [66]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

of rebuk e fo r Wardle' s criticis m o f mixed-rac e peopl e wh o choos e a blac k identity . Douglass , wh o i s hersel f o f blac k an d whit e ancestry, sai d tha t sh e find s Wardl e t o b e presumptuous i n think ing that hi s interracial marriag e an d hi s parenting o f biracia l chil dren give s hi m th e righ t t o impos e hi s view s abou t racia l identit y on mixed-rac e peopl e wh o choos e t o identif y wit h onl y par t o f their ancestry . Sh e concludes, " I a m sensitiv e enoug h t o th e vari ety of experience s tha t w e as 'mixed-race ' peopl e contend with , t o respect an d accep t tha t choice." 52 I n fact , Loi s Melina' s advic e t o biological an d adoptiv e parent s wh o ar e raisin g mixed-rac e chil dren t o b e biracia l i s tha t the y allo w thes e childre n th e righ t t o develop thei r ow n racia l identities . Sh e als o say s tha t parent s should mak e sur e thes e childre n d o no t thin k the y ar e bein g dis loyal t o thei r whit e birthparent s o r adoptiv e parent s i f the y choose t o conside r themselve s black. 53 Richar d va n de r Ros s feel s the sam e abou t coloure d people—tha t the y shoul d hav e th e righ t to identif y wit h whateve r grou p the y wish : "Thi s i s a decisio n which eac h on e mus t mak e fo r himsel f o r herself . I n s o doing , people wil l naturall y as k wher e the y fee l the y belong . The y mus t also as k whethe r th e grou p wit h whic h the y wis h t o identify , wil l accept them . Identity mus t no t b e forced." 54 Not onl y mus t identit y no t b e forced , bu t i t woul d b e unfai r and apartheid-lik e t o insis t tha t mixed-rac e black s suc h a s Jas mine Guy , Hall e Berry , an d Lan i Guinie r depar t fro m th e blac k race an d ceas e allowin g themselve s t o b e model s o f blac k beaut y and success . Would no t suc h apartheid-lik e behavio r o n th e par t of black s b e aki n t o white s sayin g tha t thes e wome n canno t b e models o f whit e beaut y an d success ? Woul d thi s no t b e racism ? This is a question tha t need s to b e answered b y the multiracialists . On th e on e hand, the y ofte n emphasiz e th e fact tha t biracial s suc h as Guy , Berry , an d Guinie r ar e bot h blac k an d white . No w som e of the m ar e sayin g these women canno t b e black , eithe r b y choic e or b y fact . If certai n o f th e multiracialist s wer e t o succee d i n thei r design s to forc e th e multiracia l identit y o n mixed-rac e peopl e wh o allegedly caus e th e blac k populatio n t o b e "mischaracterized, " [67]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

then thi s woul d hav e significan t bearin g o n th e numbe r o f peopl e who ar e removed fro m th e blac k community . Ther e ar e also othe r factors tha t coul d resul t i n a substantial numbe r o f black s becom ing multiracial. Although ther e may not b e millions o f black s wh o go t o th e extrem e o f physicall y alterin g thei r appearanc e t o loo k white, ther e migh t b e a substantia l numbe r wh o op t fo r thi s non surgical remova l fro m th e categor y o f black . Thi s wa s essentiall y the apprehensio n expresse d b y Arthur Fletcher , chairperson o f th e United State s Commissio n o n Civi l Rights . Fletche r sai d t o th e House subcommitte e o n th e censu s tha t h e i s concerned tha t th e multiracial categor y woul d attrac t mor e black s tha n simpl y thos e of immediat e biracia l parentage . H e worrie s tha t th e categor y would als o attract significan t number s fro m tha t 7 0 percent o f th e black communit y whos e multigenerationa l lineag e i s multiracia l given th e substantia l strain s o f whit e an d Nativ e America n ances try i n blac k people . Fletcher sai d tha t i n the 199 0 censu s approxi mately 253,00 0 peopl e (abou t 1 percent o f th e population ) mad e entries under th e "other " category , which indicate d tha t the y wer e of mixe d racia l background . Althoug h thi s i s a relativel y smal l number o f people , h e continued , th e Commissio n believe s tha t many mor e black s woul d selec t "multiracial " o n th e censu s i f i t were a choice . Thi s i s becaus e a multiracia l categor y woul d b e more likel y t o appea l t o black s wh o identif y mor e tha n on e rac e in the previou s generation s o f thei r famil y lineage. 55 Fletche r als o worries tha t a hos t o f blacks , no t necessaril y thos e wh o ar e o f immediate mixed-rac e background , migh t op t fo r "multiracial " i n hope o f escapin g th e stigm a o f blac k an d thereb y receivin g som e economic benefit s i n corporate America. 56 In that regard , it woul d certainly b e easier for man y blac k people to "pass " for multiracia l than t o "pass " fo r white . According t o blac k Sout h Africa n journalis t Mik e Siluma , t o draw a parallel, som e blac k Sout h Africans , i n a n effor t t o escap e the worst o f apartheid , tried to "play " coloured—includin g chang ing their personality , fleein g blac k townships , adoptin g Afrikaan s or Englis h a s their language , an d applyin g ski n whiteners . Al l thi s was don e t o loo k coloured , h e says , since they certainl y coul d no t [68]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

"play" white. 57 I n fact , ther e wer e numerou s instance s o f Sout h Africans who , durin g th e aparthei d era , applie d t o th e Rac e Clas sification Boar d fo r reclassificatio n t o th e nex t categor y u p o n th e social totem . Thes e wer e black s wh o "trie d fo r coloured " an d coloureds wh o "trie d fo r white. " Betwee n Januar y i , 1983 , an d December 31 , 1990, fo r instance , ther e wer e 9,10 0 application s for racia l reclassification . Ther e wer e 4,53 9 coloure d wh o suc cessfully applie d fo r whit e statu s an d 1,08 3 w h ° wer e denie d it . There wer e 2,51 7 black s wh o successfull y applie d fo r coloure d status an d 69 0 who wer e turned down. 58 Although I admitted a t th e clos e o f th e previou s chapte r tha t I no longe r believ e th e principa l motivatio n o f th e multiracialist s i s to provid e mixed-rac e black s wit h a n escap e hatc h fro m black ness, ther e ar e som e mixed-rac e peopl e wh o hav e mad e i t clea r that the y wis h t o stee r clea r o f th e degradin g stigm a o f black. 59 There ar e als o sophisticate d argument s comin g fro m th e multira cialists tha t sugges t th e reasonablenes s o f people' s fligh t fro m th e taint o f blackness . Fo r instance , mixed-rac e philosophe r Naom i Zack say s tha t sinc e th e concep t o f a blac k rac e ha s n o unifor m factual foundatio n an d sinc e peopl e wh o identif y a s blac k ar e coerced t o d o s o an d i n tur n d o no t receiv e th e sam e socia l treat ment a s whites, the n perhap s th e da y ha s com e t o rejec t th e ide a of a black race. 60 For whatever reason s mixed-race peopl e might choos e to deser t blackness, Susan Graham' s lo w estimate o f the number o f possibl e defectors ma y b e incorrect . Roderic k Harrison , hea d o f th e Cen sus Bureau' s Racia l Statistic s division , say s i t i s reasonabl e t o believe that a multiracial bo x o n th e census could resul t i n at leas t a 1 0 percen t defectio n fro m th e blac k category. 61 Tha t i s nearl y 300,000 people . Additionally, i n future generation s th e number o f blacks woul d decreas e wit h th e ris e o f interracia l marriag e o r mating betwee n black s an d th e forme r mixed-rac e black s wh o defected t o th e multiracia l classification . Th e number s o f black s would decreas e becaus e a blac k perso n wh o marrie s a multiracia l (even a multiracia l wit h partia l blac k ancestry ) wil l hav e crosse d racial boundaries . Thus , th e offsprin g o f suc h a mixe d unio n [69]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

would b e multiracia l rathe r tha n black , eve n thoug h tha t perso n would essentiall y b e three-quarters black . Thi s poin t i s also illus trated i n th e earlie r par t o f thi s centur y b y a n Arizon a woma n o f black an d whit e parentag e wh o wen t t o cour t t o challeng e th e state's la w agains t interracia l marriage , sinc e she could no t legall y marry someon e whit e o r blac k withou t crossin g racia l line s an d therefore bein g involve d i n illega l miscegenation. 62 Unde r th e ol d system o f racia l classificatio n i n Sout h Africa , t o giv e anothe r illustration, th e offsprin g o f a blac k an d coloure d perso n wa s automatically mixe d an d therefor e coloured , eve n thoug h tha t person migh t hav e bee n essentiall y three-quarter s black . So , given the fac t tha t th e offsprin g o f a unio n betwee n a multiracia l an d someone fro m an y o f th e othe r racia l group s woul d resul t i n a n interracial unio n an d a mixed-rac e child , w e essentiall y hav e th e one-drop rul e al l ove r again . Will a one-dro p rul e no w determin e who i s or i s not multiracial ? Given al l that ha s been sai d in the last several pages, when I was asked b y radio talk-sho w hos t Warre n Olne y ho w allowin g Susa n Graham's childre n t o choos e th e multiracia l identit y cause s blac k racial identity to explode, I could hav e also referred t o a remark b y Bernette Ford , a mixed-rac e adul t wh o ha s alway s identifie d a s black. For d say s tha t th e racia l situatio n i n the Unite d State s i s s o serious an d complicate d tha t thi s "splinte r group " o f mixed-rac e blacks, which doe s not nee d to separate , diverts attention fro m th e more seriou s problems o f blac k peopl e i n this country. 63 Similarly , Joy Zarembks , who ha s a Kenyan mothe r an d a white father , say s that sinc e mos t black s ar e alread y multiracial , sh e i s agains t th e multiracial categor y becaus e i t would d o nothin g mor e tha n brea k up th e blac k community. 64 Indeed , white s wh o hav e multiracia l ancestry—say, Nativ e American—ar e no t goin g t o leav e th e upper-caste o f white fo r th e lower-cast e o f multiracial , s o the mul tiracial classificatio n result s in the fragmenting o f peoples o f color , including the blac k America n population . I coul d hav e als o answere d Olney' s questio n b y sayin g that , given tha t approximatel y 7 0 percen t o f th e blac k communit y ha s multiracial ancestry , the introduction o f a multiracial classificatio n [70]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

would undoubtedl y injec t a n elemen t o f ambiguit y int o th e blac k community. Blac k peopl e woul d hav e n o wa y o f distinguishin g blacks fro m nonblack s (identificatio n tha t heretofor e coul d b e determined visuall y base d o n th e recognizabl e remnant s o f blac k African phenotype) . A mixed-race youn g woman fro m th e state of Washington, wh o ha d bee n livin g i n Cap e Tow n fo r nin e month s when I met her , sai d sh e foun d i t comfortin g t o b e abl e t o wal k down th e stree t an d jus t no d t o a blac k person . Bu t th e situatio n of racia l ambiguit y o f whic h I wa s speaking , wher e black s ca n never b e certai n i n th e distinction s betwee n black s an d multira cials, would b e unsettlin g t o her . Michel e Paulse , a Sout h Africa n coloured woma n raise d i n Canada, point s ou t that alread y there is a lac k o f trus t i n th e blac k communit y fo r thos e wh o appea r mixed, give n tha t historicall y white s hav e chose n mixed-rac e peo ple who ar e part whit e t o guar d thei r system s o f powe r an d privi lege i n countrie s the y hav e colonized. 65 A separation o f black s o f "race" an d "mixe d race " would, i n my estimation, onl y aggravat e black distrus t o f black s wh o loo k mixe d accordin g t o stereotypi cal notions o f mixed appearance . The havo c tha t woul d likel y b e wreake d i n th e blac k commu nity b y th e legislatio n o f a multiracia l classificatio n i s not wort h the effor t tha t migh t b e mad e b y mixed-rac e peopl e t o serv e a s mediators betwee n th e antagonisti c race s tha t compris e thei r ancestry. It is not tha t suc h racia l mediatio n i s unworthy o f atten tion. I t i s that i t i s unrealistic t o expec t mixed-rac e peopl e some how t o mediat e ou r ow n racia l problems . No on e has successfull y attempted t o d o s o for Jews an d Christians , Catholic s an d Protes tants, Republican s an d Democrats , heterosexual s an d homosexu als, male s an d females . Caro l Camper , a Canadia n o f black , white, an d Nativ e America n ancestry , find s th e ide a naiv e an d points ou t tha t i t unfairl y leave s th e necessar y wor k o f racia l rec onciliation u p to mixed-rac e people. 66 Similarly , Heather Green , a Canadian o f blac k an d whit e parentage , say s tha t i f sh e wer e t o attempt t o b e a "wizar d mediator " betwee n th e blac k an d whit e races, between th e oppresse d an d th e oppressor , sh e would b e sacrificing he r entir e being . "I t i s not possible, " sh e insists . "I t i s no t [71]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule wise. An d i t make s n o sens e fo r an y on e w o m a n t o tak e o n w h a t h u m a n i t y a s a w h o l e i s s o fa r fro m takin g s e r i o u s l y — t h e . . . destruction o f whit e supremacy." 6 7 Moreover, th e destructio n o f whit e supremac y wil l no t occu r b y further fragmentin g th e blac k communit y o r people s o f color . I t i s for thi s reaso n t h a t Sout h Africa n historia n Gavi n Lewi s speak s negatively o f th e Populatio n Registratio n Ac t o f apartheid , which , requiring ever y Sout h Africa n t o carr y a n identificatio n car d set ting t h e m a p a r t i n racia l g r o u p s , divide d black s a n d coloureds . Writing i n 1987 , befor e aparthei d wa s abolished , Lewi s say s tha t m a n y peopl e classifie d a s coloure d rejecte d t h a t categorizatio n because i t represente d th e a t t e m p t o f th e white-supremacis t regime t o "divid e an d rule. " I t divide d th e oppresse d whil e simul taneously preservin g whit e " p u r i t y " b y treatin g coloured s a s a separate, homogeneou s rac e apar t fro m bot h black s an d whites. 6 8 The sam e hold s tru e fo r Brazil , a s historia n Clevelan d Donald , Jr. , illustrates: while on e ca n condem n th e fac t o f onl y on e categor y fo r Black s i n the Unite d State s a s a techniqu e fo r th e dehumanizatio n o f Afro Americans, i n Brazi l th e presenc e o f infinit e variation s i n colo r results i n th e sam e typ e o f Blac k dehumanization . Durin g slavery , and to a limited exten t eve n today, the Afro-Brazilian ca n b e born a mulatto, reare d a pret o [black] , live th e lif e o f a pard o [mulatto] , and b e buried a moreno [white] . But this does no t mea n tha t whit e Brazilians regar d Black s a s huma n being s an y mor e tha n whit e Americans do ; for th e powe r o f self-definitio n i n the Brazilia n cas e lies beyon d th e contro l o f Afro-Brazilians , i n th e hand s o f whites . The fac t tha t whit e Brazilian s ca n defin e Black s as they please con tributes t o th e anxiet y an d frustratio n tha t make s possibl e th e eas y co-optation an d psychologica l emasculatio n o f Blacks . I n thi s sense, colo r gradation s i n th e contex t o f th e Brazilia n cultura l milieu ar e a disadvantage rathe r tha n a n advantage/ 9 Thus, a s anthropologis t Angel a Gillia m say s i n comparin g Brazil' s so-called raceles s societ y t o th e Unite d States : " I w o u l d conten d that America n blacks , b y virtu e o f th e impose d historica l defini tion o f who i s o r i s not black , ma y hav e mor e advantages . T h a t is , [72]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

the identifiabl e . . . black i n thi s countr y ha s potentia l fo r fam ily/group unit y an d commo n goal s fa r exceedin g tha t whic h i s possible i n Brazil." 70 Again, my presumption i n coming to the multiracial debat e wa s that withi n a racis t countr y th e one-dro p rul e ha s serve d black s best, eve n thoug h thi s rul e allow s whites , with thei r majorit y sta tus, t o hun t down , identify , an d discriminat e agains t everyon e with tha t "on e drop. " Th e strateg y I am suggestin g i s akin t o tha t used b y minority white s when the y wer e i n power i n Sout h Afric a and b y the minorit y white s i n Brazil , who ar e stil l i n power . Bot h of th e minorit y whit e population s counte d ever y whit e o r part white a s whit e i n orde r t o buffe r thei r numbers . I n th e Unite d States, where black s ar e i n th e minority , w e nee d t o coun t ever y black o r part-blac k a s black . So , while whites, with thei r majorit y status, hun t down , identify , an d discriminat e agains t everyon e with that "on e drop, " the greater numbe r o f blacks resulting fro m the "rule " mak e i t mor e difficul t fo r ou r oppressor s t o maintai n the institution s o f discrimination . Thi s is no doub t th e reason tha t doing awa y wit h th e one-dro p rul e ha s neve r bee n o n th e civi l rights agenda . Th e threa t o f a n underminin g o f th e one-dro p rul e is essentially th e reason Arthu r Fletcher , chairperson o f the Unite d States Commissio n o n Civi l Rights , told th e Hous e subcommitte e on th e censu s that th e Commissio n recommend s agains t th e addi tion o f a multiracial categor y t o th e OMB' S Directiv e No . 15 . In followin g Fletcher' s testimon y befor e th e Hous e subcommittee , it might no t b e s o obviou s tha t th e roo t o f th e Commission' s con cern abou t th e propose d multiracia l classificatio n i s th e havo c that woul d b e brough t upo n blac k racia l identit y an d blac k soli darity. Thi s i s not s o obviou s becaus e th e Commission' s principa l arguments agains t th e adde d classificatio n wer e aime d a t the issu e of lega l an d polic y protectio n fo r th e blac k minority . Thi s i s th e issue o n whic h the y ha d t o concentrate , no t onl y becaus e thi s i s the officia l domai n o f concer n fo r th e Commissio n bu t becaus e this i s the issu e th e OM B find s t o b e o f significanc e give n it s offi cial domai n o f concern—federa l la w an d polic y needs . The OM B [73]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

understands suc h dat a t o b e importan t because , sinc e 1970 , afte r the civi l right s movemen t an d th e Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t decisions that ensued , th e tallyin g o f racial demographic s throug h the censu s ha s increase d i n importance . Thi s i s becaus e th e statis tics ar e use d fo r monitorin g complianc e wit h cour t decision s involving civi l right s an d th e allocatio n o f governmen t resource s to mee t th e needs o f th e "protected " minorit y group s tha t histori cally hav e bee n discriminate d against . Th e amoun t o f resource s that g o t o th e blac k communit y relat e directl y t o th e numbe r o f blacks counte d o n th e census . This i s why Fletche r state d tha t th e eight civil rights commissioners h e represents di d not think addin g a ne w classificatio n t o th e existin g racia l categorie s woul d pro duce usefu l information , bu t rathe r woul d undermin e th e qualit y of dat a currentl y receive d o n rac e an d ethnicity . Thi s i s particu larly th e case , h e said , give n th e undercountin g o f minoritie s i n recent census counts. 71 That a multiracial categor y o n th e censu s coul d dra w number s from th e existen t minorit y group s an d therefor e lesse n th e exten t of thei r protectio n wa s th e fundamenta l concer n o f th e Nationa l Urban League . Billy Tidwell, the directo r o f research fo r th e Urba n League, articulate d thi s to th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census . Tidwell expressed concer n abou t th e impact that addin g a multira cial classificatio n coul d hav e o n th e representatio n o f black s an d consequently o n th e gain s the y hav e previousl y accrue d unde r th e existing classification system . He said, "I t would b e an unfortunat e circumstance, indeed , i f changes i n censu s dat a collectio n method ology effectivel y turne d th e cloc k bac k o n th e well-bein g o f a group tha t ha s had suc h distinctiv e an d profound experience s wit h exclusion an d deprivatio n i n this society." 72 Paul Williams, assistant secretar y o f the Department o f Housin g and Urba n Developmen t ( H U D ) , illustrate d befor e th e Hous e sub committee tha t th e clock coul d indee d b e turned bac k o n th e wellbeing o f blacks . Accordin g t o Williams , th e ter m "multiracial, " like th e categor y "other, " woul d no t permi t HU D t o protec t tha t constituency fro m possibl e discriminatio n wit h regard t o mortgag e loans. H e explaine d tha t th e 35,00 0 peopl e wh o previousl y fille d [74]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

out "other " o n lending applications ar e the same people who com e to H U D askin g fo r help . However , H U D need s specifi c dat a o n identification, dat a tha t the category "other " doe s not give them i n order t o protec t minoritie s an d ensur e thei r righ t t o fai r housin g practices.73 Thi s very kind o f proble m le d on e government analys t to say of the movement to procure a multiracial category o n Directive No. 1 5 (an d th e census) , that th e multiracialist s ar e evidentl y not concerne d abou t th e possible result s o f this movement. "Wha t they don' t understand, " th e analys t said , "i s that it' s going to cos t their ow n groups." 7 4 Whil e mixed-rac e peopl e ma y b e classifie d as multiracial, th e analys t an d William s ar e saying , they ma y stil l be treate d a s blac k an d therefor e los e ou t o n neede d protectio n that black s get . Though th e Unite d State s Civi l Right s Commissio n i s partl y concerned fo r blac k racia l identit y an d blac k solidarity , a s I will show, we shoul d no t b e put of f b y the fac t tha t th e commissioner s and othe r blac k leader s ar e concerne d abou t th e officia l coun t o f blacks. It ha s bee n b y ou r number s an d unity , bot h a result o f th e one-drop rule , tha t w e hav e mad e stride s i n attainin g civi l right s in this country. I n fact, fro m th e day s o f slaver y we were Colored , Negro, Black , Afro-American , an d Africa n America n together , and togethe r w e hav e com e thi s fa r "b y faith. " B y that fait h an d determination blac k leadershi p an d grassroot s activis m hav e pushed th e need s o f th e blac k communit y an d th e ideal s o f th e country t o th e forefron t o f th e nationa l consciousnes s an d o f political agendas . A knowledge o f thi s histor y i s n o doub t wha t led on e Sout h Africa n coloure d woma n o f India n an d Cap e coloured parentag e t o sa y t o m e tha t sh e though t on e o f th e strengths o f blac k Americans was their unity . "Wh y can' t they jus t call themselve s Africa n Americans? " sh e aske d o f th e multiracial s who ar e part black . Some o f thos e wh o wis h fo r a ne w identit y othe r tha n blac k have in fact forgotten : tha t i s my answer. They have forgotten tha t since th e day s o f slaver y black s hav e tende d t o embrac e eve n th e whitest o f thei r interracia l offspring . Childre n bor n ou t o f wed lock fro m relationship s blac k wome n hav e ha d wit h whit e me n [75]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

(by forc e o r compliance ) hav e bee n accepte d o r adopte d b y rela tives i n th e blac k communit y i n a fa r highe r percentag e tha n th e children whit e wome n hav e ha d fro m blac k me n (b y compliance ) have bee n accepte d o r adopte d b y relative s i n th e whit e commu nity. Moreover , whil e th e whit e communit y ha s generall y aban doned white s wh o ar e involve d i n interracia l relationship s wit h blacks, th e blac k communit y ha s generall y grante d thos e whit e spouses entr y int o th e blac k community , thoug h sometime s wit h some cautio n an d discomfort . Fo r instance , i n 195 0 on e whit e woman i n the Clu b o f Tomorrow, th e interracial suppor t grou p o f Detroit tha t I mentioned i n chapte r 1 , sai d tha t thoug h sh e ha d been rejecte d b y white s fo r marryin g a blac k man , sh e wa s wel comed i n th e blac k community : " I ca n truthfull y sa y I a m no t sorry fo r changin g fro m m y rac e t o th e Negr o race , becaus e it' s grand t o b e love d b y s o man y fin e people." 7 5 Hetti e Jones , th e white ex-wif e o f blac k write r LeRo i Jone s (Amir i Baraka ) an d mother o f cultura l criti c Lis a Jones, als o say s sh e foun d comfort , friends, an d generosit y i n th e blac k community. 76 Similarly , Gai l Mathabane, th e white America n wif e o f blac k Sout h Africa n nov elist Mar k Mathabane , say s tha t th e racia l discriminatio n sh e faces i n th e Unite d State s ha s mad e he r realiz e tha t sh e ha s relin quished he r privileges a s a white person an d i s now a member o f a black family. 77 "Why can' t the y just call themselves African Americans? " was a most fittin g questio n b y th e above-mentione d coloure d woma n with regar d t o mixed-rac e blacks . The coloure d woma n ma y als o have bee n considerin g tha t i t i s b y ou r number s an d unit y tha t black American s wer e abl e t o hel p brin g a n en d t o aparthei d i n South Africa , a unit y tha t blac k an d coloure d Sout h African s essentially faile d t o buil d becaus e o f apartheid . I t was blac k Amer ican unit y (an d therefor e influence ) tha t gav e the blac k conscious ness movemen t t o Sout h Africa. 78 Thi s i s th e movemen t that , beginning i n the 1960s , started t o brin g blac k an d coloure d Sout h Africans togethe r i n a calculate d challeng e t o th e undemocrati c rule o f th e whit e minorit y government . Blac k Americans ' unit y and influenc e inspire d th e blac k consciousnes s movemen t i n Sout h [76]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

Africa, an d probabl y move d Richar d va n de r Ros s t o comment , following a two-month tri p to the United State s in 1962 , "Ca n an d will th e Coloure d ma n fac e th e problem s o f minoritie s a s a Blac k man, o r will he persist i n constantly bein g part White?" 79 During th e 1980 s an d 1990s , blac k American s bega n t o reassert th e kin d o f unit y an d influenc e the y firs t expresse d i n th e 1950s fo r th e pligh t o f th e oppresse d Sout h Africans . Afte r th e Congressional Blac k Caucu s an d Randal l Robinson' s TransAfric a persuaded Congres s t o impos e it s 198 6 economi c sanction s against th e white minorit y governmen t an d presidentia l candidat e Jesse Jackson pu t th e issu e o f sanction s int o th e 198 8 Democrati c platform, th e way was paved fo r Nelso n Mandela' s eight-cit y tou r of th e Unite d State s i n th e summe r o f 1990 . Tha t tou r wa s intended t o rais e fund s fo r th e Africa n Nationa l Congres s (ANC ) and t o urg e th e America n governmen t t o maintai n it s economi c sanctions. This came les s than a year afte r Mandela' s releas e fro m twenty-seven year s o f imprisonmen t i n Februar y 1990 . Mandel a emphasized th e nee d fo r continue d economi c sanction s agains t South Afric a durin g hi s speec h befor e th e join t sessio n o f Con gress, an d i t wa s th e sanction s tha t eventuall y le d t o th e lega l repeal o f apartheid . Whe n littl e changed, Mandel a establishe d th e "Democracy No w Tour. " I n 199 1 h e invite d a delegatio n o f twenty-nine prominen t blac k America n leader s an d celebritie s t o South Afric a t o vie w th e realitie s firsthand . I n a pledg e fo r blac k Americans t o continu e t o stan d behin d th e oppresse d o f Sout h Africa, Randal l Robinso n sai d t o Mandela , "Th e bloo d tha t unites u s i s thicke r tha n th e wate r tha t divide s us. " Thi s i s wh y now-President Mandela , upo n hi s Octobe r 199 4 visi t to Presiden t Bill Clinton' s Whit e House , too k specia l car e i n thankin g blac k Americans fo r thei r steadfas t support. 80 Mandel a said , "Th e Afro-Americans neve r forgo t tha t Afric a i s thei r continent. " I heard thes e word s spoke n b y Mandel a o n Cabl e New s Networ k (CNN) whil e I wa s i n Cap e Town , an d a t tha t poin t Arthu r Fletcher's worr y ove r th e depletio n o f th e blac k communit y mad e sense, eve n i n term s o f th e histor y o f Sout h Africa n liberation : Black American s coul d hav e bee n divide d agains t themselve s an d [77]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

their unit y an d political clout undercut , jus t as black an d coloure d South African s wer e lon g divide d an d rule d b y thei r country' s white minorit y government . Given the way the actual numbe r o f blac k Americans has serve d to hel p chang e histor y fo r th e better , bot h i n the United State s an d in Sout h Africa , blac k leader s suc h a s Arthur Fletche r shoul d no t be blame d fo r seemin g mor e concerne d abou t officia l populatio n counts tha n abou t people' s identities . Afte r all , in Lati n America n countries th e onl y peopl e wh o ar e counte d a s blac k ar e unmixe d Africans, onl y slightl y mixe d blacks , an d th e ver y poores t o f mulattoes, whic h greatl y reduce s th e numerica l clou t o f th e mos t oppressed i n society. In fact, i f the United State s used a similar def inition fo r black , whic h i s essentially wha t th e multiracialist s ar e seeking, million s o f blac k American s woul d b e counted a s mulat toes or even as white.81 In Brazil, for instance , Martin Luthe r King , Jr., woul d hav e bee n a mulatt o (i f h e wor e a sui t an d tie ) an d Adam Clayto n Powell , Jr. would hav e been white. 82 Let u s no t forget , too , tha t th e multiracialist s themselve s ar e concerned abou t officia l counts . I t i s becaus e o f th e number s o f mixed-race people , whic h hav e rapidl y increase d ove r th e las t twenty years, that th e multiracialists coul d stan d befor e th e Hous e subcommittee o n th e censu s an d th e OM B portrayin g thei r peti tion fo r a multiracial classificatio n a s urgent. It is also due to thes e numbers tha t th e multiracialists , i f th e ne w classificatio n wer e adopted, woul d b e abl e t o petitio n fo r certai n legislatio n fo r th e mixed population . Thi s petitio n ha s alread y bee n allude d t o b y Carlos Fernande z a s bein g nex t o n th e agend a o f th e multiracial ists if a multiracial classificatio n wer e approved. 83 Not fa r remove d fro m Pau l Williams's concer n tha t th e 35,00 0 people wh o checke d "other " o n loa n application s ar e th e sam e people wh o com e t o HU D askin g fo r protectio n agains t racia l dis crimination, i s th e long-standin g concer n amon g black s fo r th e well-being o f mixed-rac e blac k children . Black s ar e concerne d that mixed-rac e blac k childre n wh o ar e raise d a s somethin g othe r than blac k ar e bein g denie d th e opportunit y t o lear n th e surviva l skills that com e with bein g raised a s black, an d tha t on e day thes e [78]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

children ma y b e traumatize d whe n the y lear n tha t societ y see s them a s black . I a m thinkin g o f peopl e lik e Heathe r Green , a mixed-race blac k woma n fro m Ontari o wh o say s tha t whe n sh e was growin g u p he r adoptiv e whit e parent s refuse d t o us e th e words "black, " "white, " o r "race " i n thei r home. 8 4 Suc h whit e parents wh o hav e adopte d mixed-rac e blac k childre n ofte n prefe r to describ e thei r adopte d childre n b y some ter m othe r tha n black , evidently believin g o r hopin g tha t peopl e wil l overloo k th e racia l mixture i n thei r childre n an d jus t trea t the m a s huma n beings . Lois Melina , i n a n articl e givin g advic e t o biologica l o r adoptiv e parents wishin g t o rais e thei r mixed-rac e childre n a s biracial , beseeches thes e parent s t o examin e thei r motives . "D o yo u hop e that b y bein g viewe d a s part-white, " sh e asks , "tha t you r chil d will not encounte r negativ e stereotype s abou t blacks , or will expe rience them t o a lesser degree?" 85 Childre n wh o ar e well prepare d to defin e themselve s a s blac k ca n experienc e enoug h problem s with thei r blac k identit y a s is—i f les s tha n thos e wh o ar e no t a t all prepared. 86 Thus , Melin a warn s biologica l an d adoptiv e par ents o f mixed-rac e childre n tha t bein g biracia l doe s no t mea n a child ca n choos e t o b e whit e o r blac k o r ca n hav e "th e bes t o f both worlds. " Rather , bein g biracia l wil l likel y mea n tha t th e child wil l b e identified a s black. 87 Carol Camper , wh o wa s raise d b y a n adoptiv e whit e Canadia n family tha t kep t he r mixed-rac e blac k identit y fro m her , ha s eve n stronger word s fo r whit e wome n wh o giv e birt h t o blac k childre n and rais e the m outsid e th e blac k community . He r premis e i s tha t the custod y o f childre n b y mothers , wh o contro l an d shap e thei r children's identit y a s no on e else will, is rarely challenged, an d tha t in the context o f a racist societ y the mothering o f black children b y whites might not in this regard b e so benign. 88 Campe r i s not trou bled b y white women conceivin g blac k childre n withou t a n endur ing relationshi p t o th e blac k men , bu t sh e i s very angere d b y th e white wome n sh e suspect s ar e int o th e "fad " o f havin g blac k chil dren a s the "fashionabl e breed. " B y "fashionable " sh e means tha t these whit e wome n ma y b e exoticizin g thei r blac k childre n i n a n effort t o mak e som e progressiv e statemen t abou t race. 89 I n suc h [79]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

instances, Campe r argues , black childre n ar e bu t anothe r acquire d possession o f whites , who, eve n sinc e the day s o f colonialis m an d slavery, hav e bee n adep t a t acquirin g thing s an d eve n peopl e tha t they hav e wanted. 90 "Wh y i s i t stil l s o importan t t o ow n us? " Camper asks. 91 This ownershi p o f blac k childre n b y white wome n disturbs Campe r al l the mor e whe n thes e white wome n rais e thei r black childre n wit h n o connectio n t o th e blac k communit y t o which the y wil l ultimatel y belong. 92 Suc h children , sh e insists, ar e simply raise d a s "hous e niggers"—tha t is , as black s stole n awa y and kep t fro m th e communit y an d cultur e o f thei r blac k kindre d while they are given bette r opportunities. 93 Sometimes it sounds a s though Susa n Graha m want s thi s for al l mixed-race people . Fo r instance , Graha m sai d t o th e Hous e sub committee o n th e census that i t is "a n invasio n o f privacy with n o justification" t o hav e mixed-rac e peopl e mar k th e appropriat e categories o n th e censu s tha t indicat e th e multipl e side s o f thei r racial ancestry. 94 Thi s sound s a s thoug h Graha m wishe s fo r mixed-race peopl e (includin g he r ow n children ) t o hid e some thing. Is it their partial blacknes s that sh e wants them to hide? Sh e almost suggeste d th e sam e in response to m y remarks o n the radi o talk sho w w e shared . I commente d tha t he r childre n shoul d b e privy t o historica l realit y a s regards racia l identit y i n this country , a realit y tha t hold s he r children , n o matte r wha t racia l designa tion sh e chooses for them , to a black identit y (a t least unti l racis m has bee n completel y eradicated) . Graha m responde d ardently , "My daughte r i s not black ; my daughter i s multiracial." Late r sh e qualified th e remark b y saying that i t is not that sh e does not wan t her childre n t o b e blac k o r whit e bu t tha t the y ar e reall y multira cial.95 Still , the multiracialist s hav e declare d tha t mixed-rac e peo ple ar e proud o f their biracialit y an d wis h to clai m th e ancestr y o f both parents . The clinica l psychologis t who m Graha m frequentl y references fo r scientifi c endorsement , Alla n C . Carte r o f Atlanta , has spoke n o f th e importanc e o f mixed-rac e childre n "identifyin g with bot h race s o f thei r parents, " o f bein g abl e "t o embrac e thei r total heritage." 96 Is this only theory bu t no t reality ? Graham' s so n Ryan tol d th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e censu s tha t h e feel s [80]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

great abou t bein g multiracial , bu t doe s h e fee l grea t abou t bein g black an d whit e (especiall y th e former) ? Or , better , doe s h e fee l great abou t bein g blac k an d Jewish—lik e Sand y Lowe , who say s that Jews ar e not whit e bu t ar e Semite s lik e Arabs? 97 Ryan Graha m i s evidently bein g raise d b y hi s mothe r t o thin k like th e mixed-rac e chil d wh o answere d a fill-in-the-blan k state ment i n the very way tha t contradict s th e ideals of the multiracial ists abou t biracia l identity . Th e chil d fille d i n th e blank s o f th e statement " I use d t o , bu t no w " i n a wa y tha t neve r allowed th e chil d t o dea l wit h hi s o r he r complet e racia l makeup . "I use d t o thin k I was white, " th e chil d wrote , "bu t no w I kno w I'm mixed." 98 Suc h a statemen t i s very differen t fro m saying , " I used t o thin k I was white , bu t no w I know I am als o black. " Th e original statemen t show s a comin g t o grip s wit h no t bein g com pletely white, but doe s not sho w a n acceptanc e o f also being blac k (or whateve r th e othe r par t o f th e person' s racia l ancestr y ma y be). I t i s comparabl e t o a chil d saying , "M y mothe r i s white bu t my fathe r i s not" o r "M y mothe r i s from Europ e bu t m y fathe r i s not." I n thi s regard , I mus t agre e wit h multiracialis t Lawrenc e Tenzer, wh o say s th e ter m "multiracial " i s inadequate becaus e i t gives no indicatio n o f a person's particula r racia l makeup. 99 Thu s Susan Graham' s clai m tha t i t i s "a n invasio n o f privac y wit h n o justification" t o hav e mixed-rac e peopl e mar k th e appropriat e racial categorie s o n th e censu s tha t indicat e thei r racia l parentag e will help contribute t o th e raisin g o f "hous e niggers. " When w e speak o f "hous e niggers " a s blacks stole n awa y an d kep t from th e communit y an d th e cultur e o f thei r blac k kindred , w e must als o wonde r whethe r th e multiracialist s ar e tryin g t o mak e house niggers ou t o f blac k historica l figure s b y stealing them awa y as well , stealin g the m awa y fo r th e multiracia l histor y tha t i s t o give mixed-rac e childre n a n exclusiv e sourc e o f self-esteem . Although mixed-rac e Michae l D'Annunzi o understand s tha t whites have lost out in their rightful clai m to numerous grea t blac k Americans wh o wer e par t white, 100 it appear s tha t man y white s i n marriages with black s are trying to claim that blac k history no t fo r [81]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

themselves bu t fo r thei r mixed-rac e children . Thes e white spouse s who push multiracial prid e know their children canno t hav e whit e pride an d evidentl y d o not wan t the m t o hav e blac k pride , so the y have t o creat e a prid e fo r the m b y ransackin g blac k histor y an d renaming it . The curren t rhetori c comin g fro m th e multiracialis t cam p sug gests that wit h th e initiatio n o f a n officia l multiracia l classificatio n might als o com e mor e organize d attempt s t o acquiesc e blac k his tory a s multiracia l history . Thi s woul d b e accomplishe d b y th e multiracialists claiming , a s the y hav e alread y begu n t o do , tha t such traditiona l blac k historica l figure s a s Frederick Douglass , W. E. B. Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, Langston Hughes, Malcol m X, Alex Haley , Len a Home , an d Genera l Coli n Powel l (t o cite th e ones multiracialist s hav e named ) ar e no t blac k bu t multiracial. 101 It is interesting in this regard to find multiracialist s Edwidg e Danti cat ( a black-whit e biracia l novelis t an d shor t stor y writer ) an d Daniel Holli s (th e white , interraciall y marrie d co-edito r o f New People) criticizin g Afrocentris m fo r bein g revisionis t history. 102 Are no t th e multiracialist s doin g thi s b y no w claimin g part s o f black histor y t o b e multiracial history ? Indeed , man y o f the m sug gest explicitl y tha t thi s revisionis m i s appropriate . Gregor y Stephens, a white ma n marrie d t o a blac k woma n wit h a biracia l child, says : "I n a multiracia l democrac y w e wil l hav e t o begi n moving awa y fro m writin g histor y i n blac k an d white , toward s telling our-stor y i n livin g color." 103 Mixed-rac e philosophe r Naomi Zac k say s tha t on e o f th e requirement s i n attemptin g t o create a "multiracial " identit y base d o n th e histor y o f multiracia l people i n the Unite d State s would b e "man y intensel y deconstruc tive dialogues with pas t texts. " B y that sh e means a reconstructio n of history. 104 So , the multiracials d o not nee d t o evolv e a historica l canon fo r themselve s becaus e th e blac k America n cano n i s bein g ransacked fo r the m fo r th e bes t of blac k tradition . The Unite d State s ha s a histor y o f thi s kin d o f gran d larceny , which i s why i t make s th e blac k communit y uncomfortable . Fo r instance, durin g th e earl y twentiet h century , blac k musician s an d intellectuals wer e constantl y contestin g claim s b y whit e scholar s [82]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

that jazz was of Jewish origin , not t o mention th e claim that whit e musicians wer e bette r interpreter s o f blac k musi c tha n blac k peo ple themselves. 105 No w Yvett e Walker Hollis , the blac k co-edito r of New People, claim s tha t jaz z i s not blac k musi c bu t i s multira cial music . Countr y an d wester n an d roc k an d rol l ar e white , an d rhythm an d blues , soul , an d ra p ar e black , sh e says . But jazz , sh e insists, i s multiracial. 106 Jim i Hendri x i s als o presume d t o b e n o longer blac k bu t multiracial , sinc e h e wa s th e offsprin g o f a Native America n mothe r an d a black America n father . A n editori alist fo r New People eve n went s o far a s to sugges t that Hendrix' s style o f musi c wa s no t blac k bu t "mixed " lik e he . "Wit h hi s brown ski n an d Africa n features, " sai d th e writer, "mos t assume d he wa s black—bu t hi s styl e o f musi c (althoug h derive d fro m blues an d jazz ) wasn' t th e styl e associate d wit h hi s blac k contem poraries." 107 Similarly , in an articl e that give s advice to interracia l parents regarding how to explain Spik e Lee's movie Malcolm X t o multiracial children , Norvella Hickma n say s Malcolm X was him self multiracia l an d tha t i t ma y hav e bee n thi s persona l discover y that le d him t o chang e hi s views abou t hatin g whites. 108 What wil l b e sai d next , then ? Tha t th e blac k churc h i s not th e black churc h bu t is the multiracial church ? O r perhaps the multira cialist revisionists will say that the "mainline " blac k churches (Bap tist and Methodist ) constitut e the colored church , while the "sects " (Holiness an d Pentecostal ) constitut e th e "real " blac k churc h wit h its genuine emotional qualities . Thus, is Black History Month t o b e replaced b y Multiracial Histor y Month ? Ar e the African America n studies programs a t numerous o f the nation's colleges and universi ties to becom e programs o f multiracial studies ? Mixed-race cultura l criti c Lis a Jones woul d no t doub t tha t fo r the multiracialist s th e answe r t o thes e question s woul d b e yes , given th e conversatio n sh e ha d wit h Susa n Graha m abou t thi s whole matter. Jones learned tha t durin g Black History Month Gra ham's so n returne d hom e wit h som e informatio n abou t Langsto n Hughes an d sh e became disappointed tha t hi s teacher ha d faile d t o focus o n Hughes' s multiraciality . Jones say s she reminded Graha m that blac k American s a s a whole wer e multiracia l an d tha t whil e [83]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

Hughes neve r hi d th e fac t tha t h e ha d whit e ancestr y h e nonethe less cas t hi s lo t wit h hi s darke r kin . Graha m seeme d irritate d a t the remarks an d insiste d tha t th e one-dro p rul e was the only thin g that kep t Hughe s i n th e blac k community . Graha m eve n wen t s o far a s t o sa y tha t i f Hughe s wer e aliv e toda y h e woul d no t onl y choose t o b e multiracia l bu t woul d als o suppor t th e wor k o f he r organization, Projec t R A C E . 1 0 9 Jone s concludes , "Wasn' t Graha m aware o f a rathe r painfu l history ? On e wher e blac k peopl e hav e had thei r ever y gif t confiscate d an d attribute d t o others ? Woul d this now happe n i n the nam e o f multiracialism?" 110 A more ominou s questio n t o as k is : What woul d hav e happene d if black s suc h a s Thurgood Marshall , Mar y Churc h Terrill , Ada m Clayton Powell , Jr., an d L . Douglas Wilde r ha d bee n classifie d a s multiracial rather tha n black ? The answer i s that ther e would hav e been a skimming of f o f tens or even hundreds o f thousands o f people fro m th e blac k community . Amon g thes e thousand s woul d have bee n th e countles s historica l figure s wh o n o longe r woul d have bee n amon g th e foremos t intellectua l leader s an d advocate s of blacks . Instead , thes e talente d peopl e woul d hav e bee n strug gling fo r th e parit y o f thei r ow n people , the multiracia l people , a s we sa w amon g th e coloure d intellectual s an d activist s o f Sout h Africa durin g the aparthei d era . In fact, w e can ge t a sense of wha t could happen i n the United State s with the creation o f a multiracia l classification b y examinin g th e reclassificatio n syste m o f Sout h Africa's ol d aparthei d policy . When th e whit e governmen t permit ted som e coloured s t o pas s officiall y a s white s o that white s coul d augment thei r numbers , th e governmen t als o siphone d of f a larg e proportion o f th e peopl e wh o otherwis e woul d hav e constitute d the leadershi p clas s i n th e coloure d community . Thi s was th e cas e since the coloured s mos t likel y to b e reclassified a s white wer e no t simply th e one s wh o ha d a whit e appearanc e bu t th e one s wit h greater degree s of wealth an d education. 111 So, i f black s suc h a s Marshall , Terrill , Powell , an d Wilde r ha d been classifie d a s multiracia l rathe r tha n black , ther e woul d hav e been a skimmin g of f o f som e o f th e bes t talen t i n th e blac k com munity, just as there was a skimming of f o f som e of the bes t talen t [84]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

among th e coloure d peopl e b y mean s o f apartheid' s reclassifica tion system . Such a strategic move o n th e part o f the white minor ity governmen t fel l jus t shor t o f proposal s t o co-op t th e entir e coloured populatio n b y granting tha t populatio n whit e statu s o r a status clos e t o it , a mov e tha t woul d hav e lef t th e dispossesse d black majorit y wit h eve n fewe r allie s i n thei r struggl e agains t apartheid. One perso n wh o pushe d fo r th e assimilatio n o f th e entir e coloured populatio n int o th e whit e Afrikaan s communit y wa s th e Reverend Davi d Botha , a white Afrikaan s ministe r wh o wa s bor n in th e Wester n Cap e i n 192 5 an d whos e ministr y i n th e Dutc h Reformed Missio n Churc h spanne d th e year s o f apartheid , 194 8 to 1990 . Both a tol d m e tha t befor e officia l aparthei d ha d begu n he never sa w an y differenc e betwee n th e white Afrikaners an d th e coloured people . H e sai d tha t i n hi s boo k o f i960 , Die Opkoms Van Ons Derde Stand (The Rise of Our Third Estate), h e argue d for th e complete assimilatio n o f the white an d coloure d peopl e o n sociopolitical grounds . A t th e sam e time , however , h e presume d the cultural distinctivenes s o f blacks , with whom h e had ver y littl e contact. Wer e i t no t fo r th e fac t tha t th e ide a o f assimilatin g whites an d coloured s wa s rejecte d b y th e whit e Afrikaners , wh o in 194 8 completel y turne d thei r back s o n thei r coloure d kindred , coloured peopl e woul d hav e joine d white s i n thei r subjugatio n o f blacks. Instead , th e blac k consciousnes s movemen t dre w i n coloured activist s an d leader s wh o wer e a n importan t par t o f th e anti-apartheid struggle , an d th e blac k an d coloure d wing s o f th e Dutch Reforme d Churc h joine d force s i n 199 4 unde r th e nam e o f the Uniting Reforme d Churc h i n Souther n Africa. 112 If Thurgoo d Marshall , Mar y Churc h Terrell , Ada m Clayto n Powell, Jr., an d L . Douglas Wilde r ha d bee n classifie d a s multira cial, black s woul d no t hav e progresse d a s far a s we have . Edwar d Reuter understoo d thi s a s fa r bac k a s 1918 . I n hi s book , The Mulatto in the United States, Reute r say s tha t t o for m mulattoe s into a separate cast e betwee n th e white an d blac k race s is to lesse n the clas h betwee n thos e tw o races . Such , h e continues , woul d simultaneously depriv e the members o f the lower cast e of a greate r [85]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

chance to advanc e i n society b y dispossessing them o f leaders wh o otherwise woul d protes t agains t th e racial policie s o f whites. 113 Today a multiracia l classificatio n coul d resul t i n a n immediat e skimming of f o f ten s o r eve n hundred s o f thousand s o f peopl e from th e blac k community , amon g who m woul d certainl y b e people wh o otherwis e migh t hav e becom e som e o f th e bes t leader s and advocate s o f blacks . I n othe r words , th e politica l an d eco nomic consequence s o f suc h a n exodu s fro m blacknes s coul d b e even greate r tha n th e blac k middle-clas s exodu s fro m segregate d black communitie s int o th e suburbs , wher e the y hav e becom e increasingly comfortabl e an d forgetfu l abou t th e trul y disadvan taged the y hav e lef t behind . Fortunately , however , th e Unite d States thu s fa r ha s no t bee n a Sout h Africa . So , from th e day s o f slavery, Frederic k Douglass , W . E . B . D u Bois , Jame s Weldo n Johnson, Langsto n Hughes , Malcolm X , Alex Haley, Lena Home , General Coli n Powell , an d th e res t o f us , hav e bee n Colored , Negro, Black , Afro-American , an d Africa n America n together . Together w e have come this far "b y faith. " But ho w the y hav e forgotten—"they " bein g thos e wh o no w wish t o leav e blac k behind . Wh o ar e the y anyway ? Wh o exactl y has forgotten tha t w e have come this far together ? I n part, i t is the white spouse s i n interracia l marriage s wit h blacks , white spouse s who hav e neve r know n ou r struggl e togethe r becaus e ou r histor y is no t a par t o f thei r heritage . Thes e whit e spouses , lik e Susa n Graham, Franci s Wardle , an d Danie l Hollis , hav e neve r bee n th e caretakers o f blac k histor y an d culture . As a result , the y ca n mis construe eve n th e meanin g o f ou r mos t preciou s leaders . Fo r instance, Graha m trie d t o us e th e word s o f Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., t o argu e fo r he r multiracia l movement . Sh e ende d he r testi mony befor e th e House subcommitte e o n the census saying that i n 1963 Kin g sai d "No w i s the tim e t o mak e justic e a realit y fo r al l God's children " an d tha t sh e believe d Kin g wa s thinkin g o f mul tiracial childre n too . "Wit h you r help, " conclude d Graham , "their tim e ha s finall y come." 1 1 4 Fo r Graha m t o dra w o n th e words o f Kin g i s not onl y fo r he r t o pu t word s int o King' s mout h but th e wron g word s int o hi s mouth , behavio r tha t i s no t fa r [86]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

removed fro m th e multiracialist s wh o woul d als o lik e t o chang e King's rac e t o multiracial . However , ho w ca n w e thin k o f Kin g (the America n Mandela)—o r fo r tha t matte r Mandel a (th e Sout h African King)—an d wit h a clea r conscienc e mov e deepe r int o racial classification ? Some o f thi s behavio r amon g interraciall y marrie d whit e par ents who ar e trying to revis e blac k histor y s o that i t becomes mul tiracial histor y i s not al l abou t th e self-estee m o f thei r mixed-rac e children. Som e o f thi s behavio r ha s t o d o wit h th e self-estee m o f these interraciall y marrie d whit e parent s wh o hav e difficult y accepting thei r mixed-rac e childre n choosin g blac k a s a n identity . Candace Mills , th e interraciall y marrie d blac k woma n wh o edit s Interface magazine , confesse s t o thi s accusation . Sh e says , "Th e self-esteem o f th e interracia l parent s i s als o a n issu e here—mor e an issue than an y parent i s willing to admit." 115 Indeed , som e par ents fea r tha t thei r chil d ma y gro w u p hatin g the m fo r marryin g interracially an d givin g birt h t o a chil d wh o suffer s becaus e o f their mixe d parentage. 116 Bu t perhap s th e greates t fea r o f thes e white parent s i s the possibilit y o f on e da y hearin g somethin g lik e the remark mad e b y Nila Gupta , th e mixed-race Canadia n o f Eas t Indian an d Frenc h Canadia n parentage . Gupt a say s that , jus t a s people ar e sometime s shocke d t o se e a whit e mothe r an d he r mixed-race daughte r together , sometime s sh e herself i s shocked t o see he r ow n whit e mother : "I'v e bee n i n th e wome n o f colou r community fo r ove r a decade , an d s o I'v e onl y bee n wit h wome n of colour . Whe n I see m y mother , an d I don't se e he r ver y often , it's a shock t o m e that she' s my mother." 117 On th e on e hand , w e ca n sympathiz e wit h th e wa y Gupta' s mother migh t fee l upo n hearin g this. We can als o sympathize wit h the feeling s o f th e mothe r o f Rene-Marlen e Rambo , wh o too k a long tim e t o accep t th e fac t tha t he r daughte r identifie d wit h he r father a s black . I t wa s s o har d fo r Rambo' s mothe r tha t he r daughter wa s i n fac t twent y year s ol d befor e sh e could accep t he r daughter's choic e o f a black identity. 118 O n th e othe r hand , i t ma y be that th e interracially marrie d whit e parents who fin d i t difficul t to accep t thei r childre n bein g classifie d a s blac k o r identifyin g a s [87]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

black ar e no t to o differen t fro m whit e couple s wh o d o no t wan t their son s o r daughter s t o marr y someon e black . Jus t a s whit e parents ma y fee l insulte d becaus e thei r childre n hav e no t chose n to marr y peopl e wh o loo k lik e them , s o i t i s possibl e tha t som e white spouse s i n interracia l marriage s ma y fee l insulte d whe n their chil d identifie s wit h th e race o f the blac k spouse . This is Lisa Jones's poin t abou t whit e wome n wh o hav e difficult y seein g he r black identit y a s anythin g bu t a rebuf f o f he r whit e mother : "Deep dow n I wonde r i f wha t the y hav e difficult y picturin g i s this: no t tha t I could reject , i n thei r minds , m y ow n mother , bu t that I have n o desir e to b e them." 119 If th e self-estee m o f whit e spouse s i n interracia l marriage s i s a t all par t o f th e impetu s behin d th e multiracia l movement , the n w e must understan d tha t to o muc h i s a t stak e i n term s o f rac e rela tions i n th e Unite d State s fo r th e censu s movemen t t o continue . Too muc h i s a t stak e fo r i t t o continu e jus t becaus e thes e whit e spouses canno t accep t thei r mixed-rac e childre n bein g classifie d or identifyin g a s black . Bu t could thi s honestly b e the truth—tha t white spouse s i n interracia l relationship s ar e reall y behin d a movement tha t coul d hav e suc h grav e consequences ? Candac e Mills unwittingly suggest s so, for sh e not onl y admits that th e selfesteem o f th e interracia l parent s i s a n issu e i n thi s identit y hop scotch bein g playe d aroun d mixed-rac e people , bu t tha t i t i s interracial parent s (principall y th e ones with this self-esteem prob lem) wh o ar e reall y behin d th e multiracia l movement . "Ther e is , in fact , n o broad based movemen t consistin g o f biracial/multira cial people, " Mill s says . "Th e curren t figh t fo r a 'multiracial ' cat egory i s missin g thi s importan t ingredien t a s th e majorit y o f individuals demandin g chang e an d placemen t a s par t o f suc h a category ar e interracia l parents." 120 Given tha t interraciall y marrie d whites , fo r th e sak e o f thei r racial self-esteem , ma y b e playing identit y hopscotc h wit h mixed race people (a t the expense of black people), and given the attempt s of multiracialist s t o stea l blac k histor y fo r th e peopl e o f thei r pro posed multiracial classification, w e must reconsider the comment of Francis Wardle (i n the previous chapter) tha t the multiracialists ar e [88]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

not th e enem y o f blac k people. 121 With Wa r die a s the exampl e o f the interraciall y marrie d whit e wishin g fo r black s t o tak e hi m a s their friend , w e mus t als o discoun t th e commen t o f Carlo s Fer nandez tha t intermarriag e an d multiracia l familie s ar e goo d gauges o f th e degre e o f racial harmon y i n society. 122 For instance, Kathy Russell, Midge Wilson, and Ronald Hall , the authors o f The Color Complex (1992) , argue that whites should n o longer b e kept ignoran t o f th e colo r comple x i n the blac k commu nity sinc e the y hav e th e powe r t o hire , promote , appoint , an d elect.123 Bu t Wardle illustrate s tha t white s ca n als o us e this infor mation t o divid e an d rule . He say s that th e belie f tha t mixed-rac e blacks ar e monoraciall y blac k reinforce s coloris m (colo r prejudice ) in th e blac k communit y throug h th e notio n tha t light-skinne d blacks (suc h a s Lan i Guinier ) ar e mor e successfu l tha n dark skinned blacks. 124 First , w e wonde r i f Wardl e i s not slippin g th e "mulatto hypothesis " int o hi s argument . Conceive d b y antebellu m whites o f th e South , th e "mulatt o hypothesis " hold s tha t black s with whit e ancestr y ar e intellectuall y superio r t o dark-skinne d blacks.125 Indeed, in claiming our blac k historical figures, the implication o f multiracialist s suc h a s Wardle i s that fe w "reall y black " people hav e don e anythin g historically . Second , i t i s a poor argu ment t o sugges t tha t light-skinne d an d dark-skinne d black s ough t to go their separate ways just because whites have historically give n special privilege s t o thos e black s wh o mor e approximat e whit e appearance. Th e fac t is , the existenc e o f a multiracial grou p woul d result i n suc h a degre e o f ambiguit y i n th e blac k communit y (regarding wh o i s o r i s no t blac k o r multiracial ) tha t coloris m would actuall y b e exacerbated rathe r tha n alleviated . So , contrar y to Wardle's instigation o f internal division within the black commu nity, blac k peopl e woul d ten d t o agre e wit h sociologis t F . James Davis. Davi s say s that eve n i f blac k concer n abou t conflict s ove r color difference s wer e t o gro w mor e acute , i t i s doubtful tha t th e remedies propose d woul d includ e doin g awa y wit h th e one-dro p rule responsible fo r colo r variation i n the black community. 126 Thus, wit h multiracialist s lik e Wardl e i n min d wh o ar e tryin g to fragmen t th e blac k communit y an d stea l blac k history , w e [89]

The Blessings of the One-Drop Rule

should tak e seriousl y th e questio n o f Ir a Shaffer , a blac k residen t of Sa n Jose. Shaffe r aske d th e readershi p o f Interrace magazine : "What ar e you r rea l motives ? I s it t o dilut e o r eve n eliminat e th e Black rac e altogether?" 127 Th e rea l motive s o f th e multiracialist s are difficul t t o discern , actually , becaus e ther e ar e to o man y glar ing contradictions . Throughout thi s chapte r I hav e draw n parallel s betwee n th e racial classificatio n syste m sough t b y th e multiracialist s an d th e classification syste m o f th e forme r whit e governmen t o f Sout h Africa. Reginal d Daniel , a multiracialis t o f blac k an d whit e parentage, feel s uncomfortabl e wit h thi s comparison . Suggestin g that th e recognitio n o f a multiracia l grou p i n th e Unite d State s would mov e towar d th e "inegalitaria n pluralis t model " o f Sout h Africa, Danie l says , "seem s extreme." 1 2 8 Indirectl y I received a similar respons e fro m th e OM B administrator , Sall y Katzen , wit h whom I shared a radi o roun d tabl e o n th e subjec t o f multiracial ism and the census. I had jus t expressed m y opinion abou t a possible repetitio n o f Sout h Africa n rac e relations , an d Katze n sai d that sh e know s th e decisio n o f th e OM B wil l hav e "implications " but no t necessaril y th e one s voice d b y th e precedin g speakers. 129 But thi s particula r "extreme " an d th e possibl e aparthei d implica tions tha t Katze n dismisse s ar e exactl y wha t remai n possibilities , and I will detai l th e possibl e consequence s i n th e nex t chapter . I will furthe r examin e th e experienc e o f coloure d Sout h African s i n order t o determin e wha t w e migh t actuall y expec t i n thi s countr y were a simila r grou p t o emerge . Essentially , I wil l argu e tha t a multiracial classificatio n woul d creat e rathe r tha n alleviat e prob lems as regards identit y an d self-esteem .

[90]

[THREE]

The Curse s o f th e Amorphous Middl e Statu s

In th e las t chapte r I presented argument s agains t th e creatio n o f a multiracial classificatio n b y the federal government . I n this chapte r I wil l teas e ou t th e ful l possibilities—social , political , an d eco nomic—of th e concern s expresse d b y the United State s Commis sion o n Civi l Right s an d th e Nationa l Urba n Leagu e whe n thei r representatives, Arthu r Fletche r an d Bill y Tidwell, testified befor e the Hous e subcommitte e o n th e census . Fo r instance , ther e i s much tha t ca n b e sai d abou t Fletcher' s worr y ove r th e possibl e development o f ne w "rac e behavior " amon g blacks . Fletcher tol d the censu s subcommitte e tha t h e fear s a hos t o f light-skinne d blacks woul d "ru n fo r th e door " th e minut e the y hav e anothe r choice i n racia l classification . The y woul d ru n fo r th e doo r no t necessarily becaus e thei r immediat e parent s ar e interracial , h e fears, bu t becaus e they sens e that ther e would b e some relief fro m the racis m the y generall y fac e i n thi s society . The y migh t think , for instance , tha t economi c opportunitie s woul d awai t the m i f they were classifie d a s something othe r tha n black. 1 Fletche r con cluded that , thoug h h e feare d this , he di d no t kno w exactl y wha t kinds o f problems a n "ope n door " o f this kind migh t produce. 2 In thi s chapte r w e hop e t o fin d out . A s w e procee d o n thi s course, I wil l us e th e histor y o f rac e relation s betwee n th e coloured peopl e o f Sout h Afric a an d thei r whit e an d blac k refer ence group s a s m y principa l sourc e o f data . I will d o s o becaus e the episode s o f tha t histor y becom e scenario s o f possibl e rac e [91]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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relations i n th e Unite d State s i f a multiracia l classificatio n becomes a reality an d take s root . I do agre e with on e aspec t o f the multiracial movement : mixed race people represen t th e nee d fo r a new socia l consciousnes s tha t would permi t greate r fluidit y i n people' s racia l identitie s an d therefore mor e racia l toleranc e o f thos e wh o wis h t o embrac e multiple ethnicities . Bu t I tend t o diverg e fro m man y o f th e mul tiracialists i n their belie f tha t creatin g a new racial classification a t the federa l leve l will advanc e th e caus e o f achievin g greate r fluid ity i n people' s identitie s an d greate r racia l toleranc e o f thos e wh o wish t o embrac e multipl e ethnicities . The fac t o f the matter i s that the censu s categorie s o f rac e represen t political , legal , an d profes sional issue s fo r th e public . Therefore , an y officia l racia l classifi cation i s destine d t o creat e a sens e o f grou p membershi p an d establish corollar y socia l institutions , wher e neithe r ha d existe d previously. Thi s wa s suggeste d b y Thoma s Sawyer , chairma n o f the House subcommitte e o n the census, when h e said a t one of th e congressional hearing s o n Directiv e No . 1 5 tha t th e racia l cate gories create "a n illusio n o f specificity." 3 Thus, whil e Franci s Wardl e say s th e struggl e fo r a multiracia l category i s no t divisiv e a s lon g a s multiracia l peopl e remembe r that th e ultimat e goa l i s to overcom e racia l classification, 4 ther e i s some questio n a s t o whethe r thi s goa l i s eve n possible . Ho w ca n the idea l o f overcomin g racia l classificatio n remai n foremos t when mixed-rac e peopl e ar e expecte d t o b e loya l no t onl y t o th e races o f thei r parent s bu t t o th e ne w multiracia l "race " a s well ? The fac t is , too , tha t solidifyin g a multiracia l classificatio n through federa l legislatio n ha s th e stron g potentia l t o undercu t the loyalt y tha t mixed-rac e peopl e woul d otherwis e hav e t o th e races o f thei r parents . Additionally , a legislate d classificatio n ha s the stron g potentia l t o enhanc e th e loyalt y o f mixed-rac e peopl e to th e multiracia l grou p alone , a s I will sho w t o b e th e cas e i n South Africa wit h the coloured people . Indeed, this was the fear o f a youn g whit e (English ) ma n o f Cap e Town , wh o i s married t o a young coloure d woman . Th e youn g ma n informe d m e tha t h e thought th e additio n o f a multiracia l classificatio n i n th e Unite d [92]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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States woul d ad d t o racia l polarizatio n rathe r tha n alleviat e th e country's racia l situation , sinc e no w ther e woul d b e thre e rathe r than jus t tw o majo r racia l groups . H e als o fel t tha t mixed-rac e people might b e pressured t o associat e onl y with othe r mixed-rac e people instead o f with black s o r whites. A young coloured woma n of Xhosa , English , an d Germa n backgroun d tol d m e that , base d on th e behavio r o f Sout h Africa n coloured s towar d blacks , sh e fears tha t th e multiracia l grou p i n th e Unite d State s woul d begi n to se e themselves a s differen t an d privileged , whic h woul d resul t in unfortunate divisions . That racia l categorie s creat e "illusion s o f specificity " an d potentially solidif y racia l division s ca n b e easil y illustrated . Fo r instance, befor e th e developmen t o f Directiv e No . 15 , few peopl e referred t o themselve s a s Hispani c bu t rathe r wen t b y thei r spe cific nationalities—Mexican , Dominican , an d s o forth . Bu t th e creation o f th e Hispani c identity , fo r th e convenienc e o f dat a col lection (whic h i s inconvenienced b y smalle r categories) , resulte d in thi s peculiarl y America n grou p whic h i s found nowher e els e i n the world. 5 Similarly , th e socia l constructio n o f th e whit e race , i n essence a pan-ethnic grou p o f Europeans, minimized ethni c differ ences amon g th e Europea n people s tha t immigrate d t o th e Unite d States i n the nineteent h an d twentiet h centuries . At th e sam e tim e this whit e grou p solidifie d th e divisio n betwee n itsel f an d thos e who wer e no t classifie d a s white. 6 Thus , a s mixed-rac e philoso pher Naom i Zac k says , withou t thi s illusio n o f specificit y tha t results fro m socia l constructio n o r externa l identification , ther e would no t hav e been a white race, since race is not somethin g tha t the body experiences psychologically o r physically: "Racia l identi ties mus t b e base d o n racia l identification s becaus e th e ordinar y concept o f race is a cultural artifac t tha t varie s from plac e to plac e and tim e t o time . There i s nothing i n th e natur e o f consciousnes s or th e phenomenolog y o f huma n bodil y experienc e which , i n th e absence o f externa l identification , ca n constitut e a racia l identity . Racial identitie s therefor e com e afte r racia l identifications." 7 I n turn, racia l behavio r come s afte r racia l identities , whic h i s th e principal concer n o f this chapter . [93]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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My ow n behavio r i n Cap e Town—wher e ther e ar e stil l whit e people, blac k people , an d coloure d people—vouche d fo r this . I went t o Cap e Tow n thinkin g tha t I woul d b e viewe d a s blac k there. I thought thi s no t simpl y becaus e I was blac k i n the Unite d States, but becaus e i n my previous trip s t o Sout h Afric a an d othe r parts o f th e Africa n continent , m y acquaintance s an d newl y acquired friend s wer e al l blacks . Moreover , i n Cap e Tow n I ha d inquired o f thre e blac k women , Africa n student s a t th e Universit y of the Western Cape , if they sa w me as black o r a s coloured. The y said tha t i n appearanc e alon e I looke d black . I n fact , I a m th e complexion o f man y blac k Sout h African s (especiall y th e Xhos a people) an d I have a particularly blac k phenotype . I do no t loo k coloured, i n the sens e that mos t coloure d peopl e ten d t o loo k lik e light-skinned Africa n Americans—whic h I do not . I n addition , based o n th e wa y black s an d coloured s responde d t o m e a t th e University o f th e Wester n Cape—blac k student s noticin g m e an d coloured student s ignorin g me— I fel t tha t I was bein g identifie d as black . I felt tha t wa y t o th e exten t tha t I subconsciously bega n to tak e o n specifi c racia l behavior . Fo r instance , I felt comfortabl e smiling a t blac k wome n an d noddin g "hello " t o blac k men . O n the othe r hand , I felt uncomfortabl e lookin g a t coloure d wome n and I did no t no d t o coloure d men . So , when I walked acros s th e center o f campu s wit h a coloure d woma n wh o wa s on e o f m y acquaintances, I felt self-consciou s abou t bein g with her . I felt a s if we wer e a n interracia l pair , eve n thoug h sh e look s lik e an y num ber o f light-skinne d blac k American s who m I would no t hav e fel t awkward t o walk wit h o n a n America n colleg e campus . But som e o f wha t I felt i n Sout h Afric a i n term s o f m y racia l identification wa s bu t a delusion , o n whic h I had subconsciousl y based m y racia l behavior . Fo r I late r cam e t o realiz e tha t ther e were man y coloure d Sout h African s o f m y complexio n an d phe notype. I also cam e to lear n fro m m y coloured acquaintance s tha t my blac k America n histor y an d cultur e suggeste d t o the m (an d i n many respect s I concurred) tha t I had mor e i n common wit h the m than wit h blac k Sout h Africans . Suddenl y I starte d feelin g coloured. I shed my sense of perceiving that I was crossing a racial [94]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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boundary whe n I was wit h coloure d peopl e an d bega n t o accep t that thes e ar e people wh o ar e very much lik e African Americans . So, o n a cultura l an d interpersona l level , wher e I fitte d i n i n South Afric a depende d o n who m I was with : I could b e coloure d or black . Bu t even when I was feeling coloured , I could no t escap e the fac t tha t o n a politica l an d philosophica l leve l I was commit ted t o bein g blac k i n th e sens e o f Sout h Africa' s blac k conscious ness movement . I t wa s thi s movemen t i n Sout h Afric a tha t politicized ou r ow n one-dro p rul e i n th e Unite d State s an d brought blac k an d coloure d Sout h African s togethe r i n the 1970s , 1980s, and earl y 1990 s fo r thei r historica l liberatio n struggle . Fo r this reaso n th e blac k consciousnes s movemen t i s a n importan t concept t o understan d a s we proceed t o analyz e it s antithesis. Th e antithesis i s th e ide a tha t ther e exist s o r shoul d exis t a separat e median grou p betwee n white s an d blacks , whethe r i t b e th e coloured grou p i n Sout h Afric a o r th e multiracia l grou p i n th e United States . It was the blac k consciousnes s movement , t o defin e th e concep t by illustration , tha t brough t togethe r seventee n minister s o f th e coloured win g o f th e Dutc h Reforme d Churc h t o sig n o n Augus t 17, 1976 , an unprecedente d declaratio n condemnin g apartheid . I n the documen t th e signee s proclaime d themselve s t o b e i n solidar ity wit h al l o f th e oppresse d peopl e i n thei r country . I n orde r t o free themselve s o f th e "divid e an d rule " politic s o f thei r country' s white minorit y government , the y announce d tha t the y woul d n o longer accep t privileges a s so-called coloure d peopl e that wer e no t also give n t o th e res t o f th e blac k community. 8 Indeed , wha t bet ter wa y t o undermin e racis m an d eve n racia l classificatio n tha n for al l black s o f th e "on e drop " t o sa y i n a singl e voic e tha t the y are al l black an d th e white governmen t mus t brea k dow n th e bar rier fo r al l o f the m togethe r o r non e o f the m a t all ? Wha t bette r way i s there t o undermin e racis m an d racia l classificatio n tha n t o say tha t the y wil l no t allo w th e whit e governmen t t o brea k of f a piece o f th e disenfranchise d communit y an d accep t i t whil e leav ing the rest behind ? Wit h this essentially said , the seventeen minis ters calle d upo n th e "so-calle d Coloure d people " t o follo w thei r [95]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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clerical exampl e s o tha t a s on e communit y al l dispossesse d o r "black" peopl e i n Sout h Afric a coul d struggl e togethe r t o achiev e their God-give n humanity . "I n al l earnestnes s w e cal l upo n the m to accep t tha t th e Blac k communit y i s one inseparable entity, " th e document sai d o f th e coloure d people , "tha t a s on e communit y they ar e deprive d o f al l fundamenta l rights." 9 Amon g th e seven teen signee s wa s Alla n Boesak , a 196 7 graduat e o f th e Universit y of th e Wester n Cap e wh o di d hi s doctora l wor k i n theolog y a t a seminary i n th e Netherlands . I t wa s i n th e Netherland s tha t Boe sak cam e int o contac t wit h th e blac k theolog y o f James H . Cone , a blac k America n whos e idea s h e brough t t o bea r o n th e blac k consciousness movemen t i n Sout h Africa . Boesak, accompanie d b y the sixtee n othe r coloure d clergy , wa s one o f thos e relativel y fe w individual s aroun d th e worl d wh o rebuked th e "divid e an d rule " strateg y tha t ha d lure d mixed-rac e people int o a median o r margina l grou p i n which the y were supe rior t o black s bu t inferio r t o whites . Suc h people , upo n thi s kin d of reconsideratio n o f thei r statu s i n society , tend t o internaliz e th e identity o f "other " force d o n the m b y th e dominan t grou p an d thus com e t o rejec t th e identit y (coloured , mulatto , multiracial ) that faile d t o gai n the m ful l acceptanc e i n that dominan t world . I t is a t thi s poin t tha t suc h peopl e wil l see k t o identif y an d alig n themselves wit h thei r subordinate d compatriots , despit e the socia l and cultura l distanc e tha t ha d develope d betwee n them . I n doin g so, the y sometime s us e th e advantage s the y hav e acquire d i n tha t median positio n (i n Boesak' s cas e hi s advance d theologica l train ing i n th e Netherlands ) t o becom e leader s o f th e lowes t subordi nate grou p an d initiator s o f collectiv e actio n amon g th e tw o lower-subordinate strata . Thu s w e hea r Boesa k sa y i n 198 3 t o a group o f Indians , "W e wan t all Sout h African s t o hav e thei r rights; no t jus t a selec t few , no t jus t coloured s an d Indian s afte r they ar e made honorar y whites." 10 One o f Boesak' s struggle s i n the effor t t o effectuat e "blac k con sciousness" in the so-called black , coloured, an d India n communi ties o f Sout h Afric a wa s t o unit e th e segregate d "black " churche s of the Dutc h Reforme d denomination . Unde r aparthei d th e Dutc h I96]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle

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Reformed Churc h i n Sout h Africa , th e denominatio n o f th e majority o f th e country' s whit e politica l hierarchy , wa s divide d along racia l line s int o fou r segregate d groups . Th e Dutc h Reformed Churc h wa s th e whit e wing , th e Dutc h Reforme d Mis sion Churc h th e coloure d wing , th e Reforme d Churc h i n Afric a the India n wing , an d th e Dutc h Reforme d Churc h i n Afric a th e black wing . Bu t Boesak , a ministe r i n th e Dutc h Reforme d Mis sion Church , sa w th e churc h a s reall y comprise d o f onl y tw o parts—the rulin g whit e churc h an d th e remainin g rule d churches — and h e wante d th e churche s sufferin g unde r whit e dominance t o unit e unde r th e banne r o f blackness. 11 At th e tur n o f th e 1980$ , aparthei d i n th e Dutc h Reforme d Church i n Sout h Afric a wa s stil l holdin g firm , an d Boesa k woul d remark tha t "w e stil l ar e a societ y wher e peopl e ar e bein g judge d by the colour o f their ski n rather tha n b y the content o f their char acter." 12 Bu t aroun d th e tur n o f th e 1990s , th e politica l climat e was beginnin g t o warm . A s o f 1994 , followin g th e democrati c elections, th e blac k an d coloure d wing s o f th e Dutc h Reforme d Church i n Sout h Afric a unite d a s th e Unitin g Reforme d Church . Unfortunately th e India n group , comprise d o f tha t ver y grou p o f South African s t o who m Boesa k ha d appeale d i n 198 3 an d man y times since , has no t ye t joine d th e Unitin g Church . Als o unfortu nate i s th e fac t tha t th e blac k an d coloure d churches , albei t "united," stil l remai n essentiall y segregate d du e t o th e fallou t o f apartheid. Althoug h ther e ar e scattere d India n an d whit e mem bers i n th e coloure d an d blac k congregation s o f th e Unitin g Church, th e aparthei d legislatio n know n a s th e Grou p Area s Ac t kept black s an d coloured s i n segregated residentia l area s (separat e areas fo r blacks , whites, coloureds, an d Asians) . In addition , dur ing th e aparthei d er a th e Dutc h Reforme d congregation s wer e neighborhood churches , an d peopl e wer e no t encourage d t o g o t o churches outsid e thei r neighborhoods . To Boesak, a leading catalyst i n actualizing the Uniting Church , black consciousnes s wa s th e "positiv e correctiv e o f an d reactio n to th e negativ e existenc e o f Blac k peopl e i n Sout h Africa." 13 Hi s important rol e i n thi s correctiv e wa s th e proliferatio n o f blac k [97]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status consciousness amon g th e youn g coloure d peopl e o f hi s genera tion. Fo r instance , coloure d sociologis t Jimm y Elli s tol d m e tha t the blac k consciousnes s movemen t wa s fo r hi m an d man y other s an emancipator y experienc e becaus e i t wa s strivin g t o com e t o terms wit h th e negativ e definitio n o f coloure d identity . Boesak' s important rol e i n th e blac k consciousnes s movemen t als o resulte d in blac k consciousnes s bein g passe d alon g t o th e succeedin g gen eration o f coloured youths , many o f whom wen t t o th e Universit y of th e Wester n Cap e a s h e ha d fro m 196 3 t o 1967 . On e youn g coloured woma n (th e woma n o f Xhosa , English , an d Germa n ancestry), wh o wa s a studen t a t th e universit y durin g th e 1970 s when Boesa k was studen t chaplain , told me , nearly repeating Boesak's words, that i f you understan d tha t white s hav e bee n connin g you an d tha t yo u actuall y hav e bee n treate d a s black , the n yo u become blac k fo r politica l reasons . Today blac k consciousnes s stil l exist s amon g man y coloure d people, but i t has als o opened u p to a new phase. It is a phase tha t has a longe r histor y tha n blac k consciousness , a s i t doe s i n th e United State s amon g blac k Americans . Som e coloure d people , who ar e eithe r o f th e blac k consciousnes s mindse t o r influence d by it , ar e decidin g t o revisi t thei r Africa n roots , whic h hav e lon g been suppresse d i f no t outrigh t denied . Thi s i s a benchmar k phe nomenon, since , a s I wa s tol d b y a coloure d woman , fe w coloureds eve r stres s thei r Africa n roots . This evolutio n o f a con nection betwee n blac k consciousnes s an d Africa n consciousnes s can b e traced i n a remark b y coloured historia n Ro y d u Pre : Despite their fear o f the African, coloured s would have to consider the possibilities o f throwing i n their lo t with the other victim s of racism on the basis of common oppression, suffering an d depriva tion. . . . Thus, on the basis of common purpose (overthrowin g a racist regime, destroying racism and creating a non-racist democratic society in which al l are free an d equal) , coloureds ough t logically to abandon an y desire to join with whites and throw in their lot with the rest of the oppressed. . . . After all , coloureds are also Africans, albei t of mixed ancestry . Their destiny lies with their fel low-Africans.14 [98]

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Some coloureds, suc h a s the histor y professo r wit h who m I spok e at th e Universit y o f th e Wester n Cape , actuall y cal l themselve s African an d rejec t th e ide a o f bein g coloured , a s d u Pr e does . Some coloureds , accordin g t o th e thre e coloure d nationalist s I spoke with , ar e eve n willin g t o accus e blac k Sout h African s o f being racist s i f the y d o no t recogniz e th e coloure d peopl e a s indigenous African s a s well. The ide a o f coloure d peopl e bein g considered a differen t ethni c group amon g suc h African s a s th e Xhos a an d Zul u woul d g o a long wa y i n contestin g th e clai m fro m blac k nationalist s tha t th e coloureds ar e "settlers " lik e th e whites . T o th e mor e politicall y minded coloure d activist , takin g o n a n Africa n identit y i s als o a way t o preven t th e wholesale assimilatio n o f coloure d peopl e int o the whit e Afrikaan s cultur e an d community . Amon g suc h person s is th e secretary-genera l o f th e Pan-Africanis t Congres s (PAC) , Benny Alexander , wh o change d hi s nam e t o Khoisa n X followin g the Apri l 199 4 elections . H e sai d tha t th e destructio n o f th e indigenous Khoikho i an d Khoisa n identit y o f th e coloure d peopl e resulted i n thei r assimilatio n int o whit e cultur e an d thei r inabilit y to struggl e agains t whit e domination . This , h e argued , wa s see n by the fact tha t th e coloured vot e i n the Western Cap e went t o th e National Party , th e part y o f th e forme r whit e minorit y govern ment. H e continued , "Whe n thi s happen s yo u fai l t o vot e awa y from th e oppressiv e agen t an d yo u vot e toward him." 15 The poin t I a m makin g b y settin g u p thi s surve y o f a par t o f coloured histor y i s that mixed-rac e American s o f blac k an d whit e parentage shoul d no t nee d t o wait fo r th e creatio n o f a n America n apartheid, an d th e resultan t dashin g o f al l hope s o f acceptanc e b y the majorit y community , t o choos e blac k consciousnes s (th e blac k identity). That is , they shoul d no t nee d a n explici t aparthei d an d white nonacceptanc e t o choos e blac k consciousnes s ove r th e ne w multiracial ("coloured" ) identit y durin g ou r continue d struggl e fo r liberation i n the Unite d States . Furthermore, a s I will explore , th e coloured classificatio n i n Sout h Afric a ha s resulte d i n a n unsavor y situation tha t coul d b e reproduce d i n th e Unite d States : a whol e group of mixed-race people being caught betwix t an d betwee n tw o [99]

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major incompatibl e socia l group s an d bein g politicall y manipu lated b y the propaganda o f the group that i s in power . In sociologica l literatur e th e betwix t positio n betwee n tw o majo r incompatible socia l group s i s called "marginal"—languag e popu larized b y sociologis t Everet t Stonequist , wh o firs t borrowe d i t from hi s professor, Rober t E . Park. It is said that thi s "margina l sit uation," typicall y experience d b y people o f mixe d racia l ancestry , can result in individuals feeling isolatio n an d uncertaint y o f belong ingness. This feelin g i s often base d o n th e margina l grou p existin g at th e outskirt s o f tw o referenc e group s whil e bein g a full membe r of neither. 16 Suc h groups may b e marginal b y virtue o f the fact tha t the rac e tha t woul d accep t the m the y despise , while th e rac e the y aspire t o refuse s them. 17 So , part o f th e marginalit y o f coloure d South African s i s that the y ar e the "cultura l equals " o f white s bu t not their socia l equals. 18 Richard va n der Ross recognized thi s mar ginality himsel f i n 1963 . He said , "Th e proble m o f th e minorit y group i s aggravate d whe n th e grou p is , i n additio n t o bein g th e numerical minority , als o i n a politica l minority , an d i s doubl y aggravated whe n i t i s squeezed betwee n othe r groups , t o whic h i t lo6ks hesitantly, being uncertain o f how it will be received b y them. This is the ever-present problem o f the Coloure d people." 19 H. F . Dickie-Clark, i n a 1 9 5 5-originated ten-yea r stud y o f th e coloured peopl e o f Durban , say s that white s i n Sout h Afric a hav e a certai n unifie d identit y base d o n the gains from thei r dominanc e and thei r guardianshi p o f Western culture , an d black s hav e a uni fied identit y base d o n their origi n in Africa an d thei r having main tained substantia l part s o f thei r indigenou s culture . O n th e othe r hand, h e says , coloured s hav e n o cultur e o f thei r ow n t o cham pion: "Th e White s ca n achiev e a kin d o f unit y o f actio n o n th e basis o f th e gain s fro m thei r dominanc e an d thei r clai m t o repre sent an d defen d Wester n culture . Africans ca n dra w politicall y o n their Africa n culture , thei r origi n i n Afric a an d o n th e obviou s injustice o f thei r complet e socia l exclusion . . . . The Coloureds , however, hav e n o distinctiv e Coloure d cultur e o f whic h the y ca n claim t o b e exclusiv e champions , bu t ar e culturall y tie d t o th e [100]

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Whites." 20 This i s essentially wha t Sout h Africa n schola r Z . J. D e Beer mean s whe n h e say s coloure d peopl e liv e in th e unfortunat e position o f bein g betwee n "th e hamme r o f whit e supremac y an d the anvi l o f blac k nationalism." 21 Part o f th e experienc e o f marginalit y ca n als o deriv e fro m th e intermediary grou p bein g define d i n a n ambiguou s way . Wit h regard t o coloure d people , coloured historia n Ro y d u Pr e say s th e Population Registratio n Ac t o f 1950 , which require d ever y Sout h African t o carr y a racia l identificatio n card , simpl y define d a coloured perso n a s someon e wh o wa s neithe r a Europea n no r a n African. Thus , legally, coloured peopl e wer e a non-group, say s d u Pre, a grou p create d ou t o f th e left-over s o f th e othe r racia l groups. 22 Similarly , van de r Ros s say s that bein g coloured i s to b e "not anythin g whic h i s not Coloured. " H e say s tha t b y definin g himself i n this way, we can se e that i t was easie r fo r hi m to follo w the lea d o f th e aparthei d governmen t an d sa y wha t h e i s no t rather tha n sa y what h e is. 23 Va n de r Ros s continue s wit h a poin t that woul d see m equall y relevan t t o th e America n multiracial s i f the multiracialist s wer e t o succee d i n thei r censu s movement : "Because we are the result o f s o much mixing , it is difficult, indee d impossible, t o defin e ou r limits . . . . Tha t i s why , o f al l Sout h Africans today , w e hav e th e leas t sens e o f identity." 24 Sociologis t Jimmy Elli s adde d tha t th e proble m o f coloure d identity—th e uncertainty o f where they fit i n since they are Western bu t kept ou t of mainstrea m Wester n (white ) society—feed s directl y int o coloured "insecurity. " Thi s i s not somethin g tha t goe s unnotice d by white s an d blacks . Bot h a whit e Afrikaan s woma n i n Cap e Town (wh o is married t o a coloured man ) an d a Zulu taxi driver in Johannesburg tol d m e tha t coloure d peopl e ar e uncertai n a s t o who the y ar e an d wher e the y fi t in . On e coloure d woma n tol d m e that sh e thought multiracial s i n th e Unite d State s woul d fal l int o the ver y sam e tra p a s th e coloure d peopl e did . Sh e sai d the y wil l be, a s coloured s say , "orphan s o f th e country"—tha t is , peopl e who rejec t a black identit y bu t ar e disallowed a white identity . There ar e man y mixed-rac e peopl e o n thi s sid e o f th e Atlanti c Ocean wh o alread y understan d th e point s bein g mad e b y th e [101]

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coloured people . Lik e th e seventee n coloure d minister s wh o signed a declaratio n callin g fo r blac k consciousness , thes e Ameri cans ar e avoidin g wholeheartedl y th e ever-presen t threa t o f th e kind o f racia l behavio r tha t woul d serv e th e white s i n power . Heather Green , a Canadia n o f blac k an d whit e parentage , cap tures th e essenc e o f tha t documen t signe d b y th e coloure d minis ters o n Augus t 17 , 1976 . Sh e says , "I f I d o anythin g shor t o f vigilantly embracin g m y Africa n identity—consciously , whole heartedly an d withou t illusion s abou t Africa n realities—the n I may b e swep t away , co-opted , consume d an d sucke d int o th e European powe r structure , cultur e an d mindse t whic h preache s that becaus e o f m y Africa n blood , I am inferior. " Gree n contin ues, "Identifyin g a s a n Africa n woman , a s a daughte r o f Africa n people an d Africa n ancestors , I vow tha t I a m no t an d wil l no t become par t o f an y valu e syste m whic h seek s to crus h othe r race s through it s way o f life." 25 Green understands that if she does anything short of consciousl y and wholeheartedl y embracin g he r blac k identit y the n sh e may b e sucked int o th e Europea n cultur e an d powe r structur e throug h a mindset tha t inferiorize s anyon e wit h a "drop " o f blackness . Th e black consciousnes s advocate s aside , the histor y o f Sout h Afric a shows u s tha t whe n a media n grou p o f mixed-rac e peopl e ha s privileges ove r a lower-strat a grou p o f blacks , that media n grou p will becom e comfortabl e wit h it s privilege s an d no t easil y relin quish them. They will not eve n relinquish the m fo r th e moral idea l of a nonracia l society . So , w e coul d presum e tha t creatin g a median grou p i n th e Unite d States , a grou p o f mixed-rac e peopl e like the coloureds i n South Africa, woul d b e retrogressive i n term s of the historical progres s o f American race relations. For example , it is true tha t Sunda y mornin g i n the United State s is still the mos t segregated tim e i n American society , that blac k Christian s ten d t o go t o th e institutio n white s kno w a s th e blac k churc h an d whit e Christians ten d t o g o t o th e institutio n black s kno w a s th e whit e church. Bu t wh o i s t o sa y tha t wit h th e creatio n o f a media n group o f mixed-rac e peopl e tha t America n Christia n denomina tions woul d no t en d u p lik e th e principa l churc h i n Sout h Africa . [102]

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Under aparthei d th e Dutc h Reforme d Churc h i n Sout h Afric a ha d separate blac k an d coloure d wings , separat e wing s tha t joine d hands i n 199 4 partl y a s a result o f th e blac k consciousnes s influ ence. Coul d suc h extreme s i n racia l behavio r occu r i n th e Unite d States onc e blac k consciousnes s i s abandoned i n favo r o f th e cre ation o f a multiracial group ? We kno w fro m historica l experienc e i n thi s countr y alone , a s well a s fro m ou r knowledg e o f th e histor y o f Sout h Africa , tha t there i s no en d t o th e far-flun g possibilitie s o f racia l behavior . So , in addition t o the possibility that ther e could develo p a multiracia l church tha t i s separat e fro m th e blac k churc h an d th e whit e church, ther e i s als o anothe r possibilit y a s mixed-rac e peopl e move farthe r awa y fro m blac k consciousness . Whites, if they eve r see themselves becomin g a minority governmen t i n futur e genera tions (give n th e changin g demographics) , coul d d o a s th e whit e minority governmen t i n South Afric a di d when the y allowe d som e coloureds t o reclassif y a s white. The whit e minorit y i n Brazil doe s the sam e thin g i n admittin g near-white s t o thei r group . A s I pointed ou t i n chapte r 1 , with particula r referenc e t o Rev . Davi d Botha, ther e ar e whites who woul d lik e to se e white an d coloure d Afrikaans peopl e assimilate . I n thi s regard , wha t I di d no t sa y about th e coloure d professo r who m I mentioned i n chapte r 1 , th e professor wh o sai d h e would hav e n o proble m wit h a chil d o f hi s being classifie d toda y a s multiracial , i s that h e als o sai d h e woul d have n o proble m wit h white s an d coloured s assimilating . H e sai d that, sinc e coloured s neve r ha d muc h politica l clout , havin g thei r numbers diminishe d b y the assimilatio n tha t Both a desire s is not a problem fo r him . M y poin t i s tha t w e coul d expec t simila r atti tudes i n th e Unite d States . Sinc e Arab s an d Jew s (bot h Semites ) are presently classifie d a s white i n the United States , it would b e a short ste p t o mandat e b y la w tha t al l mixed-rac e peopl e wit h a white paren t b e classifie d a s white . Thi s woul d mea n tha t whil e "one drop " o f blac k ^"blood " presentl y make s on e black , th e United State s could en d u p lik e apartheid Sout h Afric a o r present day Brazi l wher e a fe w drop s o f whit e "blood " coul d mak e on e white. History bear s thi s out . [103]

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On th e othe r en d o f th e spectru m o f far-flun g possibilitie s o f racial behavior , we might eve n expect to se e some mixed-race peo ple withi n a ne w multiracia l rac e callin g fo r a multiracia l home land, lik e the mor e extrem e coloure d nationalist s i n Sout h Africa . After all , referenc e t o th e multiracia l communit y a s "Th e Inter race Nation " i s not to o differen t fro m designation s use d b y othe r nationalist group s tha t hav e calle d fo r separat e homelands—th e Nation o f Islam , th e Afrikane r Nation , an d s o forth . Th e severa l coloured nationalist s I talked t o in Cape Town tol d m e that black s from othe r area s o f Sout h Africa , especiall y th e Transke i area , were "invading " th e Cap e area , squattin g o n th e lan d an d demanding housin g an d benefits . Becaus e these coloured national ists (o r "Cap e nationalists" ) fea r tha t withi n a decad e black s could outnumbe r th e coloure d peopl e i n th e Wester n an d North ern Cap e (wher e coloured s hav e stake d thei r ancestra l claims) , they wan t a n independen t stat e i n thi s dua l regio n s o the y ca n control blac k immigration . The African Nationa l Congres s (ANC ) has condemned suc h statements coming from coloure d nationalists in Johannesburg an d indicated tha t dividin g Sout h African s base d o n thei r ethnicit y i s th e last thin g th e countr y need s afte r al l the year s they fough t agains t apartheid. 26 Bu t th e coloure d nationalist s I spoke wit h fin d suc h ANC statement s t o b e mere hypocrisy sinc e the AN C ha d supporte d a Palestinia n homelan d i n th e Middl e East . Thus , i t take s n o prophecy, onl y a sens e o f humo r fo r th e absurd , t o imagin e wha t might com e fro m th e mouth s o f th e multiracia l nationalist s o f th e United State s if in future generation s there exists this new race. But wit h th e seemin g extreme s an d absurdit y aside , the fac t i s that th e coloure d nationalist s I met insiste d (an d I can hea r som e multiracial echoe s i n this ) tha t t o spea k o f pan-Africanis m a s black, a s W. E. B . Du Boi s di d despit e hi s ow n mixe d heritage , i s to forge t tha t Afric a i s no t onl y "blac k Africa " bu t i s als o "brown Africa. " T o spea k o f pan-Africanis m a s blac k is , the y said, t o forge t tha t Sout h Afric a als o ha s brow n (coloured ) peo ple whos e blac k ancestors , th e Kho i peoples , wer e i n th e Cap e area thousand s o f year s befor e th e othe r blac k ethni c groups . Ye t [104]

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despite thei r claim s t o bein g a par t o f wha t D u Boi s calle d pan Africanism, th e Cap e nationalist s ar e i n searc h o f establishin g a pan-coloured movement . Thi s pan-coloure d movemen t woul d include mixed-rac e peopl e o f variou s ethnicitie s throughou t th e world wh o would wor k togethe r t o obliterate their collective invisibility. B y doing so , the forgotte n brow n rac e ma y b e recognize d worldwide alongsid e th e blac k an d whit e races . Althoug h Sout h African coloured s hav e their ow n uniqu e ethnicit y base d o n ances tral, historical , an d cultura l distinctions , th e pan-colouredis m tha t the Cap e nationalist s envisio n a s linkin g th e mixed-rac e peopl e o f South Africa an d the United State s would b e based o n the sociopo litical commonalit y o f oppression . Thi s oppression , the y say , comes not onl y a t the hands o f the white race but the blac k rac e a s well. Whether o r no t a ne w rac e o f America n multiracial s join s a n international pan-coloure d movemen t spearheade d b y Cap e nationalists i n Sout h Afric a i s not th e poin t I am seekin g t o estab lish. The importan t poin t i s that onc e a multiracial classificatio n i s established b y the United State s government, thos e Americans wh o are currentl y considere d blac k migh t demonstrat e th e sam e kind s of racial behavio r tha t coloure d Sout h Africans hav e demonstrate d because o f thei r margina l positio n i n Sout h Africa n society . This is the reaso n Lis a Jones ask s whether w e migh t no t b e establishin g a Cape Town , USA . Jone s point s ou t tha t Carlo s Fernande z o f th e AMEA believe s tha t a median racia l categor y i s not racis t i n itsel f since i t i s th e wa y i n whic h suc h a categor y i s use d tha t counts . However, sh e ask s wh y w e woul d no t assum e tha t suc h a media n category woul d b e equall y manipulate d i n th e Unite d States . Sh e says, "It' s bee n aske d before , an d unti l I hear a goo d comeback , the questio n stands : Would 'multiracial ' b e aki n t o Sout h Africa' s 'colored' cast e create d unde r apartheid?" 27 O r w e well migh t ask : Are we no t establishin g a Brazili a o r Sa o Paulo, USA ? Althoug h i n Brazil the tradition o f "whitening " (marryin g lighter to whiten an d socially heighte n one' s offspring ) i s not attributabl e t o intentiona l white ideologica l manipulation, 28 i t i s still abuse d withi n th e con text o f the institutional racis m o f whites . [105]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status All that I have jus t sai d intend s t o prepar e th e wa y fo r a ques tion I think ough t to b e taken seriousl y with regard t o the multira cial movement : Wh o i s t o sa y tha t th e Unite d State s migh t no t mock th e "pigmentocracy " o f Sout h Afric a o r Brazi l i n a n unsus pected swin g towar d radica l conservatism ? Pa m Austin , a youn g adult America n o f whit e an d blac k parentage , sai d i n answe r t o this question : Considering who has been running this government lately, I look at that sometimes and I think, "Yo u know, it's real possible for the m to look down at this group [multiracials ] and say, most of you are educated, mos t o f yo u com e fro m middle-clas s homes , okay , we could use those people, and you're not like those poor blac k folk s over there, those folks dow n on the ground. You're different." I.e . better. And it's like creating that whole mulatto class that existe d after th e Civil War with everybody saying, "Well, you're a little bit better, a little bit different. Why don't you come over here with us?" Co-opting that whole group of people, using it as a buffer zone. 29 Evidently Pa m Austin' s concern s hav e merit , fo r Pau l Williams , Assistant Secretar y o f th e Departmen t o f Housin g an d Urba n Development ( H U D ) , tol d th e Hous e subcommitte e o n th e censu s that h e believe d tha t a perso n checkin g "multiracial " rathe r tha n "black" o n a loan applicatio n fo r a new hom e woul d quit e possi bly benefit. 30 Rainier Spencer , a youn g ma n o f blac k an d whit e parentage , understands that , give n who i s running thi s government an d wh o is in the majority i n this country, ne w categories en d u p bein g no t progressive o r subversiv e bu t a buffe r betwee n th e whit e an d black races . H e say s tha t regardles s o f th e statu s o f th e mixed race media n grou p relativ e t o th e lowes t subordinat e grou p (blacks), th e media n grou p i s stil l no t permitte d t o b e white . Spencer continues , "Societ y a t larg e therefor e perform s n o reassessment o f it s policies . I t merel y take s not e o f th e fac t tha t certain non-white s ar e creatin g classification s amongs t them selves. What i s truly quixoti c i s the ide a tha t a mer e amendmen t to th e America n syste m o f racia l categorizatio n coul d possibl y [106]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status escape th e structure s o f oppressio n an d marginalizatio n tha t sup port it." 31 Spencer's poin t i s backe d b y th e researc h o f Edwar d Reuter , a s documented i n hi s classi c book , The Mulatto in the United States (1918). Reute r learned , fo r example , tha t th e mulatt o i n Jamaica , when th e islan d wa s a British colony , behave d i n a way tha t bene fited th e whit e minorit y rulers . I n hearin g Reuter' s commen t about early-twentieth-centur y Jamaica , w e ca n easil y inser t refer ences t o late-twentieth-centur y Sout h Afric a withou t disturbin g the accurac y o f his argument. Reute r wrote : The mulattoes ar e not a numerically importan t par t o f the Negro population, but the white rulers have realized their possibilities fo r harm a s dissatisfied agitator s amon g th e blacks . They als o hav e realized the possibilities of the group as a harmonizing factor i n the racial situation . As a consequence, they have utilized th e mixed bloods a s a mean s o f contro l o f th e lowe r an d mor e numerou s group, and a s a means o f lessening the friction betwee n extrem e types of the population on the Island. By catering t o th e mulattoes ' desir e fo r specia l recognitio n an d by fosterin g thei r cast e feelin g o f superiorit y t o th e blacks , th e English have buil t u p a middle-class grou p betwee n th e white aris tocracy an d th e blac k peasantry . This group include s the educate d and professiona l classe s of the Negro group an d th e more success ful colore d individual s i n all lines o f huma n endeavor . This mulatt o clas s ha s bee n separate d i n sentiment s an d inter ests fro m th e blac k grou p b y a deliberat e an d thorough-goin g application o f th e "divid e an d rule " policy . B y a judicious distrib ution o f pett y politica l office s an d honors , th e white s secur e thei r loyalty an d cooperatio n i n th e affair s o f governmen t i n spit e o f the rigid colo r lin e which the y dra w agains t the m i n socia l affairs . Any Negro wh o show s abilit y o r talent fo r leadershi p i s diplomat ically separated fro m th e black group, and hi s or her loyalty to th e government an d t o th e rulin g white s i s assure d b y a politica l o r other honor , proportiona l t o hi s o r he r dange r a s a disgruntle d agitator amon g th e blacks. 32 [107]

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In Brazil , the proces s o f "whitening " uphold s whit e dominanc e in a simila r fashion . Whitenin g i s th e proces s o f darker-skinne d people becomin g increasingl y whit e generatio n afte r generatio n b y marrying lighter-skinne d people . B y adhering t o th e popula r belie f that thi s i s the mean s o f acquirin g clas s elevatio n an d greate r eco nomic an d politica l participation , whitenin g ha s dampene d polari ties i n rac e relation s an d defuse d potentia l explosion s tha t ma y result fro m racia l discrimination . Concurrently , b y removin g "qualified" peopl e o f colo r fro m th e subordinat e blac k grou p an d encouraging thei r identificatio n wit h th e dominan t whites , whitening prevent s black s an d mulattoe s fro m developin g a connecte d sense o f grou p identit y arisin g fro m thei r share d subordination . This keep s a t ba y an y unite d an d powerfu l blac k oppositio n t o whites. 33 Lesli e Rout, Jr., a historian wh o travele d t o Brazi l severa l times, sai d h e notice d tha t th e animosit y betwee n black s an d mulattoes wa s ver y intense . A s a result, h e wondere d whic h sid e the mulattoe s woul d tak e i f eve r ther e wer e a rac e war . H e answered hi s ow n questio n whe n h e sai d tha t h e recalle d eve r s o clearly that mulattoe s sa w no relationship betwee n themselve s an d darker-skinned peopl e i n Brazil or the United States. 34 Similarly, th e fac t tha t a coloured Sout h Africa n wh o appeare d white an d wa s accepte d a s whit e coul d b e reclassifie d a s whit e under th e aparthei d policie s resulte d i n man y coloure d peopl e defending whites . According to van de r Ross, this occurred i f onl y for th e reason tha t the y too migh t on e da y becom e white. Van de r Ross draw s thi s illustration : "I t i s sai d tha t th e Englis h workin g classes wil l no t d o awa y wit h th e aristocracy , a s ever y workin g class mother hope s that on e day her son or daughte r ma y b e a 'Sir ' or a 'Lady'!" 3 5 I n thi s regard , th e wors t par t o f th e syste m o f whitening is the etiquette o f silence with regard to the issue of race. So strong is the desir e of most whites an d man y blac k an d mulatt o Brazilians t o adher e t o th e belie f i n racial democrac y tha t a mora torium exist s o n th e admissio n o r discussio n o f racia l discrimina tion. Anyone who raise s the issue of racism o r someho w expresse s racial consciousnes s i s seen as un-Brazilian an d eve n a s a threat t o the unit y an d strengt h o f th e country. 36 Ye t th e etiquett e o f no t [108]

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discussing rac e an d th e resultan t lac k o f racia l consciousnes s pre vents th e possibilit y o f identifyin g racis t behavio r an d policies , and prevent s organizin g agains t racis m fo r th e protectio n an d advancement o f al l Brazilians wit h Africa n ancestry . Indeed, simila r analyse s ar e revealed upo n a careful scannin g o f the vas t literatur e o n mixed-rac e peopl e i n moder n times . Fo r instance, i n hi s classi c Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands (1952) , J. A . Rogers , the earl y twentieth century blac k journalist , warn s tha t white s practic e "divid e an d conquer" b y givin g mulattoe s certai n privileges . Histor y show s that th e loyalt y o f mixed-rac e peopl e a s a grou p usuall y ca n b e secured, Roger s says , if that grou p i s granted a statu s highe r tha n the minority-hal f o f thei r mixe d ancestry . H e say s o f coloure d South African s tha t th e littl e tast e o f freedo m th e whit e minorit y government gav e them ove r black s made them loo k mor e hungril y toward th e white s an d mor e disdainfull y awa y fro m th e blacks. 37 H. F . Dickie-Clark add s to thi s analysi s i n his book , The Marginal Situation (1966) . He say s that the creation o f a median positio n i n a societ y (a n upper-subordinat e group ) tend s t o inhibi t th e politi cal activity of that media n group , whereas i f there were no media n group the n th e entir e subordinat e group , undivided, woul d us e it s numbers an d energie s t o achiev e equalit y wit h th e dominan t group. In other words, when there is a lower-subordinate grou p i n a societ y (blacks) , the uppe r subordinat e grou p (mixed-rac e peo ple) might b e reluctant t o risk losing its status through attempt s t o improve it . Therefore , th e existenc e o f a lowe r subordinat e stra tum i s a constan t reminde r t o mixed-rac e people , a s i t wa s t o coloured Sout h African s unde r apartheid , tha t thei r positio n could easil y worsen. 38 In suc h a situation , onl y th e lowes t subordinat e grou p i s inter ested i n overturnin g th e statu s quo . Thus , prio r t o 1976 , man y coloureds stoo d wit h white s agains t black s i n th e sens e tha t the y seemed t o prefe r rul e b y the white-minority Nationa l Part y rathe r than ris k a blac k governmen t permittin g black s t o compet e equally fo r employmen t an d t o ente r thei r residentia l area s an d schools. As Z. J. D e Bee r wrote i n 1961 , this i s the reaso n certai n [109]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status coloured intellectual s ha d littl e succes s i n trying t o lea d thei r peo ple int o a n allianc e o f protes t wit h blacks . Instead , D e Bee r con cluded, th e coloure d peopl e stuc k t o th e white s "a s a n ill-use d wife wil l often stic k to he r husband." 39 Richard va n de r Ros s tol d m e tha t h e essentiall y agree d wit h this view . While h e though t i t woul d b e presumptuou s o f hi m t o say whethe r o r no t h e approve d o f th e multiracia l movemen t i n the United States , he did fee l that h e could describ e th e racial situ ation i n hi s countr y an d thereb y issu e a warnin g base d o n tha t experience. He sai d that a dominant whit e group coul d misus e th e multiracial classificatio n t o divid e th e rank s o f thos e tryin g t o seek thei r rights—tha t is , that the y coul d us e thi s media n grou p of "Europeanize d hybrids " t o co-op t th e multiracial s int o th e white rank s an d thereb y weake n blacks . It would no t eve n b e sur prising, va n de r Ros s said , i f white s pu t thei r arm s aroun d th e shoulders o f multiracial s withou t reall y embracin g them , s o tha t they could easil y abando n the m a t som e futur e point . The mos t unfortunat e par t o f th e histor y o f media n (upper-subor dinate) group s i s that the y ar e ofte n molde d int o "white " racists , who Alla n Boesa k sai d ar e wors e tha n whites . I t i s particularl y unfortunate whe n i n realit y th e white ar m aroun d thei r shoulders , the ar m tha t ha s le d the m int o racis t behavior , doe s no t reall y intend t o embrac e them . I n thi s regard , aparthei d succeede d i n making racist s ou t o f the coloured people . In fact , thi s occurre d t o such a degree that van der Ross wrote in i96 0 tha t i t was nonsens e for coloure d peopl e to thin k tha t thei r salvatio n la y with blacks : I call this last idea, the idea that the African wil l one day release us from ou r troubles, nonsense fo r a good reason. Why, in the firs t place, should he? Have the Coloured people ever shown any great love for th e African? Haven' t th e Coloure d peopl e share d i n the prosperity which bot h White and Coloure d hav e gained from th e African's labour ? In the teaching profession, haven' t ou r childre n been treated bette r . . . ? And haven't we accepted an d share d in this differential treatmen t a t his expense? In the trades, haven't we [no]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status benefited fro m th e fact tha t we could becom e tradesmen, while he had t o remai n th e labourer ? An d haven' t w e ofte n hear d th e Coloured tradesman swea r at his "boy " ( b . . . . kafferl) imitatin g and eve n betterin g hi s Whit e colleague ? Why , then , shoul d th e African spar e us? So I think tha t man y o f the coloured peopl e in the starry-eye d camp are being plain dishonest. They want to use the African. H e must b e the means to get us what w e want, s o we must no w pa t him on the back at every available opportunity. These very people must no t underrat e th e African . H e ha s see n through th e Whit e man—he can see through us. 4° There wa s a time whe n an y allianc e with th e lower-subordinat e strata o f societ y was unthinkable b y the coloured people . But when the aparthei d policie s drasticall y reduce d th e advantage s o f bein g coloured, s o that th e disadvantage s o f th e syste m outweighe d th e advantages, cooperatio n wit h al l th e government' s opponent s t o abolish aparthei d seeme d t o b e th e onl y reasonabl e strateg y fo r procuring a viable future. 41 Thi s feelin g tha t th e disadvantage s o f apartheid outweighe d th e advantage s i s what pushe d black s an d coloureds togethe r t o figh t side-by-sid e fo r a "ne w Sout h Africa, " which came to fruition i n April 199 4 when the country held its firs t democratic elections . Bu t eve n afte r th e aparthei d syste m wa s dis mantled an d th e countr y wa s movin g towar d th e elections , th e coloured people , still a median an d margina l group , were ye t to b e manipulated b y white politicians o f the National Party . During th e 199 4 electio n campaign , whe n Presiden t F . W. d e Klerk o f th e Nationa l Part y wa s runnin g agains t Nelso n Mandel a of th e AN C fo r th e presidency , d e Klerk's part y strategize d t o con vince the coloured peopl e that, blac k consciousnes s notwithstand ing, the y wer e no t blac k an d i n fac t wer e deservin g o f th e protection an d privilege s hi s part y woul d giv e the m i f the y wo n office. Va n de r Ross , thoug h h e turne d dow n a n offe r t o joi n th e National Party , tol d m e tha t th e Nationa l Part y wa s successfu l i n their propagand a amon g th e coloure d people . "Yo u ar e no t black," the y sai d to th e coloure d people . "Yo u ar e like us"—eve n though th e white s neve r befor e treate d coloured s "lik e them, " [in]

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said va n de r Ross . Th e resul t o f th e coloure d peopl e bein g tol d that the y ar e lik e th e white s whe n the y stil l wer e no t treate d lik e the whites is that the y were pushed deepe r int o the marginality. As Arnold Gree n explains , eve n complet e rejectio n i s easie r t o bea r than uncertai n o r grudgin g acceptance. 42 This manipulation o f the coloured peopl e b y the National Part y was don e solel y b y politica l maneuvering , th e sam e kin d tha t could convinc e a ne w rac e o f multiracia l American s tha t ne w winds o f politica l chang e ar e blowin g i n thei r favor . I n Sout h Africa thi s political maneuverin g bega n i n 199 0 wit h Presiden t d e Klerk's speec h t o Parliamen t o n Februar y 2 , which politica l ana lysts have called the first campaig n even t of the 199 4 election. 43 I n that speech , i n which d e Kler k go t a campaign jum p o n Mandel a (whose freedo m h e wa s t o announce) , d e Kler k spok e o f a "ne w South Africa. " H e sai d th e ai m o f necessar y negotiation s amon g representative leader s o f th e entir e populatio n wa s t o ensur e last ing peace . Th e Prohibitio n o f Mixe d Marriage s Ac t an d th e Immorality Act , law s tha t ha d sometime s force d interracia l cou ples to fle e the country, had alread y bee n abolishe d i n 1985. 44 But de Kler k sai d nothin g explici t abou t th e repea l o f th e stapl e law s of apartheid—th e Populatio n Registratio n Ac t an d th e Grou p Areas Act. He di d not d o that unti l his opening speec h to the 199 1 session o f Parliament , o n Februar y 1 . Bu t i n hi s famou s 199 0 address h e di d sa y o f th e "ne w Sout h Africa" : "Th e ai m i s a totally ne w an d jus t constitutiona l dispensatio n i n whic h ever y inhabitant wil l enjo y equa l rights , treatmen t an d opportunit y i n every spher e o f endeavour—constitutional , socia l an d eco nomic." 45 H e als o said, "Ou r countr y an d al l its people hav e bee n embroiled i n conflict , tensio n an d violen t struggl e fo r decades . I t is tim e fo r u s t o brea k ou t o f th e cycl e o f violenc e an d brea k through t o peac e an d reconciliation . Th e silen t majorit y i s yearn ing fo r this . Th e yout h deserv e it." 4 6 Ultimatel y th e goa l o f th e new "constitutiona l dispensation " wa s t o creat e a democrati c constitution an d establis h a universal franchise. 47 The politica l jum p tha t d e Kler k go t o n Mandel a wit h thi s speech o f 1990 , eve n befor e Mandel a wa s release d fro m priso n [112]

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shortly afterwards , wa s late r helpe d b y th e country' s religiou s establishment. Thi s i s illustrated i n a smal l trac t I picked u p i n a n interracial churc h i n Johannesburg i n th e summe r o f 1992 . Th e tract wa s entitle d "Wha t I s the Answer? " an d wa s publishe d b y the Gospe l Publishin g Hous e i n Roodepoort . Accompanyin g thi s question o n th e cove r pag e i s a photograp h o f Nelso n Mandel a (top left) , Mikhai l Gorbache v (to p right) , Georg e Bus h (botto m left) an d Joh n Majo r (botto m right) . Insid e th e cove r i s a lis t o f societal ills , amon g whic h i s the statemen t "Racis m divide s ou r country." Ensuin g i s the statemen t tha t th e answe r t o thes e prob lems cannot b e found i n politicians (n o doub t thos e o n th e cover ) but onl y i n Christ . I t shoul d strik e ou r attentio n tha t a t tha t tim e Mandela wa s just ou t o f prison an d thu s ou t o f place i n the grou p of nationa l leaders , whil e i t wa s th e whit e minorit y governmen t still i n powe r a t tha t tim e whic h escape d criticism . Mandel a wa s imprisoned b y th e whit e Sout h Africa n governmen t fo r twenty seven year s an d yet , i n a Christ-lik e spirit , h e cam e ou t o f priso n calling fo r racia l reconciliation , a ne w democrac y tha t woul d b e nonracial an d nonsexist . Wh y wa s Mandel a o n th e cove r o f thi s tract an d no t d e Klerk ? During campaig n speeche s i n coloure d communities , d e Klerk , in promoting a "new " Nationa l Party , made explici t apologie s fo r the pai n th e aparthei d policie s o f hi s part y ha d cause d th e coloured people . Coloure d voter s outsid e th e AN C seeme d t o accept th e apology , particularl y th e olde r coloure d people , on e young coloure d woma n tol d me. 48 Additionally , th e sam e coloured woma n sai d tha t th e Nationa l Part y wa s successfu l i n indoctrinating coloured s t o believ e tha t white s wer e th e tru e authorities. Th e Nationa l Part y wa s als o successfu l i n portrayin g the AN C a s a part y o f black s whic h woul d favo r black s ove r coloureds onc e Mandel a wa s i n powe r (electioneerin g no t unfa miliar t o America n voters) . I n fact , th e Nationa l Part y eve n pro duced it s ow n "Willi e Horton " o f th e Republica n campaig n tha t helped ge t Georg e Bus h electe d t o th e America n presidenc y i n 1988. Th e Nationa l Part y produce d a blac k (rathe r tha n "brown") imag e o f th e murdere r know n a s th e Statio n Strangle r [113]

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who ha d bee n terrorizin g th e coloure d communit y fo r severa l years an d wa s stil l at large . Evidently thi s propaganda wa s imply ing that withou t whit e rul e an d protectio n coloure d peopl e woul d be strangled t o deat h unde r blac k majorit y rule. 49 In a liv e televise d campaig n debat e betwee n th e tw o leadin g presidential candidates , o n Apri l 14 , 1994 , Mandel a confronte d de Kler k o n th e racis t electioneerin g o f hi s part y i n th e Wester n Cape. 5 ° Bu t th e Nationa l Party' s campaig n i n th e Cap e continue d to ru n o n it s strateg y o f instillin g i n th e coloure d communit y fea r of bein g overrun b y the blac k majority . Finally , the National Part y never embrace d th e democrati c idea l o f nonracialism , becaus e they wante d t o maintai n "minorit y rights " fo r white s an d coloureds. Thi s wa s a scenari o tha t va n de r Ros s ha d anticipate d as earl y a s 1 9 61, sinc e h e kne w eve n the n tha t white s coul d no t rule forever. 51 In a n essa y analyzin g th e result s o f th e election , Andre w Reynolds share s insight s tha t coul d b e a forecas t o f election s i n the Unite d State s i f a "coloured " o r multiracia l classificatio n were to b e created. Reynold s say s that th e succes s of the Nationa l Party i n garnerin g th e vote s o f th e coloure d peopl e wa s a testa ment t o a campaig n tha t playe d o n th e fear s coloured s hav e about thei r positio n i n a democrati c countr y wher e th e over whelming majorit y o f peopl e ar e black . Th e Nationa l Part y played o n thes e fear s b y usin g a "divid e an d rule " strateg y tha t set disenfranchise d coloured s agains t disenfranchise d blacks , i n part b y instigatin g racis t stereotype s withi n eac h community. 52 The successfu l portraya l o f th e AN C a s a part y o f an d fo r black s is the reaso n tha t fo r man y coloured s th e onl y choic e durin g th e election wa s betwee n votin g fo r th e Nationa l Part y o r sittin g o n the wall an d no t votin g a t all . H. F . Dickie-Clark term s thi s situa tion "politica l marginality, " whic h h e say s result s fro m conflict ing pressures . Pushin g th e coloure d peopl e i n on e directio n i s their cultura l whiteness , th e recollectio n an d remnant s o f thei r social equalit y wit h whites , an d thei r intermediat e statu s i n th e social hierarchy . Th e cross-pressure s compris e th e extensiv e social exclusio n the y shar e wit h blacks. 53 [114]

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In hi s analysi s o f th e month s leadin g u p t o th e elections , Her mann Giliome e capture d som e o f thes e conflictin g pressures . H e says tha t whil e th e coloured s hav e no t rushe d t o embrac e th e notions o f a nonracia l Afrikaan s people , i t i s clear tha t the y hav e little interes t i n th e "nation " o r "people " ide a a s define d b y th e ANC. I t i s als o clea r tha t the y woul d prefe r fo r th e countr y t o b e built aroun d th e interest s o f white s (1 7 percent o f th e population ) and themselve s (1 0 percent o f th e population). 54 Fo r hi s evidenc e Giliomee point s t o a Februar y 199 4 pol l showin g tha t 4 2 percen t of coloured s favore d th e Nationa l Party , 1 7 percent th e ANC , an d that 3 8 percent wer e undecide d o r refuse d t o say. 55 The electio n wa s hel d Apri l 26 , 27 , an d 28 , 1994 , an d a s sus pected th e highes t percentag e o f th e coloure d vote—3 0 percen t (1.2 million)—wen t t o th e Nationa l Party . Onl y 4 percen t o f th e coloured vot e (0. 5 million ) wen t t o th e A N C . 5 6 Th e AN C wo n th e presidency becaus e the majority o f the citizens of Sout h Africa (7 0 percent) ar e black , bu t th e Nationa l Part y wo n th e importan t Western Cap e region , th e onl y provinc e t o elec t a white premie r (governor). The coloure d people , who compris e th e larges t votin g block i n th e Cape , gav e onl y a fourt h o f thei r vot e i n th e rac e fo r premier (2 7 percent ) t o th e ANC , eve n thoug h th e candidat e th e ANC ha d pu t u p fo r th e premiershi p wa s th e coloure d clergyma n Allan Boesak . Th e coloure d peopl e gav e two-third s o f thei r vot e to th e Nationa l Party , eve n thoug h th e candidat e the y ha d pu t u p was non e othe r tha n Hernu s Kriel , th e forme r Ministe r o f La w and Orde r unde r th e aparthei d regime. 57 No w tha t th e election s are over an d th e National Part y hold s regional power i n the West ern Cape , the Party's "divid e an d rule " tactics have left a legacy of tension betwee n black s an d coloureds . Because so many coloured s voted fo r th e Nationa l Party , man y black s conside r the m t o b e "sell-outs"—unreliable an d inferior . Thei r vot e jus t verifie s fo r some o f th e mor e radica l black s thei r long-hel d belie f tha t th e coloureds, alon g with th e whites, are "settlers " i n Sout h Africa . As regard s th e politica l well-bein g o f black s i n th e Unite d States, mixed-race black s (thos e who wis h t o gathe r unde r a legislated categor y o f "multiracial" ) coul d similarl y choos e t o alig n [115]

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themselves politicall y wit h whites . O r eve n i f ther e wer e a n incli nation no t t o d o so , suc h mixed-rac e black s migh t b e a minorit y among th e entiret y o f multiracial s an d woul d lac k influenc e i n a group tha t woul d b e a s heterogeneou s politicall y a s i t woul d b e ethnically. Thus , onl y wit h thei r monoracia l blac k kindre d coul d mixed-race black s have som e degre e o f worthwhile politica l influ ence and protection . Thi s shoul d b e understood i n advance o f an y hasty decisio n t o becom e "multiracial. " Fo r onc e a breac h i n kin ship occur s betwee n thos e wh o ar e blac k an d thos e mixed-rac e blacks wh o defec t t o a mor e privilege d racia l classification , th e breach would b e difficult t o heal, as we have learned fro m observ ing blacks an d coloured s i n Sout h Africa . Another possibl e concer n i s that mixed-rac e peopl e with partia l black ancestr y coul d choos e t o alig n themselve s culturall y wit h whites. Carlo s Fernande z o f th e AME A say s tha t racis m an d eth nocentrism woul d no t flouris h amon g multiracia l peopl e becaus e they canno t hat e th e heritag e o f thei r parent s withou t als o disre specting thei r parent s an d sacrificin g thei r ow n integrity. 58 Bu t just becaus e someon e i s part blac k doe s not necessaril y mea n the y would b e i n solidarit y wit h th e blac k struggle . On e whit e Ameri can woman , wh o i s marrie d t o a blac k man , say s he r fathe r refused an y relationshi p wit h he r interracia l famil y eve n thoug h he wa s himsel f a mixtur e o f whit e an d Nativ e American. 59 Thi s behavior tha t contradict s Fernandez' s clai m would no t b e surpris ing to sociologis t Everet t Stonequist , fo r h e believes that th e refle x of mixed-rac e peopl e i s t o identif y wit h th e dominan t race , a reflex h e acknowledge s ca n creat e a gulf betwee n mixed-rac e peo ple and th e subordinat e race. 60 This is what Lis a Jones fears coul d happen i n th e Unite d States . Sh e says tha t i f ther e i s a goa l i n th e quest t o establis h a multiracia l categor y a t th e federa l level , i t appears t o b e a n interes t o n th e par t o f multiracial s fo r assimila tion int o th e whit e mainstream. 61 Lind a Jame s Myers , a clinica l psychologist wh o work s wit h mixed-rac e children , evidentl y fear s the same . For sh e says that a s these people aspir e to associat e wit h white privilege , blac k American s woul d b e pushe d farthe r dow n the line. 62 [116]

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That th e refle x o f mixed-rac e peopl e a s a societa l grou p i s t o identify wit h th e dominan t group , resultin g i n a gul f betwee n mixed-race black s an d th e subordinat e blac k race , i s als o wha t South Africa n histor y show s us . Through biologica l an d cultura l assimilation, couple d wit h a tendenc y towar d socia l distinctio n based o n color , th e coloure d populatio n graduall y assume d th e social an d cultura l characteristic s o f whit e Wester n society . Th e church playe d a centra l rol e i n th e cultura l acclimatio n o f coloureds towar d whiteness , insofa r a s mos t coloured s ar e Chris tians an d follo w th e religious pattern foun d amon g whites . Language ha s als o playe d a rol e i n shapin g th e share d world view tha t coloured s hav e wit h th e whit e Afrikaan s people . Mor e than four-fifth s o f th e coloure d populatio n spea k Afrikaan s a s their firs t language , a percentag e tha t woul d hav e bee n highe r were i t no t fo r thos e coloured s wh o taugh t thei r childre n Englis h because the y perceive d Afrikaan s t o b e th e tongu e o f th e rulin g whites. T o th e coloure d nationalist s I spoke to , ther e i s a nuanc e of differenc e i n th e wa y Afrikaan s i s spoke n b y white s an d b y coloureds, whic h result s i n a shad e o f dissemblanc e i n th e world s of whit e an d coloure d Afrikaan s speakers . O n th e othe r hand , Afrikaans i s Afrikaans, an d undoubtedl y it s coloure d an d whit e speakers shar e som e good portio n o f a world. Thi s sam e languag e that ha s helped shap e a shared worl d betwee n whit e an d coloure d Afrikaans peopl e ha s als o distance d coloured s fro m blacks , wh o speak thei r ow n ethni c languages . Regardin g th e cultura l distanc e that differin g language s ca n create , the young coloure d woma n o f Xhosa, German , an d Englis h backgroun d tol d m e tha t becaus e she speak s n o indigenou s languag e o f th e blacks , their s i s " a world" tha t i s closed t o her . In church , language , an d politics , th e assimilatio n o f coloure d people int o th e whit e Afrikaan s cultur e ha s bee n thorough . I t ha s been s o thoroug h tha t coloured s enliste d an d fough t i n al l th e wars wage d b y th e Sout h Africa n government , servin g "beyon d the cal l o f duty, " accordin g t o va n de r Ross. 63 So , not onl y hav e the coloure d peopl e becom e full-fledge d participant s i n th e West ern wa y o f living , unlik e th e black s du e t o thei r exclusion , bu t [117]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status they hav e neve r know n an y othe r wa y o f living . A s a result , va n der Ros s say s they have never ha d thei r ow n distinctiv e culture : If we examine the life-style o f Coloure d peopl e . . . w e shall fin d that th e culture o f the Coloured peopl e is nothing other tha n th e so-called Western or Western European culture, i.e., the culture of the people who come from Wester n Europe. We speak Afrikaans , English, o r both , belon g t o Christia n churches , wea r Wester n clothing . . ., follo w a legal system largely Roman-Dutch or AngloSaxon, have always followed a Western system of government, live in Western-style homes , prepare ou r foo d i n the same manner a s West Europeans, practise an d enjo y Wester n Europea n form s o f music, art, dancing, sport, etc., e t c . . .. They explain why Coloured people, who now travel abroad o r beyond Sout h Africa mor e and more, visit countries such as England, Holland, Germany, Canada, the United States and Australia more than others, and feel at home when they arrive there.64 Because coloure d peopl e hav e mor e i n commo n wit h white s tha n with blacks, 65 va n de r Ros s contest s th e notio n tha t coloured s have a particular affinit y fo r bein g aroun d thei r "ow n kind. " H e says i t i s simila r interest s rathe r tha n colo r tha t i s importan t t o them. 66 In addition t o th e cultural an d politica l affinit y tha t th e multira cial American s (a s a legislate d group ) coul d hav e fo r whites , afte r the fashio n o f the affinit y tha t man y coloure d Sout h Africans hav e for th e white Afrikaan s people , there i s the facto r o f coloris m an d racism that suc h an affinit y coul d bree d within a n established mul tiracial community. In chapter i w e heard a number o f multiracial ists argu e tha t multiracia l peopl e woul d no t b e prejudice d bu t would b e in solidarit y wit h th e blac k struggle . However , nowher e around th e worl d wher e white s hav e create d a media n group , a s they di d i n Sout h Africa , d o w e se e mixed-race peopl e i n an y sig nificant number s reachin g ove r th e colo r lin e t o intermingl e wit h blacks. In Brazil the mulattoes, in their struggl e to get on the whit e bandwagon, kic k thei r darke r kindre d aroun d eve n mor e severel y than the whites. 67 Dickie-Clark, i n explaining this, says that gener ally the closer an upper-subordinate grou p i s to the despised lower [118]

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subordinate group , th e harde r th e member s o f tha t uppe r grou p try to emphasiz e whatever difference s the y have with the less privileged an d th e more they tend t o rejec t them. 68 South Afric a similarl y suggest s tha t th e members o f a new mul tiracial grou p i n th e Unite d State s woul d joi n white s i n harborin g racist attitude s agains t blacks . Coloure d sociologis t Jimm y Elli s told m e tha t th e creatio n o f th e coloure d grou p le d t o racis m against black s becaus e coloure d peopl e wer e raise d t o se e them selves a s mor e highl y valued . Thi s racism , h e said , i s on e o f th e "major pitfalls " o f th e creatio n o f a coloure d group . Par t o f thi s racism tha t coloure d peopl e inherite d fro m white s mus t naturall y involve th e ver y theologica l underpinning s o f aparthei d itself . Regarding th e aparthei d theolog y o f th e whit e Afrikaan s people , Dutch Reforme d ministe r J. A. Loubser contend s i n his book , The Apartheid Bible (1987) , that th e "curs e o f Ham" theory , the bibli cally-based notio n tha t black s ar e the "curse d son s o f Ham, " wa s once used t o justify slaver y bu t eventuall y becam e obsolet e durin g the earl y par t o f th e twentiet h century. 69 However , elsewher e i n his discussio n o f variou s myth s tha t circulat e amon g whit e Sout h Africans abou t black s Loubse r implie s tha t eve n th e "curs e o f Ham" myt h ma y lay latent i n the subconscious o f racists. He says , "Even amon g regula r churc h member s ther e ar e stil l individual s who almos t seriousl y assur e one that 'Black s cannot g o to heaven ' and tha t 'i t doe s not pa y t o d o missionar y work , becaus e the y fal l back int o si n th e momen t the y ar e converted. ' Thes e ar e onl y some examples o f the many myth s i n circulation." 70 Whether o r no t i t ca n b e prove n tha t th e coloure d peopl e acquired fro m white s a belie f tha t black s ar e th e "curse d son s o f Ham" o r tha t th e black s wer e perhap s mor e "cursed " tha n coloureds, it is the existence o f coloured racis m agains t black s an d the intensit y o f tha t racis m whic h i s at issu e here. 71 On e coloure d woman (wh o i s married t o a coloure d man ) explaine d t o m e tha t because o f thei r histor y o f no t knowin g wher e the y fi t in , ye t being tol d the y shoul d b e lik e whites , coloure d peopl e en d u p being ver y racist . I n th e past , an d t o a smalle r degre e today , sh e continued, coloure d wome n woul d b e automaticall y attracte d t o [119]

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white men , n o matte r ho w the y looked . On e o f he r sister s ha s been livin g wit h a whit e ma n fo r abou t fiftee n year s an d he r mother adore s him. 72 Anothe r siste r i s dating a Nigerian an d he r mother i s unhapp y becaus e h e i s black . Sh e als o ha s a brothe r who i s somewha t dar k i n complexion . Becaus e h e i s coloured h e would b e accepte d b y a coloure d woman , bu t i f h e turne d ou t t o be blac k h e automaticall y woul d b e unattractive . Likewise , he r coloured husban d i s somewha t dar k i n complexio n an d he r mother like s him , bu t i f h e were blac k (albei t th e sam e complex ion) he r mothe r woul d agai n b e unhappy wit h th e relationship . Another coloure d woma n (th e on e I have bee n describin g a s of Xhosa, English , an d Germa n background ) tol d m e that i t was th e coloured peopl e wh o di d no t hav e contac t wit h black s durin g th e liberation struggl e wh o hav e maintaine d th e ol d racia l attitude s about blacks . These ar e olde r coloured s fo r who m th e sayin g stil l rings true : "I' m poo r bu t a t leas t I' m no t a kaffi r [nigger]. " Th e young blac k ma n wh o quote d this , th e presiden t o f th e Studen t Representative Counci l a t the University o f the Western Cape , als o told m e tha t som e coloure d parent s hav e complaine d t o th e offi cials o f th e universit y becaus e the y d o no t wan t thei r childre n liv ing i n th e hostel s (dormatories ) wit h black s (wh o wer e firs t admitted t o th e universit y i n 197 8 unde r va n de r Ross) . Perhap s the olde r coloure d peopl e hav e tende d t o maintai n th e ol d racia l attitudes abou t blacks , bu t the y evidentl y hav e bee n successfu l i n passing some of those attitude s o n to the younger generation . Eve n today o n th e campu s o f th e Universit y o f th e Wester n Cape , coloureds an d black s rarel y mix . I t i s no t simpl y becaus e the y speak differen t language s a s their firs t tongue . Afte r all , they ca n communicate t o on e anothe r i n English , th e languag e i n whic h most o f the teaching is done a t the university. This point was mad e by th e Genera l Secretar y o f th e Studen t Representativ e Council , who i s als o a young blac k man . H e tol d m e tha t thoug h ther e i s some interracial datin g betwee n blac k an d coloured students , there are still stereotypes working agains t suc h relationships . While th e administrator s o f th e University o f th e Western Cap e have bee n progressive i n allowing integrated studen t hostels , there [120]

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are othe r coloureds , includin g politicians , wh o hav e spoke n o f keeping th e coloure d peopl e awa y fro m black s an d therefor e "pure." I n fact , ther e hav e bee n instance s whe n coloure d wome n who hav e marrie d black s hav e bee n ostracize d b y th e coloure d community.73 On e coloure d woma n likene d thi s unspoke n forbid dance withi n th e coloure d communit y t o th e restrictio n agains t bringing hom e a policeman (o f an y race ) durin g th e aparthei d era . To thi s day , fo r example , suc h ostracis m an d maltreatmen t ar e experienced b y the step-sibling s o f a young coloure d woma n wh o described hersel f a s bor n t o a coloure d mothe r an d a n estrange d white father . Whe n thi s young woman's mothe r subsequentl y mar ried a Malawia n ( a black) , th e childre n (he r half-siblings ) wer e dark i n complexion an d were called "kaffirs " bot h i n the extende d family an d i n th e coloure d community . Thi s youn g coloure d woman i s now carin g fo r th e so n o f he r sister . Th e bo y i s darke r than th e res t o f th e famil y (she , he r husband , an d thei r child ) because th e youn g woman' s siste r i s o f blac k (Malawian ) an d coloured parentage . Sh e told m e that th e bo y is regularly tease d b y coloureds i n th e neighborhoo d becaus e o f hi s darke r color . Sh e even tol d m e that , becaus e th e bo y i s m y complexion , I woul d experience the same racism i f I were to walk throug h suc h a work ing-class coloure d neighborhood . Th e youn g woma n concluded , "It is in the coloured communit y tha t yo u fin d th e worst racism. " There i s anothe r sid e t o th e equatio n i n whic h coloure d peopl e have participate d wit h white s i n holdin g black s down , whic h i s that the y hav e als o hel d themselve s dow n politically , economi cally, an d ethically . Par t o f th e strateg y i n th e creatio n o f a betwixt-and-between grou p o f mixed-rac e peopl e i s permittin g them som e politica l privilege s t o placat e thei r potentia l protests . Economically, a s historia n Georg e Fredrickso n says , the resul t o f apartheid's racia l stratificatio n i s tha t th e coloure d peopl e accepted "th e crumb s tha t fel l fro m th e whit e man' s table." 74 I n terms o f th e continue d economi c marginalizatio n o f th e coloure d community, som e coloureds fee l that whil e they helped th e AN C t o get where the y are , they ar e now bein g betraye d b y an affirmativ e [121]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status action polic y tha t benefit s blacks . I t wa s eve n reporte d i n th e American pres s tha t o n Septembe r 15 , 1994 , coloured s ha d engaged i n a protest , becaus e afte r decade s o f inferio r treatmen t by th e whit e governmen t the y no w fee l the y ar e victim s o f favoritism towar d black s i n housing , services , an d jobs. 75 A wee k later, i n a lette r t o a n edito r o f a Sout h Africa n newspaper , a coloured perso n wrote : "I n year s gon e b y Sout h Afric a wa s a white country . Toda y i t i s a blac k country . Wher e d o th e coloured(s) an d Asian(s ) fi t in ? Befor e w e weren' t whit e enough , today w e aren' t blac k enough. " However , respond s journalis t Mike Siluma , black s remember th e day s when coloured s an d Indi ans were grante d a better wa y o f lif e b y whites. 76 In term s o f th e continue d politica l marginalizatio n o f th e coloured community , man y coloured s fee l tha t the y ar e voiceles s and powerles s i n th e ne w politica l dispensation . Thi s feelin g o f marginalization bega n emergin g whe n negotiation s durin g th e elections wer e occurrin g betwee n th e AN C an d th e Nationa l Party, negotiation s tha t wer e perceive d a s bein g abou t blac k an d white interest s alone . Thi s i s why coloure d historia n Ro y d u Pr e commented o n th e fea r th e coloure d peopl e ha d tha t th e ne w government unde r black s migh t oppres s th e community . D u Pr e warned black s tha t th e coloure d peopl e mus t no t continu e t o b e singled ou t fo r discrimination , fo r t o d o s o woul d negat e th e principles o f democrac y tha t th e liberator s ha d lon g espoused . He says , "I f a new governmen t an d section s o f the electorate con tinue t o singl e ou t peopl e wh o wer e victim s o f th e previou s racis t regime, wha t wil l hav e bee n th e purpos e o f pressin g fo r th e removal o f th e Nationa l Part y an d th e creatio n o f a democratic , non-racist, 'new ' Sout h Africa ? W e wil l the n merel y hav e replaced on e tyrann y wit h another." 77 Eve n va n de r Ross , wh o always insiste d tha t th e coloure d peopl e wer e no t a uniqu e cul tural group , ha s ha d secon d thought s no w tha t th e election s ar e over. H e tol d m e tha t i t i s not tha t h e support s th e existenc e o f a separate coloure d group , i t i s simpl y tha t coloure d peopl e hav e no guarante e tha t the y woul d b e bette r of f i f the y dro p thei r group identity . [122]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status In the political an d economi c realm , then, coloure d peopl e pai d a pric e i n th e pas t an d ma y stil l hav e t o pa y a pric e i n th e futur e for acceptin g a media n positio n i n societ y tha t gav e the m privi leges ove r blacks . Bu t a n eve n mor e exactin g tol l wa s pai d i n th e past an d ma y ye t hav e t o b e pai d b y th e coloure d peopl e i n th e ethical sphere , a s Alla n Boesa k allude d t o me , fo r thei r compli ance o r partia l complianc e i n th e racis m white s dishe d ou t t o blacks. Ethically , th e in-betwee n grou p open s itsel f u p t o wha t Frantz Fano n call s "th e racia l distributio n o f guilt." 78 Michel e Paulse, a coloure d Sout h Africa n raise d i n Canada , understand s this. Sh e comments tha t "ill-founde d allianc e with whit e peopl e i s part o f th e historica l guil t o f a peopl e mixe d wit h th e whit e race." 7 9 I t i s ba d enoug h t o uphol d value s tha t discriminat e against onesel f an d one' s ow n people , bu t i t is especially unethica l to accep t value s tha t discriminat e agains t one' s neighbors : On e may "tur n th e othe r cheek " fo r oneself , bu t no t fo r one' s neigh bor. Th e acceptanc e b y coloured s o f a slo t o n th e societa l tote m that wa s highe r tha n th e slo t black s hel d a t th e botto m help s jus tify th e acceptanc e b y whites o f thei r plac e a t th e pinnacl e o f th e racial totem. Whites could the n eas e their consciences b y saying t o themselves: "Yo u foun d differenc e wit h you r darker-skinne d fel lows an d w e find differenc e wit h you , ou r darker-skinne d fellows . We ar e jus t doin g unt o yo u wha t yo u ar e doin g unt o others. " Because individuals respondin g t o subordinatio n throug h passing , whitening, an d participatin g i n th e upper-subordinat e statu s ca n be viewed a s accomplices i n the continuing maintenanc e o f subor dinationist practices , i t i s understandabl e tha t the y woul d b e th e source o f scathin g criticis m fro m thos e lef t o n th e mos t subordi nated sid e o f th e color line . Part o f th e wa y i n whic h coloure d familie s hav e safeguarde d for thei r descendant s th e achievemen t o f passing , whitening , an d participating i n th e upper-subordinat e statu s i s no t onl y b y dis couraging thei r childre n fro m marryin g blacks . The y hav e als o discouraged thei r children fro m marryin g coloured s whose pheno type (ski n an d ey e color , hai r textur e an d color , an d facia l fea tures) ar e more blac k tha n white . The coloure d woma n o f Xhosa , [123]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status English, an d Germa n backgroun d tol d m e tha t i t i s tru e tha t coloured mother s ten d t o want thei r daughter s t o marry me n wh o have fai r skin , straigh t hair , an d blu e eyes . O f this , van de r Ros s says: Having learnt as much as we have from the White South Africans . . . we have not been slow to acquire their vices, too. One of the chief of these is colour prejudice. I n physical appearanc e th e Coloure d people rang e fro m thos e indistinguishabl e fro m African s o n th e one hand, to those indistinguishable fro m European s on the other. Being White in South Africa qualifie s on e for numerou s privileges, and it is therefore understandabl e tha t t o some people, who have the necessar y physica l qualification s i n regar d t o pigmentation , features, hai r for m an d texture , etc. , being white represent s th e epitome o f achievement . An d onc e on e ha s gaine d acceptanc e (however precarious) into the ranks of the whites, one regards it as one's firs t dut y t o safeguar d thi s achievemen t fo r one' s sel f an d one's children. 80 With regar d t o hai r textur e an d color , va n de r Ros s say s h e onc e received a lette r fro m a coloure d ma n wh o sai d coloure d peopl e were divide d int o fou r groups . Ther e wer e thos e wit h ligh t straight-hair, thos e wit h dar k straight-hair , thos e wit h ligh t woolly-hair, an d thos e wit h dar k wooll y hair. 81 Accordin g t o th e interpretation o f on e white Afrikaans woma n I spoke to, the latte r group, those with dar k wooll y hair , ar e "Bushmen " ( a derogator y term use d b y whites). In Sout h Africa , sh e told m e with a smirk , I would b e a Bushman . The concer n ove r th e particular s o f phenotyp e ma y no t b e a s extreme amon g th e coloure d peopl e a s i t i s amon g th e mulattoe s in Brazil , where i t has bee n sai d tha t ther e ar e a t leas t fort y racia l classifications dependin g o n people' s ski n tone , shade , hai r tex ture, an d li p width. 8 2 Bu t ther e i s a greate r misfortun e tha t coloured Sout h African s share , perhap s equally , wit h th e mulat toes o f Brazil—th e practic e o f "whitening." 83 Brazilian s prescrip tively engag e i n transformin g blac k int o whit e throug h thi s conscious o r unconsciou s practic e o f intermarriag e an d miscegen tion s o tha t thei r offsprin g becom e lighte r an d lighte r an d ar e [124]

The Curses of the Amorphous Middle Status eventually abl e t o escap e identificatio n wit h th e lowes t subordi nate grou p o f society—blacks . The y d o thi s als o b y abandonin g the identifiabl e cultura l trait s o f blac k people . Historia n Le o Spitzer say s tha t th e impetu s behin d whitenin g derive s fro m th e promise o f futur e statu s improvemen t fo r thei r childre n an d grandchildren. 84 Dickie-Clar k say s tha t som e coloure d Sout h Africans similarl y maintaine d a belie f tha t the y woul d b e absorbed b y whites a s th e colo r ba r cam e down , o r a t leas t thei r offspring i f they themselves (a s parents) "breede d white." 85 So, th e scholarl y portraya l an d eve n th e self-portraya l o f th e coloured peopl e a s a communit y caugh t u p i n interna l prejudice s based o n phenotype , contradict s th e storyboo k portraya l o f th e coloured communit y i n a tou r bookle t compile d b y th e Sout h African Geographica l Societ y i n 1979 . Th e booklet , title d The Cape Town of the Coloured People, sai d tha t coloure d peopl e were "th e onl y full y integrate d group " i n a societ y tha t maintain s strict segregatio n laws , an d tha t no t eve n th e America n "meltin g pot" ha d produce d suc h visible proof o f integration. 86 Thi s misin formed portraya l o f th e coloure d communit y shoul d sugges t t o u s that th e America n multiracialists , wh o ar e portrayin g i n story book fashio n th e emergin g mixed-rac e "community " i n th e United States , ar e equall y misinformed . I f coloure d Sout h Africans teac h u s anything , i t i s tha t a multiracia l grou p woul d have its own interna l prejudice s t o conten d with . Som e o f the ten sion coul d resul t fro m a n unspoke n polic y o f whitenin g an d th e resultant interna l colo r hierarchy . Through m y reference s t o th e practic e o f "whitening " I hav e been suggestin g tha t Sout h Afric a i s not th e onl y plac e wher e w e can lear n neede d lesson s abou t th e pitfall s o f a middle-ranke d mixed-race classification . W e ca n lear n lesson s fro m Brazi l a s well, particularl y sinc e Brazi l wa s onc e viewe d b y white s an d blacks alik e a s a racia l paradis e whos e syste m o f rac e relation s might b e applie d i n th e Unite d State s t o th e solvin g o f it s racia l dilemma. I n fact , som e black s durin g th e earl y twentiet h centur y felt s o hopeles s wit h regar d t o rac e relation s i n th e Unite d State s and wer e s o enamoure d b y Brazil' s societ y tha t the y looke d [125]

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proudly t o Brazi l rathe r tha n t o Afric a a s a blac k homelan d an d potential plac e o f refuge . B y the mid-twentiet h century , however , a numbe r o f prominen t blac k American s ha d visite d Brazi l an d had begu n t o questio n it s imag e a s a colorblin d Utopia . B y th e mid-1960s th e Utopia n imag e ha d disintegrated . Blac k American s had awakene d t o th e fac t that , despit e the lac k o f over t racia l dis crimination base d o n genotyp e (invisibl e heritage ) an d phenotyp e (visible physica l characteristics) , an d despit e th e acceptanc e o f intermarriage, blac k an d mulatt o Brazilian s lacke d office , power , and wealt h i n ever y spher e o f thei r society . I n fact , blac k Ameri cans began to fear tha t a s the United State s brought dow n th e cur tains o f racia l segregatio n an d whit e attitude s bega n t o change , the Unite d State s migh t actuall y becom e mor e lik e Brazil . Histo rian Clevelan d Donald , Jr., writing i n the earl y 1970s , is one wh o warned o f th e possibility . H e warne d tha t America n racia l atti tudes, give n th e thrus t o f integratio n an d "othe r forces " disinte grating th e blac k community , coul d shif t towar d th e traditiona l Brazilian attitude s o n race. 87 Topping of f th e fac t tha t blac k an d mulatt o Brazilian s ar e sub ordinate i n ever y spher e o f societ y i s that the y lac k prid e i n thei r Africanness, muc h lik e most coloure d Sout h Africans lac k pride in their Africa n roots . I n Brazi l thi s ha s occurre d b y n o accident , given th e underminin g o f prid e i n blacknes s an d th e concurren t emphasis o n improvin g one' s socia l statu s throug h "whitening. " This i s why "whitening " i s also calle d "ethni c lynching " i n othe r parts o f Lati n America. Its purpose i s to weed ou t Africa n culture , to den y black s thei r blac k identity , an d t o forc e black s t o assimi late int o whitenes s i n succeedin g generations . Frant z Fanon , th e black intellectua l fro m Martiniqu e wh o playe d a ke y rol e i n th e Algerian revolutio n agains t Frenc h colonialism , complaine d tha t "from blac k t o whit e i s the cours e o f mutation . On e i s white a s one i s rich, a s on e i s beautiful, a s on e i s intelligent." 88 H e furthe r remarks tha t "th e blac k ma n shoul d n o longe r b e confronte d b y the dilemma , turn white or disappear." 89 Fano n wa s frustrate d b y the fac t tha t hi s West India n compatriot s wh o studied , lived , an d sought t o marr y i n Paris , adhere d t o thi s ideolog y o f whitening . [126]

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For instance , h e take s issu e wit h a memoi r b y a woma n name d Mayotte Capecia , title d Je suis martiniquaise, publishe d i n Pari s in 1948 . Capecia sai d that sh e learned he r grandmother wa s whit e and ha d marrie d a blac k ma n o f Martiniqu e an d tha t sh e wa s proud o f th e fac t tha t he r mothe r wa s mixe d an d tha t sh e hersel f somewhat approximate d whiteness. 90 Fanon' s respons e i s tha t Capecia wante d a kin d o f "lactification. " H e states , "For , i n a word, th e rac e mus t b e whitened . . . . Whiten th e race , sav e th e race, bu t no t i n th e sens e tha t on e migh t think ; no t 'preserv e th e uniqueness o f tha t par t o f th e worl d i n whic h the y gre w up, ' bu t make sur e tha t i t will b e white." 91 Thi s i s the reaso n W . E. B . Du Bois fel t tha t racia l mixin g i n Brazi l ha d no t elevate d black s i n society o r give n an y valu e t o thei r Africanness , an d tha t i t woul d not d o s o in other part s o f th e world. 92 This "ethni c lynching " ha s bee n evidence d i n Sout h Afric a where th e whit e Afrikaan s people , particularl y th e politician s o f the Nationa l Party , hav e tol d th e coloure d people , despit e thei r partial blac k root s i n th e Kho i people : "Yo u ar e no t black " an d "You ar e like us." As Rainier Spence r remarked earlier , given wh o is running ou r ow n governmen t an d give n wh o i s in th e majorit y in thi s country , wh o i s t o sa y tha t a ne w middle-ranke d mixed race classificatio n woul d no t en d u p bein g abuse d a s a buffe r between white s an d blacks? 93 Al l o f th e foregoin g discussion — about phenotypa l discriminatio n amon g th e "brown " people s o f South Afric a an d Brazi l an d th e racis m tha t result s agains t blacks—suggests t o u s this important point : not onl y would ther e likely b e new racia l behavio r amon g a new America n peopl e clas sified a s multiracial , bu t ther e woul d likel y be , in thi s racis t soci ety o f ours , a ne w laye r o f racis m impose d o n thos e wh o occup y the lowes t stratu m o f society—blacks . Already cultural criti c Lisa Jones claims to recognize amon g th e multiracialists a certai n extremis t grou p tha t i s claiming a uniqu e status fo r mixed-rac e people , a uniqu e statu s becaus e thei r mixe d heritage an d consequentia l experience s allegedl y fre e the m fro m racial bias. 94 Som e multiracialist s ar e als o claimin g tha t mixed race peopl e ar e th e mos t beautifu l peopl e o n earth , an d thes e [127]

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assertions ar e bein g mad e wit h littl e modest y an d som e intende d racial animosity . Edwi n Darden , presiden t o f th e Interracia l Fam ily Circl e i n Washington , D.C. , publishe d a n articl e entitle d "Being Perfect, " i n which h e claim s tha t hi s biracia l childre n ar e "as clos e t o perfectio n a s a huma n bein g ca n get. " H e continue s on t o sa y tha t som e da y th e worl d wil l realiz e tha t hi s children , indeed al l mixed-rac e children , ar e "th e best." 95 Likewise , a n anonymous multiracialis t fro m Overlan d Park , Kansas , say s tha t he finds th e kind o f beauty an d near-perfectio n o f mixed-race peo ple t o b e uncanny . H e als o say s tha t h e sense s som e fea r an d resentment fro m bot h white s an d black s tha t mixed-rac e peopl e will prove themselve s t o b e not th e smal l an d misunderstoo d pop ulation the y wer e onc e though t t o be , not a "subrace " o f people , but a "superrace " a s they ar e destine d t o become. 96 Additionally, a s som e multiracialist s begi n dow n th e roa d o f racial bigotr y b y cock-a-doodling abou t thei r allege d specialness , certainly i n par t t o bolste r th e identit y an d self-estee m o f them selves o r tha t o f thei r mixed-rac e children , the y subtl y assaul t th e identity an d self-estee m o f blac k Americans . Fo r instance , Can dace Mills , th e edito r o f Interrace magazine , commente d o n th e fact tha t actres s Hall e Berr y (wh o consider s hersel f black ) wa s voted "mos t beautifu l blac k woma n i n America " b y th e reader ship of Ebony magazine . Mills wrote , "Yes , Berry is beautiful. Bu t Black}" Sh e went o n t o sa y tha t i t i s likely tha t Berry' s Europea n features (he r white mother' s contribution ) ar e wha t th e reader s o f Ebony foun d "mos t beautiful." 97 Mill s coul d sa y th e sam e abou t actresses Doroth y Dandridge , Len a Home , Jasmin e Guy , an d many others : "Yes , beautiful ; bu t black? " Wher e migh t thi s usurping o f blac k achievemen t end ? Moreover , whe n i t doe s end , what wil l b e lef t fo r thos e who m th e multiracialist s conside r th e "truly" black ? Once suc h racis m amon g multiracialist s begins—boastin g about th e specialnes s o f mixed-rac e peopl e an d assaultin g thos e who choos e to identif y a s black—there ma y b e no turnin g bac k if and when a multiracial classificatio n i s legislated. Onc e the peopl e of suc h a legislate d classificatio n fal l int o al l th e social , political , [128]

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and ethica l trap s tha t awai t people s o f th e media n track , th e clas sifications wil l tak e o n a lif e o f thei r own . The n th e multiracial s will essentiall y b e stuc k wit h thei r legislate d identit y an d th e con sequential marginality , jus t a s coloure d Sout h African s are , no w that whit e minorit y rul e i s done wit h an d nonracialis m i s the offi cial policy. It i s a fac t tha t man y coloure d peopl e no w wis h t o she d thei r coloured identit y an d socia l marginality . Fo r whil e other s ca n speak pridefull y o f bein g o f Zul u o r Xhos a ethnicity , standin g u p to sa y "I' m coloured " i s not s o politicall y correc t righ t now . Fo r instance, coloured sociologis t Jimmy Elli s told m e that i n terms o f political categorie s h e woul d prefe r jus t t o cal l himsel f a Sout h African an d thereb y associat e wit h th e broade r ideal s an d value s of th e natio n unde r th e ne w constitution . Elli s i s ol d enoug h t o recall the yea r 195 0 when h e was define d a s coloured b y the Pop ulation Registratio n Act—tha t is , define d a s neithe r whit e no r black. H e sai d tha t th e categor y "coloured " wa s no t o f hi s mak ing but impose d o n hi m an d other s who resente d it . Coloure d his torian Ro y d u Pre , o f a simila r belief , wrot e jus t befor e th e 199 4 election that , "Aparthei d i s dead , th e 'Coloured ' labe l ha s bee n abolished; th e 'Coloured ' peopl e ar e n o more." 9 8 However , th e coloured identit y canno t b e gotte n ri d o f s o easily . Thi s i s wha t the president o f the Studen t Representativ e Counci l a t the Univer sity o f th e Wester n Cap e wa s gettin g a t whe n h e tol d m e tha t th e racial ideolog y o f aparthei d ha s "mutate d int o a lif e o f it s own " now tha t aparthei d i s officiall y over . So , the relinquishmen t o f a racial identit y doe s no t com e s o easily . H . F . Dickie-Clark wa s therefore correc t i n hi s predictio n that , "whateve r th e futur e shape o f Sout h Africa n society , i t i s not likel y tha t th e Coloured' s marginal situatio n wil l entirel y disappea r unti l colou r an d 'race ' lose their socia l significanc e altogether." 99 Unfortunately , tha t da y when colo r an d rac e los e thei r socia l significanc e i n Sout h Afric a is still a long way off , eve n though th e democraticall y electe d gov ernment i s trying to pus h th e countr y towar d nonracialism . So, aparthei d wa s introduce d i n 1948 ; in 195 0 th e Populatio n Registration Act , the cornerstone o f the National Party' s aparthei d [129]

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policy, placed ever y Sout h Africa n withi n a racial classification ; i n June 199 1 aparthei d an d racia l classificatio n wer e abolished ; bu t the political , social , an d economi c consequence s continue . Thi s i s the history o f which th e United State s must tak e heed, particularl y since Alla n Boesa k wa s righ t i n hi s commen t t o m e tha t th e United State s i s digressin g wit h regar d t o rac e relations . Just a s Dickie-Clark ha s predicte d tha t th e margina l situatio n o f th e coloured peopl e o f Sout h Afric a wil l no t entirel y disappea r unti l color an d rac e lose their socia l significanc e altogether, 100 s o have I predicted tha t a multiracial classificatio n i n the Unite d State s wil l result no t i n the transcending o f the race problem bu t i n the emer gence o f th e sam e kin d o f intermediar y cast e syste m tha t th e for mer whit e governmen t o f Sout h Afric a use d t o shor e u p thei r political, economic , an d racia l supremacy . I als o predic t tha t a racial labe l will b e easier t o procure tha n t o eliminate .

[130]

[FOUR]

Thou Shal t No t Racially Classif y

At th e tur n o f th e twentiet h century , W . E . B . Du Boi s sai d tha t the proble m o f th e centur y woul d b e th e proble m o f th e colo r line. Indeed, tha t ha s bee n true, an d i t appears likel y to remai n s o as th e centur y come s neare r t o a close . Thi s i s somethin g tha t even Sout h African s notic e whe n the y com e t o thi s country . Fo r instance, Sout h Africa n write r Mar k Mathaban e said , "On e o f the things I quickly learne d afte r arrivin g i n America i n 197 8 wa s that thi s nation—despit e it s freedom , democracy , an d claim s o f being a meltin g po t wher e difference s ar e no t onl y tolerate d bu t celebrated—was fa r fro m th e racia l Utopi a I had imagine d i t t o be while I groaned unde r aparthei d oppression . Thi s shocke d an d disappointed me." 1 I have found tha t mos t Sout h African s vie w the racial situatio n in th e Unite d State s fro m on e o f tw o perspectives . Som e se e th e racial proble m a s resolve d an d America n societ y a s th e exempla r of democracy . Other s wh o hav e visite d th e Unite d States , or hav e learned abou t America n societ y fro m someon e wh o ha s visited , see ou r societ y fo r wha t i t is— a plac e i n whic h blac k American s are stil l "kaffirs. " A Zulu tax i drive r fro m Soweto , who work s i n Johannesburg, tol d m e tha t h e though t th e racia l situatio n wa s actually bette r i n Sout h Afric a tha n i n th e Unite d States , becaus e in American society , he had learne d fro m a New Yorker , racism i s "hidden." Alla n Boesa k sai d th e sam e thin g t o me . H e believe s South Afric a ha s a bette r chanc e tha n th e Unite d State s i n solvin g its historical rac e problem . [131]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify However, mos t Sout h Africans I spoke to—coloured, black , an d white—were surprise d t o lear n tha t racia l classificatio n an d dis crimination stil l existed i n the United States . On e whit e man , wh o described himsel f i n th e politicall y incorrec t wa y a s a n Afrikaner , said tha t h e thought democrac y wa s th e "password " o f American s and tha t democrac y wa s s o stron g tha t blac k American s wer e n o longer discriminate d against . Th e Reveren d Davi d Botha , th e retired Afrikaan s ministe r o f the Dutch Reforme d Missio n Church , said tha t whe n h e visited th e Unite d State s i n 196 4 th e pus h wa s toward tryin g to creat e on e integrated society . Thus h e is surprise d that som e Americans ar e trying to create a new racial classification . The word "surprised " wa s also used by the president of the Studen t Representative Counci l a t the University o f the Western Cap e a s he expressed hi s reaction t o m y news abou t th e multiracia l movemen t in the United States . A young coloured woman (wh o is married to a white ma n o f Englis h ethnicity ) essentiall y though t th e sam e thing . She found i t t o b e "ver y strange " tha t American s woul d wan t t o start a new racial group when Sout h Africans ar e trying to get awa y from racia l classification. Boesa k sai d the whole thing was "crazy. " So, the America n dilemm a o f th e twentiet h centur y indee d ha s been th e proble m o f th e colo r line , a lin e tha t ha s bee n s o tena cious tha t i t ha s convince d som e mixed-rac e American s tha t the y would prefe r t o straddl e th e lin e i f the y canno t full y cros s it . Bu t what doe s the multiracial movemen t sugges t to us about th e prob lem o f th e twenty-firs t century ? I f w e liste n t o th e multiracialists , we migh t thin k tha t th e blessin g o f th e twenty-firs t century , a s a result o f thei r doings , will b e the blurrin g o f th e colo r line . I hav e argued i n th e las t tw o chapter s tha t I do no t believ e ther e wil l b e any suc h blurring . Rather , I believ e tha t th e proble m o f th e twenty-first centur y wil l b e th e predicamen t o f th e readjustmen t of th e colo r line . If we d o no t tak e hee d o f wha t Sout h Afric a ha s to teac h u s o f rac e relations , th e colo r lin e wil l b e adjuste d no t toward an y rea l improvemen t i n the subordinat e statu s o f mixed race people , bu t jus t enoug h fo r ther e t o b e a fres h disbursemen t of th e guil t o f th e whit e majority—wha t Frant z Fano n call s "th e racial distributio n o f guilt. " [132]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify To b e sure , a multiracia l classificatio n i n th e Unite d State s would no t mov e th e countr y awa y fro m rac e consciousness . Fo r such a classificatio n woul d requir e a firmin g o f th e colo r lin e i n order fo r th e heterogeneou s grou p o f mixed-rac e peopl e t o b e encapsulated int o th e "community " tha t multiracialist s sa y wil l come t o fruition . Th e fac t is , Americans o f interracia l parentag e are peopl e o f multipl e ethnicities , indee d the y ar e ofte n unsur e o f their choic e o f ethnicit y becaus e o f thei r multifariou s ancestry . I n ethnicity, culture , color , class , an d s o forth , mixed-rac e peopl e cannot b e comfortabl y grouped . The y ar e onl y a n emergin g "community" i f the y ar e mad e s o b y legislation , bu t t o tr y an d legislate the m int o a racial grou p woul d b e a s racist i n th e Unite d States a s it was i n apartheid Sout h Africa . In ethnicity , culture , color , class , an d s o forth , th e mixed-rac e people o f Sout h Afric a wer e heterogeneous . Thus , the y wer e onl y fashioned int o the "coloure d community " b y means o f legislation . In Richard va n de r Ross' s words, therefore, strictl y speakin g ther e is n o coloure d group . Rather , th e mos t tha t ca n b e sai d i s tha t there i s a larg e numbe r o f heterogeneou s peopl e who m aparthei d law groupe d togethe r an d regarde d a s "coloured." 2 Clearly , het erogeneity exist s in the coloured group , an d i t is extensive. As pu t in a 197 9 brochur e fo r a n excursio n int o the coloured communit y by member s o f th e Sout h Africa n Geographica l Society , "Fro m a purely racia l poin t o f vie w . . . there i s no suc h thin g a s a 'typica l coloured.' Ski n colour range s widely from whit e to blac k an d can not b e use d a s a significan t criterio n fo r classification . Ther e ar e no physica l trait s tha t ar e characteristi c o f thi s populatio n group." 3 I n addition , ther e ar e Christia n coloured s an d Musli m coloureds, Afrikaans-speakin g coloured s an d English-speakin g coloureds. Ther e ar e coloured s wh o wan t t o b e whit e an d coloureds wh o wan t t o remai n coloured , coloured s wh o wan t t o be black an d coloured s wh o wan t t o b e African . This boundless heterogeneity i n the coloured communit y woul d only b e reproduced i n th e sought-afte r multiracia l communit y i n the Unite d States , accordin g t o th e tw o mixed-rac e American s with who m I spoke togethe r i n Cap e Town . Th e youn g woman , [133]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify who i s fro m th e stat e o f Washington , ha s a whit e mothe r an d a black (mixed-race ) father . Th e young man, who i s from Colorado , has a Chines e mothe r (fro m Taiwan ) an d a blac k father . Th e young ma n wa s raise d primaril y i n Asia—six year s i n Japan, fiv e years i n Thailand , an d thre e year s i n Taiwan . Bu t afte r tha t h e spent sixtee n year s i n th e Unite d States , where peopl e presume d he wa s blac k an d mos t o f hi s friend s i n fac t wer e black . Thoug h these tw o youn g adult s hav e som e thing s i n common—bot h ar e mixed-race Americans , bot h wer e livin g temporaril y i n Cap e Town—neither o f the m see s how thei r ow n experiences , let alon e the experiences o f all mixed-race people , could possibly b e considered alike . The youn g woma n feel s tha t th e multiracia l classifica tion bein g promote d i s to o broad , an d sh e doe s no t se e ho w creating a lega l rac e o f multiracial s woul d brin g togethe r peopl e of vastl y differen t experience s an d ethnicities . Thus, sh e feel s tha t putting a multiracial categor y o n th e Unite d State s censu s woul d be simplistic an d artificial . Shanti Thakur , a Canadia n filmmake r o f Eas t India n an d Dan ish parentage wh o produce d a film abou t multiracia l people , cam e to a similar conclusio n abou t th e heterogeneity o f mixed-race peo ple. After he r experienc e interviewin g myria d mixed-rac e people , she doe s no t fee l comfortabl e wit h groupin g suc h a wide assort ment o f peopl e an d experience s unde r th e rubri c o f a multiracia l community. Th e experience s sh e hear d abou t wer e s o differen t from on e another, sh e discovered, becaus e som e mixed-race peopl e identify wit h on e culture, som e with bot h cultures , and som e wit h neither culture. 4 Likewise , Henr y Der , o f th e Nationa l Coalitio n for a n Accurat e Coun t o f Asian s an d Pacifi c Islanders , say s ther e are s o many combination s o f multiracialit y tha t w e mus t wonde r what ca n b e sai d abou t th e commo n experience s the y ar e allege d to share . Fo r instance , De r want s t o kno w wha t commonalitie s people o f whit e an d blac k parentag e shar e wit h peopl e o f Korea n and Hawaiia n parentage . He say s that thi s is a question tha t need s to b e answered b y the multiracialists. Before a decision to establis h a multiracia l categor y woul d b e appropriate , De r believe s that th e multiracialists mus t hav e the burde n o f documentin g wha t distinc t [i34]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify

experiences o r disadvantage s the y hav e i n commo n i n contras t t o people o f the protected monoracia l groups. 5 Der i s echoed b y Michael Thornton , a sociologis t o f blac k an d Japanese parentage . Thornto n say s tha t i f al l multiracia l peopl e share som e commo n background , the n w e shoul d b e told wha t i t is and ho w i t bind s the m mor e closel y togethe r tha n t o thei r par ents' racia l groups , fo r i t appear s tha t ther e i s little basi s fo r th e alleged commonalitie s othe r tha n som e superficia l factors . "D o multiracials hav e a cor e (cultural ) heritage , o r ar e the y viewe d a s alike b y others i n society?" Thornton asks . "Ar e multiracial s see n as a differen t (racial/ethnic ) grou p from , say , Blacks? " Thornto n answers hi s rhetorica l question s b y insistin g tha t mixed-rac e peo ple ar e to o biologicall y an d ancestrall y divers e t o constitut e a community. Wha t reall y seem s t o bin d the m together , h e contin ues, is not rac e o r cultur e bu t livin g wit h "a n ambiguou s status. " But eve n thi s i s a n experienc e share d b y al l oppresse d peoples , Thornton says. 6 Suc h a community , w e shoul d poin t out , i s exactly wha t coloure d Sout h African s comprise . I n thi s regard , W. H. Thoma s state s i n a n essa y o n th e coloure d peopl e tha t i t i s often claime d tha t th e coloure d communit y i s more appropriatel y defined i n a negativ e wa y becaus e i t i s a grou p tha t i s discrimi nated against . H e agree s tha t indee d a major characteristi c o f th e coloured communit y i s the particula r kin d o f discriminatio n rele vant t o it s members. 7 A t an y rate, Michael Thornto n believe s tha t facing a differen t se t o f problem s resultin g fro m bein g oppresse d is no t a sufficien t basi s t o constitut e a racia l grou p o r culture. 8 Gitanjali Saxena , a Canadia n o f Eas t India n an d Germa n parent age, agree s tha t mixed-rac e peopl e ma y constitut e a "situationa l community" bu t no t a cultura l o r racia l one : all com e fro m com pletely differen t racia l group s whos e identitie s ar e generally trace able to thei r ancestors. 9 Thus b y ethnicity , culture , color , class , region , an d s o forth , mixed-race peopl e canno t b e comfortabl y grouped , bu t ar e onl y an emergin g "community " i f the y ar e mad e s o b y legislatio n tha t would b e as racist i n the United State s as it was in apartheid Sout h Africa. Bu t th e censu s movemen t o f th e multiracialist s ha s serve d [135]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify a valuabl e purpos e nonetheless , fo r extreme s alway s frighte n peo ple int o mor e moderat e an d reasonabl e actio n tha t w e woul d no t have execute d i f th e extrem e positio n ha d no t bee n take n i n th e first place . To b e sure , establishin g anothe r racia l classificatio n i s extreme whe n th e acknowledge d idea l o f th e multiracialists them selves i s nonracialism. Moreover , a s I illustrated i n th e las t chap ter, a ne w racia l classificatio n i s sur e t o b e followe d wit h ne w forms o f unbecomin g racia l behavior . Now tha t w e hav e bee n dul y warne d o f th e possibl e extreme s of a new race in the United States , the question t o answe r is : What is the compromise , th e midwa y poin t betwee n th e past invisibilit y of mixed-race American s an d th e legislating o f a new racial classi fication? Tha t i s th e questio n I wan t t o answe r i n thi s chapte r while keepin g i n min d va n de r Ross' s fina l commen t t o m e whe n we met . H e remarke d tha t hi s gu t reactio n t o th e multiracia l movement i s that neithe r I nor anyon e els e coul d pu t th e brake s on it . The bes t thing anyon e coul d hop e to do , he said, is to deter mine ho w th e movemen t coul d b e nudge d i n a directio n tha t would sui t th e pligh t o f blac k American s an d th e goal s o f th e nation a s a whole. A s we tr y t o determin e wha t directio n woul d best serv e blac k American s an d th e country , w e shoul d under stand wha t (afte r al l that ha s bee n sai d thu s far ) th e cor e concer n is. Congressma n Thoma s Petr i o f Wisconsin , a membe r o f th e House subcommitte e o n th e census , articulate d thi s cor e concer n at on e o f the 199 3 hearing s afte r hearin g Susa n Graha m an d Car los Fernande z testify . H e sai d tha t h e though t th e resistanc e t o a new multiracia l categor y resulte d fro m peopl e worryin g tha t a n additional categor y would creat e more division s rather tha n mov e the country i n a unifying direction. 10 Indeed, a wide rang e o f people , including blac k an d mixed-rac e people, shar e thi s cor e concern . Shau n Shields , an adul t o f black , white, an d Chines e ancestry , comments : "N o on e wants t o hav e a situation lik e tha t o f Sout h Africa , wher e peopl e ar e labele d an d classified accordin g t o fin e distinction s betwee n colo r differ ences." 11 Michel e Paulse , a coloure d Sout h Africa n wh o wa s raised i n Canada , claim s that becaus e artificial separatio n betwee n [136]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify coloureds an d black s i n Sout h Afric a uphel d apartheid , sh e coul d not suppor t th e movemen t fo r a separat e categor y fo r mixed-rac e Americans.12 Simone Brooks, a teenager o f blac k and white parent age, says the countr y ha s enoug h racia l separatio n a s it is . Brook s also say s sh e herself ha s ha d enoug h separatio n withou t havin g t o be split into anothe r group : "I' m separate d enoug h a s it is. I'm sep arated a s a woman; I' m separate d fro m White s becaus e I' m black ; I'm separate d fro m Black s because I' m par t white. I don't nee d an y more separatio n i n m y life." 13 Moreover , i f Brook s wer e a n onl y child in an interracia l family , sh e would als o be separated a s a fam ily member , sinc e firs t generatio n mixed-rac e childre n hav e n o mixed-race famil y member s with whom the y can identify . Rainier Spencer , a young ma n o f blac k an d whit e parentage , i s also critica l o f th e introductio n o f a ne w racia l category , becaus e it i s base d an d dependen t o n th e corrup t concep t o f race . H e argues tha t thoug h i t i s nearl y impossibl e t o tal k abou t socia l issues withou t makin g referenc e t o race , we shoul d avoi d makin g the water s o f rac e an y murkie r tha n the y alread y are . "Whil e al l racial tal k i s ultimatel y nonsense , th e biracia l movemen t merel y shifts th e terminology while establishing a tripartite racia l divisio n in place o f the ol d bifurcate d one, " say s Spencer . "Th e answe r fo r us lie s in tearing dow n fals e racia l categories , no t i n erectin g ne w ones that ar e just a s erroneous." 14 I n a letter t o th e edito r o f Interrace magazine, Ir a Shaffer , wh o identifie d himsel f a s a blac k resi dent of San Jose, made a similar comment: "I f the goal of Interrace readers i s to overcom e racia l prejudice , o r eve n racial groups, the n why creat e anothe r racia l grou p o r classification—tha t is , 'bira cial' o r 'multiracial' ? I f race doesn' t matter , the n wh y mak e suc h a big dea l abou t biracia l o r multiracia l people?" 15 Candac e Mills , the magazin e edito r t o who m Shaffe r wrote , i n fact agrees . Indee d she agree s withou t contradictin g th e fac t tha t sh e stil l want s he r daughter t o gro w u p wit h a stron g identit y a s a mixed-rac e per son. 16 Mill s writes , "I s th e figh t fo r a multiracial categor y i n th e best interes t o f ou r children ? No t i f a 'multiracial ' categor y wil l lead t o th e divisio n o f people s o f colo r a s i t ha s i n countrie s lik e Brazil an d Sout h Africa. " Sh e continues, "Multiracia l shoul d b e [137]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify acknowledged bu t d o w e reall y need a 'multiracial ' categor y t o legitimize thei r existence? " Sh e concludes, "Ar e w e s o blinde d b y our need fo r a labe l tha t w e hav e los t sigh t o f wha t w e ar e really doing—further separatin g th e human race?" 17 Mills's poin t i s essentiall y agree d t o b y th e tw o mixed-rac e Americans, th e blac k woma n fro m Washingto n an d th e blac k man fro m Colorado , wh o ha d bee n livin g temporaril y i n Cap e Town whe n I met them . Th e youn g man , o f blac k an d Chines e parentage, sai d tha t wha t hi s year-lon g experienc e o f livin g i n South Afric a suggest s t o hi m i s that legislatin g a multiracial cate gory i n th e Unite d State s woul d resul t mor e i n "a n openin g o f Pandora's box " tha n i n solvin g th e proble m multiracialist s ar e trying t o address . Usin g th e ide a o f multiracialis m t o brin g abou t awareness i s acceptable , h e asserted , bu t t o pus h i t furthe r tha n that wil l lea d t o divisiveness , o f whic h America n societ y ha s plenty already . Th e youn g woma n o f blac k an d whit e parentag e similarly remarke d tha t n o on e seein g Sout h Afric a fo r th e extended nine-mont h perio d tha t sh e had woul d wan t t o replicat e a situatio n wher e difference s wer e seize d o n b y th e whit e govern ment i n orde r t o "divid e an d rule " th e people s o f colo r ( a poin t also made b y Boesak). She concluded tha t the movement t o have a multiracial classificatio n legislate d woul d en d u p forcin g a n apartheid-like recognitio n o f mixed-rac e peopl e dow n th e throat s of th e country' s citizen s an d thu s mov e th e countr y awa y fro m it s previous goa l o f integration . The youn g interracia l couple—sh e coloure d an d h e whit e (English)—whom I met i n Cap e Tow n whe n the y ha d bee n mar ried onl y si x months , concurre d wit h th e foregoin g views . Th e couple suspecte d tha t th e way in which thei r futur e childre n migh t be classified woul d no t matte r t o the m becaus e the y fee l tha t thei r identities a s Christian s an d a s Sout h African s woul d overrid e external identificatio n b y rac e an d color . Th e husban d di d admit , however, that fro m a secular perspective h e would no t b e trouble d by their futur e childre n bein g classified a s coloured becaus e that i s what coloure d is—mixed . Fo r tha t matter , h e said , h e would no t be troubled b y their futur e childre n bein g classified a s multiracial . [138]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify If a chil d o f their s eve r cam e hom e fro m schoo l an d aske d "Wh o am I?" then th e multiracial identificatio n woul d see m sufficient. I t would especiall y b e appropriat e i f i t mad e thei r chil d fee l mor e secure i n term s o f identit y an d i f th e race s wer e equa l an d no t hierarchical. Despit e thi s opennes s t o racia l identification , how ever, th e coupl e wer e agains t th e ide a o f th e Unite d State s o r South Afric a legislatin g a n identit y tha t automaticall y throw s al l mixed-race peopl e together . Th e youn g woma n fel t tha t Sout h Africans nee d t o mov e completel y awa y fro m race , since they ha d fought s o hard an d lon g no t t o b e classified. Sinc e Sout h Afric a i s moving awa y fro m racia l classification , sh e concluded , s o shoul d the United States . Another coloure d woman , als o marrie d t o a white Englishma n (a second-generatio n Sout h African ) who m sh e me t i n th e anti apartheid struggle , was apprehensiv e abou t th e multiracia l move ment fro m th e start . "I t make s m e scared, " sh e tol d me . Sh e fel t that bein g coloured ha s bee n "destructive " fo r coloure d peopl e i n South Africa . "Sta y awa y fro m i t a s fa r a s possible, " sh e warned . "I don't thin k it' s a solution a t all. " A man o f Englis h an d Afrikaan s parentage , wh o i s married t o an India n woma n (Muslim ) who m h e me t durin g th e "struggle, " finds man y o f th e argument s fo r multiracialis m (a s I describe d them fro m th e perspectiv e o f chapte r i ) t o b e valid . H e particu larly like s th e ide a o f societ y acknowledgin g th e existenc e o f a vast pool o f people wh o ar e multiracial. However , h e insisted tha t any multiracia l identit y mus t b e voluntar y o r people' s freedom s would b e limited . Aparthei d ha d bee n s o devastatin g i n lockin g people ou t fro m on e anothe r an d on e another' s cultures , h e said , that i t i s liberating t o b e fre e jus t t o b e who yo u are—n o longe r just a definition . "It' s nic e t o b e i n Sout h Afric a a t thi s time, " h e concluded. Another coloure d woman , th e youn g woma n o f Xhosa , Eng lish, an d Germa n ancestry , tol d m e tha t a s lon g a s peopl e hav e eyes they wil l perceiv e differences , bu t tha t sh e consider s i t a ba d idea fo r th e Unite d State s t o legislat e thos e differences . Sh e eve n feels tha t i t would b e acceptable fo r mixed-rac e peopl e t o identif y [139]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify themselves a s multiracia l bu t tha t makin g a "bi g thing " o f a n entire middl e grou p woul d creat e problem s i n th e lon g run . I t would b e "foolish, " sh e sai d wit h carefull y chose n words , give n the evidenc e o f Sout h Africa n histor y wher e classification s hav e been exploite d onc e they were created . This youn g woman' s view s wer e corroborate d b y a coloure d friend o f hers, also a graduate of the University of the Western Cap e (in sociology). He fel t tha t th e American s pushin g fo r th e govern mental legislatio n o f a multiracial classificatio n wer e going to ope n up the possibility of all sorts of unforeseen problems , since such legislation woul d deepe n racia l consciousnes s rathe r tha n alleviat e it . Although h e wa s sensitiv e t o th e issu e o f identity , h e fel t tha t mixed-race peopl e shoul d b e abl e t o identif y themselve s a s the y wished, without a n "artificial " category . Suc h a category woul d b e "artificial," h e explained, becaus e i t would lum p togethe r s o man y different ethni c group s unde r a singl e name , a s happene d t o th e coloured peopl e o f hi s country. At the sam e time he recognized th e need o f blac k American s t o b e abl e t o rall y behin d thei r existin g racial designatio n fo r th e sak e o f assurin g affirmativ e actio n an d ensuring that there is no repeat o f past discrimination . The presen t generatio n o f student s a t th e Universit y o f th e Western Cap e evidentl y seem s t o agree . The Genera l Secretar y o f the Student s Representativ e Counci l a t th e University , a blac k African Nationa l Congres s (ANC ) member , sai d tha t th e genera l mood amon g student s i s t o wor k t o dismantl e racia l divisions . They wan t t o pres s towar d nonracialis m an d unit y i n th e univer sity community, h e said , while als o recognizin g ethni c differences , and th e challenge i n the United State s should b e to determin e ho w to harmoniz e societ y rathe r tha n ho w t o digres s int o ne w divi sions. The presiden t o f th e Studen t Representativ e Council , als o a black AN C member , agreed , give n tha t h e strongl y affirme d th e nonracial polic y o f th e ANC . Coloured sociologis t Jimm y Elli s told m e tha t h e was skeptica l about th e multiracia l movement , give n tha t i t remind s hi m o f th e old aparthei d syste m tha t dre w distinction s betwee n groups . T o solidify a mixed-rac e identit y throug h legislatin g a multiracia l [140]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify classification, h e figured , woul d forc e American s deepe r int o racial groups, racial thinking, and racia l behavior . For to b e put i n a categor y i s t o b e abl e t o b e identifie d specificall y an d thu s responded t o i n a certain way . Ellis concluded tha t America n soci ety need s t o matur e b y movin g towar d th e ideal s propagate d b y such grea t America n leader s a s Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. H e feel s that King' s idea l o f peopl e bein g judge d b y th e conten t o f thei r character rathe r tha n th e color o f thei r ski n i s still achievable . The coloure d professo r who m I mentioned i n chapte r i wh o said h e would hav e n o proble m identifyin g hi s ow n chil d a s mul tiracial adde d a remark tha t I did not includ e at that time . He con cluded tha t theoreticall y h e ha d n o difficult y wit h th e legislatio n of a multiracia l categor y i n th e Unite d States , bu t tha t i n realit y "danger lurk s there. " Th e danger , h e explained , result s fro m th e potential abus e o f that middl e grou p b y the government . The Reveren d Davi d Botha , th e retire d Afrikaan s clergyma n whose congregatio n include d Jimm y Elli s for seventee n years , fel t the sam e way . H e sai d tha t whil e h e fel t tha t a multiracial move ment coul d no t occu r i n Sout h Afric a a t thi s time , he understoo d that perhap s no w ther e wer e current s i n th e Unite d State s tha t could sustai n suc h a movement . However , t o b e consisten t wit h his long-held view s abou t coloure d Sout h Africans , h e would pre fer fo r mixed-rac e American s t o g o wit h thei r cultura l affinity — whether i t be white o r black—rathe r tha n t o g o with a new, legal, middle group . Afte r all , h e concluded , onc e blac k an d whit e Americans ar e reconciled, thi s problem o f what t o d o with mixed race people will likely vanish . My ow n vie w i s th e resul t o f havin g use d th e Universit y o f th e Western Cap e a s a microcos m fo r th e stud y o f rac e relation s among people s o f colo r i n Sout h Africa . I feel tha t th e racia l clan nishness tha t aparthei d ha s lef t i n it s wake i s not somethin g tha t black an d mixed-rac e blac k Americans would fin d a t al l attractiv e in America. Ye t this racia l clannishness , o r som e semblanc e o f it , is wha t coul d an d likel y woul d develo p i f thi s countr y wer e t o pursue th e course o f actio n promote d b y multiracialists . [141]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify

But i f we believ e (a s I do) tha t mixed-rac e peopl e represen t th e need fo r a new socia l consciousness tha t woul d permi t greate r flu idity i n people' s racia l identitie s an d therefor e mor e racia l toler ance fo r thos e wh o wis h t o embrac e multipl e ethnicities , the n what alternative s ar e there fo r mixed-rac e peopl e i n terms o f thei r racial identification ? I f th e ultimat e goa l o f th e multiracialist s i s really t o undermin e race , then perhap s the y shoul d no t see k a legislated classificatio n bu t shoul d encourag e mixed-rac e peopl e t o elude classificatio n b y checkin g th e "other " categor y o n th e United State s census . O r perhap s th e multiracialist s shoul d encourage mixed-rac e peopl e t o chec k "other " an d writ e i n th e identification o f "American. " Thi s i s i n keepin g wit h th e state ment Carlo s Fernande z mad e befor e th e Hous e subcommitte e o n the census that i t should b e the United States , which ha s drawn o n the peoples o f the world fo r it s citizenry, that shoul d se t the exam ple for multiracia l living. 18 Yes , then mixed-rac e peopl e shoul d b e called "Americans, " no t "multiracials. " Naturally, t o premis e thi s identificatio n o n th e statemen t tha t mixed-race peopl e ar e th e epitom e o f th e America n citizen , because they embody the "meltin g pot" ideal , will only anger a lot of Americans . I t woul d mak e peopl e angr y jus t a s i t probabl y makes a lo t o f blac k Sout h African s angr y t o hea r som e coloure d people clai m tha t the y ar e th e onl y tru e Sout h African s becaus e their Kho i ancestor s reside d i n th e Wester n Cap e befor e th e othe r African ethni c group s cam e int o th e area . Bu t unattache d t o suc h antagonistic claims , th e wor d "American " i s the onl y classifica tion that canno t hav e a racial meaning becaus e it is overshadowe d by nationa l meaning . Jimm y Elli s mad e th e poin t whe n h e sai d that h e prefers t o cal l himsel f a Sout h Africa n an d thereb y associ ate with the broade r ideal s and values of the nation unde r th e ne w interim constitution . Mixed-race American s coul d therefor e follo w th e lea d o f Sout h Africa, whos e open-minde d citizen s no w jus t wan t t o b e know n as Sout h Africans—n o racia l classificatio n attached . I n thi s respect, the aforementioned coloure d woma n (wh o is married t o a second-generation Sout h Africa n o f Englis h ethnicity ) sai d tha t [142]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify although he r childre n loo k white , sh e an d he r husban d woul d never permit the m t o b e classified unde r an y racial category . If th e government insiste d tha t the y mus t choose , sh e tol d m e passion ately, the n the y woul d def y th e governmen t an d no t choos e — unless on e o f th e categorie s i s "Sout h African " o r simpl y "African." Immediatel y sh e aske d m e wit h regar d t o th e multira cials in the United States , "What abou t a n American identity? " She felt tha t pursuin g a n America n identity , rathe r tha n goin g deepe r into rac e consciousnes s wit h a multiracial identity , would b e mor e in tun e wit h occurrence s i n today' s world . Othe r coloured s hav e said th e sam e thing , bu t a third-year coloure d studen t a t th e Uni versity o f th e Wester n Cap e mad e th e poin t wit h a n interestin g twist. After I explained th e multiracial movemen t t o her in the wa y that I presented i t i n chapte r i , sh e sai d tha t sh e foun d th e whol e matter t o b e funny becaus e sh e had bee n under th e impression tha t all Americans were proud jus t to b e Americans. An American identit y for mixed-rac e people is certainly on e possibility, then. However , ther e i s one problem, essentiall y connecte d to a n inconsistenc y i n th e multiracialists ' clai m tha t mixed-rac e people ar e th e epitom e o f th e America n "meltin g pot " idea . Th e problem i s that mixed-race people do not feel like full America n cit izens because o f the discrimination the y have historically face d a s a result o f th e persisten t old-fashione d idea s abou t miscegenation . Perhaps thi s is why th e multiracialists ar e pushing fo r a multiracia l identity rather tha n fo r th e right to call themselves Americans . There i s also th e questio n o f simpl y abolishin g racia l classifica tion altogether . Th e Offic e o f Management an d Budge t (OMB ) ha s received suggestion s tha t classification s b y rac e an d ethnicit y b e eliminated becaus e they continue th e overemphasi s o n race, which results i n societa l divisions. 19 "Tha t i s a suggestio n tha t ha s bee n made," say s Sall y Katzen , th e administrato r o f th e O M B , "tha t i t is onl y b y gettin g ri d o f categorie s tha t w e wil l b e abl e t o sto p focusing, som e woul d say , on tha t whic h divide s us , and allo w u s to loo k a t that whic h bring s u s together." 20 One o f th e peopl e Katze n wa s probabl y thinkin g abou t whe n she mad e thi s remar k i s John Cougill , a n Africa n America n wh o [143]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify gave a testimon y befor e th e OM B i n hi s ow n behalf . Cougil l sai d he would lik e to se e the ter m "race " remove d fro m th e definitio n of "black " i n Directiv e No . 1 5 sinc e "black " i s the onl y categor y specifically mentionin g th e term : "Black. A person havin g origin s in any of the black racial groups o f Africa." Bu t even this is but a n intermediate step , Cougill explains , for i t is the collection o f racia l data itsel f tha t perpetuate s racis m sinc e ther e i s no suc h thin g a s race. Cougil l eve n wen t s o fa r a s t o stat e tha t h e believe s th e National Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) an d Denny' s restauran t chai n (whic h wa s sue d b y th e NAACP fo r racia l discrimination ) hav e goo d reaso n t o su e th e OMB an d th e Censu s Burea u fo r damage s resultin g fro m thei r administration o f racia l categorizatio n (henc e racia l discrimina tion) a s a harmless wa y o f life. 21 Black sociologis t Yehud i Webste r backe d u p Cougill' s perspec tive abou t abolishin g racia l classificatio n altogethe r whe n h e shared a radio tal k sho w wit h Sall y Katzen. Believin g that th e us e of "race " languag e help s perpetuat e racia l division , Webste r said : "If w e sa y we want harmon y an d peac e an d justic e i n the society , why d o w e continu e t o classif y peopl e i n thi s polarized , binar y fashion? Isn' t i t obvious that a s long a s we maintain th e classifica tions w e ar e intensifyin g a n awarenes s o f differences ? W e ar e actually makin g peopl e se e on e anothe r o r se e eac h othe r a s belonging t o differen t camps . An d tha t mean s the y wil l increas e their discriminatio n agains t on e another." 22 Webste r write s else where tha t par t o f th e mean s b y which w e intensif y racia l aware ness of division s through th e us e of the ide a o f race i s by trying t o create racia l solutions : "Racia l solution s ar e develope d fo r racia l problems; thes e solutions , however , generat e mor e racia l prob lems. Ji m crowis m produce d th e civi l right s movement , whic h called fo r affirmativ e action , blac k power , an d multiculturalism , which foste r tension s betwee n nonwhite s an d whites." 23 Sally Katzen' s respons e t o th e ide a tha t racia l categorie s ough t to b e abolishe d altogethe r i s base d o n th e requirement s o f law . She said o n th e radi o tal k show , "Tha t is , I think, a great inspira tional though t an d I would hop e ou r countr y coul d b e ther e a t [144]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify some point . Bu t th e existin g law s t o b e enforce d d o requir e th e basic dat a o n variou s component s o f ou r population." 2 4 Carlo s Fernandez agreed , o n th e occasio n o f hi s representatio n o f th e Association o f Multi-Ethni c American s (AMEA ) befor e th e Hous e subcommittee o n th e census . H e said , "I t migh t b e argue d tha t racial an d ethni c classification s shoul d b e don e awa y wit h entirely. Bu t suc h a view i s Utopian an d als o distort s th e realit y o f continuing division s base d o n rac e an d ethnicity." 25 Susa n Gra ham essentiall y sai d th e same : tha t doin g awa y wit h racia l cate gories i s no t realistic , whil e wha t he r organizatio n propose s i s realistic. 26 Natha n Lynch , o f Columbus , Ohio , frame d th e poin t in a n interestin g wa y i n a respons e t o remark s abou t rac e bein g unscientific, illogical , fictitious, an d a tool o f oppression . H e said , "On suc h a basis , one might als o try to abolis h religion." 27 This i s in fac t th e polarit y w e ar e dealin g wit h whe n w e spea k of race—religio n versu s rationality . Tryin g t o abolis h rac e i s lik e trying t o abolis h religion . T o pu t i t differently , unti l religio n i s abolished, rac e wil l no t be . For bot h ar e roote d i n people' s belie f in th e unsee n an d th e unprovable . Wit h faith , o n whic h religio n and rac e depend , rationalit y an d evidenc e pal e an d canno t dis prove anything . Despit e th e fac t tha t mos t American s (indee d most human beings ) live by "faith " rathe r tha n rationality , Yehud i Webster insist s tha t racia l classification s mus t b e abolishe d because the y hav e littl e to d o with rationa l thinking. 28 H e sai d o n the radi o tal k sho w w e share d wit h Sall y Katzen, "I t seem s to m e that w e reall y don' t hav e a racia l problem . . . . I think wha t w e have i s a lac k o f respec t fo r reasonin g an d standard s fo r ho w w e think an d argue. " Webste r wen t o n t o complai n tha t peopl e ignore argument s b y anthropologists , biologists , an d othe r schol ars wh o contes t th e concep t o f race , whic h lead s hi m t o believ e that American s reall y hav e a thinkin g problem , "Societ y i s badl y educated i n th e sens e tha t there' s a n absenc e o f logic , a n absenc e of courses in reasoning an d critica l thinking," h e continued. "An d as a result , people , . . . instea d o f recognizin g tha t yo u ar e a human being , . . . simply allocat e yo u t o a racia l grou p . . . an d then discriminat e agains t you." 29 [145]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify In thi s regard , Webste r sound s muc h lik e Kwam e Anthon y Appiah, th e philosophe r o f Ghanaia n an d Englis h parentag e wh o also consider s rac e a n outmode d ide a an d believe s blac k peopl e should therefor e n o longe r buil d alliance s base d o n th e concept o f race. 30 Bu t fo r who m ha s th e ide a o f buildin g blac k "racial " alliances becom e a n outmode d idea ? I f we read Appia h an d Web ster carefully , th e ide a ha s becom e outmode d fo r intellectual s fo r whom inconsistenc y i n belie f i s a sig n o f irrationality . Tha t i s t o say, the ide a ha s becom e outmode d fo r intellectual s wh o hol d u p Rationality a s the objec t o f requisit e faith . I n thi s respect , Appia h says: "Rationalit y i s bes t conceive d o f a s a n ideal , bot h i n th e sense that i t is something wort h aimin g fo r an d i n the sens e that i t is something w e ar e incapabl e o f realizing. It is an idea l that bear s an importan t interna l relatio n t o tha t othe r grea t cognitiv e ideal , Truth." 3 1 Appia h conclude s tha t whil e w e canno t chang e th e world b y evidenc e an d reasonin g alone , w e certainl y canno t expect t o chang e th e world withou t thes e things. 32 It may be , however, that th e idea o f Rationality an d Trut h com pletely replacin g th e irrationalit y o f racia l identit y i s a n ide a whose tim e ha s no t ye t come , particularl y fo r th e oppresse d wh o require thei r ow n irrationalitie s t o fen d of f th e irrationalitie s o f the powerful . Appiah' s reactio n t o suc h a respons e immediatel y proceeds int o th e spher e i n whic h philosopher s (privilege d intel lectuals) think—h e edifie s th e ideals o f Truth an d Rationalit y an d says tha t h e believe s peopl e wh o d o no t hol d t o thi s Enlighten ment fait h hav e give n i n t o temptatio n an d falle n int o intellectua l apostasy: "On e temptatio n . . . , for thos e wh o se e the centralit y of these fictions i n our lives , is to leave reason behind : to celebrat e and endors e thos e identitie s tha t see m a t th e momen t t o offe r th e best hop e o f advancin g ou r othe r goals , and t o kee p silenc e abou t the lie s an d th e myths . Bu t . . . intellectuals d o no t easil y neglec t the truth." 33 Actually , histor y show s tha t whit e intellectual s ofte n reveal onl y a part o f truth , ofte n onl y enoug h t o camouflag e th e irrationalities o f race that stabiliz e thei r ow n privilege . The realit y regarding Appiah' s assumptio n tha t trut h predicate d i n th e acad emy trickle s dow n i n th e for m o f nationa l polic y t o fashio n [146]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify increasing qualit y o f lif e fo r th e masses , i s that onl y som e o f th e truth trickle s down . Perhap s th e mos t importan t truth s ar e guarded b y whit e intellectual s wh o hav e ideologica l agenda s t o protect, a point I will reinforc e momentaril y b y pointing t o whit e intellectuals i n Sout h Africa . Certainly Appia h i s correct tha t societie s profit fro m th e acade mic institutionalizatio n o f th e imperativ e tha t trut h no t b e neglected. Bu t thi s ques t fo r trut h ha s onl y lef t u s with th e ques tion: Whose truth ? I n th e meantime , whil e th e powerful an d priv ileged maintai n thei r favore d truth s tha t ar e undergirde d wit h deeply se t irrationalitie s regardin g race , w e canno t expec t th e unprivileged an d oppresse d t o unbridl e themselve s o f thei r irra tionalities regardin g rac e i n favo r o f thes e so-calle d "truths " tha t belong t o othe r groups . Man y coloure d Sout h African s fee l thi s way a s well—fo r instance , tha t i t i s no t ye t tim e fo r the m t o "throw thei r identitie s t o th e wind, " eve n thoug h thos e create d identities wer e base d o n racis t irrationalities . Webste r woul d lea d black American s i n th e opposit e direction , however . Fo r h e believes tha t i f w e simpl y sto p usin g racia l classification , w e wil l come t o th e conclusio n tha t huma n beings , no t whit e peopl e pe r se, committe d atrocitie s agains t othe r huma n beings—jus t othe r human being s and no t black , brown , red , o r yellow human being s per se. 34 Are women t o presume, then, that generi c human beings , not me n pe r se , hav e committe d rap e agains t othe r huma n beings—just othe r huma n being s an d no t wome n pe r se ? Thi s question i s the strang e produc t o f Webster' s "reasonin g an d criti cal thinking. " We canno t expec t th e unprivilege d an d oppresse d t o discar d their irrationalitie s regardin g rac e an d th e essentia l blessing s o f their particula r rac e unti l th e privilege d an d powerfu l discar d their irrationalitie s regardin g race . Thi s i s a poin t mad e b y Nathan Lync h i n respons e t o Rainie r Spencer' s articl e entitle d "False Categories. " Spence r ha d suggeste d tha t multiracia l peopl e reject racia l classificatio n becaus e i t i s racist , an d tha t the y respond t o question s o f identit y b y sayin g the y d o no t believ e i n race. Lynch responds b y saying that race may b e a biological myt h [147]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify but i t i s a sociopolitica l reality . H e say s furthe r tha t h e believe s that a frank assessmen t o f race, rather tha n a quixotic rejectio n o f the concept, i s the most promisin g wa y t o a n eventua l breakdow n of racia l classification an d th e conflicts tha t ensue. 35 This is my point: We need a frank assessmen t o f race, indeed a n obliteration o f racism , befor e th e peopl e a t th e botto m o f th e social and economi c totem o f American societ y abandon th e unit y and protectiv e barrie r tha t rac e ha s brough t the m s o far . A s va n der Ros s sai d t o m e abou t coloure d people , i t i s no t tha t blac k people suppor t a blac k rac e abov e highe r ideal s o f nonracialism . The proble m i s tha t blac k peopl e hav e n o promis e tha t the y would b e bette r of f i f the y dro p thei r grou p identity . I n an y case , we ar e al l stuck wit h th e curren t racia l classification s unti l we ca n make the m d o th e opposit e o f wha t the y originall y wer e intende d to do—liberat e u s rathe r tha n kee p u s i n captivity . I n othe r words, w e nee d th e curren t racia l classification s i n orde r t o figh t racism, becaus e a s soo n a s w e discar d th e racia l classification s black peopl e ar e stil l goin g t o b e discriminate d against . A s I suggested i n chapter 2 , we must b e careful no t to abando n th e idea o f race to o hastil y an d no t t o le t thos e group s tha t hav e bee n his tory's oppressor s forge t thei r behavio r to o soon . Otherwis e thes e behaviors ma y sli p u p o n u s onc e agai n whe n ou r back s ar e turned becaus e the y hav e no t bee n properl y acknowledge d an d addressed. I n this regard, we must scrutiniz e the efforts o f variou s white organization s wh o argue d befor e th e OM B tha t th e classifi cation o f "white " shoul d b e replaced wit h "Europea n American " because th e ter m "white " canno t escap e bein g tainte d b y the his tory o f racis m i n thi s country . W e can se e the sam e eage r jostlin g of man y white s i n Sout h Afric a who , formerl y know n a s "Afrikaners," no w wan t t o b e know n i n th e politicall y correc t way a s "Afrikaan s people. " Societies nee d a frank assessmen t o f rac e an d a n obliteratio n o f racism befor e th e people s a t th e botto m o f societa l totem s aban don th e unit y an d protectiv e barrie r o f race , a s argue d b y Desire e Lewis wit h regar d t o Sout h Africa n society . I n he r articl e entitle d "'Race': Sout h Africa' s Censore d Four-Lette r Word, " Lewi s say s [148]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify that today prospects are not good fo r reassessin g race in post-liber ation Sout h Africa . Thi s i s du e t o th e heav y suspicio n Sout h Africans hav e abou t racia l consciousnes s an d t o th e fac t tha t whites ar e dependen t o n a commitmen t t o nonracialis m fo r th e sake o f thei r futur e interest s a s a minorit y group. 36 Muc h o f thi s suspicion ha s bee n instigate d b y whit e intellectual s wh o hav e insisted o n th e analysi s o f clas s ove r race , a s wel l a s b y politica l philosophies propagate d i n the media, in the academy , and i n publications. Thes e force s hav e evoke d a certai n blindnes s towar d racialism (racia l categorization ) i n th e nam e o f nonracialis m an d have thu s sideline d th e discours e o n rac e ove r th e las t decade. 37 Lewis says : "Racialism , w e hav e bee n encourage d t o feel , i s th e problem. Wh y reinforc e thi s oppressiv e wa y o f thinking ? Wh y submit t o th e categorisation s o f th e rulers b y affirming you r racia l consciousness?" Sh e continues, "Insistin g o n rac e a s a legitimat e and necessar y categor y o f analysi s i s automatically equate d wit h primordialism, futile extremism , irrationality, violence and imprac tical politics. We see this, for example , in the paine d an d knowin g expression tha t man y (progressive ) Whit e academician s suddenl y assume whe n an y Blac k perso n bring s u p th e subjec t o f race." 3 8 Lewis say s o f black s needin g t o dra w attentio n t o realit y an d th e affects o f white supremac y fo r th e sak e o f redressing racialism : "I f this i s not done , non-racialis m simpl y render s racialis m invisible , since racialism canno t b e wished away , an d non-racialis m wil l no t merely disappea r whe n hegemoni c philosophie s sa y so." 3 9 Coloured historia n Ro y d u Pr e concurs with Lewis , adding: Many well-meanin g Sout h African s ma y advanc e th e vie w tha t publicising atrocities , wrongs an d grievances may retard progres s to reconciliation an d a non-racial democrati c society . Those who constantly remind the people of the actions of the government and its agents may even be singled out as stumbling blocks and traitors to the cause of a "New" Sout h Africa. However , it is not the historians wh o ar e th e dange r t o a ne w Sout h Afric a bu t thos e wh o wish to cover up the crimes of the past. The fact is that it is hard to build a new society on ground tha t ha s unpunished crime s buried just beneath the surface. I s it not imperative to get the matter ou t [i49]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify into th e open , ge t i t ou t o f ou r syste m s o that w e never hav e t o look back, wondering i f the ghosts of the past will come back t o haunt us? 4° In thi s regard , Jimm y Elli s tol d m e tha t th e Universit y o f th e Western Cap e was als o well meaning in its longtime resolve not t o teach a sociolog y cours e o n rac e relations , whic h i t ha s no t don e since th e mid-1970s . Th e argumen t supportin g th e suspensio n o f that course , h e explained , i s tha t t o teac h i t woul d reinforc e a false construct , a n ide a (race ) tha t doe s no t exis t an d whic h som e scholars di d no t wan t t o acknowledg e a s existing . Bu t thi s atti tude, continue d Ellis , ha s prevente d givin g critica l attentio n t o what ha s bee n occurrin g raciall y i n th e country . Thu s sum s blac k South Africa n journalis t Mik e Siluma : "I n ou r new , democratic , nonracial an d stil l evolvin g societ y w e d o ten d t o avoi d dealin g with th e awkward , embarrassin g issu e of race." 41 As Silum a point s ou t i n anothe r newspape r article , whether o r not ther e i s a n explici t discussio n o f race , racia l tension s an d racism itsel f stil l exis t i n Presiden t Mandela' s Sout h Africa . Fo r instance, Silum a criticize s th e belie f amon g som e blac k national ists that black s shoul d buil d thei r ow n competitiv e school s i n th e townships becaus e sendin g their children t o white school s shows a lack o f self-awarenes s o n th e part o f th e blac k parents . In terms o f the attitude s o f whites , Silum a criticize s a well-established Sout h African journalis t wh o claime d tha t blac k journalist s ar e overstep ping thei r bound s i n demandin g a voice i n the traditionall y white controlled media . Thi s whit e journalis t als o sai d black s shoul d start thei r ow n medi a empire s t o reflec t thei r ow n views , since th e white-dominated medi a i s no t read y fo r a n unlimite d influ x o f blacks. Silum a conclude s tha t th e attitude s o f bot h th e blac k an d white nationalist s sugges t tha t rac e relation s wil l continu e o n it s past cours e an d tha t ther e will b e death fo r affirmativ e actio n an d continued whit e domination . Thus , Silum a ask s whethe r Sout h Africa want s rea l unit y a s "on e nation " o r whethe r i t want s th e antithesis: "O r d o w e wan t t o b e a mixtur e o f triba l an d racia l groups, reluctantl y hel d togethe r b y forc e o f circumstance ? A [150]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify country wher e black s ar e banishe d t o th e disillusione d peripher y of nationa l lif e t o nurs e a n abidin g nationa l grievance , whil e whites hol d o n t o powe r an d privilege , hoping th e black s will on e day spontaneousl y ceas e to exist." 42 As w e conside r Yehud i Webster' s proposa l tha t th e Unite d States governmen t ceas e racia l classificatio n altogether , i t shoul d be obviou s no w tha t societie s nee d fran k assessment s o f rac e an d the obliteration o f racism befor e th e peoples a t the bottom o f soci etal totems abando n th e unit y an d protectiv e barrie r o f race. Tha t such fran k assessments , a s w e hea r fro m Siluma , ma y appea r t o retard progres s towar d racia l reconciliation an d nonracia l democ ratic societies , whether i n th e Unite d State s o r Sout h Africa , wa s understood b y Allan Boesak. In a 197 7 lecture to a coloured polit ical organization , Boesa k sai d tha t "w e liv e i n thi s country , blac k and white , and ultimatel y we belon g together. An d we must learn , as Martin Luthe r Kin g has said , to liv e together a s brothers, or w e shall peris h togethe r a s fools." 43 Boesa k trul y believe s tha t blac k and whit e belon g togethe r i n peaceful co-existence , that reconcili ation an d nonracialis m ar e the highest societa l ideals to b e sought . But h e als o considere d i t foolis h fo r th e divide d rank s o f people s of colo r t o continu e t o perpetuat e whit e contro l an d fo r thos e divided rank s no t t o galvaniz e aroun d th e racia l ide a o f black ness. 44 H e explained : "I t i s no longe r possible , nor wise , to ignor e or try to avoi d th e fact tha t Blac k Consciousnes s an d Blac k Powe r have com e t o stay—a t leas t fo r th e forseeabl e future , an d I a m convinced tha t histor y shal l revea l thei r decisiv e influenc e o n South Africa n politics." 45 Thes e wer e th e mid-1970s , th e year s when Boesa k wa s th e studen t chaplai n a t th e Universit y o f th e Western Cap e an d coloure d student s wer e joinin g th e blac k con sciousness movement . Whethe r o r no t th e olde r coloure d peopl e were galvanize d i n grea t numbers , thes e coloure d student s wer e rejecting coloure d identit y a s the construc t o f th e whit e suprema cist government. The y were al l becoming black . Nelson Mandela , despit e th e fac t tha t h e ha d before , during , and afte r hi s twenty-seven year s o f imprisonmen t argue d i n favo r of a nonracial society , ha s neve r bee n blin d t o Boesak' s balancin g [151]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify act—the denunciatio n o f rac e bu t th e dependenc y o n rac e unti l the vestige s o f racis m ar e obliterated . Fo r example , i n hi s presi dential inauguratio n address , " A Time to Build, " delivere d i n Pretoria upo n th e openin g o f Parliamen t o n Ma y 10 , 1994 , Presiden t Mandela sai d t o th e representative s o f th e internationa l commu nity tha t h e truste d tha t the y woul d continu e t o stan d b y Sout h Africa a s it s citizen s tackl e th e challenge s o f buildin g a nonracia l democracy. "Th e tim e fo r th e healin g o f th e wound s ha s come, " he said . "Th e momen t t o bridg e th e chasm s tha t divid e u s ha s come. Th e tim e t o buil d i s upo n us. " Bu t despit e thi s polic y o f nonracialism, th e country' s suprem e la w a t th e tim e o f tha t 199 4 speech, th e interi m Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1993), whic h th e AN C helpe d shape , stil l foun d i t necessar y t o acknowledge th e existence o f race while it also sought t o establis h the fundamenta l right s o f dignity , equality , an d freedo m fo r ever y South African . Locate d i n th e mos t importan t par t o f th e interi m Constitution, th e Bil l o f Rights , unde r th e headin g "Equality, " one o f the critical passages read: "N o perso n shal l b e unfairly dis criminated against , directl y o r indirectly , . . . o n on e o r mor e o f the followin g ground s i n particular : race , gender , sex , ethni c o r social origin , colour , sexua l orientation , age , disability , religion , conscience, belief, culture o r language. " The Mandel a governmen t intend s t o pu t th e Bil l of Right s int o practical actio n throug h th e Reconstructio n an d Developmen t Programme ( R D P ) . Thi s i s th e polic y framewor k o f th e AN C which i t release d befor e th e election s an d use s a s it s socia l wel fare o r affirmativ e actio n plan . The documen t say s o f itself: "Th e RDP i s an integrated, coheren t socio-economi c polic y framework . It seek s t o mobilis e al l ou r peopl e an d ou r country' s resource s toward th e fina l eradicatio n o f aparthei d an d th e buildin g o f a democratic, non-racia l an d non-sexis t future." 4 6 Accordin g t o the document , thi s las t vestig e o f aparthei d i s th e economi c inequality derive d fro m a histor y o f colonialism , racism , apartheid, sexism , an d s o forth. 47 On e o f th e si x basi c principle s of the RD P i s "Nation-building," whic h reads in part: "Centra l t o the crisi s i n ou r countr y ar e the massive division s an d inequalitie s [152]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify left behin d b y apartheid . W e mus t no t perpetuat e th e separatio n of ou r societ y int o a 'firs t world ' an d 'thir d world'—anothe r dis guised wa y o f preserving apartheid." 48 South Afric a i s a societ y tha t i s divided int o tw o worlds—firs t world an d thir d world—i n tha t white s ow n 9 8 percen t o f th e wealth, whic h the y acquire d unde r whit e minorit y rule . Unde r white rule, whites took al l the bes t lan d an d ar e the one s who liv e in th e plus h home s o f suc h well-to-d o area s o f Cap e Tow n a s Somerset Wes t (mixtur e o f Afrikaan s an d Englis h whites ) an d Stellenbosch (strongl y a white Afrikaan s area) . On e ol d coloure d woman a t th e firs t churc h Alla n Boesa k administere d befor e th e area wa s take n ove r b y white s sai d t o th e youn g pastor : "The y said w e woul d neve r hav e t o move . Thi s smal l piec e o f eart h i s mine, my tears, my sorrow. This week I want yo u t o preach abou t the commandmen t Tho u shal t no t steal." 49 Th e place s tha t th e whites too k ove r i n Cap e Tow n stan d i n star k contras t wit h th e depressed area s t o whic h black s an d coloured s wer e moved , which ar e sprawle d alon g th e fla t land s know n a s th e Cap e Flats—black township s lik e Khayalitsh a (th e larges t blac k town ship) an d Gugulet u (th e townshi p wher e whit e America n Am y Beale wa s killed) , coloure d township s lik e Blu e Downs , an d squatter area s lik e th e Cross-Road s (whic h ha s th e larges t squat ter population) . T o this effect , edito r Jo n Qwelan e wrot e i n Tribute, th e popula r blac k Sout h Africa n magazine : "A s fa r a s whit e South Afric a i s concerne d ver y littl e ha s change d sinc e th e elec tions: they still enjoy th e trappings o f power an d privilege, and th e same opulen t lifestyle s o f old ; they hav e th e securit y an d comfor t of homes and jobs, and the y rate on a par with the well-off world wide." Qwelan e continues , "Fli p the coin over and notic e the con trast: eve n thoug h black s hav e wo n th e politica l kingdom , th e cold trut h i s that fo r man y o f ou r peopl e th e ne w Sout h Afric a i s still only a rumour." 50 In contras t t o th e balancin g ac t tha t i s require d t o brin g th e third world u p to par—denouncing rac e bu t dependin g o n i t unti l the vestige s o f racis m ar e obliterated—th e vie w o f affirmativ e action b y th e Nationa l Party , a s articulate d whe n i t wa s runnin g [153]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify toward th e Apri l 199 4 election , wa s tha t i t doe s nothin g mor e than replac e the old racism with a new racism. "Racis t affirmativ e action whereb y peopl e ar e appointe d no t accordin g t o merit , qualifications, experienc e o r talent , bu t o n racia l o r ethni c prefer ence, i s unacceptable, " th e Nationa l Part y said . "Because , i f th e objective i s simpl y t o rectif y pas t discriminatio n agains t tha t group, i t i s just aparthei d i n reverse . O r plainl y put , on e canno t replace racis m wit h racism." 51 So, n o rationall y thinking , nonracis t perso n i n Sout h Afric a really believe s racia l discriminatio n wil l ceas e wit h th e en d o f racial classificatio n o r tha t racia l classificatio n i s not neede d t o help rectify pas t discrimination . I t just happens tha t ther e ar e con ditions i n Sout h Afric a tha t facilitat e th e balancin g ac t o f denouncing rac e bu t dependin g o n i t unti l th e vestige s o f racis m are obliterated. While it is politically incorrect to use the old racia l identities fro m th e aparthei d epoch , ther e ar e ways b y which gov ernment an d othe r institutiona l official s ca n identif y th e ethnicit y of Sout h African s withou t havin g t o as k fo r racia l identificatio n on applications , schoo l forms , birt h certificates , an d th e like . Jimmy Elli s explaine d t o me , fo r instance , tha t officia l racia l des ignations ar e no t use d fo r application s t o th e Universit y o f th e Western Cape , bu t fo r purpose s o f affirmativ e action , blac k stu dents ca n b e identifie d b y thei r geographica l location s (certai n townships), their language s (ethni c tongues othe r tha n Englis h o r Afrikaans), an d thei r las t name s (whic h generall y ar e no t Angli cized lik e coloure d names) . S o a paralle l exist s betwee n th e gov ernments i n Sout h Afric a an d th e Unite d State s i n understandin g that racia l classificatio n i s neede d i n orde r t o identif y "pro tected" groups . Th e differenc e betwee n th e tw o countries , how ever, is that i n Sout h Afric a ther e ar e ways o f determinin g wh o i s who, whil e i n th e Unite d State s black s generall y spea k English , have Englis h las t names , an d hav e increasingl y migrate d ou t o f known segregate d blac k neighborhood s o r hav e bee n pushe d ou t by "urba n renewal. " My poin t i s that th e desir e of Yehudi Webster, Kwame Anthon y Appiah, an d other s simpl y t o abando n th e ide a o f race , and t o d o [154]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify so immediately , i s politically naive . Indeed , i t i s suicidal. We nee d racial classification s i n orde r t o undermin e race , becaus e whit e racism has long surpassed th e point where it is perpetuated merel y by racial classification itself . In other words, even if the OM B wer e to discar d Directiv e No . 1 5 an d th e Censu s Burea u wer e t o ceas e its collectio n o f racia l data , blac k peopl e woul d stil l b e discrimi nated against . Th e differenc e woul d b e tha t the y woul d b e dis criminated agains t withou t federa l protection , th e sam e an d onl y protection tha t go t blac k peopl e ou t o f slaver y i n the 1860s . While i t i s not wis e t o abando n th e curren t racia l classification s just yet , neithe r shoul d w e g o an y deepe r int o racia l classificatio n by addin g a multiracial category . Afte r all , the acknowledge d goa l of th e multiracia l movemen t itsel f i s t o escap e rac e altogether . Thus, the United State s needs the sam e balancin g ac t that ha s bee n necessary i n Sout h Africa , wher e ther e i s a denouncin g o f rac e bu t a dependenc y o n i t until th e vestiges o f racism ar e obliterated . With Sout h Afric a a s a reminde r o f thi s balancin g act , th e United State s shoul d b e carryin g th e responsibilit y o f settin g th e standard b y whic h colorblin d democracie s shoul d work . Histo rian Arthu r Schlesinger , Jr . lay s thi s burde n a t ou r doorstep . H e says that i n a world replet e wit h ethni c an d racia l antagonisms , i t is especially essentia l that th e United State s serv e as an exampl e o f how a highly variegated societ y maintain s it s unity. 52 Bu t with th e addition o f a multiracial classificatio n t o it s rostru m o f races , th e United State s woul d b e le d furthe r int o rac e consciousness , thu s enhancing th e "cul t o f ethnicity " an d th e resultin g "tribalizatio n of America n life " tha t Schlesinge r say s threaten s th e unit y o f th e country. 53 Thus , w e mus t fac e th e star k realit y tha t nowher e i n the modern worl d ha s the recognition o f a race of mixed-race peo ples resolve d th e racia l problem s o f tha t society . Rather , splinter ing coloure d people s int o suc h classification s o f "race " an d "mixed race " ha s aggravate d rac e relation s fro m th e perspectiv e of society' s oppresse d peoples . I t ma y be , then, tha t th e undoin g of racia l classificatio n wil l come no t b y initiating a new classifica tion, whic h wil l onl y giv e American s th e impressio n tha t mixed [155]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify race people ca n b e neatly classified , bu t b y ou r increase d recogni tion tha t ther e ar e million s o f peopl e wh o canno t b e put int o nea t categories. One thin g i s certain, th e "tribalizatio n o f America n life " i s no t going t o b e prevente d b y multiracialist s creatin g a formul a b y which the y narrowly defin e wh o ca n o r canno t b e multiracial. Fo r the multiracia l idea l t o wor k i n the most theoreticall y suitabl e sit uation, i t mus t b e ope n fo r al l mixed people—anyon e a t al l wh o owns u p t o bein g raciall y mixe d (whic h everyon e is) . I t i s onl y with th e broades t definitio n o f multiracia l tha t th e multiracialist s could possibl y mee t thei r ow n idea l o f everyon e recognizin g thei r multiraciality, thei r huma n oneness . This wa s clearl y understoo d by the coloure d nationalist s I spoke t o i n Cap e Town—evidentl y better tha n i t i s understood b y th e America n multiracialists . On e of th e coloure d nationalist s tol d m e tha t th e fac e o f th e futur e i s coloured (mixed-race ) people , wh o ca n onl y increas e i n number s as racia l barrier s ar e increasingl y crossed . Eve n whit e Afrikaan s people ca n b e considered coloured , the y added , sinc e the y hav e 6 to 8 percen t mixe d ancestry . Accordin g t o th e nationalists , whether o r no t whit e Afrikaan s peopl e choos e t o joi n th e coloured (mixed ) rac e i s u p t o the m bu t the y mus t no t b e excluded, an d th e sam e shoul d b e true i n th e Unite d State s i f th e ideal o f multiracialist s i s t o work : th e multiracialist s canno t exclude black s o r white s fro m th e categor y sinc e bot h hav e som e mixed ancestr y somewher e i n their lineage . It i s obviou s tha t approximatel y 7 0 percen t o f Africa n Ameri cans hav e som e mixed-rac e lineag e tha t goe s bac k severa l genera tions. Additionally , al l Latino s an d Filipino s ar e so-calle d multiracial, and mos t Native Americans an d Native Hawaiians ar e too. Notwithstanding th e obvious, however, the theoretical answe r to th e questio n o f ho w man y multiracia l peopl e ther e ar e i n th e United State s mus t b e this : there ar e approximatel y 25 0 millio n American citizen s an d ther e ar e approximatel y 25 0 millio n mul tiracial people . Give n thi s premise , th e onl y thin g a modifie d Directive No. 1 5 could d o for th e census is tell us how many o f th e 250 millio n American s choos e t o se e themselves a s multiracia l o r [156]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify wish t o b e classifie d a s that . Bu t eve n i f al l American s wer e t o come t o recogniz e thei r multiraciality , whic h i s the state d idea l o f many multiracialists , societ y stil l would hav e mad e littl e progress . This i s becaus e societ y stil l woul d b e spli t alon g line s o f pheno type, ethnicity , an d class , a s w e se e amon g th e "multiracial " coloured peopl e in South Africa. Additionally , onc e a racial classification wer e create d i t would b e difficult t o repea l it , a s I argue d in the previous chapter . Thus, w e see m t o b e lef t wit h fewe r choice s i n ou r attemp t t o answer th e questio n o f wha t t o d o abou t th e classificatio n o f mixed-race people , sinc e bot h th e eliminatio n o f curren t racia l classifications an d th e creatio n o f a ne w classificatio n leav e u s with deepe r dilemmas . Perhap s Rainie r Spencer , o f mixe d parent age himself, is correct in his belief tha t th e ideal should b e to iden tify a s no t bot h blac k an d whit e bu t a s neithe r blac k no r white , since th e principa l tene t o f th e multiracia l movemen t i s that the y do no t believ e i n racia l categories. 54 Tha t woul d certainl y b e th e higher mora l groun d t o tak e fo r thos e wh o wis h t o mak e a state ment o f protest . Bu t fo r thos e wh o wis h t o identif y themselve s racially, fo r th e sak e o f self-estee m an d s o forth , th e answe r fo r them shoul d b e t o identif y wit h eithe r o r bot h o f th e race s tha t comprise their mixe d background . While th e multiracia l categor y tha t Susa n Graha m want s s o much woul d essentiall y establis h a new race , other peopl e hav e i n fact suggeste d tha t mixed-race people simply check more than on e category amon g th e existin g racia l classifications . Fo r example , the two mixed-rac e American s who ha d bee n living in Cape Tow n for extende d period s whe n I met the m fel t tha t i t woul d b e idea l for the m t o b e abl e t o choos e mor e tha n on e racia l categor y o n the United State s census an d othe r application s an d schoo l forms . Lise Funderburg , th e mixed-rac e autho r o f Black, White, Other (1994), als o believe s tha t o n th e censu s an d othe r form s mixed race peopl e shoul d jus t chec k of f ever y categor y tha t applie s t o their backgroun d rathe r tha n reducin g thei r identit y t o a singl e multiracial category. 55 Georg e Dailey , forme r coordinato r o f th e elementary an d secondar y educatio n progra m fo r th e Censu s [157]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify Bureau, tol d th e OM B tha t th e teacher s an d administrator s h e worked wit h actuall y were not askin g for a "multiracial " categor y but fo r th e abilit y to identif y multipl e racia l backgrounds. 56 How shoul d mixed-rac e peopl e b e identified, then ? O n th e cen sus, application , an d schoo l form s the y shoul d b e abl e t o chec k the categorie s tha t appl y t o thei r racia l background , whic h woul d permit th e governmen t t o provid e dat a o n th e numbe r o f mixed race peopl e i n th e country . Thi s woul d hel p mee t on e o f th e important goal s o f th e multiracialists : bringin g t o th e attentio n o f the America n citizenr y a part o f th e nation' s famil y tha t ha s bee n invisible. How shoul d mixed-rac e peopl e b e primaril y counted ? I agre e with Arthu r Fletcher , chairperso n o f th e Unite d State s Commis sion o n Civi l Rights , tha t mixed-rac e black s shoul d b e counte d wholly (no t partly ) a s black . Fletche r tol d th e Hous e subcommit tee tha t th e eigh t civi l right s commissioner s h e represent s woul d not lik e t o se e th e additio n o f a multiracia l classification , whic h would resul t i n dividin g int o part s a person's racia l mi x o r i n th e removal o f member s fro m existin g minorit y groups . Bot h o f thes e outcomes coul d undermin e civi l rights enforcemen t an d den y cer tain minoritie s ful l politica l representatio n an d thei r fai r shar e o f federally funde d programs. 5 7 Som e multiracialist s themselve s understand this . I pointe d ou t i n chapte r i , fo r instance , tha t mixed-race sociologis t Reginal d Danie l feel s tha t som e for m o f disaggregation o f th e multiracia l categor y i s no t onl y justifiabl e but necessar y s o tha t th e measurin g o f Africa n America n demo graphics i s not negativel y affecte d i n a way tha t coul d undermin e policies designe d t o redress racial inequities. 58 Aside fro m th e coloure d nationalists , mos t o f th e coloure d an d white Sout h African s I have mentioned , includin g th e interracia l couples, like d th e ide a o f mixed-rac e peopl e bein g abl e t o chec k all o f th e categorie s tha t identif y thei r racia l background . Thi s would no t preven t th e recognitio n o f mixed-rac e people , bu t would rathe r approximat e th e Sout h Africa n situatio n befor e apartheid an d it s legislatio n o f a coloure d group , whe n i t wa s common knowledg e tha t ther e wer e peopl e o f mixe d backgroun d [158]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify

but th e authoritie s neve r go t aroun d t o recognizin g mixed-rac e people officially . Coloure d peopl e therefor e emerge d almos t imperceptibly an d peaceably . Afte r slaver y ende d i n 183 4 thi s group o f mixed-rac e peopl e becam e citizen s an d peopl e bega n t o speak o f th e "coloure d people, " no t a s a lega l categor y bu t a s a demographic group . Durin g th e earl y twentiet h century , befor e the beginnin g o f th e aparthei d regim e i n 1948 , color discrimina tion wa s o n th e increas e amon g whites , eve n thoug h th e nam e "coloured" wa s no t legislate d an d coloure d peopl e themselve s used th e designatio n positivel y an d pridefully . Neithe r wa s ther e any restrictio n o n intermarriage , s o the number s o f coloure d peo ple grew . I t wa s onl y afte r 1948 , wit h th e ascendanc y o f th e Afrikaner's Nationa l Party , tha t coloured s wer e pu t i n a racia l pigeonhole. Indeed , Presiden t P . W. Botha, durin g hi s racis t reig n of terror , use d t o spea k o f th e coloure d peopl e a s a natio n i n th e process o f becoming . Ye t thi s histor y o f becomin g a peopl e i s a history tha t mos t coloure d peopl e woul d und o i f the y ha d th e power. Thus th e ide a o f mixed-race peopl e checkin g al l of the cat egories that identif y thei r racial backgroun d i s as close as they ca n get to nonracialis m whil e stil l claiming a racial identity . A situatio n wher e mixed-rac e black s ar e abl e t o selec t multipl e identities wil l n o doub t requir e a n adjustmen t o n th e par t o f monoracial blacks . Bu t Africa n American s mus t ope n u p ne w space for mixed-rac e black s to b e biracially black . That is , Africa n Americans mus t no t plac e membershi p restriction s o n mixed-rac e people who sa y they are half blac k an d hal f whateve r else , or bot h black an d somethin g else . Journalist Itabar i Njer i agree s tha t i f African American s continue t o abus e mixed-race people who hav e black ancestr y bu t wh o d o no t identif y solel y a s black , the n the y are simpl y forcin g th e creatio n o f a multiracia l classificatio n b y forcing th e exodu s o f mixed-rac e black s from eve n a partial blac k identity.59 Indeed , th e blac k communit y canno t hol d certai n o f it s members i n limbo , feelin g uneas y wit h thei r interracia l marriage s or thei r biracialness , an d expec t the m t o wait fo r acceptance . Moreover, i n th e previou s chapte r w e sa w wha t happene d when coloure d Sout h African s fel t the y wer e bein g hel d i n limb o [159]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify by the AN C a s i t was seekin g t o wi n th e country' s firs t democrati c election. The coloured peopl e gave their bloc k vote to the Nationa l Party, which won that party the governorship o f the Western Cape . So, considerin g wha t Jimm y Elli s tol d m e abou t nonracialis m being a position tha t ca n b e embraced b y many mor e peopl e tha n black consciousness , Africa n American s ca n a t leas t compromis e with regar d t o their previou s stanc e o f suspicio n a s regards mixed race people . The onl y way t o brin g mixed-race black s bac k withi n the fol d i s to ope n u p th e categor y o f black , makin g i t a n accept able rubri c fo r everyon e wit h th e "on e drop. " Onl y blac k peopl e can impar t th e value s o f blacknes s t o thos e wh o ar e uncertai n about blackness , fo r exampl e tha t th e blac k communit y i s a "steady home. " Bu t a n appreciatio n fo r blacknes s wil l not happe n if we perpetuate a narrow definitio n o f what blacknes s is. An importan t an d (perhap s fo r some ) uncomfortabl e require ment fo r openin g u p th e categor y o f blac k an d bringin g mixed race peopl e bac k int o th e fol d i s that th e blac k communit y rela x its rathe r tight-fiste d positio n o n interracia l marriage . Afte r all , the parent s o f mixed-rac e peopl e ar e intermarried , s o tha t inter marriage canno t b e denounce d o r belittle d withou t als o insultin g the mixed-race black s we want t o keep in the black community. I n other words , w e hav e t o respec t th e positio n o f someon e lik e th e young Sout h Africa n blac k woma n I spoke to i n Cap e Town, wh o is datin g a Sout h Africa n Englishma n wit h th e ide a o f possibl e marriage. W e canno t pi n he r i n a corne r b y questionin g he r lik e some o f he r blac k kindre d have : "Wh y afte r al l thes e year s o f apartheid ar e yo u takin g a whit e man? " W e mus t accep t he r answer tha t som e white s ar e no t s o ba d an d ar e i n fac t nic e an d friendly, an d tha t sh e an d he r whit e mal e companio n se e eac h other a s individuals rathe r tha n colors . In this regard, the belie f o f Yvette an d Danie l Hollis , th e interracia l coupl e wh o ar e th e co editors o f New People, shoul d b e understood . The y believ e tha t the racia l attitude s o f mos t peopl e ar e stil l stuc k i n th e 1970 s while the attitude s o f others , such a s themselves, have crossed th e racial chas m an d se t a n exampl e b y no t allowin g rac e t o preven t them fro m havin g a full life. 60 [160]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify The blac k communit y mus t therefor e accep t mixed-rac e black s who choos e whit e spouses , eve n thoug h w e ma y wonde r i f thi s reflects thei r primar y racia l identification . Th e blac k communit y must als o accept the fact tha t som e of these white spouse s in inter racial marriage s wil l no t wan t t o b e blac k eve n i n th e symboli c sense, eve n whil e the y ma y disassociat e themselve s fro m whit e racism. Fo r instance , a mixed-rac e woma n name d Ros a Warde r said tha t he r whit e mothe r di d no t lik e bein g considered a n "hon orary" blac k perso n b y black s jus t becaus e sh e was marrie d t o a black man , bu t rathe r wante d t o b e recognized a s a white perso n who wa s jus t a decen t huma n being. 61 Finally , an d certainl y no t least, th e blac k communit y mus t accep t a s blac k thos e o f mixe d race wh o wan t t o b e black-identified , eve n thoug h the y ma y no t look blac k an d ma y no t kno w wha t i t feel s lik e t o b e discrimi nated agains t o n a daily basi s like darker-skinned people. 62 That i t ma y b e idea l fo r mixed-rac e peopl e t o b e permitte d t o identify themselve s b y checkin g tw o o r mor e categorie s o n th e census, on applications , and o n schoo l form s wa s born e ou t to m e when I analyzed th e way I myself fel t i n South Africa. I mentione d in chapter 3 that when I first wen t to Cap e Town I felt certai n tha t I would b e viewe d a s blac k an d tha t thre e blac k student s a t th e University o f the Western Cap e told m e that i n appearance alon e I looked black . I also explaine d i n that chapte r tha t som e o f wha t I felt wa s bu t a delusion , fo r I later cam e t o realiz e tha t ther e wer e many coloure d peopl e o f m y complexion an d phenotyp e an d tha t I ha d a s muc h o r mor e i n commo n wit h the m tha n wit h blacks . So, finall y I realize d tha t o n a cultura l an d interpersona l level , where I fit i n depende d o n wh o I was with : I could b e blac k o r coloured. I have mad e goo d acquaintance s amon g th e coloure d people in Cape Town an d I feel a true kinship, not to mention tha t they loo k lik e m y ow n Africa n America n peopl e a t home . I hav e also mad e man y goo d acquaintance s amon g black s i n Johannes burg an d I feel a tru e kinship . I n Soweto , a subur b o f Johannes burg, I have tw o ol d friends , a Xhos a woma n who m I met i n th e United State s i n 198 8 an d he r Zul u husband , who m I me t i n South Afric a i n 1992 . They loo k lik e m y ow n Africa n America n [161]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify people a t home . I n Cap e Tow n I sa w a littl e coloure d gir l wh o looks jus t lik e th e daughte r o f m y bes t frien d i n th e Unite d State s when sh e was three years old. In Johannesburg I saw a black chil d who look s jus t lik e m y ow n daughter . So , just a s mixed-rac e peo ple i n th e Unite d State s ar e sai d t o exis t betwee n (an d eve n link ) the communitie s o f thei r parents , i n Sout h Afric a I feel tha t I a m somewhat a part o f bot h th e coloure d an d blac k communities — that I am a part o f neithe r completel y bu t o f bot h partly . So, her e i s th e paralle l question , resultin g fro m m y Sout h African panorama , a s regard s mixed-rac e American s checkin g categories o n th e Unite d State s census , o n applications , an d o n school forms : i n Sout h Africa , ho w a m I to choos e whic h grou p I should identif y wit h whe n I really identif y wit h bot h coloured s o r blacks? Ho w a m I t o choos e side s betwee n th e "race " o f Desmond Tut u (wh o i s black ) an d th e "race " o f Alla n Boesa k (who i s coloured) ? I n fact , wh y woul d I eve n wan t t o b e apar t from bot h group s i n som e separat e classification ? I t i s a privileg e to b e a part o f bot h groups , particularly whe n I am fre e o f the history o f separatio n an d feeling s o f dissensio n tha t stil l plagu e th e two group s i n thei r feeling s towar d on e another . Eve n thoug h I know tha t i n the Cap e Province , coloured peopl e were given mor e privileges than black s b y the white minority governmen t an d wer e (and ofte n stil l are) racist i n their attitude s toward blacks , I do no t wish t o b e force d awa y fro m coloure d peopl e o n som e ethica l grounds, because I feel a kinship with them despit e the troubles o f history. Neithe r d o I wis h t o b e squeeze d betwee n black s an d coloureds i n some third, media n group . That wil l onl y distinguis h me from both , when wha t I prefer i s to b e a part o f both . Is i t goo d tha t i n Sout h Africa , Africa n American s ar e consid ered a peopl e betwix t an d betwee n th e coloured s an d blacks ? I t could b e if African American s were a community there . For recog nizing our connectio n wit h bot h communities , we could serv e as a bridge towar d reconciliation . Bu t i f w e wer e t o for m ou r ow n middle grou p an d declar e "W e ar e th e Africa n Americans! " the n we woul d b e just that—anothe r group , nothin g more . So , were I among a grou p of , say , Africa n America n expatriate s livin g i n [162]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify South Afric a wit h citizenship , I would prefe r t o b e abl e t o chec k on a South African censu s bot h "black " an d "coloured. " I f I were to marry , i t coul d b e eithe r t o a coloure d woma n o r a blac k woman withou t i t bein g deeme d a n interracia l marriage , an d ou r children woul d b e bot h coloure d an d blac k and , a s fa r a s I a m concerned, woul d hav e th e freedo m t o identif y wit h eithe r o r both. I f I were a perso n o f hope , then , give n Sout h Africa' s pus h for a nonracia l society , I would prefe r t o chec k "Sout h African. " Then I could marr y anyon e I wished withou t th e marriag e bein g deemed interracial , an d m y so-calle d "mixed " childre n woul d no t be "multiracial " bu t simpl y Sout h African—citizen s ideall y judged b y the content o f thei r characte r rathe r tha n b y the race o f their parents . This is the Sout h African ideal , of which Nelso n Mandel a i s the ultimate symbol . If it can b e the Sout h African ideal , promoted b y a blac k ma n imprisone d fo r twenty-seve n year s an d du e ever y right t o b e bitte r towar d hi s unjus t captors , then i t shoul d als o b e the America n ideal , for whic h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., i s the ulti mate symbol . I f th e Kin g nationa l holiday , hel d i n January eac h year, i s to mea n anythin g t o u s a t all , it ough t t o mea n nonracial ism. As I said i n chapter 2 , how ca n w e venerate Kin g (th e Ameri can Mandela)—o r fo r tha t matte r Mandel a (th e Sout h Africa n King)—and wit h a clear conscience move deepe r into racial classi fication, give n th e model s o f moralit y thes e tw o me n hav e become? Wha t th e Unite d State s need s i s not a multiracial "race " but a multiracia l coalitio n t o wor k t o overcom e th e obstacle s impeding nonracialism . N o matte r ho w lon g i t takes, we can onl y walk th e mora l groun d i f w e expen d ou r energie s t o pus h eve r s o intently (albei t slowly ) awa y fro m racia l classification . The n an d only the n wil l w e b e abl e t o sa y w e ar e a peopl e judge d b y th e content o f ou r characte r rathe r tha n b y the colo r o f ou r skin . If th e citizen s withi n ou r societ y canno t manag e t o gras p thi s ideal, then i t i s the responsibilit y o f th e Unite d State s government , which look s upo n th e natio n fro m a broade r perspective , t o mak e a decisio n tha t move s th e natio n i n th e directio n o f th e nation' s ideals—one peopl e unde r Go d "indivisible. " Fo r th e governmen t [163]

Thou Shalt Not Racially Classify to ad d a multiracial classificatio n t o th e rostrum o f races , lumpin g together a heterogeneous grou p o f mixed-rac e peopl e fo r adminis trative purposes (a s was done to the coloured Sout h Africans b y an apartheid government) , i s for tha t governmen t t o mov e th e natio n into a direction opposit e t o that o f post-apartheid Sout h Africa .

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I ende d th e las t chapte r sayin g tha t i t i s the responsibilit y o f th e United State s governmen t t o mov e th e natio n i n th e directio n o f the idea l o f American s bein g on e "indivisible " people . W e mus t admit, however , tha t th e Unite d State s ha s neve r ha d a Nelso n Mandela fo r president , a ma n novelis t Susa n Sonta g say s wa s president eve n befor e h e wa s release d fro m prison . Writin g sev eral year s befor e Mandela' s release , Sonta g declare d tha t Man dela wa s "d e fact o hea d o f state , th e presiden t o f a democrati c country tha t doe s no t ye t exis t bu t wil l exist." 1 Sonta g als o sai d of Mandela , th e world' s longest-hel d politica l prisoner : "Thi s man i s exemplary . Becaus e o f wh o h e is , ho w h e ha s behaved , what h e has said (an d goes on saying) ; because the cause of whic h he ha s bee n fo r decade s a preeminen t leade r i s just; an d becaus e his versio n o f i t i s the mos t mature , politicall y an d morally , th e most realistic , the on e mos t likel y t o lea d t o reconciliatio n an d t o avoid th e otherwise inevitabl e carnage." 2 When i n prison, a s Son tag says , Mandel a wa s a symbol , livin g i n wha t wa s (give n th e realities o f th e countr y a t th e time ) a symboli c place— a prison . Today h e i s equall y symbolic : a resurrectio n o f Marti n Luthe r King ( a greater King) , emerging fro m priso n a t ag e seventy-two , February n , 1990 . H e alon e stand s a s th e ultimat e symbo l o f racial reconciliation , s o muc h so , as Frenc h philosophe r Jacque s Derrida says , that eve n his enemies admire him without admittin g it. 3 I f anyon e i n th e mid-1990 s i s going t o clai m th e mora l hig h ground wit h regar d t o race , the n the y mus t reflec t o n i t throug h the exampl e o f thi s great man : What woul d Mandel a say ? Nonracialism ha s bee n Mandela' s idea l a s fa r bac k a s w e ca n remember. I n concludin g hi s speec h t o th e Sout h Africa n peopl e on th e da y o f hi s releas e i n Cap e Town , Mandel a quote d word s [165]

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he ha d rea d durin g hi s trial i n 1964 . In doin g so , he showe d tha t those words ar e as true today a s they were twenty-seven year s ear lier: " I hav e fough t agains t Whit e dominatio n an d I have fough t against Blac k domination . I have carried th e idea l o f a democrati c and fre e societ y i n which al l persons liv e together i n harmony an d with equa l opportunity . I t i s an idea l which I hope t o liv e for an d to achieve . But , i f need s be , it i s an idea l fo r whic h I am prepare d to die. " Word s suc h a s these continue d t o characteriz e Mandela' s election campaig n fo r Sout h Africa' s presidency . Consequently , the imag e o f Sout h Afric a a s onc e tor n b y racia l hatre d bu t no w coming t o term s wit h itsel f a s a multiracia l societ y pervade d th e American medi a a s the electio n wa s growin g near . Then , afte r th e elections, cam e President-elec t Mandela' s rekindle d appea l fo r national reconciliation , whic h intrigue d American s o f al l colors . In thi s speech , Mandel a declare d Sout h Afric a "fre e a t last, " bor rowing fro m th e word s mad e famou s b y King , whos e widow , Coretta Scot t King, stood a t his side. That speec h was replayed o n the America n publi c affair s network , C-SPAN , fo r nearl y tw o days, an d excerpt s wer e printe d i n newspaper s aroun d th e Unite d States. Pau l Taylor , writin g fo r th e Washington Post o n Ma y 3 , 1994, said : "Fo r th e pas t half-century , Sout h Afric a ha s bee n th e most preached-a t countr y i n the world. No w i t is preaching t o th e world." 4 Stephe n Rosenfeld , writin g fo r th e Washington Post o n May 13 , 1994 , wondere d i f wha t wa s unfoldin g i n Sout h Afric a could no t b e bottle d an d injecte d elsewher e i n th e worl d t o cal m disputes tha t burde n America n foreig n policy. 5 But what abou t injectin g th e Sout h Africa n magi c into ou r ow n society? Th e questio n i s particularly relevan t sinc e Sout h Africa n novelist Mar k Mathaban e an d hi s wif e Gai l ar e correc t that , while a ne w epoc h o f racia l reconciliatio n ha s dawne d i n Sout h Africa, man y i n the United State s believe the su n is setting on thei r best day s o f racia l peace. 6 So , wha t abou t injectin g th e Sout h African magi c int o America n society ? W e have ha d ampl e oppor tunity t o hear th e man wh o carrie s that magi c in his heart, suc h a s on Octobe r 3 , 1994 , when Presiden t Mandel a wa s i n th e Unite d States an d gav e th e Unite d Nation s a messag e tha t resounde d [166]

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throughout th e country . Mandel a declare d tha t racis m coul d "stubbornly . . . cling t o th e min d an d deepl y inflic t th e huma n soul. And wher e i t is sustained b y the racia l orderin g o f th e mate rial world , a s i s th e cas e i n ou r country , tha t stubbornnes s ca n multiply a hundredfold. An d ye t howeve r har d th e battl e wil l be , we will no t surrender . Whateve r th e tim e i t will take , we wil l no t tire." H e added , "I t wil l perhap s com e t o b e tha t w e wh o hav e harboured i n ou r countr y th e wors t exampl e o f racis m sinc e th e defeat o f Nazism , wil l mak e a contributio n t o huma n civilisatio n by orderin g ou r affair s i n suc h a manne r tha t w e strik e a n effec tive and lastin g blo w agains t racis m everywhere." 7 President Bil l Clinto n fel t th e magi c spreadin g o n tha t occa sion, an d responde d wit h inspiratio n i n hi s welcom e o f Mandel a to th e White House . This wa s th e firs t tim e a Sout h Africa n pres ident ha d bee n receive d b y th e Unite d State s wit h ful l honors , and Presiden t Clinto n sai d o n thi s distinctiv e occasion : "Th e struggle i n Sout h Afric a ha s alway s ha d a specia l plac e i n th e heart o f America . Fo r afte r all , we fough t ou r ow n mos t terribl e war her e i n ou r ow n lan d ove r slavery . An d ou r ow n civi l right s movement ha s taken strengt h an d inspiratio n from , an d give n ai d to, you r figh t fo r liberty." 8 Clinton , mindfu l o f civi l war s i n Rwanda an d Bosnia , sai d abou t Mandela' s promotio n o f recon ciliation i n hi s raciall y divide d country : "No w al l ove r th e worl d there ar e three word s whic h spoke n togethe r expres s th e triump h of freedom , democrac y an d hop e fo r th e future . The y are , 'Presi dent Nelso n Mandela.'" 9 Clinto n als o said , "I n you , sir , w e se e proof tha t th e huma n spiri t ca n neve r b e crushed . Fo r twenty seven year s w e watche d yo u fro m you r priso n cel l inspir e mil lions o f you r peopl e wit h you r spiri t an d you r words . Yo u ar e living proo f tha t th e force s o f justic e an d reconciliatio n ca n bridge an y divide. " Clinto n continued , "American s tak e grea t pride i n the rol e we playe d i n helpin g t o overcom e aparthei d an d in suppor t fo r fre e election s whic h le d t o you r presidency . No w we ar e workin g wit h yo u t o buil d a new Sout h Africa . An d mos t important i n thi s ag e o f ethnic , religious , an d racia l strif e th e world over , you ca n b e ou r partne r an d togethe r ou r tw o nation s [167]

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can sho w th e worl d tha t tru e strengt h i s foun d whe n w e com e together despit e ou r differences." 10 Afterwards, Maria n Wrigh t Edelman , directo r o f the Children' s Defense Fund , remarked t o a journalist: "I t just tells you that any thing i s possible . An d tha t yo u jus t hav e t o han g i n ther e an d speak for wha t i s right. . .. Ho w ca n you loo k a t this man an d no t be hopeful?" 11 Similarly , Africar e founde r C . Payn e Luca s said , "He's a n inspiratio n t o everyone , an d i t transcend s color . Ther e was nothin g wors e tha n Sout h Africa . I t wa s a livin g hell , an d h e put i t all together." 12 Because o f thes e ver y qualitie s tha t Edelma n an d Luca s spea k of, th e Clinto n administratio n urge d Presiden t Mandela , durin g his visit to the United States , to meet the ousted president o f Haiti , Bertrand Aristide . They were hoping that Mandela's promotion o f reconciliation i n South Africa woul d serv e as an example fo r Aris tide whe n h e wa s restore d t o power . Abou t thi s Clinto n said , "The most important thin g South Africa ca n do for Hait i has bee n accomplished b y Presiden t Mandel a comin g t o th e Unite d State s at thi s histori c moment , an d the n o n to p o f tha t agreein g t o mee t with Presiden t Aristide . Th e Haitia n peopl e wil l se e that yo u ca n bring a countr y wher e ther e hav e bee n deep , eve n blood y divi sions togethe r an d wor k togethe r i n a spirit o f freedom , reconcili ation, democrac y an d mutua l respect." 13 Indeed , th e Mandel a magic migh t hav e bee n par t o f wha t wa s behin d Aristid e return ing t o hi s countr y o n Octobe r 1 5 an d sayin g t o hi s friend s an d foes alike : "N o t o violence , n o t o vengeance , ye s t o reconcilia tion." 14 Th e rest has bee n histor y i n Haiti . But befor e w e tak e Presiden t Mandel a an d Sout h Afric a a s th e great exampl e fo r u s t o follow , w e migh t b e incline d t o as k tha t question o f questions : I f the y ar e t o b e th e divin e example , the n why di d God—wh o i s unendingl y knowledgable , powerful , pre sent, and good—prolong th e suffering o f the oppressed people s of South Afric a unde r tyrannica l whit e rule ? I f we ar e to believ e tha t God ha d a plan al l along , the n i t mus t b e that Go d save d th e lib eration o f this African lan d fo r last , so the world woul d pa y atten tion t o th e slo w bu t steady , magica l unwindin g o f a profoun d [168]

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destiny: th e releas e o f Th e Captiv e (th e on e wh o ros e fro m pris oner t o president) an d th e release o f the captives (th e dispossesse d masses o f Sout h Africa ) s o th e worl d coul d se e th e tru e spiri t o f human reconciliatio n shine . We ca n n o mor e ignor e th e meanin g of hi s "coming " tha n w e coul d a "secon d coming. " Thus , al l o f the religious argument s mad e b y the laypeople an d intellectual s o f the multiracia l movemen t pal e i n the ligh t o f th e ma n wh o add s a new commandmen t fo r th e world' s faithfu l t o follow : Tho u shal t not raciall y classify .

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N o t e s t o th e Prefac e i. Heathe r Green , "Thi s Piec e Done , I Shal l B e Renamed," i n Caro l Camper, Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (Toronto : Sister Vision Press) , 301. 2. Hanna Rosin , "Boxe d In, " New Republic, Januar y 3 , 1994 , 14 . 3. Joel Williamson , New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (Ne w York : Free Press, 1980) , 187 . 4. Williamson, New People, 195 . 5. Ro y H . D u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —A Political History (Johannesburg : Jonatha n Bal l Pub lishers, 1994) , 10 . 6. Se e the entiret y o f Camper , Miscegenation Blues, an d specificall y the commen t o f Gitanjal i Saxena , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Mixe d Rac e Women's Group—Dialogu e One, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 40 . 7. Se e Sharon Begley , "Thre e I s Not Enough : Surprisin g Ne w Lesson s from th e Controversia l Scienc e o f Race, " Newsweek, Februar y 13 , i995> 67-69. 8. Yehud i Webster , o n Wayn e Olney , host , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census : Shoul d The y B e Changed o r Shoul d The y B e Eliminate d Altogether," Which Way L.A.? KCR W Radio , Sant a Monic a College , California. 9. W. E. B. Du Bois , Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept (Ne w York : Harcourt Brace , 1940) , 153 . 10. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , "Takin g a Loo k a t th e Whites, " Cape Times, Decembe r 15 , i960, i n Richard E . van de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint: A Series of Articles in the Cape Times, 1958-1965 by R. E . van der Ross, ed . J . L . Hatting h an d H . C . Bredekam p (Bellville , Sout h Africa: Th e Western Cap e Institute fo r Historica l Research/Universit y o f the Western Cape , 1984) , 143 . [171]

Notes to the Introduction N o t e s t o th e Introductio n i . Katherin e Wallman , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) o n Standard s fo r th e Classificatio n o f Federa l Dat a o n Rac e and Ethnicity , July n , 1994 , 4 - 5 . 2. Carlo s A . Fernandez, Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, Hearing s befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Census , Statistic s an d Postal Personne l o f th e Committe e o n Pos t Offic e an d Civi l Offic e an d Civil Service , House o f Representatives , 103r d Congress , June 30 , 199 3 (Washington, D.C. : U.S. Government Printin g Office , 1994) , 134 . 3. Harr y A . Scar r (Actin g Directo r o f th e Burea u o f th e Census) , Review o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , April 14 , 1993 , 10. Se e also Christin e C . Iijim a Hall , "Colorin g Outsid e th e Lines, " i n Maria P . P. Root, ed. , Racially Mixed People in America (Newbur y Park , Calif.: Sage, 1992) , 327 . 4. Scarr , Review o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 10 . 5. Scarr , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity ; Katherine Wallman , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ings), 2 . 6. Dale Warner, Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Public Hearing(s) , July 14 , 1994 , 78. 7. Loui s Massery , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 7 , 1994 , 51 , 57. 8. Hamzi Moghrabi , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing(s), July 11 , 1994, 9, 51 . See also Beesa n Barghout i (representin g th e Arab-American Institut e i n Washington) , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget, Publi c Hearing(s), July 11 , 1994, 16-17 . 9. Joseph E . Fallon , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 7 , 1994 , 14 . 10. Warner, Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s), 78 . 11. Fallon , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s), 15 . 12. Fallon , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) , 16-17.

13. Gerhar d Holford , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s), July 14 , 1994 , 81. 14. Holford , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) , 82.

15. Donal d H . Freiberg , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s), July 14 , 1994 , n.p. 16. Letter t o th e Editor , Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 7 . [172]

Notes to the Introduction 17. Thoma s Sawyer , o n Wayn e Olney , host, "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census : Shoul d The y B e Changed o r Shoul d The y B e Eliminate d Altogether," o n Which Way L . A.? KCR W Radio , Sant a Monic a College , California. 18. F . James Davis , Who Is Black?: One Nation's Definition (Univer sity Park: Pennsylvania Stat e University Press , 1991) , 181. 19. Davis, Who Is Black? 184 . 20. Ro y Harrison , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing(s), July 14 , 1994 , 133 . 21. Ro y H . D u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —A Political History (Johannesburg : Jonathan Bal l Publishers, 1994) , 922. Richar d E . van de r Ross , "Grou p Identit y an d th e Coloure d Peo ple," MS , lecture a t th e Ab e Baile y Institut e o f Interracia l Studies , Jun e 17, 1994 , fro m th e file s o f Jimmy Ellis , University o f th e Wester n Cape , Cape Town . 23. Georg e M . Fredrickson , White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1981) , xviii . Se e als o Georg e M . Fredrickson , Black Liberation: Comparative History of Black Ideologies (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1995) . 24. "Th e Ministe r Wh o Learn t t o Hate , an d Love, " Sunday Times (South Africa ) Marc h 9 , 1980 , 5 . 25. Dio n Basson , South Africa's Interim Constitution: Text and Notes (Kenwyn, Sout h Africa : Juta, 1994) , xix. 26. Fredrickson, White Supremacy ', xix , 94 . 27. Als o see Ralp h J . Bunche , An African American in South Africa: The Travel Notes of Ralph J. Bunche, 28 September 1937-1 January 1938, ed . Rober t R . Edga r (Johannesburg : Witwatersran d Universit y Press, 1992) , 28. 28. Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man: A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict (Ne w York: Russell and Russell , 196 1 [1937]) , 106-7 .

N o t e s t o Chapte r 1 1. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , 100 Questions about Coloured South Africans (Cap e Town : Universit y o f th e Wester n Cap e Printin g Depart ment, 1993) , 5 . [173]

Notes to Chapter 1 2. Van de r Ross , 100 Questions about Coloured South Africans, 32 . 3. Tej a Arboleda , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^) o n Standard s fo r th e Classificatio n o f Federa l Dat a o n Rac e an d Ethnicity, July 14 , 1994 , n.p. 4. Arboleda , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) , July 14 , 1994 , n.p. 5. F. James Davis, Who Is Black?: One Nation's Definition (Universit y Park: Pennsylvania Stat e University Press , 1991) , 181. 6. Franci s Wardle , "Tomorrow' s Children, " New People, Septem ber/October 1991 , 5. 7. "Th e Cas e agains t Mixe d Marriage, " Ebony 6 , n o 1 (Novembe r 1950)- 5° > 5 1 * 548. "Th e Cas e agains t Mixe d Marriage, " 55 . 9. Interracial Classified (newsletter) , August 1992 , 3. 10. Susa n Fiste r [Assistan t Professor , Easter n Kentuck y University ] t o Jon Michae l Spencer , Septembe r 27 , 1994 . 11. Susa n Graham, Review of Federal Measurements of Race and Ethnicity, Hearings befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Census , Statistics and Posta l Per sonnel o f the Committe e o n Post Offic e an d Civi l Offic e an d Civi l Service, House o f Representatives , 103r d Congress , Firs t Session , June 30 , 199 3 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1994) , 113,115 . 12. Carlo s A . Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e and Ethnicity , 127 , 134 . 13. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 134 . 14. G . Reginal d Daniel , "Beyon d Blac k an d White : The New Multira cial Consciousness, " i n Mari a P . P. Root, ed. , Racially Mixed People in America (Newbur y Park , Calif. : Sage, 1992) , 340 . 15. Sall y Katzen , o n Wayn e Olney , host , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census : Shoul d The y B e Change d o r Shoul d The y B e Eliminate d Altogether," o n Which Way L.A.? KCR W Radio, Sant a Monic a College , California. 16. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 126 , 128 . 17. Susan Graham , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n the Next Census. " 18. Cite d i n Candac e Mills , "'Multiracial' : Wort h Fightin g For? " Interrace, Novembe r 1993 , 27. 19. Cite d i n Janita Poe , "Multiracia l Peopl e Want a Single Name Tha t Fits," Chicago Tribune, Ma y 3 , 1993 , 13. [174]

Notes to Chapter 1 20. Ro y Harrison , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 14 , 1994,134 . 21. Davis , Who Is Black?, 144 . 22. Lor a Pierce , "Doubl e Standard? " Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 22 . 23. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 105-6.

24. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o n Rac e an d Ethnicity , 108.

25. William Keating , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 7 , 1994 , 20 . 26. Rut h Provos t (legislativ e chairperso n o f th e Massachusett s Paren t Teacher Studen t Association) , Offic e o f Management an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s), July 7 , 1994 , 21. 27. Mar k Mathaban e an d Gai l Mathabane , Love in Black and White (New York: HarperCollins, 1992) , 217 . 28. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 125.

29. Jan Haley , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) , July 11 , 1994, 13 . 30. Georg e Daily , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 11 , 1994, 44, 48. 31. Daily , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) , Jul y 11, i944>44 32. Senato r Ralp h Davi d Abernath y III , Senat e Bil l 14 9 (a s passed) , Georgia Ac t No. 1193 , signed fo r Apri l 14 , 1994 , the Genera l Assembl y of Georgia , sectio n 1 , p. 2. 33. A Rainbow of Color, September/Octobe r 1994 , 3. 34. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 120.

35. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 119.

3 6. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 109.

37. Susa n Graham , "I' m No t a n 'Other,' " New People, March/Apri l

1992, 9 .

38. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 119.

39. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 127 . [i75]

Notes to Chapter 1 40. Cynthi a Chambl e t o th e Editor , Interrace, September/Octobe r 41. Cite d i n " I Don' t Kno w Wh o I Am," Sally Jessy Raphael Show, November 16 , 1993. 42. Cite d i n Lise Funderburg, Black, White, Other: Biracial Americans Talk about Race and Identity (Ne w York : William Morrow , 1994) , 4 1, 42.>43>45>4743. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 44 . 44. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 48 , 49. 45. Teres a Ka y Williams , "Pris m Lives : Identity o f Binationa l Ameri cans," i n Root, Racially Mixed People in America, 286 . 46. Christin e C . Iijim a Hall , "Pleas e Choos e One : Ethni c Identit y Choices fo r Biracia l Individuals, " i n Root , Racially Mixed People in America, 254 . 47. Hall , "Pleas e Choos e One, " 255 . 48. Ro y H . D u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —A Political History (Johannesburg : Jonathan Bal l Publishers, 1994) , xvi, 5 . 49. D u Pre , Separate but Unequal, 223 . 50. E . Frankli n Frazier , The Negro Church in America (Ne w York : Schocken, 1974) , 83. 51. Booke r T . Washington, cite d i n John M . Burgess , "Openin g Pre sentation" (Convocatio n o f Blac k Theologians , Apri l 1978) , Saint Luke's Journal of Theology 22 , no. 4 (Septembe r 1979) : 245. 52. Molef i Ket e Asante , "Racin g t o Leav e th e Race : Blac k Postmod ernists Off-Track, " Black Scholar 23 , nos. 3 and 4 (Spring/Fal l 1993) : 50.

53. Cite d in Elizabeth Atkins, "Parent s o f Biracial Children Debat e th e Wisdom o f Afrocentric Education, " New People, May/Jun e 1993 , 7. 54. G . Reginal d Daniel , "Eurocentrism , Afrocentrism , o r 'Holocen trism'?" Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 33. 55. Franci s Wardle , "Hindsigh t Doesn' t Coun t i n Racia l War, " New People, July/Augus t 1994 , 6 . 56. Rainier Spencer , "Th e Melani n Myth, " Interrace, Apri l 1994 , 24 . 57. Spencer , "Th e Melani n Myth, " 25 . 58. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 123 . 59. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 123 , 127, 132 . 60. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 273-74 . 61. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 288 . [176]

Notes to Chapter 1 62. Ann e Vespry , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Mixe d Rac e Women' s Group—Dialogue Two, " i n Caro l Camper , Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (Toronto : Sister Vision Press , 1994) , 277 . 63. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 136 . 64. Letter t o th e Editor, Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 7 . 65. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 170.

66. Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 119.

67. Hall , "Pleas e Choos e One, " 256 , 263. 68. Jamoo t o th e Editor , Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 6. 69. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 34 . 70. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 34 . 71. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 85 . 72. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 28 . 73. Nil a Gupta , i n Camper , "Mixe d Rac e Women' s Group—Dialogu e Two," i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 288-89 . 74. Juanita Tamay o Lott (Presiden t o f Tamayo Lott Associates), Review of Federal Measurements o f Race and Ethnicity , April 14 , 1993 , 69. 75. Cite d in Poe, "Multiracial People Want a Single Name That Fits," 13. 76. Carlo s A . Fernandez , "Justic e i n Alabama? " New People, July/August 1994 , 8 . 77. Elro y Stoc k t o th e Editor, Interrace, Marc h 1994 , 2 . 78. Edward Byro n Reuter , The Mulatto in the United States: Including a Study of the Role of Mixed Races throughout the World (Boston : Richard G . Badger/Gorham Press , 1918) , 373. 79. Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (Ne w York: Free Press, 1980) , 109 . 80. Davi d C . Kaufman , "Biracia l Experience s i n th e Unite d States, " Interrace, Apri l 1994 , 19 . 81. Franci s Wardle , "Ar e Biracia l Childre n an d Interracia l Familie s a Threat t o th e Progres s o f Black s i n th e U.S.? " Interrace, September / October 1992 , 44 . 82. Wardle , "Ar e Biracia l Childre n an d Interracia l Familie s a Threa t to the Progress o f Black s in the U.S.?" 44 . 83. Gabriela , "Wha t I t Mean s t o B e Bi-Racial, " Interrace, Septem ber/October 1992 , 24 . 84. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 132 . [177]

Notes to Chapter 1 85. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 168 . 86. Wardle , "Ar e Biracia l Childre n an d Interracia l Familie s a Threa t to the Progress o f Black s in the U.S.?" 43. 87. Sand y Cirillo , "Beautifu l Peopl e withou t a Name," Interface, Jan uary/February 1991 , 23. 88. Cite d in Poe, "Multiracial People Want a Single Name That Fits," 13. 89. Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr., The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society (Ne w York : Norton, 1992) , 15 , 16 . 90. Wardle , "Ar e Biracia l Childre n an d Interracia l Familie s a Threa t to th e Progres s o f Black s in the U.S.?" 44 . 91. Kathly n Gay , The Rainbow Effect: Interracial Families (Ne w York: Franklin Watts , 1987) , 130 . 92. Gregor y Stephens , "Mixed-Rac e Childre n Pu t Equalit y Issue s i n Focus," Oakland Tribune, Jul y 2 , 1994 . 93. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 128 . 94. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 166 . 95. Mathaban e an d Mathabane , Love in Black and White, 21 7 96. Cite d i n Lawrenc e Wright , "On e Dro p o f Blood, " The New Yorker, Jul y 25 , 1994; G. Reginald Daniel , on Olney , "Racia l Categorie s on th e Next Census. " ^-j. Daniel , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " 98. Daniel , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " ^ . Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 127 , 131. 100. Fernandez, Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 171. 101. Naom i Zack , Race and Mixed Race (Philadelphia : Templ e Uni versity Press , 1993) , 164 . 102. Fernandez, Review o f Federal Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 130 . 103. Pau l Lampl e an d Marci a Lample , "Th e Baha' i Fait h an d th e Oneness o f Humanity, " Interrace, July/Augus t 1992 , 16 , 17 , 18. 104. The Vision of Race Unity: America's Most Challenging Issue (Wilmette, 111.: Baha'i Publishin g Trust , 1991) , 10 . 105. The Vision of Race Unity, 1 , 3. 106. Lampl e an d Lample , "Th e Baha' i Fait h an d th e Onenes s o f Humanity," 18 . [178]

Notes to Chapter 2 107. Sall y Katzen , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Eth nicity, 215 . 108. Jon Michae l Spencer , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Nex t Census"; se e Verna Arvey , In One Lifetime (Fayetteville : Universit y o f Arkansas Press , 1984) , 163 . 109. Romona Douglass , Review o f Federal Measurements o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, 152 . n o . Kendr a Wallace , Office o f Management an d Budget , Public Hear ing^), July 14 , 1994 , 16-17 , 19 .

N o t e s t o Chapte r 2 1. Cite d i n Lis e Funderburg , Black, White, Other: Biracial Americans Talk about Race and Identity (Ne w York : Willia m Morrow , 1994) , 22 , 228.

2. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 229 , 233 , 235. 3. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 310 . 4. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 207 . 5. Camill e Hernandez-Ramdwar , "Ms . Edg e Innate, " i n Caro l Camper, ed. , Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (Toronto: Sister Vision Press , 1994) , 3 , 5. 6. Cited i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 250 , 254 . 7. Nannie H . Burroughs , "Churc h Leade r Argue s agains t Mixe d Mar riage," Ebony 6, no. 1 (November 1950) : 50 . 8. Hettie Jones, "Mama' s White, " Essence, Ma y 1994 , 152 . 9. Lis a Jones , Bulletproof Diva: Tales of Race, Sex, and Hair (Ne w York: Doubleday, 1994) , 204-5 . 10. Hettie Jones, "Mama' s White, " j ^ , 151 . 11. Hetti e Jones, "Mama' s White, " 151 . 12. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 32 . 13. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 350 . 14. Cited i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 . 15. Jame s H . Cone , Black Theology and Black Bower (Ne w York : Harper Collins , 198 9 [1969]) , 152 . 16. Cand y Mills , "'Multiracial' : Wort h Fightin g For? " Interrace, November 1993 , 25 17. See, for example , the storie s o f Set h Price and Sallyan n Hobson , i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 52 , 60, 66. Also see Jonathan Brower , U79]

Notes to Chapter 2 "The Docto r I s In," Interface, November/Decembe r 1992 , 31 ; Kathlyn Gay, The Rainbow Effect: Interracial Families (Ne w York : Frankli n Watts, 1987) , 71-72 . 18. Everet t V . Stonequist, The Marginal Man: A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict (Ne w York : Russell an d Russell , 196 1 [1937]) , 10 . 19. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 85 . 20. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 32 . 21. Cite d i n Teresa Ka y Williams, "Pris m Lives : Identity o f Binationa l Amerasians," i n Maria R R Root, ed. , Racially Mixed People in America (Newbury Park , Calif. : Sage, 1992) , 287 . 22. Angel o Ragaza , "Al l o f th e Above : Mixed Rac e Asia n American s Are Changin g th e Loo k an d Meanin g o f Asia n America, " A . Magazine 3, no. 1 (n.d.): 76. 23. Cynthi a L . Nakashima, "A n Invisibl e Monster : Th e Creatio n an d Denial o f Mixed-Race Peopl e in America," i n Root, Racially Mixed People in America, 176 . 24. Christin e C . Iijim a Hall , "Pleas e Choos e One : Ethni c Identit y Choices fo r Biracia l Individuals, " i n Root , Racially Mixed People in America, 259 . 25. Williams, "Pris m Lives, " 299-300 . 26. Williams, "Pris m Lives, " 283 . 27. Williams, "Pris m Lives, " 296 . 28. F . James Davis , Who Is Black?: One Nation's Definition (Univer sity Park: Pennsylvania Stat e University Press , 1991) , 178 . 29. Davis, Who Is Black? 180 . 30. Frant z Fanon , Black Skin, White Masks, trans . Charle s La m Markmann (Ne w York : Grove , 1967) , 10 . 31. Alto n B . Pollard III , "Th e Las t Grea t Battl e o f th e West : W . E. B. Du Boi s an d th e Struggl e fo r Africa n America' s Soul, " i n Geral d Early , ed., Lure and Loathing: Essays on Race, Identity, and the Ambivalence of Assimilation (Ne w York : Penguin, 1993) , 4732. Kwame Anthon y Appiah , In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1992) , 176 . 33. Housto n A . Baker , Jr. , "Caliban' s Tripl e Play, " i n Henr y Loui s Gates, Jr., ed. , "Race," Writing, and Difference (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1986) , 384-85 . 34. Wayn e Olney , host, "Racia l Categorie s o n the Next Census : Shoul d They B e Changed o r Shoul d The y B e Eliminated Altogether, " o n Which Way L.A.? KCR W Radio, Santa Monica College , California, Augus t 4,1994 . [180]

Notes to Chapter 2 35. Beverl y Smyth e to th e Editor , Interface, Marc h 1994 , 2 . 36. Wayne Olne y an d Susa n Graham , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n the Next Census. " 37. Se e the entiret y o f Camper , Miscegenation Blues, an d specificall y the commen t o f Gitanjal i Saxena , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Mixe d Rac e Women's Group—Dialogu e One, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 40 . 38. Susan Graham , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n the Next Census. " 39. Willia m O . Brown , Race Relations in the American South and in South Africa: A Comparison of Backgrounds, Realities, and Trends (Boston: Boston Universit y Press , 1959) , 6; H. F . Dickie-Clark, The Marginal Situation: A Sociological Study of a Coloured Group (London : Routledge an d Kega n Paul ; Ne w York : Humanitie s Press , 1966) , 113 , n3; Georg e M . Fredrickson , White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1981) , 255-56 . 40. Hanna Rosin , "Boxe d In," The New Republic, Januar y 3,1994,14 . 41. Carlo s A . Fernandez, i n Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e and Ethnicity , Hearing s befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Census , Statistic s and Posta l Personne l o f th e Committe e o n Pos t Offic e an d Civi l Offic e and Civi l Service , House o f Representatives , 103r d Congress , Firs t Ses sion, Jun e 30 , 199 3 (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office, 1994) . 13342. Graham , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " 43. Susa n Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurements o f Rac e and Eth nicity, 166. 44. Cand y Mills , Editorial, Interrace, November/Decembe r 1992 , 8 . 45. Mills , "'Multiracial,' " 25 . 46. Jamoo, "Wher e Ar e Al l th e Dark-skinne d Blac k Women? " Interrace, May/June 1992 , 14 , 15. 47. Cite d in Lisa Jones, "The Blacker the Berry," Essence, June 1994 , 62. 48. Franci s Wardle , "Hindsigh t Doesn' t Coun t i n Racia l War, " New People, July/Augus t 1994 , 17 . 49. Franci s Wardle , "Lan i Guinier' s Rea l Confirmation : She' s Bira cial," New People, September/Octobe r 1993 , 7. 50. Wardle, "Lan i Guinier' s Rea l Confirmation, " 7 . 51. Franci s Wardle , "It' s Ope n Seaso n o n Rac e an d Identity, " New People, May/Jun e 1993 , 13. 52. Ramon a E . Douglass , " A Multiracial' s Dissent, " New People, July/August 1994 , 4[181]

Notes to Chapter 2 53. Loi s Melina , "Advic e fo r Parent s o f Childre n o f Mixe d Racia l Heritage," Adopted Child (newsletter ) 9 , no. 5 (May 1990) , n.p. 54. R. E . van de r Ross , 100 Questions about Coloured South Africans (Cape Town : Universit y o f th e Wester n Cap e Printin g Department , i993)> 14 55. Arthu r A . Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, 252 . 56. Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 273. 57. Mik e Siluma , "Division s Wrough t b y Aparthei d Ar e Stil l Intact, " The Star International Weekly (Johannesburg) , Septembe r 22 , 1994 , 14 . Also se e Ralp h J . Bunche , An African American in South Africa: The Travel Notes of Ralph / . Bunche, 28 September 1937-1 January 1938, ed. Rober t R . Edga r (Johannesburg : Witwatersran d Universit y Press , 1992), 160 . 58. Ro y H . D u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —Political History (Johannesburg : Jonathan Bal l Publish ers, i994) ? 2.69 . 59. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 61 . 60. Naomi Zack , Race and Mixed Race (Philadelphia : Temple Univer sity Press, 1993) , 165 . 61. Cite d i n Rosin , "Boxe d In, " 14 . 62. Ro i Ottley , " 5 Millio n U.S . Whit e Negroes, " Ebony 3 , no . 5 (March 1948) : 24. 63. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 343 . 64. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 235 . 65. Michele Paulse, "Commingled, " i n Camper, Micegenation Blues, 46 . 66. Caro l Camper, "Int o the Mix," in Camper, Miscegenation Blues, xxiii. 67. Heathe r Green , "Thi s Piec e Done , I Shal l B e Renamed, " i n Camper, Miscegenation Blues, 298-99 . 68. Gavi n Lewis , Between the Wire and the Wall: A History of South African "Coloured" People (Cap e Town: David Philip , 1987) , 3. 69. Clevelan d Donald , Jr. , "Equalit y i n Brazil : Confrontin g Reality, " Black World 2 2 (Novembe r 1972) , i n Davi d J . Hellwig , ed. , AfricanAmerican Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise (Philadelphia : Templ e University Press , 1992) , 2 1 0 - n . 70. Angel a M . Gilliam , "Fro m Roxbur y t o Rio—an d Bac k i n a Hurry" (1970) , i n Hellwig , African-American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 178 . [182]

Notes to Chapter 2 71. Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 252, 257 . 72. Bill y J. Tidwell , Revie w o f Federa l Measuremen t o f Rac e an d Eth nicity, 234 . 73. Pau l Williams, Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Eth nicity, 281. 74. Lawrenc e Wright , "On e Dro p o f Blood, " New Yorker, Jul y 25 , 1994, 4775. Th e Cas e agains t Mixe d Marriage, " Ebony 6 , no . 1 (Novembe r 1950): 55 . 76. Hettie Jones, "Mama' s White, " 152 . 77. Mar k Mathaban e an d Gai l Mathabane , Love in Black and White (New York: HarperCollins, 1992) , 144 . 78. Themb a Sono , Reflections on the Origin of Black Consciousness in South Africa (Pretoria : Huma n Science s Researc h Counci l Publishers , i993)> 34 j ^ . Richar d E . va n de r Ross , "Coloure d People' s Dilemma, " Cape Times, Januar y 25 , 1963 , in Richar d E . va n de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint: A Series of Articles in the Cape Times, 1958-1965, by R. E. van der Ross, ed . J . L . Hatting h an d H . C . Bredekam p (Bellville , Sout h Africa: Th e Western Cap e Institut e fo r Historica l Research/Universit y o f the Western Cape , 1984) , 219 . 80. Cite d i n Mar y An n French , "Th e Triump h o f Nelso n Mandela, " Washington Post, Octobe r 5 , 1994 , C-11. 81. Davis , Who Is Black? 11 . 82. Gilliam , "Fro m Roxbur y t o Rio—an d Bac k i n a Hurry," 177-78 . 83. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 127 , 134 . 84. Heathe r Green , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Claimin g Identity : Mixe d Race Blac k Women Speak, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 208 . 85. Melina , "Advic e fo r Parent s o f Childre n o f Mixe d Racia l Her itage," n.p . 86. Davis, Who Is Black? 144 . 87. Melina , "Advic e fo r Parent s o f Childre n o f Mixe d Racia l Her itage," n.p . 88. Caro l Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation : A Respons e t o a Whit e Liberal Fad, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 163 . 89. Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation, " 165 . 90. Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation, " 165-66 . [183]

Notes to Chapter 2 91. Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation, " 167 . 92. Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation, " 164 . 93. Camper , "Geneti c Appropriation, " 168 . 94. Graham , Review of Federal Measurements of Race and Ethnicity, 120. 95. Graham , o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " 96. Cite d i n Graham , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, 1 2 1 .

yy. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other ', 245 . 98. "Bac k t o Schoo l Editorial, " Insight: The Official Voice of the Interracial Family Connection 7 , no. 9 (Septembe r 1994) : 1 . 99. Lawrenc e Tenzer, "Th e Census— A Targe t for Recognition, " Interrace, July/August 1992 , 33. 100. Michae l Moor e D'Annunzio , "Reflection s o f a Biracia l Man, " Interrace, November/Decembe r 1992 , 20 . 101. Se e Jamoo , "Interrac e People, " Interrace, September/Octobe r 1992, 20 ; Gregory Stephens , "Mixed-Rac e Childre n Pu t Equalit y Issue s in Focus, " Oakland Tribune, Jul y 2 , 1994 ; Cand y Mills , "I n th e News : Interracial New s fro m Aroun d th e World, " Interrace, Novembe r 1993 , 10; D'Annunzio, "Reflection s o f a Biracial Man, " 20 . 102. Edwidge Danticat, "History ? Herstory ? Ou r Story, " New People, September/October 1993 , x 8 ; Daniel Hollis , "Jus t Wha t Doe s Afrocen trism Mean? " New People, September/Octobe r 1993 , I 7 103. Stephens , "Mixed-Rac e Childre n Pu t Equalit y Issue s in Focus. " 104. Zack, Race and Mixed Race, 144 . 105. William Gran t Still , " A Symphon y o f Dar k Voices, " Opera, Concert and Symphony, Ma y 1947 , 38 ; "Th e Negr o an d Hi s Music, " War Worker, Octobe r 1943 , 15 ; "The Me n behin d America n Music, " Crisis, January 1944 , 12 . 106. Yvett e Walke r Hollis , "Shade s o f Jazz, " New People, Septem ber/October 1991 , 14. 107. "Jim i Hendri x Ignite d Roc k fo r '6o s Minorities, " New People, November/December 1992 , n . 108. Novell a An n Hickman , "Biracia l Parenting, " Interrace, January/February 1993 , 29. 109. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 61 . n o . Jones , Bulletproof Diva, 61-62 . i n . Frederickson , White Supremacy, 133 . 112. Se e "Reformin g th e Dutch Reforme d Church, " Challenge (Johan nesburg), December/January 1994/95 , I O [184]

Notes to Chapter 3 113. Edwar d Byro n Reuter , The Mulatto in the United States: Including a Study of the Role of Mixed-Blood Races throughout the World (Boston: Richard G . Badger/Gorham Press , 1918) , 104 . 114. Graham, Revie w of Federa l Measurements o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 108, n o . 115. Mills, "'Multiracial,' " 26 . 116. Jon Brower , "You r Question s Answered, " Interrace, September / October 1993 , 14 . 117. Nil a Gupta , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Mixe d Rac e Women' s Group—Dialogue Two, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues , 277 . 118. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 112 . 119. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 31 . 120. Mills, "'Multiracial,' " 23 . 121. Franci s Wa r die, "Ar e Biracia l Childre n an d Interracia l Familie s a Threat t o th e Progres s o f Black s i n th e U.S.? " Interrace, September / October 1992 , 44. 122. Fernandez, Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 131. 123. Kathy Russell , Midge Wilson, an d Ronal d Hall , The Color Complex: The Politics of Skin Color among African Americans (Ne w York : Harcourt Brac e Jovanovich, 1992) , 3. 124. Wardle, "Lan i Guinier' s Rea l Confirmation, " 7 . 125. Russell , Wilson, an d Hall , The Color Complex, 5 . 126. Davis, Who Is Black? 178 . 127. Ira Shaffe r t o th e Editor , Interrace, August/Septembe r 1994 , 4 . 128. G . Reginal d Daniel , "Beyon d Blac k an d White : Th e Ne w Mul tiracial Consciousness, " i n Root , Racially Mixed People in America, 399129. Sally Katzen, o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. "

N o t e s t o Chapte r 3 1. Arthur A . Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, Hearing s befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Census , Statistic s an d Postal Personne l o f th e Committe e o n Pos t Offic e an d Civi l Offic e an d Civil Service , Hous e o f Representatives , 103r d Congress , Firs t Session , November 3 , 199 3 (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office, 1994) , 2.73. [185]

Notes to Chapter 3 2. Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 273. 3. Thoma s C . Sawyer , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, June 30 , 1993 , 92. 4. Cite d i n Candanc e Mills , "'Multiracial' : Wort h Fightin g For? " Interrace, Novembe r 1993 , 27. 5. Lawrenc e Wright , "On e Dro p o f Blood, " New Yorker, Jul y 25 , i994 ? 53 6. Sharo n M . Lee , "Racia l Classification s i n th e U S Census : 1890-1990," Ethnic and Racial Studies 16 , no. 1 (January 1993) : 85. 7. Naomi Zack , Race and Mixed Race (Philadelphia : Templ e Univer sity Press, 1993) , 143 . 8. "NG K Cleric s Sig n Statement," Cape Times, Augus t 18 , 1976 . 9. "NG K Cleric s Sign Statement. " 10. Alla n Boesak , Black and Reformed: Apartheid, Liberation, and the Calvinist Tradition, ed . Leonard Sweetma n (Maryknoll , N.Y.: Orbis, 1986), 1 2 1 .

11. Alla n Boesak , "Th e Sin s o f th e Churc h Ar e th e Sin s o f th e Whites," Sunday Times (Sout h Africa) , Apri l 23 , 1978 ; Mark August , "Re-unification o f NG K Churche s I s Chaplain' s Aim, " Cape Times, November 19 , 1976 , 13. 12. Allan Boesak , "Rac e Relation s an d th e Challeng e o f th e Eighties, " MS, Allan Boesa k Papers , Institute fo r Historica l Research , University o f the Western Cape , Cape Town . 13. "Blac k Powe r Her e t o Stay—Chaplain, " Cape Times, Januar y 4 , 14. Ro y H . d u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —A Political History (Johannesburg : Jonathan Bal l Publishers, 1994) , 2-33-34 15. Khoisa n X , "Wh y I Change d M y Name, " IMVO (Kin g William s Town, Sout h Africa) , Septembe r 29 , 1994 , 8 . 16. Everet t V . Stonequist, The Marginal Man: A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict (Ne w York: Russell and Russell, 196 1 [1937]) , 3, 21. 17. Stonequist , The Marginal Man, 21 . 18. H . F . Dickie-Clark, The Marginal Man: A Sociological Study of a Coloured Group (London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul ; Ne w York : Humanities Press , 1966) , 105 , 128. 19. Richar d E . van de r Ross , "Th e Coloure d Dilemma, " Cape Times, January 25 , 1963 , in Richar d E . va n de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint: A [186]

Notes to Chapter 3 Series of Articles in the Cape Times, 1958-1965, by R. E. van der Ross, ed. J . L . Hatting h an d H . C . Bredekam p (Bellville , Sout h Africa : Th e Western Cap e Institute fo r Historica l Research/Universit y o f the Wester n Cape, 1984) , 218. 20. Dickie-Clark, The Marginal Situation, 113 . 21. Z . J . D e Beer , Multi-Racial South Africa: The Reconciliation of Forces (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1961) , 20 . 22. Du Pre , Separate but Unequal, 3-4 . 23. Richar d E . van de r Ross , "Th e Coloure d People, " MS , talk broad cast ove r th e BC C i n 1957 , 1 , Richard E . van de r Ros s Papers , Institut e of Historica l Research , Universit y o f th e Western Cape . 24. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , 100 Questions about Coloured South Africans (Cap e Town : Universit y o f th e Wester n Cap e Printin g Depart ment, i993) > 5 25. Heathe r Green , "Thi s Piec e Done , I shall B e Renamed," i n Caro l Camper, ed. , Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (Toronto: Sister Vision Press , 1994) , 300-301 . 26. "Coloure d Ethnicit y Gets Support," Cape Times, Octobe r 4,1994, 2 . 27. Lis a Jones, Bulletproof Diva: Tales of Race, Sex, and Hair (Ne w York: Doubleday, 1994) , 58 . 28. Le o Spitzer , Lives in Between: Assimilation and Marginality in Austria, Brazil, and West Africa, 1780-1945 (Cambridge , U.K. : Cam bridge University Press , 1989) , 126 . 29. Cite d i n Lise Funderburg, Black, White, Other: Biracial Americans Talk about Race and Identity (Ne w York: William Morrow , 1994) , 321. 30. Pau l Williams, Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Eth nicity, November 3 , 1993 , 273. 31. Rainie r H . Spence r t o th e Editor , Interrace, Novembe r 1993 , 8. 32. Edward Byro n Reuter , The Mulatto in the United States: Including a Study of the Role of Mixed-Blood Races throughout the World (Boston: Richard G . Badger/Gorham Press , 1918) , 331-33 . 33. Spitzer , Lives in Between, 125-26 . 34. Lesli e B . Rout , Jr. , "Brazil : Stud y i n Black , Brow n an d Beige, " Negro Digest 1 9 (Februar y 1970) , i n Davi d J . Hellwig , ed. , AfricanAmerican Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise (Philadelphia : Templ e University Press , 1992) , 195 , 197 . 35. Richard E. van der Ross, "Group Identity and the Coloured People, " paper give n at Abe Bailey Institute of Interracial Studies , June 17 , 1971, 5, from th e files of Jimmy Ellis, University o f the Western Cape , Cape Town. [187]

Notes to Chapter 3 36. Davi d J . Hellwig , Introduction , i n Hellwig , African-American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 6 . 37. J. A. Rogers, Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands, vol . 1 (St. Petersburg, Fla.: Helga M. Rogers , 1952) , 131 , 132. 38. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 115 . 39. De Beer, Multi-Racial South Africa, 20 . 40. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , "Gainin g Trus t o f th e African, " Cape Times, Novembe r 17 , i 9 6 0 , i n va n de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint, 139-40. 41. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 68 . 42. Cite d i n Dickie-Clark, The Marginal Situation, 12 . 43. Rober t Mattes , "Th e Roa d t o Democracy : Fro m 2 February 199 0 to 2 7 Apri l 1994, " i n Andre w Reynolds , ed. , Election '94 South Africa: The Campaigns, Results and Future Prospects (Cap e Town : Davi d Philip, 1994) , 2.-344. Mar k Mathaban e an d Gai l Mathabane , Love in Black and White (New York : HarperCollins, 1992) , 247 , 255. 45. Complet e speec h i n Har i Shara n Chhabra , New South Africa: Problems of Democratic Transition (Ne w Delhi , India : Afric a Publica tions, 1994) , 172 . 46. Cite d i n Chhabra , New South Africa, 183-84 . 47. Cite d i n Chhabra , New South Africa, 184 . 48. Se e Herman n Giliomee , "Th e Nationa l Party' s Campaig n fo r a Liberation Election, " i n Reynolds, Election '94 South Africa, 56-57 . 49. Danie l Silk e an d Rober t Schrire , "Th e Mas s Medi a an d th e Sout h African Election, " i n Reynolds, Election '94 South Africa, 137 . 50. Silk e an d Schrire , "Th e Mas s Medi a an d th e Sout h Africa n Elec tion," 129 . 51. Richar d E . van de r Ross , "Commo n Caus e wit h Africans, " Cape Times, Jun e 1 , 1 9 61, i n van de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint, 170 . 52. Andrew Reynolds , "Th e Results, " i n Reynolds, Election '94 South Africa, 193 . 53. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 118 . 54. Giliomee , "Th e Nationa l Party' s Campaig n fo r a Liberatio n Elec tion," 52 , 53. 55. Giliomee , "Th e Nationa l Party' s Campaig n fo r a Liberatio n Elec tion," 54 . ^6. Reynolds , "Th e Results, " 191 , 192. 57. For percentages se e Reynolds, "Th e Results, " 201. [188]

Notes to Chapter 3 58. Carlo s A . Fernandez, "L a Raz a an d th e Meltin g Pot : A Compara tive Loo k a t Multiethnicity, " i n Mari a P . P. Root, ed. , Racially MixedPeople in America (Newbur y Park , Calif. : Sage, 1992) , 140-41 . 59. Kathly n Gay , The Rainbow Effect: Interracial Families (Ne w York: Franklin Watts , 1987) , 72. 60. Stonequist , The Marginal Man, 50-51 . 61. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 57 . 62. Cite d i n Roger s Worthington , "Black-and-Whit e Question : Mixed-Race Familie s Pus h fo r Ne w Rac e Classifications, " News and Observer (Raleigh) , July 10 , 1994 , 5-E . 63. Richar d E . van de r Ross , "Th e Contributio n o f th e Coloure d Peo ple, 1652-1971, " MS, Richard E . van de r Ros s Papers . 64. R . E . va n de r Ross , Myths and Attitudes: An Inside Look at the Coloured People (Cap e Town: Tafelberg Publishers , 1979) , 8-9 . 65. Van de r Ross , "Commo n Caus e with Africans, " 169 . 66. Va n de r Ross , Myths and Attitudes, 13 . 67. Olli e Stewart , "I n U.S.A . It' s Jim Crow , i n Brazil , 'Ru n Around,' " Baltimore Afro-American, Jun e 29 , 1940 . In Hellwig, African-American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 98 . 68. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 150 . 69. J. A. Loubser, The Apartheid Bible: A Critical Review of Racial Theology in South Africa (Cap e Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1987) , j-S. 70. Loubser , The Apartheid Bible, 133 . 71. Als o se e Ralp h J . Bunche , An African American in South Africa: The Travel Notes of Ralph J. Bunche, 28 September 1937-1 January 1938, ed . Rober t R . Edga r (Johannesburg : Witwatersran d Universit y Press, 1992) , 186-87 . 72. Se e Bunche, An African American in South Africa, 72 . 73. Van de r Ross , "Grou p Identit y an d th e Coloure d People, " 21. 74. Georg e M . Fredrickson , White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1981) , 263. 75. Bil l Keller, "Mixed-Rac e S . Africans Rio t Ove r 'Favoritism,' " The News and Observer (Raleigh) , September 16 , 1994 . 76. Mik e Siluma , "Division s Wrough t b y Aparthei d Ar e Stil l Intact, " The Star International Weekly (Johannesburg) , Septembe r 22 , 1994 , 14 . 77. D u Pre , Separate but Unequal, xv-xvi . 78. Frant z Fanon , Black Skin, White Masks, trans . Charle s La m Markmann (Ne w York : Grove , 196 7 [1952]) , 103 . [189]

Notes to Chapter 4 79. Michel e Paulse, "Commingled," i n Camper, Miscegenation Blues, 46. 80. Van de r Ross , "Th e Coloure d People, " 3 . 81. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , "Colour-in-Colou r Divisions, " Cape Times, Februar y 9 , 1961 , in van de r Ross , Coloured Viewpoint, 152 . 82. Delori s A . Brown , "Blac k Consciousnes s vs . Racis m i n Brazil, " The Black Scholar 1 1 (January/Februar y 1980) , i n Hellwig , African American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 228 . 83. Se e Bunche, An African American in South Africa, 75 . 84. Spitzer , Lives in Between, 37 . 85. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 158 . 86. The Cape Town of the Coloured People (A n excursio n organize d for th e Congres s o f th e Sout h Africa n Geographica l Societ y hel d a t th e University o f Cap e Town, June 29-Jul y 3 , 1979), [1]. 87. Clevelan d Donald , Jr. , "Equalit y i n Brazil : Confrontin g Reality, " Black World 2 2 (Novembe r 1972) , i n Hellwig , African-American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 214 . 88. Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 51-52 . 89. Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 100 . 90. Cite d i n Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 46-47. 91. Fanon , Black Skin, White Masks, 47 . 92. W . E. B . Du Boi s to Edwar d Weeks , Octobe r 2 , 1941 , in Hellwig , African-American Reflections on Brazil's Racial Paradise, 119 . 93. Spence r t o th e Editor, 8 . 94. Jones, Bulletproof Diva, 58 , 59. 95. Edwi n Darden , "Bein g Perfect, " Interrace, January/Februar y 96. Lette r t o th e Editor, Interrace, May/Jun e 1992 , 7 . 97. Mills , "'Multiracial,' " 25 . 98. D u Pre , Separate but Unequal, 254 . 99. Dickie-Clark , The Marginal Situation, 130 . 100. Dickie-Clark, The Marginal Situation, 130 .

N o t e s t o Chapte r 4 1. Mark Mathaban e an d Gai l Mathabane , Love in Black and White (New York : HarperCollins, 1992) , 216 . 2. Richar d E . va n de r Ross , "Grou p Identit y an d th e Coloure d Peo ple," MS , lecture given at Abe Bailey Institute o f Interracial Studies , June [190]

Notes to Chapter 4 17, 1971 , from th e file s o f Jimmy Ellis , University o f th e Wester n Cape , Cape Town . 3. The Cape Town of the Coloured People (a n excursio n organize d b y the Congres s o f th e Sout h Africa n Geographica l Societ y hel d a t th e Uni versity o f Cap e Town , June 29-Jul y 3 , 1979) , 1 . 4. Shant i Thakur , "Domino : Filmin g Storie s o f Interracia l People, " i n Carol Camper , ed. , Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed Race Women (Toronto: Sister Vision Press , 1994) , 349 . 5. Henry Der , Review o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , Hearings befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Censu s Statistic s an d Posta l Per sonnel o f th e Committe e o n Pos t Offic e an d Civi l Offic e an d Civi l Ser vice, House o f Representatives , 103r d Congress , Firs t Session , June 30 , 1993 (Washington , D.C. : U.S. Government Printin g Office , 1994) , 96. 6. Michael C . Thornton, "I s Multiracial Statu s Unique? : The Persona l and Socia l Experience, " i n Mari a P . P. Root, ed. , Racially Mixed People in America (Newbur y Park , Calif. : Sage, 1992) , 324-25 . 7. W . H . Thomas , "Socio-Economi c Developmen t o f th e Coloure d Community," i n Hendrik W . van de r Merwe an d C . J. Groenewald , eds. , Occupational and Social Change among Coloured People in South Africa: Proceedings of a Workshop of the Centre for Intergroup Studies at the University of Cape Town (Cap e Town: Juta, 1976) , 68. 8. Thornton, "I s Multiracial Statu s Unique?" 325 . 9. Gitanjal i Saxena , i n Caro l Camper , host , "Mixe d Rac e Women' s Group—Dialogue One, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 40 . 10. Thoma s E . Petri , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity, June 30 , 1993 , 169 . 11. Kathly n Gay , The Rainbow Effect: Interracial Families (Ne w York: Franklin Watts , 1987) , 24 . 12. Michel e Paulse , "Commingled, " i n Camper , Miscegenation Blues, 43-4413. Cite d i n Lise Funderburg, Black, White, Other: Biracial Americans Talk about Race and Identity (Ne w York : Willia m Morrow , 1994) , 320-21.

14. Rainie r H . Spencer , "Fals e Categories : Ol d an d New, " Interrace, Spring/Summer 1993 , 8. 15. Ira Shaffe r t o th e Editor , Interrace, August/Septembe r 1994 , 4. 16. Candace Mills , "Editor' s Memo, " Interrace, July/Augus t 1992 , 6 . 17. Cand y Mills , "'Multiracial' : Wort h Fightin g For? " Interrace, November 1993 , 27, 28. [191]

Notes to Chapter 4 18. Carlo s A . Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e and Ethnicity , June 30 , 1993 , I3 2 19. Katherin e Wallman , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hearing(s) o n Standard s fo r th e Classificatio n o f Federa l Dat a o n Rac e and Ethnicity , July n , 1994 , 3-4 . 20. Sall y Katzen , o n Wayn e Olney , host , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census : Shoul d The y B e Change d o r Shoul d The y B e Eliminate d Altogether," o n Which Way L.A.? KCR W Radio , Sant a Monic a College , California, Augus t 4 , 1994 . 21. Joh n Cougill , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 14 , 1994 , 10 , n , 13 . 22. Yehudi Webster, on Olney , "Racia l Categorie s on the Next Census. " 23. Yehud i Webster , The Racialization of America (Ne w York : St . Martin's Press , 1992) , 7 . Se e als o Lawrenc e Wright , "On e Dro p o f Blood," New Yorker, Jul y 25 , 1994 , 54 . 24. Katzen, o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " 25. Fernandez , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnic ity, 12 7 an d 131 . 26. Cite d i n Mills, "'Multiracial,' " 26 . 27. Nathan D . Lynch to th e Editor , Interrace, Marc h 1994 , 2 . 28. Webster, The Racialization of America, 8 . 29. Webster, o n Olney , "Racia l Categorie s o n th e Next Census. " 30. Kwame Anthon y Appiah , In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1992) , 176 . 31. Appiah , In My Father's House, 116 . 32. Appiah, In My Father's House, 179 . 33. Appiah , In My Father's House, 179 . 34. Webster, The Racialization of America, 55 . 35. Natha n D . Lync h t o th e Editor , Interrace, September/Octobe r i993>736. Desiree Lewis, "'Race': South Africa's Censore d Four-Lette r Word, " Political and Economic Monthly (Harare ) 7 , no. 7 (April 1994) : 39. 37. Lewis, "'Race,' " 39 . 38. Lewis , "'Race,' " 39 . 39. Lewis , "'Race,' " 39 . 40. Ro y H . D u Pre , Separate but Unequal: The "Coloured" People of South Africa —A Political History (Johannesburg : Jonatha n Bal l Pub lishers, 1994) , xv. [19*]

Notes to Chapter 4 41. Mik e Siluma , "Division s Wrough t b y Aparthei d Ar e Stil l Intact, " Star International Weekly (Johannesburg) , Septembe r 22 , 1994 , 14 . 42. Nik e Siluma , "Ar e W e Goin g Bac k t o a n Aparthei d Future? " Star (Johannesburg), Octobe r 13 , 1994, 16 . 43. Alla n Boesak , "Blac k Consciousness , Blac k Powe r an d 'Coloure d Polities'" (lectur e t o th e Labou r Party) , MS, January 3 , 1977 , n , Alla n Boesak Papers , Institute fo r Historica l Research , Universit y o f th e West ern Cape , Cap e Town . 44. Boesak , "Blac k Consciousness , Blac k Powe r an d 'Coloure d Poli tics,'" n . 45. Boesak , "Blac k Consciousness , Blac k Powe r an d 'Coloure d Poli tics,'" 1 . 46. The Reconstruction and Development Programme: A Policy Framework (Johannesburg : African Nationa l Congress , 1994) , 1 . 47. The Reconstruction and Development Programme, 2 . 48. The Reconstruction and Development Programme, 5 . 49. "Th e Ministe r Wh o Learn t t o Hat e an d Love, " Sunday Times (South Africa) , Marc h 9 , 1980 , 5 . 50. Jon Qwelane , Editorial , Tribute, Februar y 1995 , 5 . 51. "Affirmativ e Action : Aparthei d i n Reverse, " Sunday Times (Sout h Africa), January 16 , 1994 , 7 . 52. Arthu r M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society (Ne w York: Norton, 1992) , 20 . 53. Schlesinger, The Disuniting of America, 18 , 43, 133. 54. Spencer, "Fals e Categories, " 8 . 55. Cite d i n Edwidg e Danticat , "A n Intervie w wit h Autho r Lis e Fun derburg," New People, July/Augus t 1994 , 23. 56. Georg e Dailey , Offic e o f Managemen t an d Budget , Publi c Hear ing^), July 11 , 1994, 45-46 . 5 j. Fletcher , Revie w o f Federa l Measurement s o f Rac e an d Ethnicity , 252, 257 .

58. G . Reginal d Daniel , "Beyon d Blac k an d White : Th e Ne w Mul tiracial Consciousness, " i n Root , Racially Mixed People in America, 340. 59. Itabari Njeri , "Wh o I s Black?" Essence, Septembe r 1991 , 117. 60. Yvett e Holli s an d Danie l Hollis , "Editor' s Corner, " New People, July/August 1994 , 2 61. Cite d i n Funderburg, Black, White, Other, 30 . [193]

Notes to the Postscript 62. See , fo r example , Pau l Whitaker , cite d i n Funderburg , Black, White, Other, 219 .

N o t e s t o th e Postscrip t 1. Susa n Sontag , "Thi s Man , Thi s Country, " i n Jacques Derrid a an d Mustapha Tlili , eds. , For Nelson Mandela (Ne w York : Seaver/Henr y Holt, 1987) , 50 . 2. Sontag, "Thi s Man , Thi s Country, " 49 . 3. Jacque s Derrida , "Th e Law s o f Reflection : Nelso n Mandela , i n Admiration," i n Derrida an d Tlili , For Nelson Mandela, 13 . 4. Cite d i n Timothy D . Sisk , " A US Perspective o f Sout h Africa' s 199 4 Election," i n Andre w Reynolds , ed. , Election '94 South Africa: The Campaigns, Results and Future Prospects (Cap e Town : Davi d Philip , 1994), 156 . 5. Cite d i n Sisk , " A U S Perspective o f Sout h Africa' s 199 4 Election, " 156. 6. Mar k Mathaban e an d Gai l Mathabane , Love in Black and White (New York : HarperCollins, 1992) , 260 . 7. Cited i n Peter Fabriciu s an d Chri s Whitfield, "Rapturou s Receptio n for Mandel a Speec h a t United Nations, " The Argus (Cap e Town), Octo ber 4 , 1994 , 11. 8. Cite d i n Mar y An n French , "Th e Triump h o f Nelso n Mandela, " The Washington Post, Octobe r 5 , 1994 , C-11. 9. Steve n Greenhouse , "Mandel a Ask s U.S. to Hel p i n th e Rebirt h o f His Nation," New York Times, Octobe r 5 , 1994 , A9. 10. Cite d i n Pete r Fabriciu s an d Chri s Whitfield, "You'l l Neve r Wal k Alone: Clinton' s Pledg e to S.A., " Angus (Cap e Town) , Octobe r 5 , 1994 , 1711. Cite d i n French, "Th e Triump h o f Nelson Mandela, " C-11 . 12. Cite d i n French, "Th e Triumph o f Nelson Mandela, " C-11 . 13. Cite d i n Steve n Greenhouse , "Mandel a Say s U.S . Mus t Ai d World's Poor, " New York Times, Octobe r 7 , 1994 , A-3. 14. Cite d i n Joh n Kifner , "'N o t o Vengeance,' " New York Times, October 16 , 1994 , 1 .

[194]

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[207]

[INDEX]

Baker, Emma , 3 7 Baker, Housto n A. , Jr., 5 9 Berry, Halle , 65 , 66^ 67• , 12 8 black American s

A Plac e Fo r Us , 1 9 Abdu'1-Baha, 4 7 affirmative actio n in Sout h Africa , 152-5 4 in th e Unite d States , 3 African Nationa l Congress , 12 , 30 , 77 , 104,113, 114,115 , 121-22,140 , 16 0

compared t o coloure d Sout h Africans , 61-62 defined, x v

policy o f nonracialism , 140 , 15 2 Africare, 16 8 Afrikaans peopl e

mixed ancestr y of , 6 8

racial makeu p of , 6 3 Afrocentrism, 3 2 - 3 3 , 34 , 8 2 Alexander, Benny , 9 9 American Associatio n o f Multi-Ethni c Americans, 17 , 18 , 20 , 2 1 , 3 8 Appiah, Kwam e Anthony , 59 , 1 4 6 - 4 7 , 154 Arab Anti-Discriminatio n Committee , 5-6 Arboleda, Teja , 1 6 Aristide, Bertrand , 16 8 Arvey, Verna, 4 8 Asante, Molefi , 32-3 3 Austin, Pamela , 5 1 , 53, 10 6 Baha'i Faith , 4 6 - 4 7 Baha'u'llah, 4 6 - 4 7 Baker, Anita , 6 5

percentage mixed , xi i views o n rac e i n Brazil , 1 2 5 - 2 6 black consciousnes s movement , 3 1 , 76-77, 85 , 9 5 - i ° °> 102 , 103 , 151 , 160 black music , 8 3 black nationalism , 10 1 narrow racialis m of , 2 8 - 3 0 , 3 1 - 3 2 , 3 4 Blake, John, 3 4 Boesak, Allan , xiii , xiv, n - 1 2 , 96, 97, 98, n o , 115 , 123 , 130 , 131 , 132 , 138, I5I-5 2 -* I 53» l6 * Botha, David , xiii , 3 0 - 3 1 , 85 , 103 , 132 , 141 Botha, P . W., 15 9 Bowen, ReVonda , 3 8 Brick B y Bric k Church , 1 9 Brooks, Simone , 13 7 Brown, William , 6 1 Bunche, Ralph , xiv , 6 2 [209]

Index D'Annunzio, Michael , 8 1 - 8 2

Burroughs, Nannie , 5 2 Bush, George , 11 3

Danticat, Edwidge , 8 2

Camper, Carol , xv , 7 1 , 7 9 - 8 0

Darden, Edwin , 33 , 12 8 Davis, E James , 8 , 9 , 13 , 16 , 22 , 5 7 - 5 8 ,

Capecia, Mayotte , 12 7 Carrasco, Omattee , 37 , 5 5 Carter, Alla n C , 8 0 Census Bureau . See Unite d State s Burea u of th e Censu s Center fo r Contro l o f Diseases , 3 Chamble, Cynthia , 2 6 Children's Defens e Fund , 16 8 Cirillo, Sandy , 4 2 civil rights movement , ix , 12 , 4 3, 74, 14 4 laws, 3 Clinton, (President ) Bill , 65 , 77, 1 6 7 - 6 8 Club Internationale , 17 , 2 0 Club Miscegenation , 17 , 2 0 Club o f Tomorrow , 17 , 20 , j6 Colorado PTA , 2 4 coloured peopl e o f Sout h Afric a comparison t o mixed-rac e Americans , 11

defined, 11 , 15, 4 1 - 4 2, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 13 5 history of , 10 , 4 1, 1 5 8 - 5 9 nationalists, 3 1 , 4 1, 99, 1 0 4 - 5 , I 5 ^ political manipulatio n of , 111-1 4 political marginality of , 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 1 2 2 - 2 3 racism of , 1 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 1 9 - 2 1 , 12 4 slavery, x , 62,15 9 Cone, James H. , 53 , 9 6 Conference o f American s o f Germani c Heritage, 7 Congressional Blac k Caucus , 7 7 Constitution o f th e Republi c o f Sout h Africa, 15 2 Cougill, John, 1 4 3 - 4 4 Dailey, George , 2 4 - 2 5 , 1 5 7 - 5 8 Dandridge, Dorothy , 12 8 Daniel, Reginald , 2 1 , 33, 4 4 - 4 5, 90 , 158

89 De Beer , Z. J. , 101 , 1 0 9 - 1 0 de Klerk , F . W., 12 , 30 , 3 1 , 111-1 4 Department o f Housin g an d Urba n Development, 7 4 - 7 5 , 78 , 10 6 Der, Henry , 1 3 4 - 3 5 Derrida, Jacques , 16 5 Dickie-Clark, H . E , 6 1 , 100, 109 , 114 , 1 1 8 - 1 9 , 125 , 129 , 13 0 Different World, A , 2 3 Directive N o . 15 . See Statistica l Direc tive N o . 1 5 Djanikian, Jacqueline , 5 1 , 5 3 Donald, Cleveland , Jr. , 72 , 12 6 Douglass, Frederick , 82 , 8 6 Douglass, Ramona , 48 , 66-6y Du Bois , W. E . B. , xv, xvi, 58 , 82 , 86 , 1 0 4 - 5 , 12-7 , I 3 1 du Pre , Roy , xiv , 3 1 , 98, 99 , 101 , 122 , 129, 1 4 9 - 5 0 Duke, David , 8 Dutch Reforme d Churc h i n Africa , 9 7 Dutch Reforme d Churc h i n Sout h Africa, 8 5 , 9 5 , 9 6 - 9 7 , 10 3 Dutch Reforme d Missio n Church , xiii , 30, 8 5 , 9 7 , 13 2 Edelman, Maria n Wright , 16 8 Ellis, James (Jimmy) , xiv, xvi, 6 1 - 6 2 , 101, 119 , 129 , 1 4 0 - 4 1 , 142 , 150 , 154,160 Fallon, Joseph, 6-7 Fanon, Frantz , 58 , 123 , 1 2 6 - 2 7 , 13 2 Federal Burea u o f Investigation , 7 Federal Interaganc y Committe e o n Edu cation, 2- 3 Feldstein, Lisa , 3 4

[210]

Index Fernandez, Carlos , 18 , 20 , 2 1 , 22, 26 , 38, 42 , 4 3 - 4 4 , 4 5 , 46, 63 , 64 , 66, 105, 116 , 136 , 142 , 14 5

Horton, Willie , 11 3

Fletcher, Arthur, 68 , 73, 74, 77, 7 8 , 9 1 , 1 5 8 Ford, Bernette , 5 1 , 53, 7 0

Humphries, Hulond , 3 8

Fowlin, Kimani , 5 3 Frazier, E . Franklin , 3 2

Immorality Act , 6 1 , 11 2 Institute fo r Historica l Research , xii i Interrace magazine , 32 , 54 , 87 , 13 7 Interracial Famil y Allianc e o f Augusta , 1 9 Interracial Famil y Circle , 33 , 12 8 Interracial Lifestyl e Connection , 1 9 - 2 0 interracial marriag e

House subcommitte e o n th e census , 8 , 9 2 Hughes, Langston , 82 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 8 6

Fredrickson, George , n , 12 , 6 1 , 12 1 Freiberg, Donald , 7 - 8 Funderburg, Lise , 15 7 Gay, Kathlyn , 4 3 Giliomee, Hermann , 11 5

statistics of , 4 - 5 I-Pride, 1 8

Gilliam, Angela , 7 2 - 7 3 Gorbachev, Mikhail , 11 3 Graham, Gordon , 1 8 Graham, Ryan , 24 , 25 , 8 0 - 8 1 Graham, Susan , 18 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 2-7, 3 5 - 3 ^ 4 8 , 5% 60-61, 62 , 6 3 - 6 4 , 69, 70 , 8 0 - 8 1 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 8 6 - 8 7 , 136 , 145,157 Green, Arnold , 11 2 Green, Heather , 7 1 - 7 2 , 79 , 10 2 Group Area s Act , 97 , 11 2 Guinier, Lani , 65 , 66, 67 , 8 9 Gupta, Nila , 37 , 8 7 Guy, Jasmine, 23 , 65 , 67 , 12 8

Jackson, Jesse , 7 7 Jamoo, 3 6 - 3 7 , 6 5 Jeffries, Leonard , 3 3 - 3 4 Johnson, Jame s Weldon , 82 , 8 6 Jones, Hettie , 52-53,7 6 Jones, LeRo i (Amir i Baraka) , 52 , 7 6 Jones, Lisa , 52 , 55 , 65 , 76, 8 3 - 8 4 , 88 , 105, 116 , 12 7 Katzen, Sally , 2 1 , 47, 90 , 143 , 1 4 4 - 4 5 Kaufman, David , 4 0 Keating, William , 2 4 King, Corett a Scott , 16 6 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , ix , 78 , 86 , 87 ,

Haley, Alex , 82 , 8 6 Haley, Jan, 24 , 2 5

141, 1 5 1 , 163, 165 , 16 6

Hall, Christin e Iijima , 29 , $6

Kriel, Hernus , 11 5

Hall, Ronald , 8 9 Hardison, Kadeem , 2 3 Harrison, Roderick , 69 Harrison, Roy , 9 , 2 2 Hendrix, Jimi , 8 3 Hernandez-Ramdwar, Camille , 51-52 , 5 3 Hickman, Norvella , 8 3 Holford, Gerhard , 7 Hollis, Daniel , 82 , 86 , 16 0 Hollis, Yvett e Walker, 83 , 16 0 H o m e , Lena , 82 , 86 , 12 8

Kujichagulia, Zenobia , 3 4 - 3 5 Lample, Marcia , 4 6 Lample, Paul , 4 6 Lee, Spike , 8 3 Lewis, Desiree, 1 4 8 - 4 9 Lewis, Gavin , 7 2 Loubser, J. A. , 11 9 Loving v. Virginia, 3 6 Lowe, Sandy , 8 1 Lucas, C . Payne , 16 8

[ZII]

Index Lynch, Nathan , 145 , 1 4 7 - 4 8

encroachment o n blac k history , 81-8 7 history of , 1 6 - 2 2

Major, John , 11 3 Malcolm X , 82 , 83 , 8 6 Malcolm X (film) , 8 3

importance o f numbers , 7 8 legal successes , 2 5 possible effec t o n blac k Americans , 67-71, 86,9 1

Manassa Society , 17 , 2 0 Mandela, Nelson , 12 , 30 , 4 3 , 77 , 87 , 112-14, 150 , 1 5 1 - 5 3 , 163 , 165-6 9 Marshall, Thurgood , 84 , 8 5 Martini, Nomathombi , 3 4 Massachusetts PTA , 2 4 Massery, Louis , 5- 6 Mathabane, Gail , 76, 166 Mathabane, Mark , 24 , 44 , 76 , 131 , 16 6 Mayson, Michael , 5 1 , 5 3 Melina, Lois , 67 , 7 9 melting pot , 42 , 4 3 , 58 , 14 3 Mills, Candace , 54 , 6 4 - 6 5 , 66, 87 , 88 , 128, 137-3 8 miscegenation, 1 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 39 , 66, 70 , 14 3 laws against , 2 , 6 1 mixed-race peopl e black-Asian, 5 6 - 5 7 as buffe r group , 1 0 5 - 1 0 compared t o coloure d Sout h Africans , 36, 6 0 defined, 1 5 - 1 6 , 6 4 marginality of , 13 , 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 109 , 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 13 0 mistreatment of , xi , 3 6 - 3 8 Mixed Rac e Peopl e o f Color , 9 , 2 2 Moghrabi, Hamzi , 6 Muhammad, Khalid , 3 3 mulatto, 1 , 3 9 mulatto hypothesis , 8 9 multiracial category artificial , 14 0 narrow definitio n of , 6 0 - 6 1 , 6 2 - 6 6 , 156-57 multiracial movemen t census movement , 18 , 20 , 1 3 6 - 3 7 and th e creatio n o f a ne w race , 9 2 - 9 3

racial consequence s of , 1 3 6 - 4 1 , 155-5 7 solution to , 1 5 7 - 5 9 , 161-6 4 multiracialists defined, x i racism of , 1 2 7 - 2 9 Myers, Lind a James , 11 6 NAACP, 60 , 14 4 Nakashima, Cynthia , 5- 6 Nation o f Islam , 10 4 National Coalitio n fo r a n Accurat e Coun t of Asian s an d Pacifi c Islanders , 13 4 National Europea n America n Society , 6-7 National Party , 12 , 3 1 , 55, 6 1 , 99, 109 , 111-15, 122 , 127 , 1 5 3 - 5 4 , I 59? I ^ ° National Spiritua l Assembl y o f th e Baha'is, 4 7 National Urba n League , 74 , 9 1 New Negr o movement , 2 New People magazine , 26 , 32 , 82 , 8 3 Njeri, Itabari , 15 9 Office o f Civi l Rights , 25 , 2 6 Office o f Managemen t an d Budget , 2 , 3 , 5, 47 , 74 , 90 , 143 , *55 , ^^3-64 Olney, Warren , 59 , 60 , 7 0 one-drop rule , 1-2 , 8-^, 2 2 - 2 3 , 4^ , 5 1 , 54, 5 7 - 5 8 , 64 , 70 , 7 3 , 84 , 9 5 , 103 , 160 Pan-Africanist Congress , ^ pan-colouredism, 13 , 10 5 Park, Rober t E. , 10 0 passing, 3 1 , 6 8 - 6 9, 84 , 108 , 123 . See also whitenin g

[212]

Index Sawyer, Thomas , 8 , 9 2

Patrinos, Nya , 35 , 5 3 Paulse, Michele , 7 1 , 123, 1 3 6 - 3 7

Saxena, Gitanjali , 13 5 Schlesinger, Arthur , Jr., 4 3 , 15 5

Penguin Club , 17 , 2 0

Shaffer, Ira , 90 , 13 7 Shields, Shaun , 13 6

Petri, Thomas , 13 6 Pierce, Lora , 2 3 Pollard, Alto n B. , Ill, 5 8 - 5 9 Population Registratio n Act , 6 1 , 72,

Siluma, Mike , 68 , 122 , 1 5 0 - 5 1 Simpson, Kenneth , 1 9 Smythe, Beverly , 5 9 - 6 0

101, 112 , 1 2 9 - 3 0

Powell, Ada m Clayton , Jr., 78 , 84 , 8 5 Powell, Colin , 82 , 8 6 Prohibition o f Mixe d Marriage s Act , 10 , 112

Project RACE , 1 7 - 1 8 , 20 , 2 1 , 23, 24 , 25 , 60

Sontag, Susan , 16 5 Spencer, Rainier , 3 3 - 3 4 , 1 0 6 - 7 , I 2 7> 137, 147 , 15 7 Spitzer, Leo , 12 5 Station Strangler , 113-1 4 Statistical Directiv e N o . 15 , 2 , 5 , 7 , 12 , 2 0 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 7 3 , 15 6

Qwelane, Jon, 15 3

and th e creatio n o f race , 9 3 discrimination in , 14 4

race

history of , 2- 4

danger i n abandonin g classification s of, 1 4 6 - 5 5 defined, 1 , 147-4 8 nonracialism, 140 , 1 4 8 - 4 9 , 163 , 1 6 5 - 6 7 , 16 9 opposition t o classification s of , 144- ^ as too l o f liberation , 2 racial name s desired changes , 5- 8 Ragaza, Angelo , 5 6 Rambo, Rene-Marlene , 8 7 Raphael, Sall y Jessy, 2 7 Reagan, Ronald , 1 2 Reconstruction an d Developmen t Programme, 152-5 3 Reformed Churc h i n Africa , 9 7 Reuter, Edward , 8 5 - 8 6 , 10 7 Reynolds, Andrew , 11 4 Robinson, Randall , 7 7 Rogers, J. A. , 10 9 Rosenfeld, Stephen , 16 6 Rosin, Hanna , 6 2 - 6 3 Rout, Leslie , 10 8 Russell, Kathy , 8 9

instructions t o mixed-rac e people , 4 "other" category , 9 purpose, 3- 4 Stephens, Gregory , 4 3 , 8 2 Still, William Grant , 4 8 Stock, Elroy , 3 8 - 3 9 Stonequist, Everett , 13 , 100 , 11 6 Taylor, Paul , 16 6 Tenzer, Lawrence , 8 1 Terrill, Mar y Church , 84 , 8 5 Thakur, Shanti , 13 4 Thomas, W . H. , 13 5 Thornton, Michael , 13 5 Tidwell, Billy , 74 , 9 1 TransAfrica, 7 7 Tutu, Desmond , 16 2 Tyson, Cicely , 6 5 United Nations , i66-6y United State s compared t o Sout h Africa , n - 1 3 race relation s a s viewe d b y Sout h Africans, 131-3 2 [213]

Index Warder, Ros a Emilia , 37 , 16 1

United State s Burea u o f th e Census , xii ,

Wardle, Francis , 33 , 40, 42 , 4 3 , 65 , 66,

2,4,5,9,23,64,69,144,155

67, 86 , 8 8 - 8 9 , 9 2 Warner, Dale , 6 Washington, Booke r T. , 3 2 Webster, Yehudi , xv , 59 , 144 , 145 , 146 ,

United State s census , 9 , 15 7 United State s Commissio n o n Civi l Rights, 68 , 7 3 , 75, 9 1, 15 8 Uniting Reforme d Churc h i n Souther n Africa, 8^, 97 University o f th e Western Cape , xiii , xiv , 4 1 , 94 , 96 , 99, 1 2 0 - 2 1 , 129 , 132 , 140, 141 , 143 , 150 , 151 , 15 4

147, 151 , 15 4 Weinberger, Caspar , 2 White, Ruth , 1 9 White, Steve , 1 9 white peopl e

van de r Merwe , Hendri k W. , xv i van de r Ross , Richar d E. , ix-x , xiii , xv ,

defined, xv-xv i whitening, 108 , 1 2 3 - 2 7 Wilder, L . Douglas , 84 , 8 5 Williams, Danielle , 2 7 - 2 8 Williams, Paul , 7 4 - 7 5 , 78 , 10 6 Williams, Teresa Kay , 5 7 Williamson, Joel , xii-xii i Wilson, Midge , 8 9 Wolly, Grey , 4 4 Woolley, Jeana, 5 2 , 5 3

xvi, 13 , 6 1 , 62 , 67 , 77 , 108 , I I O - I I

,

112, 114 , 120 , 122 , 124 , 133 , 136 , 148 biography of , xiii-i x definition o f coloure d people , 15 , 100 , 101, 117-1 8 history o f coloure d people , 4 1 Vernon, Phil , 2 2 Vespry, Anne , 3 5

Zack, Naomi , xv , 45 , 69 , 82 , 9 3 Waligora, Nicole , xv i

Zarembks, Joy, 7 0

Wallace, Kendra , 4 8

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